The Pennsylvania magazine of history and biography

FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERO.

Born SD. January 1750.
Died 4th. June 1801.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIII.

PAGE

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association, December 1,

1888. By Hon. Daniel Agnew, LL.D 1

A Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment, and Sufferings of
John Connolly, an American Loyalist and Lieutenant-Colonel

in His Majesty's Service 61, 153, 281

Bethlehem during the Eevolution. Extracts from the Diaries in
the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. By John

W. Jordan 71

A List of the Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. By

Charles B. Hildeburn . 90, 207

The Wreck of the Ship " John" in Delaware Bay, 1732 ... 99
What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence against his

Master? 106

An Account of a Naval Engagement between an American Priva-
teer and a British Man-of-war, 1778 . 109

Notes and Queries 112, 243, 376, 478

The First Congress of the United States. By Hampton L. Carson. 129

Owen of Merion. By Thomas Allen Glenn 168

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, Speaker of the House of
Eepresentatives in the First Congress, 1789. By Oswald

SeidensticJcer 184

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698 . . 216
Affaires de 1'Angleterre et de PAme'rique. By Paul Leicester Ford. 222

Philadelphia in 1682 227

The Eesignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778 . 232
Eecords of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Baptisms, 1709-1760. By

Charles E. Hildeburn 237

Officers of the State Society of Cincinnati of Georgia, 1790 . . 242
The History of a Eare Washington Print. By William S. Baker. 257
The First Printed Protest against Slavery in America . . . 265
An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. By Edwin Jaquett Sellers . 271
Eees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, early Settlers in Merion. By

George Vaux "... 292

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker, of Philadelphia,

from September 25, 1777, to July 4, 1778 298

The Ordinance of 1787. By Frederick D. Stone . . . .309

(iii)

iv Contents of Volume XIII.

PAGE

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist, Projector of the
First American Museum, with some Extracts from his Note-
Book. By William John Potts 341

Obituary Notice. — William M. Darlington, Esq 375

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. By Charles

J.Stilte 385

Autobiography of Eobert Proud, the Historian .... 430
Governor Pownall's Keasons for Declining the Government of

Pennsylvania, 1758 441

Settlers in Merion — The Harrison Family and Harriton Planta-
tion. By George Vaux ........ 447

Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey . . . . . 460

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery, Fifth

Street, below Market, Philadelphia. By Julius F. Sachse . 462
Meetings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1889 . . 491
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 494

Extracts from the Report of the Finance Committee to the

Council 496

Index 499

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

YOL. XIII. 1889. No. 1.

ADDKESS TO THE ALLEGHENY COUNTY BAB
ASSOCIATION, DECEMBER 1, 1888.

BY HON. DANIEL AGNEW, LL.D.

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE ALLEGHENY COUNTY
BAR ASSOCIATION :

I declined your appointment as historian of the bar and
bench of Allegheny County. I found that the admissions
to this bar in 1863 had been six hundred and fifty. The
correspondence and labor of collecting information and the
compilation of even a partial number of sketches would ex-
tend over many months, resulting in a large book instead
of a modest pamphlet appropriate to this occasion. I there-
fore undertook to furnish a few sketches only of promi-
nent lawyers of the last century and earlier years of this.
Brief as these must be, they occupy a large space. But too
much cannot be sacrificed to brevity. It would be to omit
much that is interesting, and leave virtues, peculiarities, and
true character often obscure.

The life of an upright, honorable, and learned lawyer is
full of instruction. He is in the front of active business,
and his example useful. Intrusted with vast interests and
VOL. xiii.— 1 (1)

2 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

called to advise, often under the most painful and delicate
circumstances, he is the confidant and most trusted person
in society. His integrity and learning are of the highest
order. Vulgar prejudice assigns to the profession a lower
position, where artful tricks and dishonest schemes hold a
greater sway. True it is, and as sad as true, there is too
much of these prevailing in the lower grades. But there
is much of high and honorable character left, and many
there are whose places cannot be easily filled and whose
loss is sincerely mourned.

It is of such I fain would write. But to raise from the
ashes of dead generations the forms of those who existed
nearly one hundred years ago — of those who played con-
spicuous parts and even dazzled the eyes of their contem-
poraries with the brilliancy of their genius, or commanded
their admiration by the force of their intellects — is a work
of labor now scarcely possible. Around many names tradi-
tion circles bright halos of light, giving promise to the
hope, but, when approached, which fade away, leaving only
shadowy forms, finally disappearing in darkness.

Of the millions who crowded the earth a century ago,
who are now known ? Their very names are lost. Noth-
ing remains, yet the same sun shone on them as brightly,
they chased happiness as eagerly, and followed the phantoms
of fancy as fondly as we do ; and, as we, they thought not
of the fleeting foot falls of time and of the coming hours,
when all would be forgotten and not even a rack of memory
be left behind. Such is the work I am called to perform,
in raking among the ashes of the dead past.

Our starting period is the erection of the county of Alle-
gheny by the Act of the 24th of September, 1788. In
the following year the county embraced all the territory
lying east of the Allegheny and southwest of the Monon-
gahela and Ohio Rivers, now bounded by the counties of
Westmoreland and Washington, and all the territory north
and west of the Ohio and Allegheny Rivers, bounded by
the New York and Ohio State lines. It was over this vast
spread, largely of wilderness, that many whom I am to sketch

ALEXANDER ADDISON.

(Born in Morayshire, Scotland, 1758. Died 1807.)

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 5

Insurrection of 1794, making a speech in opposition in
Washington, where he resided, of two hours' length. But
the fiery zeal of David Bradford, a leader in the opposition
to the government excise on whiskey, carried the people
with him, and they resolved to go to Braddock's Field, a place
of meeting of the insurgents. Defeated then, he resolved
to attend the meeting there. Historically the fact is well
known ; he appeared there, with Hugh Henry Brackenridge
and others ; hut his previous speech, his subsequent course,
and his well-known service to the government leave no
doubt of his purpose to he there to observe the proceedings
and not to be an actor, — a matter in which Mr. Bracken-
ridge was less fortunate, for his motive has never been clearly
vindicated, though much has been written in his defence.

A supporter of Washington, Mr. Eoss was on the 8th of
August, 1794, on account of his bold and open stand on the
side of law and order, appointed a commissioner to confer
with the insurgents. Judge Jasper Yeates and William
Bradford, attorney-general, were joined with him as com-
missioners. In this service he displayed marked ability.
To him Hugh Henry Brackenridge owed largely his escape
from a prosecution for high treason, for the apparent part
he took with the insurgents.

Mr. Ross was three times a candidate of the Federal
party for governor; but, Pennsylvania having followed
the fortunes of the Democratic party, he was defeated by
Thomas McKean in 1799 and 1802, and again by Simon
Snyder in 1808. It was during the last campaign this
famous couplet was repeated by the supporters of Snyder :

" Jimmy Ross,
He's a boss ;
But Simon Snyder,
He's the rider."

He was also a senator of the United States from 1794
until 1803. After his defeat by Simon Snyder, Mr. Eoss
retired from politics and pursued his profession in the west-
ern counties, chiefly in Allegheny. In the latter part of

6 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

his life he became fairly wealthy from the rise in the value
of real estate of which he became a pretty large owner.
The court-house recently burned, the site also of the present
magnificent building, was erected on property purchased
of him. I remember well the high, close board fence
which separated his property from the remainder of Grant's
Hill, then open and the parade-ground of the militia and
kite-ground of the boys. His dwelling and office stood on
a rise, at about fifty or sixty feet eastward of the old Fourth
Street road. In these pages I shall refer to the numbered
"avenues" as "streets," as they were always known to me
and in the times treated of in these sketches. From this
office emanated a number of law students, among them my
school-companion and friend Cornelius Darragh.

Mr. Boss came occasionally into the court after I came to
the bar. I was so fortunate as to hear his argument in the
Supreme Court at September Term, 1830, in the Diamond
Court-House, before Chief-Justice Gibson and his associates.
The case was then a great case, — an ejectment for land occu-
pied by West Elliott, at the mouth of Saw-Mill Run, opposite
the Point, — involving titles acquired under the State of Vir-
ginia while she claimed this part of Western Pennsylvania.
The plaintiff* claimed under General Hand, whose title
rested on a Pennsylvania warrant and patent and on two
Virginia entries. Walton, under whom the defendant
claimed title, held also a Virginia certificate. The counsel
were W. W. Fetterman, James Ross, John Kennedy, and
Walter Forward. Ross spoke about half a day. Kennedy's
argument was as long as one of his opinions when he
became a supreme judge, a whole day, — and Forward spoke
less than two hours, making a most terse and lucid argu-
ment. Ross's argument was remarkable for its smooth and
polished periods, the beauty and finish of its delivery, as
well as for its cogency.

In the latter part of his life, though not then considered
intemperate, he occasionally came under the warming influ-
ence of wine. Then a peculiarity noticed by others, I have
seen myself, when walking he always took the middle of

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 7

the street. My last recollection of him was when going
beside him, up the steps of the Bank of Pittsburgh from
Third Street. What led to the quotation of Pope's line I
do not remember, but as we entered he said, " Fools rush
in where angels fear to tread."

Mr. Koss was married to a daughter of Colonel George
Woods, of Bedford, a sister also of John Woods, the cele-
brated lawyer. She died September 14, 1805. He, himself,
died at Pittsburgh, November 27, 1847.

HUGH HENRY BRACKENBIDGB.

Contemporary and prior to James Ross lived Hugh Henry
Brackenridge, a noted man in his day. He was born at
Campbellton, in Scotland, in the year 1748. When he was
five years old his father, a poor farmer, emigrated to
America, and settled in the so-called " Barrens" of York
County, Pennsylvania. The son, a bright youth of energy
and force of character, by night-study and recitation to a
neighboring clergyman, acquired sufficient knowledge to
become a country school-teacher. Through saving and
industry he was able to reach Princeton College, teaching
two classes for his own instruction in others. He remained
a tutor for a time after graduation, and then took charge of
an academy in Maryland. Thence he removed to Philadel-
phia, studied divinity, and was licensed to preach. A writer
of ability, patriotic and pithy, he wrote for the United States
Magazine of Philadelphia. In 1777 he served as chaplain
in a Pennsylvania regiment of the Revolutionary War.
Afterwards abandoning divinity, he studied law with Judge
Chase, of the Supreme Court of the United States, and after
admission came to Pittsburgh, in 1781, reaching the head of
the bar before Allegheny County was erected, and after its
creation was admitted there December 16, 1788.

Elected to the legislature in 1786, he there advocated an
instruction to Congress to urge the free navigation of the
Mississippi, a fact which doubtless aided to influence Mr.
Jefferson afterwards in the purchase of Louisiana.

In the discussion upon the Constitution of the United

8 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association.

States he advocated its adoption, separating from his friends
Gallatin and Findley, who opposed it.

The most doubtful part of Mr. Brackenridge's life was
that during the Whiskey Insurrection of 1794, when he ap-
parently sided with the insurgents. That he was a delegate,
met with the insurgents at Parkinson's Ferry and at Brad-
dock's Field, opposing the collection of the excise on
whiskey, and seemingly approving of their proceedings,
there is no doubt. But it is said his purpose was to prevent
excess and lead to a more prudent and peaceable mode of
redress. Yet after the arrival of the militia under Presi-
dent "Washington, with Alexander Hamilton, secretary of
the treasury, he was so strongly suspected by Hamilton
that he was marked by him for arrest. Then it was that
James Koss interfered in his behalf, explained to Hamilton
what he said was Brackenridge's true position, and averted
proceedings. Hamilton addressed a note to him stating the
suspicion and the final exoneration. Still the cloud rested
on him so much, his son, Judge Henry M. Brackenridge, a
man of fine genius, defended his course in a book upon
the Whiskey Insurrection, intended as a vindication of his
father.

James Eoss, Judge Jasper Yeates, and William Bradford,
attorney-general, had on the previous 8th of August been
appointed by President Washington commissioners of the
United States to confer with the insurgents, " in order to
quiet and extinguish the insurrection." The ill feeling
between Judge Yeates and Judge Brackenridge, when on
the bench together, probably was owing to the part Yeates
took in this commission.

Perhaps the true attitude of Mr. Brackenridge is exhibited
in his letter of August 8, 1794, to Tench Coxe, Esq.,
recently published in the Magazine of Western History.
From this letter, written before the marching of the troops
to Pittsburgh, we discover that he was a strong and even
bitter opponent of the excise system, believed the govern-
ment would be unable to suppress an insurrection of the
people against it, and was disposed to consider it as involv-

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 9

ing a general rising in the "West and the organizing of a
new government, including parts of Western Virginia and
Western Pennsylvania and an unknown extent westward.
All this may not be incompatible with a desire to control
the movement of the people in favor of peace and the
authority of the government. Yet the purpose of the letter
seems to have been to delay force, in the hope, possibly,
that the movement would subside under a belief of final
repeal of the law and an abandonment of the excise system.
The following extracts from his letter will exhibit, at least
partially, his views and feelings :

" It will be said that insurrection can be easily sup-
pressed,— it is but that of a part of four counties. Be as-
sured it is that of a greater part, and I am inclined to
believe the three Virginia counties, on this side of the
mountains, will fall in. The first measure then will be the
organization of a new government, comprehending the three
Virginia counties and those of Pennsylvania, to the west-
ward to what extent I know not. This event, which I con-
template with great pain, will be the result of the necessity
of self-defence. For this reason I earnestly and anxiously
wish that delay on the part of government may give time to
bring about, if practicable, good order and subordination.

" But the excise law is a branch of the funding system,
detested and opposed by all the philosophic men and the
yeomanry of America, those who hold certificates excepted.
There is a growing, lurking discontent at this system that
is ready to burst out and discover itself everywhere. I
candidly and decidedly tell you the chariot of government
has been driven Jehu-like as to finances ; like that of Phae-
ton, it has descended from the middle path, and is likely to
burn up the American earth.

" Should an attempt be made to suppress these people, I
am afraid the question will not be whether you will march
to Pittsburgh, but whether they will march to Philadelphia,
accumulating in their course and swelling over the banks of
the Susquehanna like a torrent, irresistible and devouring
in its progress."

10 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

As a writer, Mr. Brackenridge displayed marked ability,
indulging often in a fine vein of humor. His "Modern
Chivalry," published in 1796, was widely read, and popular
estimate is seen in a new edition published in 1856.

In 1799, Mr. Brackenridge was appointed by Governor
McKean a judge of the Supreme Court of this State, in
which position he continued until his death, in 1816. At
the bar he abounded in wit and native eloquence, and his
knowledge of men and ready and fine address made him a
powerful and popular advocate. In person he was command-
ing and prepossessing in manner. As a judge he did not
display the high powers he had exhibited as an advocate.
His opinions were often racy, but not very profound ; while
his opposition to Judge Yeates (who, as before stated, was
one of the commissioners to confer with the insurgents) led
to frequent disagreements ; when, as the Reports often say,
" Brackenridge, J., agreed with the Chief- Justice."

Of the marriage of Judge Brackenridge a romantic story
is told. About 1790 he was on his way home from the
"Washington Court. At the tavern of a German farmer
named Wolf, in "Washington County, he stopped to " bait"
his horse. Sabina Wolf, a daughter, in her bare feet, and
playing hostler, brought his horse to the door. He was so
much struck with her appearance that, after riding many
miles, his mind reached a conclusion, and he rode back and
asked the father for the girl in marriage. After some par-
leying, to prove his seriousness, consent was given, and they
were married. Mr. Brackenridge then sent Sabina to Phila-
delphia to be educated in ways polite.

JOHN WOODS.

Contemporary with Hugh Henry Brackenridge and James
Ross was John Woods, an eminent counsellor of Pittsburgh
in the last and present centuries. Little material is found to
trace his life. Tradition informs us he was an able lawyer,
especially in real estate and ejectment cases. Yeates's Re-
ports, from 1793 onward, discover that he was engaged in
nearly every cause argued in the Circuit Courts of the Su-

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 11

preme Court, held at Huntingdon, Bedford, Somerset,
Greensburg, Washington, Pittsburgh, and Beaver. He
was undoubtedly in full practice before that date, as he was
admitted to the bar in Westmoreland County in 1784, in
Fayette County in the same year, and in Allegheny De-
cember 16, 1788.

He was a son of Colonel George Woods, of Bedford,
who, in 1784, under the authority of Tench Francis, the
agent and attorney of John Penn, Jr., and John Penn laid
out Pittsburgh. In this work George Woods was aided by
his son, John Woods, and Thomas Yickroy. A full account
of the transaction will be found in the celebrated Batture
case in 6 Peters's Keports, 501-2.

The plan of Pittsburgh is often referred to as " John
Woods's plan of Pittsburgh." This is correct. Though
the authority was conferred on George Woods, the plan is
certified thus : " A draught of the town-plot of Pittsburgh,
surveyed and laid out by order of Tench Francis, Esq., at-
torney of John Penn, Jr., and John Penn, May 31, 1784,
by John Woods." " Witness George Woods, Peter Miller."

A daughter of George Woods, and sister of John Woods,
was the wife of James Ross, Pittsburgh's eminent lawyer.

Wood Street in Pittsburgh was doubtless named in honor
of the Woods family. It is interesting, in this connection,
to trace some of the military occupants of Fort Pitt by the
names of the streets running from Liberty Street to the
Allegheny River, now the numbered streets. There was
" Marbury," after Captain Joseph Marbury ; " St. Clair,"
after General Arthur St. Clair; "Hand," after General
Edward Hand; " Irwin," after General William Irvine;
" Wayne," after General Anthony Wayne, etc.

John Woods at an early day built a very fine brick dwell-
ing on the square between Wayne and Washington Streets
and between Penn Street and the Allegheny Eiver, the same
square now occupied by the buildings of the Pittsburgh,
Fort Wayne, and Chicago Railway. When I first remember
the house, in 1818 or 1819, it was occupied by Christian
Ferbiger, a prominent gentleman from Philadelphia, who

12 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

had been active in State affairs in the eastern part of the
State early in the century. It was afterwards owned and
occupied hy James S. Stevenson, a partner of Charles
Avery in the drug business, corner of Wood and Second
Streets, and who represented Allegheny County in Congress.
The house was a double brick, with wings,' situated in the
centre of the square, distant from Penn Street about one
hundred and twenty to fifty feet, and faced by trees and
shrubbery. During the occupancy of Mr. Stevenson, on
the 4th of July, 1828, a great Jackson meeting was held in
the rear of this square, next to the Allegheny River, pre-
sided over by William Wilkins, and addressed by Henry
Baldwin. I was present. Later the property became a
tavern-stand and wagon-yard and a place of many public
meetings. I remember hearing there " Tariff Andy Stew-
art," of Uniontown, and Senator John J. Crittenden, of
Kentucky.

Few, I suppose, now remember the duel, or rather shoot-
ing affray between James S. Stevenson and a gentleman
living on Wood Street, nearly opposite to Avery & Steven-
son's drug-store, whose name I have forgotten. It occurred
in the morning, on the inner porch of Ramsey's Hotel, cor-
ner of Wood and Third Streets. The frame of a door was
the only object hurt.

John Woods was married to Theodosia Higbee, who sur-
vived him, and removed to Trenton, New Jersey, where she
died in 1832. Mr. Woods was a Presidential elector in
1796 and a State senator in 1797, and represented Allegheny
County in Congress in 1815-1817. He died in 1817, leaving
a daughter, who married Judge Henry M. Brackenridge,
and brought him large wealth.

How little remains of this distinguished lawyer, so emi-
nent in his day, is seen in the foregoing very meagre sketch.
The following is found in the " History of Westmoreland
County," and is extracted, though with no knowledge of its
accuracy. The writer is said to have been George Dallas
Albert :

" The reputation of John Woods as a skilful lawyer was

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 13

also high. His person was fine and his dress and manner
bespoke the gentleman, although there was a touch of aris-
tocratic pride ahout him, which lessened his popularity.
His voice was rather shrill and unpleasant, especially when
contrasted with his manly appearance ; but, like John Ran-
dolph, his ear-piercing voice often gave effect to a powerful
invective. Few lawyers could manage a case with more
skill. He was deeply versed in the subtlety of the law of
tenure and ejectment cases. Being possessed of a hand-
some fortune, he rather shunned than courted practice, but
in a difficult case the suitor thought himself fortunate when
he could secure his assistance."

STEELE SEMPLE.

Somewhat later than John Woods came Steele Semple,
an able lawyer, eloquent advocate, and finished scholar.
Tradition says this much, yet his remains are so small and
vague it is impossible to describe him with fidelity. Tradi-
tion speaks of his legal attainments as immense, of his
scholarship as magnificent, and of his eloquence as grand.
Like Woods, with whom he was partly contemporary, his
largest practice was found in land-title disputes and the trial
of ejectments. His name is also frequently seen in Yeates's
Reports, and as in attendance at the Circuit Courts of the
Supreme Court in the western circuits of the State. He
was, with Henry Baldwin, a witness of the cowhiding of
Ephraim Pentland by Tarleton Bates, and with him signed
a certificate of the facts. In this way he became partly
identified with the duel which followed between Bates and
Stewart, in which Bates was mortally wounded and died in
a few hours.

Tradition represents him as of a convivial turn, often
tarrying over the wine-cup late at night. It is said that on
one night, after indulging in the pleasures of the glass until
very late, and being too much elated to walk in the right
line of sober directness, he started for home along Wood
Street, and, walking with erratic steps, fell into an open
cellar. There confined within the unassailable ramparts of

14 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

its walls, he lay shouting aloud, and from time to time cry-
ing, " De profundis clamabo!" until a night wanderer, late as
himself, passing, heard the cry, and released him from the
profound depth, in which he so resolutely shouted out to
catch the passing ear.

He had his own experience in litigation, under the will
of an uncle, carried into the Supreme Court ; and his case
gave rise to the rule laid down by that court, — " That words
which only describe the object devised give no more than an
estate for life; but words which comprehend the quantum
of the estate pass the fee." The words were, " I devise to
my beloved son-in-law, Steele Semple, all my real and per-
sonal property," 6 Binney, 97.

He lived in, and probably built, the house which before
the great fire of April 10, 1845, stood on Second Street,
at the corner of Chancery Lane, next door to the Branch
Bank of the United States, and in which my father lived
many years as a tenant under James Ross, who in some way
claimed the property.

The following description is taken from the " History of
"Westmoreland County," p. 301. What opportunities the
writer — said to be George Dallas Albert — had to enable him
to make the statements I know not :

" The great favorite of the younger members of the bar
was Steele Semple, who ought to be considered at the head
of the corps of regular practitioners. In stature he was a
giant of mighty bone, and possessed a mind cast in as
mighty a mould. Personally he was timid and sluggish.
As a speaker his diction was elegant, sparkling, and clas-
sical. His wit was genuine. He was at the same time a
prodigy of memory, a gift imparted to him to supply the
want of industry, although it is not every indolent man
who is thus favored. Mr. Semple was conversant with all
the polite and fashionable literature of the day, and was
more of a modern than his distinguished competitors. It
is no less strange than true that, for the first few years of
his appearance at the bar, his success was very doubtful.
His awkward manner, his hesitation and stammering, his

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 15

indolent habits occasioned many to think that he had mis-
taken his vocation. Judge Brackenridge, the elder, was
almost the only person who saw his future eminence. He
was unfortunately carried off when he had just risen to dis-
tinction. He fell a victim to that vice which unhappily has
too often overtaken the most distinguished in every profes-
sion. His fame had not travelled far from the display of
his powers, which is usually the case in professions which
must be seen and felt to be appreciable."

THOMAS COLLINS.

Among the distinguished lawyers of Pittsburgh in the
decennial of 1790 to 1800 was Thomas Collins, a native
of Ireland, born in Dublin in the year 1774, so far as is
known. - He received his education at Trinity College, Dub-
lin, where he was matriculated. He came to the United
States in the year 1790, soon reaching Eeading, Berks
County, Pennsylvania, where he studied law in the office of
Marks Biddle, Esq., and was admitted to the bar of that
county on the 8th of August, 1794. In the same year he
came to Pittsburgh, and was admitted to the bar of Alle-
gheny County, December 3, 1794, soon after his arrival.

He quickly rose in practice, and became engaged in im-
portant causes, his name appearing frequently in Yeates's
and other early reports of cases decided in the courts of
Allegheny and in the western Circuit Courts of the Supreme
Court.

He was admitted to the bar of Beaver County at the first
term after its organization, in February, 1804, his name
being second on the list, following that of Alexander Addi-
son, and in company with Steele Semple, Alexander W.
Foster, John B. Gibson, William Wilkins, Henry Baldwin,
and other celebrities of that day. He was one of the early
bar who rode the circuit of the western counties. Much of
his practice afterwards fell within Butler County, when, by
marriage, he became interested for the lands of his father-
in-law, Colonel Stephen Lowrey.

Mr. Collins was married twice. His first wife, Susan

16 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

Read, to whom he was married September 28, 1796, was
a daughter of Collinson Read, Esq., a noted Philadelphian in
the latter end of the last and the early years of this century,
who was an elector voting for Washington when first chosen
President, also a compiler of a " Digest of the Laws of Penn-
sylvania," published in 1801. In 1806 he also published
" The American Pleader's Assistant," a valuable compila-
tion much in use in the early years of my practice. The issue
of this marriage of Mr. Collins was a son, Thomas Collins,
Jr., a cadet at West Point, and long a respected citizen of
Allegheny and Beaver Counties. Mr* Collins's first wife died
at Pittsburgh in September, 1804. He next married, Octo-
ber 16, 1805, Sarah Lowrey, a daughter of Colonel Stephen
Lowrey, residing near Centreville, Queen Anne's County,
Maryland. William Wilkins was his groomsman.

Colonel Stephen Lowrey, an Irishman by birth, and a
commissary in the Revolutionary army, was a gentleman
known in Western Pennsylvania as late as my day, dying
December 29, 1821. He was a large landholder in Butler
County, whose interests, often affected by the entries of
adverse settlers, made Mr. Collins's professional services in
Butler frequently necessary. Colonel Lowrey's wife was a
daughter of Rev. Elihu Spencer, pastor of the First Presby-
terian Church of Trenton, New Jersey. He was also a
trustee of the College of New Jersey, at Princeton.

From letters and documents in the family of Thomas
Collins, his relatives in Ireland were evidently persons of
culture and refinement. His father was a leading merchant
of Dublin, and in 1799 was appointed by the English gov-
ernment to a position of responsibility and honor at Domi-
nica, one of the Caribbee Islands. A tradition exists in
the family that he acted for a time as governor of Domi-
nica; but there seems to remain no evidence of the fact.
John Collins, a younger brother, was a lieutenant in the
British navy, killed in action on board the "Alexander,"
Lord Nelson's flagship, in the battle of Aboukir (the Nile),
August 1, 1798.

Thomas Collins died in the prime of life, February 17,

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 17

1814, at the town of Butler, and was buried in the Catholic
burying-ground, near to the town. His widow, Mrs. Sarah
L. Collins, came to Pittsburgh about 1819 or 1820, with her
children, Margaret, Valeria, Lydia, Sarah, and Stephen.
She was a lady of culture, highly esteemed, and admired
for her energy and her efforts in self-support, and for the
education of her daughters. Stephen, her son, died early,
and was buried beside his father, at Butler.

The Butler County lands of Colonel Stephen Lowrey,
devised to her, came into possession in 1822, but at that
early day brought very little at sale or lease, compelling her
to put forth strenuous efforts to maintain her family and
station, — efforts, however, made successful by her force of
character. Her eldest daughter, Margaret, married Wil-
liam D. Duncan on the 17th of February, 1825. The late
Colonel John Duncan, of Altoona, was her son. After the
death of her husband, William D. Duncan, she married
John Wrenshall. Valeria married Evan R. Evans, a lawyer
from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on the 7th of October, 1828.
In May, 1830, Mrs. Collins conveyed to her a valuable tract
of land of four hundred and seventeen acres, adjoining the
town of Butler, on which she lived, and died there Septem-
ber 18, 1833. This land was unfortunately lost through
proceedings on a mortgage given by her husband, who died
in Texas in 1836. Mrs. Sarah F. McCalmont, of Franklin,
Pennsylvania, widow of Alfred B. McCalmont, colonel of
the Two Hundred and Eighth Eegiment of Pennsylvania
Volunteers, is her daughter.

Lydia, the third daughter of William Collins, still living,
on the 17th of May, 1833, married William B. McClure,
Esq., a brother of Mrs. General William Robinson, late of
Allegheny. He came from Carlisle, Pennsylvania, finished
the study of the law in the office of John Kennedy, after-
wards a supreme judge, and was admitted in Pittsburgh,
November 18, 1829. He afterwards became president judge
of the several courts of Allegheny County, an office held
until his death, December 27, 1861, presiding with great ac-
ceptability. Their daughter, Rebecca, is the wife of Judge
VOL. xin. — 2

18 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

Charles B. Flandreau, of St. Paul, Minnesota, whose bril-
liant services in defending New Ulm, Minnesota, in 1862,
against the murderous attack of the Sioux Indians, made
him conspicuous in the Northwest.

Sarah Collins, the youngest daughter of Thomas Collins,
still living, on the 4th of December, 1834, married "Wilson
McCandless, Esq., who was admitted to the Allegheny bar
June 15, 1831, and after an extensive practice in partner-
ship, first, with W. W. Fetterman, Esq., and afterwards with
William B. McClure, Esq., his brother-in-law, became judge
of the United States District Court of the Western District
of Pennsylvania, in which he presided with dignity until his
death, on the 30th day of June, 1882.

Thus, though cut off in the midst of a busy life, the
name and reputation of Thomas Collins have been perpetu-
ated without stain or blemish by a family among the most
noted and esteemed of Pittsburgh's eminent and distin-
guished citizens. I write of them as one who knew them in
childhood's happy hours and in their earliest days in Pitts-
burgh.

WILLIAM WILKINS.

William Wilkins, contemporary with Brackenridge,
Woods, Semple, Collins, Baldwin, Mountain, and other
members of the old bar, lived until within the memory of
the present day. He was the son of John Wilkins, of
Carlisle, Cumberland County, Pennsylvania, where he was
born on the 20th of December, 1779. After graduating at
Dickinson College he studied law under David Watts, an
eminent lawyer of that day, remaining with him until his
admission to the bar in Cumberland County. He came to
Pittsburgh, and was admitted in Allegheny County Decem-
ber 28, 1801, his father, John Wilkins, having preceded
him as a resident of Pittsburgh in 1786. William Wilkins
was a gentleman of fine address and courtly manners, and a
fair lawyer, though he owed more to his suavity and finished
style than to the depth and strength of his intellect. His
impulses were quick, and his temperament unfitted for pro-
longed investigation or great labor, and he wearied of pro-

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 19

tracted and severe effort. His mental proclivity led him
into politics, in which he became a leader.

At an early day (1806) he became a participant in a duel
between Tarleton Bates, prothonotary of Allegheny County,
and Thomas Stewart, a merchant, which grew out of a
quarrel between Bates and Ephraim Pentland. The politi-
cal feuds and animosities of that day had been raging at
their highest pitch. In 1805 there were three newspapers
published in Pittsburgh, — the Gazette, the Tree of Liberty
(edited by Walter Forward), and the Commonwealth (edited
by Ephraim Pentland). On the 25th of December, 1805, the
Commonwealth contained a bitter attack on Bates. Bates, on
the 2d of the following January, cowhided Pentland publicly
on Market Street. Henry Baldwin and Steele Semple were
witnesses of the attack, and gave a public certificate of the
facts. Pentland challenged Bates, who refused to accept,
on the ground that Pentland was not a gentleman, and was
unworthy of such notice. Stewart, having, as Pentland's
second, carried the challenge, then challenged Bates. Wil-
liam Wilkins became his second. They fought on the Chad-
wick farm, now Oakland, and at the second fire Bates fell,
shot in the breast, and died in about one hour. Bates was
very popular, and public indignation rose so high that Mr.
Wilkins left the State and went to Kentucky, where he
spent over a year with his brother, Charles Wilkins, then
residing in Lexington.

A few years after his return, Mr. Wilkins, who was a
gentleman of taste and refinement, was led to build a very
handsome and expensive brick dwelling on Water Street,
where the Monongahela House in part now stands. The
undertaking was too much for his means, law practice not
then being so remunerative as in later days. This led to
an effort of his friends, in 1818, to induce the Bank of the
United States to purchase or lease Mr. Wilkins's house as a
banking-house for its branch in Pittsburgh. Quite a con-
troversy arose pro and con, and a large protest, signed by
leading citizens, was sent to the parent bank in Philadel-

20 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

phia. The result was a failure, and the hranch was located
on Second Street hetween Ferry and Market Streets.

The public spirit of Mr. "Wilkins led him to take part in
useful enterprises, such as turnpike-roads and manufac-
tories. The Bank of Pittsburgh, now known as the " Old
Bank," owed its origin largely to him. He was its first
president, beginning as a voluntary private association as
early as in 1810, and afterwards chartered in 1814. He
was fond of military display, and rose to a high rank in the
militia. He also represented Allegheny County in the legis-
lature. The election of 1820 led to a change of parties in
the State administration, and late in the night of the 17th
of December, 1820, and within two hours of the expiration
of Governor Findley's term of office, he appointed "William
Wilkins president judge of the courts in the Fifth Circuit,
succeeding Judge Samuel Roberts, who had died on the
night of December 13, 1820.

Judge "Wilkins presided with ability. His mental opera-
tions, being quick, were adapted to great facility in the
despatch of business. He adopted a number of new rules
of practice, which added much to this despatch. He con-
tinued on the Common Pleas bench until May 25, 1824,
when he resigned to accept an appointment to the bench of
the District Court of the United States, in the Western Dis-
trict of Pennsylvania, succeeding Judge Jonathan "Walker,
then lately deceased.

In 1828 he was elected to Congress, but declined to serve.
Following this, in 1831, he was elected a senator of the
United States, and resigned the judgeship for a full term
in the Senate. In that body he took a conspicuous part.
As chairman of the Senate committee, he reported the
Force Bill, to meet the nullification measures of South
Carolina, under the lead of John C. Calhoun. In 1828 he
was a warm admirer and supporter of General Andrew
Jackson, and presided at a great Jackson meeting held on
the property of James S. Stevenson, in the rear of the lot,
and on the bank of the Allegheny River. In the Senate
he gave President Jackson his undivided support. In 1834

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 21

the President appointed him minister to Russia. This was
his first lift out of straitened pecuniary circumstances. The
next lift was the rise in the prices of real estate, caused "by
the inflation of the currency of the State banks after their
receipt of the deposits of the United States Treasury, re-
moved from the Bank of the United States. The removal
engendered a spirit of speculation. The deposit banks, full
to repletion, lent money freely, which was invested in the
purchase of real estate, and prices rose to an extent inviting
men of all kinds to invest in purchases. This condition of
affairs enabled Judge Wilkins, on his return from Russia,
which was in a short time, and before the bubble bursted in
the great bank suspension of May, 1837, to sell his "Water
Street property for a high price.

In 1842, Judge Wilkins was elected to Congress, and
after the sad and terrible disaster caused by the bursting
of the monster gun on board of the " Princeton," in Feb-
ruary, 1844, he was appointed by President Tyler Secretary
of War, to succeed Secretary Gilmer, one of the killed by
the explosion. This office he held until March, 1845, at the
incoming of President Polk.

In 1855 he was elected to the State Senate from Allegheny
County. When he came into the Senate he was seventy-six
years of age. The cause which brought him in and his
course in the Senate were exceptional. A generation of
men have passed away, and few now living are aware that
the temperance sentiment then rose so high. The Act of
April 14, 1855, entitled an " Act to restrain the sale of in-
toxicating liquors," prohibited all sales of liquors under a
quart, and provided that no license for the sale of liquors
should be granted to the keeper of any hotel, inn, tavern,
restaurant, eating-house, oyster-house or cellar, theatre, or
other place of entertainment, refreshment, or amusement.
It was sweeping, and blotted out all places where liquor was
commonly drunk. As a consequence, opposition arose from
the liquor interests, and a large fund was raised to secure
the repeal of the act, which was ironically called the " Jug
Law." This movement brought into the Assembly a majority

22 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

for the repeal, among the number Judge Wilkins. He intro-
duced a bill of his own into the Senate, which, with the bill
reported by the Senate committee, became the founda-tion of
the Act of the 1st of March, 1856, repealing the Act of
1855, and becoming the basis of the liquor and license laws
until the Act of 1887. Much was told me by a leading
senator of the modes of procedure during the pendency of
the measure, but I shall not go out of the record to repeat
it. Perhaps my mind was drawn to notice the course of
Judge Wilkins by an occurrence known to me personally.
During one of his professional visits to Beaver County, as
the counsel of the Harmony Society at Economy, following
the Count Leon secession movement of 1832, a temperance
meeting was held at the court-house ; Judge Wilkins, hap-
pening to be present, was called on for an address. In his
speech he remarked that he was temperate from the force
of constitution, — that he could not take even a glass of wine
without its firing his brain and unsettling his intellect.

Judge Wilkins was instinctively patriotic. He was a life-
long Democrat, and when the late rebellion rose, though
over fourscore years, he entered heartily into the cause of
the Union, taking a lead in inspiring the people with patri-
otic fervor. He appeared on horseback in the full uniform
of a general at a military review of the Home Guards.

He was twice married, his second wife being a Dallas of
the famous Pennsylvania family. Mrs. Wilkins (Matilda
Dallas) was a sister of Yice-President George M. Dallas, and
of Judge Travanion B. Dallas. The latter was a rising man,
but unfortunately died early, carried off by scarlet-fever. I
remember him well, as a gentleman of cordial and courteous
manners. He, with Walter Forward and Samuel Kingston,
examined George W. Buchanan and myself for admission to
the bar in 1829.

Judge Wilkins died at his residence (Homewood), in the
east end of Pittsburgh, June 23, 1865, aged eighty-six years
and six months.

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 23

HENRY BALDWIN.

Among the distinguished men who marked the early
period of the har of Allegheny County was Henry Baldwin,
a native of New Haven, Connecticut, horn January 14, 1780.
He was the son of a farmer, a man of strong intellect, and
the father of several sons who rose to eminence. One he-
came a memher of Congress from Georgia, another ranked
high in Ohio, a third held office under the United States in
New Haven, and the fourth is the suhject of this sketch.
A sister hecame the wife of Joel Barlow, celebrated as an
early American poet and as minister to France. His chief
work was the " Columbiad," a patriotic poem. A brother of
Joel was- Judge Stephen Barlow, of Meadville, Pennsyl-
vania, a large landholder in Crawford and Mercer Counties,
and a joint tenant with Mr. Baldwin in a number of tracts
of land. Another brother, Thomas Barlow, was long a
resident of Allegheny Town (City), and married to the
daughter of a brother of Commodore Preble.

Henry Baldwin was graduated at Yale College, and in
1830 received from his Alma Mater the degree of Doctor of
Laws. Having lived in the early part of his life on a farm,
he maintained and strengthened a vigorous constitution,
inherited from his father. It was his boast in after years
that he drove a cart for James Hillhouse in planting the
now famous elms of New Haven, whose spreading branches
arch the highways of the city. He studied law with Alex-
ander J. Dallas, then a distinguished lawyer of Philadel-
phia and attorney-general, and was admitted in that city.
An amusing event, happening to him while in Mr. Dallas's
office, he used to relate with great zest. A large party was
given by Mrs. Dallas, to which Henry was invited. The
fashion of the time was to wear long hair combed back
from the forehead, tied in a queue behind, and powdered
white. Baldwin had gone to a barber, and had his hair
dressed in the fashion, in preparation for the great event.
On entering Mrs. Dallas's parlor he found his hair had been
drawn back and tied so tightly and his brows were elevated

24 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

so high he could not close his eyelids without effort, and
thus he spent the night with open eyes, suffering great
agony.

One of his brothers having settled in Ohio, he was led
to come "West, but stopped in Pittsburgh, where he was
admitted to the bar April 30, 1801. Being a man of talent
and possessing a frame and vigor which suited the people
and the times, he soon became popular, and obtained prac-
tice.

The courts of the territory west of the Allegheny River,
laid off into counties in the year 1800, were organized for
judicial purposes early in the year 1804. We find his name
among the list of attorneys enrolled in Beaver in February
of that year. Afterwards he " rode the circuit," as the
phrase ran, over all the counties west of the Allegheny,
and was employed in the trial of many ejectments, land
actions then composing the principal litigation, owing to
the unfortunate legislation of the State in 1792, which
brought the holders of warrants and the actual settlers into
conflict ; a contest which lasted far into my own day. The
lawyers who practised in these counties for the most part
lived in Pittsburgh, and rode the circuit together. Among
Baldwin's companions we find John "Woods, Steele Semple,
Thomas Collins, Alexander W. Foster, James Mountain,
and others. Baldwin was somewhat rough at that day, and
these were the occasions for practical jokes, in which he
was foremost. According to the custom of that time,
night found the company of riders at a country tavern,
unrestrained by order, with whiskey, cigars, and cards in
plenty, and this was Baldwin's opportunity. Tradition has
handed down tricks and practical jokes which will not bear
repetition in ears polite.

Among the earlier incidents of his life, I heard it said in
my youth, he had fought a duel, and his life was saved by a
Spanish silver dollar carried in his waistcoat-pocket. But
of this I can find no verification ; and it may have been a
rumor in some way growing out of the duel between Tarle-
ton Bates and Thomas Stewart, with which he and Steele

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 25

Semple were measurably connected, being present when
Bates cowhided Ephraim Pentland on Market Street.
"William Wilkins was Stewart's second in that duel. Duel-
ling was not so uncommon then as now. Alexander W.
Foster fought with Major Eoger Alden in 1800, at Mead-
ville, crippling him for life ; the duel growing out of a love-
affair, in which the wounded man carried off the prize.

Advancing years brought greater refinement, and Baldwin
ripened into a great lawyer and advocate. His powerful
frame and vigor of intellect enabled him to accomplish
much work, and to bring to his cases extensive learning,
the result of tireless study, and of the finest library in the
West. His library was composed of all the English Re-
ports in law and equity, from the earliest period, including
the Year Books, imported from England, and all the then
American Reports of the principal States. Many of the
early English Reports, some in black letter, such as Har-
dress, Hobart, Keble, and others, and Coke's Institutes and
Lillies' Entries, were in the folio form. This library de-
scended to W. "W. Fetterman in part, and from him to
Messrs. McCandless and McClure. What became of it all,
I never knew. When a student in Mr. Baldwin's office I
often witnessed his method of examination, generally made
at night, however. In the morning I would find the books
piled on the floor open, face downward, and around a chair,
the pile often mounting two feet high. Sometimes there
were two and even three piles. During examination he
smoked incessantly, always having at hand a box of the
best small black Spanish cigars. His style of speaking was
not polished or finished, but strong and forcible ; his full,
sonorous voice giving emphasis to all he said. He was very
effective before juries, and was employed in all important
causes.

Mr. Baldwin was elected to Congress in 1816, and took
his seat in 1817, and was twice re-elected, but resigned in
1822. He became chairman of the Committee on Domestic
Manufactures, and conspicuous for his able advocacy of a
tariff for the protection of American-made fabrics. The

26 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

War of 1812-15 had left the country in a state of extreme
poverty, and measures were essential to bring the indus-
tries of the United States into a state of activity. Then
the statesmen of the South, including John C. Calhoun,
were favorable to the protection of domestic manufactures,
not having discovered the peculiar interest of that section
in the export of cotton and return cargoes. A strong im-
pulse was given to these measures by the part Mr. Baldwin
took in the passage of the protective tariff laws, especially
in that of 1820.

The period centring around the year 1820 was one of
great stringency, in which the leading business men of
Pittsburgh suffered largely, many to the extent of relief by
the insolvent laws. Mr. Baldwin suffered severely. He
had embarked in the iron business on Bear Creek in the
northeast corner of Butler County, had failed, and was
sadly straitened by the adverse state of affairs. That he
was encumbered largely the record shows ; but whether he
was relieved by the insolvent laws cannot be ascertained, as,
strange to say, no record of -insolvents can be found in the
prothonotary's office of Allegheny County from 1818 until
1829, a period searched by myself. This search was made
in reference to the case of Anthony Beelen, as well as that
of Mr. Baldwin.

The case of Mr. Beelen is interesting as exhibiting the
former state of the law, and the expedient he resorted to
to avoid arrest. It occurred before the law authorizing the

o

giving of an insolvent bond had been passed. As the law
then stood the defendant arrested on a capias ad satisfaciendum
went to jail to await a discharge. But the sheriff could not
break the outer doors of a dwelling to make an arrest on
civil process, nor could he execute civil process at all on
Sunday. Mr. Beelen shut up and barred his outer doors
and windows. The backyard of his dwelling on "Water
Street, between Wood and Market Streets, was protected
by a high wall. In this he placed as a watchman and guard
a tall, strong, and vigorous workman, taken from his foun-
dry, to prevent surprise by the sheriff when the family was

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 27

employed in the yard. On Sunday his house was thrown
open, his friends were dined and wined, and he and his
family went to chapel. Thus the officer was held at bay,
until Mr. Beelen was either discharged or in some way ap-
peased his creditors.

In the Presidential campaign of 1828, between John
Quincy Adams and General Andrew Jackson, Mr. Bald-
win was an earnest and active supporter of the latter. On
the 4th of July of that year an immense Jackson meeting
was held near the Allegheny River, on the rear end of the
John Woods premises, on Penn Street, then owned by
James S. Stevenson, member of Congress from Pittsburgh,
the same now occupied by the buildings of the Pittsburgh,
Fort Wayne, and Chicago Railway. The meeting was pre-
sided over by "William Wilkins, whose silvery voice pene-
trated distinctly to the outward limit of the great assem-
blage. Baldwin was the orator of the day, and spoke in
tones thundering far and wide, but not with the distinctness
of Wilkins's utterance. His speech was long and full of
points, covering about forty pages of foolscap. I copied it.
The campaign of 1828 was most bitter, the attacks upon
Jackson being greatly personal, requiring much to be said
in his defence.

Mr. Baldwin expected to be appointed Secretary of the
Treasury by General Jackson, with whom he was a favorite.
But policy dictated otherwise, and Samuel D. Ingham was
appointed from Pennsylvania in 1829. Still Baldwin was
remembered by Jackson, who appointed him to the vacancy
on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States in
1830, caused by the death of Judge Washington. Here he
exhibited the immense learning his indefatigable industry
had acquired. The labor of his latter years was supposed
to have unhinged his mind, — so gentlemen of the bar of
Philadelphia thought. But my knowledge of his peculiari-
ties lead me to think this was largely a mistaken belief.
For example, a learned judge of Philadelphia said to me
there was no doubt of his insanity, for he had known him
to have a cup of coffee and cakes brought to him on

28 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

the bench. These persons, probably, knew little of his
peculiarities and the inattention paid to punctilios in the
new country where Baldwin lived so long. He often car-
ried confectionery in his pockets, which he dealt out to
the children liberally. An instance of conduct which
might be attributed to insanity occurred in Philadelphia,
when the late Walter Forward and myself were there as
members of the Constitutional Reform Convention, in
1837-38. We both had been his students, longos intervallos,
called by him " Forred" and " Dannel." We had called
on him at his hotel in Chestnut Street. He proposed going
to see Mrs. Baldwin, then visiting Philadelphia. Starting,
we turned into Eighth Street towards Market. Going a
short distance he stopped, went into a grocery, and came
out carrying a large ham by the hock. Proof conclusive of
insanity ! Yet none knew the contrary better than we.

It was in his circuit Judge Baldwin was seen at his best,
presiding with dignity, exhibiting his stores of learning, and
holding attorneys to good behavior. One of the noted trials
in which he sat was that of John F. Braddee, of Uniontown,
in 1840, for robbing the mails. The most eminent mem-
bers of the Pittsburgh bar participated in the trial, — Cor-
nelius Darragh, Andrew W. Loomis, Samuel W. Black,
Moses Hampton, Richard Biddle, Walter Forward, Wilson
McCandless, and others. The excitement of the trial was
great, waged as it was by these Titans of the bar. Tradi-
tion spoke of the strong hand of Judge Baldwin in which
he held the reins of power, and by bridled sway kept in
order men of so much character and force.

Perhaps the most noted case coming before Judge Bald-
win, and his greatest opinion delivered, was that of Magill
vs. Brown, found in Brightly's Reports, p. 347, — involving
the doctrine of charitable bequests to unincorporated socie-
ties. By his research and his laborious thought he brought
to the light the true doctrine of such charities, then much
misapprehended, in a way untrodden before in this State,
and redeemed them from the influence of English common
law, and the prohibition of British statutes ; bringing them

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 29

into the favor and protection of equity. The opinion was
one of immense labor, and a work of love, to which the pro-
fession is greatly indebted.

Judge Baldwin had but one son, so far as I know, and an
adopted daughter. He died in Philadelphia April 21, 1844.

JAMES MOUNTAIN.

To the Irish nation "Western Pennsylvania is indebted for
some of its best early population, — men of stalwart frame
and hardy constitution ; vigorous in intellect, firm in prin-
ciple, religious in conviction, honest, determined, and in-
trepid, yet somewhat rough in manner.

These men came chiefly from the north of Ireland, whose
ancestors went over from Scotland, and were generally
known here as the Scotch-Irish. They emigrated to
America to find a home, liberal in religion, free from tyr-
anny, and exempt from heavy burdens.

Among the eminent men of this body of immigrants was
James Mountain. Born in the north of Ireland in the
year 1771, he received a liberal education there, became a
tutor in the family of an Irish gentleman, studied law, and
was admitted to the bar in his native country, and emi-
grated alone to the United States. The ship in which he
sailed was wrecked on the American coast, and with it he
lost all his possessions, leaving him without means. Coming
without companions, no one is now found to tell much of
his early life.

The first knowledge of him, in Western Pennsylvania,
we possess is that, on the 28th of April, 1796, David John-
son and he were employed by the trustees of the Canons-
burg Academy to teach the Greek and Latin languages,
commencing on the 2d of May, 1796, at a salary, each, of
ninety pounds a year. In an advertisement of the trustees
of that academy, published in the Western Telegraph and
Washington Advertiser, dated June 9, 1796, we find the fol-
lowing account of Mr. Mountain :

"The characteristics and literary accomplishments of
Messrs. Johnson and Miller are too well known in this

30 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

county to need any recommendations. Mr. Mountain is
a young gentleman from Ireland, who, after he finished his
education, has been in the habit of teaching for several
years, and has such an accurate knowledge of the Latin
and Greek authors, of their references to antiquities, and
such a perspicuous easy manner of communicating his ideas,
and, withal, is so attentive to the duties of his station, as
render him every way capable of filling the office of tutor
with respectability and profit."

On the 14th of November, 1796, an usher was appointed
to assist Mr. Mountain, whose salary was increased ten
pounds for the year. But the whole salary being inade-
quate, as Mr. Mountain thought, his services as an instruc-
tor in the classical department of the academy came to an
end in April, 1797.

How long he continued in Canonsburg, and with whom
he studied law, if at all here, is unknown. He was ad-
mitted to practice in "Washington County at November
Term, 1801, and in Pittsburgh, December 28th of the
same year. He was admitted also in Fayette County in
1802. He was one of the long list of eminent Pittsburgh
lawyers admitted to the bar of Beaver County at February
Term, 1804, of the first court held there. His name is fre-
quently seen in the early reports of cases in the Supreme
Court.

On the 24th of March, 1803, he married Agnes Gilkison,
a lady whose parents came from Virginia, and lived on a
farm near Pittsburgh owned by Henry Heth, her maternal
grandfather, and afterwards the property of Jacob Eegley.
Having lost her parents at an early age, she was adopted
and raised by her aunt, the wife of General Adamson Tanne-
hill, in whose family she was found and courted by Mr.
Mountain. At one time, after their marriage, they lived
in one of a row of frame houses on the south side of Penn
Street, near to Cecil Alley.

James Mountain died early, September 13, 1813, when
only forty-two years of age, and was buried in the grave-
yard of the First Presbyterian Church in Pittsburgh. He

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 31

left a widow, two sons, and a daughter. Susan, the daughter,
married James B. Morgan, Esq., of Morganza, Washington
County, and with her Mrs. James Mountain, her mother,
lived until her death, in 1859, at the house of James B.
Morgan, in Pittsburgh, who had removed thither from Mor-
ganza in 1832.

Morganza, a large domain, consisting of a number of
large tracts of land surveyed together, at an early day —
one of which is now the well-known site of the Pennsyl-
vania Reform School — was the seat of the memorable Revo-
lutionary Morgans, and was devised by Doctor John Mor-
gan to his brother, Colonel George Morgan, who came into
possession of it very early, and made it a home of hospitality,
refinement, and generous liberality. It was there Colonel
(once Vice-President) Aaron Burr visited Colonel Morgan
on his tour through the West, when engaged in his purpose
of either Mexican conquest or disunion, — an uncertainty
yet not fully solved. And it was at the hospitable table of
Colonel Morgan, Burr, in covert terms, made known to him
his Western scheme. The proposition of Burr, how easy it
would be to detach the Western and Southwestern Terri-
tory from the United States, was scouted by Colonel Mor-
gan with scorn; but in consequence of this visit and con-
versation, Colonel George Morgan and his two sons, John
and Thomas, were called to Richmond, Virginia, as wit-
nesses in the celebrated trial of Burr for treason, before
Chief-Justice Marshall, in 1807.

The sons of James Mountain were Algernon Sidney
Tannehill Mountain and William Mountain. Sidney, born
December 31, 1803, was a young man of great promise. But
being in straitened circumstances, by the influence of friends
he was advanced to the bar in 1821, at the early age of
seventeen. He speedily rose in his profession. The writer
remembers him well, and the public sentiment in his favor
before he had reached his majority. On the 1st of March,
1825, he married Eliza, eldest daughter of John Thaw, Esq.,
then in the Branch Bank of the United States, on Second
Street. But the bright. prospects of his life became clouded

32 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

by an early death, which occurred on the 9th of August,
1827, when only in the twenty-fourth year of his age. His
widow afterwards married Thomas S. Clarke, senior partner
in the well-known firm of Clarke & Thaw, of Pittsburgh.

"William, the second son of James Mountain, I remember
well, especially when a member of the Pittsburgh Thespian
Society, to which I belonged. But after my departure from
Pittsburgh, in 1829, 1 lost sight of him. Susan, the daughter,
an amiable and attractive girl, became the wife of James B.
Morgan, as already stated. He was the last of the Morgans
who occupied Morganza, and is yet living at the age of
ninety-two years. His son, Colonel A. S. M. Morgan, is
stationed at the Allegheny Arsenal in Pittsburgh.

James Mountain was a dignified and polished gentleman,
and one of the most eloquent of Pittsburgh's lawyers. His
reputation for this splendid faculty descended to my day,
and was frequently spoken of. The Hon. James Allison,
Beaver's oldest distinguished lawyer, in the early years of
my residence there, related to me the following circum-
stance : Mr. Mountain was employed to defend one James
Bell, charged with murder, to be tried at January Term,
1809. Owing to distance and bad roads, he had not been
able to reach Beaver from "Washington, whither he had
gone, until the close of the evidence. Hastily learning the
leading points, he at once launched into his address to the
jury, and electrified and thrilled the audience to the highest
pitch of excitement by his eloquence and the pathos of his
tones. The prisoner was acquitted. Few men have left
behind them a higher reputation for that magic power which
at once persuades and transports an audience.

SAMUEL ROBERTS.

Judge Samuel Roberts was not a Pittsburgh lawyer, but
came from Sunbury, Pennsylvania, commissioned by Gov-
ernor McKean, April 30, 1803, to succeed Judge Addison
as judge of the Fifth Circuit, then composed of the coun-
ties of Allegheny, Washington, Beaver, Fayette, Greene,
and Westmoreland. In 1806 the Fifth Circuit was reduced

Address to the Allegliemy County Bar Association. 33

by the withdrawal of Westmoreland. This continued until
1818, when the Fifth Circuit was reduced to Allegheny,
Beaver, and Butler Counties.

Judge Roberts was born September 10, 1761, in Phila-
delphia, of an old family coming over from England about
the time of the first settlement of Pennsylvania. He was
educated in that city, studied law under William Lewis, and
was admitted to the bar there in 1793. In the same year he
married Miss Maria Heath, of York, Pennsylvania, a lady
of refinement, well remembered by the old inhabitants of
Pittsburgh, where she lived to an advanced age. Mr.
Roberts removed to Lancaster, and practised his profession
there until he removed to Sunbury, whence he came to
Pittsburgh.

As a judge he was sound and highly respected by the
bar, though somewhat slow and indulgent in the despatch
of business. He continued on the bench until his death,
December 13, 1820.

He published a " Digest of Select British Statutes in force
in Pennsylvania/' printed in Pittsburgh in 1817. It followed
the " Report of the Judges of the Supreme Court," made to
the legislature, was largely annotated by him, and was
highly useful to the profession. A second edition was
printed in 1847.

Judge Roberts left eight children, — five sons and three
daughters. His eldest son, Edward J. Roberts, was a pay-
master in the army in the War of 1812-15. He studied law,
and was admitted to the bar November 13, 1816. After the
erection of the Western District Court of the United States
for Pennsylvania, he was appointed clerk, and held the
office for a long time. He was a local politician of some
note, but on what side I am unable to state, unless it be in-
dicated by a doggerel attributed to him at an early day. It
caricatured in verse a caucus said to have been held by James
Riddle and his followers. Riddle was a local leader and poli-
tician in the Democratic party in Pittsburgh. He had been
first a shoemaker, then a merchant, and was finally an asso-
ciate judge of Allegheny County, an office he held for years,
VOL. xni. — 3

34 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association.

when the term was during good behavior, or for life. The
first verse of the doggerel ran something like this :

" In Pandemonium Beelzebub sat,

His imps and his devils around,
When at hell's outer gate came a terrible rap,
And all Erebus echoed the sound."

The remaining verses described the sulphurous proceed-
ings and fiery doings of the caucus in inferno.

Edward's eldest son, Richard Biddle Roberts, a precocious
youth, who, at the age of eleven or twelve years, performed
nearly all the duties of the clerk's office, owing to his
father's unfortunate habits, became distinguished for his
military services. He ripened early, but studied law more
lately, and was admitted to the bar in 1850. In the War of
the Rebellion he won distinction as colonel of the First
Regiment of the Pennsylvania Reserves. At the close of
the war he returned to his practice -in Pittsburgh, became
United States district-attorney, and finally removed to
Chicago, Illinois, where he pursued his profession until he
died, two or three years ago.

One of Judge Roberts's daughters married Oldham Craig,
for a long time teller in the " Old" Bank of Pittsburgh.
He was a highly-respected gentleman, and a brother of
Neville B. Craig, an old-time lawyer of Pittsburgh, and
well-known historical writer, at one time editor of the
Pittsburgh Gazette.

Horatio K, a younger son of Judge Roberts, studied law,
and was admitted to practice in Pittsburgh in 1831. He
afterwards went to Beaver and practised there until June,
1840, when he was mysteriously shot at Clinton, Allegheny
County, while visiting the family of Mr. Morgan.

Samuel A. Roberts, another son of the judge, older than
Horatio, was a lawyer also, admitted in Pittsburgh, August
6, 1819. He lived and died in that city, a well-known and
highly-respected gentleman, but not largely engaged in
practice.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 35

WALTER FORWARD.

Perhaps no member of the Pittsburgh bar deserved the
regard and was endeared to the people more than Walter
Forward. Himself plain in manners, simple in tastes, un-
ostentatious in bearing, his heart was the well-spring of his
popularity. Few men were more noble and lofty by nature
or more genial and kind, inspiring all he met with high
appreciation.

Born in Connecticut in 1786, he came west in 1800,
brought out by his father, who settled in Ohio, beginning a
home in the woods, building his log cabin, and clearing his
farm as the early settlers did. The son possessed naturally
a rugged frame, not very tall, but broad and heavy, and
strengthened by work in the fields. He obtained his early
education in the humble country school-house. This he
increased by teaching at night. In 1803 he set out on foot
for Pittsburgh with the intention of studying law with Henry
Baldwin, of whom he had heard, and whom he fortunately
met in the street while looking for his office. He was
quite poor, but Mr. Baldwin, perceiving something in the
youth of seventeen which pleased him, took him by the
hand and helped him along. In 1805, being interested in a
Democratic newspaper called the Tree of Liberty, he secured
young Forward's services upon it. This afforded him
scanty means, and assisted him while pursuing his studies,
and he was admitted to the bar of Allegheny County No-
vember 12, 1806.

Being a young man of talent, indeed of genius, and
popular in his manners, he rose in practice, until the atten-
tion of the people was drawn to him as one fit to represent
them in Congress. He was elected to the House of Repre-
sentatives in 1822, following in the wake of Henry Bald-
win, whose business affairs had led him to resign. Mr. For-
ward was re-elected in 1824. "While in Congress he entered
the caucus, then a common mode of nomination, and in
February, 1824, voted for William H. Crawford, of Georgia,
as the congressional candidate for the Presidency. The

36 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association.

campaign of 1824, however, brought into it candidates more
popular, — Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson, and John Quincy
Adams, — resulting in the election of Mr. Adams by the
House of Representatives. The effect of Mr. Forward's
participation in the congressional caucus was felt by him in
his subsequent candidacy for Congress, and twice led to his
defeat. In the campaign of 1830, which I remember, Beaver
County being in the congressional district with Allegheny,
the caucus agreement was used against Mr. Forward with
effect. Though candidates on the same side, in Allegheny
County Harmar Denny's vote was 2711, and Forward's only
1180, one township to be heard from. In Beaver County,
however, Mr. Forward, who was always a favorite, was held
up, his vote being 2133, and Mr. Denny's 1799.

Unless Mr. Forward abandoned Mr. Crawford, he did not
vote for Mr. Adams in 1824, as has been stated, but he did,
no doubt, in 1828, when the issue was between Mr. Adams
and General Jackson. He became a National Republican,
and afterwards a "Whig, when that party arose in 1832-33.

In 1836 he was elected by the people of Allegheny
County to the State Constitutional Convention of 1837. In
that body he was not conspicuous at first, owing to his
natural repugnance to hasty conclusions. His early speeches
partook in a measure of the hesitation which led him to be
called " "Walter the Doubter." An evidence of this cautious
reflection was often witnessed by myself. John Dickey, my
colleague, and I sat on the opposite side of the chamber
from the seat of Mr. Forward. When the convention was
engaged in discussing important questions, Mr. Forward
often came over to our seats. He would say, " Dickey,
Agnew, how ought we to vote on this question ?" Dickey
was a county politician, — smart, but not deep, — and was
always ready to advise. I was young, only twenty-eight, —
but, like young men, thought I knew something. Perhaps
there was a better reason, — my name came first on the roll-
call, and I was compelled to keep the state of the question
in all its phases in my mind, — amendment and amendment
of the amendment, — and to make up my mind on its merits,

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 37

ready to lead off, — for we stood 67 "Whigs to 66 Democrats ;
and in every body there are members liable to be led astray
by the lead. Another feature made the lead important. The
convention was composed of three classes on the subject of
amending the constitution. About one-third was opposed
to all amendment ; another third was conservative, but for
reasonable amendments called for by the people ; a third
class (all Democrats) was extremely radical; some would
elect all officers, judicial as well as executive, every year.
Being a conservative member, I was kept constantly on the
watch.

This characteristic of Mr. Forward was from no want of
ability to think, but the opposite. His mind was so com-
prehensive, and travelled so far beyond common thought,
he saw aspects of the subject not within common vision,
which led him to ponder well before deciding. The first
impression of the convention soon gave way, when it had
reached questions his mind had considered and pondered
well. From his inmost heart he loved liberty, and his soul
revolted against African slavery. When the proposition to
insert the word " white" in the qualification of electors was
under debate, Mr. Forward spoke against it, bursting out
with a force and eloquence which electrified his auditors,
and many were present besides members.

I embrace this opportunity (the only one I have properly
had) to refute a slander. I voted against the insertion of
the word " white" in every form in which the question arose
directly. I voted for the whole section, which contained
some of the most important amendments made by the con-
vention. Malignant partisans and an erring divine have
made this the means of unwarrantable falsehood.

In 1841, Mr. Forward was made first comptroller of the
Treasury by President Harrison. In September of the
same year President Tyler appointed him Secretary of the
Treasury, continuing until March, 1845, when Mr. Polk
became President. He then returned to his practice in
Pittsburgh.

In the month of August, 1847, soon after the death of

38 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

George Rapp, the head of the Harmony Society at Economy,
Mr. Forward and I were called to draw up papers suited to
the change caused by the death of Mr. Rapp. "We spent
the greater part of a week consulting and advising, and
finally drawing up documents to continue the society in its
proper relations, arid to govern its affairs. I was draftsman,
while Mr. Forward sat by, reflecting and suggesting. There
were several documents written, one being what might be
termed a frame of government and method of procedure.
A circumstance occurred, drawing marked attention by us
both.

The preamble to this frame and course of procedure, as
first drafted by me, began by stating the death of George
Rapp, in the usual way, as in the ordinary course of nature,
and in the order of an all-wise Providence. The document,
after submitting it to the society for approval, was returned
to us, the person stating that the members highly approved
of it. " But," and here the spokesman paused hesitatingly,
" there is a little alteration our people would like to have
made." He then stated an objection to the preamble in
rather a cautious way. The result was the phraseology was
so changed that, instead of an ordinary death, it was said
that, by the decree of God, the venerable patriarch and
beloved founder of the society had departed this life. The
drift was plain. Mr. Rapp had been regarded by the body
of his followers as more than an ordinary man, and his de-
parture differed from that of others.

In 1848, Mr. Forward took an active part in behalf of
General Taylor for the Presidency. He spoke frequently,
along with the Hon. Moses Hampton, on the subject of the
tariff and the currency, the former being his favorite theme.
He and Mr. Hampton had quite, to them, an unusual expe-
rience in Beaver County. Neither had been in the habit of
addressing anti-slavery men, and had given but little atten-
tion to their arguments. They were invited by the Whigs
to speak at Fallston, in the vicinity of which anti-slavery
men abounded. In speaking neither had gone far until he
was assailed by a torrent of questions and statistics. These

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 39

freesoilers, headed by a noisy-tongued fellow named James
M. Gregg, had purposely assembled in force. It was not
long until Mr. Forward, and also Mr. Hampton, became in-
volved in a cyclone of anti-slavery figures and inquiries, and
soon made haste to finish. When we came away, Forward
said to me, " Agnew, what sort of people have you here ?
Why, I never heard such a volume of stuff" as they poured
out upon me."

In 1849, Mr. Forward was appointed by President Taylor
charge-d' affaires to the Court of Denmark. He resigned in
1851, to take the office of president judge of the District
Court, to which he had been elected in his absence. Un-
fortunately for his constituents, and to the sorrow of the
bar, he sat in his high office only until the 24th day of
November, 1852, when he died, after a few hours' sickness.

Mr. Forward was married January 31, 1809, to Miss Eliza-
beth Barclay, a sister of Joseph Barclay, a well-known Pitts-
burgher in my youth. His board yard occupied the square
on which the St. Clair Hotel was afterwards built and the
Anderson Hotel now stands, on St. Clair or Sixth Street.
Harriet, another sister, was married to Thomas Perkins, the
silversmith, since county commissioner. A circumstance,
interesting to me as a boy, led me to notice these sisters.

At that time (about 1823 or 1824), as you descended the
steps on the west side of the northern abutment of the Alle-
gheny bridge (now Suspension) and passed in front of Gen-
eral William Robinson's garden and orchard, down the
green-tree-lined bank of the river, a few perches, you came
to a beautiful, gently-sloping, grassy sward, running down
to the first water-channel of the river, turning suddenly to
the right, around the head of the upper Smoky Island, then
filled with elders and alders and the blue-flowered iron-
weed, and with tall elms and sycamores. On this beautiful
grassy sod, and just around the turn, sat two ladies and
several children with baskets beside them. As I neared
them they were singing in sweet accord some of those ex-
quisite old Irish melodies, which then delighted far beyond
Italian quavering, high-strained airs, or Germania's harsh

40 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

guttural songs. I stood, like Peter, afar off, and listened
till my heart was full. The time is long agone, sixty years
or more, and the scene is afar, yet I think I still hear the
simple strains of " Kitty of Coleraine" borne by two sweet
voices in delightful unison. Both these ladies died early.
They were Mrs. Forward and Mrs. Perkins.

Mr. Forward had several daughters and sons. One of
the daughters married Alfred W. Marks, Esq., a lawyer,
and a son of General Wm. Marks, a former senator of the
United States; another married Wm. E. Austin, Esq., a
lawyer also.

Judge White, in his valuable sketches of the " Judiciary
of Allegheny County," has truly said, " Judge Forward was
a great man, intellectually, morally, and socially. And,
like all truly great men, he was modest and unassuming,
candid and sincere ; not envious or jealous ; rejoicing at the
success of others, and always ready to give a kind word or
helping hand to those starting in life. The religious ele-
ment was strong in his character, resulting in a life re-
markably exemplary, pure, and spotless. He was emphati-
cally domestic in his habits, devotedly attached to his
home, and delighted in social enjoyments. His conversa-
tional powers were of the highest order."

In the early period of my practice in Beaver County Mr.
Forward often attended the courts there, and I had an op-
portunity of observing his traits and methods. Few men
treated the court and opposing counsel with more propriety,
even in the midst of exciting contests. His fairness and
good temper never deserted him when opposed by gusts of
passion. He was naturally eloquent, but not always even.
At times he seemed sluggish and unable to rise, which was
probably owing to his honesty of purpose that could not
soar without the wings of a righteous cause. At other
times his dark eyes would flash with piercing power, his
thoughts spring into vivid life, and, mingling argument with
metaphor, his heavy blows would strike out brilliant
thoughts, coruscating like sparks struck from the anvil's
hard breast by the arm of the brawny smith.

Address to ike Allegheny County Bar Association. 41

He was one of my examiners for admission to the bar,
and I have ever remembered his kind encouragement, en-
abling me and my young associate, George W. Buchanan,
brother of the future President, to answer without embar-
rassment. A generation has passed away, but his memory
is still green in those halls where he so long moved and so
often stirred his audiences.

JOHN H. CHAPLIN.

This time the Green Mountain State contributed her gift
to Pittsburgh's noted lawyers. John Huntington Chaplin,
of Royalton, Vermont, was born there in 1782. His parents
were "William Chaplin and Judith Huntington Chaplin.
Mrs. Chaplin's brother, Samuel Huntington, was a signer
of the Declaration of Independence. John H. Chaplin was
graduated at Yale College, Connecticut, and came to Pitts-
burgh in 1805, where he studied law with Henry Baldwin,
and was admitted to practice November 15, 1808.

On the 28th of June, 1809, he was married to Harriet
Craig, eldest daughter of Major Isaac Craig of the United
States army, and Amelia Neville Craig, only daughter of Gen-
eral John Neville, then of Bower Hill, on Chartiers Creek,
near Pittsburgh. By this marriage Mr. Chaplin became
connected with two of the most distinguished families in
Western Pennsylvania. On the 25th of July, 1809, Wil-
liam Chaplin, his father, wrote to Mr. and Mrs. Craig a
very kind and flattering letter of congratulation, dated at
Bethel, near Royalton, Windsor County, Vermont, and
bore testimony to the high character of his son. His only
regret was the great distance intervening, which made
strangers of both families. The date of this letter and that
of the marriage show that letters must have taken a month
to go and a month to come. This fact reminds us of the
advance, in our time, of all that relates to convenience in
travel, and to the unity and greatness of our country. The
news by telegraph would have taken less than an hour to
find its way over this widespread land, and by mail a few
days only.

42 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association.

John H. Chaplin resided on "Water Street, below Ferry,
and next door to the house of David Logan, on the corner
of Water and Ferry Streets, his garden extending back to
First Street. Along Water Street, in this vicinity, lived the
principal families of that day.

A portrait of John H. Chaplin, painted in Boston, is said
to have been on exhibition recently in Gillespie's art-room,
on "Wood Street, the queue and powdered hair denoting the
fashion of the early time.

Mr. Chaplin was at one time Worshipful Master of Lodge
No. 45, of Pittsburgh, an order of Masons chartered by the
Provincial Grand Lodge of England, December 27, 1785.
This lodge (45) celebrated its centennial in Pittsburgh De-
cember 27, 1885.

The purchase of Florida was made of Spain in 1819.
That country was supposed by many to be, as it was called
by Ponce de Leon when in search of the fountain of health
and beauty, the " land of flowers," and many Americans,
on its cession to the United States, emigrated thither, hoping
to find wealth and fortune, as well as health and pleasure,
within its orange-groves and ever-blooming plants.

Among these aspirants of hope was John H. Chaplin,
who moved to Pensacola in the year 1820. He there prac-
tised his profession successfully, and was in a fair way to
redeem the promises of his aspirations, when cut off by
yellow fever, August 24, 1822, just as he was about to
bring his long exile from home to an end, and to return to his
loved ones, whose separation from him had been a constant
sorrow.

Mr. Chaplin left a wife and two children, — one a son,
William Craig Chaplin, who became a lieutenant in the
United States navy, and married Sarah G., a daughter of
James Crossan ; the other, a daughter, Amelia Neville
Chaplin (now a widow), who married Thomas L. Shields,
Esq., of Sewickley, Pennsylvania, October 8, 1832. John
M. Chaplin, manager of the Pittsburgh Clearing-House, is
a son of Lieutenant William C. Chaplin.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 43

NEVILLE B. CRAIG.

This name, like thoughts from dreamland, or far-off
music's strains, rouses memories of the long past, when
Fort Pitt was the scene of great deeds, and when the head
of the Ohio was the ultima Thule of early settlement, made
famous hy a long array of brilliant names, the Revolu-
tionary generals, Hand, Butler, Mclntosh, Broadhead, Ir-
vine, and officers of less degree, and many eminent men
from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, brought hither
by the exigency of the times, who made Pittsburgh lumin-
ous by their lives, their talents, and their virtues. Here
were found the Nevilles, Morgans, Butlers, Kirkpatricks,
O'Hara, Tannehill, Denny, Wilkins, Addison, Ross, Woods,
Semple, and a host of worthies, the fragrance of whose
memories clings to the tradition of their names. Even in
my day some survived, but nearly all had gone to rest in
the old graveyard of the Presbyterian Church. I remember
the funeral procession of General James O'Hara, crossing
Wood Street at Fourth, in December, 1819.

Among the eminent men of the " olden time" was the
father of Neville B. Craig, Major Isaac Craig. He was
born near Hillsborough, County Down, northeastern coast
of Ireland, in the year 1741, and emigrated to America in
1765. At the beginning of the Revolutionary war he took
up arms in defence of his adopted country's rights, deter-
mined to lay them down only with his life or the establish-
ment of freedom. In November, 1775, he was appointed a
first lieutenant of marines in the navy, and served ten months
in that capacity, on board the " Andrew Doria," command-
ing marines. This vessel formed one of the squadron of
Commodore Hopkins, which captured Forts Nassau and
Montague, on the Island of New Providence, in the West
Indies. The governor himself was captured, together with
many valuable stores, then much needed by the Americans,
and subsequently used in Rhode Island and on the Delaware.
Of these a minute inventory was made by Lieutenant Craig.
On return to harbor, in October, 1776, he was commissioned

44 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

captain. In November following the marines were ordered
into the army as infantry, and performed artillery duty. He
was commissioned in March, 1777, a captain of artillery,
under command of Colonel Proctor. On the promotion of
Major Ford to the lieutenant-colonelcy, Captain Craig was
entitled to the majority, but through misinformation, caused
by his absence at sea, the Supreme Executive Council ap-
pointed Captain Andrew Porter to the vacancy. This led
to a strong letter of protest on the part of Captain Craig,
dated at Philadelphia February 21, 1782. The council re-
considered and revoked the order, and conferred priority of
commission as major on Captain Craig, in the Fourth Regi-
ment of Artillery, annexed by resolution of Congress to the
Pennsylvania Line. He partook in a number of battles,
among them Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth, and Brandy-
wine.

He was ordered to Fort Pitt to join General Clark in an
intended expedition against Detroit, which, however, failed
to take place. At Fort Pitt he performed various services
to the satisfaction of the government, and became noted for
his energy, activity, and integrity. During his service at
Fort Pitt he availed himself of the land laws of the State by
taking up some valuable tracts of land. In 1797 he and
General James O'Hara built the first glass-works erected in
Western Pennsylvania, preceding those of Albert Gallatin
at Brownsville a few months.

On the 1st of February, 1785, he was married to Amelia,
only daughter of General John Neville, then living at Bower
Hill, on the Chartiers Creek, and became the father of a
numerous family, some of whom followed the military in-
stinct of their father. Percy Hamilton Craig was senior
surgeon of the United States army, and medical director
under General Zachary Taylor in Mexico. Henry Knox
Craig was general and chief of ordnance, United States
army, and Isaac Eugene Craig, lieutenant in the engineer
corps of the United States. Some lived until a very recent
period. Oldham Craig, a well-known Pittsburgher, died Oc-
tober 4, 1874, on his way to Florence, Italy, to visit a son.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 45

Amelia Neville Craig died October 27, 1879.

Major Isaac Craig himself died on Montours Island May
4, 1825.

On his mother's side Neville B. Craig was related, through
her father, General John Neville, to one of the most distin-
guished families in England and America. The Nevilles
in America settled in Virginia. General Neville was born
there, and at one time lived in Frederick County. He
bought land on Chartiers Creek when Western Pennsyl-
vania was claimed by Virginia, and within the bounds of
Augusta County, as erected by Virginia. From that county,
in 1774, he was elected a delegate to a Provincial Conven-
tion of Virginia. Augusta County then embraced a large
part of the present territory of Allegheny County.

In 1777, General Neville and General George Morgan
were at Fort Pitt together, charged with important public
duties. They joined in a letter in that year to Patrick
Henry, governor of Virginia, giving a minute detail of the
condition of the Western country in relation to the tribes
of Indians then incited to war against the colonists by Great
Britain.

After his removal to Pennsylvania, General Neville was
a member of the Supreme Executive Council in the years
1785 and 1786. His residence was on his farm on Chartiers
called "Bower Hill," about seven miles from Pittsburgh,
near to the road from Pittsburgh to Washington. He had
resided a short time at a place called Woodville, nearly
opposite Bower Hill. In my boyhood Bower Hill was
owned by Christopher Cowan, who was building a large
brick dwelling on Water Street, below Evans Alley. While
thus engaged a workman offended him. Cowan, who felt
his importance, asked him if he did not know the owner of
the building. " Sure an* I do," replied the Irishman ; " it's
Christy Cooen, — Christy Cooen the nailor." John Wren-
shall afterwards became owner of the farm. Wrenshall
was a church-member, son of a worthy Methodist clergy-
man, but sharp, shrewd at a deal, while his white flowing
beard gave him a venerable appearance.

46 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

"While residing at Bower Hill General Neville was in-
spector of the United States excise revenue, having his
office there, and then at Pittsburgh. The "Whiskey Insur-
rection of 1794 involved him in great unpopularity, and
led to two attacks upon his house, the first being repelled
by arms and loss of life to the insurgents ; the second, by a
larger number of insurgents, being successful, and ending
in the burning of his dwelling, then the finest in the West,
and all its out-houses. The general himself was not at
home.

General Neville and Major Abraham Kirkpatrick married
sisters named Oldham, relatives of Colonel "William Old-
ham, and belonging to a noted Virginia family. General
Neville died on the 29th of July, 1803, and was buried in
the old graveyard of the First Presbyterian Church, which
was uprooted not long ago, with all its cherished memories
of the olden time, and the bones of its occupants removed,
to make way for a building to be used as a parlor, reception-
room, and Sunday-school. My opinion of this act of van-
dalism was expressed in a dissent to the opinion of the
Supreme Court of this State.

Neville B. Craig, descended from this worthy line of an-
cestors, was born in the Colonel Boquet Redoubt, on the
29th day of March, 1787. He was educated at the Pitts-
burgh Academy, and graduated also at Princeton College ;
studied law, and was admitted to the bar of Allegheny
County August 13, 1810, and opened an office in Pittsburgh
while it was a borough. His practice embraced a number
of cases in which Richard Biddle was also concerned. As
to some of these Mr. Biddle wrote to him from London in
a letter dated December 10, 1828. Two of these cases were
the celebrated case of John McDonald, whose house on
Water Street, at the foot of Liberty, was cut down from a
square to a pentagon, because it encroached on "Water
Street, and the still more widely-known Batture case
(Water Street), decided in favor of their clients, the city of
Pittsburgh, in the Supreme Court of the United States.

In 1829, Mr. Craig became the owner and editor of the

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 47

Pittsburgh Gazette, which he converted into the first daily in
Pittsburgh, continuing until 1841, when he disposed of his
interest. As an editor he was bold and successful, always
holding the pen with a firm and consistent hand, and de-
voting his vigorous powers to the best interests of the city
of his birth and his country.

Possessing a large amount of traditionary lore, and fond
of historical subjects, he next published the " Olden Time,"
a monthly periodical, commenced in January, 1846, and
continued until December, 1847. His chief purpose was
to preserve and disseminate early important documents and
papers relative to the West, and especially to the head of the
Ohio. With him it was a work of love, in which he labored
with assiduity and ardor, and collected in two volumes of
the " Olden Time" many scarce and valuable records, and
preserved many interesting events, which else had not
reached the eyes of the general public. But in this, as often
in other efforts for the benefit of mankind, that public failed
to prize the value of this contribution to the interests of
history and of the city itself.

Mr. Craig was a forcible writer, often pungent and severe.
He was one of the noli-me-tangere sort, whose shield it was
unsafe to strike with the lance's point. He returned blow
for blow, with interest, having not only strong convictions,
but the courage to back them.

He was the author of several historical works, one of them
a " History of Pittsburgh." Pittsburgh and the West owe
much to his spirit of inquiry and literary labors, constituting
a rich mine for the future reader and historian.

He was solicitor of the city of Pittsburgh from 1821
until 1829. In March, 1822, he formed a partnership with
the Hon. Walter Forward, lasting several years.

He married Jane Fulton, May 1, 1811, and died March 3,
1863. Isaac Craig, the well-known writer, now living in
Allegheny, is his son. To him I am indebted for many in-
teresting facts as materials for these sketches.

48 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

CHARLES SHALER.

Connecticut has given to the bar of Allegheny County
several talented and loyal sons. One of these was Charles
Shaler, born in that State in 1788, and graduated from Yale.
He went to Eavenna, Ohio, in the year 1809, to attend to
lands owned by his father, who was one of the commis-
sioners to lay off the Connecticut Reserve, generally known
as the Western Reserve. There he studied law, and was
admitted to the bar. In 1813 he came to Pittsburgh and
was admitted here. He soon obtained practice and became
prominent in politics, first as a Federalist, and next as a
National Republican. His first office was as judge of the
Recorder's Court of Pittsburgh, presiding from 1818 until
1821. He next was commissioned, June 5, 1824, following
Judge Wilkins, as president judge of the courts in the Fifth
Judicial District, composed of the counties of Allegheny,
Beaver, and Butler, resigning May 4, 1835, and returning
to practice.

Previous to the Presidential election of 1832, he had been
a National Republican ; but anti-masonry, having reached
the western counties of Pennsylvania from Buffalo, New
York, about 1830, continued to make progress, and in 1832
had drawn in a large number of votes in the three counties
in which he presided. During this time the Statesman was
edited by John B. Butler, a friend and fellow Freemason
of Shaler. Butler was a violent anti-Jackson man in the
campaign of 1828, and had brought out the coffin hand-bills,
first printed by John Binns, of Philadelphia, and posted
them on the front of the Statesman's office, a small one or
one-and-a-half story frame building on the corner of Wood
and Fourth Streets. These hand-bills represented the deaths
and coffins of John Woods, and the six Tennessee militia-
men, shot by the order of General Jackson. Butler circu-
lated these largely. At this time Charles Shaler and other
Adams men stood beside John B. Butler, strong, indeed
violent, in their opposition to Jackson. But in 1832, anti-
masonry having acquired strength in this region, Moses Sul-

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 49

livan, of Butler County, being elected to the Senate of
Pennsylvania on that ticket, the anti-masons voted for Wil-
liam "Wirt for the Presidency. Henry Clay was the candi-
date of the National Republicans. But owing to the number
of candidates opposing Jackson in 1832, many counties were
scarce of electoral tickets. They were scarce in Beaver
County, many National Eepublicans there voting for Wil-
liam Wirt in consequence. Presumably Butler, Shaler, and
other Adams men voted for Clay, but they voted for George
Wolf in opposition to Joseph E-itner, the anti-masonic can-
didate. The election of Joseph Ritner, in 1835, and the
crusade of Thaddeus Stevens against masonry settled the
matter with many masons ; and Shaler, Butler, and some
other Adams and Clay masons in the West, became Demo-
crats, voting for David R. Porter, in 1838, against Ritner.
Shaler ever remained a Democrat. Butler was rewarded by
an appointment at the United States Arsenal in Lawrence-
ville. Shaler never sought political elevation, but he took
an active part, and became an acknowledged leader of the
Democracy in Allegheny County.

In 1841, Charles Shaler was appointed, May 6, associate
judge of the District Court of Allegheny County, and held
the office until May 20, 1844, when he resigned and returned
to the practice of his profession, in which he continued until
his eyesight failed. He retired, esteemed and respected by
his fellow-citizens as a gentleman and a lawyer and advo-
cate of high character, unstained integrity, and unblemished
honor.

As a lawyer and judge he was brilliant rather than solid.
His mind was quick and subtle, his language chaste and
exuberant, and his elocution pleasing, though slightly broken
by a partial stutter, a quality making his racy humor often-
times more effective. In his earlier days on the bench, the
litigation in Beaver and Butler Counties was largely between
the warrantees and the settlers, involving land-titles and
questions of survey. The latter he professed not to under-
stand. Indeed, his mind did not take cordially to the dry
details of courses, distances, corners, blazes, blocks, and
VOL. xin. — 4

50 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

variation of the compass. In regard to land-titles of the
peculiar kind in these western counties his decisions were
not always affirmed by the Supreme Court. I remember a
case in Butler County in 1830, a settlement on warranted
and surveyed land, in which he ran so strongly to the set-
tler's side he pledged his reputation as a lawyer that the
settlement would be supported on a view he took, somewhat
novel and contrary to the current of decision. Unfortu-
nately for his pledge, he was reversed.

On the creation of the Seventeenth Judicial District, in
the winter of 1831, Beaver and Butler Counties were with-
drawn from the Fifth District, leaving Allegheny County
remaining the Fifth alone.

During the War of 1812-15, and while he continued in
Ohio, some disloyal expressions were attributed to him,
which were repeated against him after he came to Pitts-
burgh. But they were doubtless the foolish ebullitions of
youth, or of hasty rashness. They never lost him favor in
the city of his adoption.

Judge Shaler was twice married; the first time to a
daughter of Major Abraham Kirkpatrick. The issue of
this marriage was two sons and three daughters. His
second wife was Miss Mary Ann Riddle, a daughter of
James Riddle, long time an associate judge of Allegheny
County, and in his day a noted local politician. His court-
ship of this lady being known in Beaver caused occasional
amusement at the judge's expense ; it being observed that
in his haste to return to Pittsburgh he often ended the
court on Wednesday or Thursday on the plea of an im-
portant engagement at home. This was true, and his en-
gagement ended in marriage.

Judge Shaler, after the loss of his eyesight, went to reside
in Bellefonte, Centre County, but being called by the illness
of his daughter, the wife of the Rev. Mr. Hodges, to New-
ark, New Jersey, in the winter season, he took a violent
cold, became ill, and died there, March 5, 1869.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 51

RICHAED BIDDLE.

The bar of Pittsburgh had long been distinguished for
its ability. When Richard Biddle entered it he added an-
other eminent and highly-prized name to its galaxy of bril-
liant stars. He was one of the younger sons of a large
family of boys, born to Charles and Hannah Biddle, of
Philadelphia, a family distinguished in the public service,
and esteemed in private life for talent and high qualities.
The army and navy had lustre from their service, and the
bar derived no less reputation from their ability and emi-
nence.

Eichard Biddle was born in Philadelphia, March 25, 1796.
In the "War of 1812-15, though quite young, he joined the
Washington Guards, seeing some service near Wilmington,
Delaware, and in 1813 became an ensign in the Guards,
under the command of General Thomas Cadwalader, at
Camp Dupont, remaining in service until December, 1814.

He read law with William 8. Biddle, an elder brother,
and was admitted to practice in Philadelphia in 1817. In
the same year he came to Pittsburgh, was admitted Novem-
ber 10, 1817, and soon rose to eminence. One of his first
cases was the prosecution of John Tiernan, who was con-
victed of murder in the first degree, and hanged in the
hollow of Suke's Run, at the foot of Boyd's Hill, a few
yards above the stone culvert over which Second Street
(Avenue) then crossed. After this Mr. Biddle pursued his
practice with diligence and labor, rising at every step until
1827, when he retired from the bar for a time to visit
England.

He resided in London several years, pursuing favorite
studies in the public library of that city, at the same time
visiting the courts and keeping up his relish for legal pro-
ceedings. While in London he wrote the life of " Sebas-
tian Cabot," a work, it was said, of great labor and re-
search. For reasons now unknown he became dissatisfied
with his effort, and (as I heard after his return to Pittsburgh)
bought up and suppressed the edition so far as possible.

52 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

Whether any copies reached Pittsburgh I am not informed.
On his return, in 1832, he recommenced the practice with
his usual diligence and ability.

During his absence Mr. Biddle was not unmindful of his
law business. To his friend, Neville B. Craig, he wrote a
long letter on various subjects. Among matters of busi-
ness he referred to the John Wilkins estate, on which he
administered ; to the Batture or Water Street case of Pitts-
burgh; to the case of the Commonwealth vs. John Mc-
Donald, and other causes in which he had been employed
as counsel. The letter is dated London, December 10, 1828.

In 1837 he was elected a representative in Congress from
the Allegheny District, and was re-elected. He served in
Congress with distinction, recognized by his fellow-members
as a gentleman of high character and eminent ability, and
served also to the satisfaction of his constituents, and to
their regret resigned in 1840. The bar was his true sphere,
and he felt out of his proper atmosphere in Congress, where
sound argument and eminent statesmanship were too often
disregarded for less patriotic reasons.

After his resignation he continued in practice until his
death. One of the noted cases tried by him was as leading
counsel, with Walter Forward, in the defence of John F.
Braddee for robbing the mails at Uniontown, Pennsylvania.
On both sides was a rare combination of eminent lawyers,
making the trial before Judge Baldwin, in the Circuit Court
of the United States, one of the most memorable in Western
annals. The struggle between these giants of the Western
bar was intense and exciting, and among them Mr. Biddle
shone in the vigor of his high powers, and in the command-
ing argument and eloquence of his addresses.

About the same time I had, myself, an opportunity of
witnessing the peculiar force and character of Mr. Biddle's
intellect, as his colleague, in the then famous case of the
Gregg family of Pittsburgh and James Patterson, of
Brighton, an ejectment for the undivided half of the prop-
erty on which Beaver Falls now stands. The controversy
grew out of an illegal sheriff's sale of Isaac Gregg's real

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 53

estate, as a partner and co-tenant of Oliver Ormsby, who,
with Mr. Gregg, had been engaged in the iron business at
Brighton before 1812. Mr. Biddle took no notes in the
trial except a few at wide intervals on the white foolscap, of
the name of a witness, or of a fact he desired to notice.
These few black marks on an illuminated ground seemed
only as aids to recollection. The trial he left largely to
myself, who had prepared the case, yet always keeping a
close watch and ready to suggest. His address to the jury
was remarkable for its keenness and power and for its
adroitness and persuasiveness. He had studied it in all its
aspects, personal and subjective. Mr. James Patterson was
then the largest miller in the county, buying all its wheat,
and popular among the farmers, who chiefly composed the
jury. Mr. Biddle's description of how Mr. Patterson, the
farmer's friend and public benefactor and popular gentle-
man, would meet the jurors after a verdict in his favor, his
hearty handshake, his words of praise and gratitude, and
then his sharp, telling contrast between the rich miller and
the poor insane widow, and the distant stricken children of
Isaac Gregg, the fraud of the sheriff's sale, and the sympa-
thy due to the defrauded deceased, and his oppressed and
helpless family, the widow too insane to know her rights,
and the children too poor, too ignorant, and too young to
defend them, was one of surprising power, telling on the
jury until no doubt seemed to rest on the verdict. But the
positive instruction of the court left no room to the jury to
be swayed by the masterly argument of Mr. Biddle. We
lost, but had the satisfaction, afterwards, of reversing the
judgment on leading points. The case being one of great
lapse of time, involving large improvements and some
doubtful facts, was compromised without a second trial.

Mr. Biddle's mind was not rapid in its operations, but of
immense momentum in its force, the result of large prepa-
ration and long and matured thought. Naturally Mr. Bid-
die was not eloquent, but, as it is said of Demosthenes, he
overcame his defects, and became impressive and forcible in
argument and expression. His thoughts were logical and

54 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

his language well chosen and exceedingly effective. Those
who knew him best have told of his preparation and his re-
hearsal of his speeches in the privacy of his room. Of the
latter I can bear some personal testimony, having heard him
at night in the second story of his office building on Third
Street (Avenue) below Market Street, and between the
dwellings of Mayor John Darragh and Major Ebenezer
Denny. In the upper room, between 1824 and 1828, he
was often heard speaking to the walls, as though they had
ears, with earnestness and full utterance.

Richard Biddle was a gentleman of fine literary taste and
acquirement, as well as of a large and accurate knowledge
of the law in its highest sense. His reading was said to be
various and extensive. I remember well of the wonder of
the youngsters, of whom I was one, at the statement that
he had actually read Henry's " Commentaries on the Bible"
through and through.

In the main he was not very social, but rather exclusive,
seeking communion with books and his own thoughts, and
a few friends only, but at times he would unbend and be-
come exceedingly pleasant. In my personal intercourse
with him on business I found him courteous and always
ready to impart his views. An anecdote is told of his
meeting a friend, a member of the bar, who boasted of a
fee he had received in the shape of a very fine dog ; Biddle
replied he was sorry to hear his fees were so cwr-tailed.

On the 17th of June, 1844, he was married to Miss Ann
Eliza, eldest daughter of John Anderson, of Allegheny
City. In 1845, he lost largely by the great fire of April
10, including all his books, valuable briefs, notes of trial,
various papers, and numerous curiosities. He did not sur-
vive long, dying on the 6th of July, 1847, leaving a widow
and two children.

JOHN HENRY HOPKINS.

John Henry Hopkins, by birth an Irishman, was born in
the city of Dublin January 30, 1792. He came with his
parents to the United States in the year 1800. He was

Address to the Allegheny Cowity Bar Association. 55

classically educated, but his Alma Mater is unknown to me.
His first business was that of a clerk in Philadelphia.
Having a taste for drawing and painting, he assisted in the
preparation of the plates for "Wilson's Ornithology."
About 1810 or 1811 he was brought out to Bassenheim
Furnace, near Zelienople, Butler County, by John S.
Glaser (my uncle) as clerk and manager of the furnace.
While there he became acquainted with the family of
George Henry Miiller, a German merchant, who had failed
in business in Hamburg (I think), and emigrated to the
United States.

His family consisted of his wife, a son William Edward,
and several daughters. The son entered business in Pitts-
burgh. While driving to Braddock with Miss Nancy Denny,
to whom he was engaged, and within a week of the day
fixed for their marriage, he was thrown from his gig and
his thigh-bone broken. He was brought to Major Denny's
house on Third below Market Street, where he died.

John H. Hopkins married a daughter of Mr. Miiller, Meli-
cina, a lady of rare accomplishments, excelling in music and
painting, who became a valuable assistant when he opened
his school for young ladies in Allegheny.

Mr. Glaser sold Bassenheim Furnace to Daniel Beltz-
hoover, of Pittsburgh, and Mr. Hopkins went into the iron
business with General James O'Hara, in Westmoreland
County, at or near Ligonier. But this business failing, as
indeed all business did after the War of 1812-15, Mr. Hop-
kins studied law, and was admitted, after a short course of
study, in Allegheny County April 9, 1818, and at a later day
formed a partnership with W. W. Fetterman. As a lawyer
he was credited with being sharp and full of expedients.
Tiring of the law, in 1823 he turned his attention to
divinity, and in 1824 became the rector of Trinity Church,
on the triangle bounded by Liberty, Wood, and Sixth Streets,
succeeding the Rev. John Taylor. He studied architecture,
and planned and superintended the building of the new
Trinity on Sixth Street (Avenue), between Wood and Smith-
field Streets, in the Gothic style.

56 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

During this time he built the house on the Beaver Road
(now Western Avenue), Allegheny, lately occupied by the
Hon. Robert McKnight. There he and his wife taught a
classical and art school for young ladies, where before 1830
many of the young ladies of Pittsburgh were educated. He
was also professor of belles-lettres in the Western University
about 1823-24.

Rising in the church, he was called to Trinity Church,
Boston, and was also professor of divinity in a theological
seminary there. In 1832 he was chosen the first bishop of
Vermont, and took the rectorship of St. Paul's Church in
Burlington, where he resided until his death. Still filled
with the desire of educating youths, he built and established
a boys' school in Burlington, which, hovever, involved him
so greatly the property was sold for debt.

He became quite a voluminous writer, chiefly on theo-
logical subjects, and published many sermons, addresses,
and some books on subjects mainly connected with the
Episcopal Church and its affairs. Among his works was
the " American Citizen," published in 1857, which created
a sensation on account of his vindication of American
slavery on Bible grounds. He belonged to the High
Church party, and was honored by Oxford with the degree
of Doctor of Canon Law.

Mr. Hopkins was a gentleman of culture and refinement,
a fine musician and painter, and well up in art, and was
also an accomplished speaker. His diction was classical and
elegant, sometimes bordering on eloquence, and always
pleasing and attractive. He was an accomplished reader,
and always read his sermons. My father had a pew in New
Trinity, and I often listened to his services. I remember of
hearing his sermon on the Trinity, in which he likened
trinity and unity to the memory, imagination, and judgment,
as three faculties in one mind.

He was the father of five sons, who became distinguished
in their professions and callings. He died at Rock Point,
Vermont, January 9, 1868.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 57

JAMES HALL.

About the year 1820, a collocation of lawyers' offices
stood on the east side of Third Street, a few doors from
Wood towards Market Street. They were occupied by
Harmar and William Denny, Harry Campbell, Duncan
S. Walker, and others. A little later came in Kobert J.
Walker, who removed to Natchez, and in course of time
became a well-known senator of the United States, and
Secretary of the Treasury.

Among the gentlemen whose offices stood there was one
remembered or known by few of the present day, who
moved westward, and became eminent as a jurist and a man
of letters. James Hall was born in Philadelphia, August
19, 1793, and began the study of law there, which was in-
terrupted by the War of 1812-15. He first served in the
Northern troops on the Niagara border, where he distin-
guished himself at the battles of Chippewa and Bridgewater
on Lundy's Lane.

After the close of the war he sailed as an offier in Commo-
dore Stephen Decatur's squadron, in the expedition against
Algiers. In the month of October, 1816, Lieutenant Hall
reported himself for duty to Major A. R. Woolley, at the
United States Arsenal near Pittsburgh. Soon afterwards dif-
ficulties sprang up between them, ending in a court-martial
convened at Pittsburgh, September 11, 1817, composed of
Major Thomas Biddle, president; Captain Isaac Roach, N.
N. Hall, James H. Rees, and Lieutenant Richard Bache,
members; and Thomas T. Stevenson, judge-advocate. After
a trial, lasting until September 25, 1817, Lieutenant Hall
was convicted of unofficer-like conduct, of disobedience to
orders, and of conduct unbecoming a gentleman, and was
sentenced to be cashiered. On the 27th of November,
1817, the President approved of the sentence, but in con-
sideration of his fair character in other respects, his brave
and meritorious conduct during the late war, and in ex-
pectation that his future deportment would merit the lenity
extended towards him, he remitted the punishment and re-

58 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association.

stored him to his rank, and ordered his release from arrest,
and to report for duty.

The proceedings in this trial were printed in Pittsburgh
in 1820, by Eichbaum & Johnston. One cannot read them
without being impressed with the belief that the prosecution
by Major Woolley was largely the fruit of his tyrannical and
vindictive spirit, and the result of Lieutenant Hall's high tone
and temper, which could not brook what seemed to him the
oppression and insult of his superior officer, carrying him by
his loss of temper beyond the line of military subordination.
The conviction, in view of the necessity of military obedi-
ence, though hard, was technically right ; but the action of
the President shows that he appreciated the circumstances
of the case, and in view of Lieutenant Hall's merits relieved
him from the effect of the sentence. Major Woolley was
himself tried by court-martial at Jefferson Barracks, and on
the 14th of March, 1829, convicted and dismissed from the
service by order of the President, April 28, 1829.

The trial brings back to my memory many well-known
Pittsburghers, — for example, Stephen Barlow, Henry Bald-
win, Dunning McNair, William B. Foster, Dr. Catlett,
Charles Shaler, Edward J. Eoberts, and Jailer Barney
Hubley. The defence of Lieutenant Hall, by himself, was
masterly, exhibiting not only forcible argument, but that
rich style and exuberance of expression for which he became
noted as a writer. The place of the meeting of the court-
martial, I presume, from the mention made, was the tavern

of Kerr, a well-known hostlery in my youth, on the

southeast corner of Second and Market Streets.

In 1818, Lieutenant Hall resigned his commission in the
army, having previously recommenced the study of the law
in Pittsburgh, and was admitted to the bar on the 30th of
June, 1818. In 1820 he removed to Shawneetown, Illinois,
where he practised his profession, and also edited the Illi-
nois Gazette, and was for a time treasurer of Illinois. About
1825 he was elected to the office of circuit judge of the
State, which he held until 1833, having removed to Cincin-
nati late in 1832.

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 59

He also published in Shawneetown the " Illinois Maga-
zine,'' beginning in October, 1830. In it he wrote largely
on the subject of the Western Indians, condemning the gov-
ernment and the people of the United States for their injus-
tice to the red man. This magazine is said to have been the
first of its kind published in Illinois. It was devoted chiefly
to historical articles and criticisms. Among its contribu-
tors were James H. Perkins, Otway Curry, and Salmon P.
Chase.

After his removal to Cincinnati Mr. Hall began, in Janu-
ary, 1833, the publication of the " Western Monthly Maga-
zine." Among its contributors were many well-known
writers, such as Rev. I. M. Peck, E. P. Mansfield, Morgan
Neville, Salmon P. Chase, Mrs. Caroline L. Hentz, Miss
Hannah F. Gould, and Harriet Beecher (Mrs. Stowe). Hall
himself wrote largely criticisms, stories, and historical notes.
As a writer he was often caustic and severe, but always in-
teresting. His course on two subjects of controversy tended
to lessen his popularity, — his defence of Catholicism in the
West and his attacks upon " Abolition."

His writings outside of his magazine were voluminous
and attractive, among them legends, tales, biographies, his-
torical sketches, and statistics. Many years ago I remember
of reading his " Harp's Head," a relation of a most myste-
rious murder of a Virginia planter, singular in its circum-
stances and undiscovered for a long time. The murderer
was a remarkable negro, named Harp, and, after his execu-
tion, his head was stuck up on a high post on a road, which
thenceforward bore the name of the " Harp's Head Road."

Mr. Hall was a man of genius as well as of culture.
About thirty years since an edition of his entire works was
published. He died near Cincinnati July 5, 1868.

HENRY a. PIUS.

There was a lawyer, probably now entirely forgotten
as such, named Henry G. Pius, pronounced Pees. An
amusing incident recalls his memory. He was a Ger-
man emigrant, and evidently a gentleman in manners and

60 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association.

education ; but being quite poor, and a fine violinist, he was
compelled to resort to teaching dancing for a livelihood. I
remember him well. It required hard pushing to thrust me
into his dancing-room, then on the corner of Market and
Second Streets, and quite as hard pulling to draw me out.
In the mean time while teaching he studied law, and was
admitted to the bar August 19, 1820. The German popula-
tion was then quite small, the foreign element of Pittsburgh
being almost wholly Irish. Pius was therefore compelled
to continue teaching the light step and pointed toe. Still
he longed to dance the legal field and engage with the law-
yers' high emprise. But his German tongue barred the way.
Like Eichard Biddle, he therefore practised in his own safe
retreat.

On one occasion he set up his bow in one place and his
violin in another, as judge and jury. Imagining his cause
as one of importance to draw forth all the eloquence of his
heart, he commenced, " Mr. Shudge, and you Jentlemans of
de Shury, I will now bresent dis important case of my
clients, so clearly as I can, to make you see his droobles."
But here his tongue failed of its duty. " Oh, Gott tarn dis
Dootch tongue of mine, he never goes right !" He began
again, " Mr. Shudge and you Jentlemans/' but again the
words failed to flow in good English, and he said, " Oh,
hell, tarn dis Dootch tongue, I will pull him out." Suiting
the action to the word, he gave it a wrench, equal to his
temper, so hard it soon swelled to double its size, and be-
came so painful he had to call my father from his office
across the street to treat it. Pius's dancing-room was then
on the corner of Third and Wood Streets.

Poor fellow ! He got no practice, and removed, I think,
to Paris, Kentucky.

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 61

A NAKKATIYE OF THE TRANSACTIONS, IMPKISON-
MENT, AND SUFFEEINGS OF JOHN CONNOLLY, AN
AMEEICAN LOYALIST AND LIEUT.-COL. IN HIS
MAJESTY'S SEKVICE.

(Continued from Vol. XII., page 420.)

Though I had progressively acquired rank in the pro-
vincial service, of which they could not be ignorant, few
men having been more generally or more respectably ac-
quainted in the middle and southern colonies, though I
had obtained a lieutenant-colonel's commission under his
Majesty, yet whenever they had occasion to mention me in
their resolves and public proceedings, they wrote plain John
Connolly, without the least mark of distinction, or affected
to call me Doctor, thereby bringing to the remembrance of
those who knew me, that it was once intended 1 should
pursue the practice of physic, if that were any disgrace,
and insinuating to the world at large, that a Doctor would
not have been in such a situation, had he not been a busy,
factious person. The English history is replete with in-
stances of a similar nature. The tyranny and insolence of
republican faction, arraigned even the sovereign of these
realms, by the name of Charles Stuart. Self-defence obliges
me to make the foregoing remarks, it would else become
matter of wonder, when the papers of Congress necessarily
cited hereafter come to be read, Why, if I were what I say,
I was not so distinguished.

Amidst the hardships and chagrin es I daily suffered, I
had still the consolation to reflect, I had done every thing
possible in the discharge of my duty, and anxiously hoped
Mr. Smyth had been fortunate enough to escape to the
Illinois, but in this I was disappointed. This Gentleman,
after having encountered a variety of difficulties, and suf-
VOL. xni. — 4J

62 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

fered abuses for having undertaken this enterprise, scan-
dalous to the perpetrators, disagreeable to remember, and
unnecessary to relate, was brought once more a prisoner to
Philadelphia. I was still resolved, if possible, to apprize
Captain Lord of his danger, which I effected by the follow-
ing means.

The Council of Safety had made ajresolution to discharge
all British prisoners, privates, who would take an oath not
to engage in hostilities against the United Colonies. Among
their captives, was a recruit of the Highland emigrants, that
was allowed to come of a morning to make my fire, whom
I found to be acute, and willing to do me any service.
This man I prevailed on to take the oath, and procure his
release, and then resolved to send him to Pittsburgh, with
letters to a friend of mine, who might dispatch an Indian
down the Ohio to Captain Lord. The recruit found oppor-
tunity to bring me some writing paper and sal ammoniac,
and the business was happily effected. By this means I
endeavoured to preserve his Majesty's garrison, stores, and
ordnance ; but as the transaction became ultimately known
to Congress, it did not tend to lessen their severities.

When Mr. Cameron and myself were conveyed to the
new Prison, we were both confined in one room ; the walls
were thick, and not thoroughly dry, so that we contracted
inveterate colds. Our room door was constantly kept shut,
and our windows towards the street nailed down, by which
all free circulation of air was prevented, neither was any
person suffered to speak to me, without an order under the
signature of the Secretary of Congress. Under these cir-
cumstances, I began first to experience a very disagreeable
and a very serious alteration in my health, when by a resolve
of Congress, I was allowed more open air, and a separate
room ; but this indulgence was of short duration, and I was
again locked up night and day.

In the month of December, 1776, an attempt was made
by Mr. Cameron, Mr. Smyth, and another gentleman (Mr.
Maclean, since captain in the Eighty-fourth), of so indus-
trious and hazardous a nature as to deserve a particular

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 63

relation, the horrors of their imprisonment alone can
account for the temerity of the enterprize. These gentle-
men, with wonderful exertions and address, and with no
other tool hut a knife, opened a hole through the arched
roof, and got unobserved upon the top of the prison. With
the unsound paillasses on which they lay, and their old
blankets torn up, they made a rope, and perilous as the
attempt too visibly was, resolved to endeavour this way to
descend. Mr. Cameron, than whom no man is more
daringly intrepid, made the first and the only essay; for
scarce had he suspended himself beneath the roof, before the
faithless cord broke, and he fell near fifty feet upon a hard
frozen ground. It seems miraculous, that immediate death
was not the consequence. He was taken up lifeless, his
ancle bones were broken, and his whole frame shattered.
The two unhurt gentlemen were thrown into the dungeon,
where they remained until removed, with the other prisoners,
to Baltimore, on the advance of the royal army to Trent
Town, when Mr. Cameron, in a dying condition, was taken
to the sick quarters in the city. Mr. Smyth was more for-
tunate in a third attempt, escaping from Baltimore to New
York, where Sir "William Howe gave him a company in
the Queen's Rangers.

Mr. Cameron did not obtain his release till the winter of
1778, when, from a series of extreme hardships and abuses,
his health was so much impaired, and he only enabled to
walk on crutches, that he was incapable of service. This
he accounted his greatest misfortune ; he therefore came to
England, bearing with him the most unequivocal and mel-
ancholy testimonials of his loyalty. Here he recovered in
so astonishing a manner, that scarcely any visible marks of
lameness remain. I am sorry to add, he has not been pro-*
vided for in that mode in which he is again become capable
of acting, with honour to himself, and advantage to society.

When Congress first fled from Philadelphia to Baltimore,
they left only a small committee of their body to act in
concert with the Council of Safety. I had now been im-
mured within the inhospitable walls of a gaol for upwards of

64 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

a year, deprived of all exercise, cut off from all social inter-
course, and my mind preyed upon by eternal chagrine, by
reiterated reflections on what I hoped to have performed,
and what, were I free, I might still perform : no wonder
that my state of health became truly deplorable. I had con-
tracted a complication of disorders ; my legs were swollen,
and I was emaciated to a surprising degree. Solitude itself
was become more solitary, for the very prison was deserted,
and I only remained. At this crisis, two members of the
Council of Safety came to inform me, I must prepare to
move to the southward ; to which I replied, that my health
was so far impaired, of which they seeing me, would not
avoid being convinced, I was no longer able to encounter
the difficulties to which I saw others exposed, and that if
they meant to continue my existence, they must suffer me
to procure a carriage, and go on my parole. To this they
assented, moved, as I imagined, by the spectacle they
beheld ; and I was in hourly expectation of a partial relief,
which, however, I did not obtain, till my brother, now
become a General in the service of Congress, came to com-
mand at Philadelphia. Through his interest, and becom-
ing responsible for my appearance when demanded, I was
enlarged upon my parole, and sent to his house in the
country, where I was allowed five miles distance to ride for
the recovery of my health. This was fourteen months after
my first becoming a prisoner at Hager's town.

I remained here between five and six weeks, and was then
remanded back to prison, where I continued about six
weeks longer, with the liberty, however, of walking in the
gaol yard during the day. My health had been too radically
impaired to be so suddenly re-established, which being rep-
resented to Congress, I was again admitted to live at my
brother's on my parole, though not till he had entered into a
high pecuniary obligation with the Council of Safety for my
appearance.

I now began to hope, that austerity and persecution were
past, and that henceforth I should be allowed something
like those liberties which officers, under such circumstances,

Namative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 65

usually enjoy, till my exchange could be effected. I was
miserably deceived. I continued, in this comparatively
happy situation from the llth of April, 1777, till the 14th
of October following, when Congress, once more obliged to
fly from Philadelphia at the approach of Sir William Howe,
retired to York Town, in the vicinity of my brother's house.
The night of the 14th I was again apprehended, by an order
from the board of war: my papers, with every scrap of
manuscript they could collect, seized, and myself hurried
away to York-Town prison, close locked up, and every for-
mer severity renewed. I was conscious of having done
nothing to merit this treatment, and imagined, that as it
might flow from some malicious misrepresentation of my
having given secret intelligence to the British army, I should
be enlarged as soon as my innocence appeared. But my
prediction was drawn from reflections on justice, candour,
and humanity, and I was a false prophet. My papers were
returned, and I was taught to hope for my former indul-
gence ; but days and months elapsed, and I was still a
prisoner. The convention of Saratoga put so many per-
sons of consequence into the possession of Congress, that
the prospect of either humane usage, or exchange, was very
faint.

In consequence of a recommendation from Congress, laws
were passed in some Provinces, that whoever among the
Loyalists should return, within a time specified, and become
subject to the Kepublic, should have their estates restored.
"When this act took place in Virginia, I was earnestly so-
licited to renounce my allegiance, and again enjoy my lands
and liberty. But harrassed as I had been, and unhappy as
I was, without one earthly comfort, and scarce a future ray
of hope, this proposition was peremptorily rejected : at the
risk of a lingering death, I preferred my honour and my
loyalty to every inferior consideration. I was debarred the
rights, but could not forget the duties of a good subject.

York-Town gaol, where I was now confined, was so
crowded with British prisoners, it being the stage for such
as were marching southward, exclusive of those that were
VOL. xiH.— 5

66 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

resident, that at length a contagious fever appeared. About
this time Congress appointed a day of thanksgiving to be
observed throughout the United States, and their proclama-
tion was replete with professions of piety, benevolence, and
charity towards their enemies. This I thought a proper
time, by a firm and candid representation of facts, to draw
their attention towards the miserable condition of the
prison, and, in concurrence with the opinion of some
officers who signed the paper, I wrote and sent them the
following remonstrance :

To THE HON. HENRY LAUEENS, ESQ. :

May it please your Honour, We the subscribing persons,
prisoners of war, having underwent a series of calamitous
confinement equal to the utmost rigour (which has given
cause to loud complaint) had the pleasing prospect of seeing
a period to such afflictions by an exchange of officers, or by
that humane interposition, which, in such cases, marks the
character of a civilized and Christian people ; but unhap-
pily find ourselves disappointed. We beg leave to remind
your Honour, of the multitude of prisoners taken by his
Majesty's forces, who have been restored to their friends,
and their distress alleviated by a dismission from captivity.
Whilst we have beheld a succession of such events extend-
ing to almost all ranks of American prisoners, we are sorry
to say, that our miseries have been aggravated by a most
criminal imprisonment, in a loathsome, crowded jail in-
fected with a contagious fever, and polluted with noisome
smells through every part. Could any motives, founded
upon reasons even of a political nature, be urged in justifi-
cation of the treatment we experience, it would appear to
us less objectionable ; but when we are satisfied that differ-
ent gentlemen, in every respect in similar circumstances
with ourselves, who were, born and educated in this country,
have been admitted to generous favours, sent into the British
lines, either on parole, or exchanged, and, in every other
respect, treated only as unfortunate, we find ourselves utterly
at a loss to account for the peculiarity of our persecution.

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 67

In your address to the inhabitants of the United States, it is
therein publicly declared, that you have studiously endeav-
oured to alleviate the captivity of your enemies. We most
heartily wish we could subscribe to this assertion ; but how
is it possible, when sixteen months imprisonment, of the
most distressing nature, is the shortest time of which any
of us complain ? Subject to all the indignities, and low in-
sults, of an illiberal gaoler and turnkey, and placed upon
the same footing with horse-thieves, deserters, negroes, and
the lowest and most despicable of the human race ? To
cultivate the assistance of Heaven by acts which Heaven
opposes, is a recommendation truly laudable. But whether
the complaints which we thus exhibit, can be agreeable to
the benignity of the Divine Kuler of Heaven, we submit to
the dispassionate determination of your Honour. "We beg
leave, finally, to observe, that as this gaol is a stage for all
prisoners moving to the westward, that such as are sick,
lame, or otherwise disabled, are left behind, and as the
yard, and every part of it, is truly odious, from the disa-
greeable smell, and unfit to maintain life, we intreat your
Honour to lay this our Remonstrance before Congress,
earnestly soliciting them to admit us to our paroles in any
part of the country, or in some other manner to extend
their humanity towards us, which, from our sufferings and
your declarations, we have the greatest reasons to expect.
We are, Sir,

Your most obedient,

Humble servants,

JOHN CONNOLLY,
EICHARD WM STOCKTON,
CHARLES HARRISON,
ASHER DUNHAM,
ROBERT MORRIS,
FRANCIS FRAGER.
YORK-TOWN GAOL, May 17, 1778.

This Address was productive of the following Resolve of
Congress, and Report from the Board of War :

68 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

IN CONGRESS, May 23d, 1778.

Whereas it appears probable that attempts are making to
misrepresent the conduct of these United States towards the
prisoners in their possession, in some degree, to wipe off or
counterbalance the just reproach that has fallen upon our
enemies for their barbarity.

Eesolved, That the letter from John Connolly and others,
dated York-Town gaol, May the 17th, 1778, together with
the report of the Board of "War upon it, be published.

At a Board of "War, 22d of May, 1778. The Board,
having taken into consideration the letter from Doctor John
Connolly, and the other prisoners of war, most of whom
have been lately removed from Carlisle gaol, into the prison
of the County of York, beg leave to report to Congress :

That, forbearing to remark upon the indecency of the
terms in which the said letter is conceived, and which is
calculated for other purposes than merely to relate their
pretended grievances, the board will lay before Congress the
facts which they have collected from Major Wilson, com-
manding at Carlisle, during the residence of Major Stock-
ton, and other officers of his party in the gaol of that place.
. . . From Mr. Thomas Peters, Deputy Commissary of
prisoners, who had the charge during the winter, of the
prisoners at Carlisle and York, from Doctor Henry, em-
ployed to attend the British prisoners, when sick . . . and
from Colonel Pickering, one of the board, who visited the
gaol of this place. From the concurrent testimony of all
which gentlemen, the account given by the prisoners, in the
said letter, appears to be founded in misrepresentation.

Major Wilson, who was frequently called in by the officers
themselves to examine their situation at Carlisle, agrees with
the Commissary of prisoners.

That as often as either of these gentlemen visited the
gaol at Carlisle, the officers, being six in number, had the
privilege of the whole gaol, except such part as the gaoler
occupied, and one room entirely to themselves; and,
although the criminals were under the same roof, yet they
were so far from being crowded, that there were not in the

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 69

said gaol more than six or seven prisoners at a time (and
the most of these Tories) on an average, during the con-
finement of the officers at that place. That the gaol was as
clean as such places can be kept ; and if it had not been so,
the fault would have lain with the officers, who were in-
dulged with two servants to attend them for the purposes
of cleansing their apartment, and waiting on their persons.
These officers too, were confined by order of the Commis-
sary General of prisoners, as a retaliation for those of our
army suffering every degree of insult and cruelty, which
British haughtiness and inhumanity could inflict, in the
provost and dungeons of New York and Philadelphia.
This being the reason of their confinement, and the fore-
going the situation of it, the board conceive their imprison-
ment was of the mildest nature, when compared with the
rigours of that of our own officers. . . . But the gaol at
Carlisle not being secure, the Deputy Commissary of
prisoners, removed them to the prison of this place, wherein
was confined Doctor John Connolly, for the same causes
which induced and continue their present imprisonment;
and for other reasons of policy and prudence, Doctor Con-
nolly having also sundry times behaved amiss while on
parole.

In the gaol at York, these prisoners (seven only in num-
ber) have two airy rooms ; the one fifteen by twenty feet,
and the other something less, besides the privilege of the
whole gaol yard, which is sixty yards long, and eighteen
wide . . . frequently swept, and kept as clean as possible,
and by no means polluted with filth, &c., there being a
privy at the extreme end of the yard. These gentlemen
too, have three servants to attend them . . . their com-
plaints, then, of being confined in a loathsome, crowded
prison, infected with a contagious fever, and polluted with
noisome smells through every part, are not warranted by
facts. The gaol is made a place of temporary confinement
for passing prisoners, but is never crowded, and there are
now only nine privates therein, and three of them are the
officers' servants, although it is capable of holding, conven-

70 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

iently, one hundred and sixty prisoners. There was, some
time ago, an apprehension, in a part of the gaol, distant
from the officers' apartments, that a contagious fever had
broke out among the soldiers : but the diseased were im-
mediately removed to hospitals, and a surgeon and nurses
provided for them, and every assistance offered them the
nature of our affairs would admit. The gaol is now clean
and healthy, save that there are five soldiers who have
fevers, from want of exercise and other causes common to
places of confinement ; but the disorders are not contagious
or dangerous.

Mr. Connolly, although indulged with every thing a
prisoner could reasonably wish, has repeatedly represented
his own, and the situation of the gaol, in similar terms with
the letter now under consideration ; and the former, and
this board, have often had consequent examinations, in all
of which, they found the complaints groundless. . . . Once,
particularly, when Mr. Connolly represented himself at the
point of death from the severity of his confinement, the
board directed Doctor Shippen to visit him, who reported
that his situation was directly opposite to his representation ;
his indisposition slight, and merely of an hypochondriac
nature; the board have been so particular for several
reasons, one whereof is, to supercede the necessity of future
enquiries; and are upon the whole of opinion, that these
gentlemen should be more strictly confined, as from the
indulgence now given them, there is a probability of some
of them, at least, making their escape.

By order of the Board,

EICHAED PETER.

Published by order of Congress,

CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.

(To be continued.)

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 71

BETHLEHEM DUKING THE KEVOLUTIOK

EXTRACTS PROM THE DIARIES IN THE MORAVIAN ARCHIVES AT
BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA.

BY JOHN W. JORDAN.
(Concluded from Vol. XII. page 406.)

September 22. — Throughout the day more sick and
wounded arrived, which filled up the [Brethren's] House.
John Hancock and Samuel Adams, with other Delegates
arrived, making sixteen in all here to-day. As the surgeons
desired an additional building for the sick, and suggested
the Sisters' or Widows' Houses1 as the most suitable; Bro.
Ettwein, while conducting a party of the Delegates through
the former, where they had been entertained with singing
and playing on the organ, took occasion to represent the dis-
tress an ejectment from their homes would cause the inmates.
He was listened to respectfully and a promise at once given
him, that their houses should be held sacred. On returning
to the Tavern, Henry Laurens directed Richard Henry
Lee to issue the following order, which was signed by all
the Delegates present :

BETHLEHEM, September 22, 1777.

Having here observed a diligent attention to the sick and
wounded, and a benevolent desire to make the necessary
provision for the relief of the distressed as far as the power
of the Brethren enable them, —

1 The Widows' House, as its name imports, was erected to accommodate
the widows of the congregation, where they found the comforts of a re-
tired home at rates proportioned to their means. It stands on the south
side of Church Street, opposite the Sisters' House, and was erected in
1768, and enlarged in 1794. The " Widows' Society" was organized in
1771. A few years since this building was purchased, liberally endowed,
and presented to the society.

72 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

We desire that all Continental officers may refrain from
disturbing the persons or property of the Moravians in
Bethlehem ; and, particularly, that they do not disturb or
molest the houses where the women are assembled.

Given under our hands at the place & time above men-
tioned.

John Hancock, Eliphalet Dyer, Henry Laurens,
Samuel Adams, Henry Marchant, Benjamin Harrison,
James Duane, "William Duer, Joseph Jones,
Nathan Brownson, Cornelius Harnett, John Adams,
Nathaniel Folsom, Ei chard Henry Lee, William Williams,
Ki chard Law,

Delegates to Congress.

There was constant talk of Congress holding its sessions
here. In the evening arrived 50 troopers and 50 infantry,
with the archives and other papers of Congress, from Tren-
ton via Easton.

September 23. — Many of the Delegates attended the chil-
dren's meeting in the chapel. After the service John Han-
cock took up the Text Book1 which was on the table and
with several others examined its contents, when Bro. Ettwein
offered to explain its design and use, at the same time reading
that portion for the day : " Whoever is not against us, is for
us." To this Samuel Adams remarked : " St. Paul says, * If
any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be anath-
ema.' " During their sojourn, the Delegates spoke in high
terms of Bethlehem. Those from New England especially,
were delighted with our institutions, and the neatness preva-
lent in the town, promising to exert their influence for the
speedy removal of the Hospital and the British prisoners,
provided we would consent to their making Bethlehem their

1 Since the year 1731 the Moravian Church has published a "Text-
Book," containing two texts of Scripture for every day of the year, de-
signed to be read by the heads of families in the morning, as affording
matter for religious meditation throughout the day. In addition to these
texts a few lines from a hymn are given. This manual is printed in
English, German, Bohemian, French, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Esqui-
maux, and Negro-English (used in Surinam, S. A.) languages.

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 73

headquarters during the war.1 It was by much persuasion,
only, that we induced them to abandon that idea, setting be-
fore them the ruinous consequences to our Society, which
would inevitably result from such a measure. Not only were
they satisfied with bur argument, but generously ordered the
renloval of the laboratory, just set up in one of our work-
shops for the manufacture of cartridges, to Allentown, and
the early transfer of the Highlanders to Lancaster.

September 24. — The whole of the heavy baggage of the
army, in a continuous train of 700 wagons, direct from
camp, arrived under escort of 200 men, commanded by Col.
[William] Polk,2 of North Carolina. They encamped on
the south side of the Lehigh, and in one night destroyed all
our buckwheat and the fences around the fields.3 The

1 As late as 1780 the proposition to make Bethlehem the seat of gov-
ernment was entertained by a number of delegates to Congress. See
PENNA. MAG., Vol. II. p. 153.

* See Lossing's " Field-Book of the Revolution," Vol. II. p. 496, for
biographical sketch and portrait.

8 BETHLEHEM, March 1, 1778.

Account of the damages done by the troops and horses belonging to
the army of the United States who escorted, brought and attended the
Baggage of the army to this place, and encamped here from Septem-
ber 1777, to Febr'y. 1778.

To 15,500 Fence Bails, 4500 stakes @ $6. per c. . £450.

" 1,500 do. belonging to single women & widows,

15*. per c 33.15.

" 200 Chestnut Posts, 1/6 15.

" 22 Acres Buckwheat, entirely ruined, @ 20 bush, per

acre @ 5/ per bush 110.

" 4 Acres Indian Corn @ 35 bush, per acre, 7/6 per bush. 52.10.

" 6 " Turnips @ 100 bush, per acre, 3/8 per bush. . 105.

1 " Cabbage @ 4000 heads, /2 .... 33. 8
" A crop of Flax laid out in the pasture which could not be
taken away before the baggage came & was totally
destroyed being 100 bundles spread for dew rotting, @

3/9 18.15.

" 6 Tons Hay @ £6 i . 36.

" 694J Cords of Wood, which upon the lowest computation,
the waggoners and troops belonging to the Baggage as
well as part of the hospital had taken from Bethlehem
land, @ 30/ per cord 891.15.

74 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

wagons after unloading, return to Trenton for more stores.
Among the things brought here were the church bells from
Philadelphia, and the wagon in which was loaded the State
House bell, broke down in the street, and had to be
unloaded.1

September 25. — The Highland prisoners with their guard
left for Heading on their way to Lancaster, and from thence
are to be taken to "West Virginia. No sooner were their old
quarters cleared than the Doctors of the Hospital took it
for their store. We heard that Philadelphia had been oc-
cupied by the British, and that the army was expected here,
for Baron de Kalb with a corps of French engineers has
commenced to survey the heights in and around the town.
Col. Polk has received orders to hold himself in readiness
to cross the river and occupy the southern acclivity of the
town.

September 26. — To this date some 900 wagons, with muni-
tions of war have arrived, and been parked behind the
Tavern, in the fields towards Fain.2 With them came a
crowd of low women and thieves, so that we had to main-
tain a watch at the Tavern. No services could be held of
late — it is a time of confusion ! We learned from officers
just from the Army, that camp had been broken in Falck-
ner's Swamp,3 and that the troops instead of coming here,
were moving to Germantown. A beginning was made in
the removal of the powder magazine.

September 27. — Bethlehem swarms with officers! We
heard heavy cannonading.

September 28 (Sunday).— Many officers attended church.
The houses of our members were forcibly taken for storing
regimental baggage.

October 4. — Loud cannonading was heard in the distance
to-day.

1 The bells were subsequently taken to Allentown.

2 The seat of a Moravian Indian mission (two miles from Bethlehem,
in Hanover township, Lehigh County), between 1758-1765.

8 Included in Hanover and Frederick townships, Montgomery County,
and named for Daniel Falckner, who settled there in 1700.

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 75

October 5. — News was received that a battle had been
fought at Germantown.

October 7. — Yesterday and to-day many wounded were
brought hither. Bro. Ettwein accompanied Gen. [William]

Woodford, and Colonels [John] Banister and Elliot, of

Virginia, to Nazareth and Christian's Spring, apparently
objects of interest to those visiting here.

October 14. — Orders were received for the collection of
clothing for the soldiers in the army,1 and Gen. Woodford
kindly protected us from lawless pillage. We made several
collections of blankets for the destitute soldiers, also shoes,
stockings, and breeches for the convalescents in the Hos-
pital, many of whom had come here attired in rags swarm-
ing with vermin, while others during their stay had been
deprived of their all by their comrades.

October 18. — The French Marquis de La Fayette left us
to-day for the army, in company with Gen. Woodford. We
found him a very intelligent and pleasant young man. He
occupied much of his time [in reading, and, among other
matter read an English translation of the History of the
Greenland Mission.2 With the accounts given by the mis-

1 To COL. JOHN SIEGFRIED.
SIR,—

By virtue of the power & authority given me by the Honourable Con-
gress, I hereby request and authorize you to appoint such & so many
persons as you shall see fit to collect for the use of the Continental Army,
all such blankets, shoes, stockings, and other articles of clothing as can
possibly be spared from the inhabitants in your section of the country,
giving receipts therefor, to be paid by the Clothier General. Obtaining
these things from the Quakers & disaffected inhabitants is recommended,
but at all events to get them. Given under my hand & seal, Philadel-
phia County, 6 October, 1777.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* " The History of Greenland : Containing a description of the Coun-
try, and its inhabitants : and particularly a relation of the Mission, car-
ried on for above these thirty years by the Unitas Fratrum, at New
Herrnhut and Lichtenfels, in that Country. By David Crantz. Trans-
lated from the High Dutch, and illustrated with maps and other Copper-
plates." 2 vols. London, 1767. The translation was made by Rev.
Samuel Parminter.

76 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

sionaries lie expressed himself highly pleased, pronouncing
some of their descriptions pompeux, and their narrative of
facts simple and truthful. Before bidding us adieu, he re-
quested to be shown through the Sisters' House, a request
which we were pleased to grant, and his admiration of the
institution was unbounded.1

October 22. — A number of wagons with sick from the
army arrived, but as no accommodation could be furnished,
they were forwarded to Easton. Upwards of 400 are at
present in the Brethren's House alone, and 50 in tents in
the garden back. The Surgeons refuse to receive any more
into the large building.

October 24. — Heavy and uninterrupted cannonading was
heard from early in the morning until noon, when after a
thundering report and concussion it ceased.

October 25. — This morning the camp of 100 tents, which
had been put up in the fields behind the Tavern, were,
owing to their exposed position, removed to the lowlands
for better shelter. News reached us of Burgoyne's surren-
der to Gen. Gates.

October 28. — Commissary General James came with an
order from Dr. [Benjamin] Rush, that owing to the rainy
weather, 100 sick would be compelled to occupy the kitchen
and cellar of the Brethren's House, until the weather would
allow of their being transported to Bristol. They were,
however, satisfied with the garret.2

1 When La Fayette revisited the United States in 1824-25, Mrs. Beckel
and her daughter Liesel were still living, and at a social gathering in
the Widows' House, the former remarked: "When the Marquis lay
wounded in our house, there was no such fuss made with him I" Tra-
dition says that quite an attachment was formed between the dashing
young Marquis and the pretty Moravian Sister ; and a chronicler of the
town states : " That the Marquis could not have failed impressing the
sisterhood." Pretty Liesel Beckel died a spinster about 1831.

* Dr. Shippen, under date, Bethlehem, November 12, 1777, wrote to
Congress : " The pressing necessity of the Hospitals which begin to feel
the effects of cold and dirt (I foretold in my last to the Medical Com-
mittee) calls on me to address you in a serious manner and urge you to
furnish us with immediate supply of clothing requisite for the very ex-

JBethkhem during the Revolution. 77

October 30. — Saw the sun once again, after being hid six
days.

November 2. — John Hancock passed through on his way
from York to Boston. He was escorted hence by a troop
of fifteen horsemen, who had awaited his arrival. From
him we learned that our friend Henry Laurens had been
chosen President of the Congress.

November 3. — Bro. Ettwein was requested to visit a sick
and dying man in the Hospital, Robert Lepus, from Mary-
land. It was an affecting interview, and impressive to the
spectators. Robert Gillespie, the Hospital Steward, noted
for his daring and hardiness, was much moved on the oc-
casion, and, what is remarkable, was taken with the camp-
fever the same day.

November 11. — Doctor Aquila "Wilmot,1 of the Hospital
staff, died, and pursuant to his request, made on his death-
bed, was interred in our grave-yard; thus beginning the
long projected " Stranger's Row."2

November 13.— The Hospital officers erected a wooden
building, 50 feet long, for a kitchen on the line of the upper
garden fence.

November 14. — Hospital Steward, Robert Gillespie,3 died,
and was buried in Stranger's Row.

November 21. — Bro. Ettwein, on his visit to the Hospital,
found a Karragansett Indian in great distress about his soul,
at the near approach of death.

November 27. — This evening a remarkably brilliant aurora
arose in the northwestern sky, and gradually moved towards

istence of the sick now in the greatest distress in the Hospitals, and in-
dispensably necessary to enable many, who are now well, and detained
solely for want of clothing to return to the field."

1 He was born in Baltimore County, Maryland, 1752, and died of
putrid fever. See Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," p. 129.

8 The row of graves along the fence, on the Market Street side of the
burying-ground.

8 The church register states : " He was a widower, about 40 years of
age, born in County Carlow, Ireland, of the Presbyterian persuasion,
and a faithful steward in the Hospital."

78 Bethlehem, during the Revolution.

the eastern horizon, its blood-red arch flashing with stream-
ers of white light.

December 7. — In the forenoon Bro. Ettwein preached to
the inmates of the Hospital, from Matthew xviii. 11, in the
dormitory on the third floor.

December 11. — Through Dr. [Thomas] Bond1 we learned
that all the Hospitals are to be moved to the west side of
the Schuylkill.

December 13. — More sick soldiers were brought here
to-day.

December 16. — More sick arrived from other hospitals;
those that were the most feeble we provided for, but the
others were taken further.

December 18. — "We kept Fast and Prayer Day as ordered
by Congress.

December 20. — Five corpses were conveyed out of the
Brethren's House to-day for burial.

December 24. — Gen. "Washington's baggage, which has
been here exactly three months, near to our tile-kiln under
guard, moved off to-day. Our Christmas Vigils were at-
tended by the Surgeons, Doctors, and convalescent officers,
about 40 in number.

December 28. — At present there are 700 sick soldiers in
the Single Brethren's House alone.

1778.

January 4. — Lucas Sherman, a soldier from Virginia, died
to-day. Gen. Greene's wife,2 and [Lewis] Morris, a Dele-
gate from New York, passed through. Col. Joseph Wood,3

1 See Thatcher's " American Medical Biography," p. 177.

a Cornelia Lott and Martha Washington Greene, daughters of General
and Mrs. Nathaniel Greene, were scholars in the Seminary for Young
Ladies at Bethlehem in 1789. "Lady Greene," says an eye-witness,
" several times came to visit her two daughters at Bethlehem school.
The impression I received of her nobility of heart and stately dignity of
person— her tall figure dressed in rich brocade and lace, with long, sweep-
ing train— is not yet erased. She was a pattern-lady of the old school."

8 The founder of Winchester, Frederick County, Virginia, and a
colonel in the Virginia line.

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 79

from Winchester, Virginia, who for several weeks has lain
sick here, left.

January 5. — So many of our Single Brethren have been
made sick by the stench from the Hospital, that they have
been advised to keep away.

January 6. — During the past three days, seventeen persons
have died in the Hospital. Heard loud cannonading for
some time to- day.1

January 7. — Gen. Gates and family arrived this evening
from Albany, on their way to Yorktown. [They left on 9th.]

January 24. — The famous Col. Kobatsch, a Prussian officer
of Hussars in the late war, arrived from Easton, to see
whether we could aid him to- equip and mount a corps of
Hussars, which he is recruiting for Congress. He found,

1 The following brief, but pithy notes, all written on the same sheet,
are preserved in the Archives at Bethlehem :

"Sin.

" The Bearer, Mr. Carr, is in possession of Part of a House near the
Fulling Mill, the owner of which wants him put out. He has applied
to me for leave to stay until he is sufficiently well to shift for himself, as
he is to all Intents and purposes an invalid. I have told him it was not
in my power to do anything in his favor. He then desired me to write
to you for advice & assistance, for if he is turned out he has no chance
of having his cure completed,
"lam
" with respect

" your very humble serv't

"SAM'L FINLEY.
"Bethlehem, Jan. 61778
" To COL. CROPPER

" In complyance with the request afs'd., these do certify, that Mr Carr
is not to be moved until my orders.

" Given under my hand at Bethlehem 6th Janu.

"JOHN CROPPER
"Lieut-Col.

" Col. Cropper has none to command in Bethlehem but his soldiers.
Therefore we cannot receive his orders. Mr. Carr does 'not belong to
the Hospital ; we want the Place where he is, and he must move without
delay. JOHN ETTWEIN.

[At the bottom of the sheet is also written]

. Was directly fetched away by Mr. Finley into the Hospital."

80 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

however, that we were unable to assist him, as our saddler,
glove-maker, and founder had no stock for their trades.

January 30. — Baron von Steuben, and a French merchant
from Boston, passed through en route for Congress.

February 6. — Gen. [Thomas] Conway passed through to
Albany.

February 18. — During the past few days a number of
French officers passed through en route for Canada.

February 22. — Capt. "Webb went to Philadelphia on a pass.

March 18. — From New England there arrived a company
of soldiers, composed of whites, blacks and a few Stock-
bridge Indians, who were lodged over night.

March 22. — Bro. Ettwein heard from Dr Shippen, that it
was quite possible that the Hospitals would be transferred
to Lititz,1 upon which we decided to write to Gen. Washing-
ton, giving him a clear account of the nature of our settle-
ments.

March 26. — Bro. Hasse set out on his journey for the
camp of Gen. Washington with Bro. Ettwein's letter, in
which he beg'd that the General Hospital be not established
at Lititz as designed by Dr Shippen, and that we be relieved
of some of our burdens.

1 Bishop Matthew Hehl, on behalf of the congregation at Lititz, pe-
titioned Dr. Shippen not to locate the hospital in that town, to which
the following reply was received :

"SiR.

" I am so much affected at the very thoughts of distressing a Society I
have so great an esteem for, that you may depend upon it I will not put
in execution the proposal of removing the inhabitants of Lititz unless
cruel necessity urges, which at present I don't imagine will be the case.
If we should fix the General Hospital & take more room in your village
it shall be done in a manner the least distressing & disagreeable to your
flock that is possible, of which I will consult you.
"I am Sir

" Your & the congregations

" Affectionate & very humble servant

"WM SHIPPED.
" Manheim
"9 April, 1778."

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 81

March 30. — Bro. Hasse returned from headquarters with
the following reply :

HEAD QUARTERS 28 March 1778.

SIR.

I have received your letter of the 25th instant by Mr.
Hasse, setting forth the injury that will be done to the In-
habitants of Letiz by establishing a General Hospital there
— it is needless to explain how essential an establishment of
this kind is to the welfare of the Army, and you must be
sensible that it cannot be made anywhere, without occa-
sioning inconvenience to some set of people or other — at
the same time it is ever my wish and aim that the public
good be affected with as little sacrifice as possible of indi-
vidual interests — and I would by no means sanction the im-
posing any burthens on the people in whose favor you
remonstrate, which the public service does not require.
The arrangement and distribution of Hospitals depends en-
tirely on Doctor Shippen, and I am persuaded that he will
not exert the authority vested in him unnecessarily to your
prejudice. It would be proper however to represent to him
the circumstances of the inhabitants of Letiz; and you may
if you choose it, communicate the contents of this Letter to
him.

I am Sir

Your most obed't Serv't

GEO. WASHINGTON
The REVEREND MB ETTWEIN

Bethlehem.

April 8. — An order by Express from Dr. [Thomas] Bond
was received, removing the Hospitals here to Beading.

April 12 (Palm Sunday). — The services were attended by
Gen. [Lachlan] Mclntosh, of Georgia. Many New England
recruits on their way to camp nighted here.

April 14. — To-day completed the removal of the Hospital.1

1 BETHLEHEM Feb. 25, 1778.
EGBERT LETTIS HOOPER Jr., D.Q.M.G.

To JEREMIAH DENKE, Dr.
To Rent for the house appointed & used for the Continental

forage, from April 1 1777 to March 1, 1778, 11 months . £27.10.

VOL. xin. — 6

82 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

April 16. — Gen. Pulaski1 and Col. Kobatsch attend the
meeting this afternoon.

April 24. — About 400 £Tew York troops en route for
Albany, passed through to-day.

To Kent for 2 rooms & 1 kitchen over the Water Works, occu-
pied by sundry departments, as, Guard for the military
baggage & stores, the Commissary for Issues & his clerks
and assistants, & now for the invalids on guard here from
Oct 6 to Feby 21, 4 mo 15 days £15.15.

" Kent for a house with 5 rooms occupied by several depart-
ments of the Army & Guard appointed here & now by
the invalids on guard from Sept 15 to Feby 15—5 months 12.10.

" Bent for a large room and kitchen in the Fulling Mill for
sick Doctors, officers & stewards from Sept 13 to Jany. 15,
4 mo 6.00

" Eent for the so-called Guard House near the Saw Mill oc-
cupied for military stores and otherwise — a guard being
there continually from May 1/77 to Feby 15/78— 9£
months 9.10.

1 General Count Casimir Pulaski, while stationed at Bethlehem with a
detachment of his troopers, always placed guards at the Sisters' House
during the passage of troops through the town. In grateful acknowledg-
ment for the protection thus afforded them, their superintendent, Sister
Susan von Gersdorf, suggested the making of a banner, or more properly
a guidon. The design of the work was intrusted to Sisters Rebecca
Langly and Julia Bader ; and in its execution they were assisted by a
number of their associates, more especially by Sisters Anna Beam, Anna
Hussey, and Erdmuth Langly. The guidon was accepted by Pulaski,
and borne in his corps through the campaign, and until he fell in the
attack on Savannah, in the autumn of 1779. After a careful examination
of all the diaries at Bethlehem, not the slightest reference to a presen-
tation such as the lamented Longfellow narrates in his poem, " Hymn
of the Moravian Nuns, at Bethlehem, Pa., at the consecration of Pu-
laski's Banner," was found. The following letter on the subject is of
interest :

" CAMBRIDGE, January 13, 1857.

" DEAR SIR, — The ' Hymn of the Moravian Nuns' was written in
1825, and was suggested to me by a paragraph in the North American
Review, Vol. II. p. 390.

u The standard of Count Pulaski, the noble Pole who fell in the attack
on Savannah, during the American Eevolution, was of crimson silk,
embroidered by the Moravian Nuns of Bethlehem, Pa.

" The banner is still preserved ; you will find a complete account of
the matter in Lossing's * Field Book of the Eevolution.'

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 83

May 13.— Gen. Gates and wife, and Gen. Ethan Allen1
reached here, en route for Peekskill.

May 17 (Sunday). — In the English morning service, there
were present Samuel Adams, Delegate from Massachusetts,
and Gen. Pulaski, with some members of his corps, in full
dress uniform.

June 1. — In the Single Brethren's House, late Hospital,
the whitewashes and others commenced renovating.

June 15. — John Hancock with others from Boston, on
their way to Yorktown, nighted here.

June 19. — Two Delegates to Congress from Connecticut,
one of them [Titus] Hosmer, remained here.

June 27. — The Single Brethren slept in their hall for the
first time. [Since the hospital was removed from their
building.]

July I. — Three Delegates to Congress; also [Governor]
Morris, of New York; Col. [John] Banister, of North
Carolina; and Mr. [George] Plater2 from Maryland visited
here.

July 2. — News was received that on last Sunday (28th
ulto) a battle was fought at Monmouth.

July 3. — Bro. Ettwein accompanied the three Delegates
to Nazareth and Christian's Spring.

July 5. — News reached us that Wyoming had been
attacked and destroyed by Tories and Indians.

July 9. — Many fugitives from "Wyoming came hither.

July 10-11. — Some of the wounded arrived from Wy-

" The last line is figurative. I suppose the banner to have been
wrapped about the body, as is frequently done.

" Yours truly,

." HENRY W. LONGFELLOW."

The guidon is now in possession of the Maryland Historical Society.
For a colored plate see " Penna. Archives," Second Series (frontispiece),
Vol. XI.

1 He had just been exchanged, and was on his return to Vermont. A
niece of his, Anna, daughter of Levi and Ann Allen, a pupil in the
Seminary at Bethlehem, died May 22, 1795, and is buried there.

2 Delegate to Congress, 1778-81, and for many years judge of the
Maryland Court of Appeals.

84 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

oming, who reported that 400 of the New Englanders had
been killed in the fight.

July 15-17. — Many fugitives from Shamokin and the West
Branch, passed through on the way to New York and
Jerseys.

July 31. — Heard heavy cannonading in the forenoon.
Col. Kobatsch and the equipped members of his corps re-
cruited in Easton, passed through en route to Baltimore.

August 2. — Several hundred militiamen marched through
on their way to punish the Indians over the Blue Mountains.

August 11. — To-day Mrs. Webb and family, who have
been here fifteen months, left for New York, thankful for
all our kindness.1

October 8. — Gen. Neuville,2 a French officer, came to see
the sights.

October 27. — Gen. [William] Woodford passed through to
Virginia.

November 4. — A rumor reached us that a part of Gen.
Washington's army of 5000 men were to encamp three
miles from here on Nancy's Run. This rumor originated
from a brigade of wagons unloading their stores at the
Flax Seed House ; but this was only done to allow of repairs
being made.

November 25. — This afternoon the French Ambassador,
Moris. Gerard,3 Don Juan de Miralles, a Spaniard, and

1 The wife of the Methodist preacher, Captain Thomas Webb, who had
effected his exchange. See PENNA. MAG., Vol. X. p. 233.

2 Brevet Brigadier-General de la Neuville served under General Gates
as inspector, but retired from the army after six months' service, and
returned to France.

3 " MY DEAR FRIEND.

" Monsr. Gerard the Minister Plenepotentiary of France will be, pro-
vided he meets no obstruction on the Boad, at Bethlehem on Wednesday
the 25th Inst. about midday, this worthy character merits regard from
all the Citizens of these States, an acquaintance with him will afford
you satisfaction and I am persuaded his Visit will work no evil or in-
convenience to your community. Don Juan de Miralles a Spanish
Gentleman highly recommended by the Governor of Havanna will ac-
company Mr. Gerard. The whole suite may amount to six Gentlemen
& perhaps a servant to each. I give this previous intimation in order

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 85

Silas Deane, arrived from Philadelphia to see the sights
here.

November 26. — Bro. Ettwein took them to Christian's
Spring and Nazareth, and in the evening they attended a
concert we had arranged for them.

November 28. — Our distinguished visitors returned to
Philadelphia to-day.

December 3. — Heard that Washington and his army were
again at Morristown.

December 5. — Had not Quarter Master Hooper exerted
himself in our behalf, we would have had quartered on us
the Burgoyne captives, who marched in seven columns.

December 30. — Thanksgiving Day, pursuant to an Act of
Congress. The inmates of the Single Brethren's House
number 106.

1779.

January 2. — A troop of Pulaski's cavalry passed through
on the way to Lebanon for winter quarters.

January 5. — To-day arrived the Brunswick General Baron
von Riedesel,1 with his wife, three children, and suite from
Boston, with a letter from Gen. Gates.2 The field-preacher

that preparations suitable to the occasion may be made by Mr Johnson
[Jansen] at the Tavern, & otherwise as you think expedient. My good
wishes attend you all. I beg Mr John Okely will forbear with me a few
days longer, I consider him a merciful Creditor and when an opportunity
presents I will pay him more in one Act than all my words are worth.
Believe me Dear Sir to be with sincere respect and very great affection
your friend and most humble servant

"HENRY LAURENS.
"Philadelphia 23 Novem. 1778
"(The REV MR ETTWEIN, Bethlehem.)"

1 For his description of Bethlehem and copy of letter to General
Washington, see " Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel," Vol. II. pp.
60-75 and 240.

* " BOSTON, Nov'r 1778.
"DEAR SIR.

" This Letter will be delivered to you by Madame Reidesel, the Lady
of Major General Reidesel to whom I entreat you will show every Mark
of Civility and Respect in your Power. Wise Reasons have determined
Congress to direct the March of the Army under the Convention of

86 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

John August Milius [the chaplain of Baron Riedesel's own
regiment] is of the party.

January 7. — After spending two days pleasantly in our
midst the Eiedesel party set out for Virginia.

January 11. — Gen. [William] Phillips, with some officers
arrived.

January 22. — Gen. Phillips and officers left for Virginia
to-day. They were so much pleased with our attentions,
that they distributed 5 guineas among the small girls.

January 26. — Thirteen Brunswick officers1 on parole
with their attendants arrived and were given quarters at
the request of Quarter Master Hooper. Among the num-
ber were Major [Just C. von] Maibom ; Capt. [August F.]
Dommes; Lieuts [August W.] Breva; [Andreas] Myer;

Bach ; [Johann H.] von Godecke ; [Count E. A.] von

Eantzau ; Judge Advocate [Johann B.] Stutzer, and Chap-
lain Melzheimer.

Saratoga to Charlotteville, in Virginia. General Reidesel, his Lady and
little Family, accompany the Troopes of their Prince. It is a painful
and fatiguing Journey at this Season of the year. I doubt not your
Hospitable Disposition will render it as pleasant as possible, and that
without my Recommendations, you naturally would indulge the Senti-
ments which influence the Gentleman and the Citizen of the World.
"lam
" Dear Sir

" Your affectionate

" Humble Servant

"HORATIO GATES.
" REV. MR ETTWEIN
"at Bethlehem Penna."

1 These Brunswickers were a lively set of fellows, and much given to
music. Having an excellent harper and flutist among them, they would
occasionally serenade the town people, and Beckel's Hill (Market and
Main Streets) was a favorite spot to which they would repair. A bur-
lesque song and popular air with them was the " Merz Kater ;" a transla-
tion of one verse is here given :

" Is it not a rare delight
When a tom-cat in the night
On the roof-tree makes his bow
Calling to his wife Mi-au !"

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 87

March 28 (Palm Sunday). — The Brunswick officers were
present at service.

April 4 (Easter). — At 10 o'clock Chaplain Melzheimer
kept a service for his comrades in the Single Brethren's
Chapel.

April 11. — The Brunswickers communed in the Chapel
after service.

May 11. — Gen. Sullivan has his headquarters at Easton,
preparatory to going on his expedition against the Indians.

May 16. — The Brunswick officers left for Lancaster.

June 5. — Gen. Sullivan, Cols. [Elias] Dayton1 and Pierce2
visited our town.

June 15. — Early this morning Lady Washington arrived
from Easton in company with Gens. Sullivan, [Enoch]
Poor,3 [William] Maxwell,4 and some 20 officers. After
dinner Bro. Ettwein escorted Lady Washington through
the large buildings, and in the evening with her suite she
attended the service, Bro. Ettwein speaking in English.

June 16. — Lady Washington set out for Virginia this
morning.

1 Colonel Third New Jersey Regiment.

3 Query.— Captain Pierce, A.D.C, to General Sullivan?

8 General Poor died September 8, 1780 ; and three days thereafter, out of
respect for his memory, the countersign was " Poor," as the following
extracts from Adjutant Bloomfield's " Orderly Book, No. 2, 3rd Jersey
Eegiment," in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
attests :

" HEAD QUARTERS Sept. 11, 1780.

"Parole Portsmouth.

"Countersign Poor.

Dallas.
"U. W Magnanimity."

The following is also copied from the same " Orderly Book :"

" SEPTEMBER 12, 1780
" Advertisement.

"Part of the Effects of the late Brigadier Gen. Poor (among which are
several Suits of Cloaths, a Genteel Small Sword, Sash Appauletts, and
many other articles) will be Vendued at Lieut. Col. Dearbourn's Marquee
To-morrow Morning Ten O'clock."

4 See "Letters and Journals Relating to the War of the American
Revolution," by Mrs. General Eiedesel, pp. 113-167.

88 Bethlehem during the Revolution.

June 25. — Mons. Gerard, the French Minister, visited us
again.

July 28. — Three gentlemen from Virginia, one a "Wash-
ington and nephew of the General's, visited here and at
Nazareth, en route for camp.

September 25. — The British Gen. Phillips arrived, en route
for New York.

September 26. — Baron Eiedesel, wife, children and suite
came from Philadelphia. Gen. Phillips left to-day. The
Baron with his family attended the evening service.

October 10. — Baron Biedesel and family returned from
Elizabethtown, whither they had gone with an officer, who
is to find quarters for them here.

October 11. — Gen. Phillips returned to-day. "We quar-
tered the whole party in the Tavern. Quarter Master
Hooper told us that it is Washington's orders, that they be
quartered only at Bethlehem or Nazareth.

November 22. — Gens. Riedesel and Phillips left for New
York by permission of Congress.

1780.

February 16. — The Lehigh Eiver has been frozen over
seven weeks, but a thaw is at hand.

June 28. — Some British prisoners on parole visited here.

July 10. — Two teams from here and one from Nazareth
were pressed into the army for two months service, and our
teamster Frederick Beitel with them.

October 2. — Joseph Reed, President of the Council, John
Bayard, Speaker of the Assembly, and David Rlttenhouse,
State Treasurer, escorted by 20 Bucks County militia on
horseback, came here on a visit from Philadelphia.

October 3. — The President attended the services.

October 5. — To-day the President spent some hours in the
Choir Houses, and inspected the water-works and other
objects of interest.

October 6. — The President and party left for Reading
to-day.

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 89

November 29.— Major Maibom and other Brunswick officers
arrived from Eeading on their way to New York.

December 1.-— To-day the Brunswick officers left for New
York.

December 31.— The population of Bethlehem is 574.

1782.

July 25. — After dinner we had the pleasure to welcome
his Excellency Gen. "Washington, who is accompanied by
two aids and no escort, with our trombones. The Sisters'
House was first visited, and next the Single Brethren's
House, in the chapel of which the party were refreshed
with cake and wine, while Bro. Jacob Van Yleck played on
the organ. The oil-mill, water works and other objects of
interest were subsequently inspected. Bro. Ettwein waited
on and escorted Gen. Washington from place to place, and
also kept the evening service, which was attended by the
visitors. After the service the church-choir entertained
their guests with sacred music, both vocal and instrumental.

July 26. — Gen. Washington left for Easton early this
morning, and before starting expressed himself as much
pleased with the attentions shown him.1

1 During Washington's visit to Alexander Martin, Governor of North
Carolina, in May of 1791, he visited the Moravian town of Salem, re-
maining there overnight. Bishop J. D. Koehler, on behalf of the
Church, presented him with an address of welcome, to which he returned
the following answer :
" GENTLEMEN :

" I am greatly indebted to your respectful & affectionate expression
of personal regard, & I am not less obliged by the patriotic sentiment
contained in your address.

" From a society whose governing principles are industry and the love
of order much may be expected towards the improvement •& prosperity
of the country in which their settlements are formed, & experience
authorizes the belief that much will be obtained.

" Thanking you with grateful sincerity for your prayers in my behalf,
I desire to assure you of my best wishes for your social & individual
happiness.

" G. WASHINGTON."

90 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

A LIST OF THE ISSUES OF THE PEESS IN NEW
YOKK, 1693-1752.

BY CHARLES R. HILDEBURN.

(Continued from Vol. XII. page 482.)

[Books and pamphlets which have come under the personal inspection
of the compiler, and of which he has secured full titles and collations
with a view to their future publication, are marked with an asterisk (*).
Additions and corrections to this list will be gladly received. The com-
piler is especially indebted to Messrs. William Kelby and Wilberforce
Eames for their assistance.]

1720.

Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford.

1721.

Act for better clearing Highways. do.

" " settling the Militia. do.

* Acts of Assembly. do.

* Frelinghuisen's Drie Predicatien. do.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1722. do.

1722.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Astronomical Diary for 1723. do.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1723. do.

* New Jersey Court Ordinance. do.

* New Jersey. Speeches in the Assembly. do.
Ordinance regulating Fees. do.

1723.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Johnson's History of the Pirates. do.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1724. do.

* New Jersey. Acts of Assembly.
Ordinance regulating Fees in the Court of

Chancery. do.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 91

Ordinance regulating the Recording of

Deeds. W". Bradford.

1724.

Burling's Remarks. do.

* Burnet's Essay on Scripture Prophecy. do.

* Colden's Papers Relating to the Indian

Trade. do.

* Dummond (Evan). Memorial of do.
French Convert. do.
Johnson's History of the Pirates, 2d edi-
tion, do.

* Journal of Assembly. do.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1725. do.

* New Jersey. Ordinance regulating Fees. do.

* « a a a

in the Court of Chancery. do.

Report on the Indian Trade. do.

Stoddard's Sermon. do.

* Votes of Assembly. do.

1725.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Extracts from the Minutes of the Council

concerning the French Church. do.

* Frilinghausen's Klagte van Eenige Leeden,

&c. W. Bradford and J. P. Zenger.

History of the Kingdom of Basaruah. "W. Bradford.

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1726. do.

* New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. do.

" Ordinance regulating the

Courts. do.

New York Gazette. do.

* Papers concerning Mr. Rou's Affair. do.
Scotch Psalms. . do.
SeweWs History of the Quakers. (Haven's

List.) Printed in London.

Tate and Brady's Psalms. W. Bradford.

Votes of Assembly. do.

92 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

1726.

* Acts of Assembly, 1691 to 1725. "W. Bradford.

* " to June 17. do.

* " to Nov. 11. do.

* Freeman's Verdeediging. J. P. Zenger.
Interest of the Country in laying Duties. do.

" " " in laying no Duties.

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1727. W. Bradford.

New England Psalms. do.

New York Gazette. do.

* Ordinance regulating Fees. do.

* " « " in the Court of
Chancery. do.

* Ordinance regulating the recording of

Deeds. do.

* Sameuspraak over de Klagte der Rari-

tanders. J. P. Zenger.

* True State of Mr. Rou's Case. W. Bradford.
Two Interests Reconciled.

Van Driesen's De Aanbiddelyke "Wegen

Gods. J. P. Zenger.
1727.

* Acts of Assembly. W. Bradford.
Birkett's Almanac for 1728. do.

* Charge to the Grand Jury. J. P. Zenger.

* Col den's History of the Five Nations. "W. Bradford.
Doings of the Council. do.
Hughes' Almanac for 1728. do.
Husbandman's Guide. do.
Leeds' (F.) Almanac for 1728. do.

" (T.) " " " do.

New Jersey. Votes of Assembly. do.
New York Gazette.

* Palmer et al. vs. Van Courtland and Philipse. do.

* Sir, In my former I frankly informed you,

&c. [A second letter to A. Philipse.] J. P. Zenger.

* To the Hon. Adolph Philipse. do.
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 93

1728.

* Acts of Assembly. "W. Bradford.
Berkenmeyer's Herden en Wackter Stem. J. P. Zenger.
Birkett's Almanac for 1729. W. Bradford.

* Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 4th edition. do.
Conductor Generalis. do.

* Decree in the case of Solomon de Me-

dina, do.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1729. do.
New York Gazette. do.
Fender's Divinity of the Scriptures. do.
Votes of Assembly. do.

1729.

* Acts of Assembly.
Birkett's Almanac for 1730.

* Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 4th edition.

* Dickinson's Remarks on an Overture to

the Synod of Philadelphia.

* Frilinghausen's Een Trouwertig Yertog.
Leeds' (F.) Almanac for 1730.

u /rp \ « u u

New York Gazette.
Votes of Assembly.

1730.

* Acts of Assembly.
Berkenmeyer's Consilium in Arena.
Birkett's Almanac for 1731.

* Laws of New York, 1726-30.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1731.
Letter to a Parishioner. (See 1733.)
New Jersey. Acts of Assembly.
New York Gazette.

Vanema's Arithmetica.
Votes of Assembly.
Wetmore's Quakerism.

do.
do.
do.

J. P. Zenger.

do.
W. Bradford.

do.

do.

do.

do.

W. Bradford.

do.

do.

J. P. Zenger.
"W.. Bradford.

do.

J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.

94

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

1731.

Act of Parliament for the regulation of

Seamen. "W. Bradford.

* Acts of Assembly, July, 1729. do.

* " Sept., 1731. do.
Birkett's Almanac for 1732. do.
Cook's Sermon on Rev. John Davenport. J. P. Zenger.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1732. W. Bradford.

* New York City. Laws and Ordinances of do.
New York Gazette. do.

* Patent for the Oblong or Equivalent Lands. J. P. Zenger.
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford.

1732.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Birkett's Almanac for 1733. do.
Eccleston's Epistle. do.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1733. do.
New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. do.
New York Gazette. do.
True Vindication of Alexander Campbell. J. P. Zenger.
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford.

1733.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Ambrose's Death's Arrest.

Birkett's Almanac for 1734. W. Bradford.

Campbell's Protestation, March 26, 1733. J. P. Zenger.

De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury. W. Bradford.

Eleutherius Ernervatus. J. P. Zenger.
Johnson's Letter to a Dissenting Parish-
ioner, do.

* Journal of Assembly. W. Bradford.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1734. do.
New York Gazette. do.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.
Opinion, &c., of the Chief Justice on the

Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. do.

The same, 2d edition. do.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 95

Proceedings of Eip Van Dam.

Quinby's Correspondence with the Dutch

Church. W. Bradford.
Some Observations on De Lancey's Charge

to the Grand Jury. J. P. Zenger.

1734.

Account for building 100 Sail of Vessels. W. Bradford.

* Acts of Assembly. do.

" Nov. do.

Birkett's Almanac for 1735. do.

Cosby 's (Governor) Speech, April 25. do.

* De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury,

July, 1734. do.
De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury,

Oct., 1734. do.

* Harison's Letter to the Corporation of

Few York City. do.

* Journal of Assembly to June 22. do.

* " " to Nov. 28. do.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1735. do.
Letter of Timothy Wheelwright. J. P. Zenger.
New York Gazette. W. Bradford.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.
Opinion on Courts of Justice. (By W.

Smith and Murray.) W. Bradford.

* Keport of a Committee of Council on a

letter found in Jas. Alexander's house. do.

Sydney's Reply to Cosby's Speech. J. P. Zenger.

* Vindication of J. Alexander and W. Smith. do.

1735.

* Acts of Assembly. W. Bradford.
Alexander (J.) and W. Smith's Complaint.

Birkett's Almanac for 1736. W, Bradford.

* Journal of Assembly. do.

* New York City. Charter of J. P. Zenger.

" Gazette. W. Bradford.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.

•96 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1698-1752.

* Ordinance for regulating Fees. W. Bradford.
Pemberton's Sermon before the Synod at

Philadelphia. J. P. Zenger.

* Tennent's Danger of forgetting God. do.

* " The Espousals. do.

* " Necessity of Religious Violence. "W. Bradford.

1736.

Albany. Charter of do.

* Alexander's (James) Disavowal of Gov.

Clarke. J. P. Zenger.

Almanac in Dutch for 1737.

A Sheet Almanac for 1736. W. Bradford.

Beach's Vindication of the Worship of

God. do.

Birkett's Almanac for 1737. do.

Clarke's (Governor) Speech, Oct. 14, 1736. do.

Dickinson's Vanity of Human Under-
standing.

* Hale's Some Necessary and Important

Considerations. W. Bradford.

His Majesty's Commission to Gov. Cosby. J. P. Zenger.

* Journal of Assembly. W. Bradford.
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1736. do.
Letter to one of the Members of Assembly.

New York Gazette. W. Bradford.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.

Sentiments of a Principal Freeholder. W. Bradford.

Tennent's Sermon at New York. J. P. Zenger.

" Two Sermons at Brunswick. W. Bradford.
Truman's Observations on Freeman's Per-
formance.
Van Dam's (Rip) Copy of a Letter.

" Protestation.

Word in Season. J. P. Zenger.

* Zenger's Trial. do.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 169S-1752. 97

1737.

* Acts of Assembly.
Almanac in Dutch for 1738.
Birkett's Almanac for 1738.
Blenman's Remarks on Zenger's Trial.
The same, 2d edition.

Dickinson's Defense of a Sermon preached
at Newark.

* Journal of Assembly to April 28.

* " " " " Dec. 16.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1737.
New York Gazette.

" "Weekly Journal.

Scheme to encourage the raising of Hemp.
Spiritual Journey Temporized. (See 1741.)

* To Governor Clarke. Address from the

Council.

1738.

* Acts of Assembly.
Almanac in Dutch for 1739.
Birkett's Almanac for 1739.
Haeghoort's Keter der Goddelyke Waar-

heden.

* Journal of Assembly.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1738.

Morris' (Lewis) Speech to the New Jersey

Assembly.
Military Discipline.

* New Jersey. Votes of Assembly.
New York Gazette.

Weekly Journal.

u

1739.

* Acts of Assembly.
Birkett's Almanac for 1740.
Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 5th edition.
Dickinson's Danger of Schism.
VOL. xin. — 7

W. Bradford.

W. Bradford,
do.
do.

W. Bradford.
J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.

do.

J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.

W. Bradford.

J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.

J. P. Zenger.

do.
W. Bradford.

J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.
J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.
J. P. Zenger.

W. Bradford,
do.
do.

98 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

* Journal of Assembly to April 14.

* « " « " Nov. 17.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1739.

* Morris' (Lewis) Speech to the New Jersey

Assembly.
New Jersey. Address of the Council to

Gov. Morris.
" Address of the Assembly to

Gov. Morris.
New York Gazette.

" "Weekly Journal.

* Short Direction for Unregenerate Sinners.
"Whiten" eld's Answer to the Bishop of Lon-
don's Pastoral Letter.

" Letter to some Church Mem-

bers.

" Marks of a New Birth.

" Sermon on Intercession.

1740.
Birkett's Almanac for 1741.

* Dickinson's Call to the Weary.
Douglas' Account of the Throat Dis-
temper.

Geestelyk died Bequaam on Gesongen, &c.

* Journal of Assembly to May 13.

* « " « to July 12.

* " " " to Nov. 3.

* Kort Handleiding.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1740.
New York Gazette.

" " Weekly Journal.
Quinby's Short History of a Long Journey.
Reasons for writing a scandalous letter to

Gov. Cosby.
Whitefield's Yoorbidding. B. Franklin

W. Bradford,
do.
do.

do.
J. P. Zenger.

do.

W. Bradford.
J. P. Zenger.

do.

W. Bradford.

do.?

do.

J. P. Zenger.

W. Bradford,
do.

J. P. Zenger.

do.
W. Bradford.

do.

do.

J. P. Zenger.
W. Bradford.

do.
J. P. Zenger.

do.

do.
& J. P. Zenger.

(To be continued.)

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 99

THE WEECK OF THE SHIP "JOHN" IN DELAWAKE

BAY, 1732.

[We are indebted to Mr. George Vaux for the following account of the
wreck of the ship " John" on the Brown Shoal in Delaware Bay, in De-
cember of 1732, written by one of his ancestors who was a passenger on
board. — ED. PEKNA. MAG.]

" I fully intended to have sent thee word by way of New
York, for expedition sake, but the ship altering her voyage
frustrated my design. In this I purpose to acquaint thee
with our unfortunate voyage and the unhappy accident that
attended it, with as much brevity as the case will admit of.
Which is as follows :

" After many storms and tempests, on the 13th of No-
vember, we were beat off the coast by a terrible N. W. wind,
succeeded by thunder and lightning in a very surprising
manner, insomuch that we could carry no sail the sea beat-
ing in upon us to that degree we expected we must una-
voidably have foundered, or been beat to pieces, by the vio-
lence of the wind and waves. Our Captain, with several of
his men, who had used the sea for many years, said they
never had been in so violent a storm before. This held us
three days and nights successively with little abatement.
Thus were we beaten off the coast, and did not make the
Capes 'till the 9th of December (which was exactly thirteen
weeks from the day we set sail from Gravesend) two days
before which we espied a sail, and it being calm we had an
opportunity to speak with her, the Captain's name, Thomas
Ramsey,1 of whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter.
She was bound for this place and beat off the coast as long
as we, and their provisions almost spent; but, however, our

1 Captain Thomas Kamsey commanded the snow " Speedy," and was
unable to enter at the custom-house, Philadelphia, before March 6,
1733, owing to the ice in the river.

100 The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732.

Captain desiring to know from whence she came, which was
from St. Kitts, and her load consisting of Rum and Sugar,
and we having no liquor but water, our Captain desired
Ramsey to spare him some Rum, which he readily agreed
to, and went on board with four sailors in order to get it,
and brought away as much as he thought necessary. By
this means our captain became acquainted with Ramsey.
But now to return. On the ninth of December about eleven
O'Clock in the forenoon, we made the Capes, and got in good
anchoring ground. The next business was to get a Pilot.
For which purpose our Captain sent his boat with Samuel
Neave,1 Anthony Duche, and Robert Best, passengers, and
three sailors. The wind blew fresh when they went off,
and in the evening blew hard, so we could not expect them
that night ; but the next morning being pretty still we fully
expected them, with a pilot ; not knowing that the Creek they
were to go over was frozen so hard occasioned their stay.
So we lay four days in expectation of a pilot, but none came
off to us, nor was there but one in the place, and he was
engaged to another ship. The next morning after we made
the Capes, Capt. Ramsey with a passenger of his came to
pay our captain a visit. It was a still morning as I hinted
before, but towards evening it blew very hard so that they
could not get on board their own ship though there was
great need of Captain Ramsey, for his ship drove from her
anchors, and he was afraid she would drive to sea again.
This made his visit very uneasy to him, as well it might :
for had his ship gone to sea with so few hands, and hardly
any provisions, in all probability she would have been lost,
and very likely all that was left on board his have perished
for want : but through mercy it was not so, though Capt.
Ramsey staid with us till the 3d day, not being able to get
on board before. In the interval of which time Ramsey

1 Samuel Neave, for more than a quarter of a century, was a prominent
merchant of Philadelphia, being a member of the firm of Neave & Har-
man, and Neave, Harman & Lewis. In 1760 he joined the Schuylkill
Fishing Club, and his autograph will be found among the signers of the
Non-Importation Act. He died unmarried in 1774, and bequeathed
£500, Pennsylvania currency, to the Pennsylvania Hospital.

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 101

had agreed with our Captain that his Boatswain should
pilot our ship up, and himself would follow. Our Captain
not knowing when a pilot would come off to him, and being
both loth to lose time, takes the Boatswain for his pilot,
with the recommendation from Ramsey, that he knew the
bay these twenty years and had piloted up two ships before.
All this was plausible, and all thought recommendation good
enough. So the third day morning Ramsey went on board
his own ship, for he could not possibly get on board before.
When he went off he promised he would weigh anchor and
follow us directly, so our Captain agreed to stay for him, and
did so, from seven O'Clock in the morning till about ten,
but could see no manner of forwardness in Ramsey, from
which he concluded that he could not purchase his anchors,
nor no likelihood of his overtaking us, and a fine wind
springing up at S.W. our Captain began to be impatient,
and the pilot very urgent to sail. Orders were given to
weigh anchor and make sail directly, our sails were set, our
top-sails unreefed, and away we went at the rate of ten
miles or knots an hour. The tide being strong drew us
very fast. This without doubt was pleasing to us, expecting
to be at our port presently not knowing the river was froze
over, which occasioned the ships to come back that had made
a farther progress than we : but before we had sailed one
league our captain spied as he thought his boat coming
with his passengers and pilot in her, which indeed it was ;
but they had not the success to come to us, nor we the hap-
piness to meet them, for the wind blew fresh, and we being
some distance from them the pilot did not care to come for
fear he should be drove upon the ice. It is true our captain
lay-to for them, but, they going back, hastened us to go for-
ward, and so left them to take care of themselves, the cap-
tain intending to call for his boat as he came back. We
(the passengers) were concerned to think our companions
and shipmates should be left behind : but our pilot on board
our ship being eager to pursue his prize, who was to have
full pilotage, and if he brought us up safe he was promised
he should carry her down, for his encouragement; so orders

102 The Wreck of ike Ship "John" in Delaware Say, 1732.

were given to make sail ; but we had not sailed above 7 or 8
leagues l before we found to our very great surprise our ship
fast aground, upon that sand, the great York a fine ship of
five hundred tons was lost, and proving a burying place to
many poor creatures on board her as it was to four poor
creatures on board us.2 The thought in relating it really
affects my mind with sorrow, but to see the poor creatures
perish was enough to pierce one's heart. The name of the
sand I cant certainly tell, there being various opinions about
it ; but most seem to agree that it was the Brown which
took its name from one Capt. Brown, of another good ship
that was lost there, and ours is now lost makes the third :
but not being material what name it is called by aground
were we, and everybody was very eager to save their lives
which we had no hopes of but our long boat. So we begged
and prayed of our captain to hoist it out, but he pleaded
with us not to be in a hurry, telling the ill consequences that
attended it, and that many times more people have been
saved by keeping to a ship than by trusting too much to a
long boat. This way of arguing though reasonable could
hardly prevail upon us, who looked upon ourselves as dying
people. So he gave orders the boat should be got ready,
and everybody being willing to save some clothes, as well
as their lives, the captain himself setting an example, he
permitted every person to put in a bundle, which was no
sooner done but the women, and those that could not so
readily help themselves, were ordered to get in first for fear
they should be left behind. This was done I believe with a
good intent on the captain's part, for everybody was ready
to get in as fast as possible : but before the boat was hoisted
along side it was almost half full of bundles, and seven
people went in, but the boat being an old crazy thing, and

1 The writer is incorrect as to the distance of the Brown Shoal from
Lewes.

2 The Gazette of December 12-19, 1732, contains the following notice
of the wreck : " The Ship John is ashore upon a Shole about ten miles
above Lewes, supposed to be irrecoverably lost, but the People are sav'd ;
we have however, no perfect Account of her. There are forty Servants
on board."

The Wreck of ike Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 103

the sailors being in confusion did not stand by their tackling
as they ought to do, by which means she went down head-
foremost, and stood right on end. The water flowed in im-
mediately and the boat stove along side. Seven people went
in, but four came up alive, and one of the four died pres-
ently after. This to be sure was a terrible sight indeed, to
see four poor creatures perish before our eyes, and all hopes
of being saved taken away from us. We had nothing now
left us but a cracked ship, which we expected would be
beat to pieces with striking so hard upon the sand. It was
grievous to behold us in this deplorable condition, but to
stand still would not do; so our captain advised us to
lighten the ship, in hopes of getting her off. Accordingly
we went about it and got out I believe near twenty tons
of ballast. The next morning early we cut away our
main mast, but all to no purpose, for we could not get
her off. This being done our captain looked to see if
he could see any sail coming our way, which he spied,
and there was no less than six seemed to come pretty near
us, which put new life in us all, expecting no less but they
would send out their boats and save us, which might easily
have been done at that time. They drawing near we made
all the signals of distress imaginable, by firing off guns, and
making false fires, yet so inhuman were they (although
they have confessed they saw us), they would take no notice
of us, which we thought barbarous to the highest degree.
They laid the fault upon the pilot that went on the first
ship. We contrived at last to make a little boat, though
we had no tools fit for it, for the carpenter's tools were lost
in the long-boat ; however they nailed a few boards together,
and three people were appointed to go in it — two sailors and
a clergyman, who went purely to serve the company and to
get relief with a letter from our captain of my writing.
These poor creatures were twenty-two hours upon the open
sea, in this small thing, and the weather being excessive
cold froze the sailor's legs to the boat, and the clergyman,
who was not used to such hardships, was froze to death
soon after he got to shore, the top of his thumb dropping

104 The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay,

off, as they told us, a little before he died. "We were very
much concerned to hear of his death. He was a good com-
panion and seemed to be a religious man. I with many
more, although our number was now reduced, was five days
and nights on a wreck in the coldest time in the hard winter,
which has been so severe that the inhabitants here say they
scarcely ever saw the like, and to be in a cold wrecked ship
in the open sea surely it was the greatest of mercies we
perished not with cold. We had but little rest all the time
we lay down it is true to keep ourselves together, for the
ship struck so hard at times that it would drive us from one
side to the other.

" Now it is proper to acquaint thee how we came to be
delivered, which was by the all-sufficiency of an all wise
Being, whose ways are past finding out. On the sixth day
of our calamities, when we had given over all thoughts of
being saved, for the weather has been so cold, and froze so
very hard that we could not expect any ship to come to us
for the ice. It happened that day, that a sloop came into
the bay, which the inhabitants of Lewestown forced to come
and save us : but when they heard our ship belonged to
Hudson they did not care to move much about it, for he
has a very bad name here, so we sped the worse for his
sake : but this sloop was sent to save our lives. As for the
goods I cannot give thee an account of what is saved, but
certain it is that a great deal is damaged, and some lost, our
ship having six foot water in her hold when they went for
the goods. The goods that are saved are put on board
Ramsey, who intends to come up as soon as the river is
open and fit for ships to pass. It has been froze over three
months already, & still remains impassable, for ships to
come in or go out, which puts a stop to business entirely in
this place.

"At Lewestown we landed, — a dismal spectacle to be-
holders, who seemed to sympathise with us in our affliction ;
but the inhabitants, those that kept public houses, made us
pay severely for what we had. It's a poor little town, but
plenty of provisions in this place. I staid twelve days, and

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 105

by chance or rather by Providence, found a friend or two.
(One) would lend me, or Samuel E"eave what money we had
occasion for, his name Nath1 Palmer, starch maker, in Phil-
adelphia at whose house we now board and lodge. Thus
have I gone through this unfortunate voyage and scene of
affliction, for we was very hardly dealt by at sea, our cap-
tain being a selfish, arbitrary man, but for brevity sake I
omit relating his unkind dealing with us, and the poor
Palatines especially, who often complained they were almost
starved.

" It may not be amiss to give thee some account of our
travel by land. Lewestown is 150 or as some say 160 miles
from this place. So !N". Palmer bought S. Neave & I each a
horse to ride to this town, which we accomplished in three
days, and about three hours, which was very hard traveling
indeed, being short days, and the roads deep with snow, and
through woods that for a great many miles we could see no
house.

" I have been told by divers persons here that if my goods
had come in time, and in good order, they would have
come to a very good market, Blankets, wigs and bed-ticks,
with duffields, being almost never failing commodities here,
and most woolen goods in the fall of the year. So if thou
please to send me a parcel of the cheaper sort against next
Fall, if thou approves of me staying here so long, it may
be a means to set me up again. Thou mayest assure thyself
I will use my utmost endeavours to make as good returns
and as quick as possible. Though I confess this place is
much at a loss for returns, and, their way of trading being
by way of truck, there is very little money stirring."

106 What Right had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc.

WHAT EIGHT HAD A FUGITIVE SLAVE OP SELF-
DEFENCE AGAINST HIS MASTER?

The trial of John Bead for the murder of Peter Shipley,
at the sessions of the Court of Oyer and Terminer held at
"West Chester, Penna., in November of 1821, from the par-
ticular circumstances attending it, excited an unusual de-
gree of interest, even beyond the limits of the State. The
accused had been tried in May for the murder of Samuel
G. Griffith, and acquitted. The case was tried before Judge
Darlington, president, and Judges Ralston and Davis, asso-
ciates. Counsel for the Commonwealth, Dick (in the place
of Dillingham, prosecuting attorney, who, having been
Read's counsel in the former trial, was excluded from
taking part against him in this), assisted by Barnard and
Duer ; for the prisoner, Tilghman and Bell.

Read, the prisoner, a negro, two or three years before
came into Pennsylvania from Maryland and represented
that, although he was free, an attempt had been made to
hold him in slavery, frequently declared himself afraid of
kidnappers, and often went armed. He married in Penn-
sylvania and had one child ; hired a house in Kennet Town-
ship, and worked about in the neighborhood. On the night
of the 14th of December, 1820, his wife was from home ;
he lay down, but felt uneasy and could not sleep, and then
got up and made a fire. About midnight he thought he
heard persons walking around the house, — one at length
rapped smartly at the do6r. He asked what was wanted;
the person answered they had a search-warrant for stolen
goods. Read told them to go away; he believed them to
be kidnappers, and if they were not, he had no stolen goods,
and if they would wait until morning they might search the
house. Soon after they began to force the door. He rolled
a barrel of cider against it, and told them if they attempted

What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc. 107

to come in he would kill them. They pried the door off
the hinges, and it fell over the cider-barrel; at the instant
he heard the click of a pistol, and called out, " It is life for
life !" One of the persons said, " Eush on, Shipley ; d — n
the nigger, he won't shoot." A person attempted to enter,
he shot him ; another attempted to come in, he struck him
with a club, the man fell on his knees, and as he arose Read
struck him once or twice. Seizing his gun he ran to a
neighbor's and told him that the kidnappers had attacked
his house ; that he had killed two, and asked for more pow-
der, as he was afraid they would pursue him. He made no
attempt to escape, and was arrested.

"When the neighbors came upon the ground in the morn-
ing, they found Mr. Griffith lying on the bed in Read's
house, dead. Mr. Shipley, the overseer, carried Griffith
there, and then went to Mrs. Harvey's, about one hundred
yards distant, and prevailed upon her to let him in. There
he languished eight days and died. Read's club was found
in the house, close by the cider-barrel; two pistols, loaded,
one of them cocked, a whip, and a pair of gloves were found
at the door ; and a pair of handcuffs and a rope were found
in the pockets of Mr. Shipley. A third pistol was found
on Mr. Griffith. There were but two wounds upon Mr.
Shipley.

It appeared sufficiently clear that Read was the child of
Muria, formerly an African queen, recently a slave, and no
proof of his manumission was shown. He was claimed by
Mr. Griffith, from whose service he had absconded. Having
ascertained where he was, Mr. Griffith, his overseer, Mr.
Shipley, and two assistants, Minner and Pearson, came to
the house occupied by Read, about midnight, and made the
attempt which resulted in the death of both Griffith and
Shipley, as related. The principal points disputed were, 1,
Whether Mr. Griffith intended to take Read out of the
State without taking him before a judge, in violation of the
Act of Assembly; 2, Whether Read knew his master; 3,
What right could Read, as a slave, acquire of self-defence in
Pennsylvania ? 4, Whether he returned, as stated that he

108 What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc.

confessed to one witness, from the fence and beat Mr. Ship-
ley. The case was fully and ably argued. Mr. Dick, for
the Commonwealth, took up about one hour and a half in
an argumentative address. He was followed by Mr. Bell,
on behalf of the prisoner, and he by Mr. Tilghman, who
spoke from three o'clock until after seven. Mr. Duer, in
conclusion, on the part of the Commonwealth, contended
that the master had a right under the Act of Congress, at
any time and place, and at any hour, by himself or his agent,
to seize his slave ; that the slave had no right to resist his
master ; that his house was no protection ; that, therefore,
the master and the deceased Shipley, his overseer, were in
the exercise of a legal right, and Read, in resisting, was
perpetrating a wrong ; that he must have known his master,
and that the killing, in resisting the legal attempt to arrest
him, was murder in the first degree.

Judge Darlington then summed up the evidence, and laid
down the law in a charge of an hour and a half. He ad-
verted to the delicacy of his situation, having been, on the
other trial, attorney for the Commonwealth; but remarked
that his regret was considerably diminished by the consid-
eration that the jury were the judges of the law as well as
the fact in the case before them. He gave a full and lucid
exposition of the whole law on the subject. In respect to
the construction of the Act of Assembly of 1820, on which
much reliance was placed, he differed from the opinion of
Judge Eoss, delivered at Norristown. The counsel for the
prisoner had contended that by this act the attempt to take
any person claimed as a slave out of the State, without
taking him before a judge to prove his right, was declared a
felony ; that from the time and circumstances of the attack,
no doubt could exist but that it was the intention of the
party to take Read out of the State, in violation of that act;
they were, therefore, in the commission of a felony, and
Read was justified in resisting unto the death. The counsel
for the Commonwealth maintained that this act was in-
tended to prevent kidnapping, or man-stealing ; that it did
not apply to a master who intended to arrest and reclaim

An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc. 109

his runaway slave, whom, by the Act of Congress, he was
authorized to arrest, or seize, when and where he could.
But Judge Ross had decided that the act had reference to
masters' seizing their slaves and taking them out of the
State without going before a judge. He was of opinion
that such was not the construction, inasmuch as the law so
construed inflicted the same penalty (seven years' imprison-
ment in the penitentiary) upon the acknowledged master,
reclaiming his slave and taking him away, as upon the kid-
napper who should attempt to carry off' a freeman ; and this
opinion was confirmed by the construction of the Supreme
Court of the old Act of Assembly in relation to the same
subject. He then examined the evidence and weighed it
with great perspicuity and impartiality, expressing his opin-
ion that there was not conclusive proof that Read knew his
master or overseer, and intimating very clearly that the
witness who testified that the prisoner confessed he returned
and beat the deceased until he thought him quite dead, was
mistaken.

The jury convicted Read of manslaughter, and he was
sentenced to an imprisonment of nine years in the peniten-
tiary.

AN ACCOUNT OF A NAVAL ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN
AN AMERICAN PRIYATEER AND A BRITISH MAN-
OF-WAR, 1778.

[The London Chronicle, October 6-8, 1778, contains the following ac-
count of an engagement between an American privateer (brigantine),
mounting fourteen guns — 4- and 6-pounders — and six coehorns, and the
British ship " Minerva," commanded by Edward Morrison, of sixteen
guns — 6-pounders — and ten coehorns, off the Jersey coast, in lat. 38.40°
N., and long. 73° W., in May of 1778.— ED. PENNA. MAG.]

" On the evening of May the 25th, we discovered a sail
astern, but there being little wind he did not come fast up
with us. In the morning of the 26th, saw the vessel still
astern, carrying all sail to come up with us. At half past

110 An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc.

seven we had a squall, which obliged us to hand our top-
gallant sails, and run hefore it; then we discovered the
vessel to be a brigantine of force ; we handed our main-
sail, and took in most of our small sails. At eight o'clock
he came up with us, it blowing then easy, he kept his head
toward us, so that we could not see his whole force, and we
suspected his attempting to board; on which we fired a
cohorn, and hoisted our colours. He still keeping his sta-
tion, we fired on board of him, and opened our stern ports ;
on seeing this he run up abreast, and gave us a broadside,
hoisting the 13 stripes. We returned his broadside, and
the action continued for one hour and 57 minutes, having
obliged him to sheer off at ten o'clock. We were in no
condition to follow him, 16 of our crew being killed and
wounded; our scuppers on both sides running with blood
(I may say) of as brave men as ever faced an enemy ; our
sails and rigging being mostly cut and destroyed, and all
our masts very severely wounded. Our greatest distance
from the privateer during the engagement, did not ex-
ceed the length of our ship ; and we were often yard-arm
and yard-arm, scarce clearing one another's rigging. Our
topmast stay-sail, which continued set during the action,
had 180 shot through it ; 9 great shot, beside small ones
through our ensign; 1 through our pendant; 13 shot in
our mizen-mast; our main-mast shot through, and our
fore-mast greatly damaged. I believe that the rebel was as
much damaged in rigging as ourselves, and his loss of men
must have been very considerable, he being quite crowded
with them; he carried 6 swivels in his tops, and great
quantities of their shot consisted of old iron cut square, old
pots, old bolts, &c.

"About the middle of the engagement an alarm was
raised that our ship was beginning to sink ; on this a num-
ber of the men deserted their quarters, and among them the
person who was at the helm ; the captain rallied them in-
stantly, took the helm himself, and while standing there a
ball went through his hat. Such resolution was then shewn
that had the ship been in a sinking condition, I am con-

An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc. Ill

vinced she would have gone to the bottom with the colours
standing, every one on board being determined to sell his
life as dear as he could. The rebel hailed us to strike but
we could spare no time to answer him.

" We steered away in a very distressful situation for the
Delaware, as the nearest friendly port ; and on the evening
of the 27th was off Egg-island, where we came to an anchor,
intending to stop till the tide made ; but in half an hour
two row-gallies came off and viewed us. On hoisting our
colours, one of them gave us three shot which we returned,
and they left us. Then we hove up and stood across to-
wards Cape Henlopen, and were close in with it in the
morning, in hopes of meeting some of his Majesty's ships,
that would assist us with a Surgeon, and see us into a safe
port ; but we could not fall in with any ; and it began to
blow so fresh against us, that we could not carry sail, by
our masts being wounded, therefore we bore away for New
York ; and in a few hours the Thames frigate (then com-
manded by Capt. Halloway) came up with us, from whom
we got every assistance ; and on the 30th of May we arrived
at New York.

"Seven killed; nine wounded. Both the mates are of
the wounded.

" P.S. — The report, during the engagement of the Minerva
being sinking, arose from some of the enemy's shot having
gone through and through, which staved 14 puncheons of
rum between decks."

112

Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES.

MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF JOHN EOADES AND HANNAH WILLCOX,
1692.— Whereas John Eoades of the County Philadelphia and Han-
nah Willcox Daughter of Sarah Willcox of Schoolkill in the County
aforesaid having declared theire Intentione of Takeing Each Other as
Husband and Wife before severall Men and Womens Meetings of the
People called Quakers whose Proceedings Therein after deliberate Con-
sideraton Thereof and Consent of parties and Kelations concerned being
approved by the said Meetings.

AND alsoe the said John Roades and Hannah Willcox having Pub-
lished theire said Intentions in Writing according to the Lawes of this
province Whereby the said Law is fulfilled. . . .

Now these are to CERTIFIE all Persons whome it may concern that
for the full Determination of theire said Intentions this tenth day of the
Ninth Month in the Yeare One Thousand Six Hundred and Ninty and
two, they the said John Roades and Hannah Willcox in an Assembly
of the aforesaid people Mett together for that end and purpose at the
Dwelling House of Sarah Willcox aforesaid, according to the Example
of the primitive Christians Recorded in the Scriptures of Truth did
take each Other as Husband and Wife in Manner following (viz) he the
said John Roades takeing the said Hannah Willcox by the Hand said
friends in the feare of the Lord and Before you his people I take this
my friend Hannah Willcox to be my wife promising as the Lord shall
Inable mee to be unto her a faithfull and Loving Husband till Death
shall part us. ... AND the said Hannah Willcox in Like Manner
takeing the said John Roades by the Hand said friends I Likewise do in
the fear of the Lord and in the presence of You his people take John
Roades to be my Husband promising to be unto him a faithfull and
Loving Wife till Death separate us. ... AND the said John Roades and
Hannah Willcox as a farther Confirmation thereof did then and there
to these presents Set theire Hand AND wee whose Names are hereunto
Subscribed are Witnesses of the same the Day and Yeare abovesaid.

Thomas Duckett
Anthony Morris
Paul Saunders
Griffith Owen
James ffox
Joshua flfearne
Wm Hudson
William Powell
Sam11 Carr
Griffith Jones
John Brietwen
Philip England
Joseph Jones
Jonathan Duckett
James Coates
Joseph Richardson
John Warner

James Kite
Thomas Canby
Job Bunting
Stephen Wilson
Michael Blunston
Wm Hudson
Wm Troter
Rachell Jones
Ruth Duckett
Sarah Owen
Elizabeth fox
Elizabeth luf
Mary Hudson
Mary Cotes
Ann Hudson
Rebeckah Thaach
Barbara Peper

Sarah Wilson
Ann Richardson
Elizabeth Richardson
Ann Roades
John Roades
Hannah Willcox
Sarah Willcox
Joseph Willcox
Adam Roades
Esther Willcox
Ann Willcox
Katherine Roades
Sarah Blunston
Elener Wood
Rebecka ffearn
Sarah Bowne

Notes and Queries.

113

A LIST OF GERMAN EMIGRANTS, 1773.— Eupp's "Collection of
Thirty Thousand Names of Immigrants to Pennsylvania" gives the
arrival at the port of Philadelphia, 18th September, 1773, of the ship
"Britannia," James Peter, master, from Kotterdam via Cowes, with two
hundred and fifty passengers. Of this number one hundred and eighteen
names are given. Bradford's Journal of 29th September contains the
following advertisement :

"GERMAN PASSENGERS.
" Just arrived in the Ship Britannia, James Peter, Master.

A number of healthy GERMAN PASSENGERS, chiefly young people,
whose freights are to be paid to Joshua Fisher and Sons or to the
Master on board the Ship lying off the Draw-bridge."

Among the recent accessions to the Historical Society of Pennsylva-
nia is an original manuscript endorsed: "Germans Landed from on
board the Britannia 11 mo : 2d 1773," evidently prepared by an employe" of
Messrs. Joshua Fisher & Sons, which gives the names of fifty-three pas-
sengers, with the amount of their passage-money and expenses due. This
list is particularly valuable as it gives the names of several males,
females, and children not given by Mr. Rupp, and should be compared
with his by all interested. We make a verbatim copy of the names :
Andreas Keym .... £26. 7.—

Lena Bekker, his wife
Expenses, 16 days

Hendrick Soneau
Dorothea, his wife
Expenses .

22. 2.—
1.12.— £50. 1.—

20.15.—
20.11.—
1.12.— 42.18.—

Johann Fredrick Camerloo . . 23.15. —

Anna, his wife 22. 1. —

Expenses 1.12.—

47. 8.—

Simon Martz,

Ann, wife,

Anna Margaretta, daughter.

Expenses ....

Augustinus Hess
Maria, wife

Anna Margtu daughter
Expenses .

Jacob Schott, j
Anna, wife J
Expenses .

Christophel Schwer, )
Anna, wife

John George Kunkell,
Anna, wife,
Catherina, daughter
Expenses .

2. 8.—

19. 1.—
18.19.—
19. 4.—
2. 8.— 59.12.-

17. 1.—
1.12.— 18.13.-

. IK i • •

50. 7.—
1.12.— 51.19.-

VOL. XIII. — 8

114 Notes and Queries.

Jacob Steyheler £19.19.—

Catharina, wife 17.18.—

Expenses 1.12.— £39. 9.—

Bernard Schmit, 1

Margaretta, wife, I 61 5 —

Turgen, son,

Catharina, daughter J

Expenses 3. 4.— 64. 9.—

Andreas Otto, ) 41 7

Sophia, wife |

Expenses 1.12.— 42.19.—

John Dan1 Both, \
Anna, wife f

Expenses

Jacob Wanner, ) 9ft t r

Maria, wife J • • • • ^.15.-
Expenses ...... 1.12.— 22. 7.—

Dan1 Specs, ) QQ IT

Anna, wife | 38'17'-

Expenses . . .... 1.12.— 40. 9.—

Dan1 Specs, Junr, ) QA 1 T

A • f f • • * • OO» A I •" "" '

Anna, wife j

Expenses 1.12.— 38. 9.—

Christian Habert,

Anna

Expenses

Andreas Kirch,
Anna Maria, wife,
Maria Eliz% daughte
Expenses .

Jacob Zwytser, 42 7 —

Johanna Barbara, wife j

Expenses 1.12.— 43.19.—

Conrad Foltz,
Susanna, wife,
Maria, daughter
Expenses .

William Schwatz, j
Anna Maria, wife j
Expenses 1.12.— 37. 8.—

Christian Nell 20.—.—

Expenses 16.— 20.16.—

Notes and Queries. 115

Johann Jeremiah Snell . . . £24.19. —
Expenses 16.— £25.15.—

Gerrett Benenge* . . . . 23.11.—
Expenses 16. — 24. 7.—

Ant* Guerin 21. 3. 6

Expenses 16.— 21.19. 6

Pierie Mullott 21.—.—

Expenses 16.— 21.16.—

Gerturia Vogelesang .... 17.18. —

16.— 18.14—

The following memorandum is appended to the list: " Sund^ at H.
Haines ; 1 Frying Pan ; 1 large Iron Pot ; Scales & Weights ; some
Flour, ab* a week ; some salt Beef; some Barley & Rice ; a chest belong-
ing to G. Vogelesang. 1 bar1 Bread will last near 2 weeks."

WASHINGTON IN 1789. A CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNT OF HIS RE-
CEPTION IN NEW YORK.— From a communication of Dr. Walter
Franklin Atlee to The Times, 20th February, 1889, we take the follow-
ing extracts relating to the reception of President Washington in New
York in April of 1789 :

" In 1850 I was a resident, as substitute, in the Pennsylvania Hos-
pital. When writing my name in the book kept for that purpose, and
writing it as I usually have done, — Walter F., — the old steward, Friend
Allen Clapp, then eighty-two years of age, said, ' Thou must write thy
name in full.' When Franklin was written, he exclaimed, ' Walter
Franklin ! When I was a lad I saw General Washington and Lady
Washington come up the river in a boat, and walk on a carpet to Walter
Franklin's house, where they were to stay, in New York.' My mother
was the daughter of Walter Franklin, and she told me, when I spoke of
this to her, that her father's father was Thomas Franklin, who came
from New York, and married, in Philadelphia, the daughter of Samuel
Rhoads, and the Walter Franklin in whose house General Washington
resided in New York was an older brother of Thomas. A few years
ago a letter written to Kitty Franklin Wistar, the daughter of Mary
Franklin, who was married to Casper Wistar, of Brandy wine, giving an
account of the preparation of the Franklin house for Washington's re-
ception, at the time of his arrival in New York, was shown to me, and
I give here a copy of this part of the letter. It is dated New York, 30th
of the Fourth month, 1789.

" ' Great rejoicing in New York on the arrival of General Washing-
ton ; an elegant Barge decorated with an awning of Sattin, 12 oarsmen
drest in white frocks and blue ribbons, went down to E. Town [Eliza-
bethtown] last Fourth day to bring him up. A stage was erected at the
Coffee House wharf covered with a carpet for him to step on, where a
company of light horse, one of Artillery, and most of the. inhabitants
were waiting to receive him. They paraded through Queen Street in
great form, while the music, the drums, and ringing of bells were enough
to stun one with the noise. Previous to his coming, Uncle Walter's
house in Cherry Street was taken for him, and every room furnished in
the most elegant manner. Aunt Osgood and Lady Kitty Duer had the
whole management of it. I went the morning before the General's ar-

116 Notes and Queries.

rival to look at it — the best of furniture in every room — and the greatest
quantity of plate and china that I ever saw before, the whole of the first
and second story is papered and the floors covered with the richest kind
of Turkey and Wilton Carpets — the house really did honour to my Aunt
and Lady Kitty, they spared no pains nor expense in it. Thou must
know that Uncle Osgood and Duer were appointed to procure a house
and furnish it, accordingly they pitched on their wives as being likely
to do it better. I have not done yet my dear, is thee almost tired ? The
evening after his Excellency's arrival a general illumination took place,
except among friend? and those styled Anti-Federalists, the latter's win-
dows suffered some thou may imagine — as soon as the General has sworn
in, a grand exhibition of fireworks is to be displayed, which is to be ex-
pected will be to-morrow, — there is scarcely anything talked of now
but General Washington and the Palace,— and of little else have I told
thee yet, tho' have spun my miserable scrawl already to a great length,
but thou requested to know all that was going forward.'

" The ' Uncle Osgood' of this letter is the person who married Walter
Franklin's widow. This, probably, caused the statement in Todd's story
of New York that Washington went to the Osgood mansion."

LETTER OF ZACHARIAH POULSON, JR., to DR. THOMAS PARKE. — The
autograph collection of Mr. Charles Roberts contains the following in-
teresting letter of Zachariah Poulson, Jr., librarian of the Library
Company of Philadelphia, to Dr. Thomas Parke, one of its directors.
The latter resided on the west side of Fourth, between Market and
Chestnut streets. [Benjamin] Poultney, [William] Eawle, and Richard
Wells, who are named in the letter, were also directors of the library.

GERMANTOWN, September 27, 1793.
MY DEAR SIR,

The Anxiety I feel for your Safety has led me to make many Inquiries
were seldom answered in a satisfactory manner I am induced to trouble
you for the desired Information. I sincerely regret, with you, the loss
of those of your Connections, and the many other valuable Citizens, who
have fallen victims to the Disorder which is unhappily depopulating our
City. Though I have, in some measure, withdrawn myself and family
from its baneful Influences, yet, I sincerely lament its Effects and sorrow-
fully sympathize with those who are left within its reach and hourly be-
hold its ravages. Your Situation is an hazardous one — Every precaution
should be taken for your own preservation. For the sake of your dear
Family — for the sake of your Friends — be careful of yourself. Let not
your benevolence lead you beyond the bounds which Prudence dictates.
Several of your Profession have already fallen — their friends and the
Community at large have cause now to regret that they ventured too much
and are no more in a Situation to be useful. If your numerous avoca-
tions will permit you to favor me with a few lines they will be highly
acceptable. I stay with my wife's Uncle Jacob Knorr — a little abov'e
the seven mile stone. — If they are left with the widow of Reuben
Haines, in Market-Street, they will be safely forwarded to me. Previ-
ous to my departure from the City I carefully secured the windows and
doors of the Library, and directed one of my boys, who declined to leave
the city while his parents remained there, to go around it daily — this ser-
vice, he tells me, he faithfully performs. I was exceedingly anxious of ob-
taining your approbation of the measure, but I had not the pleasure of
finding you at home. I have the hope, however, that the necessity of
the Case will justify me to you and the other Directors. I am desirous of
returning as soon as it can be done with safety, and, I shall esteem it a

Notes and Queries. 117

particular favor if you will be pleased to give me an intimation of the
happy time as soon as it arrives. I had the pleasure of seeing Mr.
Eawle and family in health yesterday — if you have any Commands to
him they may be conveyed to me by the above mentioned Channel and
I will deliver them myself. The last time I notified the Directors to
attend none came but Mr. Poultney — now, alas, he is no more ! He
staid with me two hours— our Conversation was, for the most part,
serious — and made a deep impression upon me. It is said, That Those
who mourn shall be comforted — We have now many Causes for mourn-
ing ; but when shall we be comforted f When will it please the Almighty
to remove the great Calamity which destroys our Relatives and Friends ?
It seems to be the duty of every Individual to unite in addressing the
Great Disposer of Human Events to take from us this calamitous Scorge.

A few Persons who came from the City have died of the Disorder at
and near Germantown. Doctor Warner of this place has had it above
twelve days — it is said he is getting better — It is also reported that Mr.
Pragers has it here. The people of this place dread it much — if a per-
son from the City has only a common fever he is immediately forsaken.
Two men in the neighborhood, who had the misfortune to lose their
wives with the Fever, were necessitated to bury them with the assistance
of only one person. I do not know of a house in this place in which a
person from the City could get lodgings unless he could prove that he
had been some days from the City. There are many Philadelphians
here and in the neighbourhood. I had the pleasure of seeing Dr Wistar
ride through Germantown — he looks better than I expected, but seems
very feeble — He told me that he had handed Mr. Bache his Case for
publication.

Next Thursday is the stated time for the Directors to meet ; but, as
the cause which prevented them from assembling on the fifth of this
month still exists, it will be hardly necessary to notify them. Hardie
left town before the Library was closed — Pray are any of the Officers and
Directors in town beside yourself? Is my good friend S. Coates still
with you? I hope our friend R. Wells is out of danger. I am very
desirous of knowing how it is with you — do, therefore, favor me with a
few Lines. The Bearer waits and I have only time to add, that
I am, with great Respect,

Your sincere and much obliged

Friend and Servant

Z. POULSON, JUN'.
DOCTOR THOMAS PARKE.

P.S. Mrs. Poulson is looking over my Shoulder and says I must not
close this without adding her Compliments to you.
Friday, Three o'Clock in the Afternoon.

God preserve you and yours.

FORT ADAMS, CHICKASAW BLUFFS.— The following letters in the
collection of Isaac Craig, Esq., Allegheny, Pennsylvania, determine
the name of the fort erected at Chickasaw Bluffs in 1797, and also by
whom it was named :

FORT ADAMS, CHICKASAW BLUFFS, October 23d, 1797.
SIR.

I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 9th ultimo, together
with dispatches from the Secretary of War, safe on 19th instant, as also
a packet of Gazettes, for which I return you my sincere thanks. Mr.
Toler will be detained a couple of days longer, as I wish to avail myself

118 Notes and Queries.

of his return, being a confidential man, to send my dispatches to the
General as well as to the War Office, and this will take me some time as
it contains a lengthy correspondence. I have engaged a man by the
name of Moore to assist Mr. Toler in ascending the river ; I have made
no agreement with him what sum he is to receive, for his services will
be regulated by yourself on Mr. Toler's declaration of his merit. I
have been at this place since the 20th of July last, and have erected a
Fort which I have called Adams. I shall garrison it, and leave it about
the 1st of next month, and repair to Natchez. Any more Gazettes that
you may have preserved will at all times be thankfully received. Please
to mention me to General and Colonel Neville, and all my friends in your
quarter, and believe me, Sir, your

friend and respectful

Humble Servant,

I. GUION, Captain
in the Army of the U.S.

[Isaac Guion, of New York, appointed captain Third Infantry, 1792 ;
brigade inspector, 1796 ; major, 1801. He was a surveyor and inspector
of revenue at Natchez, Mississippi, 1821, to his death, in February of
1825.]

CHICKASAW BLUFFS, Octbr 26th, 1797.
DEAR SIR.

... I have no news to give you whatever further than the Dons
whom we had near neighbors in their armed galleys for some time were
friendly. We have erected a strong Stockade Fort on the Bluff, with the
consent of our great friends, the Chickasaws, on which the Flag of the
United States was displayed on the 22d inst., and the Fort named
Adams, in Honour to the President. I have lived since parting with
you constantly in my Boat, which is now more than five months — a
very pleasant time you may suppose it has been in this warm climate. . . .

Believe me with regard,

Yours,

JN. HETH.

MAJOR ISAAC CRAIG,
Pittsburgh.

[Captain John Heth, of Virginia, was appointed ensign, 1790 ; lieu-
tenant Third Infantry, 1791 ; captain, 1802.]

THE GENESIS OF THE UNITED STATES: A narrative of the move-
ment in England (1605-1616) which resulted in the plantation of North
America by Englishmen, disclosing the contest between England and
Spain for the possession of the soil now occupied by the United States
of America ; the whole set forth through a series of historical manu-
scripts now first printed, together with a reissue of rare contemporane-
ous tracts, accompanied by bibliographical memoranda, notes, plans, and
portraits, and a comprehensive biographical index, collected, arranged,
and edited by Alexander Brown. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1889.

From the prospectus of this important contribution to American his-
tory we make the following extracts :

" Mr. Brown recognizes the fact that the crucial period of English
occupancy of North America was that included between the return of
Weymouth to England in July, 1605, and closing with the return of
Dale to England in June, 1616. This period witnessed the first founda-
tion of English colonies in Virginia ; it saw the moment of impending
ruin, and it closed with the irrevocable establishment of the English race

Notes and Queries. 119

on American soil. The method adopted in setting forth this history is
the only one which can satisfy the historical student who desires not so
much to know the opinion of an historian as to be furnished with the
means of forming his own opinion. Mr. Brown recognizes this, and
gives the reader all the contemporary evidence in the case, or bearing
on the case, now attainable. He presents the documents, broadsides, and
rare tracts in his narrative, in their historic order, as they came to hand
in London or in the court of Spain. These documents and reprints are
furnished with head-notes, which state explicitly their origin and
present location, as well as the events which called them forth ; with
foot-notes explanatory of difficulties, and with editorial narrative which
points out the relation which they bear to each other and to historical
development. The whole number of documents contained in the work
is three hundred and sixty-five. Of these seventy-one have been pub-
lished before. The remainder, two hundred and ninety-four, are now
for the first time given to the public. They include communications
between Virginia and London, and confidential communications be-
tween the Spanish Court and its agents in London ; agreements, con-
tracts, constitutions, and records. There are petitions to Parliament,
letters of Philip III. of Spain to Zufiiga, and from Zufiiga to Philip ;
from Newport to Salisbury ; from Ealeigh to Salisbury ; from Captain
John Smith to the treasurer of the company ; from Velasco to the king
of Spain ; from Digby to James I. ; from Gondomar to Philip ; from
Molino to Gondomar, and a great variety of other illuminating letters ;
passages from the records of the Grocers, Mercers, Merchant Taylors,
Fishmongers, and other companies concerned in the colonizing move-
ment, and a number of relations.

" In collecting and annotating these valuable documents, Mr. Brown
has taken occasion to bring together a large collection of valuable
prints from contemporary portraits of the prominent figures in the
history. All of these are rare, and some possibly unique. The docu-
ments included in this work necessarily contain the names of a great
number of persons, some of them persons of rank and distinction, many
more persons of whom but little is known. Many of those named are
the originators of families who are to-day largely represented in the
United States. Mr. Brown has spared no pains to obtain every scrap of
information which could throw light on the careers of these men, and
he has condensed this information into a thorough and comprehensive
biographical index, consisting of over one thousand entries. The entire
work will be contained in two octavo volumes, of about 450 pages each.
The publication will begin as soon as three hundred subscribers have
been obtained. The price to them will be $12 for the two volumes,
bound in cloth."

A HISTORY OF THE NEW HAMPSHIRE CONVENTION FOR THE INVES-
TIGATION, DISCUSSION, AND DECISION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION,

AND OF THE OLD NORTH MEETING-HOUSE OF CONCORD. By Joseph

B. Walker. Cupples & Burd, Boston, 1888. 12mo, pp. 128. $2.

Mr. Walker gives a faithful history of the old North Meeting-House,
biographical notices of the members of the New Hampshire Convention
that ratified the Constitution, and probably all that will ever be known
of the debate on that question. The only authentic record of a speech
made on the occasion that Mr. Walker has been able to discover is the
abstract of that of General John Sullivan, published in the papers of
the day. That attributed to Colonel Ebenezer Webster, Mr. Walker
says, " was written out from tradition by a hand other than his own,

120 Notes and Queries.

long after the convention." " The same," he adds, " may perhaps be
true of the one credited to the Hon. Joshua Atherton upon the subject
of slavery," which cannot be found to exist earlier than 1827, when it
was published in the New Hampshire Statesman. In connection with
the history of the ratification of the Constitution by New Hampshire it
may be well to add that there can be little reason to doubt the truth of
Madison's assertion that the impoverished condition of the State treasury
at first precluded the hope that New Hampshire would send delegates
to the Federal Convention. For some time she had allowed herself to
be unrepresented in the Continental Congress, and although Madison
wrote before the meeting of the Assembly, the only body that could
appoint delegates to the Convention, he doubtless echoed the sentiments
of the hour. When the Assembly met, and delegates were named, the
question of means was settled, not by the authorities, but by public-
spirited John Langdon. The evidence of this will be found in the
Independent Gazette of Philadelphia for July 23, 1787. It reads as
follows :

" PORTSMOUTH, July 7th

" We hear that his Excellency the late President Langdon will leave
this town on Monday to join the Federal Convention. The prayers of
the good will follow this distinguished patriot, who, when the public
treasury was incapable of furnishing supplies, generously offered to bear
the expense of himself and colleague on this important mission."

WILLIAM PENN IN AMERICA : OR AN ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE FROM
THE TIME HE RECEIVED THE GRANT OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN 1681,
UNTIL HIS FINAL RETURN TO ENGLAND. By William J. Buck.
Philadelphia, 1888. 12mo, 424 pp. Price, $2.50.

Notwithstanding the numerous biographies of the Founder of Penn-
sylvania which have been written, Mr. Buck, believing that there was
still room for another, compiled the work before us. In it he has given,
as far as possible, the daily occurrences and movements of Penn, dating
from his first application for the grant of Pennsylvania, to his final return
to England and the appointment of Deputy-Governor Evans, a period of
upwards of twenty years. In his preface the author states that Penn's
character is favorably sustained, that he had no desire to be partial, but
to do him that justice to which he is fairly entitled. Neither does he
seek to raise him up by reviling his enemies, but permits his actions to
speak for themselves. Most of the pecuniary troubles which befell the
Founder he attributes not so much to the opposition that he encoun-
tered as to his own mismanagement. In the compilation of his book,
Mr. Buck has been careful and judicious, drawing largely from the
Penn and Logan Correspondence, the Penn Manuscripts, Penn's Private
Correspondence, the Claypoole Letter-Book, the Harrison Letters, the
Logan Papers, and the Memoirs and Collections of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania ; from the Records and Minutes of five Monthly and
one Quarterly Meeting of the Society of Friends of Pennsylvania, and
from other original sources. The type is neat and clear, the paper good,
and an index renders it a useful book of reference. Edition limited to
three hundred copies. On sale at Friends' Book Association, southwest
corner of Fifteenth and Race Streets.

SAMUEL POWELL, OF PHILADELPHIA, NOT THE SON OF WILLIAM
POWELL FROM SOUTHWARK, ENGLAND.— Until lately, Samuel Powell,
the noted carpenter and builder of provincial Philadelphia, was con-
sidered to be either the son of the William Powell above mentioned, or

Notes and Queries. 121

else a man the name of whose father was forgotten in the lapse of the
last two hundred years. Of the two theories, I followed the former in
my answer to " A. S. M." in the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, Vol. VIII.
p. 120, 1884, because it then seemed the most probable. Since then,
however, through investigations made by Mr. Charles Penrose Keith
for the Real Estate Title Insurance and Trust Company, it is shown
that there is really no proof of the said William being the father of the
said Samuel,1 while from researches made for me among the Quaker
records of Somersetshire it appears that, considering said Samuel's age
(about 83) at his death, in 1756, he may have been the son of either
Gregory Powell or Samuel Powell, both of whom were neighbors in
North Curry Hundred, said shire, and had sons named Samuel, between
whom it is yet impossible to decide which came to Philadelphia, although
the probabilities are in favor of the son of Samuel.

Since the full particulars of the matter would make this communica-
tion too long for insertion in this magazine, I have lodged them in
manuscript at the Historical Society, where they can be consulted by
those interested (vide Miscellaneous MSS., Vol. II.).

P. S. P. CONNER.

THE FIRST PRINTED FAMILY RECORD.— Dr. William H. Egle, in
Notes and Queries, states :

We are in possession of what we consider the first family record pub-
lished in America. It is a broadside, printed at Ephrata in 1763, of two
octavo pages, on one sheet, 10J by 8£ inches. It is in German, and we
give the following translation :

In the year of Christ, 1728, the 28th of March, was our son Daniel
Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1730, on the 15th-16th of December, was our
daughter Magdalena Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1732, on the 14th of February, was our daugh-
ter Anna Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1734, on the 15th of March, was our daughter
Elizabeth Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1736, the 15th-16th of January, was our daugh-
ter Barbara Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1738, the first of January, was our son Christian
Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1741, the 5th of May, was our daughter Sophia
Bollinger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1743, in March, was our daughter Maria Bollin-
ger born on the Conestoga.

In the year of Christ, 1748, the 12th of September, was Hans Rudolph

1 Mr. Keith says, in his letter to me, " In examining, for the Heal Estate Title In-
surance and Trust Company, the records concerning William Powell, a first pur-
chaser, and his family, I find no evidence that the Samuel Powell, of Philadelphia,
carpenter, who married Abigail Willcox, was his son. Said William, of ' Southwark,
Co. Surry, cooper,' was a cooper in Philadelphia County in 1686, having a wife
named Christian, and died later than July 12, 1718. He had two sons : John, his
heir apparent, who died after April 8, 1710, and who married Ann, daughter of
David Harvard, and William, of Philadelphia, cooper, who married, 10th mo. 31,
1700, Elizabeth Kelly, and, 10th mo. 9, 1707, Sarah Armitt, and died about 1732,
leaving a son, Samuel, also of Philadelphia, cooper, who married, 9th mo. 1726,
Mary Raper, and, about 1730, Sarah, daughter of Thomas Roberts. This last
Samuel died about 1750, and his widow married, llth mo. 9, 1758, Jonathan
Mifflin."

122 Note* and Queries.

Bellinger born in the Cocalico, on the Conestoga. The Sun and Mer-
cury are his planets.

In the year of Christ, 1756, the llth of February, between 7 and 8
o'clock in the morning, was Abraham Bellinger born into the world.
The following planets were shining in the Heavens :

The Moon in Gemini.

The Sun in the Waterman.

Saturn in the Waterman.

Jupiter in the Scales.

Mars in the Crabs.

Venus in the Fishes.

Mercury in the Fishes.

LETTER OF DR. JOHN Co WELL TO HIS FATHER, 1776.— The writer of
the following letter, a surgeon's mate in the Hospital Department of the
Continental army, studied his profession under Dr. William Shippen.
After the war he removed to Trenton, New Jersey, where he engaged
in private practice, which was largely increased on the death of his
brother, Dr. David Cowell. He died there 30th January, 1789, in his
thirtieth year, from the lingering effects of fever contracted while in the
hospital service.

AMBOY AUG 9th 1776
DEAR AND HONOURED FATHER—

I have just sit down to write you a few lines to let you know that I
am well, hoping these few lines may find you in health. I arrived here
yesterday after a very tedious and wearisome journey. I have little
news to tell at present, there is a deserter that swam over from Staten
Island, that brings us intelligence that there are about 14,000 men there
fit for duty, and 2000 sick. A few nights before I came there were
over 150 men, going over to Staten Island to get intelligence by taking
some of their out-guards, but their orders were countermanded just as
they were ready to go, and there will be no occasion to go now for they
have got all the intelligence they desire bv the deserter, it is thought
that we shall attack Staten Island in a few days from all quarters. We
have about 40 men sick in this Hospital now and expect more every day.

Dr Shippen is gone to Philadelphia, but we expect him back next
week, the Hospital is in the house where Charles Pettit, Secretary, lived,
it is a very pleasant place near the water, we live very well or at least
as well as can be expected. I should be glad if Eunice would send me
a gown of any sort ; I dont care what it is, if it is but cool, for it is a
thing that I want very much, there are none of the mates without them
but me — I have nothing more to tell you at present, expect to have more
news next time I write so I remain your loving and affectionate son.

JOHN COWELL.

FORM OF INDENTURE OF APPRENTICE, 1745.— This Indenture Wit-
nesseth, that Henry Drinker junior, son of Henry Drinker of the City
of Philadelphia, Scrivener, Doth By Virtue of these Presents (with ye
Advice & Consent of his Father) put himself Apprentice to George
James of sd City Shopkeeper. With him (or Assignee Provided it be
his son Able James) to Live & as an Apprentice to serve from the date
hereof Untill the Expiration of Four Years and one month During
which Time the sd Apprentice his Master, for the Time being, Faithfully
shall serve his Secrets keep his Lawful Commands readily obey. He
shall not in any Wise damage his said Master, nor Waste his Goods, nor
Lend them unlawfully to any. He shall not Buy nor Sell, Nor absent

Notes and Queries. 123

himself at any Time from his Master's Service without his Leave. But
shall diligently & Circumspectly attend his Masters Business of Shop
keeping during the aforesaid Term of Four Years and one Month. And
the said Master shall Teach or Cause his sd apprentice to be Taught &
Instructed in the best Method he can of Shop keeping, or Retailing
Goods & Bookkeeping. And Learn or Cause him to Learn Arithmetick
as far as the Rule of 3 Direct & the Rule of Practice. And shall find
& provide for him sufficient Meat Drink, Apparel, Lodging & Washing
during the sd Term And at ye End thereof give him One good New suit
of Apparel besides ye rest of his Wearing Cloaths. In Witness whereof
the said Parties have to these Presents interchangeably set their Hands,
& Seals Dated ye first Day of the Eleventh Month Anno Domini one
thousand seven hundred & forty four/5.

GEO. JAMES [LS]
Sealed & Delivered
In the Presence of
HENRY DRINKER,
WILLIAM BENNETT.

HISTORIC FAMILIES OF KENTUCKY, FIRST SERIES. By Thomas
Marshall Green. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati. 8vo, pp. 304. $2.

Under this title the author has written of the families of McDowell,
Logan, and Allen, and those with whom they have intermarried. Many
of them had Scotch-Irish ancestors, who found their way to Kentucky
from Pennsylvania and the Valley of Virginia. So many of our citi-
zens can trace their origin to this sturdy and energetic race that the
book before us should command a host of readers. Among the families
spoken of are those of Alexander, Allen, Anderson, Andrews, Ball, Bar-
bour, Bell, Benton, Birney, Blair, Bowman, Brashear, Breckinridge,
Brown, Buford, Bullitt, Burden, Butler, Campbell, Carlisle, Corrington,
Carson, Caruthers, Carthrae, Chrisman, Christian, Clarke, Clay, Critten-
den, Cummings, Dickson, Drake, Duke, Fontaine, Frogg, Hall, Harbe-
son, Hardin, Harvey, Harvie, Hawkins, Helm, Innes, Irvine, Gordon,
Jones, Kuth, Kirk, Le Grand, Lewis, Logan, Lake, Lyle, Madison, Mar-
shall, McAlpine, McClure, McClarty, McClung, McDowell, McKnight,
McPheeters, Metcalfe, Miller, Moffett, Monroe, Montgomery, Moore,
Murray, Neil, Newton, Patton, Parker, Ppxton, Pepper, Pickett, Pres-
ton, Price, Randolph, Reade, Reed, Reid, Smith, Starling, Stuart,
Strother, Taylor, Thornton, Todd, Venable, Warren, Washington,
Woodson, Wallace. Besides these the names of many that occur in the
narrative.

EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE MONTHLY MEETING OF
FRIENDS, PHILADELPHIA, 9 Mo. 25, 1720. — " This meeting being in-
formed that Richard Robinson, a person of our profession, hath lately
been guilty of speaking divers slighty and disrespectful words in dero-
gation of the King, which this meeting highly resents, as being repug-
nant to our known principles and practice, and appoints Hugh Durborrow
and John Warder to let the said Richard Robinson know, that if he do
not condemn the same, and give such proofs of his allegiance as may be

appointed

resentment of this meeting on the report of his speaking slightingly of
the king, inform the meeting, that Richard acknowledged himself sorry
for what he had said, and expressed a willingness to give any satisfac-

124 Notes and Queries.

tion friends should reasonably desire, and accordingly sent in a paper
condemning his imprudent conduct &c, which paper of condemnation
with the minute of the last Monthly Meeting relating to him, this meet-
ing desires Thomas Griffith to read publickly in the close of the morning
meeting next first day of the week, and that Richard do attend the
meeting, and stand up while the paper is reading."

BEQUESTS TO FUNDS OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYL-
VANIA.—Through Mr. John Jordan, Jr., executor of the estate of
the late William Man, of this city, the Society has received the follow-
ing bequests, the testator directing that the principal be invested by the
trustees and the interest applied to the funds specified :

To the Library Fund $8,000.00

" Binding Fund 2,000.00

" General Fund 5,000.00

$15,000.00

Mr. Man was elected a life-member of the Society 25th April, 1864.
He was the youngest son of the late Daniel Man, sea captain and mer-
chant, of this city, and was born 30th September, 1817. After receiving
a part of his education at the Moravian school, Nazareth Hall, in this
State, he followed for some years his inclination for the sea. Since
1866, Mr. Man has resided in England, where his contributions to various
local charities have been liberal. He died 12th October, 1888, at Wood-
bridge, in Suffolk, the home of his ancestors, where his remains are
interred. Notwithstanding his long absence from his native country,
Mr. Man always took an interest in the welfare and prosperity of our
Society.

A VISIT TO THE BATTLE-FIELD OF NEW ORLEANS.— From a letter
dated at New Orleans, 24th December, 1815, and addressed to a gentle-
man of this city, we take the following extracts :

" Now to the ground — Six miles from the city is the headquarters of
Jackson, and two and a half miles distant, Packenham's ; between is
the battle-ground strewed with shot of all sizes. The burial place is
three large square holes ; to appearance they were not large enough to
contain the whole of their dead, as there are a large number of human
skulls and bones unburied — even on the graves the bones are sticking
out of the ground. The remains of a great number of cartridge-boxes,
knapsacks, red-coats, &c., are still to be seen. I searched a long time for
a British soldier-button, but could not find any, so I carried to the ship
three shot, a 24, 18, and 9, and when we return to Philadelphia you shall
have the choice of either. They were found on the British side, so that

Ci may rely upon their being Jackson's pills. The ground is entirely
ren, occasioned, it is said, by the blood of the killed and wounded
heating the ground so as to destroy all the grass. One of my companions
brought away a skull, ' for,' said he, 'shot may be got anywhere, but a
skull will be indisputable evidence that I have been on the battle-ground
at New Orleans.' "

MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF JOSEPH BURGIN WITH JANE SILVER,
1692. — The following is a certificate of a marriage solemnized in open
court at Salem, New Jersey, as recorded in the Minute Book No. 2, on
file in the office of the Secretary of State at Trenton, New Jersey :

These may certifie all whom itt may concerne that Joseph burgin of
yc town of Salem in ye province of West Jersey, Carpint, & Jane Silver

Notes and Queries. 125

ter
of

province in ye case provided take each y«
ye manner & forms of ye church of England, in witness whereof they
have hereunto sett their hands before uss whose names are hereunder
written.
Present at ye marriage

Jno Worlidge. Justice
Tho Johnson Tho York

Jinett Johnson Joshua Jackson

Sam Hedge Rebeka baker

Benjamin Acton Anna Hedge
W" Elliot Mary beere

Jonathan Beere Grace paine
John Allin Chrystia Acton

Charles Eowe Mary York

Recorded ye 3d of December 1694 by me

SAM HEDGE
Recorder.

CHRISTOPHER SAUR, JR., LOYALIST.— The following extracts are
taken from Davis's " Memoir of Aaron Burr :"

" Chistopher Sower, 1st March, 1779, says, — An association is signing
here (New York), according to which the Loyalists are to form them-
selves into companies of fifty men each; choose their own officers; to
have the disposal of all prisoners by them taken ; to make excursions
against the rebels, plunder them, sell the spoil, appoint an agent to
receive the money, and to divide it among them in equal shares.

"On the back of Mr. Sower's letter Mr. Galloway has made, in his
own handwriting, this endorsement : * Mr. Sower is a German refugee at
New York, and a person of the greatest influence among the Germans
in Pennsylvania.' " S.

ARCHBISHOP HARSNETT'S SCHOOL. — His Excellency, Governor James
A. Beaver, has forwarded to us the circular issued on behalf of the Govern-
ors, Masters, and Scholars of Archbishop Harsnett's School, Chigwell, in
the County of Essex, England, founded in 1629. It was at this school
that the Founder of Pennsylvania received his education, whose name
attaches still to one of its dormitories, and the room in which he was
taught is still its principal school-room. The reputation of the school
is high among the other public schools of England. The Governors
propose :

1. "To establish Penn Scholarships in the school, so as to attract
clever boys to it, or to assist boys in needy circumstances.

2. " To found Exhibitions to the University of Oxford, or of Cam-
bridge, to be called the Penn Exhibitions.

3. " To erect Penn Buildings, to contain a Gymnasium and Five Courts,
a Library and Museum."

" Will you help us," states the circular, " to accomplish one or the
other of these objects, to enable us to carry on and develop our work in
the memory and to the honor of your distinguished Founder ?"

MINVIELLE FAMILY, THEIR ORIGIN AND ARMS.— The Historical
Society of Pennsylvania has in a bound volume of manuscripts a deed
from which I take the following brief extracts, dated April 9, 1706.
" Isabeau Minvielle now living in the City of London Spinster and

126 Notes and Queries.

lately living at Montauban in ffrance One of the daughters of Peter
Minvielle late of Montauban deceased," mentions " my brother David
Minvielle mercht. now in London." " My uncle Gabrielle Minvielle
Late of New Yorke Mercht. Deceased," and speaks of his will 8th
March 1697/8. The deed is sealed with an heraldic seal, partly defaced,
a tree to the left of the shield, in the field, and some other object. This
is, however, sufficient for identification. For a further account of this
family see Baird's " Huguenot Emigration to America," Vol. II. pp. 138
to 143. P.

SOCIETY FOR THE BELIEF AND EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR OF
PHILADELPHIA.

THIS IS TO CERTIFY, That Henry Drinker hath contributed Ten
pounds to the Relief and Employment of the Poor of the City of Phil-
adelphia, District of Southward, Townships of Moyamensing, Passyunk,
and the Northern Liberties; and is thereby become one of the Corpora-
tion of Contributors, vested with all the Rights, Powers, and Privileges
of a Member thereof, according to An Act of Assembly made to en-
courage the same.

Witness my Hand, and seal of the said Corporation this Twentieth
Day of June 1766.

JERE^ WARDER

[Seal of Corporation.] Trea8

HALL AND GIBBS, RECORD OF SURNAMES. — The Rev. Charles H.
Hall, rector of Holy Trinity, Brooklyn, New York, sends the following
record copied from old manuscripts in his possession : " Lydia Gibbs,
born in Boston, January 26, 1669, married October 7, 1692, to Hugh Hall,
Esq., of Barbadoes, died Sept. 11, 1699, and buried in a tomb at church-
door in Philadelphia, which must have been Christ Church."

*' THE CABINET," NEWSPAPER.— While recently examining some old
letters of my grandfather, who resided in Washington, D.C., towards the
close of the last and beginning of the present century, the following ex-
tracts attracted my attention. Where may I find a file of this paper,
and what is known of its publisher ?

" A Mr. Lyon, son of Matthew Lyon, the spitler, who was presented
with a wooden sword by Gen. Gates at Ticonderoga, for deserting his
post at Onion River, at this time established a printing office at George-
town. He published a paper twice a week, called The Cabinet. This
paper appeared to be more than usually charged with scurility ; his ar-
tillery to be leveled chiefly against the President. He copied from the
Aurora and other despicable papers, all that he could find against Mr.
Adams, not being able to originate anything of the kind himself. Mr.
Lyon soon received that treatment, which his ignorance and insolence
deserved — he was taken at a public house and severely chastised by the
foot and rattan as his slanderous abuse merited. He immediately left
the city, taking his press with him.

" We may next expect to hear from him in Tennessee, editing The Cab-
inet under the inspiration of his father, who is an old and experienced
Democrat and mover of sedition, for which he made trial of the virtues
of the gaol in Vermont; and altho' he persevered in the application for
six mouths, yet it is said that he found but little benefit thereby, as he
still continues intent upon the disorganizing system. It is hoped, that

Notes and Queries. 127

if all other prescriptions fail, a specific remedy will be found for him
and the whole clan, in the halter and gibbet." ' J. N. P.

Albany, N. Y.

MORGAN CONNOR (OR O'CONNOR), LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, COM-
MANDANT OF THE SEVENTH PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT IN THE REV-
OLUTION.—He was lost at sea in the winter of 1779. Letters of admin-
istration in his estate were granted to Dennis McCarthy, September 8,
1780. (Vol. I. p. 31, No. 47, Register of Wills' office, Philadelphia.)
Dennis McCarthy, Bryan O'Hara, and Patrick Byrne gave bonds. In
the second session of the Eleventh Congress the heirs (names not given)
of said Morgan Connor petitioned for arrears of pay, etc., due him (page
of Journal, 176). On January 31, 1810, an adverse report was issued.
Information is desired regarding the family, parentage, and birthplace
of this meritorious officer, with the names of his heirs.

JOHN W. JORDAN.

INFORMATION WANTED. — Can you inform me where Robert Allison,
who was admitted to the Philadelphia bar in December term, 1798, was
born, and when? Also when ana where he died? And any other in-
formation in regard to any official position he may have held. The
same information is desired of the following other lawyers in Martin's
list of the " Bench and Bar," viz. :

William Anderson, admitted about 1785.

George Armstrong, admitted March 8, 1796.

George Ashbrook, admitted December term, 1798.

Samuel Yorke Atlee, admitted March 4, 1829.

Wm. Richardson Atlee, admitted December 15, 1787.

William Ayres, admitted December term, 1798.

Thomas A. Armstrong, admitted April 27, 1816.

Daniel Addis, admitted June 7, 1808.

Edward Allen, admitted about 1785.

John Allston, admitted March 8, 1830. E. S. S.

SAMPLE OR SEMPLE.— In the " Bench and Bar," p. 308, will be found

"Admitted to the Phila. Bar.
"Sample, Cunningham, Dec.— 1798.

" David, Lancaster, Apl. 10. 1772.
Steele, June— 1796."

Can you give me any account of the above lawyers ? When were
they born ? when did they die? Were they related to one another? and
what important judicial or other position did they occupy ? Is the
name Sample or Semple? J. HILL MARTIN.

NAVAL MEDAL. — Information is requested as to the whereabouts of
the silver medal presented to the " nearest male relative of Lieut. Wil-
liam S. Bush, U.S.N.," who was killed in the engagement between the
" Constitution" and the " Guerriere," in August of 1812. The medal is
two and one-half inches in diameter, bears a relief portrait of Isaac
Hull, around which are the words: "Peritos Arte Superat Jul.
MDCCCXII. Aug. Certamine Fortes." On the reverse side is the scene
of a naval engagement, above which is: "Horae Momento Victoria;"
and below : " Inter Const. Nav. Amer. et Guer. Angl." L. B. J.

COUNTERFEITING COLONIAL MONEY.— Will the PENNSYLVANIA
MAGAZINE kindlv inform me whether any person was ever hung for
counterfeiting Colonial money ? H.

128 Notes and Queries.

EGBERTS. — Information is desired about the ancestry and descendants
of -- Eoberts, who came over with William Penn in 1699, and settled
in Upper Darby, near Philadelphia. His daughter Martha married
Thomas Evans, son of Lot Evans, who emigrated from Wales same time
as - Eoberts.

M. DE BRULS, ENGRAVER. — Can any one tell me where an engraver,
M. De Bruls, lived, — possibly in Philadelphia? I wish to ascertain the
date of a book-plate signed by his name. E. B.

MUSSER — PEPPER. — Information is desired of the ancestry and de-
scendants of the Musser ahd Pepper families, who were settlers of Lan-
caster County, Pennsylvania, early in the last century.

West Philadelphia. MOTZER.

SITGREAVES. — Information is wanted concerning the parentage of
William Sitgreaves, during the Revolutionary period a noted merchant
of Philadelphia ; also that of his wife, Susanna. J. B.

CHARLES COXE, OF SIDNEY. — Information is desired concerning the
parentage of Charles Coxe, of Sidney, Hunterdon County, New Jersey,
who married, 1759, Eebecca Wells, of Philadelphia. E. S.

FOOTMAN. — What is known concerning the parentage of Eichard
and Eleanor Footman, who resided in this city at the close of the
eighteenth century ? C. C. T.

Darby, Pa.

MARKOE. — Information is requested of the ancestry of Abram
Markoe, for some time captain of the First City Troop. S. T. D.

Bristol, Pa.

LIGHT.— Who were the parents of John Light, who settled in Lan-
caster County prior to the Eevolution, and that of his wife, Catherine
Britzius? M.

Eeading, Pa.

BLACKWELL FAMILY EECORD. (See PENNA. MAG., Vol. XII. p.
497.) — In the Old Episcopal church-yard, Allentown, New Jersey, are
two large vaults, side by side, covered with a large slab, on which are
these two inscriptions : " Isaac Price Died February 25th 1768 Aged 46
years. Mary Blackwell Died April 7th 1766 Aged 21 Years." As these
are on the same slab, a kinship was likely between the Prices and Black-
wells. The Eev. Eobert Blackwell, minister of St. Mary,—" Old Coles-
town Church," — was made rector, November 19, 1772. He married
Eebecca, a daughter of Joseph Harrison, and resided in Haddonfield.
During the Eevolutionary War he became a chaplain in the army, and
the church was again left without regular service. (Clement's " First
Settlers in Newtown Township, N. J.," p. 209.) Hinchman and Harri-
son are well-known Haddonfield families. I think, therefore, these
Bible records belong to those of the name in New Jersey. It is also
noticeable that the names of four Blackwells occur among the soldiers
of the Eevolutionary War from Hunterdon County, New Jersey. (See
Stryker, p. 509.) W. J. P.

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

OF

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

YOL. XIII. 1889. No. 2.

THE FIEST CONGKESS OF THE UNITED STATES.1

BY HAMPTON L. CARSON, ESQ.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:

We have assembled to-night for the purpose of commemo-
rating an interesting and important national event. We have
met in this beautiful hall, dedicated to the muse of history
and adorned with visible reminders of the heroic past, in
obedience to the sentiment that no marked event in our
national history should be permitted to pass without a
gathering of the people, in honor of the deeds of our illus-
trious sires, and in pious gratitude to God for the blessings
of liberty. These commemorative celebrations are of price-
less value. They serve to keep alive the recollection of the
past ; they reanimate the aged ; they kindle the enthusiasm
of the young ; they instruct the ignorant ; and promote the
careful study of our institutions. They destroy the barriers
of local prejudice and sectionalism, and knit in closer bonds
of union the members of our great republic." They are

1 A paper read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, April 6,
1889, to commemorate the first meeting of the First Congress of the
United States.

VOL. xiii.— 9 (129)

130 The First Congress of the United States.

occasions upon which we renew our vows of fealty to the
Constitution. Eloquence, poetry, and philosophy find in
them fresh sources of inspiration. The pulse of the patriot
is quickened, the sympathies of statesmen are broadened,
while the souls of all true lovers of liberty according to
law are lifted up and purified. During the past decade

" What great events have chased the seasons by,
Like gale-blown waves beneath a thundering sky !"

At Lexington -and Bunker Hill, at Philadelphia in 1876,
at Saratoga and Trenton, at Brandywine and Germantown,
at Valley Forge and Monmouth, at Stony Point and Charles-
ton, Savannah, and Eutaw Springs, we met to commemorate
the self-sacrificing struggles of our sires. At Yorktown we
celebrated their final triumph and deliverance from bondage.
But eighteen months ago the citizens of thirty States met
in our city — the city of the Declaration of Independence and
the Constitution — to applaud the completion of the struct-
ure of our government by its architects and builders, and its
solemn dedication to the service of the people and mankind.
We now stand upon the threshold of the Centenary of their
last great act. The inauguration of Washington was their
crowning work. Their labors were then ended, and our
ship of State, freighted with the rights of men, and floating
from her mast-head the banner of constitutional freedom, was
launched upon the sea of Time, in which the centuries are
but as waves.

I do not intend to anticipate the thoughts appropriate to
the celebration of the 30th of April, but to invite your at-
tention to an acJMvhich, though less imposing, was none the
less important than the inauguration of the President.

We meet to commemorate the first meeting of the First
Congress of the United States.

The old Congress of the Confederation, among its last
acts, had provided that the First Congress under the Consti-
tution should convene in the city of New York on the 4th
of March, 1789. On that day but eight members of the
Senate and thirteen of the House of Representatives ap-

The First Congress of the United States. 131

peared in their respective halls and took their seats, and both
Houses adjourned from day to day until the 1st of April,
when, a quorum of the House being present, an organization
was effected by the choice of Frederick Augustus Muhlen-
berg, of Pennsylvania, as Speaker, and John Beckley as
Clerk, both gentlemen being selected by ballot.1 It was not
until the 6th of April, however, that a quorum of the Sen-
ate was present, so that this is the natal day of our National
Congress^ which, under the Constitution, consists of two
bodies, a Senate, in which the States are equally represented,
and a House of Representatives, in which the people of the
States are represented in proportion to their population.
In their aggregate capacity, both are representatives of the
people of the United States.

This feature of the Constitution was a novelty. The
Continental Congress had consisted of but one body, and
the debate in the Federal Convention upon the respective
merits of a single chamber, or of the bicameral system, as
it was termed by Bentham, had been warmly contested, the
ultimate decision being in favor of the latter, although
stoutly opposed by Dr. Franklin.

During the first week of its sessions the House had pro-
ceeded to the appointment of a Committee upon Rules and
Orders of Procedure, and was actually engaged in the con-
sideration of a resolution relating to the form of oath to be
taken by its members to support the Constitution of the
United States, when, on the morning of the 6th of April, a
message was delivered by Mr. Ellsworth, of Connecticut,
stating that a quorum of the Senate had been formed, that
a President had been elected for the sole purpose of opening
the certificates and counting the votes of the electors of the
several States, in a choice of a President and Yice-President
of the United States, and that the Senate was then ready to
proceed in the presence of the House to discharge that duty.2

1 " Annals of Congress," compiled by Joseph Gales, Sr., Washington,
1834, Vol. I. pp. 16-946; "History of Congress," Philadelphia, 1834,
Vol. I. pp. 9-24.

2 " Annals of Congress," Vol. I. p. 97.

132 The First Congress of the United States.

The House responded through Mr. Boudinot, of New
Jersey, that it was ready forthwith to meet the Senate, and
the Speaker, accompanied by the members, filed into the
Senate chamber in the west wing of Federal Hall, at the
junction of Wall and Broad Streets.

It was a solemn hour when John Langdon, of ISTew Hamp-
shire, who twelve years before had pledged private plate and
commercial credit to win the battle of Bennington, arose
and opened and counted the votes, whereby it appeared that
George Washington had been elected President and John
Adams Vice-President of the United States of America.

The world had never witnessed such a scene as this. It
had contemplated with awe the making of consuls and dic-
tators, the crowning of kings, the proclamation of em-
perors. But the chariot-wheels of the conqueror had been
driven over the necks of the people, and the gilded barges
of monarchs had been launched upon the tears of their sub-
jects. The air had been often convulsed with the cry, " The
king is dead, — long live the king!" But now a scene of
novel yet sublime simplicity was witnessed : a new political
character had been created. Henceforth no tyrant, knave,
or fool could plead hereditary right to rule ; henceforth the
ruler was to be the servant of the people, elected by the free
ballots of freemen, while the welkin rang with joyous
shouts, " Long live the President of the United States ;
forever live the Constitution and the Union; forever live
the liberties of America !"

Thus was the government happily organized. It must
have been a profound relief to those earnest patriots who
had so long waited in patience for the dawning of day.
The years which had succeeded the treaty of peace had
been dark indeed. Political independence, it is true, had
rewarded the exertions of our arms, but bankruptcy and social
disorder, lawlessness and civil paralysis, had seized the State,
and the brightest anticipations of those lion-hearted men
who had met the dangers of July, '76, had turned like Dead-
Sea apples into ashes. The Constitution, which was or-
dained to provide a remedy, had been adopted only after a

The First Congress of the United States. 133

long and bitter struggle, and had encountered the opposition
of such men as Patrick Henry, Samuel Chase, and Luther
Martin. Gerry, of Massachusetts, and Mason and Randolph,
of Virginia, had discredited the instrument by their refusal
to sign. The victory had been won by Madison, of Virginia,
Wilson, of Pennsylvania, Hamilton and Jay, of New York,
and Ellsworth, of Connecticut. When the Constitution was
before the people for adoption, and the result was in doubt,
Gouverneur Morris wrote to Washington as follows : " I
have observed that your name to the Constitution has been
of infinite service. Indeed, I am convinced that if you had
not attended the Convention, and the same paper had been
handed out to the world, it would have met with a colder
reception, with fewer and weaker advocates, and with more
and more strenuous opponents. As it is, should the idea pre-
vail that you will not accept the Presidency, it will prove
fatal in many parts. The truth is, that your great and de-
cided superiority leads men willingly to put you in a place
which will not add to your present dignity, nor raise you
higher than you already stand." l

And when, on the morning of the 4th of March, solemnly
appointed by law for the new government to go into opera-
tion, Robert Morris and John Langdon saw but six asso-
ciates present in the Senate, and Fisher Ames and Elbridge
Gerry met but ten fellow-members in the House, and the
long days darkened into night until a month had passed, it
would not have been surprising if gloom and despair reigned
in the breasts of those who maintained their vigils and their
trust. Surely it was an auspicious omen that the long and dis-
tressing delay was broken by the appearance in the Senate,
on the 6th of April, of Richard Henry Lee, — the man who,
on the 7th of June, 1776, had proposed in Congress : " That
these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States : that they are absolved from all alle-
giance to the British Crown, and that all political connec-

1 Gouverneur Morris to Washington, Philadelphia, Oct. 30, 1787 ;
Elliott's " Debates," Vol. I. Appendix, p. 505.

134 The First Congress of the United States.

tioii between them and the State of Great Britain is, and
ought to be, totally dissolved."

Who were the members of the first Senate of the United
States? Among them we note eleven of those who had
been members of the Convention which framed the Consti-
tution of the United States. There was the ardent and
self-sacrificing Langdon. There was Caleb Strong, "a
statesman of consummate prudence from the Valley of the
Connecticut, a graduate of Harvard, and a fit representative
of the country people of Massachusetts." There too was
Oliver Ellsworth, — a giant in the law, the author of the Judi-
ciary Act, and the future Chief-Justice of the United States.
At his side sat that accomplished scholar and polished de-
bater, William Samuel Johnson. Beyond was Rufus King,
— the man who had inspired the soul if not the language
embodied by Nathan Dane in the famous Ordinance of
1787. His colleague was Philip Schuyler, whose military
laurels had been unjustly snatched by Gates. New Jersey
had sent William Paterson, — the author of the plan in the
Federal Convention which bore fruit in the establishment
of the Senate and the reserved powers of the States, and
subsequently an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court.
Pennsylvania was represented by Robert Morris, whose
reputation as a financier can never die, and William Maclay,
a sturdy Democrat and witty annalist, from whose " Sketches
of Debate in the First Senate of the United States" we de-
rive the most life-like and suggestive portraits. There too
was George Read, of Delaware, and Charles Carroll, of
Maryland, both signers of the Declaration of Independence.
From Virginia came Richard Henry Lee and William Gray-
son ; from Georgia, William Few, a modest but not uninfiu-
ential member of the Federal Convention ; while from South
Carolina came Ralph Izard, with blood as " hot as the sands
of his native State," and Pierce Butler, who " flamed like a
meteor," but who, in spite of his foreign birth and aristo-
cratic descent, had written in the midst of the wildest
tumult of the Revolution, " I wish I was possessed of
power sufficient to enable me to be more serviceable to a

The First Congress of the United States. 135

country that is dearer to me than the one I first breathed
in." l

In the House of Representatives, which was the arena
sought by the rising and vigorous intellects of the country
as the appropriate theatre for the display of their powers,
stood James Madison, — the Father of the Constitution, —
pre-eminently first, debarred by the fears and wiles of
Patrick Henry from entering the Senate, but destined to
leadership in all the great measures of legislation affecting
the revenues, commerce, and finance. Beside him were
Roger Sherman, the shoemaker of Connecticut, the only
man in the long roll of illustrious names who had signed all
four of the most important State papers in American his-
tory,— the Articles of Association of the Congress of 1774>
the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confedera-
tion, and the Constitution of the United States; Nicholas
Oilman, of ISTew Hampshire, — a stripling in years, but a law-
yer of ability ; Elbridge Gerry, — a singular admixture of en-
lightened statesmanship and political cunning; Thomas
Fitzsimons, — a Philadelphia merchant, and the stoutest ad-
vocate of our first protective tariff; George Clymer and
Daniel Carroll, — all of them members of the Federal Conven-
tion, and therefore trained in the best school to qualify them
for the high and responsible duty of organizing the govern-
ment. There too were Fisher Ames, the most brilliant
orator of that day and the most renowned supporter of the
treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay; Elias Boudinot, of New
Jersey, once President of the Continental Congress ; Fred-
erick Augustus Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, the first
Speaker of the House of Representatives, and a galaxy of
lesser lights, whose names still glow in our political firma-
ment.

Such were the men who composed the First Congress of
the United States.2

1 Original autograph letter, never published, in possession of writer.

2 The complete list is as follows :

Senate.

Caleb Strong, ) Massachu- I John Langdon, j New Hamp-
Tristram Dalton, j setts. | Paine Wingate, j shire.

136

The First Congress of the United States.

In reviewing the work of this Congress our attention is
first attracted by the effort to establish, or the final estab-

Wm. Saml. Johnson, ) Connecti-
Oliver Ellsworth, j cut.

Philip Schuyler,
RufusKing,

Jonathan Elmer,
Wm. Paterson,

3d session,
Philemon Dickinson,

Y ,

)rk>

New
Jersey.

Richard Henry Lee,
Wm. Grayson,
after 31st March, 1790,

vir-
ginia.

John Walker,

3d session,
James Monroe,

At 3d session.

Samuel Johnston, } North Caro-
Benjamin Hawkins, J Una.

Carolina.

At the 3d session.
Joseph Stanton, Jr., ) Ehode
Theodore Foster, J Island.

Representatives.

Massachu-
setts.

Connec-
ticut.

Abiel Foster,

Nicholas Gilman, > , .

Samuel Livermore, J snire'

George Thatcher,

Fisher Ames,

George Leonard,

Elbridge Gerry,

Benjamin Goodhue,

Jonathan Grout,

George Partridge,

Theodore Sedgwick,

Benjamin Huntington,

Roger Sherman,

Jonathan Sturges,

Jonathan Trumbull,

Jeremiah Wadsworth,

Egbert Benson,

William Floyd,

John Hathorn, I New

Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, f York.

John Lawrence,

Peter Sylvester,

Elias Boudinot, "I

Lambert Cadwalader, i New

James Shureman, j Jersey.

Thomas Sinnickson, J

George Clymer,

Thomas Fitzsimons,

Thomas Hartley,

Daniel Heister, I Pennsylva-

F. A. Muhlenberg, [ nia.

Peter Muhlenberg,

Thomas Scott,

Henry Wynkoop,

John Vining, {-Delaware.

Daniel Carroll,
Benjamin Contee,
George Gale,
Joshua Seoey,
William Smith,
Michael Jenifer Stone,

Theodoric Bland,
John Brown,
Isaac Coles.
Samuel Griffin,
Richard Bland Lee,
James Madison, Jr.,
Andrew Moore,
John Page,
Alexander White,
Josiah Parker,

Mary-
land.

Virginia.

Edanus Burke,
Daniel Huger,
William Smith,
Thomas Sumter,
Thomas Tudor Tucker,

South
Caro-
lina.

Abraham Baldwin, ]

James Jackson, > Georgia.

George Mathews, J

The First Congress of the United States. 137

lishment, of certain customs and ceremonies which have
long since ceased to exist.

On the 21st of April, the Vice-President, Mr. Adams, was
introduced to the Senate by Mr. Langdon, and delivered an
address, in which he congratulated the country upon the
successful formation of the Federal Union, upon the adop-
tion of the Constitution, and the auspicious circumstances
under which the new government came into operation
under the Presidency of him who had led the American
armies to victory, and conducted by those who had con-
tributed to achieve independence.

Two days later an animated debate arose upon the ques-
tion, What titles shall be annexed to the office of President
and Yice-President ? and a committee, consisting of Mr. Lee,
Mr. Izard, and Mr. Dalton, was appointed to consider and
report thereon. The matter had been suggested by Mr.
Adams, who, from his experience and knowledge of foreign
Courts, and an exalted notion of the dignity of his office,
declared himself in favor of titles.1 He was warmly opposed
by Mr. Maclay, of Pennsylvania, who based his objections
upon the language of the Constitution, forbidding titles of
nobility. On the 9th of May the committee reported in
favor of " His Highness, the President of the United States
and Protector of their Liberties." Mr. Lee was warm in its
support. He declared that all "the world, civilized and
savage, called for titles. There must be something in
human nature that occasioned this general consent; there-
fore he conceived it was right." He read a list of all the

At the third session of the First Congress the following additional
members attended :
Benjamin Bourn, }• Rhode Island.
John Baptist Ashe,
Timothy Bloodworth, N ^
John feevier,
John Steele,
Hugh Williamson,

1 See " History of Congress," Vol. I. ; " Annals of Congress," Vol. I. ;
Benton's " Abridgment of the Debates," Vol. I. ; " Sketches of Debates
in the First Senate of the United States," by William Maclay, a Senator
from Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, 1880.

138 The First Congress of the United States.

princes and potentates of the earth, where the word High-
ness occurred. The Grand Turk had it. All the princes
of Germany had it. The sons and daughters of crowned
heads had it. Venice and Genoa gave titles, and France
and Spain. Mr. Izard followed in the same strain, but
favored the words " His Excellency." Paterson rose, but
" there was no knowing which mind he was of." Lee consid-
ered him against him and answered him ; but Paterson finally
voted with Lee. Ellsworth declared that the appellation of
President was common. It put him in mind that there
were presidents of fire companies and cricket clubs. On the
other side were arrayed Charles Carroll and William Ma-
clay. They denounced kings and royal governments, and
all their " faulty finery, expensive trappings, and brilliant
scenes." They preferred the simple language of the Consti-
tution, and declared that no additional words could add to
the dignity of offices, or to the character of the men who
held them. In the mean time the House, at the instance of Mr.
Maclay, who had suggested to the Speaker and other friends
that the Senate displayed a disposition to erect pompous
and lordly distinctions between them, established a precedent
by addressing the President by his constitutional name,
without title, and the matter culminated in a resolution to
conform to the position of the House for the sake of harmony.
Once again was the serenity of the atmosphere disturbed.
The President was to address the Senate. How should the
Yice-President behave ? How should the Senate receive
the address ? Should it be standing or sitting ? Mr. Lee
declared that he had been in the House of Commons, and
that the Lords sat, while the Commons stood on the delivery
of the King's speech. Mr. Izard made the " sagacious dis-
covery that the Commons stood because they had no seats to
sit in on being arrived at the House of Lords. It was dis-
covered too, after some time, that the King sat and had his
robes and crown on." The Yice-President declared that he
could not say how it was, as there " was always a crowd and
ladies along." Mr. Carroll exclaimed it was of no con-
sequence how it was in Great Britain ; they were no rule to

The First Congress of the. United States. 139

us.1 In the mean time the President arrived and advanced
between the Senators and Representatives, bowing to each,
and, after taking the oath of office upon the gallery opposite
the middle window of the Senate chamber, in the presence
of the people who were congregated in the street below, re-
turned, and all arose as he addressed them.

A few days later the Senate and the House separately
waited upon the President at his residence, presented an
answer to his address, and received his reply, everything
being conducted with stately and formal ceremony.

On the 21st of August a committee was appointed by the
Senate to wait upon the President and confer with him as to
the proper mode of communication to be observed between
them when carrying out that clause in the Constitution
which required the advice and consent of the Senate in the
matter of treaties and appointments to office. It was re-
solved that the President should attend in the Senate cham-
ber, and that the Yice-President should yield his chair to the
President and take a seat upon the floor, reserving his right,
however, as presiding officer of the Senate, to put all ques-
tions, whether in the presence or absence of the President.
The resolution was acted upon but once, when the President,
attended by General Knox, his Secretary of War, conferred
with the Senate in relation to the treaty with the Creek and
Cherokee Indians. The practice was then discontinued, and
communication by message established. The change has
been deprecated by Senator Benton as greatly to the preju-
dice of the free and independent action of the Senate in
such cases. Important and unusual treaties, even those with
foreign powers, are now negotiated in secret, and then laid
before the Senate for ratification as an administration meas-
ure, and the Senate is coerced by the weight of Executive
influence and the inconveniences of rejection, amounting to
moral duress, into an abdication of its right to independent
judgment and action.2

1 " Sketches of Debates in the First Senate of the United States," by
William Maclay, a Senator from Pennsylvania, pp. 42, 48, 50.

1 Benton's "Abridgment of the Debates in Congress," Vol. I. p. 18.

140 The First Congress of the United States.

A singular illustration of the practice prevailing in rela-
tion to appointments occurred in the case of Colonel Fish-
bourne. That gallant and well-known soldier had been
nominated by the President for the place of naval officer of
Savannah. The Senate refused to confirm him. The Presi-
dent sent a letter nominating Lachlan Mclntosh in his stead,
stating that he was persuaded that whatever reasons the
Senate had for its dissent must be presumed to be sufficient,
but suggesting that in the future it would be expedient for
that body, in case of a difference of judgment, to listen to
the reasons which had governed the choice of the Execu-
tive, and setting forth in strong terms the merits and qualifi-
cations of Colonel Fishbourne.1 This message, says Benton,
is an instance of the deference of the President to the Sen-
ate, in thus yielding, upon their objections, the nomination
of a citizen whom he knew to be fit and worthy. It is an
instance also of the deference of the Senate to the individ-
ual views of the Senators of the State directly interested in
the nomination, and constitutes the first case on record of
what is now known as " Senatorial Courtesy," Colonel Fish-
bourne having been rejected simply because the Senators
from Georgia preferred some one else. During all this
time the Senate sat with closed doors, both in its legislative
and executive capacities, a custom which was maintained
until the 20th of February, 1794, when the doors were
opened during legislative sessions.

While the Senate was thus engaged in settling questions
of etiquette, the House was actively at work upon impor-
tant and necessary legislation. It first turned its attention
to the regulation of oaths of office, a subject which produced
the earliest though not a serious collision between the Feder-
alists and those who subsequently became the ardent advo-
cates of State Rights. As it had been provided that the
Constitution should be the supreme law of the land, and
that Senators and Representatives, and the members of the
several State Legislatures and all executive and judicial offi-
cers, both of the United States and the several States, should
1 Benton's "Abridgment," Vol. I. p. 17.

The First Congress of the United States. 141

be bound by oath or affirmation to support the Constitution,
a bill was brought in for this purpose. It was suggested that
it was inexpedient to interfere with the States or their offi-
cers, as it might produce jealousy of Federal power. The
adopting States had pledged themselves to conform to the
Constitution, and it was better to trust to State action.
Connecticut had already acted. Massachusetts was in
doubt, and all congressional interference might produce
resentments. The Senate, after some discussion, adopted
an amendment of the House bill by which State officers were
obliged to take the oath ; it being argued with great force and
earnestness by Langdon, Ellsworth, Izard, and Lee that the
supremacy of the new government was of the first impor-
tance, and that all officials, whether Federal or State, should
be compelled to recognize it.

As early as the 8th of April the House, having resolved
itself into a Committee of the "Whole, entered into a dis-
cussion of duties on imports. The subject had been intro-
duced by Mr. Madison, who proceeded in the parliamentary
form common at that day, but since abandoned, of first dis-
cussing and agreeing to a measure, and then appointing a
committee to bring in a bill according to what had been
agreed upon, thus giving scope to the intelligence of the
whole House before the subject had taken a form difficult to
alter and certain to be objected to when brought in by a
committee as a specific bill.1

In opening the debate, Mr. Madison pursued a moderate
course, declaring that the plan he wished the committee to
adopt was similar to propositions made on the subject by
the Congress of 1783, which were well calculated to form
the basis of a temporary system : that the main object was

1 The authorities from which the following account of the proceedings
of Congress is drawn are the " Annals of Congress," " The History of
Congress," Benton's "Abridgment of the Debates," Maclay's " Sketches
of Debates in the First Senate of the United States," " The Laws of the
United States," in three volumes, published by authority, imprinted in
Philadelphia in 1796, "The Life and Works of John Adams," Vol. III.,
edited by Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1851, "The Writings of
Madison," Vol. I., Philadelphia, 1865.

142 The First Congress of the United States.

to provide a revenue in order to meet the deficiency in the
Treasury, and that the methods to be resorted to should be
as little oppressive to constituents as possible, as " commerce
ought to be as free as the policy of nations will admit." He
was supported by Mr. Boudinot and Mr. White and Mr.
Lawrence. Upon the second day, Mr. Fitzsimons, a mer-
chant of Philadelphia, of ample experience and great per-
sonal influence, aware that the table of Congress was loaded
with petitions from the business men of the leading cities of
the Union from Boston to Charleston, portraying the ruin-
ous effects of foreign competition upon the manufacturing
and other interests of the country, gave the debate a new
direction and a stronger impetus by declaring that he had
prepared an additional list of articles to be subjected to
duties, among which were some calculated " to encourage
the productions of our country and protect our infant manu-
factures; besides others tending to operate as sumptuary
restrictions upon articles which are often termed those of
luxury." The same idea was clearly expressed by Mr.
Hartley, also of Pennsylvania, who said, " If we consult
the history of the ancient world, we shall see that they have
thought proper for a long time past to give great encour-
agement to the establishment of manufactories, by laying
such partial duties on the importation of foreign goods, as
to give the home manufactures a considerable advantage in
the price when brought to market. It is also well known to
this committee that there are many articles that will bear a
higher duty than others, which are to remain in the common
mass, and be taxed with a certain impost ad valorem. From
this view of the subject I think it both politic and just that
the fostering hand of the general government should ex-
tend to all those manufactures which will tend to national
utility."

Thus early in our history were the doctrines of a protec-
tive tariff announced, and it is a matter of no little pride to
us that it was the voice of Pennsylvania which first spoke in
their behalf. The effect of these views is plainly traceable
throughout the debate, which continued with but little inter-

The First Congress of the United States. 143

ruption until the middle of May. Even Mr. Madison shifted
his ground, and in a letter to Edmund Eandolph, wrote:
" Opinions are divided upon the point whether the first plan
shall be a hasty and temporary essay, or be digested into a
form as little imperfect as the work of experience will
admit. There are plausible arguments on both sides. The
former loses ground daily, from the apparent impractica-
bility of reaping the spring harvest from importations." l
Upon the floor he declared that he hoped gentlemen would
not infer that he thought the encouragement held out by the
bill to the manufacturers improper. Far from it : he was
glad to see their growing consequence, and was disposed to
give them every aid in his power.

In the Senate the bill was debated with spirit; Morris,
Maclay, Ellsworth, and Langdon contending with Lee,
Izard, Johnson, and Butler, the latter of whom denounced
the measure proposed as oppressive to South Carolina. His
State " would live free or die glorious." The result was
a bill which became a law by the signature of the Presi-
dent on the 4th of July, 1789, imposing duties on goods,
wares, and merchandise imported ; this being " necessary,"
as the preamble alleged, " for the payment of the debts of
the United States and the encouragement and protection of
manufactures." The duties imposed were low, measured
even by the standard of those days, when the cost of trans-
portation was great. At the second session of this Congress
the President reminded them that " the safety and interest
of the people require that they should promote such manu-
factures as would tend to render them independent of others
for essential (particularly military) supplies." A second and
much more protective tariff was adopted in August, 1790,
after Hamilton had been asked to " report a plan, conform-
ably to the recommendation of the President." At the
next and last session, in October, 1791, Hamilton made his
famous "Treasury Report" on the subject, in which he
dwelt with masterly emphasis upon the new era upon which

1 Letter, dated New York, April 12, 1789, Madison's " Writings," Vol.
I. p. 463.

144 The First Congress of the United States.

industry was entering, through the use of machinery and
division of labor ; on the advantages that would be lost to
the nation who fell behind in this advance ; on the inter-
dependence of all the material interests of the country ; and
on the relation of a diversified industry to national pros-
perity.

The second great subject to which the attention of Con-
gress was directed was the judiciary department. The
Constitution had vested the judicial power of the United
States " in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts
as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish."
In defining the extent of the judicial power, the Constitu-
tion had declared that it " shall extend to all cases in law
and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the
United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made,
under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors,
other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty
and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the
United States shall be a party; to controversies between
two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another
State; between citizens of different States; between citi-
zens of the same State claiming lands under grants of dif-
ferent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof,
and foreign States, citizens or subjects." The original juris-
diction of the Supreme Court was expressly limited to cases
affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls,
and those to which a State shall be a party. In all the
other cases mentioned the jurisdiction was appellate only.

Here then was a vast field — new and untrodden — a terra
incognita — into which the boldest and best-equipped lawyer
might well enter with hesitation and foreboding. The Sen-
ate first grappled with the subject, and appointed a com-
mittee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman, with Pater-
son, Maclay, Strong, Lee, Bassett, Few, and Wingate as
associates. The debate that ensued upon their report was
long and able, in which all the lawyers participated, display-
ing abundant learning and professional ingenuity.

The result was a bill, concurred in by the House, and ap-

The First Congress of the United States. 145

proved by the President on the 24th of September, 1789.
It was provided that the Supreme Court should consist of a
Chief- Justice and five Associate Justices, any four of whom
should be a quorum, and that they should hold two sessions
annually at the seat of government. The United States
were divided into thirteen districts, and a District Court
was established in each. These districts were divided into
three circuits, and a Circuit Court was established in each.
The jurisdiction of each court, whether original or appellate,
whether exclusive or concurrent, was carefully defined.
Ample powers were bestowed both at law and in equity,
and proceedings were regulated. Attorneys, marshals, and
clerks were provided for, and finally it was enacted " that in
all Courts of the United States, the parties may plead and
manage their own causes personally, or by the assistance of
such counsel or attorneys at law as by the rules of the said
Courts respectively shall be permitted to manage and con-
duct causes therein."1

No feature of the Constitution is more likely to kindle
the enthusiastic admiration of the philosophical student of
our institutions than the establishment of a judicial depart-
ment independent in character, beyond the reach of preju-
dice and passion, dispensing with calm voice the bless-
ings of the government, armed with authority to overturn
improvident or unjust legislation by a State directed against
the contracts, the currency, or the intercourse of the people,
and restricting congressional action to constitutional bounds.
The conception of the Supreme Court with its appellate
powers was the greatest creation of the Constitution. It
embodied the loftiest ideas of moral and legal power. Its
novelty was sublime. It was entirely original. Its pro-
totype existed nowhere. No system of government known to
earth ever approached it in grandeur. It is the court of last
resort. It is absolute in authority. It is above the Execu-

1 An Act to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States ; "Laws
of the United States," Vol. I. p. 47. The jurisdiction bestowed was by
no means coextensive with that denned in the Constitution, and has been
enlarged from time to time.
VOL. xm.— 10

146 The First Congress of the United States.

tive, it is above the Legislature. It is subordinate to no other
department. Its decree is law. From its mandates there is
no appeal. It is the august representative of the wisdom
and justice and conscience of the whole people. " It is
the peaceful and venerable arbitrator between the citizens
in all questions touching the extent and sway of constitu-
tional power. It is the great moral substitute for force in
controversies between the people, the States, and the Union."

The Congress then organized the Executive Departments
of Foreign Affairs, of War, of the Treasury, and the Land
Office ; provided for the temporary establishment of the
Post-Office ; fixed the salaries of all members of the gov-
ernment ; imposed duties on tonnage ; regulated the coast-
ing trade, and the registering and clearing of vessels; es-
tablished light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers;
settled the accounts between the United States and indi-
vidual States ; provided for the government of the terri-
tory northwest of the Ohio River ; and adapted the military
establishment to the new order of affairs.

During the passage of the bill relating to the Department
of Foreign Affairs, the question was agitated of the Presi-
dent's constitutional power of removing from office. Mr.
Madison had added to his resolution the words, " and to be
removable by the President." A heated discussion followed.
Mr. Bland proposed to add " by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate." But his motion failed, and the lan-
guage objected to was retained by a large majority. The
question was reopened and introduced in a new form, when
the acknowledgment of the power as conferred by the Con-
stitution upon the President was sustained by thirty votes
against eighteen in the negative. The bill went to the
Senate, which was equally divided, and the matter was set-
tled by the casting vote of the Yice-President in favor of the
exclusive power of the President. The country acquiesced
in the decision, and the power of absolute removal has
been exercised by the President ever since, except during a
brief period beginning in Johnson's administration.

The question of the permanent seat of the government

The First Congress of the United States. 147

was then introduced. Some wished it upon the Potomac,
others upon the Delaware, and others again upon the Sus-
quehanna; Wright's Ferry, Yorktown, Harrisburg, and
Peach Bottom were mentioned. Some wished a centre of
territory, others a centre of population, others again a
centre of wealth. Where were these points and were they
likely to be stable? The Pennsylvania Senators were
divided, and it is probable that, owing to this disagreement,
the national capital was lost to this State. Mr. Maclay
contended for the Susquehanna ; Mr. Morris was at first in
favor of the Falls of the Delaware, but failing in this, en-
deavored to have it established in Germantown, contending
that it ought to be near a commercial place. The Susque-
hanna measure passed the House and was agreed to in the
Senate, but Germantown was afterwards substituted in the
Senate through the pertinacious efforts of Mr. Morris.
It was subsequently agreed to in the House, but, at the in-
stance of Mr. Madison, an amendment was made providing
for the operation of the laws of Pennsylvania in the district
until supplied or altered by Congress. This amendment
rendered necessary the return of the bill to the Senate,
where a majority appeared against Germantown, and on the
28th of September, the question still being open, the bill
was postponed. It was in vain that Mr. Maclay raised his
prophetic voice that if the Susquehanna was yielded the
seat of government would be fixed on the Potomac. His
prophecy was verified. At the next session, while the
funding bill was under debate, Mr. Hamilton secured its
passage by yielding the capital to the Southern States, and
the permanent seat of the government was fixed in the
District of Columbia.

The question of amendments to the Constitution was
then taken up and disposed of. It will be remembered that
several of the States, notably Massachusetts and Virginia,
had proposed amendments, embodying a Bill of Eights, as
the conditions of their ratification of the Constitution. The
subject was discussed at some length, and finally the ten
first amendments as they now exist were adopted, and pre-

148 The First Congress of the United States.

sented by Congress to the States for action. Mr. Madison's
position was explained by him in a letter to Mr. Eve.1 He
writes : "I freely own that I have never seen in the Con-
stitution, as it now stands, those serious dangers which have
alarmed many respectable citizens. Accordingly, whilst it
remained unratified, and it was necessary to unite the States
in some one plan, I opposed all previous alterations as calcu-
lated to throw the States into dangerous contentions, and to
furnish the secret enemies of the Union with an oppor-
tunity of promoting its dissolution. Circumstances are now
changed. The Constitution is established on the ratifica-
tions of eleven States and a very great majority of the people
of America, and amendments, if pursued with a proper
moderation, and in a proper mode, will be not only safe but
may serve the double purpose of satisfying the mind of
well-meaning opponents, and of providing additional safe-
guards in favor of liberty."

Such were the acts of the First Congress during its first
session, which was held in the city of New York, beginning
on the 1st of April and terminating on the 29th day of Sep-
tember, 1789. The second session was held at the same
place, beginning on January 4, 1790, and terminating on
the 12th of August of that year.

After providing for the taking of the first census and es-
tablishing a rule of naturalization, the Congress proceeded
to the consideration of the public credit, — a matter which
provoked a prolonged discussion, one which will remain for-
ever memorable in our annals. It was the genius of Hamil-
ton that inspired that great debate. It was he who origi-
nated policies, breathed life into statutes, gave reputation
and stability to the administration, rescued the nation from
bankruptcy, adjusted the claims of creditors, and developed
theories into vigorous principles of constitutional law.
Amid a bewildering variety of business, he found time to
evolve a great financial policy, broad, comprehensive, and
minute, which he laid before the House in a report upon
the public credit. He had divided the debt into three parts,
1 Dated 2d January, 1789, Madison's " Writings," Vol. I. p. 446.

The First Congress of the United States. 149

—the foreign debt, the domestic debt, and the debts of the
States incurred in the cause of the Union during the war of
the Revolution. To the first there was no objection; to the
second all were agreed, but differences of opinion arose as to
how and to whom the payment should be made. To the
assumption of State debts there was strenuous opposition.
For the first time, the lines of division between the two
great parties became distinctly visible, and as time went on
these became more and more strongly marked. Jackson,
Livermore, Scott, Sedgwick, and Ames threw themselves
into the arena : the former in attack, the latter in defence
of the bill. For the first time in his career Mr. Madison
parted company with Washington, and drifted slowly into
opposition. He moved to discriminate between original
creditors and present holders, so as to pay claims in full to
the former, the highest market price to the assignee, and
the remainder to the original creditor. With great astute-
ness and plausibility he urged his views. He was answered
by Boudinot, who said that the gentleman from Virginia
had not scrutinized the subject with his usual accuracy. He
was led away by the dictates of his heart and his sympathy
with the misfortunes of those who were the prey of avarice.
But the real question was, Is the debt due, and if any of our
first creditors has assigned his claim are we to disavow the
act of the party himself? The same reasoning would re-
quire us to go further and investigate every claim of those
who had received Continental money, which they afterwards
parted with for ten, forty, or one hundred for one. For
days the contest raged. Then Madison proposed a com-
promise which was finally lost. Assumption was carried by
an overwhelming vote, the result, it has been said, of " a
little talk and a little dinner," where Hamilton agreed to
secure votes for a Southern capital and Jefferson promised
to do the same for assumption.

The passions of the House were also aroused upon the
subject of slavery. The Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
the Abolition of Slavery had presented a memorial for the
relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage and for

150 The First Congress of the United States.

the improvement of the condition of the African race. It
was signed by the venerable Benjamin Franklin as presi-
dent, and was introduced by Mr. Hartley, of Pennsylvania.
It was instantly attacked by Mr. Tucker, of South Carolina,
as having for its object to engage Congress in an unconsti-
tutional measure. Mr. Burke and Mr. Jackson followed in
the same strain, and were replied to by Mr. Scott and Mr.
Sherman. Upon the question of commitment, however,
the votes stood forty-three to fourteen. The flames were
smothered for a time, but again broke forth when the
report of the committee was presented. Mr. Burke, of
South Carolina, made a violent attack upon the Quakers.
He denied that they were friends of freedom ; asserted that
during the late war they were for bringing the country
under a foreign yoke ; that they descended to the character
of spies ; had supplied the enemy with provisions ; and had
acted as guides to their armies. Mr. Smith, from the same
State, followed in a long and bitter speech. Mr. Boudinot
replied with great spirit. He resented the attack upon the
Quakers, and cited instance after instance of their humanity
to prisoners, and of the aid and comfort they had given
during the war. The attack he denounced as an indis-
criminate charge. " Where was the denomination," he
asked, " that did not furnish opposers to our glorious Revo-
lution ? Were not hundreds of Presbyterians, Episcopalians,
and almost of every other denomination, among our enemies ?
What denominations formed the thousands of new levies
that endeavored to deluge our country in blood ? On the
other hand, were not a Greene and a Mifflin furnished from
the society of Quakers ?" The report of the special com-
mittee was finally received by a vote of twenty-nine to
twenty-five, and the philanthropic society, of which Dr.
Franklin was president, was informed that " Congress had
no right to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or their
treatment in any of the States."

When Congress next met, it was in the city of Phila-
delphia, the third session being held in the old building,
erected in 1787, at the southeast corner of Sixth and Chestnut

The First Congress of ike United States. 151

Streets. There John Adams presided over the Senate.
There Madison and Fisher Ames contended with each other
upon the bill to establish a National Bank. There Wash-
ington was inaugurated for his second term. There John
Adams was inducted into the Presidential office. In a sim-
ilar building, at the southwest corner of Fifth and Chestnut
Streets, sat the Supreme Court of the United States. There
Jay and Rutledge and Ellsworth presided as Chief-Justices.
There Lewis and Dallas, Ingersoll and Tilghman, Rawle,
Dexter, and Harper appeared to argue their causes. Be-
tween them stands the Hall, sacred to the Declaration of
Independence and the Constitution. Where, in America,
can be found a similar group of historic buildings ? Quaint
in their simplicity, solid in their structure, thrilling in their
associations, they speak each hour to the Americans of to-
day. They recall the plainness, the strength, the endurance,
the patriotism, the heroism, and the sacrifices of our early
days. Invested with a charm that clings not to the moulder-
ing ruins of feudal castles, or the frowning prisons of the
Doge, they speak not of tyranny, but of liberty. They are
shrines and places of baptism where our fathers knelt and
dedicated themselves and their children to the service of
mankind. Let no rage for modern improvement demand
their removal. Let no thoughtless spirit of progress lay
ruthless hands upon their holy walls.

The third and last session of the Congress opened on the
6th of December, 1790, and terminated on the 3d of March,
1791. Besides a discussion upon the address of the Presi-
dent, particularly in relation to the treaty with the Creek
Indians, debates arose upon duties on spirits, the public
lands, and a vacancy in the Presidency. But the subject
which engaged almost exclusively the attention, and taxed
to the utmost the abilities, of both parties, was the famous
debate upon the Bill to Establish the Bank of the United
States. The plan originated with Hamilton, and was adopted
in the Senate with but little difficulty. Mr. Madison led the
opposition in the House, and Mr. Ames made a brilliant
reply. It was doubted whether Congress had the constitu-

152 The First Congress of the United States.

tional power to establish a National Bank ; it was dreaded
as an engine of tyranny and faction. It was thought to be
in derogation of the rights of the States, and was viewed
with distrust and alarm. To this it was answered that the
bank was an instrument which was necessary and proper
for carrying into effect the powers vested in the government.
It was to be created for national purposes, and would be the
great instrument by which the fiscal operations of the govern-
ment would be conducted. Upon the final vote the yeas and
nays were called, and it was found that thirty-nine were in
favor of the measure and twenty against it. It was a great vic-
tory for the Federalists. The division took place almost upon
geographical lines, — the North sustaining the administration,
the South, with but three exceptions, appearing in opposition.

On the 3d of March, 1791, the First Congress adjourned.

In this imperfect review I have contented myself with
alluding to leading measures, in which we have a general
outline of the government of the United States. It has been
the work of later years to fill in the details, to work out
new problems, to apply the principles of the Constitution to
new conditions, to bind contending sections in stronger and
holier bonds of alliance. The picture upon which we look
in retrospect could not have been perceived even in dim and
distant adumbration by the most piercing gaze of those men
of eagle eyes. They knew little of what the future had in
store. They could not have dreamed of our magnificent
expansion, our growth in power, in influence, in grandeur,
in wealth ; and yet, so well and wisely did they toil, and so
marvellous was the work of their hands, that the mantle of
the Constitution has been " spread without stretching" from
commonwealth to commonwealth, until forty-two States are
now enveloped in its still ample folds, and more than sixty
millions of people repose beneath the aegis of its protection.
Sustained in our high hopes of the future by our experience
of the past, we may confidently exclaim, —

How many ages hence shall this

Our lofty scene be acted o'er

In lands unknown, and accents yet unborn ?

Nawative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 153

A NAEEATIYE OF THE TRANSACTIONS, IMPEISON-
MENT, AND SUFFEEINGS OF JOHN CONNOLLY, AN
AMEEICAN LOYALIST AND LIEUT.-COL. IN HIS
MAJESTY'S SEEYICE.

(Continued from page 70.)

Nothing can have a greater appearance of dispassionate
candour, if we except the expression Tories, than this re-
port ; yet nothing was ever more abundant in chicane and
deceit. On the 17th of May, the date of our letter, the gaol
was exactly, literally, in the state we represented it to be :
on the 23d of the same month it was what their report af-
firms. But, in the interim, so industrious were they to give
their proceedings every appearance of truth, as well as of
humanity, one hundred and fifty privates had been sent
away, some of the sick removed, the gaol-yard thoroughly
cleaned, and our rooms whitewashed. They then, with an
ostentatious formality, examined the prison, and made their
report. But was it probable, was it possible, that men could
have the temerity, knowing themselves in the power of an
unforgiving enemy, or the audacity, making pretension to
the character of gentlemen, to affirm such direct falsehoods
as their report made our letter to contain ? Or if one were
so spleen-ridden, as to magnify his miseries so excessively,
would five other gentlemen have written their names, and
disgraced themselves in attestation of his visions ? No :
Rouzed by a retrospection of things that could not be justi-
fied, and irritated that men should dare to speak the plain
truth, they remove, in some measure, the cause of the com-
plaint, and then affirm it never existed : they are afraid the
tale should be told to their confusion, therefore resolve to
tell it first themselves. No other excuse can be adduced to
plead for the duplicity of their conduct, but the often reiter-

154 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

ated one of political necessity. This, perhaps, may justify
them to themselves, and to the world, as politicians, but
will not invalidate my claim to distinction from the nation
in whose cause I suffered. It will, likewise, if admitted,
be a melancholy proof, that politics and justice are things,
in their own nature, very distinct and heterogeneous.

There are other things in this report which I would wish
should be particularly noticed. Eetaliation, and other
reasons of policy and prudence, are there assigned as the
causes of my continued imprisonment. I hope this will be
remembered, because very different motives are given here-
after. It is likewise there asserted, I had sundry times
behaved amiss while on parole : this, upon the word and
honour of a gentleman, I totally deny. I must, likewise,
remark, that their other reasons of policy and prudence
were evidently the conviction they had of my determination
to leave nothing unessayed to serve his Majesty. They
knew me to be an enterprizing, and, as may be adduced
from the former part of this narrative, a dangerous enemy ;
and, therefore, would not suffer me to escape. These were
reasons of policy and prudence.

Another effort is made to impugn my veracity, by saying,
that Dr. Shippen, when he visited me, found my situation
directly opposite to my representation : that my indisposi-
tion was slight, and merely of a hypochondriac nature. To
this I answer, that when this visitation was made, I had lost
my appetite : had an incessant watchfulness ; was reduced
to a skeleton ; had blisters upon my neck ; was incapable of
walking across the room ; and, for the two preceding nights,
my brother officers had very humanely sat up with me.
That melancholy and hypochondria should be generated in
such a situation is not to be wondered at ; but surely these
were indications of something more than a slight indis-
position.

Here, that is, in York-Town gaol, I remained till the
evacuation of Philadelphia by the British army; when,
just before the return of Congress to that city, I was in-
formed, officially, that a general exchange had taken place,

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 155

and that I, amongst others, was exchanged : but before the
final departure of Congress, this information, though from
the Board of War, was contradicted. Towards the latter
end of July, a still stronger assurance of approaching liberty
arrived. A letter from the American Commissary General
of Prisoners came to York-Town, wherein it was required
that I, with my brother officers, should be immediately for-
warded to Elizabeth Town, to be exchanged. I was now
admitted to my parole (be pleased to observe) as a prisoner
of war, and obtained a passport for myself and servant to
Philadelphia, when I waited on the Deputy Commissary of
Prisoners, and shewed him my passport. He informed me,
I should proceed in a day or two, took my address, and
recommended me to keep within my lodgings. I was
punctual in waiting upon him at the time mentioned, when
to my utter surprize and chagrine, he told me, I was by
order of Congress, to be again confined, for a few days, in
the new gaol, until that body had more properly considered
of the admission of my exchange, whither he had an officer
in waiting to convey me. To have gained my parole, to be
thus far advanced on my way, and afterwards, without the
least cause, to be so cruelly and vexatiously again imprisoned,
disturbed me so much, that I wrote to the President of Con-
gress, complaining bitterly of the length of my confine-
ment, and evidently studied cruelty of my treatment, to
which I received no answer. I then addressed myself to
General Washington, and stated the peculiarity of my case,
who wrote me a short reply to this purport ; u That he had
transmitted my letter to the President of Congress, but
could extend no relief to me, as I was the immediate prisoner
of that body."

It was on the 5th of August, 1778, that I, for the third
time, became an inhabitant of this prison, at which time I
became acquainted with Captain Hawker, a Gentleman of
great philanthropy and liberality of sentiment, and to
whom I owe every acknowledgment, for his polite atten-
tions and civilities while he remained.

My irritation of mind was now so great, that a dismal

156 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

train of nervous disorders, established in my habit by former
sufferings, were revived with such force, that sleep and
appetite again forsook me, and I fell into the last stage of
despondency. I wrote, however, on the 12th of October,
to Congress, informed them of my ungenerous usage, and
claimed the treatment of a prisoner of war. I ultimately
demanded a personal audience of a Committee of Congress,
in order to know wherefore I was refused to be exchanged,
or on what pretence I had been subjected to such unpar-
alleled injustice and indignities. The officers who signed
the before recited remonstrance, were Provincial, not British
officers, born and bred in America ; and they, as well as
many more in the same predicament, had been exchanged,
therefore my country could be no impediment. Mr.
Cameron, who had been taken with me at Hagar's Town,
had been so also of course. I was upon that ground equally
eligible. I therefore declared I was utterly incapable of
accounting, by any mode of reasoning, for my peculiar
detention, and required to receive personal and authentic
information.

For once I was gratified, and brought before a committee,
where having briefly recapitulated my causes of complaint,
the chairman replied to the following purport :

That it had been for some time past his opinion, which
he had not scrupled to communicate to Congress, that I
should be kept in close custody, until Sir John Johnson
was delivered up to them, who, he asserted, had broken his
sacred parole given to General Scuyler, and joined the
enemy ; since which time he had been committing ravages
upon the northern frontiers, with a body of light troops and
Indians, as he supposed I intended to do.

To this I answered, that a parole or honorary obligation,
I presumed, was of modern date, calculated to alleviate the
horrors of war; that no Gentleman could be answerable
for any but himself; that I had been admitted to my parole
above a year ago, when my conduct was irreproachable, and
that I was again, without the least cause on my part, thrown
into prison, and there continued for another year; that

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 157

much had been said about the infraction of my parole,
which I utterly denied to have been the case.

To this they replied, I certainly had not adhered to the
spirit of it, for that I had spoken against their proceed-
ings, and had frequently attempted to turn them into ridi-
cule.

I answered, the spirit of my parole was so indefinite a
phrase, that it carried no accusation ; that it was impossible
to produce an instance, and that nothing of this nature could
be affirmed, except in vague and general terms.

The final objection they made to my exchange, turned
upon the impropriety of my being considered as a prisoner
of war. They said, I had not been taken at the head of
any armed troops, but privately making my way through
the country ; and one of them asserted, I might be con-
sidered as amenable to law martial, as a spy ; but at the
same time he observed, there was no intention of treating
me as such.

This was an accusation of so strange and novel a nature,
that it excited both my surprise and indignation ; and I
answered it, recapitulating, that I had been now almost
three years a prisoner, in which space I had been three
times admitted to my parole on their own authority ; that
I had repeatedly complained to them of the harshness of
my treatment, and the length of my imprisonment, but
that they never before had alledged this crime against me
in their justification ; nor was it, I said, possible, with even
a shadow of truth. I was the King's commissioned oificer,
taken in the execution of my duty, to a sovereign, at that
time, acknowledged by themselves. America was not a
separate state; no independency was declared; no penal
laws promulgated. Neither was there anything to spy. I
was perfectly acquainted with the country, and there were
no armed troops, fortifications, or ihtrenchments, to be
inspected; nay, more, themselves knew my business was
not to give intelligence, but to act, which had been publicly
declared in their proceedings concerning me, in which I had
been acknowledged a prisoner of war.

158 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

The committee at length promised to consider and report
my case to Congress, and as my health was so exceedingly
and visibly impaired, gave me an intimation, that if I were
not exchanged, I should be enlarged on parole. I was then
re-conducted to prison.

As the sole end and purport of this narrative is to show,
that I was, from the commencement to the last moment,
firm and active in my loyalty ; that had I been at liberty, I
had the power as well as the will to serve my sovereign and my
country ; that Congress were conscious of this, and there-
fore resolved to detain me, which they did in an extraordi-
nary manner, and quite distinct from any other Loyalist,
during the whole contest ; I therefore hope my prolixities
will be forgiven, and my endeavours to exhibit myself and
sufferings such as they really were, considered not as the
effusions of vanity, but a strict and literal representation of
facts, in order to obtain justice : that I shall be indulged
with a patient hearing, while I contrast the assertions, and
shew the incongruities of the opposite party; and that,
while I " extenuate nought, nor aught set down in malice,"
I shall not be thought guilty of magnifying my own mis-
fortunes, or the political injuries of my enemies.

Permit me then to remark, that in the report of the 23d
of May, retaliation for the sufferings of American prisoners,
and other reasons of policy and prudence, were assigned
for the causes of my imprisonment ; but since that, having
been more closely pressed for my release, and having no
good reason to alledge why I should not be exchanged as
well as others, they answered, for the first time, that I might
be considered as amenable to law martial as a Spy, but gra-
ciously gave me to understand, they would not totally pro-
ceed to such extremities. They had still a further subterfuge.
The following note was sent me a few days after the above
hearing from the committee :

The committee appointed to take into consideration the
application of Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, request that
gentleman will inform them of his reasons for not producing

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 159

and pleading his commission, at the time he was first taken,
and for a considerable time afterwards.
Thursday 12 o'clock.

It appears really astonishing, to think that a body of men
could suffer such a note to escape them, when my papers
had several times, and my commission among the rest, been
examined ; but the fact was, they wanted to publish some-
thing to the world, that should, in my case, have at least
the semblance and plausibility of justice. However, I made
them so cautious an answer, that they were obliged to drop
this plea, and once again take refuge under the Spy. Ac-
cordingly, in about two months after this committee first
gave me a hearing, and pretended to examine into the true
state of the business, the following report and resolve of
Congress were published :

CONGRESS, Nov. 12, 1778.

The committee, to whom was referred a letter from John
Beatty, Commissary of Prisoners, dated September 15th,
1778, together with two letters from Joshua Loring, Esq. ;
of the 1st of September and 28th of October, and sundry
letters from John Connolly, report the following state of
facts :

That Doctor John Connolly (now stiling himself Lieu-
tenant-Colonel in the British service) was, in the latter end
of November, 1775, apprehended in Frederick county, in
Maryland, in company with a certain Allen Cameron, and
John Smyth, by the Committee of Inspection of that county.
That at the time he was taken, he was not in arms, or at
the head of any party of men in arms, but was clandestinely
making his way to Detroit, in order to join, give intelligence
to, and otherwise aid the garrison at that place, as appears
by his own intercepted letters of the 16th of December, 1775.

That a number of officers in the British service, who
were made prisoners, long after the said John Connolly
was apprehended, have been exchanged in course ; and no
demand has been made (till within these few months past)

160 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

by any British General, for the release or exchange of the
officer last-mentioned.

With respect to the treatment of the said Lieutenant-
Colonel Connolly, the Committee report :

That at the time when he was first apprehended, he was
confined under guard, by the Committee of Inspection in
the town of Frederick, in an apartment separate from his
associates, without any circumstance to aggravate his cap-
tivity, except the being debarred the use of pen, ink, and
paper: That, notwithstanding this restraint, he contrived
to write several letters of intelligence to the British officers
commanding at the posts of Detroit and Kuskuskis, which
letters were found on the person of Dr. Smyth, one of his
associates, who, having escaped from the town of Frederick,
was again apprehended :

That by the resolution of Congress, of the 8th of De-
cember, 1775, he was ordered to be confined in prison at
Philadelphia ; that being brought to that city, he was con-
fined in the new gaol, wherein he continued till about the
month of November, 1776, when he was permitted, on
account of a declining state of health, to reside on his
parole, at the house of his brother-in-law, on the river
Susquehannah, where he continued for about two months ;
when, on information being given to the Council of Safety,
of the State of Pennsylvania, of certain suspicious circum-
stances relative to him, he was remanded to his former place
of confinement, in which he continued till about the spring,
1777, when he was again permitted on his parole, and the
security of his brother-in-law, to return to his former place
of residence on the river Susquehannah :

That during these periods of his confinement in the new
gaol, he had, for the greatest part of the time, a separate
apartment to himself, the privilege of walking in the yard,
a person allowed to attend him in his apartment, and his
own servant permitted to fetch him such necessaries as he
chose to order.

That during the short period, when he had not a separate
apartment, there were never more than two persons in the

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 161

same room, seldom more than one, and those, some of his
associates, or in consequence of his particular request :

That during these periods of time, he made two attempts
to escape, in which he was detected :

That on authentic information being given to Congress,
at York-Town, that the said Lieut. Col. John Connolly,
was acting in a manner not consistent with the spirit of his
parole, and the frontiers being threatened with a barbarous
war, in which there was reason to apprehend he was designed
as an instrument, he was ordered into confinement in the
gaol at York-Town on the 13th of October :

That on the 17th of May, the said J. Connolly, with
several others confined in said gaol, made a representation
to Congress, setting forth in the strongest colouring, the
hardships and cruelties which they declared they were then
suffering :

That on the result of a strict enquiry, and after the gaol
had been visited by Colonel Pickering, one of the members
to the Board of War, it appeared, that the suggestions
contained in the said representation, were scandalous and
groundless ; and the report of the Board of War, was, on
the 23d day of May, ordered to be published :

That since the evacuation of Philadelphia, the said J.
Connolly was remanded to the new gaol in that city, where
(excepting the space of about fourteen days, when two
persons were necessarily obliged to sleep in the same room)
he has had a separate and commodious apartment of his
own choice, the privilege of his own servant to attend him
constantly, and to bring him whatever he may require, and
the unrestrained use of a spacious yard to take the air in,
during the day :

That in his letter of the 12th of October, 1778, the said
J. Connolly declared, " That the common rights of humanity
are denied to him," and paints his situation in such terms,
as would tend to induce a belief, that the most wanton
cruelties and restraints are imposed upon him :

That in consequence of a request of J. Connolly, to be
heard in person by Committee of Congress, this Committee
VOL. xm.— 11

162 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

have complied with this request, when he declared, in pres-
ence of your Committee, " that, excepting the restraint of
his person, under the limits above-mentioned, which, how-
ever indulgent they might appear, he conceived unfavourable
to his state of health, he experienced every other relief which
could be extended to a person in confinement :"

That Joshua Loring, Esq ; British Commissary of pris-
oners, in his letter to Mr. Beatty of the first of September,
1778, threatens to retaliate on an American prisoner at war,
of equal rank with Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, for the
sufferings which, it is pretended that officer endures."
Whereupon, Resolved, That Lieutenant Colonel John Con-
nolly, cannot of right, claim to be considered and treated
as a prisoner of war ; but that he was, at the time he was
apprehended, and still is, amenable to the law martial, as a spy
and emissary from the JBritish army : . . . that the repeated
representations made by Lieut. Col. John Connolly, of the
grievances he undergoes, are not founded on facts : . . .
That General Washington be directed to transmit the fore-
going resolutions and state of facts, to the Commander in
Chief of his Britanic Majesty's forces in New- York; and
to inform the said officer, that if, under the pretext of
retaliating for the pretended sufferings of a person, who,
by the law of nations, has no right to be considered as a
prisoner of war, any American officer, entitled to be con-
sidered and treated as a prisoner of war, shall undergo any
extraordinary restraints or sufferings, Congress are deter-
mined to retaliate on the person of an officer of the first
rank in their possession, for every species of hardship or
restraint on such account inflicted.

Extract from the minutes,

CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.

Though the inconsistencies of this paper are, I hope,
evident from the facts before related, yet as they may not
strike a mind less interested with the same force, I beg to
be indulged while I point out a few of them.

They make it one of my crimes, that although I was de-

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist 163

barred the use of pen, ink, and paper, I, notwithstanding,
contrived to write several letters of intelligence to British
officers. This is ridiculous; for, certainly, if I had the
means, it was as much my duty to aid my Sovereign when
in prison, as when at liberty, I not having given, by parole,
any promise to the contrary.

Another of my sins is, that I made two attempts to
escape !

Sometimes they call me Doctor, sometimes Lieutenant-
Colonel, and sometimes John Connolly; but when they
speak of the lex talionis, they threaten to retaliate on the
person of an officer of the first rank in their possession.

Another part of their report is contrary to truth : after
the evacuation of Philadelphia, they say I was remanded back
to the new gaol in that city. The fact is as before related ;
I was going from York-Town to Elizabeth-Town, on my
parole, to be exchanged, and was stopped at Philadelphia ;
but it did not suit their purpose to state it in this light.

They say no demand has been made, till within these few
months past, by any British General for my release, or ex-
change. This is an equivocation which must be explained
in justice to Sir William Howe. I had come down to Phil-
adelphia, in consequence of a general exchange of prisoners ;
which, previous thereto, could never be settled, owing to
the impediments inseparable from a state of warfare in a
rebellion. It could not, therefore, militate against that com-
mander, as inattentive to the condition of a loyal American.
I must likewise acknowledge, with the warmest gratitude,
the zeal with which Sir Henry Clinton insisted upon my
release, although this equitable and generous interference
had nearly effected my destruction ; for finding themselves,
when they made the above resolve, in possession of General
Phillips, and other officers of rank, the Congress was de-
termined to keep me ; and the threat of retaliation, however
disguised, was palpably levelled at the last-mentioned Gen-
eral, and was, in fact, a plain declaration to Sir Henry Clin-
ton, that I should not then be exchanged.

I owe, indeed, every obligation to Sir Henry's attention ;

164 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

for when the report, which the emissaries of Congress had
propagated that I was not commissioned, reached the British
lines ; to obviate immediately that pretence, and all undue
advantages that might be taken, had my commission been
lost by any accident, or out of my power to produce, he
instantly caused the following certificate to be transmitted
to Philadelphia :

INSPECTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE, New York,
November 27, 1778.

This is to certify, that John Connolly, Esq ; was appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel in his Majesty's service, by his Excellency
Lord Dunmore; and said Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly is
now confined in prison by the enemy, in Philadelphia ; and
I further certify, that I have received Lieutenant-Colonel
Connolly's full subsistence, up to the 25th December, 1778,
by order of his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, Commander
in Chief of his Majesty's forces in North America.

H. ROOK,

D. I. a. P. forces.

(Copy from the original.}

I shall forbear to reason upon, or take any further notice
of that part of their report, where they endeavour to shew
I had not endured any peculiar hardships in my imprison-
ment, or of their treating me as a spy in their resolve, having
before spoken to those points, but shall proceed with my
narrative.

Some time after this, Doctor Berkenhout arrived at Phila-
delphia from New York, and was imprisoned on some sus-
picions, by which accident I became acquainted with that
Gentleman, and much conversation passed between us con-
cerning the most probable means of my obtaining my liberty.
Shortly after he was delivered from his confinement, an
order of Congress, under the signature of their Secretary,
came to the keeper to lock me up in my room (I having
then the privilege of walking in the gaol yard), place a cen-
tinel at my door, and allow no person whatever to converse
with me. The complexion of the times, the formality of

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 165

the order, coming immediately too from Congress, and the
strictness with which it was enforced, gave me reason to
believe that the last tragic act was now to take place, and
that I should be released from my sufferings by execution ;
and in such a state were both my mind and body, that this
imagination gave far more pleasure than pain. I remained
in this suspense for six weeks, when my door was again
thrown open, and I was allowed to walk in the yard.

It afterwards appeared, that Mr. Silas Deane, in his de-
fence of his public transactions while Ambassador to the
Court of France, had affirmed, he had discovered, by means
of his emissaries at New York, that Dr. Berkenhout had
made a proposition to the British General, to suspend all
exchange of American officers till I was admitted to be ex-
changed, and that I was then to be sent to the northward,
to carry on a predatory war, whence he asserted, he had
saved the inhabitants of the United States from the horrors
of Indian hostilities. This, absurd as it was, and calculated
on private views only, was the cause of my above close
confinement.

Soon afterwards I was suddenly attacked by a cholera
morbus, and continued in so languishing a state, that in the
beginning of April, 1779, a certificate of my infirmities was
signed by two of the most eminent physicians in Philadel-
phia, and sent by them to Congress, wherein they declared,
that unless I was allowed the open air, I must fall a victim
to imprisonment, on which I was allowed to ride four hours
a day, within the limits of about two miles, but on my
parole, obliged to return every night to confinement. It
was intimated likewise, I should soon be sent to Reading
and exchanged ; but even the indulgence of riding in the
open air, was presently prohibited, and I again shut up in
prison.

Thus I continued till the 17th of November, at which
time, in consequence of the return of General Sullivan,
from his expedition against Colonel Butler and the Indian
auxiliaries, in which he was supposed to have greatly in-
timidated those people; and as it was evident, that my

166 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

health was in a manner irreparably impaired, and the future
of the war more favourable to Congress, they came to the
following resolve :

In Congress.
Kead a report from the Board of War.

Whereupon resolved,

That the Commissary-General of prisoners be authorized
to exchange Lieutenant-Colonel John Connolly, for any
Lieutenant-Colonel in the service of the United States, now
a prisoner with the enemy.

By order of Congress,
Signed

CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.

I was quickly after sent to German Town on parole, and
on the 4th of July, 1780, allowed to go to New- York on
the following conditions :

Philadelphia.

His Excellency General Washington having granted me
permission to repair to the City of New- York on parole,
for the purpose of negociating my exchange for that of
Lieutenant-Colonel Ramsay, I do promise, on my word of
honour and faith as a gentleman, that I will pass from here
on the direct road to the said City of New- York, by the
way of Elizabeth Town, and that I will return to captivity
at the expiration of one month from this day, unless within
that time the above-mentioned exchange is effected.

I do, in like manner, pledge my word and sacred honour,
that I will not, directly nor indirectly, say or do any thing
injurious to the United States of America, or the armies
thereof; but that I will in all things conduct myself as a
prisoner of war ought and should do, under the indulgence
granted me.

It is worthy of remark, that, in the resolve, Congress
authorized me to be exchanged for any Lieutenant-Colonel

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 167

in the service of the United States ; but in the strange parole,
which they obliged me to give, they insist upon a particular
person, a favourite Colonel. However, that all necessity of
my return to Philadelphia might be totally superseded, the
Commander in Chief allowed Colonel Ramsay to set off' on
his parole immediately, and the final adjustment of the
matter was deferred till the 25th of October, 1780, at which
time, after suffering what I have related, in an imprisonment
of almost five years, I congratulated myself on a restoration
to liberty.

(To be concluded.)

168 Owen of Merion.

OWEN OF MEEION.

BT THOMAS ALLEN GLENN.

I. Owen ap Evan, of Fron Gdch,1 near Bala, in the comot
of Penllyn, Merionethshire, Wales, was born probably prior
to his father's removal from Bhiwlas, which event may have
occurred subsequent to 1636. He was the son of Evan Robert
Lewis, of Fron Grdch, a "Welsh gentleman of small fortune,
but " of an ancient and honourable family," who was born
circa 1585,2 and is described as " a sober honest man."
Owen ap Evan had several brothers, of whom John ap
Evan was father of William John, of Gwynedd, and of
Griffith John,3 of Merion, early settlers of Pennsylvania.
Further on it will be noticed that Robert Owen in his will
mentions his " cousin Griffith John," thus confirming the
account given in the old manuscript from which the above
statement is partly taken. Evan ap Evan, another son of
Evan Robert Lewis, was father of the Evans brothers who
settled at Gwynedd, for a detailed account of whose de-
scendants see H. M. Jenkins's " Historical Collections of
Gwynedd." The children of Griffith John called them-
selves " Griffiths," and those of William, " Williams." The
descendants of Owen ap Evan assumed the surname of Owen.
Owen ap Evan died at Fron Goch prior to 1678. From rec-
ords extant it appears that his wife's name was Gainor John,
and that she was probably living until 1682. Owen and
Gainor had issue, — five children :

1 Called also Vron and Tron G6ch, the Red Slope.

2 Old manuscript pedigree. Dwnn Visit. Wales, 1601 (Meyrick).

3 Described in Welsh documents as " Griffith John de Gwerevol ;" he
came with Robert Owen in 1690. His certificate was from the Quar-
terly Meeting of Friends at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merionethshire, and bears
the same date as that of his relative.

Owen of Merion. 169

1. Robert, b. circa 1657 ; m. Rebecca Owen.

2. Owen, supposed to have d. s. p.

3. Evan, living 1690.

4. Jane, m. Hugh Roberts.

5. Ellin, m. Cadwalader Thomas ap Hugh.

H. Robert Owen,1 son of Owen ap Evan, of Fron Goch,
and Gainor, born at Fron Goch, Merionethshire, Wales, circa
1657 ; died in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, Penn-
sylvania, 10th mo. 8th, 1697, and was buried in the ground
of the Merion Friends' Meeting on the 10th of same month.
His brother-in-law, Hugh Roberts, says of him : " He was one
that feared the Lord from his youth, being convinced of the
truth when about seventeen years of age . . . travelling
several times through his native country, Wales, where he
was of good service. In 1690 he came into Pennsylvania,
where he lived about seven years, visiting this and the ad-
jacent provinces, and was also very useful in the meeting
where he resided ... a man of peace, hating all appear-
ance of contention, endued with wisdom and authority, yet
merciful unto the least appearance of good in such as he
had to do withal."

Regarding his earlier life in Merionethshire many particu-
lars have been obtained. The following from " Besse's
Sufferings of Friends," Vol. I. p. 755, is the first men-
tion we have of him as a Quaker : " Anno 1674, on the 3d
day of the month called May, John David, Robert David,
Robert Owen, Cadwallader Thomas, and Hugh Roberts
were taken by the Sheriff with a process and committed to
Dolgelly Goale, being indicted at sessions some time before
for their being absent from National Worship." " Robert

1 There was another Robert Owen and Jane, his wife, of Dolsereu,
near Dolgelly, Merionethshire, who came to Pennsylvania in 1684, on the
" Vine," and settled on Duck Creek, New Castle (now Delaware), where
a son, Edward Owen, had previously located. Robert and "Jane died in
1685. They had nine sons, all of age before their arrival here, of whom
I can name only Lewis, who came with them, but returned to Wales ;
Dr. Griffith Owen, who accompanied them, and died in Philadelphia ;
Edward, who remained on Duck Creek and left descendants.

170 Owen of Meri&n.

Owen, of Yron Goch," was one of those Quakers fined for
meeting at Llwyn y Braner, in the parish of Llanvawr, May
16, 1675 (PENNA. MAG., Vol. Y. p. 359), together with his two
sisters, Elin, who afterwards married Cadwalader Thomas
ap Hugh, and Jane, wife of Hugh Roberts. His younger
brother, " Evan Owen ye son of a widdow called Gainor,
whose late husband was Owen ap Evan of Yron Goch," was
also present at a meeting, " though but 9 or 10 years old."
Robert was appointed one of the overseers of the will of
John Thomas, of Llaithgwm, which document is dated 9th
February, 1682,1 and was executed in Wales, but probated
in Pennsylvania in the year 1688. He is described therein
as " Robert Owen late of fron goch neer Bala in the County
of Merionyth." Subsequent to this date I find him a resi-
dent of the parish of Llanddervel in Merionethshire.2 On
the 8th day of the 6th month (August), 1690, the Quarterly
Meeting of Friends held at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merioneth-
shire, granted a certificate of removal to this Robert Owen.
This certificate is of record in Book 1st, pp. 286-87 of the
Merion, Radnor and Haverford Meeting, and is as follows :

To oe Friends & Brothers in the Province of Pennsylvania.
These are to certifie, as occasion shall require, unto whom
it may concern in the behalf of oe dearly beloved friende &
Brother Robt. Owen & Rebecca his wife & their dear &
tender children. That they are faithfull & beloved friends,
well known to be serviceable unto Friends & brethren since
they have (become convinced), of a Savory & Blameless
conversation. Alsoe are psons Dearly beloved & Respected
of all sorts. His testimony sweet & tender, reaching to the
quicking seed of life, of a meek, quiet & gentle Behavior ;
we cannot alsoe but bemoan the want of his company, being

1 Will Book A, Philadelphia.

2 He appears as a witness to sundry deeds executed in Merionethshire
in 1682, and recorded in Philadelphia, 1684, in Deed Book C I, for
land in Pennsylvania, viz. : " John Thomas, of Llaethgwm, Merioneth,
yeoman," to "Edward Jones, of Bala Chyrurgeon," dated 1st April.
" Edward Jones, of Bala, to Hugh Eoberts, of the township of Ciltal-
garth, yeoman," dated the last day of February.

Owen of Merion. 171

he was near and dear unto us & seasonable in intention for
Pennsylvania many months before his removal, now seeing
it remaineth still on his mind, & in order therein unto find-
ing his way clear & freedom in the truth according to the
measure manifested unto him, we thought it oe duty to
commend him unto you as oe dear & faithfull friend &
brother, and hereby desiring their faithfull services in the
truth may increase & abound among you to their endless
joy without end.

Att oe quarty. Meeting att Tyddyn y Garreg in Merion-
ethshire the eight of the sixe month in the year 1690.

Ellis Morris David Jones

Hugh David Evan Owen

Rowland Ellis Regnald (Rowland ?) Hum-

Jn. Evan phrey

Hugh Rees Margaret David

Rowland Owen Jonett Johnes

Lewis Owen Elizabeth Jones

Owen Lewis Ellin Ellis

Griffitt Robt. Jane Robt.

Evan Rees Margaret Robt.

Robert Yaughan Ann Rowland

Rees Thomas Gainor Jones.

Rees Evan

Some time before this, about 1678, Robert Owen had
married, according to Friends' ceremony, Rebecca Owen,
daughter of Owen Humphrey (or Humphreys), Esquire, a
gentleman who " had a good and indefeisible estate of inher-
itance" called Llwyn-du, in the township of Llwyngwrill and
parish of Llangelynin, Talybont, Merionethshire, which he
had succeeded to in or about 1646. The agreement con-
cerning a marriage settlement was executed on the 6th of
1st month, 1678, between Gainor John, mother of Robert
Owen, and Owen Humphrey. The bond of this contract,
" Owin Humphrey de Llwundu" to " Rob* Owen de vron goch
com* Penllin, gener." (gentleman), dated as above, is extant.
The witnesses were, Rowland Ellis, Edward Yaughan, John

172 Owen of Merlon.

Thomas, Owen Thomas, Hugh Robert, Rowland Owen, and
Humphrey Owen ; the last two were brothers of Rebecca,
as were John and Joshua Owen, who afterwards removed to
Pennsylvania and lived with Robert Owen or with their uncle,
John Humphreys. After his coming to Pennsylvania his
name is of continual occurrence as executor, administrator, or
trustee, or as a party to some agreement. He is described in
one of these documents, dated 30th May, 1696, as "Robert
Owen, of Merioneth, in the County of Philadelphia, in the
Province of Pennsylvania, Yeoman," and is grantee in a deed
from Thomas Lloyd,1 dated " the fifth day of the sixth month,
Anno Dom. 1691," for a tract of land containing four hundred
and forty-two acres, situate in " the Township of Merion"
in Philadelphia County, the consideration being one hun-
dred pounds. This " plantation," as it was then called, lay
west of the present Wynnewood Station, on the Pennsylva-
nia Railroad, and extended to near the present village of
Ardmore. It was confirmed to Evan Owen, eldest son and
heir of Robert, by patent2 from Penn's Commissioner,
dated 8th February, 1704, " Together with the Messuage or
Tenement, Plantation, . . . Houses, Barns, Buildings,
Gardens, Orchards, "Woods, Underwoods, Ways, Waters,
Meadows, Water-courses, Fishings, Fowlings, Hawkings,
Huntings, Rights, Liberties." By a deed dated 31st De-
cember, 1707,3 " Evan Owen, of the Township of Merion,
in the County of Philadelphia, and Province of Pennsylva-
nia, yeoman, son and heir of Robert Owen, late of Merion,
yeoman, deceased," conveyed this farm, devised to him
by his father, to his brother-in-law, " Jonathan Jones, of
Merion, yeoman." A manuscript by Owen Jones, grand-
son of Robert Owen, says,4 " He purchased a large tract of
land about nine miles from the city of Philadelphia, in the
township of Lower Merion. Here he built a large commo-
dious dwelling-house, and resided in it during the remain-

1 Deed Book E2, Vol. V. p. 174, etc., Philadelphia.

2 Patent Book A, Vol. III. p. 241, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

3 Deed Book E4, Vol. VII. p. 40, etc., Philadelphia.
4 " Memoir of Charles J. Wister."

Owen of Me)-ion. 173

der of his life. He had children, viz., Gainor, Evan, Owen,
Elizabeth, John, and Robert, some of whom were born in
"Wales." This house is yet standing, and compares favor-
ably with many of the modern dwellings erected near it.
The date is carved upon a corner-stone, " 1695." Robert
Owen was a justice of the peace for Merion, and by 1695
had, says this old manuscript, " gained the confidence of the
people in general, which they manifested by making choice
of him to represent them in the Assembly of the Province
of Pennsylvania (elected again, 1697) . . . which position
he filled with much reputation. It pleased Divine Provi-
dence to remove his beloved wife in the year 1697 (died
8th mo. 23d, buried 25th), which severe trial he survived
but a few weeks."

Robert, as already stated, outlived his wife — whom he had
loved long and tenderly — but a short time, and was buried
beside her. Among the eminent Friends whose bones lie
near his, scarcely one has left a more stainless, and none a
more honored, name. His will, dated " 10th mo. 2d day,
1697," was probated May 16, 1705.1 He left his plantation
in Merion to his eldest son, Evan Owen, and speaks of his
other children without mentioning their names. He appoints
as overseers John Humphreys, Hugh Roberts, John Roberts,
Griffith John, Robert Jones, Robert Roberts, Robert Lloyd,
and Rowland Ellis, and appoints his " cousin Griffith John
above named" as sole executor. The witnesses were Joshua
Owen, Robert Jones, and Rowland Ellis. John Owen, de-
scribed elsewhere as " ye 2nd son of Owen Humphreys of
Llwyn-du," in Merionethshire, and brother to Joshua, above
named, subsequently acted as an appraiser. Robert Owen's
important services as a minister among Friends must not be
overlooked. He was one of the founders of the Merion
Meeting, and a trustee thereof, as appears by a deed dated
20th 6th mo., 1695, Edward Rees, of Merion, yeoman, to
Robert Owen, Edward Jones, Cadwallader Morgan, and
Thomas Jones, of Merion, yeomen, in trust, for one-half
acre of land in Merion, " for the purposes of the Merion

1 Register of Wills' Office, Philadelphia.

174 Owen of Merion.

Meeting." As early as 28th June, 1692, Robert Owen, with
Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas Wain, Dr. Griffith Owen, Hugh
Roberts, John Symcock, William Byles, and others, the
then ministers at or near Philadelphia, signed the communi-
cation of the Meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, to the
Monthly Meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania, and East and
West Jersey, setting forth their displeasure and sorrow at
the action of Keith, who was making himself obnoxious to
Friends about this time. Perhaps the last documents, exe-
cuted the year of his death, 1697, that in any way concerned
Robert, are an agreement of his with one Evan Harry con-
cerning the estate of Cadwallader Lewis, deceased, of which
Robert Owen was appointed by the court administrator,
" Letters of Attorney,1 Richard Davies of Cloodie Cochion,
Welchpoole (Montgomeryshire), gentleman," to Robert
Owen et al, his "true and lawful attys.," dated 1st mo. 8th,
1696/7, and a letter from him to Hugh Roberts, then travel-
ling in Wales, dated 24th of 2d mo., 1697. So far as can
be ascertained at this late day, Robert and Rebecca Owen
had but eight children ; or, if there were others, their early
decease in Wales renders their existence of little interest.
Of these eight, the first four — Evan, Grainor, Elizabeth, and
Jane — were born in Merionethshire, and are the " tender
children" mentioned in the certificate of removal. The
rest were born in Merion Township, Philadelphia County,
Pennsylvania, as appears by the record of their births in
the "Book of Births" of the Radnor Monthly Meeting,
and there mentioned as children " of Robert and Rebeckah
Owen." Their births are also noted in records of said Meet-
ing as " Births in Merion Meeting." The eight were :

1. Evan, b. circa 1682 ; m. Mary Hoskins.

2. Gainor, m. Jonathan Jones.

3. Elizabeth, m. David Evans.

4. Jane.

5. Owen, b. 12 mo. 21st, 1690 ; m. Anne Wood.

6. John, b. 12 mo. 26th, 1692; m. Hannah Maris.

7. Robert, b. 7 mo. 27th, 1695 ; m. Susanna Hudson.

1 Exemplification Book 4, p. 677, Philadelphia.

Owen of Merion. 175

8. Rebecca, b. 1 mo. 14th, 1697; d. inft. ; buried 9 mo.
21st, 1697.1

II. Jane, daughter of Owen ap Evan, of Fron Goch, and
Gainor, born at Fron Goch, 1653/4 ; died in Merion Town-
ship, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, 7th mo. 1st,
1686, and buried 3d of same month. She married, in
Merionethshire, 1672/3, " Hugh Roberts, of the township of
Kiltalgarth, parish of Llanvawr, Merionethshire, yeoman."
He was a prominent minister among Friends, and after-
wards a Provincial Councillor of Pennsylvania. Their cer-
tificate of removal from the comot of Penllyn, is dated " ye
2nd of 5 mo., 1683," and they settled upon about six hun-
dred acres of land in Merion. All of their children, except
Elizabeth, were born in the township of Kiltalgarth, but a
record of their births has been preserved in the archives
of the Merion, Pennsylvania, Monthly Meeting of Friends.
They were as follows :

1. Robert, b. 11 mo. 7th, 1673 ; m. 1st Catharine Jones ;
2ndly, Priscilla Johnes.

2. Ellin, b. 10 mo. 4th, 1675.

3. Owen, b. 10 mo. 1st, 1677 ; m. Ann Bevan.

4. Edward, b. 2 mo. 4th, 1680; m. 1st Susannah Painter;
2ndly, Martha Hoskins ; 3dly Maria Cox.

5. William, b. 3 mo. 26th, 1682 ; d. 1697 in Penna.

6. Elizabeth, b. 12 mo. 24th, 1683.

II. Ellin, second daughter of Owen ap Evan, of Fron
Goch, and Gainor, born at Fron Goch, circa 1660; died in
Merionethshire prior to 1697. She married, subsequent
to 16th May, 1675, Cadwalader Thomas ap Hugh, of the
township of Kiltalgarth, in Llanvawr, Merionethshire. He
was the son of Thomas ap Hugh, ap Evan, ap Rees Goch, ap
Tudor, ap Rees, ap Evan Coch, of Bryammer, in the parish
of Gerrig y drudion, Denbighshire, derived from March-
werthian, Lord of Issallt, who bore Gules, a lion rampt,

1 " Burials at Merion Meeting," in Records of Radnor Monthly Meet-
ing of Friends.

176 Owen of Merion.

arg., armed, and langued azure. Cadwalader Thomas died
prior to 9th February, 1682, as appears by the will of his
brother, John Thomas, of Laithgwm, " gentleman," dated
as above, and proved in Philadelphia, 1688. Cadwalader
had issue by Elin, two sons :

1. Thomas Cadwalader, living 9th Feb., 1682.

2. John Cadwalader, born prior to 1682 ; removed to
Pennsylvania and became ancestor to the Cadwalader family
of Philadelphia. He was a member of the Provincial As-
sembly, and his son, Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, was a Coun-
cillor.

III. Evan Owen, eldest son and heir of Kobert and Re-
becca, born in Merionethshire, "Wales, 1682/3 ; died at Phila-
delphia, Pennsylvania, 1727. Letters were granted on his
estate to Mary, his widow, 27th October, that year. He mar-
ried, 10th mo. llth, 1711, Mary, daughter of Dr. Richard Hos-
kins. The record of their marriage says, " Evan Owen, son
of Robert, of Merion Township, Philadelphia County, yeo-
man, deceased, and Mary Hoskins, daughter of Richard, prac-
titioner of physick, deceased. . . . Philadelphia Meeting."
The witnesses were Owen, John and Robert Owen, Grainor
Jones, John and Martha Cadwalader, and forty-seven others.
Evan Owen, having sold his Merion land to his brother-in-
law, Jonathan Jones, removed to Philadelphia, and was
admitted to the freedom of the city in April, 1717 ; neither
he nor his brother Robert, who was admitted with him,
gave any occupation. He (Evan) became a member of
Common Council, 1717, and was appointed a justice of the
peace of the Philadelphia County Courts, 1723, serving until
his decease. He was justice of Court of Common Pleas,
Quarter Sessions, and Orphans' Court, commissioned 18th
February, 1723. Became associate justice of the City Court
and alderman, 6th October, 1724. Justice of Orphans'
Court from 5th December, 1724; was a master of the Court
of Equity, 1725 ; treasurer of Philadelphia County from
1724 to his death. Became a member of the Provincial
Assembly, 1725, and Provincial Councillor of Pennsylvania,

Owen of Merlon. 177

1726, being a justice of the Court of Chancery the same year.
While serving as a member of the Assembly, Evan Owen
was, as we have seen, called to the Provincial Council, the
lieutenant-governor expressing a desire to have another
Quaker at the board, and Preston and Fishbourne, whose
advice was asked, recommended him. He asked to be ex-
cused until the expiration of the sessions of the Assembly,
but appears to have qualified, as there is a note to the
minutes of the first meeting he afterwards attended, which
was during Gordon's term, that he had qualified in Keith's
time. Perhaps Evan's most important trust was as a trustee
of the Society of Free-Traders, who had purchased several
thousand acres in Pennsylvania. The records of the Arch
Street, Philadelphia, Monthly Meeting show the births of
four children of Evan and Mary, and the death of one.
They were :

1. Robert, d. 10 mo. 9th, 1712.

2. Robert, b. 10 mo. 12th, 1712 ; d. s. p.

3. Martha, b. 4 mo. 12th, 1714.

4. Esther, b. 9 mo. 18th, 1716 ; m., 1743, William Davis.1

5. Aurelius, b. 1 mo. 1st, 1718; d. 5 mo. 2d, 1721.

III. Gainor Owen, daughter of Robert and Rebecca,
born in Merionethshire, died in Pennsylvania. She mar-
ried, 8th mo. 4th, 1706, Jonathan, son of Dr. Edward Jones,
of Merion, by Mary, daughter of Dr. Thomas Wynne, of
Bronvedog, near Calwys, Flintshire. Gainor is described
as being " much beloved by her neighbours, a friend to the
poor." They had eleven children ; surname Jones :

1. Mary, b. 14th 5 mo., 1707 ; m. Benjamin Hayes.

2. Edward, b. 7th 7 mo., 1708 ; d. unm.

3. Rebecca, b. 20th 12 mo., 1709 ; m. John Roberts.

4. Owen,2 b. 19th 9 mo., 1711; m. Ann Evans.

5. Ezekiel Jones, supposed by his father to have d. s. p.

6. Jacob, b. 14th 5 mo., 1713 ; m. Mary Lawrence.

7. Jonathan, b. 29th 4 mo., 1715; m. Sarah Jones.

1 Register of Christ Church, Philadelphia.

2 He was colonial treasurer of Pennsylvania.
VOL. xiii.— 12

178 Owen of Merion.

8. Elizabeth, m., 1758, Jesse George.

9. Martha, b. 6th 3 mo., 1717.

10. Hannah, b. 28th 11 mo., 1718/9.

11. Charity, b. 4th 8 mo., 1720.

III. Elizabeth Owen, daughter of Robert and Rebecca,
born in Merionethshire, Wales ; died at Philadelphia, Penn-
sylvania, 22d 10th mo., 1753. She married David Evans, of
Philadelphia, " gentleman," deputy sheriff of Philadelphia,
1714-21. His will is dated Sept. 27, 1745. They had six
children ; surname Evans :

1. Evan, d. prior to 1762; issue, Sidney, David, Rebecca.

2. Rebecca, d. unm.

3. Sidney, m. 4 mo. 26th, 1759, Joseph Howell, of Chester.

4. Sarah, d. unm. Will d. 14 July, 1762 ; proved 21 Dec.

5. David, d. 11 mo. 18th, 1725.

6. Margaret, d. unm. 4 mo. 12th, 1734.

III. Owen Owen, second son of Robert and Rebecca,
born in the township of Merion, Philadelphia County, 21st
12th mo., 1690; died at Philadelphia, 5th 8th mo., 1741.
Will dated 4th 5th mo., 1741 ; proved llth August, 1741.
He married, 13th 3d mo., 1714, Anne Wood, who died 2d
mo. 4th, 1743. He was high sheriff of Philadelphia from
4th October, 1726, and coroner, 1729 to 1741. The Penn-
sylvania Gazette, August 6, 1741, says, "Yesterday died
after a long illness, Owen Owen, Esquire; formerly High
Sheriff, and for many years Coroner of this city and county."
Owen and Anne had five children :

1. Robert.

2. Jane, m., 1760, Dr. Cadwallader Evans, who d. s. p.,
1773.

3. Sarah, m. John Biddle ; d. 1 mo. 1st, 1773.

4. Tacey, m., 1744, Daniel Morris, of Upper Dublin, Pa.

5. Rebecca, d. unm., 10th Dec., 1755.

HI. John Owen, third son of Robert and Rebecca, born
in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, 12th mo. 26th,

Oiven of Merion. 179

1692; died in Chester County, 1752. Will proved 23d
January that year. He removed from Philadelphia to
Chester in 1718. He married, 8th mo. 22d, 1719, Hannah,
daughter of George Maris, Provincial Councillor and a
colonial justice of Pennsylvania, the marriage being re-
corded as follows in the books of the Chester Monthly
Meeting of Friends : " John Owen, son of Robert, of Me-
rion, Philadelphia County, yeoman, deceased, and Hannah
Maris, daughter of George of Chester, yeoman." The
witnesses were Evan, Robert and Owen Owen, George
Maris, Sr., and forty -four others.

John Owen was high sheriff for the county of Chester,
4th October, 1729-31 ; 3d October, 1735-37 ; 4th October,
1743-45 ; 8th October, 1749-51. He was elected a member
of the Provincial Assembly of Pennsylvania at periods ex-
tending from 1733-1748 ; was collector of excise for Ches-
ter, 1733-37, and for many years one of the trustees of the
Loan Office of Pennsylvania. He had issue by Hannah, his
wife, — five children : l

1. Jane, m. Joseph West.

2. George, m., 1751, Rebecca Hains ; d. at Philada. s. p.,
1764. Will proved 28th Sept. that year.

3. Elizabeth, m. James Rhoads.

4. Rebecca, m. 8 mo. 22d, 1754, Jesse Maris.

5. Susanna, m. Josiah Hibbard.

III. Robert Owen, fourth son of Robert and Rebecca,
born in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, 7th mo.
27th, 1695 ; died circa 1730. He married, llth mo. 10th,
1716/17, Susanna, daughter of William Hudson, mayor of
Philadelphia and a justice of the Orphans' Court, by Mary,
his first wife, daughter of Samuel Richardson, Provincial
Councillor and a justice of Pennsylvania. The following
is an abstract of the original record of their marriage cer-
tificate:2 "Robert Owen, son of Robert, late of Merion,

1 For descendants, see " History of Maris Family of Pennsylvania."

2 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends' Monthly Meeting Records,
Book A, p. 91, No. 188.

180 Owen of Merion.

Philadelphia County, yeoman, deceased, and Susanna Hud-
son, daughter of William, of the city of Philadelphia, ... at
Philadelphia Meeting." The witnesses were William, Han-
nah, Samuel, William, Jr., John, Hannah, and Eachel Hud-
son, Evan, Mary, John, and Owen Owen, and fifty others.

Along with his brother Evan, the Councillor, Robert
Owen was admitted to the " freedom of the city" in April,
1717, and continued to reside there until his decease. His
widow married, 3d mo. 2d, 1734,1 John Burr, of North-
ampton, Burlington County, New Jersey, and died at Phila-
delphia, 3d mo. 4th, 1757.2

Robert Owen is grantee in a deed3 dated " 24th May, in
4th year of the reign of our sovereign Lord George, King of
Great Britain, and in the year of our Lord 1718," for a lot
of ground " fronting 28 feet on Walnut St., and in length to
formly the 30 foot cartway under the bank of the Delaware,
called King Street, 58 feet" and " with North and West, the
Smithshop & ground of Robert Jones, Eastward by Samuel
Carpenter's Warehouse."

Robert and Susanna had three daughters, whose births
are thus noted in the original book of record of the Arch
Street, Philadelphia, Monthly Meeting of Friends :

1. " Mary Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen,
was born in Philadelphia ye 3d day of ye ^: 1719." She
d. young.

2. " Hannah Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen,
was born in Philadelphia ye 16th day of ye ^ : 1720." She
m. 1st, John Ogden ; 2ndly, Joseph Wharton.

3. " Rachel Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen,
was born in Philadelphia ye 19th day of ye ~ : 1724."
Living unm. 1740.

IV. Mary, first daughter of Jonathan and Gainor Jones,
born in Merion Township, 14th 5th mo., 1707; married at

1 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends' Monthly Meeting Eecords, Book
A, p. 131, No. 259.

2 She was born 12th mo. 17th, 1698/9.

3 Deed Book Fl, p. 251, etc., Philadelphia.

Owen of Merlon. 181

Merion Meeting, 10th mo. 2d, 1737, Benjamin Hayes, son
of Richard, of Haverford, "yeoman." They had one child :
Elizabeth, b. 7th mo. 16th, 1738.

IV. Rebecca, second daughter of Jonathan and Gainor
Jones, born in Merion Township, 20th 12th mo., 1709; mar-
ried at Merion Meeting, 3d mo. 4th, 1733, John Roberts,
son of Robert Roberts, of Merion. They had ten children ;
surname Roberts :

1. Jonathan, b. 1 mo. 30th, 1734.

2. Gainor, b. 11 mo. 30th, 1735/6.

3. Alban, b. 7 mo. 7th, 1738.

4. Elizabeth, b. 6 mo. 18th, 1740.

5. Mary, b. 5 mo. 3d, 1742; d. unm. Will proved
1771.

6. Tacey, b. 7 mo. 2d, 1744.

7. John, b. 9 mo. 16th, 1747.

8. Robert, b. 10 mo. 8th, 1749.

9. Algernon, b. 11 mo. 24th, 1750/1.
10. Franklin, b. 11 mo. 27th, 1752.

IV. Jonathan Jones, fifth son of Jonathan and Gainor,
born in Merion Township, 29th 4th mo., 1715 ; married at
Merion Meeting, llth mo. 8th, 1742, Sarah, daughter of
" Thomas Jones, of Merion, deceased, yeoman," son of
John Thomas, of Llaithgwm, Merionethshire, "Wales, de-
scended from Evan Coch, of Bryammer, Denbighshire. (See
PENNA. MAG., Vol. IV.) They had three daughters :

1. Mary, b. 11 mo. 23d, 1744/5.

2. Gainor, b. 8 mo. 4th, 1742.

3. Katharine, m. Lewis Jones, of Blockley.

IV. Hannah Owen, second daughter of Robert and Su-
sanna, born in Philadelphia, 3d mo. 16th, 1720 •; died Jan-
uary, 1791, in said city. Will dated 28th November, 1786 ;
probate January, 1791.1 She married first, 8th mo. 23d,

1 Will Book W, p. 65, Philadelphia.

182 Owen of Merion.

1740,1 John Ogden, of Philadelphia (widower), son of David
Ogden, of Chester. John Ogden died 6th February, 1742,
being then of the " Township of Myamensing and Passy-
unct, Philadelphia County." Will dated 31st January,
1742 ; probate 12th February, same year.2

Hannah married secondly, 6th mo. 7th, 1754, Joseph
"Wharton, of Walnut Grove, Southwark, Philadelphia. In
her will, dated as above, Hannah leaves to her " son Wil-
liam Ogden," among other bequests, " my Silver Tankard/'
and directs that her executors " sell my Charriott, and apply
the Amount of the same toward payment of my debts."
She also mentions her grandfather, William Hudson, and
her children by her second husband, Wharton. By her first
husband, John Ogden, she had one son :

William Ogden, b. prior to 31st January, 1742 ; m. 1st,
Marie Pinniard, 2ndly, Tacey David.

By her second husband, Joseph Wharton, she had a large
family, the most distinguished of whom was Robert Whar-
ton, mayor of Philadelphia, captain of the City Troop, etc.
For an account of them and their descendants, see " History
of Wharton Family," in PENNA. MAG., Vol. II.

V. William Ogden,3 only son of John, by Hannah Owen
(his second wife), born in Philadelphia County prior to 31st
January, 1742; died in Camden, New Jersey, 13th May,
1818. He married first, 1st mo. llth, 1769, Marie Pinniard,
of French descent. She died 7th mo. 14th, 1775, aged
twenty-three years. He married secondly, Tacey David,
daughter of Benjamin and Ann David ; the latter daughter
of Hugh Evans, of Gwynedd. She died llth September,
1809. William Ogden had by his first wife two children :

1. Hannah, b. Dec., 1770 ; m. 1st Captain William Duer ;
2dly, Samuel Cuthbert.

1 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends* Monthly Meeting Records,
Book A, p. 172.

2 Will-Book G, p. 31, Philadelphia.

3 He was commissioned notary public for the State of New Jersey
subsequent to 1801.

Owen of Merion. 183

2. Joseph, b. 7 mo., 1775 ; d. 10 mo. 20th, 1778.
He had by his second wife two children :

1. Ann, m. Hezekiah Niles, of Baltimore.

2. Robert Wharton, of Camden.

VI. Hannah Ogden, eldest daughter of William by Marie
(his first wife), born in Philadelphia County, December,
1770 ; died at Philadelphia, 29th July, 1827 ; buried in the
ground of the Third Presbyterian Church, Pine Street, said
city. She married first, in Christ Church, 10th April, 1795,
Captain "William Duer, who was lost at sea, 1800/1.1 She
married, secondly, in Christ Church, 27th January, 1810,
Samuel Cuthbert, " gentleman," son of Thomas. He died
January, 1839. Hannah had by Captain Duer three children :

1. Harriet, b. 1796 ; d. unm. at Phila. 7th May, 1851.

2. Mary Ann, b. 1798 ; m. 5th May, 1825, Lewis Wash-
ington Glenn, son of James, of Maryland', and had issue, —
William Duer, d. s. p. in Cairo, Egypt, 1876 ; Edward, of
Ardmore, Lower Merion; Hannah Cuthbert, m. A. W.
North, who d. s. p.

3. William, d. at Phila., 25th March, 1802.
By Samuel Cuthbert she had two daughters :

1. Frances Duer, d. infant.

2. Elizabeth Frances, d. unm.

1 Letters of administration granted on his estate, 25th November,
1801, to Hannah Duer. Sureties, William Ogden, " gentleman," and
Robert Ralston, " merchant."

184 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg ^ etc.

FREDERICK AUGUSTUS CONRAD MUHLENBERG,
SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
IN THE FIRST CONGRESS, 1789.1

BY OSWALD SEIDENSTICKER.

The same poetic justice which, at the close of the great
drama, bestowed on the hero of the Revolution the civic
crown in the very city that had, in 1776, witnessed his dis-
comfiture, appears to have shaped also the destiny of the
first Speaker of Congress, Frederick Augustus Conrad Muh-
lenberg. He, too, left New York, 1776, in distress, then a
young preacher of pronounced rebel principles, cautioned
by his friends to seek shelter outside of the doomed city,
and he, too, returned in 1789, sent by the great State of
Pennsylvania as one of her representatives, soon to be raised
by his colleagues to the highest honor they could bestow,
— the office of Speaker of the House.

His father was Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, a man
of rare endowments, who, amid untold difficulties, with
endurance and noble self-sacrifice, carried out his great
mission-work, earning for himself the honorable title of
" Patriarch of the Lutheran Church in America."

Having received a call from the three congregations, —
Philadelphia, Trappe, and New Hanover (the two latter
situated in what is now Montgomery County), — he arrived
in Philadelphia November 25, 1742, and soon after settled
at the Trappe. On April 22, 1745, he married Anna Maria
"Weiser, a daughter of the famous Indian interpreter Conrad
Weiser. This union was blessed with three sons and four
daughters. The three sons have all left their mark in the
life-work they carved out for themselves.

1 For much information on the subject of this paper, drawn from
original sources, the writer is indebted to Kev. F. A. Muhlenberg, D.D.,
and Eev. W. J. Mann, D.D., both of Philadelphia.

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 185

In obedience to the wishes of their father they entered the
ministry, but only one remained faithful to his vocation.
The eldest, Peter Gabriel, bore a conspicuous part in the war
for independence; the second, the subject of this paper,
Frederick Augustus, entered the service of the State, and
became distinguished in the halls of legislation; Henry
Ernest remained a clergyman, at the same time he was one
of the pioneer botanists of America, and his labors in this
field are held in grateful remembrance.

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg was born at the
Trappe, January 2, 1750. The Trappe is a German settle-
ment where the German language has been preserved down
to our day. The name is supposed to be a corruption of
the German word Treppe, meaning staircase. This idea is
brought out in a quaint manner on the monument erected
there to Governor F. R. Shunk, which is surmounted by
some steps, with the allegorical inscription, " I mount."

The three sons grew up under the care of their father,
who devoted as much time to their instruction as his official
duties would allow. He was, however, aware that, with the
best intentions, he could not do justice to the requirements
of a proper course of education. Nor did Philadelphia, to
which place he removed in 1761, afford the desired facili-
ties.1 Hence he concluded to send his sons to Halle, in
Germany, where, after the completion of his studies in Got-
tingen, he had pursued a practical course of preparation for
the ministry under the guidance of Director Dr. Francke.

All arrangements having been completed, the three young
German- Americans embarked April 27, 1763. They reached
London June 15, and after some sojourn there arrived in Halle
September 1. At that time Peter was fifteen, Frederick thir-
teen, and Henry eleven years old. The eldest did not remain
long at Halle, but was indentured to Mr. L. H. Niemeyer,

1 In a humorous letter to his brother Henry, written in 1730, Frederick
Augustus speaks of the marvellous progress of his little son Henry,
who could decline Latin nouns, hie, hcec, hoc, and even conjugate amo.
" Brother," he adds, " if we had known as much when we went to Halle,
what might have become of us ?"

186 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

a merchant in Liibeck. The other two pursued their school
and university studies for nearly seven years in a manner
entirely satisfactory to their teachers. In 1770 they returned
to the land of their birth, accompanied by their brother-in-law,
Rev. John Christian Kunze. Before an examining board
in Reading they gave sufficient proof of their qualifications
(having among other things to translate Hebrew into Latin),
and were — though not yet of age — ordained to the ministry
October 25, 1770. The young Americans had become thor-
oughly imbued with German thought and feeling during
their stay in Germany, and on their return they spoke Ger-
man more fluently than English. As late as 1772, Frederick
expresses, in a letter to his father, his regret that he did not
master the English language as fully as he desired. Ger-
man was, however, just then more necessary to him than
English, as he had to conduct the service in the German
language.

Near the end of 1770, Frederick, then twenty years of
age, became assistant to his brother-in-law, Rev. Christian
Emanuel Schulze, in Tulpehocken, Berks County, and also
served the congregation in Shaeferstown. A few years later
we find traces of his ministry in Salem Church, Lebanon.1

What adventures and hardships would at that time occa-
sionally fall to the lot of country parsons in the pursuit of
their good calling cannot be better illustrated than by some
extracts from Frederick Muhlenberg's account of a trip from
Tulpehocken to Shamokin in the summer of 1771. (Hal-
lische Nachrichten, p. 1385-1393.) There was at the latter
place a little flock of German Lutherans without a church
and without a minister, who, however, were not lost sight of,
and, at times, provided with spiritual comfort. On such an
errand our young minister set out upon his long and lonely
ride through the wilds of the Blue Mountains and beyond.

1 The following is an entry on the title-page of the Church records :
" Church-book of the Evangelical Lutheran Congregation in Lebanon,
Lancaster County, containing the record of baptisms, etc., begun by
Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, at this time minister here.
Lebanon, May 1st, 1773."

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 187

He had one companion, though, — young Conrad Weiser, the
son of Frederick, and grandson of Conrad Weiser, the inter-
preter. Leaving Tulpehocken on the 25th of June, 1771,
they passed near the foot of the first ridge, Fort Henry, then
in a quite dilapidated condition ; many graves reminded them
of the terrible times fifteen years ago. The steepness of the
road, which resembled a mountain staircase, compelled them
to dismount. Arriving by hard climbing at the top of the
ridge, they were delighted with the beautiful outlook upon
a wide tract of country; they could see Tulpehocken,
Heidelberg, Miihlbach, and many other places. Descending,
they found the road even more impracticable than before.
At one o'clock of the first day they reached the bottom of the
valley, and stopped at a miserable hovel, used as an inn.
"Now," says Muhlenberg "the real wilderness began, for
this was the last human habitation until we came to Shamo-
kin." They crossed the Swatara three times, keeping upon
an Indian path. At one of the most dangerous places,
called the " Capes," the road, threading upon a rocky shelf
of the mountain, had hardly the breadth of eighteen inches,
being barred on the right by huge boulders and on the left
by the steep bank of the Swatara. After having crossed
the second ridge, also called the " Broad Mountains," with a
good deal of difficulty and at some places with fear and
trembling, they entered a dense forest of lofty pines, the prop-
erty of a Philadelphian by the name of Flowers. It was 10
o'clock P.M. when they stopped to rest from their first day's
journey. In the midst of a thick forest they let the horses
graze where they pleased, after fastening bells to their necks,
then built a fire to cook their supper and keep off the host
of mosquitoes and the wolves that howled uncomfortably
near them.

Continuing their journey the next morning, they were
happy enough to find a breakfast waiting for them on the
road. The carcass of a stag, that had been recently killed,
hung fastened to a large wooden spit over a smouldering
fire. It was then the common custom of travellers who had
killed some game, to leave as much of it as they did not con-

188 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg ^ etc.

sume themselves for the use of others, either in a cool
stream near the road or fastened on a spit over a slow fire.
Muhlenberg and Weiser helped themselves to a good piece
and put the rest back in its place. At 11 o'clock A.M. they
came to a spring of delicious water, which the Moravians
had named Jacob's "Well.

Having crossed the Mahanoy Mountain they arrived at
the bank of the Susquehanna near Shamokin. On the
opposite side was Caspar Reid's house, but no one happened
to be in sight or within hearing to answer their call. At
last a canoe rowed by two little girls came over; they put
their baggage and the saddles in, and followed at first on
horseback, and when that became impracticable, by swim-
ming. The following night they spent at Caspar Reid's, a
publican of the most liberal principles, who refused neither
man nor dog the privilege of his only room. As a conse-
quence of this indiscriminate hospitality, hosts of unbidden
guests infested the unsuspecting sleepers, and the young
minister had at dawn to strike for the woods in order to rid
himself of the pest. Soon after they arrived at Benjamin
"Weiser's, the terminus of their journey. He lived on an
island of about eight hundred acres, formed by the Susque-
hanna and Middle Creek. On the 28th, Muhlenberg visited
a mountain near the Mahanoy River, where the Conestoga
and Delaware Indians had suffered a defeat by the Six
Nations. Many bones still lay scattered around. On the
30th of June a large crowd, consisting mainly of Lutherans,
gathered for divine service. The porch of the house served
as pulpit ; the congregation assembled in front of it was pro-
tected from the heat of the sun by a number of saplings that
were cut and stuck in the ground. Before the sermon Muhlen-
berg baptized eighteen children. The service in this wil-
derness— the motley crowd seated upon the ground and ris-
ing for prayer, their devout demeanor and chant — had a
solemnity of its own, which much impressed the young
preacher. Sixty persons took part in the communion. On
the 2d of July the travellers returned to Tulpehocken.

Another incident of more permanent importance to the

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 189

subject of this memoir transpired, during the same year.
While on a visit to Philadelphia, Frederick had formed the
acquaintance of Catharine, the youngest daughter of David
Schafer, a sugar refiner and elder of Zion's Church. Mutual
affection led to a union for life. They were married October
15, 1771.

In the summer of 1773 the congregation of Conococheague,
in Maryland, invited Frederick Muhlenberg through the
Lutheran Ministerium to become their pastor. The request
was not granted ; in the same year, however, he accepted a
call from a German congregation in New York, which had
seceded from the old German Trinity Church (southwest
corner of Broadway and Rector Street) and worshipped at
the northwest corner of Frankford and "William Streets.
Their church was known as Christ or Swamp Church, and
had been dedicated May 1, 1767.

The talented and eloquent Bernhard Michael Hausihl
was at that time pastor of Trinity and, although a native of
Germany, preached in English, while our Muhlenberg, born
in this country, held divine services in German. At the
outbreak of the Revolution another difference between the
two men, destined to affect the whole tenor of their lives,
manifested itself. Hausihl espoused the cause of the Tories,
as his congregation did. His evil day came after the evac-
uation of New York. Frederick Muhlenberg, on the con-
trary, sided with the friends of freedom and gave full vent
to the expression of his sentiments. His congregation were
in perfect accord with him, and when he left, under the
stress of the times, they insisted that he should return as
soon as the storm blew over. When it became evident
that the enemy contemplated to seize the city, his friends
advised him to seek a place of safety for himself and family.
In consequence he sent, in May, 1776, his wife to her parents
in Philadelphia, where their third child was born. He fol-
lowed July 2, two days before independence was declared.

What effect this great event had upon his mind, what
thoughts and dreams of the future may have arisen within
him, whether an inner voice whispered to him that he too

190 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

should be called to tender a hand in raising the temple of
freedom, quien sabe ? His elder brother, Peter Gabriel, had
at that time already chosen his part. In January, 1776, he
entered the pulpit in Woodstock, Virginia, for the last time,
and, taking leave of his congregation, exchanged the clerical
gown for the uniform of a colonel. At the head of his
brave German regiment he had already, before the Declara-
tion of Independence, received the baptism of fire on Sulli-
van's Island.

For Frederick, however, the time had not yet come. At
present he was only a parson without a charge, the father of
a family without the means of support, and his prospects
were anything but cheering. He removed to his aged
parents at the Trappe, where he arrived August 16. On
the evening of the 23d, before a company of soldiers re-
cruited in New Hanover, under command of Captain Rich-
ards, he preached a parting sermon on the text, " Be not ye
afraid of them ; remember the Lord, which is great and terri-
ble, and fight for your brethren, your sons, and your daugh-
ters, your wives, and your houses." (Nehemiah iv. 14.)

While assisting his father in his pastoral duties, he occa-
sionally visited Philadelphia on horseback. Thus it happened
that towards the end of the year 1776, when the cause of
the Americans looked very dark, he was the bearer of the
glad tidings to the Trappe of the surprise at Trenton. But
in the following year the course of events took a most un-
fortunate turn. The enemy entered Pennsylvania, the battle
of Brandywine was lost, and Philadelphia fell. Those were
dark and anxious days for old Muhlenberg, his son, and their
families. The din of war no longer was heard at a distance,
but in the immediate neighborhood. On their retreat,
after the battle of Brandywine, a part of the American
army occupied the peaceful Trappe, a regiment of militia
taking up their quarters in the church and school-house.
When the enemy approached Philadelphia, Frederick has-
tened thither to convey his parents-in-law to the country, for
David Schafer had shown himself a stout friend of the
Revolutionary party, and could expect no mercy from the

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg , etc. 191

English. Among the many buildings wantonly destroyed
during the occupation was also his sugar refinery.

Frederick Muhlenberg had during the year 1777 removed
to the neighboring New Hanover (also called Falkner's
Swamp), where he took charge of the Lutheran Church, and
did good service in quelling dissensions of the congregation,
which, by the way, was the oldest German Lutheran con-
gregation in America, dating back to the beginning of the
last century. From there he ministered to congregations in
the hilly country of Oley, New Goshenhoppen, and for a
time in Reading, until the church of the latter place was
occupied for hospital purposes. A letter of Muhlenberg to
his brother-in-law, Pastor Schulze, in Tulpehocken, bearing
date New Hanover, September 30, 1777, gives a vivid picture
of his situation.

After congratulations on the birth of a son, he says,
" Our general (Peter Muhlenberg) is well. Yesterday
Burckhard, Schafer, and I slept with him in camp. The
army stands ten miles distant from here, and three miles
from the Trappe. All news, particularly the capture of
Ticonderoga and Burgoyne's defeat, you will hear from the
bearer. During the year I had untold trouble because of the
army being here, and my house being filled with Philadel-
phians. I am still overrun with strangers. Our affairs will
shortly wear a better aspect. Howe will probably not remain
in Philadelphia a long time. As soon as I can I shall come
to Tulpehocken. Papa and Mama are well. They are also
overrun with people, as the Militia and a part of Lord Ster-
ling's division lie encamped at the Trappe. However, thus
far they have suffered no material losses."

From an entry in the elder Muhlenberg's diary we learn
more exactly how many persons found lodgings in Fred-
erick's small house. He writes, October 11, 1777, as follows :
" My son F. came from New Hanover, but is very much
discouraged, as he himself is a fugitive with wife, three
children, maid and nurse, his brother's wife and child and
Swaine and wife, make all eleven persons in one small house
and with increasing scarcity of money and provisions."

192 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc.

Before Frederick Muhlenberg entered his thirtieth year
he seriously considered the question of his future career.
For nine years he had faithfully served in the ministry and
yet not risen above depressing cares and petty concerns of
life. Should his life be a failure ? Should the powers of
which he was conscious run to waste ? The whole of his
vigorous manhood lay yet before him, and now was the time
to come to a decision, if he was to venture upon a new de-
parture.

He took counsel with his good father, who could not,
however, reconcile himself to the idea that his second son
also should forsake the calling which in his eyes was the
noblest and worthiest of all. But it was perhaps the very
example which Peter had set that led Frederick to think of
changing his profession. He, too, was anxious to serve his
country, which had not yet emerged from its struggle for
national and political liberty, and to devote himself to a
career that satisfied his aspirations and tested his capabili-
ties. His friends, particularly his father-in-law, were favor-
ably inclined to further his plans, and to aid him in the pur-
suit of a laudable ambition. Thus, early in the year 1779,
Muhlenberg concluded to resign his ministerial office and
to enter political life.

The first step he took in this direction was to accept the
candidacy as member to Congress. The Assembly of Penn-
sylvania had to fill three vacancies, and elected, on March 2,
1779, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Henry Wynkoop,
and J. McCleane. The term of the whole delegation ex-
piring in the same year, an election was held in November,
which resulted in the choice of Muhlenberg, James Searle,
John Armstrong, James McCleane, and William Shippen,
who took their seats on the 13th of November. On the same
day Muhlenberg was put on the Committee on the Treasury,
which goes to show that during the few months of his novi-
tiate he had won the esteem and confidence of his colleagues.
He now plunged with a will into the turbulent sea of poli-
tics, keeping all the time a calm head and an honest heart.
He was not spared, as we shall see, sharp collisions and

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc. 193

bitter disappointments. Some of his experiences he details
in letters to his younger brother Henry, then minister in
Lancaster.1 They are all written in German, dashed off in
an easy, confidential style, sometimes with a tinge of frolick-
ing humor and again " talking out of meeting" in terms
that would be used only sub rosa. The first on hand is
dated October 11, 1780, a time when Arnold's treason was
the great sensation of the day. In it he says, —

" I received your last through Mr. Wirz, Jr., and will now
answer the points of your letter, as far as I remember them,
for I am writing in Congress. It is true, Arnold, the arch-
villain, formerly had quite a number of friends in Congress,
but their support was mainly due to the fact that he was
against Pennsylvania. Moreover, New York hoped to em-
ploy him as Commander-in-chief against Vermont, the
newly set-up State in their State. That is the reason why
they supported him, though his speculating principles were
detested. In spite of your misgivings I am pretty sure that
the aspect of affairs is not exactly as you think. Nobody
thought that he would go so far astray, though there was
reason enough to detest his cursed avarice. As far as
Pennsylvania is concerned, we were all the time intensely
opposed to him. For this we were much blamed, now we
stand justified. I hope, however, before the war is over, we
shall get him into our hands, and give him his due as much
as to Major Andre. Your remarks about the yellow whigs
I fully endorse. I have never thought of supporting ' sus-
pect,' moderate men, but the principle of the yellow whigs,
to allow none that is not of their own stripe, to show his
head, I take exception to, especially as they are more noisy
than inclined to do real service. They care more for the

1 They were kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by the Kev. F.
A. Muhlenberg, a grandson of Henry E. Muhlenberg. Among these
papers there is also a burlesque German poem in doggerel verse, con-
gratulating Henry with mock solemnity upon the honorary degree of
A.M. conferred upon him by the University of Pennsylvania, on July 4,
1780. The prose introduction is in Latin. The text is full of allusions to
the " high old times" they had in Halle, and is followed by ludicrous foot-
notes, mimicking the style of learned commentaries to classic writers.
VOL. xiii.— 13

194 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

emoluments than the welfare of the country. In general, it
is sad to see that public spirit and virtue are more and more
on the decline, while avarice, dissipation, and luxury are
gaining the upper hand. Only our brave soldiers form an
exception. With all their hardships, hunger, cold, and
fatigue they remain steadfast and deserve all that is due to
brave men. . . . Yesterday we had an election for Assem-
blymen, which brought out a strong vote, and this morning
the result became known. Those chosen are Samuel Mor-
ris, by 870 votes ; F. Muhlenberg, by 869 ; Robert Morris,
by 649 ; Sharp Delany, 615 ; and John Steinmetz, 531. Dr.
Hutchinson, Gurney and Kammerer, who ran against us,
had only between 2 and 300. Colonel Will is Sheriff. You
may judge how much the Constitutionalists are disappointed
that their ticket has been such a failure. At first they even
wanted to fall back upon their former men, but that would
not do at all. However, they have to be satisfied, and I
hope, if the new Assembly will prove earnest, our internal
affairs will soon be in better shape. Morris alone is able
by his credit to appreciate our State money.

" But I am getting into a wide subject and must break off,
especially as, at this moment, an important debate is going
on in the house and I can hardly keep my mind on what I
am writing. I shall keep my seat in Congress until the
new Assembly will meet. We are quite anxious to learn
how matters have gone with you. No question, the others
have pushed the cart so deep into the mire that we shall
have infinite trouble to move it back, and shall, in the effort,
be much bespattered with dirt. The coffers are empty, the
taxes almost unendurable, the people in bad humor, the
money discredited, the army magazines exhausted, and the
prospects to replenish them poor; the soldiers are badly
clad, winter is coming, the enemy by no means to be
despised, especially since the arrival of Rodney. Taking
this and other things into account, public service might
appear undesirable. However, let us once more take cheer
and be steadfast, rely on God and our own strength, and
endure courageously, then we shall after all be sure of

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 195

reaching our goal. The present Congress, believe me,
consists of honest, hrave, and — excepting myself — wise men,
but the difficulties are innumerable and their power is by far
too limited. I have often heard the present Congress com-
pared with that of 1776 to the disadvantage of the former,
but, at that time, it was no hard task ; if they needed money,
the sinews of war, the press had to keep silence, taxes were
not imposed, and the country was not drained. If the same
men were in our place, they would have to whistle to
another tune. I have reasons to think that the Confedera-
tion will soon be ratified by the signing of Maryland, and
then the outlook will be better.

" Our foreign affairs look very well. "We have as one of the
belligerent powers acceded to the proposals of the Emperor
of Russia about the commerce of neutral powers, and our
minister in France has received full powers to that end.
Of this we expect, with good reason, considerable advantages.
Again we are about to lay an impost on all imports and ex-
ports, likewise on prize-goods, so as to establish a perma-
nent fund for hard money, aside of the tobacco which Vir-
ginia and Maryland must furnish. This falls upon the
mercantile class, the poor will not feel it much. You see
now in which way we expect to give credit to our new
money, a part of the funds, which the several States estab-
lish, and how we hereafter intend to redeem the certifi-
cates. This will be done, the value being determined by
the scale adopted by Congress, either in specie or in new
money, at the option of the holder. At present we have, to
be sure, no means to pay interest, for we can hardly raise
money enough for the army and not so much as members
of Congress coming from elsewhere need for their mainte-
nance, but provision will be made within a short time and
then you can get yours. I don't know whether you will
understand my letter : I listen to the debate, make angli-
cisms, and often write incoherently. Of such things I should
prefer to write in English, if I were not afraid that the letter
might fall into wrong hands.

" It just occurs to me that Father had a little conference at

196 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlmbwg, etc.

the Trappe. Kurz, Voigt, Koller, Schmidt, and Ernst were
there. The latter, I think, is ordained and will go to Easton.
I should have liked to attend, but could not go. I have no
horse, nor can I afford to keep one ; moreover, I had no time.
Believe me, I am not so well off now as when I left the
Swamp [New Hanover], and if I had not been induced by
the urgent appeals of the Germans to accept membership in
the Assembly, a resolution in which the large majority of
votes I received further confirmed me, I might have been
tempted to take again to the apostolate. But I am here not
my own master, and must be satisfied to serve where my
fellow-citizens want me."

Among the charges intrusted to Frederick Muhlenberg
in Congress was also that of chairman of the Medical
Committee, by no means a sinecure ; for, as he writes to his
brother (September 6, 1780), he had to perform all the duties
of the Director-General of the military hospitals.

Yielding to the pressure of his numerous friends, he had,
as we have seen by the foregoing letter, accepted candidacy
for the Assembly and been elected. It must have been
owing to the good record he had made in Congress and to
the great confidence which his character and his ability
inspired that, though a new member and only thirty years
of age, he was at the opening of the session (November 3,
1780) elected Speaker. To the same responsible position
he was called by the two succeeding Assemblies (November
9, 1781, and October 31, 1782).

The final blow which virtually ended the attempts of the
English to conquer and recover their former colonies, the
surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, inspired Frederick,
as we may expect, with most joyous feelings.

In a letter to his venerable father, who had followed the
course of events with painful anxiety, he writes under date
of October 24, 1781,—

" With heartfelt joy, with the utmost gratitude to the Al-
mighty for his divine interposition, I do most sincerely con-
gratulate you on the capture of Lord Cornwallis with his
whole Army, amounting to 5500 land forces, 110 vessels, and

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 197

a prodigious quantity of Artillery, and this without much
blood being spilled. I am, at present, in too great a hurry
and confusion to give you the particulars, but shall do so by
the first opportunity. Just now Congress, Assembly, and
Council are about to proceed to our Zion's Church to return
thanks to the Lord for this singular mark of interposition
in our favor. Oh, may all the people rejoice in the Lord
and return the most unfeigned and sincere thanks ! In the
next papers all the particulars will be given, as Col. Tilgh-
man, of the General's Aides, arrived two hours ago."

This great achievement, with its magnificent results, did
not, however, remove all difficulties, relieve all sores, or stop
factional rancor. Bitter reproaches were launched against
the Assembly, and hints thrown out that it harbored sinister
designs. Frederick Muhlenberg took up the pen to expose
and refute these slanderous insinuations, but, at the same
time, a longing after the peace and tranquillity of private
life appears for a while to have gained upon him. Of this
mood a letter to his brother Henry testifies, from which some
extracts are given here. It is dated February 20, 1782 :

" I am glad that you like my articles.1 The one in English
was perhaps too studied ; it was not written for everybody,
but only for those who can judge of our political affairs.
Merks has this week come out against me in a rather pig-
gish reply, but I shall answer politely, and hereafter decline
further discussion, if he continues throwing dirt. Do you
know, it is Leuthauser and Kammerer? Sometimes my
phlegmatic temper becomes a little ruffled, when I think of
those asses; but mindful of Solomon's proverb I let the
fools alone.

" I am now much wrapped up in politics, the more one is
concerned with them, the deeper he is drawn in. But it is
a comfort to think that this will be my last year and that, if
my life is spared, I shall next year be released of public ser-

1 The German articles of Muhlenberg appeared in the Gemeinnutzige
Philadelphische Correspondenz of February 13, February 20, and March
13, 1782. They are signed "Ein Deutscher." The English articles
have not been discovered.

198 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

vice. It is settled that I go to the Trappe in April, where
I expect to recuperate in the solitude and quiet of rural life.
For, helieve me, I have become faint in body and soul. Take
my remark as you please, I assure you, I aim at nothing but
the welfare of my country. Popularity I do not seek. The
fool's praise or censure I do not mind."

In another letter, written a few months later (May 15,
1782), he expresses himself exceedingly well pleased with
the first taste of the coveted retirement.

"... Yesterday I came down [from Trappe] to buy
some goods. Now only, dear brother, I enjoy my life; it is
true, in the sweat of my brow, yet far from the noise of the
City and of the restless political life. Here I am not
troubled with clients, petitioners, and the hundred other
curious inquirers with whom my house in the City was all
the time swarming ; but I can comfortably attend to my work
in the garden, the field, or the store, — my constitution begins
to improve in the wholesome air. Next autumn there will
be an end of my public office and then hail to me ! Zac-
chseus ! l

We do not know what induced him to reconsider this res-
olution and to forego the surcease of public cares so long-
ingly wished for. At all events, in the fall of 1782, he was
re-elected into the Assembly, took his seat, and was at once
again invested with the Speaker's office. Before his term
had expired he was elected into the Board of Censors, a sort
of grand jury on all matters pertaining to the government,
the laws, and finance of the Commonwealth. He must have
established a remarkably good record as presiding officer,
for the Board of Censors also called him to the chair.

1 Since 1781, Frederick Muhlenberg had a business interest both in
Philadelphia and the Trappe. In Philadelphia, the firm Muhlen-
burg & Wegman, dealers in colonial goods, had their store in Second
Street between Arch and Eace. At the Trappe, Frederick Muhlenberg
bought, in 1781, for eight hundred pounds, of Hermann Ried, a stone
house and fifty acres of land. In 1791, if not earlier, he went into part-
nership with Jacob L. Lawersweiler to carry on a sugar refinery, 80 and
82 (O. N.) North Second Street. The firm existed until about 1800, when
it failed.

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc. 199

Their sessions lasted from November 10, 1783, to September
25, 1784.

Upon some questions which then agitated the public mind,
— e.g., the expediency of calling a convention to change the
Constitution of Pennsylvania, on equal representation, etc.,
— Frederick Muhlenberg expresses himself with refreshing
unreserve in a letter to his brother, dated June 28, 1784,
from which we give the following extracts :

" As to our political affairs, it is true the racket is over,
but, as you say, the ' boil is not ripe.' The blind passion and
mad party spirit of the common crowd, who, after all, can-
not judge for themselves, are so strong and bitter that they
would rather put up with three times as many defeats of the
constitution than with a convention. But is this not a real
aristocracy, when a few leaders of the party, by untiring
effort manage to withhold from the people, of whom their
power is derived, the people's own power? Do they not
betray a ridiculous fear that in a convention, based upon
equal representation of the people (for such does not exist
in Council), the people might alter the constitution ? But
the rascals know well enough, if the intelligent part of the
people, and I assert also, if the majority of the people, were
properly and equitably represented in the convention that a
change would be the consequence and they be unhorsed."

Muhlenberg continues in English :

" The principle of representation, which the constitution
calls the only and just one, is the Number of taxables, with-
out respect to property. I admire and fully approve of the
principle as just, equal, and good. And it has been adopted
by the State as far as respects the Assembly, — of course,
every 700 Taxables, rich or poor, have one Representative
in Assembly; for instance, Westmoreland County having
1500 Taxables, has two members in Assembly ; Lancaster
County, having near 8000 Taxables, has eleven Representa-
tives in Assembly.

" Bat if the principle for Representation is good, which we
admit, why did it not come into the wise noddles of those
great framers of the Convention, to let that principle hold

200 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

good throughout every public body, — e.g., why not in the
Executive Council, and the Council of Censors? Is it just
that 1500 Taxables in "Washington, Bedford, Westmoreland,
or other back counties, who, by the way have paid little or
no Tax during this revolution, should have as much to say
in the Council of Censors as 8000 from Lancaster, or 7000
from Philadelphia who bear the burthen of the State ? All
those back counties, although the number of Taxables is
so inconsiderable, still have two members in our Council, — if
this is not an absurdity in the Constitution, there never was
one. Take the real number of Taxables each member of
our Council represents and you have a great majority of the
good people of the State for a Convention. And had Mr.
W. from your county not displayed a double face, and spoke
otherwise before the election than he does since, I know full
well he never would have had a seat here."
What follows is again German in the original :
" But what am I about ? I just thought I was arguing with
an Englishman in Lancaster, — and I confess on the subject of
politics English comes easier to me than German, — and here
I almost fall into a passion about my countrymen when I
think of their dreadful credulity, envy, lack of sense, and
hence their foolish peasant conceit. ... If I had looked
more to my own interest than to theirs, had I danced to
their stupid whistling without consulting my judgment and
my conscience, I might be a fugleman among them. . . .

" Whether we are going to make a new code ? I do not
think so. They have now the majority. Miles has resigned,
and the City, the great, rich, populous City, has allowed Geo.
Bryan, an archpartisan and brawler to be elected in his
place. In these minor elections a culpable indifference pre-
vails here. Bryan is one of the chief justices who by the
Constitution is not to sit in Assembly or Council, receive no
fee nor perquisite of any kind, etc., etc. ; he was long time
Vice-President, has not a farthing of real or personal prop-
erty, lives in the Country, not in the City, and has neverthe-
less been elected Censor for the City. And such men are
to investigate whether the Constitution has been kept invio-

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 201

late, whether the taxes have been properly imposed and col-
lected, whether the laws have been properly executed !

"Eheu! risum teneatis, — in brief, the whole thing is a
farce, costs the State five thousand or six thousand dollars,
keeps the people in a ferment, and is not worth a farthing.
I am ashamed to be a member, and if it might not be said,
you forsook the vessel in the storm or you are afraid to
weather it out, I would have resigned long ere this ; per-
haps I shall do so yet, for I can neither before God nor the
world answer for thus wasting my precious time, robbing the
State, and doing only mischief. The fellows from the back
counties now hope to stay here till next October, to draw
their 17/6, and to return home with a well filled purse ; some
of them will get at the end of the session more money than
they ever had in their life. In short, dear brother, I am
losing patience and draw a deep sigh at the corrupt political
condition of our State.

"... Nevertheless, to prove to you how readily the
sentiments of the people change, imagine, in spite of all
the calumnies and abuse behind my back, even here in Phil-
adelphia County, the three districts of the County have ap-
plied to me with the inquiry, whether I would not serve
them next year in the Assembly, but I have flatly refused.
Henceforward I shall have nothing to do with public office.
I am justice of the peace and can be serviceable to my neigh-
bors. My store is doing well and is in good running order.

" One more question. Tell me your sincere opinion about
* Die freymiithigen Gedanken,' etc. [frank thoughts]. Will it
be worth while, to have a few more of such pieces printed ?
To be sure, what is the use ? The asses won't understand
it, though you figure it out to them ever so plainly, etc."

Had Muhlenberg been inclined to return to the min-
istry, he would have had an opportunity in 1783, when
the Lutheran congregation at Ebenezer, near Savannah,
Georgia, consisting of Salzburg refugees and their descend-
ants, offered him the pulpit that had been vacated by the
death of Rev. Christian Rabenhorst. But his heart was set
on returning once more to the localities endeared to him

202 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg^ etc.

in early childhood, to his beloved Trappe, the abode of his
aged parents and of near relatives. The employment which
his store, his farm, and his garden gave him left him still
sufficient leisure to attend to several responsible but in no
way harassing offices. On March 19, 1784, the Executive
Council commissioned him justice of the peace for the dis-
trict composed of Skippach, Perkiomen, Providence, and
Limerick townships (he resigned January 14, 1789). When
Montgomery County was erected, in autumn, 1784, the
Assembly appointed him Register of Wills and Recorder of
Deeds (September 21, 1784). At the first court that was held
in Montgomery County (September 28, 1784) he presided.
Thus several years passed to him quiet and uneventful.

In the mean time, the political aspect of the country
entered into an entirely new phase. The foundation on
which the government of the United States had been con-
structed proved weak and unsafe; the Articles of Con-
federation were replaced by the Constitution, which Congress
submitted to the several States for ratification. To the
Convention which Pennsylvania called for this purpose, F.
A. Muhlenberg was elected member. In view of the pas-
sionate opposition threatened to undo the work of patriotism
and wisdom, and holding firm convictions on the subject,
he deemed it his duty to accept the important trust. The
Convention met at Philadelphia, September 21, 1787, and
its first business was the election of a presiding officer. By
the sixty votes cast, Muhlenberg received thirty, Judge
McKean twenty-nine, and Mr. Gray one. The question
whether one-half of the votes constituted a majority was
waived by passing the resolution to conduct Muhlenberg to
the chair. Both he and his brother Peter, then Vice-Presi-
dent of Pennsylvania, exerted themselves earnestly in behalf
of ratification. The Constitution having been accepted by
a sufficient number of States, the new form of federal
government went into operation. Under it Pennsylvania
was entitled to eight representatives to the lower House.
Among those elected with goodly majorities were Frederick
and Peter Muhlenberg.

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 203

On March 4, 1789, the day set for the meeting of Con-
gress in New York, no quorum was present, and it was not
till April 1 that an organization of the House could
he effected. Such was the prestige which attached to
Muhlenberg's name that he was chosen Speaker. The
respect and confidence thus shown him by the representa-
tives of eleven States of the Union could not but be highly
gratifying to him; at the same time his present position,
under so wonderful a change of the surroundings, must,
by contrast, have reminded him of the time when, as a
fugitive, he left New York a marked man on account of
his republican principles.

He was also a member of the House of the Second, Third,
and Fourth Congresses. In the Third Congress he was again
elected Speaker — this time as candidate of the Antifederal-
ists or Democrats (then called Republicans) — over Sedgwick,
the Federalist candidate. He took part in a debate on the
taxation of sugar refined in the United States, upon which
an excise of two cents per pound was to be laid. Muhlen-
berg strenuously opposed this measure as a blow against
domestic industry, but in vain.

In the Fourth Congress, Jay's treaty became the sub-
ject of a very animated discussion; the Senate, how-
ever, ratified it on June 24, 1795, and it received the Presi-
dent's approval. Again very hot and protracted debates
ensued in the House of Representatives when the reso-
lution was offered to grant an appropriation for carry-
ing out the provisions of the treaty. The President
was requested by a resolution to place before the House
all instructions, correspondence, etc., which had refer-
ence to the treaty, because there was an impression
afloat that the branch of Congress representing the rights
of the people had been ignored. Washington replied
politely but firmly, declining to grant this request, as the
House of Representatives had nothing to do with the con-
clusion of treaties. This news was handed over to the
Committee of the Whole, of which Frederick Augustus
Muhlenberg was the chairman. After a long and stormy

204 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc.

debate, the vote was taken, April 29, 1796, on the resolution
of granting the appropriation. There were forty-nine votes
for and as many against it. Upon Muhlenberg now rested
the very responsible duty of giving the deciding vote, and
although not perfectly satisfied with the treaty as it had
been expressed, he cast it in the affirmative. Had he voted
differently serious complications might have resulted. The
question now came before the House, and was favorably
acted upon by a vote of fifty-one against forty-eight.

The acceptance of Jay's treaty was denounced by its
adversaries as a base surrender of American interests to the
arrogant and wily foe. But Muhlenberg, in deciding as he
did, was guided solely by the considerations of the states-
man who looks to the welfare of his country. "When, soon
afterwards, the party lines were drawn between the Feder-
alists, who were charged with servility to England, and
the Republicans or Democrats, who sympathized with revo-
lutionary France, Frederick Muhlenberg, as well as his
brother Peter, stood on the side of the latter. Both used
their influence in favor of the Democratic party, as John
Adams, not without some bitterness, remarks, " These two
Muhlenbergs addressed the public with their names, both
in English and in German, with invectives against the ad-
ministration and warm recommendations of Mr. Jefferson."

After the adjournment of the Fourth Congress, Muhlen-
berg withdrew from active political life. In the autumn of
1799 the place of Collector-General of the Pennsylvania
Land Office became vacant by the removal of the incumbent
for malfeasance. Muhlenberg was appointed to this place
by the recently-elected governor, Thomas McKean, in the
beginning of the year 1800. He removed to Lancaster,
which in 1799 had become the seat of the State govern-
ment. Once more in a position to enjoy the genial com-
pany of his beloved brother Henry, minister at the Lutheran
church in Lancaster, he, no doubt, looked forward to a
happy and comparatively quiet life. But he was not long
granted this boon. Death ended his earthly career on June
4, 1801, before he had completed his fifty-second year.

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 205

The fact that Frederick Muhlenberg was on so many
occasions chosen to preside over deliberating bodies to
which the people had elected him may be taken as evidence
of his readily discerned and proven fitness, in which his
character and temper as well as his abilities had a share.
Also in other walks of life he was sought as a safe and
judicious counsellor. The University of Pennsylvania he
served as trustee from 1779 till 1786. The Rev. John
Christian Hardwick (Hartwig) appointed him by his last
will trustee and president of a society for the propagation
of the gospel, to be founded according to the provisions of
the will, — a charge he could not carry out because he died
before the difficulties that retarded the execution of the
will were overcome. The German Society of Pennsylvania,
of which he became a member in 1778, elected him their
president in 1789 and again in the years following till 1797,
when, on account of removal from the city, he declined a
renomination. The society also expressed to him in a for-
mal manner their thanks for help rendered in procuring
their charter in 1781, when he was Speaker of the Assembly.
Altogether, the Germans of Pennsylvania looked upon
Frederick Muhlenberg as one of their own people, and a
leader they might be proud of, while he never stooped to
improper methods to curry their favor. Of the great power
that he and his brother had over them, John Adams queru-
lously says, " These two Germans, who had been long in
public affairs and in high offices, were the great leaders and
oracles of the whole German interest in Pennsylvania and
the neighboring States. . . . The Muhlenbergs turned the
whole body of the Germans, great numbers of the Irish,
and many of the English, and in this manner introduced
the total change that followed in both Houses of the legis-
lature, and in all the executive departments of the national
government. Upon such slender threads did our elections
then depend !"

A personal description of the man, his ways and bearing,
is not at hand. The portrait which accompanies this sketch
gives the impression of firmness, dignity, and a calm, well-

206 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlmberg, etc.

balanced mind. But it hardly betrays the vein of humor
he possessed, of which his letters bear unmistakable evidence.
We close with a short notice of his family. That he was
married to Catharine Schafer, daughter of the sugar refiner,
David Schafer, has already been mentioned. His children
were: Maria, married to John S. Heister; Henry William,
married to Mary Sheaff; Elizabeth, married to John H.
Irwin; Margareth, married to Jacob Sperry; P. David,
married to Rachel Evans, daughter of Oliver Evans, Esq. ;
and Catharine, married to George Sheaff.

The Issues of the Press in New Yvrk, 1693-1752. 207

A LIST OF THE ISSUES OF THE PEESS IN NEW
YOKE, 1693-1752.

BY CHARLES R. HILDEBURN.

(Continued from page 98.)

1741.

* Acts of Assembly, Nov. 3, 1740. W. Bradford.

* " " " " 27, 1741. do.
Birkett's Almanac for 1742. do.

* Journal of Assembly to June 13. do.

" " " " Nov. 27. do.

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1741. do.

Letter from Capt. Peter Lawrence. J. P. Zenger.

Nederduitsche Almanack voor 1742. do.

New York Gazette. W. Bradford.

" " Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.

Spiritual Journey Temporized. do.

The Quietists. do.

1742.

* Acts of Assembly. "W. Bradford.

* " " " Nov. do.
Almanac for 1743. do.
Garden's Two Sermons. J. P. Zenger.

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1742. W. Bradford.
New York Gazette. . do.
New York "Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.
Plea for Pure Religion.

Tennent's (John) Essay on Pleurisy.

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker.

208 The Issues of the Press in New Forfc, 1693-1752.

1743.

* Acts of Assembly. J. Parker.

* Birkett's Almanac for 1743. W. Bradford.
Dickinson's Nature and Necessity of Res-

ignation.

Nederduitsche Almanack voor 1743. J. P. Zenger.

New York Gazette and Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.

Pemberton's Sermon on Dr. Nichol. J. Parker.

Shepherd's Sincere Convert. do.

Votes of Assembly. do.

1744.

Act of Assembly for regulating the Mi- .

litia. do.
" " " the relief of insol-
vent debtors. do.

* Acts of Assembly. do.
Drelincourt's Christian's Defence. do.

* Duyckinck's Short Account of the Mo-

ravians. H. De Foreest.

* Horsmanden's Journal of the Detection

of the Conspiracy. J. Parker.
Life of the Eev. Peter Vine. H. De Foreest.

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1745. do.

* New Year Verses of the Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker.

* New York Almanac for 1745. H. De Foreest.

" Evening Post. do.

" Gazette and Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker.

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.
Prime's Sermon at Mrs. Wilmot's Fu-
neral. J. Parker.
Richardson's Pamela. do.
Rules of the Scots Society in New York. do.
Votes of Assembly. do.
Wetmore. Letter on Dickinson's Re-
marks.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 209

1745.

* Acts of Assembly. J. Parker.

* " " " do.
Advertisement. Notice to delinquent pur-
chasers at Romopock,

N. J. J. P. Zenger.

" of a reward for Solomon

Hays.

Beach's Sermon on Eternal Life. J. Parker.

Berkeley's Treatise on Tar "Water.
Burr's Sermon at the Ordination of Mr.
Bostwick.

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As-

sembly, June 25, 1745. J. Parker.

* Clinton's Speech dissolving the Assem-

bly, May 14, 1745. do.

Colden's Explication of the First Causes. do.

" On Yellow Fever.
Leslie's Short and Easy Method with

Deists. H. De Foreest.

More's American Country Almanac for

1746. J. Parker.

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1746. H. De Foreest.
New Complete Guide to the English

Tongue. J. Parker.

New York Almanac for 1746. H. De Foreest.

" Gazette. J. Parker.

" "Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger.

Notice to bidders for farming the Excise. J. Parker.

Strange Relation of an Old Woman who

was drowned. H. De Foreest.

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker.

1746.

Acts of Assembly to May ? J. Parker.

* " « to July 15. do.

VOL. xin. — 14

210 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

Anderson's Chronicles of the Duke of

Cumberland.
Blakeney's New Manual Exercises.

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As-

sembly.

Dickinson's Brief Illustration of the
Eights of Infant Baptism.

* Jenkin's Brief Vindication.

* More's American Country Almanac for

1747.

Nathan's Almanac for 1747.
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1747.

* New York Almanac for 1747.

" Evening Post.

" Gazette.

" Primer.

" "Weekly Journal.

* Pemberton's Sermon, July 31.
Proclamation, Jan. 20, 1745/6.

« Feb. 3,

" June 7, 1746.

Publication (First) of the Council of Pro-
prietors of East Jersey, March 25, 1746.

* To his Excellency Geo. Clinton, the Hum-

ble Eepresentation of the Council.

* Treaty with the Six Nations.

Votes of Assembly, June 25, 1745, to May

3, 1746.

« " to July 15, 1746.

" " to Dec. 6, 1746.

1747.
Account of the Apparition of Lord Kil-

marnock.
Acts of Assembly.

* Answer to the Council of Proprietors of

East New Jersey.

* Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey.

J. Parker.

do.

J. Zenger, Jr.

J. Parker.
C. Zenger.
H. De Foreest.
do.
do.

J. Parker.
H. De Foreest.
J. P. & C. Zenger.
J. Parker,
do.
do.
do.

do.

do.
do.

do.
do.
do.

do.
do.

C. Zenger.
J. Parker.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 211

Burgh's Britain's Remembrancer. J. Parker.
Candid Account of the Behavior of Lord

Lovat on the day of his execution. do.

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As-

sembly, March 25, 1747. do.
Countryman's Help and Indian's Friend.

Guide to Vestrymen of New York City. J. Parker.

Infallible Scheme for reducing Canada. do.

Journal of Assembly to Sept. 22, 1747. do.

Letter from the Representatives. do.

Livingston's Philosophic Solitude. do.
Merchant's History of the Rebellion in

Great Britain. do.

* More's American Country Almanac for

1748. do.

Nathan's Almanac for 1748. C. Zenger.

Nature, &c., of Oaths and Juries. J. Parker.
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1748. H. De Foreest.

* New York Almanac for 1748. do.

" Evening Post. do.

" Gazette. J. Parker.

" Weekly Journal. C. Zenger.

Proclamation, April 30, 1747. J. Parker.

Publication of the Council of Proprietors

of East Jersey, Sept. 14, 1747. do.

Ray's Acts of the Rebels. do.

Representation of the Assembly to the

Governor. do.

Second Publication of the Council of Pro-
prietors of East Jersey, March 25, 1747. do.

Shirley's Letter to the Duke of New-
castle, do.

Votes of Assembly to Nov. 25, 1747. do.

Watts' Divine Songs. H. De Foreest.

Yorkshire Wonder. do.

1748.

Acts of Assembly. J. Parker.
Congress between the Beasts.

212 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-175®.

Cries of the Oppressed.
Doctrine of Universal Free Grace proved
from the Scriptures.

Church Forms and

H. De Foreest

Dutch Eeformed

Liturgy. do.
Frilinghausen's Jeugd-oeffening. "W. Weyman.

* Funeral Sermon on Michael Morin. J. Parker.
Heidelburgh Catechism. H. De Foreest.
Just Vengeance of Heaven Exemplified. J. Parker.
More's American Country Almanac for

1749. do.

* Nathan's Almanac for 1749. C. Zenger.
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1749. H. De Foreest.
New York Almanac for 1749. do.

" Evening Post. do.

" Gazette. J. Parker.

" "Weekly Journal. C. Zenger.
Pierson's Sermon on the Death of Jona-
than Dickinson. J. Parker.
Pocket Almanac for 1749. do.
Proclamation, Oct. 4, 1748. do.
Towgood's Dissenting Gentleman's Answer.
Votes of Assembly. J. Parker.

1749.

Acts of Assembly. do.
Burgh's Britain's Remembrancer.

* Cheever's Introduction to Latin, 6th edi-

tion. J. Parker.
Conductor Generalis.

* More's American Country Almanac for

1750. J. Parker.
Nathan's Almanac for 1750. C. Zenger.
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1750. H. De Foreest.
New York Almanac for 1750. do.

" City. Laws and Ordinances of J. Parker.

" " The Carmen's Law. do.

Evening Post.
Gazette.

H. De Foreest.
J. Parker.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 213

New York "Weekly Journal. J. Zenger.

Pocket Almanac for 1750. J. Parker.

Proclamation, Feb. 28, 1748/9. do.

" April 29, « do.

* Sherman's Almanac for 1750. H. De Foreest.
Some Serious Thoughts on erecting a

College in New York.

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker.

1750.

An Act to prevent the exportation of un-
merchantable flour. do.

An Act to regulate the gauging of Rum,

&c. do.

Acts of Assembly. do.

* Arthur's Sermon at Mr. Thane's Ordina-

tion, do.

Colden's History of the Five Nations.
(Haven's List.)

Doomsday, a Discourse on the Resurrec-
tion. H. De Foreest.

Gentle Shepherd. J. Parker.

Graham's Sermon at his son's Ordination.

Kennedy's Observations on the importance

of the Northern Colonies. do.

King (The) and the Miller of Mansfield. do.

Letter from a Gentleman in New York.

* Lloyd's Meditations on Divine Subjects. J. Parker.
Manner of receiving a Freemason. H. De Foreest.
Merry Piper, or the Friar and the Boy. J. Parker.
More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for

1751. do.

* Mqre's (T.) American Country Almanac

for 1751. do.

Nathan's Almanac for 1751. J. Zenger.

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1751. H. De Foreest.
New Memorandum Book, 3d edition.

* New Year Verses of the New York Ga-

zette. J. Parker.

214 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752.

New York Almanac for 1751. H. De Foreest.

" Evening Post. do.

" Gazette. J. Parker.

" Primer Enlarged. H. De Foreest.

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger.
Palmer's Serious Address.

Proclamation, Jan. 6, 1749/50. J. Parker.
Reply to a Letter from a Gentleman in

New York.
Sherman's Almanac for 1751. H. De Foreest.

* Some Animadversions on a Reply to a

Letter from a Gentleman in New York. J. Parker.

Toy Shop (The), a Dramatic Satire. do.

Twenty-four Songs of Robin Hood. do.

Votes of Assembly. do.

1751.

Acts of Assembly. do.
Art of Pleading.
Dodsley's Economy of Human Life, 6th

edition. J. Parker.

Gay's Beggar's Opera. do.

* Importance of the Friendship of the In-

dians, do.
More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for

1752. do.

* More's (T.) American Country Almanac

for 1752. do.

Muilman's Letter to the Earl of Chester-
field, do.

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1752. H. De Foreest.

Almanac for 1752. do.

New York Evening Post. do.

" Gazette. do.

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger.

Noel's Short Introduction to Spanish. J. Parker.

Ronde's De Gekruicigde Christus. H. De Foreest.

Sherman's Almanac for 1752. do.

Sure Guide to Hell. J. Parker.

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1698-1752. 215

True Translation of the Pope's Absolu-
tion. J. Parker.

Votes of Assembly. do.

Zenger's Trial.

1752.

Acts of Assembly. J. Parker.

Answer to a Bill in the Chancery of New

Jersey. do.

Answer to a Letter.

Authentic Narrative of the Loss of the
Doddington.

Barclay's Catechism and Confession of
Faith.

Hutchins' Almanac for 1753. H. Gaine.

Independent Reflector. J. Parker.

Indian Songs of Peace.

Johnson's First Principles of Human

Knowledge, 2d edition. J. Parker.

Judson's Timely Warning.

Laws of New York. J. Parker.

Letter of the Freemen of New York City. do.

More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for

1753. do.

* More's (T.) American Country Almanac

for 1753. do.

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1753. H. De Foreest.

New York Evening Post. do.

" Gazette. J. Parker.

" Mercury. H. Gaine.

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger.

* Ronde's De Ware Gedat'nis. H. De Foreest.

* Ross's Complete Introduction to Latin. J. Parker.
Sherman's Astronomical Diary. H. De Foreest.
Some Thoughts on Education.

Votes of Assembly. • J. Parker.

Watts' Hymns.

216 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698.

CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL APFAIES IN PENN-
SYLVANIA IN 1698.

[Through the courtesy of the Eev. Eoswell Randall Hoes, U.S.N., we
are enabled to publish the following interesting papers relating to the
early history of Pennsylvania, to be found in the archives of the ven-
erable " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,"
London. It is an exact copy, the work of the transcriber extending
even to a faithful reproduction of the punctuation marks. — ED. PENNA.
MAG.]

PHILADELPHIA 9ber 20. 1698
SR.

I now give yo' Excy a true Account of this Country of
Pensylvania relating to ye Government since my Arrival in
as posseble.

In ye Year 169£ I came hither from Jamaica I not having
my health there, transported myself & estate here in hopes
to find ye same wholesom laws here as in other of his Maty's
plantacons; and a quiet moderate people: but found quite
contrary ; found ym in wrangles among ym selves, and im-
prisoning one another for Religion. I was in hopes by that
they would in time make such a discovery of their hypoc-
recy and be a shamed, so as to return home to their Mother
the Church of England. I finding none setled here, nor so
much as any law for one here being a consederable number
of ye Church of England and finding ye prejudice ye Quakers
had ag* it we agreed to peticon our Sacred Majesty, y* we
might have y* free exercise of our Religion and Arms for
our Defense, we having an account of an Attempt designed
on this place by ye French by Col Hambleton, who had an
Account by a French privateer. The Quaker Magistrate
no sooner heard of it, but sent for me, ye person y* writ it by
a Constable to their Sessions. They told me they heard I
with some others was peticoning. I told ym we were peti-
tioning his Maty y* we might have a Minister of y6 Church

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 217

of England for y° Exercise of o' Religion, and to make use
of our Arms as a Militia to defend our Estates from Enimys.
Edward Shippen one of ye Quaker Judges turning to ye
other of his Fellows sayd ; Now they have discovered ym
selves ; they are a bringing ye and ye sword amongst

us : but God forbid ; we will prevent ym, and ordered ye
Kings Atturney a Quaker to read a Law y* they had made
ags* any person y* shall conte or speak ags* their Govern-
ment. I told ym I hoped they would not hinder us of y*
right of petitioning. They then took one Griffith Jones an
Atturney at Law on suspition for writing it, into custody &
bound him over from sessions to sessions, and threatned all
y* dare it by a law they have made ags* y* right of a Sub-
ject. To relate their partiality in their Courts as often as
they sit, were too tedious ; so violent they are ags* all y* are
not quakers even to death ; their Judges Jurys, nor Evidence
being never sworn ; One was heard to say he would sooner
take a Negro y* is a heathen's Word before a Church of
England man's Oath ; their Malise towards us is such.

I happening to talk with one of their Magistrates concern-
ing y* danger we were in, if ye privateers knew what a people
we were as defenceless : He said y* they had an Account of
all privateers which were ordered to these parts from France
first went to K. James for orders, who gave them a partic-
ular charge not to meddle with this place, to show y6 ex-
traordinary kindness he has for ym. They indeed are all
Jacobites.

"We hearing y6 dreadfull account of y* bloody Conspiracy
ags* his Maty's royal person by Assassinators, We of ye
Church of Engld formed an Address to congratulate his
Matys great deliverance by y6 hand of Allmighty God. I
carryed it to Govern' Markham for his Approbacon : who
seemingly liked of it, and signed it I yn with y6 Assistance
of others got it signed by many : and after some consulta-
tion (as I suppose) of ye Quakers who shewed their dislike,
and y* it was like to go home & y* ye King would yn see
what a Number of ye Church of Engld were here, We called
for it pretending to see it, and kept it & would not part with

218 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698.

it, so y* we were hindered in expressing our duty as we
ought. Govern' Markham (as I suppose) to gain a proselyte
to Mr. Pen & his Interest, made me a justice of ye peace
one of his and Mr. Pen's Magistrates, not ye Kings, by his
obstrucing me in my duty to ye King as a Magistrate and a
good Subject in apprehending ye pirats, My Narrative of
which I have herewith inclosed, it being a Copy, ye
Original is sent home from !N"ew York by Mr Randolph;
and attested by me when there to ye right HonWe, ye Lords
Comsr8 of ye plantacons & Admiralty and others with the
Account of ye seizing and smothering of [?] Askialonds
Vessel, for ye tryal of which Mr Markham would have
made me Judge of ye Admiralty if I would, on ye slender
power he had. He has written to Col Heathcot y* I in-
formed at home against him about it : which letters I doubt
not will be a Sufficient Evidence ag* him there ; which I sup-
pose yo' Excellency has had an Account of. Sr ye Quakers are
so bold to say, one of their Magistrates in my hearing, y*
they did not fear anything could doe anything ags* Penn's
Interest in this Government; no man more intimate with
the King yn Mr Penn, and yet he was often in private with
ye King in his Closet, and hardly did anything without his
advice. So they [?] ym selves under security and y* they
may doe what they please, they having such an Agent at
home, as long ye Governm* is in ye hands of Quakers and
Mr Penn, as they say, such Interest, we y* are his Maty's
Subjects, (which they are not nor never will be) we had
better live in Turky, there is good Morality among ym,
there is none here : they make so little of God, and ye King,
y* to their dishonour & our grief are loth hear & see ym ;
God through his Ministers, they having been heard to say,
Since we have had ye blessing of so good a Divine as ye
Worthy Mr Clayton, y* he is ye Minister of ye Doctrine of
Devils, and his Maty's Commission with ye seal to it held up
in open Court, in a ridiculous manner, Shewing it to the
people & laughing at it ; saying here is a baby in a Tin box.
We are not to be frighted with babes, and others have said,
The King has nothing more to doe here than to receive a

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 219

Beares Skin or two yearly : and his &ye parliaments laws, reach
no further yn England. Water and ye Town of Berwick upon
Tweed : and such like Expressions which can all be proved
by sufficient Witnesses. Tell them in their Corts, y* in mat-
ters ags* us they go ag* law, they will answer on ye Bench
they will strayn or stretch a point of Law, with many other
Expressions & transactions too tedious here to set down.
They are Establishing of a ?Free School for ye groth of
Quakerism, and Apostacy which I pray God in his due time
he may direct, and y* we may live to enjoy ye Libertys of
Subjects of England, and not to be governed by dissenters
and Apostates, y* absolutely deny ye Bible to be ye holy
"Writ, & Baptism & ye Lord's Supper ; is ye prayers of yor
Excy's most humble most obedient Servant to command.
Robert? S .... Su ... praying yo' Excy to pardon ye
troble of this long scrole.

(Letter enclosed in the above.)

PHILADELPHIA 9. 29. 98.
MAY IT PLEASE YO' EXCELLENCY

Since my last to You, I have reed an Answer of my letter
to ye Lloydians cast in the same mold with ye former, only
much longer & subscribed only be ye same person. I had
allmost finisht my reply when I [sic] an Inhibition from my
Bretheren which stopt me ; to which I have sent an answ'.
I shall take care to obey ym as far as I can. upon ye accts
they speak of. I allso rec'd yo' kind Letters together with
those papers which signify yo' bounty & charity, which shall
be taken care of, & disposed of, I hope to ye Satisfaction
of yo' Excellencey & ye end you design in ym viz. y6 glory
of God and ye benefit of men.

I have received allso an Answer from ye Keetheians a Copy
of which I have sent you : They had lately a great meeting
in Town, ye night before which, I was sent for to 9 or 10 of
ye heads of ym. went and debated matters for about 3 or 4
hours, and (by ye blessing of God) to great satisfaction of
both sides, so y* one of ym told me, they must employ me

220 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698.

to baptize their Children and others and I hopt ye next days
consultation would make almost a genial union. But it
happened y* ye next day some of ye preachers y* were not
with us ye night before seeing things go on so fast y* they
were like to lose ye darling of their ambition their preacher-
ship urged 1st Cor : 14. 29, 30, 31, & commented in favour
of ym selves : but were opposed by some considerable ; — y*
those prophets there spoken of, were persons lawfully called
to ye Ministry by Imposition of hands. Yet this prevailing
upon some of ym has put a stop for a while. But I with
some Assistants of their own party am bringing ye cause
about again, & as I am told with good success too. (God
prosper it.) I have often talked with the presbyterian min-
ister, and find him such as I could wish. They tell me y*
have heard him, y* he makes a great noise, but this did not
amaze me considering ye bulk & emptiness of ye thing but
he is so far from growing upon us that he threatens to go
home in ye Spring, & could this be a quiet place for him, yet
he ought to doe this according to ye laudable custom of
Hugh Peters to bring ym to a better Subscription. But I'll
take care to prevent ye first and leave ye last to ye self-interest
of ye people. I told him upon a meeting between Br Arrow-
smith, he, & I, if his Congregacon increast, he must expect
it from me : but so long as I saw myself in no danger, I
should look after ye business all ready upon my hands. This
Advantage he has got on me, Madam Markham & her
Daughter because I can not be so servile as to stoop to their
haughty humors, frequently leave my Church and counte-
nance their meeting : which tho' it does not ym much good,
yet shews neither good breeding reason, nor religion. I am
pretty patient under it, until I can see a fair opportunity to
vent my resentments but yn they may be sure to have it in
so plain a dress yfc they shall know w* I mean, and why I
doe it. I could have wished y* Br Arrowsmith had had a
little more spirit before I came ; but however I have too
much to doe, as he did, (as I am told and y*'8 ye root of
these evils, of which I suffer a great part as far as they can
inflict ym, so y* not ye Will but ye power of doing me more

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 221

harm (I almost think) is wanting. The other Presbyterian
gos from Newcastle in ye Spring too as I am told. The
Anabaptist has not Answred me. He and ye Presbyterian
(I am told) preach both in one meeting, ye one in ye morning
and ye other in ye afternoon, which I upbraided ye Presby-
terian with all as being a direct cherishing aschism ags* him-
self as well as me ; & would fain have set him to work ags*
him, but could not spur him to it.

This with my humble thanks for this last charitable
(amongst many former) is what at present offers from

Yo' Excellcys
most obliged humble & faithful Servant

THO. CLAYTON.

I have sent an Answer to my Bretherens letter if yo'
Excy think fit it should be conveyed to ym I beg it, but as
yo' Excy shall order shall satisfactorily acquiesse.

Dr Brays Exposition of ye Baptismal Covenant ye 30 books
y* were sent here, are yet in my hands, & I can not get in-
formation how you ordered their disposal. If by ye next
return yo' Excellency will advise me, your will shall be per-
formed.

222 Affaires de VAngleterre et de PAmfrique.

AFFAIEES DE L'ANGLETERRE ET DE L'AMERIQUE.

BY PAUL LEICESTER FORD.

In 1776 there was commenced at Paris, though with the
imprint of "Anvers," a periodical entitled "Affaires de
1'Angleterre et de PAmerique," which was published for
about four years, and was, according to Barbier,1 edited
by Benjamin Franklin, Antoine Court de Gebelin, Jean
Baptiste Rene Robinet, and others. As its title indicates,
it was devoted to the history of the American Revolution,
and the plan of the work was threefold :

I. To print in diary form a narrative of events.

EC. To reprint from newspapers and pamphlets matter of
especial interest.

III. To give, in what purported to be letters from a
London banker, the inside political history and parliamen-
tary proceedings of Great Britain.2

The work as thus printed, though containing many errors,
is one of singular value for the history of the period covered.
Edited to a certain extent in a partisan manner, it was
clearly intended to neutralize the accounts published by the
ordinary French journals, who drew their news from the
English press, and by giving the French people accurate
information concerning the causes and progress of the war,
encourage them in their sympathy with the American cause,
and so add another lever to the forces that were acting on
the French government to make it recognize our indepen-
dence. Yet the rarity of this work, together with the
ignorance of its contents, — due partly to Rich's misstate-

1 " Dictionaire des Ouvrages," anonymes.

2 These " Lettres (Tun Banquier" were written, so I have seen stated,
by Dr. Edward Bancroft.

Affaires de VAngleterre et de l'Am£rique. 223

ment that " this work appears to have been an imitation
of Almon's 'Remembrancer,'"1 — has made it practically
neglected as a source of history.

The work has also been neglected from a bibliographical
stand-point. Issued at irregular intervals, several times
changed in plan and method of publication, few of the
volumes with title-pages, and full of typographical errors in
the pagings and numberings of the parts, it is one of the
most intricate and puzzling studies in collation. Barbier
and Eich, therefore, merely stated that it was in fifteen vol-
umes. Sabin2 gives it as " 24 cahiers divided into 8 tomes,
usually bound in 17 volumes ;" and it remained for Leclerc3
to even attempt a collation, which, made from a single im-
perfect set, and confused by two misleading typographical
errors, is of really no value for ascertaining what constitutes
a perfect series.

Through the courtesy of Mr. Theodore F. D wight, of Wash-
ington, I have obtained collations of the sets in the library
of the Department of State4 and the Library of Congress.5
Personally I have collated the sets in the New York State,6
Harvard College,7 Massachusetts Historical Society,8 and the
Thomas Crane Public9 (Quincy) libraries, and the collations
of these seven imperfect sets have been compared with an-
other imperfect set in the library of Gordon L. Ford, of
Brooklyn. From these comparisons I have made a collation
which I believe will show what, for working purposes, is a
set of the work.

The work was issued in parts, or " cahiers," bound in

Bibliotheca Americana Nova," I. 247.

Dictionary of Books relating to America," I.

Bibliotheca Americana" (1878), 646. The set of fourteen slightly
imperfect volumes is priced at two hundred and fifty francs.
This set contains fifteen volumes.
This set contains fourteen slightly imperfect volumes.

6 This set contains thirteen very imperfect volumes.

7 This set contains fifteen volumes.

8 This set contains seventeen slightly imperfect volumes, and is the
best set so far as I know.

9 This set contains fourteen volumes. It is John Adams's copy.

224 Affaires de PAngleterre et de PAmtrique.

blue paper covers,1 which were numbered ; but, like Almon's
" Remembrancer," it is practically unfindable in this con-
dition. The " cahiers" were also numbered on the signature-
leaf till number 36 was reached, after which the numbering
was disregarded, so that it becomes impossible to distinguish
the parts ; and I have therefore paid no attention to them
in my collation, except to note, from information given in
the index to each volume, the " cahiers" that should be
contained in each volume. The matter is divided into two
classes, which the editor or editors distinguished as
" Journal" and " Lettres d'un Banquier." These in vol-
umes I.-II. were combined in each " cahier" and paged con-
tinuously ; in volumes III.-VI. they were included in the
same volume, but separately paged, the " Journal" in
Arabic numerals, and the " Lettres" in Roman numerals ;
after volume VI. they were issued as separate volumes, but
retaining this distinction of numbering. Though the work
is nominally in fifteen volumes, and really in seventeen
volumes, but three title-pages were issued.

Vol. I.2 " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 1 to 5. Title, 1 1. ;

Advertisement, 11.; pp. 103; 88; (65)-80; (17)-92; 103; 118.
Vol. n.3 /'Journal" and "Lettres." Cahiers 6 to 10;

Title, 11.; pp. 88; 95; 101; 80; 80; Table and Index, 19.
Vol. III. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 11 to 15. Pp.

88; (113)-144; 161-272; xlij ; Avis, 1|1.; xiv [for xlv]-

xcxviv [for xciv]; xcxvij [for xcvij]-ccxxiv ; Table and

Index, 11.

1 1 have seen but three numbers in this condition. The title reads :
"Affaires | de I1 Angleterre j et de PAmerique. j No. LXI. j Onsouscrita'
Paris chez Pissot, Libraire, | Quai des Augustins. j L'Abonnement pour
vingt Nume'ros, commgant | par le soixante-unieme, est de 24 liv. pour
Paris, & de 32 liv. post franc, pour la Province. | On trouve chez la
meme Libraire, les soixant pre- | miers Nume'ros, formant les deux
premiere ann6es. j A Anvers | M.DCC.LXXVIII."

2 The title reads : " Affaires | de 1' Angleterre | et de PAmerique. | N°.
1OT. | A Anvers. | M.DCC.LXXVI."

3 The title reads : " Affaires | de | PAngleterre | et de PAmerique. |
Tome II. | A Anvers. | 1776."

Affaires de VAngleterre et de I'Amfrique. 225

Vol. IV. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 16 to 20. Pp.

128 ; 137-160 ; ccliv [2 Ix, no Ixxvi] ; Table and Index, 8.
Vol. Y. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 21 to 25 [no

cahier 25 in the " Journal" series]. Pp. 112; clvj ; clxi-

ccxiv ; folding table, 1 1. ; ccxv-cccxvij [no cccv] ; Table

and Index, 7.
Vol. VI. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 26 to 30. Pp.

1 60 ; Avis, 1 1. ; Ixiv ; lix [for xlix]-clxxiv ; clxxiij-ccviij ;

Table and Index, 10.
Vol. VII. " Lettres." Cahiers 31 to 36. Pp. xlvj ; Avis, 1

1. ; xlvij-cclxxxvj ; Advertissement, ij ; cccxxj-ccclxxviij ;

Table and Index, 8.
Vol. VIII.1 " Journal." Cahiers 31 to 44.2 Title, 1 1. ; pp.

320 ; Avis, 2 ; 321-368 ; Table and Index, 11.
Vol. IX. " Lettres." Cahiers 37 to 42. Pp. cxxvi ; " Re-

trenchement," 1 1. ; cxxix-ccxlvj ; notice, 1 1. ; Avis, 1 1. ;

ccxlix-cccx ; cccxiij-ccclix ; [2 cccxxxvij] ; Table and

Index, 10.

Vol. X. " Lettres." Cahiers 43 to 47. Pp. Ixiij ; Adver-
tissement, ij; Ixv-clxxxvj; m*, 1 1.; clxxxvij-ccclxx ;

ccclix-ccclxxij ; Table and Index, 13.
Vol. XI. " Journal." Cahiers 48 to 63. [Cahiers 48 and

49 are misprinted Vol. IX.] Pp. 368. Table and Index,

11.
Vol. XI. "Lettres." Cahiers 48 to 54. Pp. Ixxxj [for

ccxxix, no ccxxv-vi] ; ccxix-ccxciv ; ccxcvij-cccxxxiv ;

cccxxxvij-ccclxxix ; Table and Index, 6.
Vol. XII. " Journal." Cahiers 64 to 82. Pp. 348. Table

and Index, 7.
Vol. XII. " Lettres." Cahiers 55 to 61. Pp. ccxc; Avis,

11.; ccxciij-ccccxx ; Table and Index, 6.

1 The title reads : " Affaires | de | 1'Angleterre | et de | PAmerique. |
Tome VIII. | Formant de la partie du Journal de 1776, | No. XXXI &
XLIV enclusivement. | A Anvers | et se trouve a Paris, | Chez Pissot,
Libraire, quai des Augiistins. | 1778."

a There is an apparent omission between Vols. VIII. and XI. of three
cahiers of the " Journal" series, but it is evidently merely a misprint,
for the dates show no gap.
VOL. xin. — 15

226 Affaires de VAngleterre et de VAmfoique.

Vol. XIII. "Lettres." Cahiers 62 to 69. Pp. clxxxij;
clxxxv-ccxxj ; ccxxv-cclxxxj ; Title, 1 1. ; Advertissement
(cclxxxiv)-cclxxxvij ; (cclxxxix)-cccxlvj ; cccxlix-ccccxix;
Table and Index, 5.

Vol. XIV. "Lettres." Cahiers 70 to 75. Pp. ccxciij;
ccxcviij-ccccij ; Table and Index, 4.

Vol. XV. " Lettres." Cabiers 75 to 82. Pp. Ixiv; folding
table ("Ligne de Battaille") ; Ixv-xcj; folding table
(" Ligne de Battaille") ; xcjij-cxlvj ; title (" Expose") 1 1. ;
cxlix ; (cliij)-ccx ; ccxiij-cclxviij ; cclxxxj-cccx ; cccxiij-
cccxliv ; 14 folding tables ; Avis, 5 ; Table, 5.

Philadelphia in 1682. 227

PHILADELPHIA IN 1682.

[We are indebted to Mr. Thomas Allen Glenn for the following in-
teresting letter, written about 1708, to a certain Hugh Jones, of Bala,
in Wales, which has never been published in America. It appeared in
its original language in a Welsh periodical of London, 1806, and again
in the Gwyliedydd at Bala in 1833, and in the latter year the following
translation appeared in the Cambrian Magazine. By a curious error, the
signature is given as "Hugh Jones." An examination of the will of
Thomas Sion (John) Evan, "of Eadnor in Pennsylvania," dated 31st
1 mo., 1707, proved at Philadelphia 23d September, 1707, informs us that
the writer of this letter was called John, not Hugh ; but it is probable
that he called himself Jones, as did his father. Thomas left, as his letter
states, his farm of three hundred acres to his two sons John and Joseph,
in equal shares ; to his daughter Elizabeth £50 ; to his wife (Lowry) £6
per annum, and right to reside on the farm. He appoints as " Guardians
and Overseers" his friends Rowland Ellis, Sr., Joseph Owen, and Row-
land Ellis, Jr. Thomas John Evan it would seem has the honor of being
the first Welsh settler in Pennsylvania, having landed in April of 1682.
The Thomas Lloyd mentioned " of Penmaen," a township in the parish
of Llanvaur, Merionethshire, was a bard of note before he joined the
Friends. There are excellent verses of his published in the Gwyliedydd
for March, 1824, on the subject of his conversion.— ED. PENNA. MAO.]

MY DEAR KINSMAN, HUGH JONES,

I received a letter from you, dated May 8, 1705 ; and I
was glad to find that one of my relatives, in the old land of
which I have heard so much, was pleased to recollect me.
I have heard my father speak much about old Cymru ; but
I was born in this woody region — this new world.

I remember him frequently mentioning such places as
Llan-y-Cil, Llan-uwchlyn, Llan Vair, Llan Gwm, Bala, Llan-
gower, Llyn Tegyd, Arenig Vaw, Yron-Goch,1 Llaithgwm,*
Havod Vadog, Cwm Tir-y-naint, and many others. It is
probably uninteresting to you to hear these names of places,

1 Written also Fron and Tron G6ch ; the home of Robert Owen.

2 The home of John Thomas.

228 Philadelphia in

but it affords me great delight even to think of them, altho-
I do not know what kind of places they are ; and indeed I
long much to see them, having heard my father and mother
so often speak in the most affectionate manner of the kind
hearted and innocent old people who live in them. . . . And
now my friend, I will give an account of the life and for-
tunes of my dear father from the time he left Wales to the
day of his death. He was at St. Peters fair, at Bala (July
10th 1681) when he first heard of Pennsylvania ; three weeks
only after this, he took leave of his neighbours and relations,
who were anxiously looking forward to his departure for
London on his way to America. Here (in London) he
waited three months for a ship ; and at length went out in
one bearing the name of William Penn. He had a very
tempestuous passage for several weeks ; and when in sight
of the river Delaware, owing to adverse winds and a bois-
terous sea, the sails were torn, and the rudder injured. By
this disaster they were greatly disheartened, and were obliged
to go back to Barbadoes, where they continued three weeks,
expending much money in refitting their ship. Being now
ready for a second attempt, they easily accomplished their
voyage, and arrived safely in the river Delaware on the 16th
of April, being thirty weeks from the time they left London.
During this long voyage he learned to speak and read
English tolerably well. They now came up the river 120
miles, to the place where Philadelphia is at present situate.
At that time, as the Welsh say, there was " na thy nac
Jrmogor" (neither house nor shelter) but the wild woods, nor
any one to welcome them to land. A poor look out this,
for persons who had been so long at sea, many of whom
had spent their little all. This was not the place for them
to remain stationary. My father therefore went alone where
chance led him, to endeavour to obtain the means of sub-
sistence. He longed much at this time for milk. During his
wanderings he met with a drunken old man, who under-
stood neither Welsh nor English, and who, noticing the
stranger, by means of some signs and gesticulations invited
him to his dwelling, where he was received by the old man's

Philadelphia in 1682. 229

wife and several sons, in the most kind and hospitable man-
ner : they were Swedes : here he made his home, till he had
a habitation of his own. As you shall hear, during the sum-
mer of 1682 our governor William Penn Esq., arrived here,
together with several from England, having bought lands
here. They now began to divide the country into allot-
ments, and to plan the city of Philadelphia, (which was to
be more than two miles in length) laying it out in streets
and squares, &c. with portions of land assigned to several
of the houses. He also bought the freehold of the soil from
the Indians, a savage race of men, who have lived here from
time immemorial, as far as I am able to understand. They
can give no account of themselves, not knowing where or
whence they came here, an irrational set, I should imagine,
but they have some kind of reason too, and extraordinary
natural endowments in their peculiar way; they are very
observant in their customs, and more unblameable, in many
respects, than we are. They had neither towns nor villages,
but lived in booths or tents. In the autumn of this year
(1682) several from Wales arrived here : Edward ab Rhys,1
Edward Jones, of Bala,2 William ab Edward,3 and many
others.

By this time there was a kind of neighbourhood here, al-
though as neighbours they could little benefit each other.
They were sometimes employed in making huts beneath
some cliff, or under the hollow banks of rivulets, thus shel-
tering themselves where their fancy dictated. There were
neither cows nor horses to be had at any price. " If we have
bread, we will drink water and be content," they said ; yet
no one was in want, and all were much attached to each
other ; indeed much more so, perhaps than many who have
every outward comfort this world can afford.

During this eventful period, our governor began to build

1 Edward ap Rhys, or Edward Rees, was of Bryn Lloyd.'

2 Dr. Edward Jones, who settled in Merion.

8 William ap Edward, in a deed executed in Wales 1st April, 1682, for
land in Pennsylvania, is described as " of Ucheldri in co. Merioneth,
yeoman."

230 Philadelphia in

mansion houses at different intervals, to the distance of fifty
miles from the city, although the country appeared a com-
plete wilderness. The governor was a clever intelligent
man, possessing great penetration, affable in discourse, and
a pleasant orator ; a man of rank, no doubt, but he did not
succeed according to his merit, the words of the bard Ed-
ward Morys might be applied to him :

" Ni chadwodd yr henddyn o'i synwyr vriw stonyn
Mi giliodd i ganlyn y golud."

At this time my father, Thomas Sion Evan, was living with
the Swedes, as I mentioned before, and intending daily to
return to Wales; but as time advanced, the country im-
proved. In the course of three years several were begin-
ning to obtain a pretty good livelihood, and my father de-
termined to remain with them. There was, by this time no
land to be bought within twelve miles the city, and my
father having purchased a small tract of land1 married the
widow of Thomas Llwyd, of Penmaen.

" Chur glywsoch son yn Nyfryn Clwyd,
Am domas Llwyd o Ben Maen."

He now went to live near the woods. It was now a very
rare but pleasing thing to hear a neighbour's cock crow.

My father had now only one small horse, and his wife was
much afflicted with the tertian ague. In process of time
however the little which he had prospered, so that he be-
came possessed of horses, cows, and every thing else that
was necessary for him. . . . During the latter years of his
life he kept twelve good milch cows. He had eight children,2
but I was the eldest. Having lived in this manner twenty
four years, he now became helpless and infirm and very sub-
ject to difficulty of breathing at the close of his days labour.
He was a muscular man, very careful and attentive to his
worldly occupations.

1 In Kadnor Township.

3 Five appear to have died young ; one of them, " Rowland Johns, son
of Thomas John Evan," died 1698.

Philadelphia in 1682. 231

About the end of July . . . years ago he became sick,
and much enfeebled by a severe fever, but asthma was his
chief complaint.

Having lived thus five weeks indisposed, he departed this
life, leaving a farm each for my brother1 and self, a corre-
spondent portion for my sister,2 and a fair dower for my
mother. My sister married Kisiart ab Thomas ab Rhys, a
man whom I much respected prior to his marriage, and still
regard. My brother and I continue to live with our mother,
as before, endeavouring to imitate our father in the manage-
ment of his affairs ; but we are in many respects unequal to
him. Our mother is 73 years old. ... Do send some
news ; if you should have anything remarkable to mention
I shall be glad to hear it. I must conclude my letter,

your Kinsman

1 Joseph, born 2d mo. 28th, 1695.
1 Elizabeth, born llth mo. 8th, 1691.

232 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778.

THE KESIGNATIOST OF HEKRY LAUEENS, PEESI-
DENT OF CONGEESS, 1778.

[Among the papers of Bishop John Ettwein, of Bethlehem, Penna.,
was found the following : " Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of
Congress : In Congress on Wednesday the 9th December 1778." This
copy was probably made at the instance of Mr. Laurens for the bishop,
between whom intimate relations existed for upwards of a quarter cen-
tury. The handwriting is unknown to the ED. PENNA. MAG.]

GENTLEMEN,

Ever jealous for the Dignity of Congress & prompted
by a sense of Duty, I had the honor on Monday of laying
before the House informations which I had received from
Citizens of respectable Characters, that a certain Letter
signed S. Deane, & address'd to the Citizens of America at
large, published in the Pensylvania Packet of Saturday the
5th inst., which I presumed every Member had read, had
created anxieties in the minds of the good People of this
City, & excited tumults amongst them — that having re-
ceived such information, I had carefully perused the Letter,
& found it to contain Articles highly derogatory to the
honor & interests of these United States.

That I could not be suspected of having prejudices, or of
being engaged in any intrigue or Cabal against Mr. Deane,
since, I could declare upon my honor that no Gentleman on
the floor knew so much of my sentiments respecting Mr.
Deane's Public character as I had communicated to that
Gentleman himself — that seeing Mr. Deane had made his
appeal to the People, & had intimated a design of giving
them a course of Letters, it was evident he did not mean to
depart from America so suddenly as he had lately declared
to this House.

That from these considerations I held it dishonorable to
Congress to hear him the following evening, & thereupon I

Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 233

humbly moved the House to appoint a Committee of three
to consider & report specially upon the contents of the
Letter above mentioned — that in the mean time Mr. Deane
be informed that Congress will give him further notice
when they desire to hear him in the House.

This motion was seconded by many voices — an amend-
ment was offered by an honorable Gentleman — 'that the
printed Letter be read,' which being put to question, passed
in the negative by a majority of one State.

I then renewed my motion, founded upon comon fame &
my own certain knowledge of the facts — this was over ruled
by calling for the Order of the Day, for which a single
voice, you know Gentlemen, is sufficient, & from that time
the motion has remained neglected.

I feel upon this occasion, not for any disappointment to
myself, but for the honor & dignity of this House, the great
Representative of an infant Empire, upon whose conduct,
the Eyes of Europe are fixed.

I have, from the moment in which my motion was
quashed, seriously & almost constantly reflected on the above
recited circumstances, & have again attentively considered
Mr. Deane's Address to the People.

I see no cause to regret my conduct on Monday, & I am
confirmed in my opinion that the Address contains ground-
less & unwarrantable insinuations & intimations respecting
the conduct of this House.

Mr. Deane had never offered to this House a narrative in
writing of his proceedings in France in his character of
Comercial & Political Agent, nor hath he, even to this
Day produced proper Accounts & Vouchers of his expendi-
ture of Public Money.

He was notified on the 3d inst. by your President, that
Congress had resolved to take into consideration, as on that
evening, the state of their foreign affairs ; that such branches
as he had been particularly concerned in, would, in due
course, become subjects of their deliberation. In a Letter
of the 4th < he thanked Congress for that intimation.'

In the same Letter he informed them ' that he had pre-

234 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778.

pared to leave this City, & had made his arrangements ac-
cordingly, which it would not be in his power to dispense
with for any time,' & yet on the 5th he published an Ad-
dress to the free & virtuous Citizens of America, in which
he complains, that the Ears of their Representatives had
been shut against him, & tacitly promises them a course of
Letters.

He informs the Public that he had been sacrificed for
the agrandizment of others.

He charges one of your Comissioners with such improper
conduct in his public character as amounts, in my Ideas, to
high Crimes.

He avers that the same Comissioner had been suspected by
their best friends abroad, & those in important Characters
& stations, although he had given Congress no such infor-
mation in writing, which he ought to have done, even long
before he comenced his Voyage from France. He insinu-
ates that the same Comissioner had been improperly forced
upon him.

He sets up a charge against another of your Comissioners
for a species of peculation & other malversation of conduct,
which, if true, it was his duty long ago to have exhibited to
Congress.

He arraigns the Justice & the Wisdom of Congress.

He charges & questions the conduct of an honorable
Member of this House, out of the House, & holds him up to
the Public in a criminal light, which ought not to have been
done before he had lodged a complaint in Congress, & had
failed of their attention. — His publication is a sacrifice of
the Peace & good Order of these States to personal resent-
ments ; & so far as it regards Congress, it is groundless &
unwarrantable, wherefore, be the remainder false or true, it
is, in my humble opinion, a pernicious & unprovoked Libel,
affrontive to the Majesty of the People.

I am neither a Volunteer advocate for the private Char-
acters stricturized in Mr. Deane's Paper, nor an Enemy to
Mr. Deane. — In a word, I view the performance in question
as an Act unbecoming the character of a Public Servant —

Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 235

altogether unnecessary, & tending to excite fears and jeal-
ousies in the minds of those free & virtuous Citizens of
America to whom Mr. Deane has address'd himself, & also
to draw the conduct of Congress into suspicion & contempt
— and I still hold my opinion that it was the duty of this
House to take the Address into consideration before they
admitted the Author to a further hearing.

Nevertheless Congress were pleased to adhere to a Ee-
solve passed on Saturday subsequently to the open appear-
ance of that unnecessary & insulting Publication for hearing
him in writing, contrary to a Resolution of the fifteenth day
of August last, which was obtained at that time after much
debate, by the reasonings & Votes of Gentlemen who had
interested themselves strongly in his favor, & from motives
assigned which cannot be effaced from the remembrance of
those Gentlemen who were then present — and time is Now
given to Mr. Deane for preparing a detail of his transactions,
which, if I understand any thing of Public business, ought
to have been completed & ready for presentation before he
landed on the American Shore.

I feel my own honor, & much more forcibly the honor of
the Public deeply wounded by Mr. Deane's Address,* & I
am persuaded that it will hold out such encouragement to
our Enemies to continue their Persecution, as will, in its
consequences, be more detrimental to our Cause than the
loss of a Battle. — Mr. Deane has not contented himself with
the scope of Dunlap's Newspaper, he has caused his Ad-
dress to be printed in a thousand Hand Bills — these will af-
ford a sufficient number for penetrating the remotest part
of our Union, & enough for the service of our Enemies.*

I know that what I am about to do will give a transient
pleasure to our Enemies, knowledge derived from a circum-
stance which induced me to continue in this Chair after the
31st day of October last, more strongly induced me than
that unanimous request of this House, which I was then
honored with. There are Gentlemen upon this floor who
are well acquainted with the circumstance alluded to — but
Gentlemen, their satisfaction will indeed be transitory, for I

236 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778.

here again solemnly declare, and they will soon learn it, that I
am determined to continue a faithful & diligent labourer in
the Cause of my Country, & at the hazard of Life, fortune &
domestic happiness, to contribute, by every means in my
power to the perfect establishment of our Independence.

I shall have less cause to regret the carrying my intended
purpose into effect, foreseeing that you may immediately fill
with advantage, the vacancy which will presently happen.

I shall hold myself particularly answerable to my constit-
uents for my present conduct, & in general to all my fellow
Citizens throughout these States, when properly questioned.

Finally, Gentlemen, from the considerations above men-
tioned, as I cannot, consistently with my own honor, nor
with utility to my country, considering the manner in which
Bussiness is transacted here, remain any longer in this
Chair, I now resign it.

HENRY LAURENS.

The words from * to the end of that Paragraph * were
intended, but omitted thro' accident in his Address to Con-
gress, delivered from the Chair.

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 237

EECOEDS OF CHEIST CHUKCH, PHILADELPHIA.
BAPTISMS, 1709-1760.

BY CHAKLES E. HILDEBURN.

(Continued from Vol. XII. page 365.)

1760 Dec. 4 Badger Mary d. Bannet and Susannah Sept. 3 1756
1759 Aug. 23 Bailey James s. James and Eebecca Jan. 16 1749

Aug. 23 Phoebe d. James and Eebecca April 21 1751

Aug. 23 Jonathan s. James and Eebecca Nov. 20 1755

Aug. 23 Joseph s. James and Eebecca May 28 1759

1722 April 1 Baily d. William and

1729 Mch. 15 James s. James and Ann [Baillie] 2 ms. 3 wks.

1734 Aug. 2 Mary d. John and Sarah 18 months

Oct. 6 Elizabeth d. James and Anne 2 weeks 0 days

Oct. 6 Anne d. James and Anne 2 weeks 1 day

1739 June 12 Stuart s. James and Anne 4 months

1757 July 30 Baine John s. George and Mary Dec. 27 1756
1728 April 26 Baker Elizabeth d. John and Elizabeth 2 weeks
1734 Jan. 6 Simon s. John and Hannah 1 day

1738 April 30 Alexander s. John and Eebecca 5 weeks

1740 Nov. 1 Isaac s. John and Eebecca 11 days
1742 Mch. 28 Isaac s. John and Eebecca 5 weeks

1748 Jan. 24 Francis s. John and Eebecca Dec 27 1747

1739 June 19 Ballard Mary w. William 33 years
June 19 Mary d. William and Mary 2 weeks

1744 May 27 Banbridge Henry s. James and Mary 7 months 7 days
1727 May 26 Banbury William s. William and Jane 1 month

1740 June 22 Banks Michael s. Michael and Sarah 5 weeks
1731 Feb. 24 Bankson Anne d. Thomas and Hester 6 years
1748 July 2 Andrew s. Andrew and Sarah June 4 1748

1725 July 26 Banton Eebecca d. Peter and Mary

1726 Aug. 18 Bantost Eebecca d. William and Sarah

1758 Oct. 4 Baraman William s. James and Jemimah June 1 1758
1757 Dec. 12 Barbut Mary d. Theodore and Sarah Sept. 24 1757

1761 June 12 Barclay Eobert s. Alexander and Anne May 15 1751
1742 April 26 Bard Samuel s. John and Susannah 26 days

1744 Mch. 15 Peter s. John Vincent and Susannah 6 weeks
1746 July 18 Mary d. Peter and Mary June 18 1746

238 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia.

1750 Jan. 10 William s. Peter and Mary Nov. 25 1749

1751 Dec. 8 Peter s. Peter and Mary Oct. 2 1750
1756 Mch. 26 Mary d. John and Elizabeth Nov. 28 1755
1760 July 10 John s. John and Elizabeth Aug. 11 1759
1723 Feb. 24 Barger Elizabeth adult

1760 Feb. 12 Barker Ann d. James and Dorothy Sept. 5 1758
Feb. 12 William s. Jainea and Dorothy Jan. 9 1760
Mch. 6 Ann d. James and Dorothy Sept. 5 1758

1739 Feb. 20 Barnet James s. Abraham and Mary 2 weeks

1740 June 23 Mary w. Abraham 26 years

1741 Dec. 27 John s. Abraham and Mary 1 month

1743 Sept. 25 Barret John s. John and Hester 6 months 17 days

1746 Jan. 11 Bartholomew John s. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. 29 1745

1749 May 11 Mary d. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. — 1747
Nov. 19 Joseph s. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. 26 1749

1740 July 7 Barton Anne d. Robert and Anne 3 months

1741 May 21 Martha d. Robert and Anne 1 month 2 days
1743 Mch. 10 Robert s. Robert and Anne 17 weeks

1745 June 20 Susannah d. Robert and Anne Feb. 15 1743

1728 Sept. 5 Basnett Elizabeth d. Ralph and Mary 2 weeks

1750 Nov. 11 Bass Elizabeth d. Nathan and Martha Oct. 27 1750
1760 April 24 Elizabeth d. Robert and Cecelia Dec. 26 1756

1732 Feb. 4 Bastick John s. Henry and Elizabeth 2 weeks 4 days

1733 June 27 Margaret (Mary) d. Henry and Elizabeth 4 months

1734 Aug. 30 Thomas s. Henry and Elizabeth 3 weeks

1736 Mch. 12 Henry s. Henry and Elizabeth 4 months 2 days
1753 April 30 Bath James s. George and Margaret March 25 1753
July 8 Batson Mary d. Thomas and Elizabeth April 7 1753

1726 Oct. 9 Baxter William s. William and Catherine March 22
1722 Mch. 27 Bayly Grace d. Thomas and Mary

1733 July 29 Hannah d. James and Anne 1£ years

1748 Jan. 4 Bayne John s. Nathaniell and Mary Sept. 19 1747

1727 Jan. 2 Baynton John s. Peter and Mary

1729 May 29 Jeoffrey s. Mr. Peter and Mary 25 days
1731 Aug. 6 Peter s. Peter and Mary 7 days

1749 April 20 Mary d. John and Elizabeth March 27 1749

1753 Mch. 6 Elizabeth d. John and Elizabeth Feb. 16 1753

1754 Dec. 2 Peter s. John and Elizabeth Aug. 21 1754

1758 Jan. 1 Benjamin s. John and Elizabeth Nov. 12 1757
May 13 John s. John Oct. 31 1755

1759 Jan. 3 Jane d. John and Elizabeth Dec. 2 1758

1743 Sept. 11 Beath Ann d. Thomas and Elizabeth 5 years 10 months
1740 Feb. 17 Beatty John s. Joseph and Catherine 2 weeks
1749 Aug. 18 Elizabeth d. Ezekiel and Frances Aug. 12 1749
1748 Oct. 30 Bedison Robert s. Robert and Mary March 29 1748
1736 Feb. 22 Beeks Joseph s. Joseph and Elizabeth 5 days

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 239

1737 Nov. 15 Susannah d. Joseph and Elizabeth 2 weeks

1740 Jan. 27 John s. Joseph and Elizabeth 2 months

1710 Feb. 5 Beer Mary d. Jonathan and Mary 12 years

1715 Oct. 8 Jonathan s. John and Eliza 2 weeks

1717 June 9 Beere Caleb s. John and Elizabeth 3 weeks

1732 Jan. 16 Mary d. John and Elizabeth 3 weeks 4 days

1744 Jan. 29 Beers Sarah d. Caleb and Hannah 13 days
July 21 Samuel natural son of Jonathan 6 months

1745 Nov. 20 Beeslay Sarah adult
1754 Dec. 26 Mary adult

1745 Dec. 29 Belitho John Harris s. John and Mary June 10 1745

1748 April 10 William s. John and Mary March 22 1748
April 10 Zachariah s. John and Mary March 22 1748

1753 April 25 Jacob s. John and Mary May 29 1750
April 25 Mary d. John and Mary April 15 1753
April 25 James s. John and Mary April 15 1753

1721 Dec. 30 Bell Elizabeth d. Richard and Grace

1723 Mch. 22 Mary d. John and Mary

1727 Aug. 25 Thomas [Joseph] s. William and Ann 3 weeks 5 days

1729 Mch. 26 William s. William and Ann 6 weeks 3 days

1731 April 13 Richard s. Richard and Grace 3 months 3 weeks
Sept. 11 Hannah d. William and Ann 7 weeks

1733 April 4 Elizabeth d. William and Ann 4 days

1737 Aug. 31 Jane d. George and Anne 4 days

1742 May 2 Benbridge James s. James and Mary March 21 1742

1716 Oct. 14 Bendsly Margaret d. James and Mary 6 weeks

1746 April 1 Benezet Sarah d. Daniel and Elizabeth

1749 Sept. 10 Stephen s. Daniel and Elizabeth June 21 1749
1751 Oct. 6 Anthony s. Daniel and Elizabeth Aug. 21 1751

Nov. 14 Anne d. James and Anne July 5 1751

1754 Nov. 17 Elizabeth d. Daniel and Elizabeth Sept. 29 1754
Dec. 19 Jane d. James and Ann Dec. 9 1752

Dec. 19 James s. James and Ann Sept. 23 1754
1756 April 20 Mary d. Daniel and Elizabeth Dec. 20 1755
1758 July 28 Judah s. Daniel and Elizabeth
1760 April 24 Daniel s. Daniel and Elizabeth Feb. 18 1760
1740 Dec. 27 Bennet John s. John and Mary 7 weeks

1747 Feb. 15 Mary d. William and Sarah Dec. 4 1746

1716 Nov. 14 Bennett Elizabeth d. Samuel and Hannah 4 days

1718 Jan. 26 Samuel s. Samuel and Hannah born 8th Jan.
1720 June 20 Grace wife John Bennett 25 years

1738 Mch. 12 Elizabeth d. Thomas and Mary 8 months '
1744 Sept. 8 Bennit Elizabeth d. William and Sarah 1 month

1730 Dec. 27 Bennitt Sarah Ann d. John and Mary 10 days

1732 Jan. 28 John s. John and Mary 8 days

1739 Mch. 10 Bentham Mary d. William and Mary 1 day

240 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia.

1740 Jan. 20 Berkley Anthony Henry s. Thomas and Jane 11 weeks

1744 June 15 Berry Sarah d. John and Elizabeth 1 month
1748 Oct. 30 Hannah d. Joseph and Elizabeth Sept. 20 1748

1731 Jan. 24 Berwick Simon s. Richard and Mary 7 days

1732 Dec. 26 Catherine d. Richard and Margaret 2 days
1734 Aug. 16 Simon s. Richard and Margaret 2 months

1754 July 29 Besley Sarah (adult)

1738 Oct. 20 Best Joseph s. Samuel and Margaret 5 weeks

1756 Sept. 16 Samuel s. Samuel and Margaret Dec. 25 1744
Sept. 16 James s. Samuel and Margaret May 1 1747
Sept. 16 Margaret d. Samuel and Margaret April 19 1749

1757 Dec. 21 Elinor (adult)

1746 July 23 Betty Hannah d. Joseph and Christian June 10 1743
July 23 Joseph s. Joseph and Christian Sept. 29 1745

1748 April 10 James s. Edward and Hester June 8 1747

1747 July 12 Bevan John s. Evan and Mary July 7, 1746
1746 Aug. 19 Bevin Margret d. George and Mary March 9 1745

1749 Feb. 20 William s. David and Ann Jan. 24 1749

1745 July 21 Biddison William s. Robert and Catherine Nov. 9 1744
1721 Aug. 17 Biddle Michael s. William and Ann

1723 Mch. 15 William s. William and Ann

1726 Aug. 10 William s. William and Ann July 17

1729 May 28 William s. William and Ann 1 yr. 8 mo. 28 days

1732 Aug. 28 James s. William and Mary 18 months

1732 Aug. 28 Nicolas s. William and Mary 5 weeks

1755 May 29 Mark s. James and Joanna May 3 1755

1758 Oct. 23 Joseph s. James and Frances Oct. 28 1757
Oct. 23 William s. James and Frances Oct. 23 1758
Oct. 23 Edward s. James and Frances Oct. 23 1758

1749 Mch. 26 Biggar William s. Richard and Susannah Aug. 1 1748

1756 Aug. 28 Sarah d. Richard and Susannah Aug. 2 1756
1729 Aug. 24 Bingham Thomas s. James and Ann 1 month

1741 Aug. 19 Ann d. John and Mary 7 weeks

1748 April 27 James s. William and Mary March 23 1748
1752 April 22 William s. William and Mary March 8 1752
1754 May 26 Hannah d. William and Mary March 26 1754
1756 Feb. 3 Ann d. William and Mary Jan. 2 1756

1732 Jan. 13 Birch David s. David and Susannah 2 weeks

1720 July 4 Bird Mary d. Joseph and Martha 3 years

1736 Dec. 1 Edward Valentine s. Jeremiah and Sarah 7 weeks

1740 Sept. 30 Jeremiah s. Jeremiah and Sarah 2 years

1741 Nov. 12 Jane d. Jeremiah and Sarah 4 days
1738 Jan. 21 Bishop Robert s. Robert 3 months

April 1 Black Robert s. James and Elizabeth 3 weeks
1741 Mch. 28 George s. James and Elizabeth 3 months
1745 Oct. 14 Blackledge Hester d. Benjamin and Sarah Aug. 28 1744

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 241

1736 Aug. 30 Blacklock Robert s. Robert and Elizabeth 1 year
1722 Feb. 9 Blackston William s. Thomas and Ann 1 year 10 months
1722 Feb. 9 Mary d. Thomas and Ann Feb. 4
1727 Aug. 25 Thomas s. Thomas and Ann 1 year

1733 Jan. 17 James s. Thomas and Ann 3 weeks

1731 Jan. 4 Blackstone Cornelius s. Thomas and Ann 1 month
1747 Mch. 1 Elaine Samuel s. Samuel and Mary Jan. 5 1747
1752 April 5 Blake John s. Roger and Rebecca April 8 1752
1755 June 15 Mary d. Roger and Rebecca May 22 1755
1720 Aug. 7 Blakely Charles s. Charles and Mary
1722 May 13 Blakey Thomas s. Charles and Ann
1729 Sept. 18 Mary d. Charles and Mary 8 months 15 days
1745 Feb. 10 Blarney John s. Samuel and Mary 1 month

1729 Jan. 28 Blaston John s. Thomas and Ann 4 months

1741 May 29 Bliss John s. George and Ann Bliss 1 year 4 months
1736 Feb. 8 Boardman George s. George and Mary 2 months
1755 April 20 Bolitho Christian d. John and Mary Feb. 1 1755

April 20 Sarah d. John and Mary Feb. 1 1755
1760 June 2 Samuel s. John and Mary Nov. 18 1759

1730 Dec. 27 Bollard Sarah d. William and Mary 2 years
Dec. 27 Rebecca d. William and Mary 7 months

1722 Jan. 22 Bolton Robert s. Robert and Ann Jan. 9

1724 May 8 Mary d. Robert and Ann

1726 Mch. 28 John s. Robert and Ann March 20
July 5 John s. Robert and Ann April 20

1727 June 22 Joseph s. Robert and Ann 2 days
June 22 Hannah d. Robert and Ann 2 days

1728 Sept. 2 Joseph s. Robert and Ann 8 days

1725 July 16 Bond William s. John and Sarah

1727 Jan. 11 Elizabeth d. Thomas and Sarah 5 weeks

1729 Jan. 17 John s. Samuel and Deborah 3 months
May 28 Ann d. Thomas and Sarah 5 months 5 days

1734 Mcb. 17 Deborah d. Thomas and Sarah 3 weeks

(To be continued.)

VOL. XIII. — 16

242 Officers of the State Society of Cincinnati of Georgia, 1790.

OFFICEES OF THE STATE SOCIETY OF CINCIN-
NATI OF GEOJRGIA, 1790.

[From the original manuscript in the possession of Col. John P.
Nicholson, Philadelphia.]

At an Anniversary meeting of the Society of Cincinnati
in the State of Georgia, at Browns Coffee house in the City
of Savannah, the 5th of July (the 4th being Sunday) 1790.
The following officers were duly elected for the ensuing
year, viz :

Major General Anthony Wayne, President.
Lieut. Colonel John Mclntosh, Vice-President.
Major John Berrien, Secretary.
Colonel Richard Wylly, Treasurer,
Doctor Sharpe, Assistant Secretary,
Lieutenant Edward Lloyd, Assistant Treasurer.
Extract, from the Minutes,
JOHN BERRIEN, Sec'y.

(Circular)
SIR:

Agreeably to a rule of our Society, I have the honor to
transmit you, a List of its Officers in the State Society of
Georgia for the current year. I have the honor to be
respectfully Sir,

Your most obed't Serv*.

JOHN BERRIEN, Sec'y.
SAVANNAH, July 25th, 1790.

THE HONORABLE

MAJOR GENERAL KNOX,

Secretary General

via Philadelphia, of the Society of Cincinnati,

ISTew York.

Notes and Queries. 243

NOTES AND QUEKIES.

LETTERS OF WASHINGTON AND PATRICK HENRY RELATING TO
THEIR APPOINTMENT AS DELEGATES TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL CON-
VENTION OF 1787.— The originals of the Washington letters are in the
collection of Ferdinand J. Dreer ; the Patrick Henry letter, in collection
of Charles Roberts, of Philadelphia.

MOUNT VERNON, Dec'. 21st 1786.
SIR,

I had not the honor of receiving your Excellency's favor of the 6th,
with its enclosures, till last night.

Sensible as I am of the honor conferred on me by the General Assem-
bly in appointing me one of the Delegates to a convention proposed to
be held in the City of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of re-
vising the Fsederal Constitution ; and desirous as I am on all occasions,
of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my Country — yet, Sir, there
exists at this moment, circumstances, which I am persuaded will render
my acceptance incompatible with other measures which I had previously
adopted ; and from which, seeing little prospect of disengaging myself,
it would be disingenuous not to express a wish that some other character,
on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place ; —
the probability of my non-attendance being too great to continue my
appointment.

As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the awful
situation of our affairs resulting in a great measure from the want of
efficient powers in the fsederal head, and due respect to its Ordinances —
so, consequently those who do engage in the important business of re-
moving these defects, will carry with them every good wish of mine
which the best dispositions toward the attainment can bestow.

I have the honr to be with very gr* respect,

Your Excelly' most Obed. Hble Serv*

G. WASHINGTON.

His Excelly EDM* RANDOLPH.

MOUNT VERNON 28th Mar. 1787.
DEAR SIR.

Your favor of the llth did not come to my hand till the 24th; and
since then, till now, I have been too much indisposed to acknowledge
the receipt of it. To what cause to ascribe the detention of the letter I
know not, as I never omit sending once, and ofteuer twice a week to the
Post-Office in Alexandria.

It was the decided intention of the letter I had the honor of writing
to your Excellency the 21st of December last, to inform you, that it would
not be convenient for me to attend the Convention proposed "to be holden
in Philadelphia in May next ; and I had entertained hopes that another
had been, or soon would be, appointed in my place, that much as it is
not only inconvenient for me to leave home, but because there will be,
I apprehend, too much cause to charge my conduct with inconsistency, in
again appearing on a public theatre after a public declaration to the

244 Notes and Queries.

contrary; and because it will I fear, have a tendency to sweep me back
into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease is so essentially
necessary for, and is so much desired by me.

However, as my friends, with a degree of solicitude which is unusual,
seem to wish my attendance on this occasion, I have come to a resolution
to go if my health will permit, provided, from the lapse of time between
the date of your Excellency's letter and this reply, the Executive may
not — the reverse of which be highly pleasing to me — have turned its
thoughts to some other character — for independently of all other consid-
erations, I have, of late, been so much afflicted with a rheumatic com-
plaint in my shoulder that at times I am hardly able to raise my hand
to my head, or turn myself in bed. This, consequently, might prevent
my attendance, and eventually a representation of the State; which wd
afflict me more sensibly than the disorder which occasioned it.

If after the expression of these sentiments, the Executive should con-
sider me as one of the Delegates, I would thank your Excellency for the
earliest advice of it ; because if I am able, and should go to Philadel-
phia I shall have some previous arrangements to make, and would set
of for that place the first or second day of May, that I may be there in
time to account, personally, for my conduct to the General Meeting of
the Cincinnati which is to convene on the first Monday of that month.
My feelings would be much hurt if that body should otherwise, ascribe
my attendance on the one and not on the other occasion, to a disrespect-
ful inattention to the Society ; when the fact is, that I shall ever retain
the most lively and affectionate regard for the members of which it is
composed, on ace* of their attachment to, and uniform support of me, upon
many trying occasions ; as much as on acce of their public virtues, patri-
otism, and sufferings.

I hope your Excellency will be found among the attending delegates —
I should be glad to be informed who the others are — and cannot conclude
without once more, and in emphatical terms, praying that if there is not
a decided representation in prospect, without me, that another, for the
reason I have assigned, may be chosen in my room without ceremony
and without delay ; for it would be unfortunate indeed if the State which
was the mover of this Convention, should be unrepresented in it. With
great respect I have the honor to be

Y' Excels Most Obed*

G° WASHINGTON

His Excelly EDM* RANDOLPH.

PRINCE EDWARD feby 13th 1787.
SIR.

Your Excellency's Favor accompaney's the Resolution & Act of the
Assembly for appointing Commissioners from this State to meet with
others from the United States at Philadelphia in May next for the
purposes therein mentioned did not reach me 'til very long after its
Date, or I should have acknowledged it sooner. And it is with much
Concern that I feel myself constrained to decline acting under this Ap-
pointment, so honourable to me from the Objects of it as well as the
Characters with whom I am joined.

I have judged it my Duty to signify this to your Excellency by the first
opportunity, in order, as much as possible to prevent the Loss of Time
in making another appointment.

With the highest Regard I am Sir

Your Excellencys most obedient and very humble servant

P. HENRY.

His Excy the Governor.

Notes and Queties. 245

INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON AS PRESIDENT, 1789.— The diary
of the Moravian congregation in New York contains the following
record concerning the inauguration of Washington as first President of
the United States, in 1789:

April 20. Doctor Livingston, the Low Dutch minister called here to
acquaint Bro. Birkby [Moravian pastor], that it was the intention of all
denominations to meet in their churches or places of worship on the
day when the President moves from his house to Federal Hall to take
the oath and to be inaugurated into his office ; that in every place of
worship there be a prayer in a solemn manner offered up to the Lord in
behalf of this Nation and also of the President and Vice-President at 9
o'clock in the morning. In the afternoon at 4 o'clock, the Vice-Presi-
dent, his Excellency 'John Adams arrived here, and it occasioned a great
to do in the city, but as it rained heavily, the extravagant proceedings
were much alloy 'd.

April 23. In the afternoon at 3 o'clock his Excellency Geo. Washing-
ton, president of the United States arrived here a numerous concourse
of People assembled at the Dock to see the head of the United States
of America come on shore. At night the whole city was illuminated,
and we were obliged to do the same to our house, else we should have
had our windows broke.

April 30. This being the day when his Excellency George Washington
was to be installed and to take the oath, we had at 9 o'clock a meeting
in our church, and which was also in other churches, when a prayer was
put up in behalf of the new government, and of the president of the
United States. At 12 o'clock the President was conducted to the Federal
house where the ceremony was performed, and from thence to St. Paul's
church where the service was performed. Great concourse of people
was assembled together on the occasion. And at night there was what
they call the most brilliant Fire works played off', that ever was in
America.

ADDRESS OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF FRIENDS OF PENNSYLVANIA,
ETC., TO PRESIDENT WASHINGTON, 1789. — We are indebted to Dr. James
J. Levick for a copy of the address of the Yearly Meeting of the Friends
of Philadelphia, etc., to President Washington, and his reply.

To the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.

THE ADDRESS of the Religious Society catted Quakers, from their Yearly
Meeting for Pennsylvania, New- Jersey, Delaware, and the western parts of
Virginia and Maryland.

BEING met in this pur Annual Assembly for the well-ordering the
affairs of our Religious Society, and the promotion of universal
righteousness, our minds have been drawn to consider that the Almighty,
who ruleth in Heaven and in the kingdoms of men, having permitted a
great revolution to take place in the government of this country, we are
fervently concerned that the rulers of the people may be favoured with
the counsel of God, the only sure means of enabling them to fulfil the
important trust committed to their charge, and in an especial manner
that Divine wisdom and grace vouchsafed from above, may qualify thee
to fill up the duties of the exalted station, to which thou art appointed.
We are sensible thou hast obtained great place in the esteem and affec-
tions of people of all denominations, over whom thou presideth; and
many eminent talents being committed to thy trust, we much desire they
may be fully devoted to the Lord's honour and service, that thus thou

246 Notes and Queries.

mayest be an happy instrument in his hand, for the suppression of vice,
infidelity and irreligion, and every species of oppression on the persons
and consciences of men, so that righteousness and peace, which truly
exalt a nation, may prevail throughout the land, as the only solid foun-
dation that can be laid for the prosperity and happiness of this or any
country.

The free toleration which the citizens of these States enjoy in the
public worship of the Almighty, agreeable to the dictates of their con-
sciences, we esteem among the choicest of blessings ; and as we desire to
be filled with fervent charity for those who differ from us in faith and
practice, believing that the general assembly of saints is composed of the
sincere and upright hearted of all nations, kingdoms and people ; so we
trust we may justly claim it from others, — and in a full persuasion
that the Divine principle we profess, leads into harmony ana concord,
we can take no part in carrying on war on any occasion, or under
any power, but are bound in conscience to lead quiet and peaceable
lives in godliness and honestly amongst men, contributing freely
our proportion to the indigences of the poor, and to the necessary
support of civil government, acknowledging those " who rule well to be
worthy of double honour," and if any professing with us, are, or have
been, of a contrary disposition and conduct, we own them not therein ;
having never been chargeable from our first establishment as a Religious
Society, with fomenting or countenancing tumults or conspiracies or dis-
respect to those who are placed in authority over us.

We wish not improperly to intrude on thy time or patience, nor is it
our practice to offer adulation to any ; but as we are a people whose
principles and conduct have been misrepresented and traduced, we take
the liberty to assure thee, that we feel our hearts affectionately drawn to-
wards thee, and those in authority over us, with prayers that thy Presi-
dency may, under the blessing of Heaven, be happy to thyself and to
the people; that through the encrease of morality and true religion,
Divine Providence may condescend to look down upon our land with a
propitious eye, and bless the inhabitants with a continuance of peace, the
dew of Heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and enable us gratefully to
acknowledge his manifold mercies. — And it is our earnest concern, that
he may be pleased to grant thee every necessary qualification to fill thy
weighty and important station to his glory ; and that finally, when all
terrestial honours shall fail and pass away, thou and thy respectable con-
sort may be found worthy to receive a crown of unfading righteousness
in the mansions of peace and joy for ever.

Signed in and on behalf of our said meeting held in Philadelphia, by
adjournments, from the 28th of the 9th mo. to the 3d day of the 10th
mo. inclusive, 1789.

NICHOLAS WALN, Clerk of the meeting this year.

THE ANSWER of the President of the United States to the Address of the
Religious Society called Quakers, from their Yearly Meeting for Pennsyl-
vania, New- Jersey, Delaware, and the western parts of Maryland and
Virginia.

GENTLEMEN,

I RECEIVE with pleasure your affectionate address, and thank you for
the friendly sentiments and good wishes which you express for the
success of my administration, and for my personal happiness.
We have reason to rejoice in the prospect that the present national

Notes and Queries. 247

government, which, by the favor of Divine Providence, was formed by
the common counsels, and peaceably established with the common con-
sent of the people, will prove a blessing to every denomination of them ;
— to render it such, my best endeavours shall not be wanting.

Government being among other purposes instituted to protect the per-
sons and consciences of men from oppression, — it certainly is the duty
of rulers, not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their
stations to prevent it in others.

The liberty enjoyed by the people of these States, of worshipping Al-
mighty God agreeable to their consciences, is not only among the choicest
of their blessings, but also of their rights. — While men perform their
social duties faithfully, they do all that Society or the State can with
propriety demand or expect, and remain responsible only to their Maker
for the religion or mode of faith, which they may prefer or profess.

Your principles and conduct are well known to me ; and it is doing
the people called Quakers no more than justice to say, that (except their
declining to share with others the burthen of the common defence) there
is no denomination among us who are more exemplary and useful
citizens.

I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the conscientious
scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy and tender-
ness ; and it is my wish and desire, that the laws may always be as ex-
tensively accommodated to them, as a due regard to the protection and
essential interests of the nation may justify and permit.

GEO. WASHINGTON.

Printed by DANIEL HUMPHREYS, Front-street, near the Drawbridge,
Philadelphia.

LETTER OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO PROFESSOR KINNERSLEY.—
Horatio Gates Jones, Esq., sends us a copy of the following interesting
letter of Doctor Franklin to his friend and scientific co-laborer Prof.
Ebenezer Kinnersley. The original is in the possession of Mrs. Edward
H. Huntsman, Langhorne, Penna., who is a collateral relative of the
distinguished electrician :

LONDON, July 28, 1759.
DEAR SIR,

I received your favour of Sept. 9 and should have answer'd it sooner,
but delay'd in Expectation of procuring for you some Book that describes
and explains the Uses of the Instruments you are at a loss about. I have
not yet got such a Book but shall make further Enquiry. Does not
Desaguliers in his Course explain them ? You do not mention the Rea-
sons of your being tired of your Situation in the Academy. And if you
had, it would perhaps be out of my Power at this Distance to remedy
any Inconveniences you suffer or even if I was present. For before I
left Philadelphia, everything to be done in the Academy was privately
preconcerted in a Cabal without my Knowledge or Participation and
accordingly carried into Execution. The Schemes of Public Parties
made it seem requisite to lessen my Influence whereever it could be les-
sened. The Trustees had reap'd the full Advantage of my fiead, Hands,
Heart and Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design,
and when they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside. I
wish Success to the Schools nevertheless and am sorry to hear that the
whole Number of Scholars does not at present exceed an hundred &
forty.

248 Notes and Queries.

I once thought of advising you to make Trial of your Lectures here,
and perhaps in the more early Times of Electricity it might have aa-
swer'd ; but now I much doubt it, so great is the general Negligence of
every thing in the Way of Science that has not Novelty to recommend
it. Courses of Experimental Philosophy, formerly so much in Vogue,
are now disregarded ; so that Mr. Demainbray, who is reputed an excel-
lent Lecturer, and has an Apparatus that cost nearly £2000, the finest
perhaps in the World, can hardly make up an audience in this great
City to attend one Course in a Winter.

I wonder your roughening the Glass Globe did not succeed. I have
seen Mr. Canton frequently perform his Experiments with the smooth &
rough Tubes, and they answered perfectly as he describes them in the
Transactions. Perhaps you did not use the same Rubbers.

There are some few new Experiments here in Electricity which at
present I can only just hint to you. Mr. Symmer has found that a new
black Silk Stocking worn 8 or 10 Minutes on a new white one, then both
drawn off together, they have, while together, no great Signs of Elec-
tricity ; i.e. they do not much attract the small Cork Balls of Mr. Can-
ton's Box ; but being drawn one out of the other, they puff out to the
full Shape of the Leg, affect the Cork Balls at the Distance of 6 Feet
and attract one another at the Distance of 18 inches and will cling to-
gether ; & either of them against a smooth Wall or a Looking Glass,
will stick to it some time. Upon Trial, the black Stocking appears to be
electris'd negatively, the white one positively. He charges Vials with
them as we us'd to do with a Tube. Mr. Delavall has found that several
Bodies which conduct when cold, or hot to a certain Degree, will not
conduct when in a middle State. Portland Freestone, for Instance, when
cold, conducts ; heated to a certain degree will not conduct ; heated more
it conducts again ; and as it cools, passes thro' that Degree in which it
will not conduct till it becomes cooler.

This with what you mention of your Cedar Cylinder, makes me think,
that possibly a thin Cedar Board, or Board of other Wood, thoroughly
dried and heated, might if coated and electrified, yield a Shock as glass
Planes do. As yet I have not try'd it.

But the greatest Discovery in this Way is the Virtue of the Tourmalin
Stone, brought from Ceylon in the Indies which being heated in boiling
Water, becomes strongly electrical, one side positive, the other negative,
without the least Rubbing. They are very rare but I have two of them
& long to show you the Experiments.

Billy joins with me in Compliments to you & to good Mrs. Kinnersley
& your promising Children. I am with much Esteem and Affection Dear
Sir,

Your most obedient Servant.

B. FRANKLIN.

ME. KINNERSLEY.

MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF SAMUEL POWELL AND ABIGAIL WIL-
cox, — Whereas, Samuel Powell of Philadelphia Carpenter, and Abigail
Wilcox Daughter of Barnabas and Sarah Wilcox deceased of the same
place ; Haveing declared their Intentions of taking Each other in Mar-
riage before several Public Meetings of the People of God called Quakers
in Philadelphia aforesaid, according to the good Order used among them,
whose proceedings therein, after a Deliberate consideration thereof, [with
Regarde unto the Righteous Laws of God,] and Example of his people
Recorded in the Scriptures of truth in that Case Were approved of by
the said Meetings, They appearing clear of all others, And haveiug the

Notes and Queries.

249

Consent of Partyes and Eelations concerned ; Now These are to Certifie
All whom it may Concerne, that for the full accomplishing of their said
Intentions, this Nineteenth Day of the Twelvth Month called February,
In the Year, according to the English account, one Thousand Seaven
hundred, They the said Samuel Powell and Abigail Wilcox, appeared
in a Public Assembly of the aforesaid People, and others Mett together,
for that End and Purpose in their Public Meeting Place in Philadelphia
aforesaid, and in a Solemne Manner, he the said Samuel Powell, takeing
the said Abigail Wilcox by the hand Did openly Declare as Followeth :

Friends in the fear of the Lord, & before this Assembly, I take this
my friend Abigail Wilcox to be my wife Promissing to be to her a faith-
ful & Loveing husband, untill it snail please the Lord by Death to Sep-
arate us ;

And then and there in the said assembly, the said Abigail Wilcox did
in Like Manner Declare as Followeth ; Friends in the fear of God, &
before this assembly, I take my friend Samuel Powell to be my husband,
promissing to be to him a faithful & Loveing wife, till God by Death shall
Seperate us;

And the said Samuel Powell and Abigail Wilcox, as a further Con-
firmation thereof, did then and there to these Presents Sett their hands ;
and we whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, being Present among
others, at the Solemnizing of their said Marriage and Subscription, in
manner aforesaid, as Wittnesses hereunto, have also to these Presents
Subscribed our Names, The Day and Year above Written.

SAM POWELL
ABIGAIL WILLCOX

Wm Penn
Tho Story
Jonat* Dickinson
Thomas Willis
John Lea
Nicholas Walln
Griffith Owen
Edwd Penington
Joseph Shippen
Griffith Jones
Wm Southebe
George Claypoole
John Guest
George Gray
Sam : Carpenter
Dad Lloyd
James Thomson
Hugh Durborow
Will Powell
John Goodsonn
John Kinsy
Ealph Jackson
Philip James
Wm Hudson

James Keile
Philip England
Ricd Peters
Walter Long
Sarah Dymock
Jane Breintnall
Nathaniel Edgcomb
Samuel Bradshaw
William Woodmansea
Thomas Griffith
Nicho. Fairlarab
Joseph Paull
Phill : Taylor
John Hurford
Edw8 Fowes
Arthur Starr
Joseph Paull
William Fishbourn
Joan ffowes
Hannah Penn
Eebekah Shippen
Sarah Clements
Ann Dilworth
Joan Jones

Margret Cooke
Eudth Duckitt
Elizabeth Fox
Mary Williss
Margrett Peters
Margrett Jones
Hannah Carpenter
Ann Webb
Elizabeth Maccomb
Mary Moultby
Joseph Willcox
Esther ffreeland
Eachell Willcox
Ann Willcox
Jh°. Psons (Sic)
Ann Parsons
John Eoades
Edwd : Shippen
Joseph Jones
Eebecca Willcox
Eebecah Budd
Marg*. Mecomb
Sarah Goodsonu

DOMINE EUDOLPHUS VARiCK IN PHILADELPHIA, 1690.— Domine
Eudolphus Varick, settled minister of the Dutch Eeformed Church on
Long Island, and occasionally supplying New Amstel (now New Castle),
Delaware, found it convenient, if not absolutely necessary, to visit his

250 Notes and Queries.

flock in Delaware during the Leisler troubles in New York. Writing
of this journey to his ecclesiastical superiors, the Classis of Amsterdam,
he says, —

" Before closing, I shall add something in regard to my journey or
rather my flight to the South river on the 7th of June 1690 : I found in the
whole of Pennsylvania only one Protestant Lutheran pastor, an old blind
man : in passing I came to a Swede, called Captain Israel, who received
me well, and hearing that I was a preacher, he said, they would make a
contract with me to be their pastor, as their own had died the year before.
I said, ' But you are Lutherans' and he replied ' Yes, there is some differ-
ence about the communion, but we shall not trouble ourselves about
that.' Then I told him I had not come for such a purpose. I came to
a German village near Philadelphia, where among others I heard Jacob
Telner, a German Quaker, preaching ; later I lodged at his house in
Philadelphia. This village consists of 44 families, 28 of whom are
Quakers, the other 16 of the Reformed Church, among whom I spoke to

those, who had been received as members by the , the Lutherans, the

Mennists and the Papists, who are very much opposed to Quakerism and
therefore lovingly meet every Sunday, when a Mennist, Dirck Keyser
from Amsterdam, reads a sermon from a book by Jobst Harmensen. I
was also en passant at Sluyter's, alias Vosman's in New Bohemia. They
received me civilly and were about 16 in number at their cloister, attend-
ing to agriculture.

" Coming at last to New Castle, I preached there on three Sundays
and administered the communion ; I had there a little church, full of
people, Dutch, Swedes and Fins."

DomineVarick is an example that clergymen of other denominations
than the Roman Catholic, who were made martyrs by the Indians, had
also to suffer in colonial days. After his return from Delaware, he says,
in the same letter, describing the treatment by the Leisler party, " I
have been in prison for about five months, but not like my fellow-prison-
ers, with nailed-up windows or underground or with irons on the legs,
but in a lighter chamber with a captured French Captain, from whom I
thankfully learned French : I had done nothing else than to warn my
nearest neighbor, an Elder, who is still under sentence of death, that he
should desist from acting so cruelly against all decent people; ten
months later I was imprisoned and declared guilty of high treason . . . ;
my greatest fear was, of being murdered while in prison, as I was told to
my face, whenever a shot was fired in the fort, that all the prisoners would
be cut down on the spot. My wife had to fly with everything, because
she was constantly threatened with pillage." (Amsterdam Correspond-
ence of the Dutch Reformed Church.) B. FERNOW.

WILLIAM PENN'S TANKARD, A GIFT FROM JAMES CLAYPOOLE'S
FAMILY ?— In a Loan Collection at the Academy of Fine Arts in 1876

a handsome tankard was exhibited by Mrs. Merideth, stated to have be-

•p

longed to William Penn, having ™T_._JJ engraved on the handle, and these

arms emblazoned on the side, which, though somewhat similar to that of
Penn, are those of Claypoole, impaling unknown. They are as follows : A
chevron between three torteaux impaling three fusils in fess, over all a
bend. Crest on the first a fleur-de-lis. On the second a Pegasus issuing
out of a ducal crown. This was the blazon taken by me in 1876, which
is, however, sufficient for identification. See the following notes made re-
cently. I believe I am correct in stating this to be an unusual instance
of the use of two crests at an early date in English heraldry, for as Clay-

Notes and Queries. 251

poole died in the year 1687, and it is probable the engraving was made
some years before, this example is above two centuries old, while the
usage of two crests in this manner is supposed to be a very recent
fashion.

In the tenth volume of the PENNA. MAGAZINE, pp. 354, 355, will be
found an interesting letter entitled " A true copy of a letter from Ben-
jamin Claypoole of the city of London, to George Claypoole of the city
of Philadelphia, Merchant, in Market Street, in the year 1706-7." This
most valuable record of the genealogy of the Claypoole family was written
by the youngest brother of James Claypoole, the ancestor of the Philadel-
phia line. It gave me a clue to the unknown arms impaling Claypoole on
the Penn tankard, as " Benj. Claypool" says, "My father married Mary
Angell. Her father was Fishmonger to King Charles the First."
" Benj. Claypool" also mentions " Our predecessors coat of Arms,— the
creast a fleur de luce." In Edmondson's Heraldry, Vol. II., London, 1780,
the arms of several families of Angell are given. The following comes
nearest to that impaled on the tankard, " Angell [London, who came
from Pekirk, in Lancashire] Or, three fusils in fesse az. over all a baston
gu. — Crest out of a ducal crown or, a demi-pegasus ar. crined gu." Arms
of Claypoole, as given by Edmondson, are "Clepole [Northborough, in
Northamptonshire] Or; a Chevron Azure between three hurts — Crest a
fleur-de-lis enfiled with a ducal coronet or."

James Claypoole, who died in 1687, left an interesting will and inventory
containing many details of plate worthy of being published entire, es-
pecially as so many Philadelphia families claim descent from and alli-
ance with his family. His personal friendship and intimacy with Wil-
liam Penn are well known. Among other things he leaves to his wife
" In Silver my Largest and Least Tankard, my Least and biggest por-
ringers and six spoons." . . . " To Mary my Eldest Daughter" ..." My
Old Silver Tankard which was my mother's and two Silver Spoons."
There is mention of other bequests of plate which, having no connection
with the tankard, I omit. Helena, wife of James Claypoole, died shortly
after her husband. His will was dated 5th 12mo., 1686, and proved 12th
8th mo., 1687. The " Appraisement of the Goods of James Claypoole &
Helena his Wife both of Philadelphia Deceased taken about the Middle
of the Seventh Month 1688 by Humphrey Murray & Thomas Hooten,"
mentions two tankards of which the weight and valuation are given as
follows :

£. s. d.

59 oz. 1 awt. great Silver Tankard [value] 18—9— f
17 £ oz. 1 dwt. least Tankard 5— 9— 4|

In view of the intimacy of the Claypoole family with Penn and the
particular mention of him in the will in these words, " And I doe Intreate
and desire my Dear ffriends William Penn our Governor and Thomas
Lloyd keeper of the Broad Seal to be overseers of this my Last Will and
to Counsell and Assist my Dear Wife and Children in all their Con-
cernes," I am of the opinion that this is the " great Silver Tankard" left
by James Claypoole to his wife Helena, which was most likely given to
Penn as a present for his services to the estate. It can be easily proved
if the weight should be nearly " 59 oz. 1 dwt," allowing for a slight loss
in its two centuries of existence.

WILLIAM JOHN POTTS.

KATES OF BOAKDING IN PHILADELPHIA, 1779-1780.— From the diary
of the Hon. William Ellery, who left Cranston November 10, 1779, to

252 Notes and Queries.

attend Congress, in Philadelphia, where he arrived nineteen days later,
we extract rates of board and wages of servants at that period.

" My journey though long was tolerable. If I had not taken cold on
the road, it would have been more than tolerable — it would have been
comfortable. I went to board with Mrs. Miller on Arch, between Fourth
and Fifth Streets, 3 December, at $300. per week for myself and servant.
Paid her 18 Jan. 1780, $1850. At the expiration of seven weeks the
board was raised. On 16 Feb. I paid Mrs. Miller $370. and she informed
me that she must have $300. per week. April 2d paid Mrs. Miller $1560.
April 15th $760.

" Went to board with the Eev. W. Marshall 23 April 1780.

Paid Mr. Marshall, May 10th $560

" 16 410

June 6 408

June 16 425

June 30 420

$2223

" Sold my sorrel mare to Mr. Mitchell D. Q. M. G. for $300., for which
I received his certificate.

" Thomas Fisher entered my service as a Waiter Oct 28, 1779 paid him
April 10th, in all $500."

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. — The Council of this Society has
decided that the annual meeting shall be held in this city during the
ensuing autumn. The Journal, which is issued quarterly, is designed
for the collection and publication of the folk-lore and mythology of the
American continent, and numbers among its contributors Professor
Horatio Hale, Dr. D. G. Brinton, C. Godfrey Leland, Rev. W.M. Beau-
champ, Alice C. Fletcher, and other well-known writers. It is desired
to increase the Society to a strength commensurate with the width of
the field which it is called on to occupy, and we are pleased to recognize
among its members well-known names of this city and State. The
membership fee is three dollars per annum, entitling members to a copy
of the Journal. The address of the Secretary, William Wells Newell, is
Cambridge, Massachusetts.

UNIVERSITY OP PENNSYLVANIA GRADUATES AND MATRICULATES.—
Information is wanted concerning the following graduates and matricu-
lates of the College Department, and honorary graduates of the Uni-
versity. The most important facts wanted of these men are : full name ;
father's name with mother's maiden name ; date and place of birth and
of death ; if married, the maiden name of wife and name of her father;
any honorary degrees received; occupations; any public offices held;
any publications or original researches made ; if ever in military or naval
service.

CLASS 1813.— Eev. John E. Goodman, Coulter Goodwin, James B.
Steele, Hon. John Nebit Steele, George W. Warder, Dr. Samuel J.
Withy (where did he get his medical degree?).

CLASS 1815. — George Buchanan, James S. Davidson, John J. Eichards.

CLASS 1816.— William N. Anderson, Samuel N. Davis, Isaac Willis.

CLASS 1817.— Eev. Washington Harris, William B. Lardner, Alex-

Notes and Queries. 253

ander Magnus Murray, Jacob L. Sharpe, Charles A. Walker, of Mary-
land, William C. Walker.

CLASS 1818.— Dr. James M. Staughton.

CLASS 1819.— William Underbill Purnell, of Maryland, John Selby
Purnell, of Maryland, Thomas B. Turner, of Virginia, Garrett van
Gelder, Henry Franklin, of Maryland, Dr. John R. Knox (where did
he receive his medical degree?).

CLASS 1820.— Dr. John F. D. Heineken, John Norcom, of North Caro-
lina, Dr. Samuel Jones, Alexander Neil.

CLASS 1821.— George W. Heyberger, Dr. Rowland B. Heylin, John H.
Scheetz.

CLASS 1822.— Ferdinand Farmer Carrell, John Chamberlain, William
Frazier, William R. Price, of Maryland, Dr. Charles E. Smith (where
did he get his medical degree?), Robert J. Thompson, of Kentucky.

CLASS 1823.— John M. Marshall, William Morton, George Sharpe.

CLASS 1824.— Henry Helmuth Krebs, Rev. Thos. Bartow Sargent,
D.D.

CLASS 1825.— David C. Harker, of New Jersey, Rev. Wm. H. Rees,
D.D., Levis P. Thompson.

CLASS 1826.— Rev. Joseph M. Abbott, Jr., Thomas McKinley.

HONORARY GRADUATES.

CLASS 1757.— Josiah Martin, A.B., A.M., 1760, "the son of Col.
Josiah Martin, of Long Island, in the Province of New York ;" Solomon
Southwick, A.B., of Rhode Island.

CLASS 1759.— Rev. Hector Alison, A.M.

CLASS 1760. — Rev. Samuel Cooke, A.M., " of ye province of New
Jersey;" Rev. Philip Reading, A.M., "of the county of New Castle;"
Rev. Samson Smith, A.M.

CLASS 1762.— Rev. Joseph Mather, A.M., of Maryland ; Thomas Pol-
lock, A.B., "Tutor in the College;" Rev. John Simonton, A.M., "of
Chester Co. in this Province ;" " Mr. Isaac Smith, Doctor of Physick, of
this City."

CLASS 1775. — James Ross, A.M., Prof. Gr. and Lat. Lang., Dickinson
Coll.

CLASS 1781.— William Barton, A.M.

CLASS 1786.— Rev. David Griffith, M.D., D.D. (where did he get his
medical degree ?).

CLASS 1789.— Samuel Keen, A.M., "Tutor in the College;" Rev. Philip
Paul, A.M.

CLASS 1790.— Rev. Lawrence Girelius, A.M.

CLASS 1795.— Rev. George Ralsh, A.M.

CLASS 1797. — Cunningham Semple Rumsey, A.M.

CLASS 1823.— Eugenius Nulty, A.M., Prof. Math., Dickinson Coll.

CLASS 1824.— Rev. Joseph Spencer, A.M., D.D., 1831. Prof. Lat. and
Gr. Lang, and Lit., Dickinson Coll.

CLASS 1826.— Rt. Rev. Patrick Tony, D.D., Bishop of Dunkeld.

CLASS 1829.— Rev. Chas. Williams, D.D., Pres. Baltimore Coll.

CLASS 1830.— Rev. James Homer, D.D.

CLASS 1839.— Rev. Jacob Miller, D.D.

CLASS 1841.— Rev. Jehu Curtis Clay, D.D.

CLASS 1844.— Joseph Saxton, A.M.

NOYES.— Information is wanted concerning (1) name of wife and date
and place of death of Moses Noyes, born in Newbury, Mass., 12th May,

254 Notes and Queries.

1744, son of Moses and Susannah (Jamies) Noyes. ^ (2) Name of wife
and date and place of death of Moses Noyes, born in Newbury, Mass.,
16th December, 1743, son of Moses and Hannah (Smith) Noyes. (3)
Bev. William Noyes, Rector of Cholderton, County Wilts, England,
1602 till 1616, when he died. When and where was he born, and what
were his parents' names ?
Box 950, New York. J. ATKINS NOTES.

PHILADELPHIA TOWNSHIP, NOVA SCOTIA. — Wanted, any information
that would throw light upon the origin of the name of the Township of
Philadelphia, in the Province of Nova Scotia. A deed from Nathan
Sheppard, of Philadelphia, dated 4th November, 1768, conveys about 200
acres of land, in this township, to Benjamin Armitage, Alexander Bartram,
Walter Shee, and William Ball, in fee simple. Sheppard conveys by
virtue of a grant of 20,000 acres to himself and associates from Lord
William Campbell, dated 30th September, 1767, " and by virtue of a power
from . . . Benjamin Armitage, John Lukins for John Jones, William
Ball, John Lukins, Joseph Jacobs, William Sitgreeves, David Hall,
Samuel Jackson, John Wright, Edward Bonsall, Paul Isaac Voto,
Alexander Bartram, Walter Shee, James Loughead, Hugh Lennox,
James Halden, and James James" dated 30th April, in the eighth year
of his Majesty's reign, A.D. 1768.

The tract of 200 acres lies on the north side of the Bason of Minass,
near the mouth of Hall's Hollow, adjoining land of Noah Miller.

The conveyance is registered in Kings County, " Township of Hor-
ton," Nova Scotia, " on the oath of Noah Bowen," one of the witnesses
to its execution, the others being Noah Miller and Samuel Knox. In
1769, Alexander Bartram and Jane his wife conveyed an undivided fourth
of the land and of " the Store and Buildings" thereon erected, to Walter
Sbee. This conveyance, witnessed by Barnaby Barnes and Jas Delaplain,
and acknowledged before Isaac Jones, Mayor of Philadelphia, is also
registered in the Township of Horton. T. S.

JONES. -- Jones, son of G. Jones, married Catherine Evans about
1767. The notice of their marriage should appear on Friends' records.
When did it occur ? What was the given name of the above - Jones ?
What was the full name of G. Jones, and that of his wife ? and where
were they born ? Who were the parents of Catherine Evans, and the
place of their birth ? B.

BELIEF ALLEY. — Information is requested as to the origin of the
name of Belief Alley, running east from Second Street, between Lom-
bard and South Streets. Who remembers the name of the old inn
located on the corner of Second Street and Belief Alley ? B.

SITGREAVES. — Sarah Sitgreaves was born in England in 1667/8, and
died the 13th of the 1st month, 1727/8.

William Sitgreaves, son of said Sarah, was born near Preston, in
Lancashire, England, 17th of 2d month, 1704. He married Mary Cook
in England, 26th of 4th month, 1728, and embarked with his wife for
America, in the " Watts Galley," William Wallis, master, 7th of 7th
month, 1729 ; arrived in Philadelphia 27th of 9th month, 1729. He
died 1st of 12th month, 1747/8, and was buried at John Shaw's, Core
Sound, North Carolina.

Notes and Queries. 255

Mary Cook was born in London 24th of llth month, 1707/8, and died
at Georgetown, in Winyaw, in South Carolina, the 13th of 9th month,
1734.

Their first child died in England and was buried in Wapping Meeting-
house yard, London, in 1728/9.

Their second child, William Sitgreaves, was born 14th of 12th month,
1729/30, in Philadelphia. He married Susannah Deshon, in Boston,
September, 1756, and died in Philadelphia, the 20th December, 1800.

Thomas Sitgreaves, son of said William and Mary, was born 25th of
9th month, 1731, in Philadelphia.

Sarah Ann Sitgreaves, daughter of said William and Mary, was born
the 4th of 4th month, 1733, in Philadelphia, and died in 1734.

William, the first child of William an(i Susannah Sitgreaves, was
born in New-Berne, North Carolina, 1757, and died an infant.

Their second child, William Deshon Sitgreaves, was born in Philadel-
phia, 1759, and died the same year.

John Sitgreaves, their third child, was born in Philadelphia, Febru-
ary 11, 1763, and died September 3, 1798, at Germantown. He lies
buried in the burial-ground of the German Baptist congregation of that
place.

Samuel Sitgreaves, their fourth child, was born in Philadelphia, 16th
March, 1764, and died at Easton, April 4, 1827.

Juliana Sitgreaves, their fifth child, was born in Philadelphia, May
15, 1765.

Kitty (sic, should be Hitty) Sitgreaves, their sixth child, born in Phila-
delphia, September 16, 1766.

Charlotte Sitgreaves, seventh child, born in Philadelphia, January 8,
1769.

Clement, eighth child, born in Philadelphia, August 21, 1770; died
July 31, 1771.

William, ninth child, born in Philadelphia, December 23, 1772.

Harriet, tenth child, born in Philadelphia, January 10, 1774 ; died
February 19, 1778.

Moise Yats (orde Jats) was born in Clerac,in Agenois, in France, the
12th March, 1649. He came from England to Virginia with Lord Cul-
pepper in 1680, having left France on account of the persecution of the
Huguenots.

Susanna Horrian Maviniere, wife of the said Moise de Jats (or
Deshon), was born in France, September 27, 1668, at Marennes, and
died at Boston, July 6, 1756.

Moses Deshon, seventh child of the said Moise and Susanna, was
born in Boston, April 28, 1710 ; he married Persis Stevens, daughter of
Erasmus Stevens, June 3, 1731, and died in Boston, September 22, 1779.

Persis Deshon died in Boston, 21st July, 1738, aged about twenty-six
years.

Susanna Deshon, daughter of said Moses and Persis, was born in
Boston, June 22, 1735, and died in Philadelphia, June 30, 1808.

L. A. S.

"THE CABINET" NEWSPAPER (Vol. XIII. No. 1, p. 126).— I find a
reference to Matthew Lyon, the father of the Mr. Lyon spoken of as the
publisher of this newspaper, in " Poems by St. John Honeywood, A.M.,"
New York, 1801. He was a member of Congress, and on one occasion
declared " his resolution to abide with the Sergeant-at-Arms while the
House should wait on the President" (Adams). A foot-note adds, " See
Journals and Debates of Congress." Honeywood makes him say, " I'm

256 Notes and Queries.

rugged Mat, the democrat," and other allusions in these doggerel verses
would seem to identify him beyond doubt with the "spitler" of J. N. P.'s
query. The refrain, by the way, of each stanza, contains the words, if
words they can be called, "Spittam, spattam, squirto." J. N. P.'s ex-
tract speaks of him (the father) "as an old and experienced Democrat,"
and as having " made trial of the virtues of the gaol in Vermont," and
Honey wood's parody, entitled " Speech of a Democratic Lion" has

" We Lions bold abominate
To court tbe great and wealthy ;
I did it not in Vermont State, —
I sha'n't in Philadelphia."

In one line the true spelling of the name, Lyon, is given. According to
" Lippincott's Biographical Dictionary" he was born in County Wicklow,
Ireland, in 1746, came to America, " where he served in the Revolu-
tionary War," and died in 1822.

Quite a full account of his political career will be found in the " Life of
Josiah Quincy," Boston, 1867, pp. 327-329. He is there spoken of as
"first of Vermont and afterwards of Kentucky," and here too appears
the explanation of the term " spitler." He had distinguished himself by
"spitting in the face of Mr. Griswold, of Connecticut." Mr. Quincy,
nevertheless, bears testimony to his "energy of character and sound
common sense," and adds " these qualities could not be wanting in one
who carried his first election to Congress by means of a newspaper of
which he was not merely the editor, but for which he cast the types, and
made the paper out of basswood himself."

If this newspaper was The Cabinet, as it probably was, the son would
appear to have been merely the associate of the father in its publication.
But some one better informed than I in this sort of literature can doubt-
less give all the particulars desired. T. S.

Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia.

MARKOE.— After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Abraham
Markoe's ancestors decided to leave France and embarked for the West
Indies, where they lived and died. Their descendants settled on the
island of Santa Cruz, and became possessed of several plantations.
Abraham Markoe married there, and soon losing his wife, was left with
the care of two sons, who were subsequently sent to Dublin to be edu-
cated. One became a member of the Danish cabinet, the other died in
middle life. The climate of Santa Cruz not agreeing with my grand-
father, Abraham Markoe, brought him to America, where he made the
acquaintance of Miss Elizabeth Baynton, who, although much younger,
became his second wife. She died, leaving him three children. The
eldest, Isaac, was lost on the packet " St. Domingo," returning to the
West Indies, and John married Miss Cox, of Philadelphia. My mother,
Elizabeth B., became the wife of Isaac Hazlehurst.

MARY ASHHTJRST.

Mount Holly.

E. S. S. — William Richardson Atlee, eldest son of Samuel John and
Sarah Richardson Atlee, born 27th May, 1765. He married Margaretta,
daughter of Gen. Anthony Wayne. For a number of years he was Pro-
thonotary of the Supreme Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania,
and subsequently followed the calling of a conveyancer. He died 24th
November, 1844, at Winfield, Carroll County, Maryland. Address of
Samuel Yorke Atlee is 1424 New York Avenue, Washington D.C.

WALTER F. ATLEE.

^

•WMmtw1 f

rty _ ,

• '

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 259

every mark of esteem which his accomplished fortitude as a
soldier, and his exalted qualities as a gentleman and a citi-
zen entitle him to. Among other instances he was wel-
comed at his first coming, by an address from the Supreme
Executive Council and the Magistrates of the City, and po-
litely entertained by the President of Congress, the Presi-
dent of the State, his Excellency the Minister of France,
Don Juan Marailles a Spanish gentleman of distinction and
amiable character, besides the numerous testimonials of
regard shown him by private gentlemen.

" The Council of this State being desirous of having his
picture, a full length, requested his sitting for that purpose,
which he politely complied with, and a striking likeness
was taken by Mr. Peale, of Philadelphia. The portrait is
to be placed in the Council Chamber. Don Juan Marailles
has ordered five copies, four of which, we hear, are to be
sent abroad.1 His Excellency's stay was rendered the more
agreeable by the company of his lady, and the domestic re-
tirement which he enjoyed at the house of the Honorable
Henry Laurens, Esquire, with whom he resided."2

Charles Willson Peale, the painter of this striJdng likeness,
was a man of marked ability and ingenuity. At this time

1 While in all probability some, if not all, of these copies must have
been made and the pictures in existence, yet we are unable to indicate
the whereabouts of any one of them.

2 It was during this visit to Philadelphia that the profile by Pierre Eu-
gene du Simitiere was drawn. The following entry in the diary of M.
du Simitiere, furnished by William John Potts, Esq., of Camden, N. JM
from the original manuscript, is of interest, inasmuch as the fact that
Washington sat to him has not heretofore been positively known :
" Paintings & Drawings done. 1779 Feby 1st, a drawing in black lead
of a likeness in profile of his Excellency general Washington form of a
medal, for my collection. N. B. The General at the request of the
Hon. Mr. Jay President of Congress came with him to ray house this
morning & condescended with great good nature to sit about f of an
hour for the above likeness, having but little time to spare being the last
day of his stay in town." The drawing is not in existence, but the por-
trait is well known through engravings, the first of which was published
at Madrid in 1781. Vide Baker's " Engraved Portraits of Washington,"
pp. 39, 41.

260 The History of a Rare Washington Print.

he was in his thirty-eighth year, widely knc-wn as an excel-
lent portrait-painter, and, indeed, for some time, both before
and after the Revolution, was the only painter in this coun-
try of any reputation. His first portrait of "Washington
(the first authentic portrait) was painted at Mount Yernon
in 1772.1 This portrait is directly referred to by Washing-
ton in a recently-published letter,2 dated Mount Yernon,
May 21, of that year : " Inclination having yielded to Im-
portunity, I am now contrary to all expectation under the
hands of Mr. Peale ; but in so grave — so sullen a mood —
and now and then under the influence of Morpheus, when
some critical strokes are making, that I fancy the skill of
this Gentleman's Pencil, will be put to it, in describing to
the "World what manner of man I am."

A second was painted in the summer of 1776, when the
artist was in the army as a captain of militia,3 and a third in
the spring of 1778, commenced at Yalley Forge, but not
finished until later in the year.4 The portrait ordered by
the Executive Council for the Council chamber, was prob-
ably the next, it being understood that in this enumeration
oil-paintings only are included.

1 A three-quarter length, in the costume of a Virginia colonel, — blue
coat, faced with red, and dark-red waistcoat and breeches.

2 Written to Kev. Jonathan Boucher, and published in Lippincott's
Magazine, May number, 1889, p. 731. See also " The Writings of George
Washington," collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford.
Vol. II. p. 349.

3 A half-length, painted for John Hancock.

4 A full-length, said to have been painted to the order of Congress,
but that body having made no appropriation for payment, the picture
remained in the hands of the artist. It is now owned by Mr. H. Pratt Mc-
Kean, of Philadelphia, having been purchased by him at the time of the
dispersion of the Peale Gallery. 'Mr. Peale made several copies of this
picture. One of these copies, captured by Captain Keppel of the British
navy, in 1780, when on its way to Holland, has from that time been in
possession of the Keppel family, Quiddenham Hall, Norfolk, England ;
a second, formerly the property of the Count de Menou, is now owned
by the United States government ; and a third, known through the en-
graving by Wolff, is in the gallery at Versailles. In all of these pictures
Washington is resting by the left hand on a cannon.

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 261

His miniatures of Washington, of which quite a number
are in existence, are beautifully executed ; the earliest was
painted at Mount Yernon in 1772, at the same time of the
production of the first oil portrait. Peale is said to have
painted fourteen portraits of Washington from life, the last
in 1795, and of these he seems to have made many copies or
repetitions.

The portrait now under consideration, a full-length, rep-
resenting Washington at Princeton, the college buildings
being given in the distance to the right, was placed in the
Council chamber in the State-House at Philadelphia, where
it remained until September, 1781, when it was totally de-
faced by some persons who broke into the building, whether
from malice or a mere spirit of destruction does not appear.

The account of this act of vandalism in the Freeman's
Journal of September 12, is decidedly original : " On Sun-
day the 9th. instant, at night, a fit time for the Sons of Luci-
fer to perpetrate the deeds of darkness, one or more volun-
teers in the service of hell, broke into the State House in
Philadelphia, and totally defaced the picture of His Excel-
lency General Washington, and a curious engraving of the
monument of the patriotic General Montgomery, done in
France in the most elegant manner. Every generous bosom
must swell with indignation at such atrocious proceedings.
It is a matter of grief and sorrowful reflection that any of
the human race can be so abandoned, as to offer such an
insult to men who are and have been an honor to human
nature, who venture and have ventured their lives for the
liberties of their fellow-men. A being who carries such
malice in his breast must be miserable beyond conception.
We need wish him no other punishment than his own

feelings.

" * The motions of his spirit are black as night,
And his affections dark as Erebus.' "

And so runs the story. The portrait was painted, it was
placed in the Council chamber, and it was destroyed. This
would seem to be the end. But, fortunately the art and
mystery of engraving in mezzotinto had been acquired by

262 The History of a Rare Washington Print.

the painter, and in this case had been utilized in transferring
the portrait to copper the year previous to its destruction,
thus transmitting to us, through the intervention of printing,
all the essential qualities of the original.

Impressions from this plate, taken by himself, were pub-
lished in the latter part of 1780, but although many must
have been printed and widely distributed, only three have
as yet come to our notice. One of these impressions is in
the collection of the writer, another is owned by the family
of Robert B. Cabeen, of Philadelphia, and a third is in the
" Huntington Collection," in the Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York. The illustration accompanying this paper
is a reproduction from the first-named impression.

Mr. Peale was a practical man, and believed in letting
the public know what he was doing, so we find the following
advertisement of this print in the Pennsylvania Packet of
August 26, 1780 :

" The subscriber takes this method of informing the pub-
lic, that he has just finished a metzotinto print in poster
size (14 inches by 10 inches besides the margin), of His Ex-
cellency General Washington, from the original picture be-
longing to the State of Pennsylvania. Shopkeepers, and
persons going to the West Indies, may be supplied at such
a price as will afford a considerable profit to them, by ap-
plying at the South West corner of Lombard and Third
Street, Philadelphia. CHAKLES WILLSON PEALE."

This advertisement was repeated in September and De-
cember, when the price, two dollars, was given.

We imagine that the collector of the present day would
willingly go as far as Lombard and Third Streets, Philadel-
phia, could he secure a copy at that price.

The print, which is dedicated to the " Honorable the Con-
gress of the United States of America, By their obedient
servant, Cha8 Willson Peale," does not give the entire figure
of the painting, but with that exception it is doubtless a
faithful reproduction of the original, which must have been
one of Mr. Peale's best efforts. The picture, representing

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 263

the commander-in-chief in full uniform, standing and resting
by the right hand on a cannon, is good in composition, the
drawing excellent, the figure well posed, easy, and graceful,
and the general effect pleasing. The face is rather longer
than we are accustomed to seeing in other paintings and
prints, but it has every appearance of being a likeness.1

A description of the personal appearance of Washington,
written about three months after the picture was painted,
will be of interest in this connection.

" General Washington is now in the forty-seventh year of
his age ; he is a tall, well-made man, rather large boned,
and has a tolerably genteel address : his features are manly
and bold, his eyes of a blueish cast and very lively ; his hair
a deep brown, his face rather long and marked with the
small pox; his complexion sun-burnt and without much
color, and his countenance sensible, composed and thought-
ful ; there is a remarkable air of dignity about him, with a
striking degree of gracefulness."2

This is the second engraved portrait of Washington pro-
duced by Mr. Peale, the first having been executed in 1778,
two years earlier. From this plate, however, no impressions
are known, the information as to its production being ob-
tained from his manuscript note-book, as follows : " Oct. 16.
1778. Began a drawing in order to make a metzotiuto of
Gen1 Washington. Got a plate of Mr. Brooks and in pay
I am to give him 20 of the prints in the first 100 struck
off. Nov. 15. Began to print off the small plate of Gen1
Washington. 16th. Continued the same business all day;

1 In this picture, as stated, Washington is resting by the right hand on
a cannon ; in the picture painted to the order of Congress, referred to in
the note on page 260, the pose is reversed, the left hand being placed on
the piece.

2 From " A Sketch of Mr. Washington's Life and Character," forming
the contents of an anonymous letter dated Maryland, May 3, 1779, and
published at London the following year. The letter was written by John
Bell, Esq., of Maryland, to a friend in England, and the sketch is the
first biographical notice of Washington of any consequence which has
come to our knowledge. It was reprinted at Philadelphia, in the Penn-
sylvania Gazette of November 28, 1781.

264 The History of a Rare Washington Print.

of prints gave one dozen to those I wish to compliment,1
and sold 11 Doz. at Five Dolls."

A third plate was executed in 1787, from a bust portrait
painted at Philadelphia in July of that year, during the
sitting of the Constitutional Convention. Impressions
from this plate have now become extremely rare. The print
is well known, however, through a copy made in 1865 by
John Sartain, mezzotinto engraver.

Besides the Washington plates, Mr. Peale engraved a bust
portrait of Franklin, one of Lafayette, another of the Rev.
Joseph Pilmore, and a full-length of William Pitt, Earl of
Chatham. The latter, his first plate, was probably engraved
in London in 1770. All of the Peale plates are creditable
examples of engraving, the Washington of 1780 being one
of the best and most important.

Charles Willson Peale has the enviable distinction of
having painted the first authentic portrait of Washington ;
to this may now be added the honor of having produced the
first engraved portrait of Washington from an authentic
original.

1 From the following entry in the diary of M. du Simitiere, referred
to in a preceding note, p. 259, that artist was the recipient of one of
these complimentary prints : " Curiosities and Books by whom given.
Feby. 1779. A small mezzotinto of the head of Gen. Washington done
by Mr. Peale painter of this city, given by him." Mr. Peale also gave
him a copy of the print of 1780 : " Curiosities natural & artificial by
whom given. May 1781, a mezzotinto print of General Washington,
poster size done by Mr. Ch. Wilson Peale from a painting of his own,
the gift of the author."

The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 265

THE FIEST FEINTED PEOTEST AGAINST SLAYEEY
IN AMEEICA.

[Among the numerous revelations for which we are indebted to the
zeal and ability of MR. CHARLES R. HILDEBURN, in the prosecution of
his admirable bibliographical researches, his discovery of George Keith's
early testimony against slavery among the Bradford imprints is pecu-
liarly interesting. The publication is referred to in Gabriel Thomas's
" History of Pennsylvania," etc., 1698, pp. 53, 54, and nearly a century
later by Dr. Franklin, in his letter to John Wright, 4th November, 1789,
" Works" X. 403, but none of the moderns seemed to have been able to
discover the tract until MR. HILDEBURN found a copy, and pointed out
the fact that this first protest against slavery printed in America was
from the press of William Bradford, and among the earliest of his New
York imprints.

Singularly enough, there was a contemporaneous " testimony" from
the New England school of divines, showing a commendable interest in
the condition and welfare of their negro slaves. Cotton Mather, in Oc-
tober, 1693, prepared a set of " Rules for the Society of Negroes," which
was printed in a broadside sheet. It had long been among the things
that were not only lost, but forgotten, until recently, when I reproduced
it in a few copies privately printed. It is a remarkable circumstance
that two such performances by two such old-time antagonists should come
to light together after being hidden for nearly two centuries. They are
vastly more interesting and creditable to the memories of both than any
or all their weary theological discussions. Humanity survives the doc-
trines of the schools ; its service is perennial. GEORGE H. MOORE.

Lenox Library, May 19, 1889.]

AN EXHORTATION & CAUTION

TO

FRIENDS

CONCERNING BUYING OR KEEPING OP

NEGEOES.

Seing our Lord Jesus Christ hath tasted Death for every
Man, and given himself a Ransom for all, to be testified in
due time, and that his Gospel of Peace, Liberty and Re-

266 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America.

deraption from Sin, Bondage and all Oppression, is freely to
be preached unto all, without Exception, and that Negroes,
Slacks and Taunies are a real part of Mankind, for whom
Christ hath shed his precious Blood, and are capable of
Salvation, as well as White Men ; and Christ the Light of
the "World hath (in measure) enlightened them, and every
Man that cometh into the World; and that all such who are
sincere Christians and true Believers in Christ Jesus, and
Followers of him, bear his Image, and are made conforma-
ble unto him in Love, Mercy, Goodness and Compassion,
who came not to destroy men's Lives, but to save them, nor
to bring any part of Mankind into outward Bondage, Slavery
or Misery, nor yet to detain them, or hold them therein, but
to ease and deliver the Oppressed and Distressed, and bring
into Liberty both inward and outward.

Therefore we judge it necessary that all faithful Friends
should discover themselves to be true Christians by having
the Fruits of the Spirit of Christ, which are Love, Mercy,
Goodness, and Compassion towards all in Misery, and that
suffer Oppression and severe Usage, so far as in them is pos-
sible to ease and relieve them, and set them free of their
hard Bondage, whereby it may be hoped, that many of them
will be gained by their beholding these good Works of sin-
cere Christians, and prepared thereby, through the Preaching
the Gospel of Christ, to imbrace the true Faith of Christ.
And for this cause it is, as we judge, that in some places in
Europe Negroes cannot be bought and sold for Money, or
detained to be Slaves, because it suits not with the Mercy,
Love & Clemency that is essential to Christianity, nor to the
Doctrine of Christ, nor to the Liberty the Gospel calleth all
men unto, to whom it is preached. And to buy Souls and
Bodies of men for Money, to enslave them and their Pos-
terity to the end of the World, we judge is a great hinder-
ance to the spreading of the Gospel, and is occasion of much
War, Violence, Cruelty and Oppression, and Theft & Rob-
ery of the highest Nature ; for commonly the Negroes that
are sold to white Men, are either stollen away or robbed
from their Kindred, and to buy such is the way to continue

The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 267

these evil Practices of Man-stealing, and transgresseth that
Golden Rule and Law, To do to others what we would have
others do to us.

Therefore, in true Christian Love, we earnestly recommend
it to all our Friends and Brethren, Not to buy any Negroes,
unless it were on purpose to set them free, and that such
who have bought any, and have them at present, after some
reasonable time of moderate Service they have had of them,
or may have of them, that may reasonably answer to the
Charge of what they have laid out, especially in keeping
Negroes Children born in their House, or taken into their
House, when under Age, that after a reasonable time of ser-
vice to answer that Charge, they may set them at Liberty,
and during the time they have them, to teach them to read,
and give them a Christian Education.

Some Reasons and Causes of our being against keeping of Negroes
for Term of Life.

First, Because it is contrary to the Principles and Practice
of the Christian Quakers to buy Prize or stollen Goods, which
we bore a faithful Testimony against in our Native Country ;
and therefore it is our Duty to come forth in a Testimony
against stollen Slaves, it being accounted a far greater Crime
under Moses's Law than the stealing of Goods: for such
were only to restore four fold, but he that stealeth a Man and
selleth him, if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put
to Death, JExod. 21. 16. Therefore as we are not to buy
stollen Goods, (but if at unawares it should happen through
Ignorance, we are to restore them to the Owners, and seek
our Remedy of the Thief) no more are we to buy stollen
Slaves ; neither should such as have them keep them and
their Posterity in perpetual Bondage and Slavery, as is
usually done, to the great scandal of the Christian Profession.

Secondly, Because Christ commanded, saying, All things
whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so
to them. Therefore as we and our Children would not be
kept in perpetual Bondage and Slavery against our Consent,

268 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in Ameiica.

neither should we keep them in perpetual Bondage and
Slavery against their Consent, it being such intolerable
Punishment to their Bodies and Minds, that none but no-
torious Criminal Offenders deserve the same. But these
have done us no harm ; therefore how inhumane is it in
us so grievously to oppress them and their Children from
one Generation to another.

Thirdly, Because the Lord hath commanded, saying, Thou
shalt not deliver unto his Master the Servant that is escaped from
his Master unto thee, he shall dwell with thee, even amongst you
in that place which he shall chuse in one of thy Gates, where it
liketh him best ; thou shalt oppress him, Deut. 23. 15. 16. By
which it appeareth, that those which are at Liberty and
freed from their Bondage, should not by us be delivered
into Bondage again, neither by us should they be oppressed,
but being escaped from his Master, should have the liberty
to dwell amongst us, where it liketh him best. Therefore,
if God extend such Mercy under the legal Ministration and
Dispensation to poor Servants, he doth and will extend
much more of his Grace and Mercy to them under the clear
Gospel Ministration ; so that instead of punishing them and
their Posterity with cruel Bondage and perpetual Slavery,
he will cause the Everlasting Gospel to be preached effectu-
ally to all Nations, to them as well as others ; And the Lord
will extend Peace to his People like a River, and the Glory of the
Gentiles like a flowing Stream; And it shall come to pass, saith
the Lord, that I will gather all Nations and Tongues, and they
shall come and see my Glory, and I will set a sign among them,
and I will send those that escape of them unto the Nations, to
Tarshish, Pull and Lud that draw the Bow to Tuball and
Javan, to the Isles afar off that have not heard my Fame, neither
have seen my Glory, and they shall declare my Glory among the
Gentiles, Isa. 66. 12-18.

Fourthly, Because the Lord hath commanded, saying, Thou
shalt not oppress an hired Servant that is poor and needy, whether he
be of thy Brethren, or of the Strangers that are in thy Land within

The First Printed Protest Against Slavey in America. 269

thy Gates, least he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it be sin unto
thee ; Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him, for ye were
strangers in the Land of ^Egypt, Deut. 24. 14, 15. Exod. 12. 21.
But what greater Oppression can there be inflicted upon our
Fellow Creatures, than is inflicted on the poor Negroes ! they
being brought from their own Country against their Wills,
some of them being stollen, others taken for payment of
Debt owing by their Parents, and others taken Captive in
War, and sold to Merchants, who bring them to the Ameri-
can Plantations, and sell them for Bond Slaves to them that
will give most for them ; the Husband from the Wife, and
the Children from. the Parents; and many that buy them
do exceedingly aiflict them and oppress them, not only by
continual hard Labour, but by cruel Whippings, and other
cruel Punishments, and by short allowance of Food, some
Planters in Barbadoes and Jamaica, 'tis said, keeping one
hundred of them, and some more, and some less, and giving
them hardly any thing more than they raise on a little piece
of Ground appointed them, on which they work for them-
selves the seventh days of the Week in the after-noon, and
on the first days, to raise their own Provisions, to wit, Corn
and Potatoes, and other Roots, &c. the remainder of their
time being spent in their Masters service ; which doubtless
is far worse usage than is practised by the Turks and Moors
upon their Slaves. Which tends to the great Reproach of
the Christian Profession ; therefore it would be better for all
such as fall short of the Practice of those Infidels, to refuse
the name of a Christian, that those Heathen and Infidels may
not be provoked to blaspheme against the blessed Name of
Christ, by reason of the unparallel'd Cruelty of these cruel
and hard hearted pretended Christians : Surely the Lord
doth behold their Oppressions & Afflictions, and will further
visit for the same by his righteous and just Judgments,
except they break off their sins by Repentance, and their
Iniquity by shewing Mercy to these poor afflicted, tormented
miserable Slaves !

Fifthly, Because Slaves and Souls of Men are some of the

270 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America.

Merchandize of Babylon by which the Merchants of the Earth
are made Eich ; but those Riches which they have heaped
together, through the cruel Oppression of these miserable
Creatures, will be a means to draw Gods Judgments upon
them ; therefore, Brethren, let us hearken to the Voice of
the Lord, who saith, Come out of Babylon, my People, that ye
be not partakers of her Sins, and that ye receive not her Plagues ;
for her Sins have reached unto Heaven, and God hath remembered
her Iniquities ; for he that leads into Captivity shall go into Cap-
tivity, Eev. 18. 4, 5. & 13. 10.

Given forth by our Monthly Meeting in Philadelphia, the 13th
day of the 8th Moneth, 1693. and recommended to all our
Friends and Brethren, who are one with us in our Testi-
mony for the Lord Jesus Christ, and to all others professing
Christianity.

THE END.

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 271

AN ACCOUNT OF JEAN PAUL JAQUET.

BY EDWIN JAQUETT SELLERS.

Jean Paul Jaquet, a French Protestant, belonged to one
of the many Huguenot families that were obliged to leave
their native land to escape religious persecution during the
seventeenth century. Our subject was a native of Neufchatel,
from which place he fled to Holland, and soon became con-
nected with the Dutch West India Company, in the service
of which he spent many years in Brazil, and upon his return
to Holland, decided to come to this country. He sailed from
Holland, November 23, 1654, in the ship " De Grote Chris-
toffel," and a letter written from the directors in Holland to
Peter Stuyvesant recommended him to the latter's care, and
requested him to allot certain land to Jaquet upon his
arrival.

At this time that part of the country known as New
Sweden was in the full power of the Dutch, and was called
by them New Netherland. Peter Stuyvesant was Governor-
General ; he resided at New Amsterdam, and his authority
extended over all matters military, commercial, and judicial.
As there was great need, for the advancement and direction
of the company on the South River, as the Delaware was
then called, of a proper and qualified person to command
there in the absence of the Governor-General and manage
everything, Stuyvesant commissioned and appointed " Jean
Paul Jaquet, Vice-Director and Chief Magistrate on the
South River of New Netherland as well as for the forts, ter-
ritories and other places situate upon said river." The date
of this appointment was November 29, 1655. He was to
keep good order for the security of Fort Casimir and other
places, to give orders and have them observed in all matters
concerning trade, policy, justice, and military; also in re-
gard to the soldiers, the ships' crews, free persons, high and

272 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet.

subaltern officers, of whatever position and rank they might
be; to assist in his position of vice-director in the manage-
ment and command of the places, and to keep everything
in good order for the service and welfare of the General
Privileged West India Company.

Jaquet's appointment was subsequently approved by the
directors in Holland in a letter from them to Stuyvesant,
dated June 14, 1656. He took the office December 8, 1655,
and fixed his residence at Fort Casimir. His council was
composed of Au dries Huddo, who was secretary and sur-
veyor, Elmerhuysen Cleyn, and two sergeants.

In the instructions given to him he was to have supreme
command and authority during the absence of the Governor-
General ; he was to forbid selling liquor to the savages, and
prevent them and the Swedes from frequenting Fort Casi-
mir too often, especially upon the arrival of strange ships
and vessels ; he was by no means to allow ships to go beyond
the fort to carry on trade, but compel them to remain before
or near Fort Casimir and trade there to prevent disturbances.
In distributing land he was to take care that villages be
formed of at least sixteen or twenty persons or families to-
gether, and in order to prevent the immoderate desire for
land he was, in place of tithes, to exact from each morgen
of land provisionally twelve stivers (twenty-four cents in
gold) annually. To provide for the expense incurred at
Fort Casimir he was to demand a tavern-keeper's excise.
He was also to lay out roads and building-lots.

There seems to have been feared trouble from the Swedes,
as he was continually cautioned to watch them carefully,
and, should any of them become troublesome, request them
to leave, and, if possible, send them to Fort Amsterdam.

He was to have intercourse with the savages, but be on
his guard, and not suffer them to come into the fort armed
or in great numbers, and in no case allow them to remain
over night within the precincts of the fort. There seems,
however, to have been a desire to appear friendly to the
Indians, for it was suggested to build a house outside of the
fort as a lodging for those who were not great sachems.

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 273

On the 24th of March, 1656, it was announced by the
commandant on the South River that a Swedish ship, called
the " Mercurius," having on board one hundred and thirty
souls, had arrived. Orders were given that they were not
to land, but to go back to Sweden ; but as they had been
long on the voyage it was decided to allow them to go to
New Amsterdam and get afresh supply of provisions before
returning. The captain of the vessel, Hendrick Huygen,
wishing to make some arrangement and ascertain the true
state of affairs, went ashore to see Jaquet, who had him
arrested ; whereupon he wrote to Stuyvesant complaining
of his treatment, and declaring that those on board the
" Mercurius" were not only in distress, but also separated
from their friends and relatives on shore, who had arrived
here before them.

The Governor-General and Council at New Amsterdam
replied, that if he did not withdraw with his ship at once,
means would be taken to make him. Huygen appeared
before the Council at New Amsterdam, and whilst there an
order was sent to Jaquet requesting a true statement of
affairs at Fort Casimir. During these proceedings word
reached New Amsterdam that the ship had passed Fort
Casimir and landed her passengers and goods near Matin-
nekonk. Upon the arrival of this news the man-of-war
" De "Waagh" was despatched to the South River, with
Huygen, having given oath to conduct himself well, and
two members of the Council, Nicasius de Sille and Cornelis
van Tienhoven, as well as some soldiers, to inquire and reg-
ulate matters. Huygen afterwards arrived with the " Mer-
curius" at New Amsterdam, and was allowed to land his
passengers and goods upon paying the required duties,
allowance being made for those that had been damaged.

Jaquet seems to have been a man of firmness, and to have
been very strict about matters pertaining to the interests of
the company, as appears from the following incident : Soon
after his entering upon the duties of his office, he was in-
formed by a Corporal Hendrick, of Bielefeld, that he had
heard another, Swen Schoete, say that as soon as the com-
VOL. xni. — 18

274 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet.

mander came he would reveal where some things were con-
cealed and buried in the fort, providing the commander was
a man of his liking, and with whom he could make an ar-
rangement concerning the treasures. This report was con-
firmed by the oaths of witnesses who were present and
heard the declaration of Schoete. Schoete appearing, said
he had only spoken in jest. Thereupon, whether from dis-
appointment or the prompting of duty, Jaquet ordered the
accused to be arrested and sent by the first vessel to New
Amsterdam to be tried before the Council at that place.
Nothing further appears, and probably the accused, after
being imprisoned several days, and thoroughly impressed
that the commander had arrived, was set at liberty.

Barter was prevalent at this period in New Netherland,
and seems to have been the chief means of exchange, es-
pecially with the Indians. On the 28th of December, 1655,
several sachems arrived at Fort Casimir, and requested a
hearing, which was granted, and thereupon several sugges-
tions were made by them regarding trade in furs ; they also
announced it had been customary to make presents to the
chiefs in confirmation of the treaty. Jaquet replied that it
was his wish to have as friendly relations with them as pos-
sible, and raised a subscription among the inhabitants for
their benefit.

Marriage was subject to the consent of the commander,
and many cases occur of the inhabitants requesting his per-
mission, in order, I suppose, to prevent illicit cohabitation,
for, as there were no ministers, it was highly important to
require strict observance of the marriage rites.

Tobacco was grown in great abundance; horses, cows,
oxen, goats, and other domestic animals were owned by the
people, though it does not appear whether they were brought
over by the Swedes or the Dutch, probably by both. The
people seem to have been very shrewd and energetic ; they
built houses, laid out roads, cultivated the soil, and raised
whatever the ground and themselves were capable of.

The administration of Jaquet was spent mostly in settling
the difficulties between the Dutch, Swedes, and Indians.

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 275

The demand for law required but little supply, as matters
were settled rather by a common-sense system than strict
rules of law.

Drinking seems to have been the greatest evil of the time,
as numerous instances occur throughout the minutes of
Jaquet's administration of actions in which liquor was the
cause. The Governor may have been a very temperate man
himself and punished strictly the over-indulgence of others.
Though strictly forbidden, the natives continually sold drink
to the Indians, which often caused broils and disturbances.
Jaquet seems to have done all in his power to suppress the
abuse of intoxicating spirits, and it may have been his per-
sistence in this respect that tended to make him unpopular
in the latter part of his administration. He, at any rate, must
have been a harsh officer, for about this time complaints
were made against him to the Governor-General, alleging
that he was endeavoring to acquire too much land, and was
converting the property of others to his own use. Acrelius
says, in his " History of New Sweden," that many com-
plaints were made against him, which, however, his suc-
cessor declared to have proceeded rather from hatred than
from truth. Notwithstanding this, the Governor-General
recalled him in a letter of the 20th of April, 1657, in which
he is accused of unlawful arrests, of collecting and exe-
cuting on his own authority, without previous legal pro-
ceedings, his own pretended claims, of obstructing posses-
sion, cultivation, and occupation of lands, and other charges
of a similar nature.

May 23, 1657, Jaquet was placed under arrest in the com-
missary's office, and requested to make up his accounts.
May 24, he wrote to Stuyvesant, petitioning that gentleman
to send him a written copy of the charges alleged against
him, in order that he might prepare a defence. This was
granted, and the fiscal was ordered to prepare a copy of the
complaints and examine the accounts of his administration.
He denied the accusations, and asserted that they were mostly
gotten up by party spirit, which was presumed in his favor.
He was discharged from arrest and given permission to

276 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet.

depart from New Amsterdam, to which place he had been
brought for trial, for the South River, after having given an
account of his administration and delivered the records and
other documents concerning the company or his service.
He was to make defence upon further proofs before the
fiscal, who in the mean time was directed to examine more
closely the charges regarding Jaquet. This was the 19th of
June, 1657.

His accounts were thoroughly investigated, and in a letter
from Jacob Al ricks, the successor of Jaquet, to Stuyvesant,
reporting the state of affairs, it is mentioned by the writer
that he had inquired concerning the complaints against
Jaquet and found there was more passion than reason at the
bottom, which is confirmed by Acrelius, as mentioned above.
Therefore, we may briefly state that Jaquet was a tyrannical
ruler, and many complaints were alleged against him, but
none seem to have been thoroughly established, and though
upon these charges he was arrested and brought to trial, yet
he was acquitted, and all was said by his successor to have
been caused by unpopularity rather than truth. It is very
probable that the facts relating to his arrest have been ex-
aggerated by historians, for most all the Governors ruled
but a short time, and were continually accused of tyranny
and attempting to seize the land of others.

We know nothing more of Jaquet during the following
years until September 23, 1676, when he was commissioned
a justice of the peace by Lord Andros, who was then
Governor-General under the English. This original com-
mission is in the possession of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania, bound with other documents, entitled " Mis-
cellaneous Papers, 1655-1805 — Three Lower Counties of
Delaware." Five others were commissioned at the same
time, and any three of them were to be a court of judicature.

November 8, 1676, the justices sent a memorial to Andros
relating to municipal affairs, in which they requested him
to send them " the law booke of his Eoyal Highnesse, cor-
rected of all such Lawes and orders, as do not properly con-
cerne this River." They desired also that a body of soldiers

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 277

might be sent to remain at the fort ; they requested a " Lesser
Seale for ye office." They suggested the advisability of
building a prison for securing debtors, fugitives, and male-
factors, who often made their escape for want of the same.
They reported that they had decided to allow forty guilders
for every wolf's head, and desired his approbation of the
same. It was thought desirable, they said, to erect a ware-
house for the loading and unloading of vessels, and it was
thought by so doing, merchants and those trading would be
induced to come to that place.

At a council held at New York, November 20, 1676, com-
plaint was made by Jaquet that he had been dispossessed
by Major Fenwick of land on the east side of the Delaware
River, which he had been in possession of at the coming in
of the English. The land was called Steen Hooke, and had
been given by Fenwick to John Erickson. Governor
Andros ordered the land to be restored to Jaquet, and on
the 20th of July, 1677, John Colier, the commander in
Delaware, placed him in the lawful possession of it. Jaquet
was a large land-owner, and at the recorder's office at Wil-
mington may be seen several deeds relating to grants of
land to him.

From the abandonment of the town of Christianaham,
about 1664 until 1731, no attempt was made to found a set-
tlement or lay out a town on the river north of New Castle,
within the limits of Delaware, and the territory now em-
braced in Wilmington was mostly in five large tracts, that
about 1671 came into possession of John [Anderson] Stal-
cop, Dr. Tymen Stidham, Jacob Van der Weer, Jean Paul
Jaquet, and Peter Alrich, who were all residents under the
Dutch, either at New Amstel (New Castle) or at Fort
Altena.

After the capture by the English, in 1664, Jaquet became
a subject of Great Britain, was appointed a justice of the
peace, as already said, and served until the delivery of the
territory to William Penn, in October, 1682. He took up
a tract of land containing two hundred and ninety acres, on
the south side of Christiana Creek, the warrant for which

278 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet.

was granted " 22nd of 12th. mo., 1684," and lived here
many years. This tract was known as Long Hook, and lay
south from Wilmington.

This land remained in possession of his descendants until
the death of Major Peter Jaquett, September 13, 1834. The
place at present is the property of Mrs. Theodore Eogers.
The old house is still standing, and is often visited by the
curious, on account of the Colonial and Revolutionary
memories it recalls.

Washington, Lafayette, and Bishop White were among
those who visited there, and many nooks and corners are
full of traditions. A beautiful ivy-vine covered one end of
the house ; it was gathered from the castle where Mary,
Queen of Scots, was imprisoned, and presented to Major
Jaquett's wife.

Though the dates of Governor Jaquet's birth and death
are unknown, yet it is quite certain he must have died at a
very advanced age. His life, though marked with little of
much interest, is characteristic and descriptive of the time
and customs in which he lived.

It might not be amiss to say a few words of some of his de-
scendants. A grand-daughter, Maria, married Baron Isaac
Baner, who had been for some time in the service of Wil-
liam III. of England, and who came to Pennsylvania about
1695. His death occurred on the llth of November, 1713,
and his burial was performed in the Presbyterian graveyard
at Wilmington. He left a widow and four children. Upon
the return home of Mr. Lidenius, a clergyman, he repre-
sented to the lieutenant-general, Baron John Baner, and
also to the royal counsellor, Count Axel Baner, the unfor-
tunate condition of the children of Baron Isaac Baner, and
excited their active sympathy. Means of travel were there-
fore sent over to them, and they were brought to Sweden in
the year 1727. Baron Isaac Baner was a grandson of the
celebrated General John Baner, who succeeded Gustavus
Adolphus in the command of the Swedish armies, one of
the most illustrious of that brilliant school of commanders
trained under the eye of the great Swedish king.

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 279

Major Peter Jaquett, to whom we have already alluded,
was another descendant of the Governor. He was the last
surviving officer of the Delaware line in the Revolution.
He served all through the war with much distinction, and
was present at the surrender of Cornwallis. When Baron
de Kalb was fatally wounded at the battle of Camden he
fell into the major's arms. He was a member of the Society
of the Cincinnati, and at one time vice-president. He is
buried at the Old Swedes' Church at Wilmington, and on
his slab are engraved the battles and sieges in which he par-
ticipated. Lieutenant Joseph Jaquett, who was killed at
the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776, was also a
descendant.

Not an uninteresting member of this family was Peter
Jaquett, known as the Indian chief. Tradition says that,
when a boy, he was stolen by the Indians, and when he
became older returned to his people, but preferring the wild
life of the Indian, went back to the tribe in which he had
grown up. He became one of the principal sachems of the
Oneidas. He had been taken to France by Lafayette, at the
close of the Revolution, where he received an education.
His death occurred in Philadelphia, March 19, 1792. His
funeral was attended from Oder's Hotel to the Presbyterian
burying-ground in Mulberry Street. The body was pre-
ceded by a detachment of light-infantry of the city with
arms reversed, drums muffled, and music playing a solemn
dirge. Six of the chiefs followed as mourners, succeeded
by all the warriors, the reverend clergy of all denominations,
the Secretary of War and the gentlemen of the War De-
partment, officers of the Federal army and militia, and a
number of citizens. The concourse assembled on this occa-
sion is supposed to have amounted to more than ten thousand
persons.

Another descendant of Governor Jean Paul Jaquet was
the late Rev. Joseph Jaquett, who was born in Philadelphia,
March 9, 1794, and died May 24, 1869. In The Episcopalian
of June 2, 1869, appeared the following obituary notice,
written by the Rev. Dr. Van Pelt :

280 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet.

" The Eev. Mr. Jaquett, whose departure from this life
was announced in the last issue of The Episcopalian, was a
native of this city, and a grandson of Dr. Joseph Pfeiffer,
an eminent physician, well known to the inhabitants of
Philadelphia of the last generation. He was ordained both
Deacon and Presbyter by Bishop White, and was, by him,
much respected for his learning and piety. At an early
period of his ministry he became rector of St. James the
Greater, Bristol, Pa., and subsequently of St. Matthew's,
Francisville, Philadelphia. Being thoroughly acquainted
with the original languages of the Scripture, he devoted a
large portion of his time to the instruction of the theological
students in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic, and not a
few are there of our bishops and Presbyters who are in-
debted to him for much that they know of these important
studies.

" In connection with the late Isaac Leeser, Y.D.M., Syna-
gogue Mikhve Israel, Philadelphia, he edited the First
American copy of the Hebrew Bible, and in the Latin in-
troduction of that work, by Mr. Leeser, the literary and
linguistic attainments of Mr. Jaquett are most gracefully
acknowledged. With the Chinese, Japanese, Persian,
Turkish, Sanscrit, Gaelic, Welsh, Irish, and Manx he had
made himself more or less familiar. In reality, it may be
asserted that there was scarcely a tongue spoken among the
nations of the earth of which he had not some knowledge."

His death was adverted to with terms of respect to his
memory by Bishop Stevens in his Episcopal address to the
Eighty-sixth Diocesan Convention of this State. In a letter
from Chief-Justice Sharswood, who had been a student of
Mr. Jaquett of the Syriac language, to the late Townsend
Ward, Esq., secretary of the Historical Society of Pennsyl-
vania, dated September 29, 1874, he is spoken of in very
high terms. His library, containing many rare books, is
now in possession of his grandson, the writer.

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 281

A NARRATIVE OF THE TRANSACTIONS, IMPRISON-
MENT, AND SUFFERINGS OF JOHN CONNOLLY, AN
AMERICAN LOYALIST AND LIEUT.-COL. IN HIS
MAJESTY'S SERVICE.

(Continued from page 167.)

I was no sooner free, than I was highly solicitous to be
employed in the mode most likely to render service. I had
observed that Lord Cornwallis, now advancing from the
southward, was often retarded by the temporary junction
of the Militia with the Congressional troops. I knew the
country, the capacity and genius of these men, and the
necessity of obliging them to attend to desultory operations
in their rear, to facilitate his Lordship's gallant endeavours.
I, therefore, submitted a plan to the consideration of Sir
Henry Clinton, wherein I proposed attacking some out-posts
on the frontiers of the Middle Colonies, to possess myself
of Pittsburgh, fortify the passes of the Allegeheney Moun-
tains, and with Provincial troops, and Indian auxiliaries,
act as emergencies might require. His Excellency was
pleased to approve of this measure ; but as the season was
too far advanced to arrive in proper time on the proposed
field of action, by the circuitous route of the river St. Law-
rence and the lakes, it was laid aside.

In the month of April, 1781, I found myself very ill;
but as his Excellency intimated early in June a wish that
I should join the army under Lord Cornwallis, though I
knew the danger of the hot climates to my constitution at
that time, I did not suffer myself to hesitate a moment, but
obeyed. I had hope, too, of here effecting another purpose ;
about which I was extremely anxious. I was without a
regiment, and was endeavouring to raise one at New- York ;
but as the recruiting there went on very slowly, I flattered

282 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

myself I might be enabled to compleat my corps to the
southward; and before my departure, his Excellency was
pleased to confirm my rank as Lieutenant Colonel in the
Provincial line.

Having joined Lord Cornwallis, and following him to
York-Town, an enemy's fleet being daily expected on the
coast, his Lordship appointed me to the command of the
Virginia and North Carolina Loyalists, with a detachment
of the York Volunteers. I was directed to move down to
Back River, to protect the inhabitants of the Peninsula,
lying between the Chesapeak-Bay and James River, who
were exposed to the ravages of armed boats from the east-
ern shore of Virginia. I had not marched above five miles
on this expedition, before I was obliged to halt, being in-
formed the French fleet had arrived, and that two seventy-
four gun ships were actually at the entrance of York-River.
I was, therefore, ordered to return to the vicinity of York-
Town.

The men had underwent excessive fatigue in an inclement
climate; had been obliged to drink noxious water; the
horses in the legionary camp were lying dead in numbers ;
the negroes that followed the army could hardly be buried
fast enough ; and the putrescent eifluvia, that consequently
followed, made the air too unwholesome for the small remains
of vigour in my constitution to resist its effects. Lying in
the field brought on a dysentery ; I was obliged to go into
sick quarters ; and the disorder turned to a debilitating diar-
rhoea, that reduced me to almost the last extremity. Re-
maining in the town was certain death ; and the only remedy
was a change of air. I had been invited by some loyal
gentlemen to their houses, and as the inhabitants of the
Peninsula had either been admitted to parole, or had taken
the oath of allegiance, there seemed little danger in accept-
ing the invitation ; yet, as it was possible, though, as I sup-
posed, very improbable, I might again fall into the hands of
the enemy, desperate as my state of health then certainly
was, I would not venture into the country till I had first
informed Lord Cornwallis of my wishes, and obtained leave ;

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 283

which his Lordship, as humane as he is brave, instantly
granted by the following note :

HEAD-QUARTERS, 21st Sept. 1781.
SIR,

I am directed by Lord Cornwallis to inform you, that he
most readily consents to your going to the country, or taking
any other step that you think will contribute to the estab-
lishment of your health ; his Lordship wishes you a speedy
and perfect recovery ; and I am with great regard,
Sir,
your most obedient

most humble Servant,

A. Ross, Aid du Camp.
LT. COL. CONNOLLY.

Incapable of riding on horseback, I set out in a small
sulkey, attended by two servants; and on the road, met the
gentleman to whose house I was going, who informed me
there was no danger ; and perceiving me to be very weak
and exhausted, went with me to a contiguous gentleman's
house, and introduced me to the family, advising me to
repose till the sun declined, by which time he would return
from York-Town, whither he was going, and accompany
me home. My friend not returning so soon as I expected, I
set forward without him, but had not proceeded far before
three men, with fixed bayonets, rushed out of a thicket and
made me and one of my servants prisoners.

They drove my carriage into a forest of pines, and detained
me till night for fear of a rescue, and then, by secret roads,
conducted me to a place called New-Port-News, where I first
learnt that General Washington was arrived at Williams-
burgh, before whom, they insisted I must be taken, having
no respect for my illness, nor any conception of admitting
a prisoner, in such a predicament, to his parole. It perhaps,
was happy for me, that they did not ; for the air, or exercise,
or both, had such an effect upon me, that when I was put
to bed, I slept upwards of three hours ; a refreshment to

284 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

which I had been long a stranger. In fact, I have reason
to believe, that though the misfortune of captivity seemed
to haunt me, yet, in this instance it saved my life.

From hence I was embarqued in a whale boat, and put on
board a French ship Armee en Flute, when I had the good
fortune to meet with Admiral Barras, with the Artillery
officers of the French army, who treated me with all the
tenderness and humanity, which the feelings and politeness
of gentlemen could dictate. The next day I was sent on
shore to General Lincoln, who behaved to me with every
respect, sent one of his Aids to accompany me, and very
obligingly furnished me with his own horse, as he was
remarkably gentle and safe and no carriage to be had, to
carry me to General Washington.

I was now to see a man with whom I had formerly been
upon a footing of intimacy, I may say of friendship. Poli-
tics might induce us to meet like enemies in the field, but
should not have made us personally so. I had small time
for reflection ; we met him on horseback coming to view
the camp. I can only say the friendly sentiments he once
publicly professed for me, no longer existed. He ordered
me to be conducted to the Marquis de la Fayette's quarters.

From the Marquis I received every civility and attention ;
and on account of my health, was entertained by him for
three days, when being solicitous to avoid giving trouble, I
was sent on parole by General Washington's orders, about
sixty miles back into the country. Here I remained till I
heard of the catastrophe at York-Town, and that the British
officers were generally allowed to go into j^Tew-York. I
thereupon wrote to the American Commissary General for
passports, but could obtain no satisfactory answer. I applied
to General Washington, and was equally disappointed.
Being left alone, as it were, in an enemy's country, and
no authority capable of granting my request remaining,
except the Govenor's of Virginia, to him I had recourse.
From this gentleman, I obtained permission to go to Phila-
delphia, on receiving a written assurance from me, of sub-
mitting myself there to those who had the supreme direction

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 285

of prisoners. I did not reach this city till the 12th of
December, when I applied to the Secretary of War, for
leave to proceed to New-York, but soon found I had un-
expected difficulties to encounter. I was detained at a
public house above a fortnight, and then committed to prison
by the following warrant, under the Seal of the Common
Wealth, issued by the Executive Council, and signed by the
President, a copy of which I demanded from the gaoler.

You are hereby authorized and directed to receive into
your custody, a certain John Connolly, an officer in the
British service, charged with having broke his parole, given
in the State of Virginia, and him safely keep until he be
delivered in due course of law.

Given under my hand and seal, in the Council Chamber,
this twenty eighth of December, Anno Domini, 1782.

W. MOORE, President.

To the keeper of the gaol of the city
and county of Philadelphia.

The above is a true copy of the original remaining in my
hand.

JOHN REYNOLDS, Gaoler.

The pretence of a breach of parole was preposterous, and
to be delivered from confinement for such an offence, by
due course of law, was more so. I wrote to General Wash-
ington on the occasion, but soon discovered he did not
intend I should have left Virginia, and appeared determined,
at first, that I should return. To this I could not volun-
tarily accede, and I remained in prison till the 1st of March ;
when, by the interposition of friends, I was at length per-
mitted to go to New- York, provided I went from thence to
Europe, where (at New-York) I arrived on the llth of the
same month.

I must here take notice, that the raising of my intended
regiment became no longer practicable, as the officers whom

286 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

I had warranted for that service, with the recruits raised in
Virginia, had shared a common fate with the army at York-
Town ; and those that remained at New- York, as soon as
the war became merely defensive, were drafted into another
corps.

When the fleet sailed, Sir Guy Carleton gave me permis-
sion to come to England, for the recovery of my health,
where I yet continue to receive my subsistence, as Lieu-
tenant-Colonel in the Provincial service, as will appear by
the annexed letter from the Secretary of State to his Ex-
cellency Sir Guy Carleton.

WHITEHALL, Feb. 24, 1783.
SIR,

Having laid before the king a letter from Lieutenant-Col-
onel Delancey, Adjutant-General of the forces under your
command, to Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly, acquainting him
that some difficulties have arisen with regard to the pro-
priety of issuing his pay in North- America, on account of
his absence upon leave. lam, in obedience to his Majesty's
commands, to acquaint you, that he is pleased to approve of
your causing the pay due to Lieutenant Connolly to be
issued to him, and of its being continued, from time to
time, during his absence on leave.
I am, Sir,

Your most obedient,

humble servant,

J. TOWNSHEND.
(Signed)

SIR GUY CARLETON, K. B.

It is a duty incumbent on me to shew, that the truth of
the foregoing narrative need not rest solely on my asser-
tions, the following papers are authentic testimonials of its
veracity :

6 1 hereby certify, that Major John Connolly was appointed
by me to the command of the militia of West Augusta
County, in his Majesty's colony of Virginia; and that he

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 287

exerted himself as a faithful officer, in the discharge of that
duty, until the commencement of the rebellion, when the
good of the King's service, and my own personal security,
obliging me to withdraw from the seat of government, I
authorized Major Connolly to adjust all differences with the
adjacent Indian tribes, and to incline them towards his
Majesty's interest. This service appeard to me to have been
well performed, from the belts and speeches transmitted by
their Chiefs through him to me, notwithstanding that Com-
missioners from the Assembly (at that time resolved into an
illegal convention), attended the treaty at Pittsburgh, in
order to influence them to assist in their meditated opposi-
tion, to the constitutional authority of this kingdom.

Upon the performance of this service, in conformity to
my direction, the troops under the command of Major Con-
nolly at Fort Pitt, were discharged agreeable to the pro-
vision made by the Act of Assembly ; and he repaired to
me, through much difficulty, with a zeal and alacrity that
bespoke the firmest loyalty. I immediately dispatched
Major Connolly to Boston, informing General Gage of the
situation of the colony at that period; and as Major Con-
nolly had a formidable interest in the frontiers, I proposed
his raising a body of men for his Majesty's service there,
and in the contiguous parts of Quebec government, and to
command an expedition, so as to co-operate writh me, for the
reduction of the King's enemies, for which purpose he was
invested with a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel Com-
mandant, bearing date the 5th of November, 1775, with full
powers to act as emergencies might require. In the exe-
cution of this duty, Lieutenant- Colonel Connolly was un-
fortunately made a prisoner, and continued as such, under
the immediate direction of Congress, near five years, suffer-
ing a constant state of confinement. I further certify, that
Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly, from his loyalty and attach-
ment to government, forfeited a very considerable sum of
money due to him from the Assembly of Virginia, for his
public services as an officer ; and that his estate was also
confiscated; four thousand acres of his landed property

288 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

having been patented by me, whilst I had the honour to
preside as his Majesty's representative in Virginia/
Given under my hand the 25th day of October, 1782.
(Signed) DUNMORE.

1 1 certify, that Lieutenant- Colonel Connolly, came from
his Excellency the Earl of Dunmore to Boston, in the year
1775, and laid before me certain propositions for the sup-
pression of his Majesty's enemies in the colony of Virginia;
to promote which, I gave orders to a detachment of the
King's troops, then in the Illinois, to receive the directions
of Lord Dunmore ; and I further certify, that in the execu-
tion of this duty, it was reported to me, that Lieutenant-
Colonel Connolly was made a prisoner by the enemy, and
that from every appearance, he manifested the greatest
loyalty and attachment to the constitutional authority of
government.'

Given under my hand, this 30th day of October, 1782.
(Signed) THOMAS GAGE.

"What I have said in this recapitulation will meet, I hope,
on every hand, with a candid construction. It is a cutting
reflection to find, on looking it through, that it is a tale of
sickness and misfortunes, instead of a history of glorious
actions and essential services ; but the assigned causes are
surely a sufficient apology. The contemplative and humane
must commiserate the infirmities of nature, whilst the mag-
nanimous and enterprizing must dread similar impediments
in the pursuit of glory. In my own vindication I have been
obliged to speak of persons and things as they were, but I
hope this has been done without exaggeration or malignity.
I wish not to revive animosities had I the power, nor to
complain of men who, whatever were their motives then
for inflicting severities upon me in particular, are never
likely to have the same cause, or the same opportunity.
They, doubtless, thought themselves acting virtuously, and
would plead the love of their country, in extenuation of
errors ; I must do the same, with this addition, my virtues,

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 289

in their eyes, became my crimes ; let not my misfortunes,
in the eye of government, become my faults. I shall con-
clude, with a few reflections on the nature of the Provincial
service, before and during the Civil Wars, and of what I
deem my consequent and reasonable claims on this country.

Before the dismemberment of the British empire, the
provincial officer in North America knew, with precision,
upon what footing he took the field, to co-operate with
British troops, to prevent incursion, or effect conquest. His
rank was determined by the King, and wherever he acted
in conjunction with his fellow-subjects of this country, either
within his own province, or in another colony, every difficulty
was obviated. He was considered as the junior officer : this
was evidently an equitable and a sufficiently honourable
mark of Royal favour. The loyalty that induced him to
espouse the quarrels of Britain in America, promoted, like-
wise, the security of his own property, and restored the
blessings of peace and affluence to himself, his friends, and
countrymen. Few reflected that it was as British colonists
they were involved in the wars of Britain, or that a separate
sj^stem of government could withhold them from seconding
the interest of the parent state. As Englishmen they felt,
and as Englishmen they were ready to act ; but as the entire
professional soldier, select from the body of his fellow-sub-
jects, was but of a temporary nature, and the return of peace
replaced him in his former happy station, it would have been
unjust to have expected the permanent rank and emoluments
of him, who devoted himself wholly to the possession of the
sword. It is the immunities of a member of this empire,
founded upon the broad basis of equity and justice, that
must give efficacy to reasonable pretensions.

In former wars, when American subjects acted in con-
formity to the orders of their sovereign, and were commis-
sioned by the royal representative to military command, the
pecuniary advantages annexed to the respective stations in
which they appeared, arose from the acts of general as-
sembly of the governments wherein they resided; and this
provision more ample, or circumscribed, depended upon the
VOL. xiii.— 19

290 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist.

temper or generosity of the different legislatures. The late
unfortunate dispute, wherein not only the prerogative of
the King, but the supremacy of the Parliament of his
Kingdom, was the litigated cause hetween Britain and her
colonies, and in the maintenance of which, the American
loyalist who attempted to support this system as constitu-
tional, took an active part, changed totally the nature of his
political connexions. Cut off from his former dependance
by the issue of the war, excluded from the privileges of the
community to which he belonged, and deprived of his prop-
erty as a mark of its displeasure and disapprobation of his
conduct, to whom can he apply for retribution, but to that
power which has been the source of his misfortunes ? Or
how can he be more honourably or equitably treated in the
society to which he is now attached, than by a provision in
that line by which he became a sufferer. Congress have
asserted, that we were destined by Britain to be hewers of
wood, and drawers of water. The time is now arrived,
when ample opportunity is allowed to contradict this un-
generous aspersion, and full scope given to the exercise of
that generosity of disposition and liberality of sentiment,
for which I hope this nation will forever appear as the
fairest candidate. The peculiarity of my case is without
parallel, and my pretensions, if as successful as just can
afford no precedent. The troops to be raised under my
orders, both from Canada and Virginia, must illustrate the
conditions upon which I entered the service, and plainly
shew that my intended operations were not merely Colonial,
as an inhabitant of Virginia, but that from the St Lawrence
to the Mississippi, I was equally ready to obey the royal
mandate. Commissioned as Lieutenant-Colonel, uncondi-
tionally by the King's representative, at the commencement
of the rebellion, and taken in the execution of my duty as
a faithful servant of the Crown, held in captivity five years
by the enemy, to prevent the efforts of my capacity, to dis-
regard my claim, as the consequence of such misfortunes,
my sufferings, my zeal, and loyalty, must then operate as
my greatest faults ; and what I ever flattered myself, must

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 291

argue in my favour, would unexpectly complete the measure
of my disappointment from captivity.

Upon my releasement, as the war was changed from an
offensive to defensive one, in the Northern Colonies, and
the prospect of raising a corps in circumscribed limits
where I had no particular interest, hut faint and unprom-
ising, the Commander in Chief, sensible of the hardness of
my case, was pleased to confirm my rank in the provincial
line. And I must beg leave to offer my being fully sub-
sisted as Lieut. Col. and which I yet continue to receive, as
a corroborating proof of my merits, and the propriety of
my present requisition.

In fact, feeling as I do, the cause of exultation the dis-
appointment would afford my political enemies, and the
oblique implied reflection upon my character, from a treat-
ment less distinguishing than my loyal countrymen of the
same rank, I must beg leave to insinuate, that I can receive
no adequate recompence through any other channel. A
compensation for my loss of estate is, in that case, all I
require; and I shall endeavour to support this unmerited
adversity, with that conscious dignity of mind, which I
hope will never forsake me, and in a manner the least excep-
tionable.

JOHN CONNOLLY.

292 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion.

REES THOMAS AND MARTHA AWBEEY, EARLY
SETTLERS IN MERION.

BY GEORGE VAUX.

Rees Thomas and Martha Awhrey seem to have arrived
in America late in the year 1691, both being passengers in
the same vessel with a large number of other persons, mem-
bers of the Society of Friends. They were engaged to be
married prior to their departure from England. Rees
Thomas appears to have been a native of Monmouthshire,
a district closely bordering on Wales. The certificate fur-
nished him by the Friends of Chepstow (a town not far
from Bristol, from which emigrant vessels frequently sailed)
testifies that he " had been very serviceable upon the ac-
count of truth in all honest designs," and " one that walked
according to the order of truth from his first convincement."
And also that he was " of a meek and quiet disposition and
well beloved of all sort, [and] descended of a good family."

Martha Awbrey was descended from an ancient Welsh
family, which, for many generations, had been seated in
Brecknockshire. The pedigree of the family is preserved in
an ancient roll or chart, dated 1633, in the hands of an English
descendant. The chart also contains pedigrees of various
families allied by marriage to the Awbreys, together with
designs of coats of arms, about sixty in all. The Awbrey
pedigree traces descent from Saunders de St. Awbrey, brother
of Lord St. Awbrey, Lord Marshall of France and Earl of
Boulogne, who came into England in 1066. The name
seems to have been Teutonic, and was formerly Alberic or
The White King. Sir Reginald Awbrey, knight, son of
the former, " came to the conquest of Brecknockshire with
Bernard Newmarke in 1092, by whom he was granted the
manors of Aberkynfrig and Slwch" [Slough],

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 293

From Sir Reginald the descent of the family property is
traced through twelve names, most of which represent gen-
erations, to Richard Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who died in
1580, having previously sold the ancient seat of the family
at that place. His son, Richard Awbrey, married Anne,
daughter of William Yaughan, and in right of his wife be-
came Lord of the Manor of Llanelyw. He died in 1646,
and was buried under the floor of the chancel of the church
of Llanelyw. His grave is covered with a flat tombstone,
forming part of the pavement, which has upon it the fol-
lowing inscription :

" Here lyeth the body of Richard Awbrey of Llanelyw
Gent, who married Anne Yaughan daughter to William
Yaughan of Llanelyw, who had issue William, Richard,
Thomas, John, Theophilus and Elizabeth Died the 23 day
of September 1646."

The combined arms of the Awbrey and Yaughan families
are also carved on the stone, and the inscription, as far as it
precedes the statement of issue, runs around the four sides
of the tablet, beginning at the top, and terminating at the
upper end of the left-hand side.

Richard Awbrey (the second) had several children, as
above stated, of whom William, the eldest, and Thomas, the
third son, as well as their father, were Puritans and Parlia-
mentarians. The second son, Richard (the third), was an ad-
herent of the king, and a clergyman, being vicar of Bough-
rod in Radnorshire. William had no son, and the Llanelyw
estate being entailed, the heir to it was the second brother,
Richard. In order to keep the property in the hands of the
descendants of Puritan stock, William, finding his death
likely to be near, hastily married his only daughter, Eliza-
beth, to her first cousin, William, the oldest son of his
brother Thomas, both of them then being under age. This
was in 1646, about a year before his decease, and by his will
he sought to place his son-in-law in the position of a son of
his own. Richard, the clerical brother and heir in tail, in-
stituted legal proceedings to recover the property, but the
matter was finally settled by arbitration, apparently in such

294 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion.

a way that the youthful couple, William and Elizabeth Aw-
brey, were able to retain the Llanelyw estate.

It is probable that William Awbrey was a member of the
Society of Friends. It is certain that his sons, Richard and
William (the latter of whom married Letitia Penn for his
second wife), and his daughter, Martha, belonged to that
religious denomination. He had ten children by his wife
Elizabeth. He died in 1716, aged ninety, and was buried in
Llanelyw churchyard, where is still to be seen an altar-tomb
erected over his remains, with the following inscription :

" Here lyeth the Body of William Awbrey of Llanelyw,
Son of Thomas Awbrey Gent. Married Elizabeth daughter
of William Awbrey. Had issue Ten. Richard, William,
2 Thomas, Theophilus, Anne, Mary 2 Martha & Elizabeth
Departed this life in Hope of a Joyful Resurrection, the 16
of December 1716 aged 90."

The figures 2 before the names Thomas and Martha in-
dicate that there were two children of these names. There
are tombstone inscriptions at Llanelyw, showing that the
first Martha died in 1662, and the first Thomas in 1669.

Rees Thomas settled in Merion, where he acquired a con-
siderable body of land, upon parts of which the present vil-
lages of Bryn Mawr and Rosemont stand. He was married
to Martha Awbrey at Haverford, on the 18th of the Fourth
Month, 1692. The phraseology of the marriage certificate
evidently presents the very words used by the parties when
taking each other in marriage. The following extract is
given :

" The said Rees Thomas solemnly declared, friends I arn
standing here in the presence of God and before you I do
take Martha Awbrey to be my wedded wife and by God's
assistance do promise to be true and loving and faithful
unto her and to behave myself unto her as becomes a man
to behave himself towards his wife so as to continue till death
part us. In like manner the said Martha said — I am here
in the presence of God and before you I also take Rees
Thomas to be my husband and I do promise to love him
and make much of him till death part us."

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merlon. 295

A few years after their marriage, Rees and Martha Thomas
wrote jointly to her aged father. The original of this letter
is still preserved in the hands of a descendant. It is dated,
" Ye 29th day of ye 2d Mo 1695," and is addressed, " Most
dear & tender Father." The following extracts will be found
interesting, the original spelling being preserved :

" Our dutyfull and harty Respects salute thee hopeing
these few lines will find thee in good health as I & my
wife & two children are all this present time — my son
Aubrey was borne ye 30th day of ye llth month and ye
fourth day of ye weeke 1694 his mother and he now very
harty praysed be to ye Lord for ye same I doe understand
y* thou were not well pleased y* my oldest son [Rees] was
not caled an Aubrey. I will assure thee I was not against
it, but my neibors wood have him be caled my name,
being I bought ye Land and I So beloved amongst them. I
doe admite to what thee sayes in thy Letter y* an Aubrey
was beter known than I : though I am hear very well
aquanted with most in those parts, he is ye first Aubrey in
Pensilvania and a stout boy he is of his age, being now a
quarter. My unkle John Bevan came over very well and a
good voyage he had, he tould me he had seen thee twise,
which we were very glad of thy well keeping in years and
also hopeing noe vexation nor trouble will come upon thee
upon either hand which will be a great exercise to us to hear
of nothing but what will atend to thy goodness : hopeing
my brother Richard and his wife will make much of thee in
thy ould age, thy dater & I would wish to see thee hear and
I hope wood be a nurse to thee in thy ould age — I was now
very sorry to hear of ye death our brother "William his wife,
where in ther was great commendation of her integrity in
ye truth by severall hear y* knows her and I will writ to him."

" I have been very weake in body ye Last winter having
a great fite of sickness, but ye Lord pleased to recover me
& bring me up agen blessed be ye Lord for his goodness &
tender delings to me both outwordly & inwordly : my wife
had her health very well all a Longe since shee came to ye
country."

296 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merlon.

" I lost much time in going to faires and markets. "Wil-
liam Fishier of Kose formerly [is] now Living in Phila-
delphia."

" Thy dater desires thee to aquaint her of her age in ye
next letter. My son Rees Remembers his Love to his
Granfather and also to his nanty Anne, he doth speake
very Liberally but unkle is a hard word for [him], his Love
is to Richard, a brave bould boy he is now without a mayd
servant for they are very scarce hear, upon noe terms an or-
dinary man of seven or eight pounds att Lest and cannot
have them upon no account."

" I had about 16 score busels of wheat this year. I have
15 heds of cattle, six horses what dyed this winter, for it
was a hard winter, they say they never saw ye like of."

In addition to the two children named in the foregoing
letter, Rees and Martha Thomas had a third son, William.
Of these, Rees and William left descendants. Awbrey
visited England and married Gulielma, the only daughter
of William Penn, Jr., and grand-daughter of the Founder.
He did not long survive his marriage, and died without
issue, probably in England.

Rees Thomas survived his wife a number of years. Martha
died in 1726.1 After her death a small book was published
by S. Keimer, entitled " A collection of Elegiac Poems de-
voted to the Memory of the late virtuous and excellent
Matron and worthy Elder in the Church of Christ of the
Society of Friends Martha Thomas, late wife of Rees
Thomas of Merion of the County of Philadelphia in the
Province of Pennsylvania and Daughter of William Awbrey
of Llanelien in the County of Brecknock in Great Britain
who departed this life the 7th of 12th Mo. 1726/7."

A modern edition of the same, bearing the above title, was
printed by Lydia R. Bailey, Philadelphia, 1837.2

1 Martha Thomas was buried in the burial-ground adjoining the
old Friends' meeting-house in Radnor, the ninth of the Twelfth
Month, 1726.

2 Any one knowing where a copy of either edition of the above work
can be seen will confer a favor by informing the writer. — G. V.

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 297

[Since the foregoing was in type a copy of the reprint of 1837 of the
" Elegiac Poems" above referred to has been placed in my hands. These
poems, three in number, are of a low order, and valuable only as indi-
cating the character of Martha Thomas, to whose memory they are
" devoted."

The compiler has prefixed to the poems an address to the reader,
which constitutes a fair summary of the points of character brought to
view. The following extracts from this address are appended :

" We are told in the sacred oracles, ' that the righteous shall be had
in everlasting remembrance ;' and there is the highest reason for it ; that
their virtues might shine, as so many lights, to direct others in the paths
of truth and holiness."

" The subject of the following lines was a person who comes under
the character before mentioned, who as her life was exemplary, so her
memory is and will be precious to all those who were acquainted with
her."

" Her whole life was a continual monitor and was as a preacher,
whether considered as a wife, a mother, an elder in the church, a mis-
tress, a neighbor or a friend."

" As her life was righteous, so her death was sweet and the Father of
mercies was graciously pleased, according to her desire to favor her with
her [faculties] even to her last moments."]

298 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

EXTEACTS FEOM THE JOURNAL OF MRS. HENRY
DRINKER, OF PHILADELPHIA, FROM SEPTEMBER
25, 1777, TO JULY 4, 1778.

1777, September 25. — This has been a day of great con-
fusion in ye city. Enoch Story was the first to inform us
that the English were within 4 or 5 miles of us — we have
since heard they were by John Dickinson's place — and are
expected to-night. Most of our warm people have gone off.
G. Napper brings word that he spoke with Galloway, who
told him that the inhabitants must take care of the city to-
night, and they would be in in the morning. As it rained,
they fixed their camp within 2 miles of the city. Numbers
met at the State House since 9 o'clock to form themselves
into different companies to watch the city.

Sept. 26. — Well ! here are the English in earnest ! About
2 or 3000 came in through Second Street, without opposi-
tion. Cornwallis came with the troops — Gen. Howe has
not arrived.

Sept. 27. — About 9 o'clock this morning the Province and
Delaware frigates, with several gondollas came up the river
with a design to fire on the city, but they were attacked by
a battery which the English had erected at the lower end of
the city. The engagement lasted about half an hour — many
shots were exchanged ; one house struck, but not much
damaged, and no body that I have heard, hurt on shore.
The cook on the Delaware 'tis said had his head shot off,
and a man wounded. She ran aground, and by some means
took fire, which occasioned her to strike her colors. The
English boarded her and the others drew off. Admiral
Alexander and his men were taken prisoners. Part of this
scene we witnessed from the little window in our loft.

Sept. 29. — Some officers are going about this day number-
ing the houses with chalk on the doors. A number of the

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 299

citizens taken up and imprisoned, among them are John
Hall, Jacob Bright, Tom Leech, Jacob Douche and William
Moulder.

October 1. — Several fire-rafts which were sent down the
river in order to annoy the fleet, ran ashore and were burnt.

Oct. 4. — Before I arose this morning I heard cannon firing ;
understood from inquiry that a part of Washington's army
had attacked the English picket guards near Chestnut Hill.
This has been a sorrowful day in Philadelphia, and much
more so at Germantown and thereabouts. It was reported
in the forenoon that 1000 of the English were slain, but
Chalkley James told us that he had been as far as B. Chew's
place, and could not learn of more than 30 of the English
being killed, though a great number were wounded and
brought to the city. He counted 18 of the Americans lying
dead in the lane from the road to Chew's house, and the
house is very much damaged as a few of the English troops
had taken shelter there, and were fired upon from the road.
The last accounts towards evening was that the English
were pursuing Washington's troops, who were numerous,
and that they were flying before them. The Americans are
divided into three divisions, one over Schuylkill, another
near Germantown, and the third I know not where, so that
the army with us are chiefly called off, and a double guard
this night is thought necessary. Washington is said to be
wounded in the thigh.

Oct. 6. — The heaviest firing I think I ever heard was this
evening for upwards of two hours ; supposed to be the Eng-
lish troops engaged with Mud Island battery. An officer
called this afternoon to ask if we could take in a sick or
wounded captain, but I put him off by saying that as my
husband was from me, I should be pleased if he could obtain
some other place.1 Two of the Presbyterian meeting-
houses are made hospitals of for the wounded soldiers, of
which there are great numbers.

1 On September 2 Mrs. Drinker's husband was arrested by Colonel
William Bradford, and with other Friends, on September 11, exiled to
Virginia.

300 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

Oct. 8. — Sister with Billy, the two Hannah Catherels and
Molly Pleasants, went to the play-house, the State House,
and one of the Presbyterian meeting houses, to see the
wounded soldiers.

Oct. 9. — Firing last night, and heavy firing this morning
from 5 o'clock 'till between 6 and 7 — it was the frigate and
the gondollas playing upon the English, who were erecting
a battery on or near the banks of the Schuylkill.

Oct. 10. — Jenny and Harry went to the State House with
Coffee and Wine "Whey for the wounded Americans — they
are in the long room. Humphrey's paper came out to-day.

Oct. 11. — The battery on Province Island was taken this
morning from the English, and retaken in half an hour.

Oct. 18. — The troops at German town are coming within
two or three miles of the city to encamp. Provisions are
very scarce ; I paid 36 shillings for 24 Ibs Candles ; 2/6 per
Ib for mutton and 7/6 for butter to-day.

Oct. 20. — There has been a skirmish this morning between
Germantown and the city ; and this afternoon heavy firing
below the city. About 18 flat boats came up last evening,
safely passing the gondollas. Tom Prior taken up to-day on
suspicion of sending intelligence to Washington's army.

Oct. 22. — From our garret window I saw 2000 Hessians
carried on flat boats to Jersey. There has been application
made by the English for blankets, as the fleet is at a distance,
and they lost a great number in the battle near Germantown.

Oct. 23. — Richard Wain was arrested and sent to New
York. He had the choice of three things, either to go to jail,
take the Test or go within the English lines — the latter was
chosen. The Hessians who crossed the river on the 22d
were driven back in endeavoring to storm the fort at Red
Bank. The firing this morning was incessant from the
battery, the goudollas and the Augusta 64. The latter took
fire and after burning near two hours blew up. The loss of
this fine vessel is accounted for in different ways — some say
she took fire by accident, others that it was occasioned by
red-hot shot from Mud Island battery. Another English
vessel, somewhat smaller, was also burned. Many of the

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 301

inhabitants are very much affected by the present situation
and appearance of things, while those of the other side of
the question are flushed and in spirits. It was near noon
when the Augusta blew up ; many were not sensible of any
shock, others were, but it was very plain to all those who
were at meeting, and felt like an earthquake.

November 5. — A soldier came to demand blankets, which
I did not in any wise agree to, but notwithstanding my re-
fusal, he went up stairs and took one, and in seeming good
nature begged I would excuse his borrowing it, as it was by
Gen. Howe's orders. We have not bought a pound of but-
ter for three or four weeks — all we get from our cow, is
about two pounds per week.

Nov. 7. — Sally and Nancy, with Hannah Drinker and
Nancy Wain went this afternoon to Philips's Rope-walk to
see the redoubts which are erected thereabouts.

Nov. 12. — Poor beef is now sold for 8/ per Ib. ; Veal, 4/ ;
Butter, 7/6; Chocolate, 4/6 ; Brown Sugar, 6/; Candles, 2/6;
Flour, what little there is at £3 per 100 ; Oak wood as it
stands 17/ to 20/ per cord, and scarcely possible to get it cut
or hauled.

Nov. 16. — The Mud Island battery is at last taken ; the
Americans left it about midnight, when it was supposed the
English were about to storm it.

Nov. 19. — Gen. Cornwallis left the city the day before
yesterday at 2 o'clock in the morning with 3000 men.

Nov. 21. — I was awakened this morning before 5 o'clock
by the loud firing of cannon. The Americans had set fire
to their whole fleet, except one small vessel and some of the
gondollas, which passed by the city in the night. Billy
counted eight vessels on fire at once in sight — one lay near
the Jersey shore opposite our house. We heard the ex-
plosion of four of them, and had a fair sight of them from
our upper windows.

Nov. 22. — There has been skirmishing several times to-day
between the Americans and the picket-guards. About 11
o'clock they drove them off, when some took shelter in
John Dickinson's house and others thereabouts ; the Eng-

302 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

lish thereupon set fire to these houses and burned them to the
ground. The burning of these houses 'tis said is a pre-
meditated thing, as they serve for skulking places and much
anoy the guards — they talk of burning all houses within
four miles of the city without the lines. John Dickinson's
house, that in which C. Tomson lived, Jon. Mifflin's, the
widow Taylor's, John Bayard's, A. Hodge's and many others
were burned.

Nov. 24. — It is an agreeable sight to see the wharves
lined with shipping, and numbers have come up to-day. The
poor people for sometime have been allowed to go to Frank-
ford mill and other mills in that direction for flour.

December 1. — There is talk to-day, as if a great part of the
English army were making ready to depart on some secret
expedition. The old wind mill on the island, was pulled
down one day last week.

Dec. 2. — M. Story called to borrow for Joseph Galloway,
who is going to housekeeping, some bedding, tables, &c.

Dec. 18. — An officer who calls himself Major Cramond
called this afternoon to look for quarters for some officers of
distinction. I plead off, but he would persuade me that it
was a necessary protection at these times to have one in the
house — he will call again in a few days. He behaved with
much politeness, which has not been the case at many other
places.

Dec. 19. — Lord Cornwallis has sailed for England, which
occasions various conjectures, and Lord Howe is going to
New York. Gen. Howe intends 'tis said to winter with us,
and I hope he is a better man than some people think him.

Dec. 20. — A meeting was held at Mary Pemberton's, as
the Fourth Street meeting-house is taken for the poor, who
are turned out of the House of Employment, for the soldiers.

Dec. 25. — Last night an attack was made on the lines, but
did not succeed — a cannon ball came as far as the barracks.

Dec. 27. — A certain something, a piece of clockwork, a
barrel with gunpowder in it, was found in the river near the
Roebuck man-of-war, and destroyed a boat near it. Several
others have been found. [" Battle of the Kegs."]

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 303

Dec. 29. — Major Cramond,1 we have at last agreed to his
coming here — he stayed to tea.

Dec. 30. — Major Cramond took up his abode with us to-
day, with one servant (two others he boarded at Wells'). He
has two horses and a cow.

Dec. 31. — Major Cramond, who is now one of our family,
appears to be a thoughtful, sober young man, and his ser-
vant orderly, which is a great favor to us.

1778, January 1. — Major Cramond has three horses, three
cows, two sheep, two turkeys with several fowls, in our
stable. He also has three servants, two white and one
black boy named Damon.

Jan. 5. — Major Cramond had eleven or twelve officers to
dine with him to-day — they made very little noise and left at
a seasonable hour. Most of our acquaintances seem much
taken with our Major, and I hope he will continue to de-
serve their good opinion. A number of those floating bar-
rels of gunpowder continue coming down the river; there
has been frequent firing at them to-day.

Jan. 20. — The play house was opened last night for the
first time. Our Major attended.

Jan. 27. — The troops returned from two days foraging,
and it is amazing to see the great quantities of hay they
brought in — (70 loads have been taken from Abel James).
"What will they do when the present supply is gone, large as
it seems ? I am told it will last but a little time, for 'tis
said twenty four tons per day are used.

Jan. 29. — Our Major staid out last night 'till between 12
and 1 o'clock, at a concert at head-quarters, and I fear he will
do the same to-night, as he is gone to an Assembly.

March 17. — A great crowd of Irish soldiers went by this
afternoon, with one on horseback representing St. Patrick.

April 5. — I left home after dinner, went to Molly Pleas-
ants, where a great number of our Friends 'met to take
leave of us [to go to see her husband]. We (S. Jones,

1 John Cramond, of the Fourth, or " The King's Own," regiment of
Foot.

304 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

Phoebe Pemberton, M. Pleasants and myself) took coach
about 2 o'clock with four horses and two negroes who rode
postilion. Owen Jones, Mary and Hannah Pemberton, ac-
companied us to the Ferry, over which we passed without
difficulty. "We went no further than John Roberta's mill,
about 10 miles from home, where we were kindly received
by the woman of the house and her daughters, — the owner
at this time being a refugee in town. In the evening came
a scouting party of near 100 men. Two of their officers
came into the house, saying that they heard there were
ladies from Philadelphia; asked how far it was to the city ;
they were strangers, and had recently come from New Eng-
land.

April 6. — Left Roberta's after breakfast, and proceeded to
the American picket guard, who upon hearing that we were
going to head-quarters [Valley Forge], sent a guard with us
to Col. Smith, who gave us a pass. Arrived at head-quar-
ters about half-past one o'clock ; requested an audience with
the general; sat with his wife (a sociable, pretty kind of
woman until he came in) ; a number of officers there, who
were very complaisant — Tench Tilghman among the num-
ber. It was not long before G. "W. [George Washington]
came and discoursed with us freely, but not so long as
we could have wished, as dinner was served, to which he
had invited us. There were fifteen of the officers, besides
the General and his wife, Gen. Greene and Gen. Lee. "We
had an elegant dinner which was soon over, when we went out
with the General's wife to her chamber and saw no more
of him. He told us that he could do nothing in our busi-
ness further than granting us a pass to Lancaster, which he
did, and gave a letter to Israel Morris for Thomas Wharton.
After dinner, as we were coming out of the room, who should
we see but Isaac Penington and Charles Logan, who had
been captured at Darby. They are to be sent back to the
city, the general giving them a pass. We all came together
to James Yaux's, who came over to invite us ; crossed the
large bridge over the Schuylkill just by his house, and
lodged there.

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 305

April 7. — Left James Vaux's after breakfast ; changed one
of our horses for C. Logan's ; found the roads very bad.
Dined at Randall Mellor's, proceeded to Robert Valentines,
where we lodged.

April 8. — Left Valentine's after breakfast, and dined at
Thomas Truman's on the usual fare, Bacon and Eggs.
Lodged at James Moore's in Sadsbury, Lancaster County.

April 9. — Becky Moore and her husband breakfasted with
us. Dined at James Gibbons, and while we were at dinner
several Friends arrived from meeting, from whom we
learned that our Friends by order of the Council had been
taken to Shippensburg and there discharged. When we
reached Lancaster we drove directly to Thomas Wharton's
door, we were admitted with others, but desired to speak to
him by himself. We had half an hour conversation with
him, but not very satisfactory. As they were going to
Coffee, we drank a cup with his wife and the rest of the
company. We returned to Webbs by moonlight, where we
lodged. Timothy Matlack paid us a visit this evening.

April 10. — We arose by times this morning, and after
breakfast went to Lancaster. Timothy Matlack waited on
us and undertook to advise us — perhaps with sincerity. We
visited three of the Councillors. After the Council had sat
sometime Timothy came for our address, which was signed
by all the women concerned ; he would come for us at the
proper time. After waiting above an hour he informed us
that our presence was not necessary, and put us off in that
way.

April 25. — I can recollect nothing of the occurrences of
this morning. About one o'clock my Henry [Drinker] ar-
rived at Webb's, just in time to dine with us. All the rest
of the Friends came this day to Lancaster.

April 27. — We were visited by several Menonists and
many others. Our Friends applied to the Council this
morning for a proper discharge, which was not granted, but
permission to pass to Pottsgrove was all that would be given.

April 28. — About 8 o'clock we took leave of the family,
and turned our. faces homeward.
VOL. xiii.— 20

306 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

April 30. — We reached the city about 11 o'clock and found
our families all well.

May 9. — Gen. Clinton arrived here yesterday.

May 14. — Major Cramond had a concert this afternoon,
seven or eight officers with him ; Dr Knowles one of them
came into our parlor and had some conversation with Henry.
There are some movements in the army, which we do not un-
derstand— the heavy cannon are ordered on board the ships,
and some other things look very mysterious.

May 16. — Yesterday Col. Gordon drank tea with us.
Some of the officers have orders to pack up their baggage.

May 18. — This day may be remembered by many from
the scenes of folly and vanity, promoted by the officers of
the army under pretence of showing respect to Gen. Howe,
now about leaving them. The parade of coaches and other
carriages, with many horsemen, through the streets towards
the Northern Liberties, where great numbers of the officers
and some women embarked in three galleys and a number
of boats, and passed down the river before the city, with
colors displayed, a large band of music, and the ships in
the harbor decorated with colors, saluted by the cannon of
some of them. It is said they landed in South wark and
proceeded from the waterside to Joseph Wharton's late
dwelling, which has been decorated and fitted for the occa-
sion in an expensive way for this company to feast, dance
and revel in. On the river sky rockets and other fireworks
were exhibited after night. How insensible do these people
appear, while our land is so greatly desolated, and death and
sore destruction has overtaken and impends over so many.

May 19. — De Demar, an Anspach officer took tea with
sister — he quarters at Folwells. A large number of the
British troops marched out this evening, — the light-horse
and cannon also.

May 20. — The troops which left the city last evening
returned to-day, having accomplished nothing.

May 22. — The officers have orders to put their baggage
on board the vessels. Our Major [Cramond] packed up his
matters to-day for that purpose.

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 307

May 23. — The army 'tis thought are going in reality to
leave us — to evacuate the city. Some hope 'tis not the
case, though things look like it, and many of the inhabitants
are preparing to go with them.

May 24. — The baggage of the officers going on board all
day.

June 6. — The Commissioners arrived to-day from Eng-
land, also Lord Cornwallis. A visit from Gen. Washington
is not so soon expected, as a day or two past, nor does it
look so likely that the British troops will so soon leave us.

June 8. — Orders this day for the two regiments of An-
spachers to embark; our Major goes with them. The
troops appear to be all in motion. J. C.[ramond] sup'd
with us and has gone to bed, to be called at one o'clock to
go off with his company. I intend to sit up until he goes.

June 9. — Our Major left us a little past one this morning,
and was very dull at taking leave. Sister and self remained
at the door until the two regiments (which were quartered
up town) had passed. J. C. bid us adieu as they went by.
It was a fine moonlight morning.

June 15. — Three regiments of Hessians passed our door,
to take boat up town.

June 16. — The troops moving all day. Enoch Story took
leave of us ; he and his family are going with the fleet.

June 17. — Troops still crossing the river. Capt. Ford
and Richard Wain took leave of us to-day, as did our John
Burket; Sammy Shoemaker has gone on board one of the
vessels and many others of the inhabitants.

June 18. — Last night it was said there was 9000 of the
British troops left in town, 11,000 in Jersey. This morn-
ing when we arose, there was not one red-coat to be seen
in town, and the encampment in Jersey had vanished. Col.
Gordon and some others had not been gone a quarter of an
hour, before the American light-horse entered the city, not
many of them — they were in and out all day. " A bellman
went about this evening by order of one Col. Morgan, to
desire the inhabitants to stay within doors after night, that if
any were found on the streets by the patrol, they would be

308 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker.

punished. The few that came in to-day had drawn swords in
their hands, galloped about the streets, and frightened many
by their appearance.

June 19. — The English have in reality left us, and the
other party took possession again — they have been coming
in all day, part of the artillery, some soldiers and the old
inhabitants. Washington and his army have not come, 'tis
said they have gone otherways.

June 22. — The store and shopkeepers ordered to shut up
and render an account of their goods.

July 2. — The Congress came in to-day, and cannon were
fired.

July 4. — A great fuss this evening, it being the anniver-
sary of Independence — firing of guns, sky rockets, &c.
Candles were too scarce and high for illuminations.

The Ordinance of 1787. 309

THE OKDINANCE OF 1787.

BY FREDERICK D. STONE.

In the April number of this magazine for the year 1888
we printed some extracts from the "Life, Journals, and
Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler," describing his visit to
New York and Philadelphia in the year 1787, and took
occasion to say that we could not agree with the views ex-
pressed elsewhere in the volumes, that in the formation of
the Ordinance of 1787 for the government of the North-
west territory Dr. Cutler rendered an all-important influ-
ence. It was our intention to have returned to the subject
long before this, and, now that it is again taken up, we find
that it has been the theme of a number of essays and ad-
dresses called forth by the celebration in 1888 of the cen-
tennial anniversary of the settlement at Marietta under the
auspices of the Ohio Company. These investigations have
been so numerous that any further consideration of the
matter may look like a work of supererogation ; but in all
that has appeared, that we have met with, the same conclu-
sion has been reached, that when Dr. Cutler visited New
York in July, 1787, to negotiate for the purchase of a tract
of land for the Ohio Company, he shaped the Ordinance
adopted by Congress on July 13, 1787, for the government
of the Northwest territory. Some indeed go so far as to
argue that Dr. Cutler brought the Ordinance with him from
New England and made the adoption of certain provisions
found in it a sine qua non in the purchase of land.

The most thorough piece of work called forth in this
discussion is the address by John M. Merriam, Esq., before
the American Antiquarian Society, entitled " The Legisla-
tive History of the Ordinance of 1787," in which he shows
that nearly every distinctive feature of the Ordinance was

310 The Ordinance of 1787.

before Congress, at one time or another before it was framed.
Towards the close of his argument, however, Mr. Merriam
falls in line with the other investigators, and after quoting
from the diary of Dr. Cutler, describing a visit he paid to
General Rufus Putnam previous to his journey to New
York, Mr. Merriam says, " These passages from Cutler's
diary show conclusively that he went to New York armed
with great power, and for definite purposes which had been
discussed and agreed upon with Rufus Putnam before he
started. The precise articles in the final Ordinance which
were due to the foresight and wisdom of Putnam and Cutler
cannot now be precisely pointed out. It seems probable,
however, in view of the earlier stand taken by Putnam and
Pickering and their associates, that provisions for the support
of religion and education, and the prohibition of slavery,
were among the terms of the negotiation. It is only upon
this supposition that the readiness of Congress to agree
upon the sixth article (that prohibiting slavery) can be ex-
plained."

The Hon. George F. Hoar, in his oration delivered at
Marietta, April 7, 1888, after reviewing the whole subject,
said : " From this narrative I think it must be clear that the
plan which Rufus Putnam and Manasseh Cutler settled in
Boston was the substance of the Ordinance of 1787. I do not
mean to imply that the detail or the language of the great
statute was theirs. But I cannot doubt that they demanded
a constitution, with its unassailable guarantees for civil
liberty, such as Massachusetts had enjoyed since 1780, and
such as Virginia had enjoyed since 1776, instead of the
meagre provisions for a government to be changed at the
will of Congress or of temporary popular majorities, which
was all Congress had hitherto proposed, and this constitu-
tion secured by an irrevocable compact, and that this de-
mand was an inflexible condition of their dealing with
Congress at all."

Dr. William F. Poole, in his address delivered as presi-
dent of the American Historical Association, at a meeting
of that body at Washington, December 26, 1888, after re-

The Ordinance of 1787. 311

viewing the history of the Ordinance of 1787, summed the
matter up in the following language :

" In view of its sagacity and foresight, its adaptation for
the purpose it was to accomplish and the rapidity with which
it was carried through Congress, the most reasonable expla-
nation, as it seems to me, of the origin of the Ordinance is,
that it was brought from Massachusetts by Dr. Cutler, with
its principal and main features developed ; that it was laid
before the land committee of Congress on July 9 as a sine
qua non in the proposed land purchase, and that the only
work of the Ordinance Committee was to put it in a form
suitable for enactment. The original draft may have been
made by either of the eminent men who were the directors
of the Ohio Company, — Rufus Putnam, Manasseh Cutler,
or Samuel Holden Parsons, — but more likely was their joint
production. Dr. Cutler says that on the day he left Boston
he met General Putnam and * settled the principles on which
I am to contract with Congress for lands, on account of the
Ohio Company.' In passing through Middletown, Conn.,
on his way to New York, he spent one day with General
Parsons, and says, in his journal, < It was nine o'clock this
morning before General Parsons and I had settled all our
matters with respect to my business with Congress.' They
were the persons most interested in the enactment of such
an Ordinance ; and without it their scheme of Western set-
tlement would have failed. The New England emigrants
must feel that they were taking with them to the North-
west their own laws and institutions. Hence the draft was
made largely from the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780,
which these settlers had helped to frame. By this consti-
tution slavery was abolished, personal rights secured, insti-
tutions of religion and education fostered, and the most
advanced principles in the settlement of estates and the
administration of justice established. Mr. Dane, as the
Massachusetts member of the committee, and most familiar
with its laws, was the person to whom the duty of writing
the final draft and reporting it to Congress would naturally
be assigned." Mr. Dane, Dr. Poole says, in another part

312 The Ordinance of 1787.

of his address, was the " scribe of the committee," and
again, " Mr. Dane's record does not favor the theory that
the Ordinance was his."

The editor of the life of Cutler, while treating the matter
more generally, and endeavoring to trace the idea of the erec-
tion of a State in the Western territory and its government
from its earliest inception, is scarcely less positive in the
opinion he expresses that nearly every distinctive feature in
the Ordinance was so in accord with the known sentiments of
Cutler and his associates that it is obvious that these features
were the result of their influence, and that the Ohio Com-
pany of Associates was organized " for the purpose of carry-
ing into effect the long-cherished objects connected with
their future homes." Dr. Cutler, he continues, in dealing
with Congress, " kept steadily in view the two great objects
of his mission : one was to procure land upon terms that
would be acceptable to the Associates ; the other to secure
such organic law as would make the new State a congenial
home for himself and his neighbors." And again, " It was
just as necessary to yield to the wishes and plans of the As-
sociates in the governmental system that was to be imposed
upon their future homes as it was to meet their views in
regard to land purchase." And "When Dr. Cutler placed
this scheme before Congress he could appeal honestly and
urgently for the establishment there of such civil and social
institutions as would meet his own wants and those of his
neighbors as pioneer settlers."

The Rev. Edward Everett Hale, in an address at Marietta,
after asserting that Dr. Cutler " succeeded in doing in four
days what had not been done in four years before," said,
" What was the weight which Manasseh Cutler threw into
the scale ? It was not wealth ; it was not the armor of the
old time. It was simply the fact, known to all men, that the
men of New England would not emigrate into any region
where labor and its honest recompense is dishonorable.

" The New England men will not go where it is not hon-
orable to do an honest day's work, and for that honest day's
work to claim an honest recompense. They never have

The Ordinance of 1787. 313

done it, and they never will do it; and it was that potent
fact, known to all men, that Manasseh Cutler had to urge in
his private conversation and in his diplomatic work. When
he said, ' I am going away from New York, and my con-
stituents are not going to do this thing,' he meant exactly
what he said. They were not going to any place where
labor was dishonorable, and where workmen were not
recognized as freemen."

Before entering into any argument or expressing any dis-
sent to the above views we will endeavor, for the benefit of
those unacquainted with the facts of the case, to give briefly
and impartially the essential portions of the evidence con-
nected with the history of the " great Ordinance."

As early as 1783, when the army of the Revolution was
about to be disbanded, a number of officers from Massa-
chusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, and
Maryland petitioned Congress for a grant of land on the
Ohio, on which they proposed to settle. It was their inten-
tion to establish a " new State," and for this object an agree-
ment was drawn up, one clause of which provided for the
exclusion of slavery from the State to form an essential and
irrevocable part of the constitution. This, it is believed,
was the work of Timothy Pickering, who, with Rufus Put-
nam, was active in forwarding the proposed settlement.
The company also hoped to obtain a grant of land for the
support of the ministry and schools. The Western terri-
tory, however, had not at that time been ceded to Congress
by the several States claiming it, and nothing was done in
the matter.

In 1784, after Virginia had ceded her right to the Western
territories to the United States, a report was presented to
Congress by a committee appointed to prepare a plan for
the temporary government of the Western territory. This
is known as Jefferson's plan, as it was drafted by him. It
provided for the government of the territory ceded or to
be ceded by the individual States, whensoever the same
shall have been purchased of the Indian inhabitants and

314 The Ordinance of 1787.

offered for sale by the United States. By it the territory
ceded was divided into ten States, and each one was enabled
to adopt the constitution of any of the original States for its
temporary government, subject to such amendments as a
Legislature might suggest. Each State, thus organized,
could send a member to Congress, with the right of de-
bating, but not of voting, and upon gaining a population of
twenty thousand was to be admitted into the Union under
a permanent constitution, and to full representation in Con-
gress when its population should equal that of the least
numerous of the original States. It provided that both the
temporary and permanent constitutions of the States be es-
tablished on the principles that they should forever remain a
part of the United States, and that their governments should
be republican in form ; that they should be subject to the
Articles of Confederation the same as the original States
were, and obliged to pay their share of the Federal debt as
apportioned by Congress. They were not to interfere with
the primary disposal of the soil by the United States, and
under the temporary government the lands of non-residents
were not to be taxed higher than those of residents.

The articles of this Ordinance were made a compact
between the original States and the States it was proposed
to form. In Jefferson's original report the following clause
was made one of the principles on which the State consti-
tutions should be formed, and a part of the compact :
" That after the year 1800 of the Christian era there shall
be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the
said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof
the party shall have been duly convicted to have been per-
sonally guilty." It was, however, stricken out by Congress,
and the Ordinance as amended remained in force until it
was repealed by the final clause of that of 1787.

On March 8, 1785, Timothy Pickering wrote to Rufus
King, then in Congress, earnestly protesting against the ad-
mission of slavery into the Western territory. " For God's
sake, then," he wrote, " let one more effort be made to pre-
vent so terrible a calamity ! The fundamental constitutions

The Ordinance of 1787. 315

of those States are yet liable to alterations, and this is prob-
ably the only time when the evil can certainly be prevented."
In the same letter he said, " I observe there is no provision
made for ministers of the Gospel, nor even for schools and
academies, though after the admission of slavery it was
right to say nothing about Christianity."

Eight days after this letter was written, King offered the
following resolution in Congress : " That there shall be
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the States
described in the resolves of Congress of the 23d of April,
1784, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the
party shall have been personally guilty ; and that this reg-
ulation shall be an article of compact, and remain a fun-
damental principle of the constitutions between the thirteen
original States, and each of the States described in the said
resolve of the 23d of April, 1784."

The resolution was referred to a committee of three, of
which King was chairman, his colleagues being Howell and
Ellery, of Rhode Island. Their report was presented on
April 6. It went back to Jefferson's proposition of 1784,
prohibiting slavery after the year 1800, and coupled with
it the fugitive slave clause as subsequently incorporated in
the Ordinance of 1787. Its operation was confined to the
proposed States. It was to be considered on the 14th of
April, but a land ordinance was then being formed by Gray-
son, who on May 1 wrote to Madison that King would re-
serve his resolution prohibiting slavery in the new States
until the laud ordinance was passed. King's resolution does
not appear to have received further attention. The land
ordinance, that Grayson spoke of, as first framed reserved
the central section of each township for the support of
schools, and the one north of it for the support of religion,
but as the act passed on May 20, the provision for the sup-
port of religion was omitted.

In 1786 a committee was appointed to report a temporary
government for the " Western States." The object was to
supply a uniform temporary government for the new States,
in which the persons and rights of settlers would be pro-

316 The Ordinance of 1787.

tected, in place of permitting the citizens to select the con-
stitution and laws of one of the older States and adapting
it to their purposes by amendments. Monroe was chairman
of the committee, and its report bears his name. It recom-
mended a redivision of the territory as soon as the consent
of the individual States that ceded it had been obtained.
It proposed that Congress should appoint a governor, a
council of five members, and a secretary for the territory or
States. The duties of these officers were defined. It also
provided for a court of five members, who should have
common-law and chancery jurisdiction, and an existing code
of laws was to be adopted to suit the occasion. "When a
population of a certain size was reached by a State, a House
of Representatives was to be chosen to act with the gover-
nor and council, and from that time until the State was
fully represented in Congress it could maintain a sitting
member. The limit of the temporary government was
fixed as in Jefferson's plan. Nearly all of its provisions
were adopted, but the clause making it a compact binding
on both the old and new States was omitted. The plan as
presented to Congress on May 10 was a mere outline, and
it was recommitted. Before it was completed, petitions
were received from the inhabitants of the Western territory,
praying for the establishment of a government that would
make some provisions for both criminal and civil justice.
Monroe's colleagues were Johnson, of Connecticut ; King,
of Massachusetts ; and Kean and (Charles) Pinckney, of
South Carolina. Before the committee had completed its
report, Monroe, King, and Kean were succeeded by Me-
lancthon Smith, of New York ; Henry, of Maryland ; and
Dane, of Massachusetts. The committee thus formed, of
which Johnson was chairman, presented its report on the
21st of September. It was an elaboration of Monroe's plan.
It provided for a governor, council, secretary, a court, and
the adoption of a code of laws. The duties of the officers
were defined, and were about the same as Monroe proposed.
The court was to consist of three members. A House of
Representatives was to be elected as soon as five thousand

The Ordinance of 1787. 317

free male adults resided within a district. The qualifications
for a representative were based on Monroe's report. The
inhabitants were to pay part of the Federal debts, con-
tracted, or to be contracted, as the citizens of the other
States, and were entitled to the benefits of the act of habeas
corpus and of the trial by jury. No provision was made
for a non-voting member in Congress, and the States could
not be admitted to full representation until their population
was equal to one-thirteenth part of the citizens of the origi-
nal States and the consent of Congress. Like Monroe's
plan, it contained no clause making it a joint compact
between the States, as proposed by Jefferson.

It was discussed on the 29th, and then all sight is lost
of it until the 26th of April, 1787, when it was presented
by the same committee to the new Congress. It reached
a second reading on May 9, and was made the order of
business for the 10th. On that day its consideration was
postponed, and on the 12th it was found that so many mem-
bers had left New York to attend the Federal Convention
in Philadelphia that a quorum did not attend. No business
was transacted after that until July 4.

While the attention of Congress was thus directed to the
importance of furnishing a more efficient form of govern-
ment for the Western territory, than the Ordinance of 1784,
events elsewhere show that the subject of Western emigra-
tion was being seriously considered.

In January, 1786, Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper,
two of the signers of the petition to Congress asking for a
grant of land in 1783, issued a card in a newspaper of the
day, inviting the Massachusetts soldiers who were entitled
to land in the Western territory, under an act of Congress,
to meet together and organize an association to be known
as The Ohio Company, to form a settlement in the Ohio
country. The meeting was held on March 1, and articles
of agreement were entered into, one of which provided for
" the purchase of lands in some one of the proposed States
northwesterly of the river Ohio, as soon as those lands are
surveyed and exposed for sale by the commissioners of Con-

318 The Ordinance of 1787.

gress, according to the ordinance of that honorable body,
passed the 20th of May, 1785, or on any other plan that
may be adopted by Congress not less advantageous to the
company." The scheme was well received, and attracted
wide attention; but it was found that under the land ordi-
nance of May 20, 1785, it would not be possible for the
company to purchase a compact body of land, and the price
asked by Congress was considered too high. To overcome
these difficulties, on March 8, 1787, a committee composed
of General Samuel Holden Parsons, General Eufus Putnam,
and the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, was appointed to make ap-
plication to Congress " for a private purchase of land," or,
in other words, for a purchase on terms different from those
proposed in the ordinance.

Parsons was selected to bring the matter before Congress,
and on the 9th of May he presented his memorial to that
body. Before it was acted upon, however, so many mem-
bers of Congress absented themselves to attend the Federal
Convention in Philadelphia that it was impossible to obtain
a quorum, and he returned to his home in Connecticut.
The proposition he made to Congress did not, it appears
from a letter of Cutler, meet with the approval of the com-
pany, as they did not think well of the location which he
proposed. Suspicions were indeed excited that General
Parsons might have views separate from the interest of the
company, and it was decided that as soon as Cutler learned
that a quorum of Congress had assembled he should attend
as agent of the company in place of Parsons. In the latter
part of June he prepared to visit New York. On June 25
he was at Cambridge, and records in his journal that he rode
to Boston, " conversed with General Putnam. Received let-
ters. Settled the principles on which I am to contract for
lands on account of the Ohio Company. . . . Left Boston
for Dedham half-after six."

On the evening of the 30th he reached the home of Gen-
ral Parsons. The next day being Sunday, he preached for
Mr. Huntington, and spent the afternoon with him, and on
July 2 he recorded : " It was 9 o'clock this morning before

The Ordinance of 1787. 319

General Parsons and I had settled all our matters with
respect to my business with Congress."

On July 5 he arrived in New York, and on the 6th he
says : " At 11 o'clock I was introduced to a number of mem-
bers on the floor of Congress chamber in the City Hall by
Colonel Carrington, member from Virginia. Delivered my
petition for purchasing lands for the Ohio Company, and
proposed terms and conditions of purchase. A committee
was appointed to agree on terms of negotiation and report
to Congress.

Monday, July 9, " Attended the Committee before Con-
gress opened." The same day he dined with some clergy-
men at Dr. Rodgers's. " It was with reluctance," he says,
" that I took my leave of this agreeable and sociable company
of clergymen, but my business rendered it necessary. At-
tended the committee at Congress Chamber. Debated on
terms, but were so wide apart that there appears little pros-
pect of closing a contract." On the same day Congress
referred the report, that had been interrupted on its third
reading on May 10, to a new committee, consisting of Car-
rington, Dane, Richard Henry Lee, Kean, and Smith.

July 10. " This morning," writes Cutler, " another confer-
ence with the committee. . . . As Congress was now engaged
in settling the form of government for the Federal territory,
for which a bill had been prepared and a copy sent to me,
with leave to make remarks and propose amendments, and
which I had taken the liberty to remark upon, and to pro-
pose several amendments, I thought this the most favorable
opportunity to go on to Philadelphia. Accordingly, after I
had returned the bill with my observations, I set out at 7
o'clock, and crossed North River to Paulus Hook."

The Ordinance Committee made its report on July 11.
It was read a second time on the 12th and a third time on
the 13th, when it finally passed. This was the great Ordi-
nance. It provided that the territory northwest of the Ohio
River, while under temporary government, should be one
district, to be divided into two when found necessary. It
provided for the distribution of estates of residents and non-

320 The Ordinance of 1787.

residents dying intestate, a widow to receive one-third of the
personal estate and a life-interest of one-third of the real
estate, the remainder being equally divided between the chil-
dren or their heirs. From Johnson's report was taken the
proposition of appointing a governor, council, secretary, and
court, nearly the same language being used in defining their
duties. A House of Representatives was also to be chosen
when the population of a district reached five thousand. A
delegate to Congress, with the right of debating but not of
voting, as proposed by Jefferson and Monroe, was conceded
to the States until admitted to full representation.

That portion of the Ordinance which related to the time
when the States would be under a temporary form of gov-
ernment was followed by six articles which it declared
should be considered as a compact between the original
States and the people and States in the territory, and to
forever remain unalterable unless by common consent.
This idea was taken from Jefferson's report of 1784.

The first and second articles were evidently copied from
the Bill of Rights of one or more of the original States.
They secured to the people civil and religious liberty, trial
by jury, and the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus. Here
it was also said that no law ought ever to be made or have
force in the territory that should interfere or affect private
contracts or engagements previously formed.

The third declared that religion, morality, and knowledge
are necessary for good government and the happiness of
mankind, and schools and the means of education should
forever be encouraged. It also provided that good faith be
observed towards the Indians.

The fourth article contained, in substance, the six pro-
visions in Jefferson's report, together with that securing
navigation of the waters leading into the Mississippi and
the St. Lawrence.

The fifth provided for the division of the territory into
not less than three nor more than five States. When a
State contained sixty thousand free inhabitants its delegates
were to be admitted into Congress on an equal footing with

The Ordinance of 1787. 321

those of the original States. Its permanent constitution
was then to be formed, which was to be republican, and in
conformity with the principles of the Ordinance.

The sixth article was that which forever prohibited slavery
in the territory. The language used was that of King's
original resolution, coupled with the fugitive slave clause,
taken from the report of the committee to which his reso-
lution had been referred. This article was added on the
second reading of the bill.

The most minute contemporaneous account we have of
what was done in Congress while the Ordinance was being
considered is in a letter from Nathan Dane to Rufus King,
then in Philadelphia, dated July 16, 1787. In it he enclosed
him a copy of the act, and said, " We have been employed
about several objects, the principal of which have been the
government enclosed and the Ohio purchase ; the former,
you will see, is completed and the latter will probably be
completed to-morrow. We tried one day to patch up M.'s
p system of W. government, started new ideas and com-
mitted the whole to Carrington, Dane, R. H. Lee, Smith,
and Kean. We met several times, and at last agreed on
some principles ; at least Lee, Smith, and myself. We found
ourselves rather pressed. The Ohio Company appeared to
purchase a large tract of the federal lands — about six or seven
millions of acres — and we wanted to abolish the old system
and get a better one for the government of the country,
and we finally found it necessary to adopt the best system
we could get. All agreed finally to the enclosed plan except
A. Yates. He appeared in this case, as in most others, not
to understand the subject at all." [Mr. Dane then gives his
views on the division of the territory and the population
necessary for the admission of a State, and continues],
" When I drew the Ordinance (which passed a few words
excepted as I originally formed it), I had no idea the States
would agree to the sixth article prohibiting slavery, as only
Massachusetts, of the Eastern States, was present, and there-
fore omitted it in the draft ; but finding the house favorably
disposed on this subject, after we had completed the other
VOL. xiii.— 21

322 The Ordinance of 1787.

parts I moved the article, which was agreed to without op-
position. "We are in a fair way to fix the terms of our Ohio
sale, etc. We have been upon it three days steadily. The
magnitude of the purchase makes us very cautious about
the terms of it, and the security necessary to insure the
performance of it." l

The day after the letter was written, Dr. Cutler returned to
New York from Philadelphia, and renewed his negotiations
with Congress, and it was not until the 19th that he was fur-
nished with a copy of the Ordinance. " It is," he wrote, " in
a degree new modeled. The amendments I proposed have
all been made except one, and that is better qualified." It
was regarding Congressional taxation and representation.

This in brief is all the contemporaneous evidence there
is, and the reader has before him an epitome of everything
of that character on which the conclusion is based that Dr.
Cutler and his colleagues were virtually the authors of the
Ordinance of 1787. In reviewing it, we wish it distinctly
understood that we would gladly accord to Dr. Cutler all
the honor that has been claimed for him were it not that we
consider such a verdict at variance with the truth of history
and unjust to many others who did much to create the
Ordinance.

The Ohio Company was without doubt the outcome of
the proposition that was made by the officers of the army
in 1783 to establish a new State in which slavery should be
unknown and in which religion and education should be
encouraged, as some of the men prominent in the old
scheme were prominent in the new. The circumstances,
however, under which the Ohio Company was formed were
very different from those that existed in 1783. Then there
were no provisions for the government of the territory or
for the sale of land, but in 1784 a resolution for the former
passed Congress, and in 1785 an ordinance for the latter
was adopted. Consequently, when the Ohio Company was
formed it did not propose to establish a new State, but to
1 Bancroft's " History of the Constitution," Vol. II. p. 430.

The Ordinance of 1787. 323

purchase land in one of those that it was proposed to erect
under the resolution of April 23, 1784, and their purchase
was to be made in accordance with the land ordinance of
May 20, 1785.

There is nothing but argument to support the assertion
that the government of the territory was the subject of con-
versation between Cutler and Putnam and Cutler and Par-
sons when the good doctor was on his way to seek an inter-
view with Congress. This argument is based on the entries
in Cutlers's diary that with Putuam he settled the principles
on which he was to contract for lands, and that it was nine
o'clock on the morning of July 2, before General Parsons
and he had settled all matters with respect to his business
with Congress. We do not see that the language here used
indicates that anything but pecuniary matters were the sub-
ject of discussion, and to assert otherwise is, we think, going
beyond safe historical conclusions. The interviews, it will
be noticed, were brief. "With Putnam Cutler spent but the
portion of a day ; with Parsons he remained longer, but the
greater part of the time being Sunday was occupied in
preaching for and visiting Mr. Huntington. And here let
us ask, Which is the most probable, that this instrument, so
admirably suited for the work it was to perform, whose
* wisdom has called forth such unstinted praise, and which,
exercised so powerful an influence in shaping the destinies
of the country, — which is the most probable, that this should
have been the result of the hasty visits that Cutler paid to
Putnam and Parsons, or the work of a deliberative body,
appointed for the purpose, composed of men some of whom
had already given the matter serious attention, and all more
or less familiar with the character of the work required,
having at their command the archives of Congress contain-
ing the record of all that Congress, or the committees of
Congress, had ever done in the matter ?

There is not a scintilla of evidence that Dr. Cutler ever
made the adoption of what are claimed as his views in the
ordinance of 1787 a sine qua non in the purchase of land.
Great stress has been laid upon the frequent mention made

324 The Ordinance of 1787.

in his diary of his conferences with the committee, hut the
committee thus alluded to was the one to which his memo-
rial for the purchase of land had been referred. He makes
no mention of the committee having the ordinance for the
government of the territory in charge. He merely says Con-
gress was now engaged in settling the form of government
for the Federal territory.

"When Dr. Cutler returned to Few York after visiting
Philadelphia he renewed his negotiations for the purchase
of land. On several occasions he despaired of bringing
them to a successful conclusion, and threatened to withdraw
his offer and purchase of some of the States having unoc-
cupied land for sale. These threats the Doctor confessed
were only " bluff," but it has been argued that they were to
induce Congress to incorporate his views in the Ordinance
for the government of the territory. Nothing can be farther
from the truth. When Dr. Cutler returned to New York
on the 17th of July the Ordinance was a law, and after its
final passage no attempt was made for years to alter it in
any way whatever.

The strongest evidence there is to show that Dr. Cutler
exercised any influence in the formation of the Ordinance
of 1787 are the entries in his diary that a draft of the plan
proposed for the government of the territory was sent to
him and he was invited to make remarks on it and propose
amendments ; that he did so, and after the final passage of
the Ordinance found that with one exception all that he had
suggested had been incorporated in it. Sixty-five years
after the Ordinance had passed, Dr. Cutler's son said that his
father had told him in the winter of 1804-5 that that por-
tion relating to the prohibition of slavery had been prepared
by him. A copy of the Ordinance is also said to have been
seen in the papers of the Ohio Company, with a memoran-
dum on it that the provisions relating to religion, education,
and slavery were inserted at Dr. Cutler's instance. This is
not good historical evidence ; but suppose it all true, does it
show anything but that he suggested what had been again
and again before Congress for its consideration ?

The Ordinance of 1787. 325

It is also claimed that it was absolutely necessary for the
success of the undertaking that the law for the government
of the territories should be in perfect accord with New
England ideas, and that New England men would not have
gone there if slavery had not been prohibited and civil and
religious liberty secured as they were under the Massachu-
setts constitution of 1780. Unfortunately for the argument,
the Association entered into by the members of the Ohio
Company contradict it. The company was formed March
3, 1786, to purchase land mthe Ohio country under the land
ordinance of May 20, 1785. No provision was made for the
purchase of land anywhere else, and at that time the terri-
tory was under the government of Jefferson's resolution of
1784, and by it (as passed) slavery was not prohibited or
civil and religious liberty secured.1 On May 30, 1787, Put-
nam and Cutler, writing to Sargent, said, if they could not
secure the land they had in view, " we think of giving up
the idea of making a purchase as a company." Nowhere
in their correspondence, or in the journal of Cutler, is there
the slightest hint that the government of the territory, or
the admission of slavery into it, would influence their action,
nor in the pamphlets issued by the Ohio and Scioto Compa-
nies do we find this feature of the Ordinance dwelt upon
as one that would encourage emigration.

So far from Dr. Cutler's considering the prohibition of
slavery in the territory an essential matter that would in-
fluence him in purchasing land of Congress, it does not
appear to us that it had any weight with him whatever. If
it had been otherwise we do not believe he would have

1 It was well, indeed, for the future of the Northwest territory that the
question of admitting slavery into it was not allowed to rest on the un-
certain language of the Massachusetts constitution of 1780. The only
clause in it touching on slavery is the first article of the Declaration of
Bights, declaring that " all men are born free and equal, and have cer-
tain natural essential and inalienable rights." The same clause is to be
found in the constitutions of several of the other States and in the Dec-
laration of Independence. But nowhere else was the construction
placed on it that it abolished slavery, and it was not until 1783 that that
conclusion was reached in Massachusetts.

326 The Ordinance of 1787.

chosen the very time the question was coming up before
Congress for consideration to have left New York and
visited Philadelphia. Dr. Poole acknowledges this, but
thinks that Dr. Cutler knew the disposition of the commit-
tee and of Congress, and was confident that the Ordinance
would contain the article prohibiting slavery. Setting aside
the improbability of Dr. Cutler being able to obtain the
sense of Congress on a bill that had not been framed, or of
his attempting such a piece of lobbyism, we have incontro-
vertible evidence that when the Ordinance was presented to
Congress the article prohibiting slavery was not in it. Dr.
Poole thinks that the article was agreed upon in the com-
mittee, and was omitted by Dane, who restored it when on
the second reading he found the House would consider it
favorably. This is supported by the language of Dane's
letter to King of July 16, which reads : " When I drew the
Ordinance (which passed a few words excepted as I origi-
nally formed it), I had no idea the States would agree to the
sixth article prohibiting slavery, as only Massachusetts, of
the Eastern States, was present, and therefore omitted it in
the draft ; but finding the house favorably disposed on this
subject, after we had completed the other parts I moved the
article, which was agreed to without opposition." Before
writing this, however, Dane said that the subject of the
government of the Western territory had been discussed
by Congress, that new ideas had been started and the
whole sent to a committee. That the members met several
times, " and at last agreed upon some principles." Now,
if it had been decided in the committee to report the article
on slavery, is it probable that Dane would have taken the
responsibility of omitting so important a feature ? Taking
Dane's entire letter into consideration, it conveys the idea to
our mind that the matter was called to the attention of the
committee, and that it was either decided to omit it, or it was
left an open question, and that Dane acted on his own re-
sponsibility.

With regard to the willingness of Congress to exclude
slavery from the Northwest territory in 1787, after having

The Ordinance of 1787. 327

voted down Jefferson's resolution in 1784, the reason is
clear so far as the earlier vote is concerned. Jefferson's
ordinance was for the government of territory ceded, or to
be ceded, to the United States by the individual States.
His first draft provided for the division of territory as far
south as the thirty-first degree of latitude, which would
have included all of the present States of Kentucky, Ten-
nessee, Alabama, and Mississippi. As enacted, only the
territory north of the Ohio was divided into States, but the
words " ceded or to be ceded" were allowed to remain.
The Ordinance of 1787 was only for the government of the
territory northwest of the Ohio River.1

From this it is obvious that the Southern States would not
vote for Jefferson's proposition because it would have pro-
hibited slavery in the Southwest when that country should
be ceded to the general government, but when and why
they were willing to accept the Ohio River as the division
between slave and free territory is not so clear. That they
would have done so in 1784 is doubtful. The next year,
when King proposed to at once prohibit slavery north of
the Ohio, the delegates of every State south of Maryland in
Congress voted against it with the exception of Gray son of
Virginia. Maryland gave two votes in its favor and one
opposing it. Every State from there north (with the excep-
tion of Delaware, which was not represented) voted unani-
mously in favor of the proposition. From this it will be
seen that at that time party lines were in accord with geo-

1 Its title was copied from the amended title of Johnson's ordinance,
which at first read, " For the Temporary government of the Western
Territory of the United States." Amended, it read, "For the Tem-
porary Government of the United States Territory North West of the
Ohio River," and so read the Ordinance of 1787 with the exception of
the word temporary. Jefferson's proposition has been criticised by
writers when considering the Ordinance of 1787, because it permitted
slavery to exist in the Northwest until 1800, and it has been argued
that to have allowed the institution to take root in the territory would
have been a fatal mistake. The fact appears to have been overlooked
that it was intended to have had effect over the Southern territory,
where slavery did exist, and it is probable the sixteen years were al-
lowed to permit the citizens to prepare for the change.

328 The Ordinance of 1787.

graphical lines. When King's resolutions had been altered
so as to permit slavery in the Northwest until the close of
the century, Grayson wrote, " I expect seven States may be
found liberal enough to adopt it." About the same time,
however, Charles Thomson, the secretary of Congress, said
in a letter to Richard Peters that there was great dissatisfac-
tion " on account of the backwardness in the Southern States
to cede to the United States their claim to Western lands.
And now it seems the measures necessary to be taken to
render useful the cession and purchases made, are to be ob-
structed by men of the South, because the East and North
wish to keep slavery out of the new States."

From the first agitation of the question, there were men
in the South like Jefferson and Grayson, who would gladly
have prohibited slavery, not only in the Northwest territory
but in any territory that should ever come under the control
of Congress. So also, there were Southerners like Carring-
ton who with wonderful foresight saw, in the sale to the
Ohio Company, the " means of introducing into the country,
in the first instance, a description of men who will fix the
character and politics throughout the whole territory and
which will probably endure to the latest period of time."
But these men were men of fixed principles. They did not
join a majority, but a majority joined them, and it is for the
causes that brought this about that we must look.

The wonderful unanimity shown by the Southern members
on July 13, 1787, in favor of the Ordinance is pretty good
evidence that they thought Southern interests would be
served by its passage. Grayson writing to Monroe twenty-
six days after its passage said, " The clause respecting
slavery was agreed to by Southern members for the purpose
of preventing tobacco and indigo being made on the north-
west side of the Ohio as well as for several other political
reasons." Grayson's opinion on this point is worthy of
great consideration. A Virginian himself, and at the time
acting president of Congress, no one could have known
better than he did the arguments that moved the Southern
members. Nevertheless we think it must have been the

The Ordinance of 1787. 329

political reasons not specified that had the greatest weight.
What they were we can only surmise. The financial condi-
tion of the country made it important that no reasonable op-
portunity should be lost to dispose of public lands, and it is
certain that the final consideration of the Ordinance of 1787
was precipitated by the offer of the Ohio Company to pur-
chase a large tract. Grayson also thought that the settle-
ments on the Ohio would shortly extend to the Mississippi,
thus forming a barrier between the Indians and Kentucky,
" greatly validating the lands on the" south of the Ohio.

There was another political reason that undoubtedly had
weight with Grayson, and may have influenced some of his
followers, as it could not but affect a question of all-absorb-
ing interest to the South. Between 1784 and 1787 the
Southern States were greatly excited over the refusal of
Spain to permit of a free navigation of the Mississippi.
Their territory extended to that river, and they feared that
unless their back settlements were allowed free access to
the Gulf of Mexico they would cut loose from the Confed-
eration and seek an alliance with Spain. It was evident
that the North and the East would sacrifice the right to
navigate the Mississippi for commercial privileges that
would only benefit themselves. To overcome their pre-
ponderance in Congress the South " neglected no opportu-
tunity of increasing the population and importance of the
"Western territory," and hoped to draw there the inhabitants
of New England " whose ungrateful soil . . . favored emi-
gration." By this means they expected in a short time to
increase the Southern vote in Congress. That these were
their aims in 1786 is asserted by Otto, the French charge at
New York, in a letter to Yergennes.1 Otto came into con-

1 " The Southern States," wrote Otto, " are not in earnest when they
assert that without the navigation of the Mississippi the inhabitants of
the interior will seek an outlet by way of the lakes and will throw them-
selves into the arms of England. They know too well the aversion of
their compatriots to that power, and the difficulty of conveying heavy
cargoes through the rivers which lead to Canada. But the true motive
of this vigorous opposition is to be found in the great preponderance of
the Northern States, eager to incline the balance toward their side ; the

330 The Ordinance of 1787.

stant contact with the Southern members, and watched with
jealous interest everything touching the relationship of
Spain with the United States and reported it to his master.
"When he wrote of the South endeavoring to increase the
population of the Western territory he evidently spoke of
the Southwest territory, as no settlements of importance
had been made north of the Ohio. If the South was actu-
ated by these motives in 1786 in order to secure the freedom
of the Mississippi, and quiet the dissatisfaction in its West-
ern territory, is it not highly probable that it would have
followed the same course towards the Northwest in 1787,
under the supposition that when that country, watered by
the tributaries of the Mississippi, was settled, the inhabi-
tants, no matter where from, would affiliate with them in
demanding the right to float with the current of the Missis-
sippi to the sea ?

That these reasons influenced Grayson are evident from
his speeches made in the Virginia Convention to consider
the Federal Constitution, just one year after the passage of
the Ordinance of 1787. In them he so clearly echoes the

Southern neglect no opportunity of increasing the population and im-
portance of the Western territory and of drawing thither by degrees the
inhabitants of New England, whose ungrateful soil only too much favors
emigration. Ehode Island has already suffered considerably from the
new establishments of Ohio, and a great number of families daily leave
their homes to seek lands more fertile and a less rigorous climate. This
emigration doubly enfeebles New England, since on the one hand it
deprives her of industrious citizens, and on the other it adds to the pop-
ulation of Southern States. These new territories will gradually form
themselves into separate governments ; they will have their representa-
tives in Congress, and will augment greatly the mass of the Southern
States.

" All these considerations make evident to the South the necessity of
promoting by all sorts of means their establishment in the West, and
from this point of view a treaty with Spain appears to them most de-
sirable. But if this treaty contains only stipulations in favor of Northern
fisheries, far from strengthening themselves against the too great prepon-
derance of the Northern States, they would furnish them with new arms,
by increasing their prosperity and the extension of their commerce."—
Otto to Vergennes, September 10, 1786, Bancroft's "History of the
Constitution," Vol. II., p. 392.

The Ordinance of 1787. 331

sentiments expressed in Otto's letter that the conclusion is
irresistible that he was Otto's authority. His remarks in
the convention were called forth by the fear that under the
provision in the Federal Constitution for making treaties
the Mississippi would not be as safe as under the Arti-
cles of Confederation. " If the Mississippi was yielded to
Spain," he said, "the migration to the western country
would be stopped and the Northern States would not only
retain their inhabitants, but preserve their superiority and
influence over those of the South. If matters go on in
their present direction there will be a number of new States
to the westward — population may become greater in the
Southern States — the ten miles square may approach us !
This they [the Northern States] must naturally wish to
prevent."1

"Their language [the Eastern States] has been let us
prevent any new States from rising in the western world,
or they will outvote us. ... If we do not prevent it, our
countrymen will remove to those places instead of going to
sea, and we shall receive no particular tribute or advantage
from them." 2

" If things continue as they now are," he argued, " emi-
gration will continue to that country. The hope that this
great national right will be retained, will induce them to go
thither. But take away that hope by giving up the Missis-
sippi for twenty-five years and the emigration will cease."3

" When the act of Congress passed respecting the settle-
ment of the western country, and establishing a State there,
it passed in a lucky moment.4 I was told that that State
[Massachusetts] was extremely uneasy about it ; and that in
order to retain her inhabitants lands in the province of
Maine were lowered to the price of one dollar per acre."5

" If the Mississippi be shut up emigration will be stopped
entirely. There will be no new States formed on the western

1 Elliot, III., 292. 3 Ibid., 343. 8 Ibid., 349.

4 But one Eastern State was represented. Dane could not understand
why, when such was the case, the anti-slavery clause passed.
6 Elliot, III., 350.

332 The Ordinance of 1787.

waters. This will be a government of seven States. This
contest of the Mississippi involves this great national contest;
that is whether one part of the continent shall govern the
other. The Northern States have the majority and will en-
deavor to retain it. This is, therefore, a contest for dominion
— for empire."1

Arguing on the other side that the Mississippi would be
safe under the Federal Constitution, George Nicholas said,
and in these views Madison coincided : " The people of New
England have lately purchased great quantities of land in
the western country. Great numbers of them have moved
thither. Every one has left his friends, relations, and ac-
quaintances behind him. This will prevent those States
from adopting a measure that would so greatly tend to the
injury of their friends."2

Madison's language was : " Emigrations from some of the
Northern States have been lately increased. We may con-
clude, as has been said by the gentleman on the same side
(Mr. Nicholas), that those who emigrate to that country will
leave behind them all their friends and connections as advo-
cates for this right. . . . The Western country will be settled
from the North as well as the South, and its prosperity will
add to the strength and security of the Union." 3

Dr. Cutler says in his journal, under date of July 27,
1787 : " The uneasiness of the Kentucky people with respect
to the Mississippi was notorious. A revolt of that country
from the Union if a war with Spain took place, was univer-
sally acknowledged to he highly probable. And most cer-
tainly a systematic settlement of that country, conducted by
men strongly attached to the Federal government, and com-
posed of young, robust, and hearty laborers, who had no
idea of any other than the Federal government, I conceived
to be objects worthy of some attention." This and the
effect that settlements north of the Ohio would have on
the Indian question were the arguments he used in urging
Congress to accede to his terms for the purchase of land.

Now, when we find that in 1786 the South was endeavoring

1 Elliot, III., 365. 2 Ibid., 240, 312. 8 Ibid., 312.

The Ordinance of 1787. 333

to draw New England men to the Southwest with a view of
increasing Southern influence in the confederation and ren-
dering their back settlements more secure ; when we find
that in 1787 Dr. Cutler was arguing that the settlement of
the Northwest would strengthen the bonds that bound the
Kentucky settlements to the Union ; when we find that in
1788 Gray son, of Virginia, was strenuously arguing that if
the Mississippi was closed emigration to the Northwest
would cease, and the South would sink into a hopeless
minority in Congress ; when we remember that Grayson
was the moving spirit on the floor of Congress when
the Ordinance of 1787 was passed, is it not obvious that
the South voted for the Ordinance containing the anti-
slavery clause to bring about a settlement of the Missis-
sippi question in accordance with their interests ? That this
was a concession to Northern and Eastern sentiments is
shown by a comparison of the vote on King's motion with
that on the Ordinance, but there is no evidence to show that
it was the result of a demand. Indeed, as far as the evi-
dence goes, it indicates that the South voluntarily aban-
doned its position. Dane's letter to King shows that the
Ordinance committee did not entertain positive opinions re-
garding the anti-slavery clause, or it would have been in its
report. It was not until the report had reached a second
reading that Dane discovered that the House was " favor-
ably disposed on the subject." The House at that time was
composed of the representatives of five Southern and three
Northern States, and it does not seem likely that Dane
would have drawn such an inference from the opinions
of a powerless minority.

The general impression we believe is that the ordinance
fostered religion and education in the same effective manner
in which it protected the soil from slavery. An examina-
tion of the document will show that it contains nothing that
would have either encouraged or developed the one or the
other without additional legislation. All that is found in it
is that " Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary
to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools

334 The Ordinance of 1787.

and the means of education shall forever be encouraged."
It also declared that the laws and constitutions of the States
rested on the fundamental principles of civil and religious
liberty, and to fix these principles as the bases of the laws
and constitutions of the proposed States was one of the
objects of the Ordinance. The legislative provision for the
encouragement of education is found in the Land Ordinance
of 1785, and when we remember that in framing it, Con-
gress refused to reserve land for the encouragement of
religion, is it not evident that it intentionally omitted to
provide for its encouragement in the Ordinance for the gov-
ernment of the entire Northwest territory, and contented
itself with the expression of the abstract idea that religion
was essential for the good government and happiness of
mankind, thus leaving what Dr. SchaiF calls " a free church
in a free state, or a self-supporting and self-governing
Christianity in independent but friendly relations to the
civil government ?"

The Land Ordinance of 1785 and the record of its forma-
tion show that the encouragement of education and religion
in the territory by government aid were subjects that had
been discussed two years before the Ordinance of 1787 was
framed.

The expression of these abstract ideas, however, was made
good use^of by Dr. Cutler, who succeeded in inducing Con-
gress to extend to the Ohio Company the same provision
for the support of schools to which the purchasers under
the Ordinance of 1785 were entitled. He also obtained a
grant of two townships for the establishment of a university
and one lot in each township purchased by the company
for the encouragement of religion. These provisions are
found in the agreement with the Ohio Company. They
formed no part of the organic law and were only extended
to one or two other purchasers.

How generally the principles expressed in the Ordinance
regarding education, religion, and slavery were entertained
by men prominent in Congress is shown by the fragments of
their correspondence that has been preserved. " It is cer-

The Ordinance of 1787. 335

tainly true," wrote Richard Henry Lee in 1784 (a mem-
ber of the Ordinance Committee of 1787), " that a popular
government cannot flourish without virtue in the people,
and it is true that knowledge is a principal source of virtue ;
these facts render the establishment of schools for the
instruction of youth a fundamental concern in all free
communities."

In 1785, Charles Thomson, the secretary of Congress, said,
" If it is or ought to be the object of government not merely
to provide for the necessities of the people, but to promote
and secure their happiness, and if the felicity or happiness
of a people can only be promoted and secured by the exer-
cise of humanity, virtue, justice, and piety, it would be
unpardonable in Congress in creating new States, not to
guard against the introduction of slavery, which has a direct
tendency to the corruption of manners, and every principle
of morality or piety."

That Dr. Cutler, in dealing with Congress, made use of
the argument that the men he expected to settle in the ter-
ritory were a class whose education and moral training was
such as to entitle them to consideration is hypothetical.
His friend Richard Henry Lee, who advocated his proposed
purchase in Congress, and who was a member of the Or-
dinance Committee, wrote to Washington two days after
it had passed, "It seemed necessary for the security of
property among uninformed and perhaps licentious people,
as the greater part who go there are, that a strong-toned
government should exist." Lee's information regarding the
character of the members of the Ohio Company was without
doubt less accurate than Carrington's, but his letter shows
that the argument attributed to Dr. Cutler did not convince
all of the members of the committee, and justifies the doubt
if he ever made it.

With all of this evidence before us it is no easy matter to
award to each one who participated in the formation of the
Ordinance their share of credit, nor is it likely that the
result of any effort made in that direction will be considered
as final.

336 The Ordinance of 1787.

Pickering's proposition in 1783 to erect a new State in
the Western territory in which slavery should be unknown,
Jefferson's effort to prohibit slavery in any portion of the
territory after the year 1800, King's resolution in 1785 to im-
mediately forbid its existence in any of the proposed States
show that they voiced a general anti-slavery sentiment that
doubtless had gained strength by the discussion of the spirit
of liberty that the struggle for independence had called
forth* The idea, however, of applying this sentiment to
limit slavery to the original States appears to have origi-
nated with Pickering and Jefferson, and in view of the
results their services should not be forgotten.

To Nathan Dane we would accord a much higher place
than that of a scribe. He appears to us to have been rather
the intelligent compiler. He was familiar with the action
of Congress on territorial affairs. It was on his motion
that the committee appointed in 1786, of which Monroe
was chairman, for reporting a government for the Western
States, and in September he was made a member of that
committee. He was also a member of Johnson's com-
mittee, and while on it, with the assistance of Pinckney,
drafted the report presented on May 9, 1787. In his letter
to King, written three days after the passage of the Ordi-
nance, he says he drew it, and that it passed, a few words
excepted, as he originally formed it. This would be con-
clusive regarding authorship were it not for his subsequent
statements and the proof we have that much of it was the
work of others, which leads to the supposition that he did
not intend to claim originality, but construction.

In the seventh volume of his " Abridgment of American
Laws," he wrote : " This Ordinance, formed by the author
of this work, was framed mainly from the laws of Massa-
chusetts, especially in regard to land titles," etc.

In a note to the ninth volume, 1829, he says, " On the
whole, if there be any praise or any blame in the Ordinance,
especially in the titles of property and in the permanent
parts," those that would not be changed by the admission of
a State into the confederation, " it belongs to Massachusetts,

The Ordinance of 1787. 337

as one of her members formed it." He says he took from
Jefferson's resolves in substance the six provisions in the
fourth article of compact, and the words of the slave article
from Mr. King's motion of 1785. " As to matter, his in-
vention," he says, " furnished the provision respecting im-
pairing of contracts and the Indian security, and some other
smaller matters; the residue, no doubt, he selected from
existing laws."

In 1830, in a letter to Daniel Webster, he said, " I have
never claimed originality, except in regard to the clause
against impairing contracts, and perhaps the Indian article,
part of the third article, including also, religion, morality,
knowledge, schools, etc."

In 1831, in writing to John H. Farnham, he endeavored
to establish his claim to having first thought, in 1787, of re-
newing the effort to exclude slavery from the Western ter-
ritory. He spoke disparagingly of the attempts of Jeffer-
son and King, and said, " When the Ordinance of 1787 was
reported to Congress, and under consideration, from what
I heard I concluded that a slave article might be adopted,
and I moved the article as it is in the Ordinance." Indeed,
Dane does not appear to have remembered how much he
was indebted to the circumstances and men that surrounded
him for what he put in the Ordinance. His claim to some
of the very parts tfyat he said were original are easily
invalidated.

The Indian article had really nothing new in it. The
land ordinance provided for the sale of lands only after
they had been purchased from the Indians, and, more than
a century before, William Penn had proposed to enact laws
for the protection of the Indians. Pelatiah Webster, in
1781, writing regarding the Western lands, pointed out the
importance of cultivating a " good and friendly correspond-
ence with the Indian natives, by a careful practice of justice
and benevolence towards them."

It has been customary to attribute to Dane the clause against
impairing contracts, and it has been suggested that its ne-
cessity was made evident to him by Shay's Rebellion in
VOL. xiii.— 22

338 The Ordinance of 1787.

Massachusetts ; but Mr. Bancroft calls attention to the fact
that views similar to his were held by his colleague, Richard
Henry Lee, and it is probable that the honor should be
divided. It is a very serious obstacle to the acceptance of
Dane's statements that he should have said that he origi-
nated the clauses relating to religion, morality, knowledge,
schools, etc., while we know that these suggestions had
already been considered by Congress. Nevertheless, as we
have said, we believe him to be entitled to a higher place
than that of a scribe. He does not seem to have originated,
but to have written with a well-stored mind, and to have
drawn from his surroundings what was best suited to the
purpose. To us it appears that he had more to do with the
framing of the Ordinance than any other man.

In speaking of the passage of the amendment prohibiting
slavery, Mr. Bancroft says, " Everything points to Grayson
as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of disinterested
statesmanship which took possession of every Southern man
in the Assembly." That he possessed great influence in
Congress, and exerted it to the utmost in favor of the Ohio
purchase, is attested by Cutler's diary. Knowing his senti-
ments, we believe that he favored the Ordinance also, as
by doing so he would have advanced two cherished objects,
the limitation of slavery and the freedom of the Missis-
sippi River. In 1819, Taylor, of New York, in a debate
on the admission of Missouri, quoted Hugh Nelson, of Vir-
ginia, as having said that in the convention of 1787 Grayson
drew the Ordinance excluding slavery from the Northwest
territory. While it is probable that the use of the word con-
vention in place of Congress was a lapsus linguce on the part of
either Nelson or Taylor, the statement was evidently a loose
one that cannot be considered when it is confronted with
the facts that Grayson was not on the Ordinance committee,
and that Dane, three days after it passed, said that he drew
it. That Grayson was in any sense of the word the author
of the clause prohibiting slavery seems impossible. The
language is that of King's motion of 1785. Dane says he
copied it from there, and the original is in Dane's hand-

The Ordinance of 1787. 339

writing. The tradition, however, is of interest, as it connects
Grayson's name with the clause, and may have grown out of
the zeal he took in securing the passage of the Ordinance.

Manasseh Cutler undoubtedly suggested, at an opportune
moment, that certain features be added to the Ordinance
that he failed to find in it when it was submitted to him
for criticism. What they were there is no contemporaneous
evidence to show, but the entry in his diary that after the Or-
dinance had passed he found all of his amendments, but one,
had been adopted is proof that they are there. Heresay
and after-evidence affirm positively that these were the
parts relating to religion, education, and slavery, and Dr.
Cutler's successful efforts to obtain from Congress land
grants for the support of the first two uphold the assertion.
That he suggested the anti-slavery clause rests on tradition
alone. There was certainly nothing original regarding the
suggestions, in connection with Territorial government,
and the credit of having recalled them at a critical time
is all that can be awarded to him. With the suggestions
that his diary says he made, we believe the services of
Dr. Cutler in the formation of the Ordinance began and
ended. There is nothing to show that when he came to
New York he expected to have the Ordinance submitted
to him, or that he had prepared anything to insert in it ;
nothing to show that having made the suggestions he ever
attempted to force their adoption on Congress. The entry
in his diary appears to cover all of his transactions in the
matter with Congress, — namely, that a copy of the Ordi-
nance was submitted to him with permission to make re-
marks and propose amendments ; that he did so, returned
it, and left New York for Philadelphia.

The fact is, the Ordinance was a political growth. Step
by step its development can be traced in the proceedings of
Congress. Monroe's plan, imperfect as it was in form when
reported, provided for a more advanced state of civilization
than Jefferson's, and in some respects was an improvement
on it. Johnson's ordinance was an elaboration of Monroe's
plan. The Ordinance of 1787 contained the most important

340 The Ordinance of 1787.

features of each, together with suggestions that had been
made from time to time, and what could be found in the
constitutions and laws of the States. There is no necessity
of going outside of Congressional circles to account for its
production or passage. It was formed in an era of con-
stitution-making. The separation of the colonies from the
mother-country had made the people familiar with the prin-
ciples of civil liberty. Between 1776 and 1787 every one
of the States, with the exception of Connecticut and Rhode
Island, had formed new constitutions for their government.
There was hardly a man in public life who had not assisted
in some way in their adoption, and who was not familiar
with their principles. Hundreds of essays on government
were made public by the newspapers or in pamphlet form.
The political atmosphere was impregnated with the subject,
and it is doubtful if there ever was a time when the people
of a country were more familiar with the principles of a
government than were the inhabitants of the United States
in 1787. To announce what at any other time might be
looked upon as an original thought appeared only to echo
an axiom. The discussion brought forth legitimate results,
and while Congress was creating the Ordinance of 1787,
the representatives of the States, assembled in another city,
were engaged in the formation of the Federal Constitution.

[For copies of original papers and letters consulted in preparing the
above, the writer is indebted to Dr. Austin Scott, of Rutgers College,
Mr. Theodore Dwight, Mr. Frederick Bancroft, and Mr. S. M. Hamilton,
of the Department of State.]

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 341

DU SIMITIERE, ARTIST, ANTIQUARY, AND NATU-
RALIST, PROJECTOR OF THE FIRST AMERICAN
MUSEUM, WITH SOME EXTRACTS FROM HIS NOTE-
BOOK.

BY WILLIAM JOHN POTTS.

" Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere,1 whose last resting-place in
St. Peter's church-yard [Philadelphia], is unmarked and for-
gotten, may fairly claim our attention for a moment.

" Born in Geneva, in the first quarter of the eighteenth
century, and endowed with considerable artistic talent, he
became a painter, and by the practice of his profession
gained a livelihood in the many foreign countries to which
his wandering spirit led him. He appears to have arrived
in the West Indies about 1750, and for the next ten years
travelled about from one island to another, making water-
color drawings, collecting coins, shells, and botanical speci-
mens, and gathering material for the history of the European
settlement of the islands. During this period, the greater
part of which was spent on the islands belonging to Great
Britain, he thoroughly mastered the English language,
which, on his arrival in New York in 1764 or 1765, he was
able to speak and write with great fluency. After leaving
New York, he spent some time in Burlington, and then, in
the early part of 1766, came to Philadelphia.

" In 1768 he was elected a member of the American Philo-
sophical Society, and in [1776] 1777 [the latter part of 1779,
from March, and 1781], one of the curators of the society.
In [1777] he was drafted into the Pennsylvania militia, and a
heavy fine was imposed upon him for not supplying a sub-
stitute. His petition to the Supreme Executive Council for

1 By Mr. Charles R. Hildeburn. BroDson and Hildeburn, " The In-
scriptions in St. Peter's Church-yard, Philadelphia," 1879.

342 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

the remission of his fine contains this passage in regard to
himself and the object of his residence in America :

' Your memorialist begs leave upon this occasion to rep-
resent to this Honorable Council that he is a foreigner and
a native of the Republic of Geneva, that he has for many
years travelled through various parts of this Continent and
the West Indies, not without great expense and fatigue to
himself, in pursuit of the natural and civil History of
America, unsupported by any public or private encourage-
ment. That your memorialist is in no public way of busi-
ness whatever, nor settled in any part of the Continent —
that he lives in lodgings wherever he is, and at considerable
expense, for the defraying of which he now and then makes
use of a little talent he has for painting among his acquaint-
ance, and altho' he has resided for some time past in this
City, it has been entirely owing to the critical situation of
public affairs, which did not admit of his removal elsewhere
without great expense and the hazard of losing what he had
collected at considerable cost and with much pains — that his
long continuance here has also been extremely detrimental to
his general pursuit of natural knowledge, the only object of
his travel.' *

[He appears judiciously silent as to his having become a
naturalized citizen of New York on May 20, 1769.2]

" He designed the vignette for the title-page of Aitkin's
Pennsylvania Magazine in 1775, and the frontispiece for the
United States Magazine in 1779,. and drew for the third
number of the former a picture of a New Electrical machine.
In 1776 the committee appointed by Congress to prepare
designs for a medal to commemorate the Declaration and a
national seal engaged his assistance. John Adams, one of
the committee, in a letter to his wife, August 14, 1776,
writes as follows :

' There is a gentleman here of French extraction whose
name is Du Simitiere, a painter by profession, whose de-

1 Pennsylvania Archives, 2d Series, III., 121.

2 Journals of the Legislative Council of New York, published at
Albany, 1861, p. 1708.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 343

signs are very ingenious, and his drawings well executed.
For the medal he proposes, Liberty, with her spear and
pileus, leaning on General Washington. The British fleet
in Boston harbor with all their sterns towards the town ;
the American troops marching in. For the seal, he pro-
poses, the arms of the several nations from whence America
has been peopled, as English, Irish, Dutch, German, &c.
each in a shield. On one side of them, Liberty with her
pileus, on the other, a rifler in his uniform, with his rifle
gun in one hand, and his tomahawk in the other.'1

"The committee's report was not acted upon by Congress,
nor was that of a committee appointed for the same pur-
pose in 1779, which, it is said, also employed Du Simitiere.

" In the same letter Adams says : ' This M. Du Simitiere is
a very curious man. He has begun a collection of materials
for a history of this revolution. He begins with the first ad-
vises of the tea ships. He cuts out of the newspapers every
scrap of intelligence, and every piece of speculation, and
pastes it upon clean paper, arranging them under the head
of that State to which they belong, and intends to bind
them in volumes. He has a list of every speculation and
pamphlet concerning independence, and another concerning
forms of government.'

" During the Revolution he drew portraits of many
prominent men of the period. A series of thirteen portraits,
comprising Washington, Steuben, Silas Deane, Joseph Reed,
Gouverneur Morris, General Gates, John Jay, William H.
Drayton, Henry Laurens, Charles Thomson, Samuel Hunt-
ington, John Dickinson, and Benedict Arnold, all engraved
by B. Reading, were published May, 1783, in a quarto
volume, now very rare, by W. Richardson, of London.

" The College of New Jersey conferred upon him, in 1781,
an honorary degree of Master of Arts.

"He died in October, 1784, and was buried on the 10th of
that month at St. Peter's. In March following his admin-
istrators announced the sale of ' The American Museum,
collected by the late Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere, Esq.'

1 Letters of John Adams, addressed to his wife, Vol. I. p. 151.

344 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

The Philadelphia Library Company became the purchasers
of his manuscript and broadsides, and the twelve volumes
thus obtained are among its greatest treasures."

The following sprightly introduction to an interesting
letter was probably written by Colonel Bailey Myers, of
New York, whose generosity was such — the writer of this
article knows from personal experience — that he could not
overlook what appeared to be meanness in others :

" A EAPACIOUS COLLECTOR OF THE OLDEN TiME.1
" If it were doubted that collectors are monomaniacs,
the reading of the following letter would go far to remove
the uncertainty. The portraits by Du Simitiere (of whose
name the Marquis de Chastellux said it was more appro-
priate for a graveyard than an artist), consisting of those
of Washington, Gates, Steuben, G. Morris, H. Laurens,
Deane, Charles Thomson, Drayton, Dickinson, Huntirigton,
Jay, and Joseph Reed, are still in great request, and the
memory of the artist green among collectors ; but this letter
has withstood the vicissitudes of time to afford a closer view
of his character, and to enable us to appreciate the suffer-
ings of his sitters, and of all who gave ear to his innumer-
able Wants. That Colonel Lamb, < who was my chiefest de-
pendence,' * forgot our old acquaintance,' and did not answer
his letter, is a monument to the wisdom of that gallant
officer, and, if we are not mistaken, the active, hard- worked
patriot to whom this was addressed found himself too much
occupied in the midst of his duties, civil and military, in the
heat of a mighty struggle, to devote himself to picking up
old books and pictures for this garrulous virtuoso. It is
fortunate that postage stamps ' were not,' or they would have
been included, — all else he wanted. That any man capable
of engraving a good picture should be so wanting in good
taste as to address such a letter to so important a character
seems inconceivable. We will wager that his collection
was one of those of which the owner boasts that it never

1 American Antiquarian, New York, by Charles de F. Burns, Vol. II.,
September, 1871, pp. 103, 104.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 345

cost him a dollar, however many it may have cost his vic-
tims. But the letter speaks for itself."

" MONSR. DU SlMITIEKE TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON. —
MYERS COLLECTION."

' SIR : — The very obliging letter with which your Excel-
lency honored me, in date of the 27th ult. I have to ac-
knowledge the reception of, and to return you my grateful
thanks for the favour you bestow on me by the continuation
of your valuable correspondence. I am really happy to
think the papers I did myself the honour to send you have
been acceptable, and I beg to assure your Excellency that I
shall take an uncommon pleasure to communicate every-
thing of the kind that shall come within my reach, indeed
it is well the least I can do in return for what your Excel-
lency is pleased to inform me of your endeavors to procure
some of the valuable curiosities of the late Sir William
Johnson of whom I have formerly heard much, and that
they will be very acceptable you can have no doubt of, as
my extensive collection is very defective in that particular
branch of Indian curiosities which has never been in my
power to procure, and as no person is so well qualified as
your Excellency for that purpose I make no doubt but your
reserches will be attended with success. When I reflect on
the great loss which your Excellency must have sustained in
the conflagration at Kingston I have not in my power to
lament what I may have lost in what you have been so kind
as to collect for me, as my grief on that account is but trifling
when compared to what I sincerely feel for your own loss,
the fatal consequences of a war carried on by an ungenerous
and cruel enemy. That your Excellency may never expe-
rience such disaster any more is my most sincere wish.

4 1 shall take the liberty to mention some articles for
your Excellency's information which are within the compass
of my cabinet under the denomination of 'curiosities and
may perhaps by means of this hint fall under your future
notice.

* It is a fact attested by the earliest historians that the

346 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

first settlers in the several parts of this continent made use
and wore defensive armor in their wars with the natives
and others, and yet as far as my inquiries have reached
nothing of the kind has heen discovered lately, hut it seems
to me that these weapons such as helmets and hreast plates
"being made of lasting materials must have resisted in a great
measure the injuries of time and that some such piece of
antiquity might still he found among some of those families
who came early and have formed lasting settlements which
their posterity enjoys to this day, it is only by personal ac-
quaintance with the local of the ancient settlements dis-
persed in various parts of the country that one could he
able to meet with those remnants precious to antiquarians,
and perhaps in the beginning of this war when every kind
of old weapons were mustered up some such piece might
have come to light.

* Altho there were in the last century many capital en-
gravers of prints all over Europe but especially in Flanders
and Holland, yet the fashion of decorating appartments
with prints, framed and glazed did not then exist, nor indeed
has it become universal till very lately, the taste was then,
particularly in the Netherlands to cover the walls with
pictures chiefly painted in oyl, on boards in black ebony
frames highly polished, of these kinds the Dutch settlers
brought a great many with their other furniture, and the
saving economical turn, the peculiar genius of that nation,
has rescued that kind of ornamental furniture from the
decay which will in a long course of years attend moveables.
I have some of those pictures myself which your Excellency
may perhaps recollect. I pickt them up in New York, in
garrets, where they had been confined as unfashionable
when that city became modernized, and no store was any
more set by them. I shall leave entirely to your Excel-
lency's judgment when you should be able to procure any
such, only adding that the good paintings were always in
Ebony or Pear Tree frames highly polished, and sometimes
the inner border near the picture covered with waved lines.

'I have very considerably increased my collection of

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 347

American Books and Papers, since your Excellency was
here last, for notwithstanding that I have not traveled out
of this city for this four years and a half, yet I have pro-
cured several valuable materials from abroad by means of
some acquaintances in different parts of the country, but
from your state I have received nothing at all, tho I had at
once great expectations, in particular from Col. John Lamb
who was my chiefest dependence, but it seems he has forgot
our old acquaintance as I have never received any answer
to the letter I wrote him last November, which induce me
to mention how acceptable it would be to me such books
and papers both old and new, in Dutch or English, relating
to the history, geography, Politics, Indian affairs, &c., of
your State. I beg leave to add as a memorandum the titles
of the books I have met with wrote by Dutch authors as
very probably some of them might fall in your Excellency's
possession ; and I have none of them in my library.

1 Beschrivinge van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, Nieuw
Engelandt, en d'Eylanden Bermudes, Barbados en S. Chris-
toffel &c.

Amsterdam by Joost Hartgers, 1651. 4to.

' Beschrevinge van Nieuw Nederlandt. Ghelijck het
tegenwoordigh in Stat is, &c — beschreeven door Adrian
Vander Donck.

Amsterdam by Evert Nieuwenoff, 1656. 4to.

* Korte Historiael ende Jouruaels aenteyckeninge van
verscheyden Yoyagiens in de vier deeteen des weereldts
ronde &c. door David Pieterz De Yriez.

Alckmaer 1655. 4to.

' N.B. the voyages of this writer in the New Netherlands
are extremely curious, and give more insight into the his-
tory of that country than any other writer I have met with.

4 Korte Yerhael van Nieuw Nederlandts. Ghedruckt in
t'Jaar 1662. this I have never seen.

1 There are many other books and pamphlets published
relating to the history of New York. I have a catalogue of
all these that have come to my knowledge and if your Ex-
cellency should think it of use I would do myself the honor

348 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

to send you a copy. Of the modern political publications
of your State I have little or nothing since the year 1772.
I believe it might be in your Excellency's power to procure
me the laws and votes of your Assembly since the revolu-
tion : they would be a valuable acquisition (when convenient
should be glad also of your newspapers which I seldom sees)
I am favoured here with the publications of Congress, by
the Secretary, with the votes and laws of our Assembly by
their clerk, the Secretary of the Council gives me what is
published by that Board and I have also from some of our
printers, copies of what they print also. Unwilling to
engross the time of your Excellency to my tediousness I
shall only add that another branch of my collection on
which I lay great stress is the indian antiquities, it is a new
subject and not touched upon by authors. I have many
but I find every new specimen I get is different from the
former ones, so that where there is such variety one cannot
increase the number too much, those curiosities consists of
stone hatchets, pestles, tomahaws, hammers, arrow heads
and points of darts, cups, bowls of pipes, idols figures cut
on clam shells and many other things found in the old
burying places, for which there is no name. I should not
forget their earthenware of which I have as yet but small
fragments brought me from the western part of this state
and from Virginia.

1 The highlands and mountains of your State must be
productive of curious fossils such as ores, minerals, agaths,
chrystals, marbles, petrifactions, &c. I will only beg to add
that the fossils enter into my collection and form a consid-
erable part thereof.

* Coins and medals ancient and modern I have a collec-
tion of, but now a days these are become scarce, notwith-
standing I meet with some now and then.

4 1 have gone through the principal articles I am in quest
of and I now beg your Excellency's forgiveness for having
taken so much liberty but I flatter myself to possess some
share of your regard. I hope you will favorably receive
my apology.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 349

' 1 beg your Excellency's acceptance of the enclosed
picture1 as from the knowledge you have had of the origi-
nal I make no doubt but it will be acceptable.

< 1 have the honor to subscribe myself with great respect
* Your Excellency's Most Obedient and

* Most Humble Servant

' Du SIMITIERE.
6 Philadelphia, April 26, 1779.

1 His Excellency GOVERNOR CLINTON."

The note-book of Du Simitiere gives a synopsis of this
letter and others which he wrote to Governor George
Clinton without receiving an answer. Under October 8 we
find him complaining of not hearing from him, having
written four letters. I have given these synopses in an-
other part of this article. The remarks which precede the
letter above printed seem to be just as regards its garrulity.
While agreeing with the commentator in this particular, we
disagree as to the estimate of the character of his collection.
Du Simitiere was a man far ahead of his time ; it is well
for posterity that he could take a few rebuffs in a good
cause. His enthusiasm was ably seconded by scientific
men, as well as antiquaries, half a century later. Especially
is this the case with the " indian antiquities," of which he
justly says, " it is a new subject and not touched upon by
authors;" but what is the public taste to-day? "We call
special attention to the character of his " Indian relics" in
the few extracts we shall give from his note-book to show
how he anticipated the value of such things by about three-
quarters of a century. Though his extracts from books are
sources now known to the scholar, there is very little else that

1 The note-book shows this was a portrait of Philip Livingston. In
his letter to General John Lamb, Philadelphia, November 24, 1778, Du
Simitiere says, " While I lived with the worthy Mr Ph. Livingston he
always gave me the papers [newspapers, handbills,- and all kinds of
political publications] he received from thence [New York]. He died
much regretted at Yorktown, last spring, in the faithful discharge of his
trust to his injured country; and I have much lamented his loss; he
was a good patron of mine" (" Life of John Lamb").

350 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

is valueless in the collections. At the time they were made
they were the result of original research. We have no
hesitancy in claiming for him the title of the first and ablest
general collector of judicious materials for North American
history, collected and arranged in a systematic and methodi-
cal manner. Unfortunately his epistolary style, of which we
have seen two other examples, does not indicate the superi-
ority of his foresight and judgment as a collector. A criti-
cal examination of his manuscripts would have led his critics
to another conclusion, and their hasty opinion would have
given way to admiration and respect. The manuscripts
show him to have been also a bibliographer of wide reading
and research. The period of his residence in America, in
which he resided for a short time in Boston in 1767 * and
1768, about eight months, as well as in IsTew York and Phil-
adelphia in other years, comprises that portion of the last
century of the deepest interest to the American of to-day.
From the repeal of the Stamp Act to the Peace, 1765 to
1783, — he died one year after, — is the portion of the history
of this country from its approaching birth to its recognition
as a new infant Hercules among the nations. Du Simitiere
was fully aware of what was passing before his eyes. There
were many then who were doubtless unable to appreciate
his knowledge of the wants and desires of posterity. He
had to struggle with poverty and lack of interest when he
gathered the materials which have been most serviceable to
those of the present day. "VVe sympathize with the scholar
when, forced by poverty, we find him obliged to offer for sale a
few of his books, which seemed to have found no buyers.
The world has been tardy in recognizing the usefulness to
mankind of botanists, entomologists, and antiquaries. Even
in our day we have heard these studies sneered at by those
who could not be ranked among the illiterate. In this
youthful country perhaps the antiquary has been the last
to be recognized as serviceable to his fellow-men ; but we
agree with Smithson, who says, " Every man is a valuable
member of society who, by his observations, researches, and

1 Manuscript Collections, Eidgway Library.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 351

experiments procures knowledge for men." Du Simitiere's
almost unique collection of newspapers and rare pamphlets
are in the Philadelphia Library. The author of the " Life
of General Lamb" erroneously states his collection belongs
now to the Historical Society. "We believe the statement
made in that biography that " it is even said his cabinet
formed the basis of Peale's Museum" to be correct. This,
in our opinion, probably included the pictures, Indian and
other relics, and natural history specimens. Peale's Museum
was on exhibition at least as early as 1785, the year after
Du Simitiere's death ; probably a year or two earlier. His
acquaintance numbered many among the best men of the
day, not only in Congress and the Revolutionary army, but
also the officers of the French army, and among the British.
During the occupation of Philadelphia he had some earnest
friends who caused his release when imprisoned, after a
confinement of three weeks, which he mentions in his letter
to General Lamb. We regret that space does not allow us
to print this letter, much the best of those we have seen,
and greatly superior to the rambling letter to Governor
Clinton, given above. It is noteworthy that he expresses in
it " his unaccountable aversion to letter writing." His as-
sociates in the American Philosophical Society during the
years of his membership were those who figure among the
scientific names of the day. His duties as a curator of this
society he appears to have carried beyond the precincts of
the hall. An interesting anecdote is narrated by Mrs.
Deborah Logan, who had it from Charles Thomson.1 Du
Simitiere, being well acquainted with Major Andre, who
was quartered in Benjamin Franklin's house, where there
was much furniture and a fine library, as the British army
were about to leave waited on him, desirous to solicit his
protecting care in preventing any irregularities. He was
very much shocked to find the major in the library, packing
up some books and placing them among his own baggage,
particularly a very scarce and valuable work in French of
many volumes, a present, " if I rightly remember," says the

1 PENNA. MAG., Vol. VIII., p. 430.

352 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

narrator, " from Louis XIV., King of France, to the Philo-
sophical Society," in Franklin's care as president of the
society. As a hint, in order that Andre might make the
inference, he spoke of the honorable conduct of General
Knyphausen, quartered in General Cadwalader's house, who,
having himself caused an inventory to be made, had ren-
dered an exact account of everything, leaving it as he found
it, even to a bottle of wine ; also paid Cadwalader's agent
rent during his occupation. Among other things carried off
by Andre, which is not stated in this anecdote, was a valua-
ble portrait of Franklin.

The following extracts from the advertisement of his
American Museum, coupled with the very wide-spread in-
terest manifested in his collection, as shown by the numerous
gifts of valuable books, engravings, water-color sketches,
coins, fossils, Indian relics, and general antiquities, show
that the museum antedating Peale's was a useful aid in
forming public taste for the advent of the Historical Society,
the Academies of Fine Arts and Natural Sciences. The
American Museum, in Arch Street, above Fourth, was open
to the public, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. The hours
of admittance for each company, " Ten, Eleven and Twelve
o'clock in the forenoon, and at Three and Four o'clock in
the afternoon allowing an hour for each company," which
he hopes will not exceed six in one set. Hours arranged
beforehand. " "Want of room prevents giving a syllabus of
his collection for the present." He desires contributions of
curiosities, " more particularly as he intends his cabinet to
be hereafter the foundation of the first American Museum."
Tickets to be had every morning, Sundays excepted, at his
house in Arch Street, above Fourth, at half a dollar each.1

If he did not keep a circulating library, his note-book
shows he endeavored to create a taste for literature by lend-
ing his books, the borrowers being many members of Con-
gress, the officers of the army, and other distinguished
visitors. Rarely does he appear as a borrower himself, but
as an inveterate lender. Occasionally we find Dr. Benjamin

1 See Penna. Journal and Weekly Advertiser, June 12, 1782.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 353

Duffield lent him a few chairs, probably for a larger party
than six, and they were promptly returned. The circula-
tion of Du Simitiere's books was almost a daily event.
Though many of them were most valuable, they were not
always returned. "We do not often find anything common-
place lent to his numerous friends. " Feb. 9 1782," this
amusing abuse of confidence is recorded, " lent to Mrs.
Rakestraw an old brown coat — returned the lining !" One
of the incidental references to the collection in works of the
day is that of the Marquis de Chastellux mentioned above
in the letter from the American Antiquarian. He was here
in 1780-'81 and '82. It will be seen that he did not say Du
Simitiere's name " was more appropriate for a graveyard
than for an artist." The pun has been somewhat assisted
by the American writer.

" The morning was not far spent, and I had enough to
employ it ; I was expected in three places ; by a lover of
natural history, by an anatomist, and at the college, or
rather university of Philadelphia. I began by the cabinet
of natural history. This small and scanty collection is
greatly celebrated in America, where it is unrivalled; it
was formed by a painter of Geneva, called Cimetiere, a
name better suited to a physician, than a painter. This
worthy man came to Philadelphia twenty years ago to
take portraits, and has continued there ever since; he
lives there still as a bachelor, and a foreigner, a very un-
common instance in America, where men do not long remain
without acquiring the titles of husband and citizen. What
I saw most curious in this cabinet, was a large quantity of
the vice, or screw, a sort of shell pretty common, within which
a very hard stone, like jade, is exactly moulded. It appears
clear to me, that these petrefactions are formed by the suc-
cessive accumulation of lapidific molecules conveyed by the
waters, and assimilated by the assistance of fixed air."

Grieve, the accomplished translator of de Chastellux's

Travels, who had himself travelled in America during the

same period, says, " It is certain that any person educated in

Europe, and accustomed to the luxury of music and the

VOL. xiii.— 23

354 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

fine arts, and to their enjoyment in the two capitals of
France and England, must find a great void in these par-
ticulars in America." . . . "After a long absence," . . .
" he heard scarcely any other music than church hymns, the
cannon and the drum; or viewed any paintings hut the
little sketches of Cimetiere, or the portraits of Peele, at
Philadelphia."

It would seem, therefore, that Du Simitiere had exhibited
these portraits of Revolutionary generals and statesmen
before he sent them to be engraved in England and France.
General Charles Lee, in a jealous rage at General Washington,
published a set of " Queries " in the Maryland Journal and
Baltimore Advertiser, July 6, 1779, reflecting on his character.
In those and two other copies, the following lines are almost
alike, except in a few unimportant words. He says i1 " 4th
"Whether, when Monsr. Gerard and Don Juan de Morrelles
sent those magnificent pictures of his Excellency General
Washington at full length by Mr. Peal, there would have
been any impropriety in sending over at the same time to
their respective Courts, at least two little heads of Gates and
Arnold by Mr. de Ciemetiere ?"

The first portrait of which there is any account is the fol-
lowing engraving of William Penn : " Drawn by Du Simi-
tiere from a Bust in Alto Relievo done by Sylvanus Bevan,
said to be a good likeness, Philadelphia October 1770.
Engraved by John Hall, London, 1773."

Just at this time the subject of this sketch is best known
by his portrait of Washington. Mr. William S. Baker, the
highest authority on Washington portraits, states it to be
the first profile portrait known, and with his usual accuracy
gives the probable date of the original sketch, which he
supposes to have been in lead-pencil or water-colors taken
from life, in the winter of 1778-1779. The interesting entry
in the extracts which we give from Du Simitiere's note-book
fully confirm Mr. Baker's conjecture showing the date to
have been February 1, 1779. The next day the artist writes

1 Collections of the New York Hist. Society for 1873, New York, 1874,
p. 336, " printed from a copy in Gen. Lee's own handwriting."

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 355

to Governor Clinton, of New York, at Poughkeepsie, and
informs him of his good fortune, as he says in his brief
record of this letter, " acquaint him of my having drawn
General Washington in black lead for my collection." On
March 6, he writes to Colonel Isaac Zane, of Marlboro' Iron-
Works, Winchester, Virginia, and gives him an account
"of the pictures Generals & other great men in America
I have drawn for my collection." As these two letters
probably contain some details of the illustrious sitter, we
hope they have been preserved.

Of the engraving first executed by Brandi, in Madrid, in
1781, of which only two impressions are known, a second
impression having come to the notice of Mr. Baker since
his work was issued, then in London in 1783, and in Paris
by Prevost, at the same date, Washington is represented " in
a military coat with his hair carefully dressed and tied by a
ribbon into a queue . . . while it may not strictly be termed
an ordinary head, yet it reveals no particular force or ability,
and represents rather a well-bred, courteous gentleman, neat
in person, mindful of all the amenities of life, an officer
probably but not a commander." For a further description
we refer the reader to Mr. Baker's works, " Engraved Por-
traits of Washington . . . Phila., 1880."

What is known as Du Simitiere's profile head of Wash-
ington appears to special advantage on the "Washington
cent of 1791." In Baker's " Medallic Portraits of Wash-
ington " several other coins and medals are given on which
this portrait has been perpetuated.

Without further comment we shall introduce these extracts
from the note-book of Du Simitiere, which have never be-
fore been published, cordially acknowledging our indebted-
ness to Mr. Spofford, the learned librarian of Congress,
having it in charge as part of the collection of Peter Force.
We have omitted nothing whatever in regard to " Paintings
& Drawings done," among which are one hundred and eight
portraits, several State seals and important sketches, collating
them more than once, but want of space has occasioned
brevity in other things. To Mr. Cecil Clay, of Washington,

356 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist

who at our request has kindly copied a portion of these
notes, under this head, we also make our acknowledgment

1774 Drawings and Paintings done by me

9ber a drawing in Indian ink for the frontis piece of Mr Aitken's new

magazine

a miniature of a Daughter of Mr Burke of St. Croix

xber a Drawing in Indian ink of Ebenezer Robinson's new invented

fire place and Stove for Mr. Aitken's new magazine
a crayon picture of Cap* James Miller lately dead, done from

memory.
a miniature of the late Mr Jenifer of maryland from a crayon

picture done by Mr. Hopkinson.

1775 January a drawing in Indian ink for the Seal of the corporation

of the Wilmington grammar School.
a miniature of a Son of Mr Burke of S* Croix
a drawing in Indian ink of a new Electrical machine for Mr Aitken's

magazine
February, a crayon picture of an old man's head copied from an oyl

painting belonging to Dr Morgan.

a drawing in Indian ink of a machine for threshing of corn,
a sketch in Indian ink of a horse in perspective
March a crayon picture of the great horned owl of Pennsylvania, from

the living animal.

April a Drawing in Indian ink of the arms of Maryland for a news-
paper for Mr. J. Dunlap.
May a crayon picture of Miss Polly Eiche begun the latter end of

January last.

a miniature of Miss grace Eiche begun last month

a drawing in India ink of a machine for cleansing docks & harbour

done for arthur donaldson the Inventor for the Pennsylvania

magazine

July a miniature of Mr Alston of S° Carolina
August a copy of our Saviour holding a [mound?] in crayons from a

Small bust done in oyl, begun some time ago.
October a miniature of Mr. Wilshire of Barbadoes begun in June last.

a miniature of Dr Wm Drewer Smith's Lady

November a miniature of Mr Cunningham of Virginia

1776 January a Picture in crayons of Miss C. Amiel, begun last month
February an allegorical drawing in Indian ink for the title page of Mr

Aitken's last year's magazine

a miniature picture of Mrs. Hawkins.

April a map of the maratime parts of Virginia for the Pennsylv.

maga.
a picture in crayons of John Jay Esqr of New York

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 357

May a Picture in crayons of Capt Charles Biddle of this City.

June a caricat. fig. with the Pen in Indian ink of G. V. carver & gilder

B. given one of the same to Mr Brown.
August, a drawing in Indian ink for the great Seal of the State of

Virginia in two sides of 4£ inches diameter. See Ev. Post

July 18.

a miniature in black lead of Philip Livingston of New York mem-

ber of congress in the form of a medal
7ber a drawing in Indian ink for a medal to be given gen1 Washington

on the english evacuation of Boston, begun some time ago.
October, a drawing in Indian ink for the great seal of the State of New

Jersey.
Novr a drawing in Indian ink of the broad Seal of the State of Georgia

a picture of Mr James Potts in crayons begun in July last.

decemb. a Picture of Capt. Nicholas Biddle in crayons.

Paintings and Drawings done 1777

[1777] January a drawing in Indian ink of the great Seal of the State
of Delaware.

a profile in black lead of Gl Thomas Mifflin form of a medal

Feby. the picture in crayons of Mr Stacy hepburn
March the picture in crayons of Mr John Schenck

a profile in black lead of Gl Horatio Gates form of a medal

a miniature from the crayon picture of Mr Sckenck [sic]

April a crayon picture of Col. George Noarth, the largest I have done.
a miniature of Mr Wm Semple

a miniature of col adam Hubley

a crayon picture of Major John Keppele

May a miniature of Cap4 Hubley

a dto of Mr Wm aldricks

a crayon picture of Mr Benjn Davies

July 1777 the picture in black lead of General Benedict arnold form of

a medal

September
the picture of Madam Derricks in miniature begun last month

December
a copy in crayons of a head in Oyl done for princess Sophia mother to

George I. a fine painting belonging to Dr F. I begun it last

august
a miniature of Capt. Bartold of the Hessian grenadiers

January 1778

a miniature of W. Br. Hockley of this city,
a miniature of Capt De Stamford of the hessian grenadiers
a miniature of Mr Frazer late of the 71st regt.

358 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

February

a miniature of Capt Harcup of the Engineers begun last month
a miniature of Mr Montresor of the 48th begun last month
a miniature of Mr Mason purser of the Roebuck

March

a miniature for a ring of Mr Mason copied from the other
a miniature of Capt Peebles of the highlanders begun last month
a miniature of Capt Faucit of the 44th begun last month
a miniature of Mr Eoberts of the 63d light inf.

April

a miniature of Cap* Needham's Lady begun last month
a miniature of Cap* Faucett of the 44th his Lady begun last february
a miniature of Mrs. Lee Coll Birch's Lady begun last month

May

a miniature copy Size of a ring of Mr Frazer begun last month
a miniature of Mr Commissary Knecht of Glaris Switzerland
a miniature of Capt adye Koy. art Judge advocate of the army
a miniature of Mr andre of the 7th Capt andre's brother

June

1778 the picture of Capt Montresor in black lead form of a medal
a plan of the progress of the british army from their landing in Elk

river to their taken possession of Philadelphia 26th Sept 1777

copied from an original done by Capt andre

a miniature of Capt Montressor Chief Engineer to the british army
the picture of Gen S. W. Howe in black lead form of a medal copied

from an original by Capt Andr&

July

a miniature of Major Tiler of Col. Jackson's battalion of Boston
a view of Fort Mifflin on Mud Island, copied from an original of Capt
Montressors' begun last month

September

the Picture in crayons of Col Isaac Melcher B. M. G. begun last month
the Picture in crayons of Miss Suckey Bead

November

a Picture full length in water colours & miniature on paper, represent-
ing Miss Willy Smith daughter of Eev. Dr Smith of this city,
drawn in the Dress she appeared in as Lady to one of the Knights
of the burning mountain at the great entertainment given by the
principal officers of the british army to Gen. Howe on the 18th of
May last which they calld meschianza, her dress is a high turban

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 359

and veil ornamented with a black feather Jewells, gold lace &
Spangles a white Silk gown and waist flounced & Spangled and a
Sash round her waist of white silk also tied with gold strings and
tassels, She is in a Standing posture in the manner she received
her Knight after the Tournament at her feet lay the broken lance
& sword and on her Side his Shield against the Stump of a tree,
the device of which is a Knight armed cap a pee with his sword
lifted up riding on a black horse caparasoned red, and the whole
on a gold ground the motto swift vigilant & bold behind on the
other side is a distant view of the house near Philada (late Joseph
Wharton[s]) where the entertainment was given with one of the
triumphal arches erected before it and the line formed by the
troops and all the colours of the army thro' which the proces-
sion passed towards the house this picture was begun the 4th of
June last the young lady Sat two days for it about 5 hours in all
& after working a little more at the dress, it was discontinued till
the beginning of this month when it was in hand almost every
day to the end of it— the figure is ten inches high and the whole
picture 13£ high by 9J broad. N.B. it is the first picture of the
kind I have ever done.

December,
a miniature of Monsr Ducasse a french gentleman living in Connecticut.

Paintings & Drawings done
1779

feb* I1* a drawing in black lead of a likeness in profil of his Excellency
general Washington, form of a medal, for my collection.

NB the general at the request of the Hon. Mr Jay President of congress,
came with him to my house this morning & condescended with
great good nature to Sit about f of an hour for the above like-
ness, having but little time to Spare being the last day of his stay
in town —

a picture of Wm Henry Drayton Esq member of Congress for S° Caro-
lina, in black lead form of a medal for my collection begun last
July.

Paintings & Drawings done

a picture of Silas Deane Esqr late commissioner at the court of france
in black lead, form of a medal for my collection.

a picture of John Jay Esqr President of Congress, in the same

manner

March a copy of Mr Phillip Livingston's picture in bl. lead

a picture of his Excellency Monsieur Gerard minister of France

Same manner.

April a drawing in Indian ink for the title page of M" Steiner &
Cist's Dutch Almanac

360 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

another picture of his Excell. Mon8 Gerard in black lead for my

collection
another picture of his Excell. Mons. Gerard for himself same as

above
a drawing in Indian ink for a Seal for the county of Eockingham

Virginia
May 3d a miniature of Col. Alex. McNutt of Nova Scotia, begun last

week

a miniature copy of Sir Wm Howe's pict. in bl. lead

done in purple [sic]
Camayeaux [cameo] on Ivory

for Miss W. S. [probably Willy Smith]
a miniature of Mra Jay, the Lady of the president of Congress,

larger than usual
a miniature of Col. Geo. Noarth, begun June 1777 copied from his

picture in crayons.
June, a picture in black lead of his Exojr Joseph Reed Esq., President of

Pennsylvania for my collection.

1779 Letters Wrote

feby 2 to his Excellency George Clinton, Esq Governor of the State
of New York at Poughkeepsie Sent three London magazines for
Jany FebT March 1778 Acquaint him of my having drawn gen-
eral Washington' [s] likeness in black lead for my collection

1779

feby 22 a letter to Col. B. Flower E. G. M. S. in this town, requesting
him to write to his deputies at Fishkill Ridgefield or 'Danbury to
inquire of them about the fragments of the King's Statue which
was removed from New York under the care of a Col. Hugh
Hughes, who resides now at Fishkill.

March 2d to his Excell. Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie Sent

observations on the american revolution, & considerations on the
mode & terms of Peace with an extract of a catalogue of books
mss.

March 6 to Isaac Zane Esqr Marlboro' Iron works Virginia, answered
his letter of the 24th ult return'd thanks for the collection of
fossils &c. he proposes sending to me & of the drawing sent
of Charles IPs medal to the Queen of Pamunkey, recommend
him to purchase it at any rate & that I shall be satisfied to take
an exact drawing of it, that there is no glass to be had here for
the print of Kegulus after Mr West & that even in England they
import plate glass from Holland to frame that print, that I am so
circumstanced about my house where I have lived alone all the
winter that I can not think as yet of going down to see him
according to his invitation, given an account of the Indian stone

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 361

instrument found at Egg harbour & of the pictures Generals &
other great men in america I have drawn for my collection.
April 26 to Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie sent May 4, return
thanks for his letters & the curiosities he endeavour [ed] to pro-
cure for me. Sorry [to hear] of his loss at Kingston, mention
the articles I want such as old armour, helmets & breast plates,
brought over by the first Settlers, pictures of the dutch Settlers,
books in dutch & English. Sent the title of four in dutch,
request the laws and votes of the Assembly of N. Y. Since the
revolution & the newspapers, the indian antiquities particularly
the earthenware, fossils, coins &c. Sent him a picture in black
lead of Mr Phillip Livingston & also the pamphlet Echo from the
temple of wisdom, & the piece of R. B. about the price of the
spelling book & the grocers, request for a mohawk prayer book
printed at N. York of which sent him a leaf.

Letters written to
1776

June 1 to Dr William Bryant at Kingsbury near Trenton, Sent him a
map of the coast of Virginia done for the magazine

1776 Books & other things lent

July 26 delivered to Capt. Biddle's sisters' servant his picture in crayon
oct. 26 to Mr Livingston his picture in black lead
Nov. 29 to young Mr Lloyd at Dr Moon['s] a drawing in Indian ink
Dec. 12 delivered to A Robeson Mr Potts' picture with the picture &

1776 Books & Curiosities [in my possession]

1777 a plan Mss. of attack of the English & Hessian army on Fort

Washinton done by a Hessian captain

[Given by] Mr. Dorre

1777 Books & other things lent

Jany 1st to master Lloyd at Dr Moon['s] a drawing in Indian ink frontis

piece of the magazine, returned April 3
feby 14. delivered to a genteman from New castle the drawing of the

seal of the delaware state.
April 3 to Master Tom Lloyd a view of Edinburgh in Indian ink

1777 Books & other things lent .

Sent to Miss patty Lynn the picture of major Kepple June, 4

June 16 Sent to Mr Ben Davies his picture in crayons by a negro man.

Aug. 7 Sent to Mr Jay at M™ Gibbons his picture in crayon

7ber 13 to master Tom Lloyd two drawings in black chalk returned one

362 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

1777 Books & curiosities by whom given

November a landskip in Indian ink done & given to me by master Tom

Lloyd
December a view of Passaick fall in New Jersey done in india ink &

given by master Eawle of this city.

1778

Books, curiosities &c. by whom given
April

a cast of plaister representing in basso relievo the model of the eques-
trian statue of the King that was erected in New York in August
1770 & destroyed in July 1776, the statue in gilt on a [lost]

May

a lance painted crimson & white

with its pennant of white &

red silk with silvered tassels

& silvered paint
a Shield of Tin with two cocks

fighting for device motto No

KIVAL
a large antiqued Sword of Tin in a

white leather scabbard with

Silverd hilt

made use of at the Tournament
given by the officers of the
british army to Gen How on
monday 18 May at Phila &
they were given to me by
Capt Andre aide de camp to
Gen. Gray & one of the
white Knights of the tour-
nament.

a drawing in colours representing a farm house.

a d° in black lead a naked figure sitting from a bas relief on the lanthorn

of Demosthenes at Athens drawn & given by Capt Andre
June two drawings in black lead one the Conk shells of the coast of this

continent, the other the chain of bladders, containing the young

Conks, drawn & given me by Capt Andre"

September

the almanacks printed at New York by William Bradford for the years
1694, 95, 96, 97, 98, & part of 1700 Dr Wm Bryant.

Books & things lent
1778

Oct 18 delivered Col Melcher's picture to his negro man Mug.
decemb 14 To Mr Charles Thomson general Du Coudray's memoir

22 delivered Col. Noarth's picture to a mulatto man sent by him.

1779 January 2. Sent to Mr Aitken to be sold for eighty dollars the year

1775 of the Pennsylvania Gazette Journal Packet & Evening Post

return'd unsold the 28 July
1778 June 11
John Montresor Esqr Ingenier in chief of the British Armies in America

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 363

made me present this day of the following collection of medals of
Small bronze the work of Jean Dassier of Geneva
Hugo Grotius m 1645 Madame des Heulieres m 1694

le President de Thou m. 1617 Jean Racine m 1699

le Cardinal de Richelieu m. 1642 Pierre Bayle m 1706
Rene* Descartes m. 1650 N. Boileau Despreaux m 1711

Le cardinal Mazarin m 1661 Nicholas Malebranche m 1715

Blaise Pascal m. 1662 De Fenelon arch de Cambray 1715

Nicholas Poussin m 1665 Phillipe Due d'orleans m 1723

J. Bap. De Moliere m 1673 Andre" Dacier m 1722

Pierre Corneille m. 1684

1779 May 23 a letter to Jacob Rush Esqr informing him that my Land-
lord Mr Davison wants to raise my rent from 10 to 20 £ a month
altho' the bargain made so lately as the 15th instant & my diffi-
culties about it.

June 17 to governor Clinton at Poughkepsie. acquaint [him] of the time
my last letter to him was sent give him the news of this place,
added to my collection of pict. that of the minister of France also
done a miniature of Mre Jay. Sent him the pamphlet anticipa-
tion & the address of Congress to the citizens of the united States
beg when his leisure permits to let me hear from him. given this
letter to Mr Curtenius going to the State of New York.

to Dr William Bryant Trenton request to hear from him & about

his lady's misfortune of losing her eye sight inclosed a few line[s]
for Mr collin[sj the printer & desire he will Send me what paper
he shall give him by first opportunity

July 6 given Col. Palfrey P.M. G. a catalogue of twenty five Political
tracts published in Boston Since the year 1770 for him to procure
for my collection

Books and other things lent

1779 feby 4 return'd Mrs. Head's picture to her Sister's

March 17 Sent to Mr Henry Miller a dutch folio bible to be sold for 100

dollars returned unsold [another entry shows this bible belonged

to Madame Derricks]
29 given Mon8 Gerard the minister of France two prints of Wm

Penn.
April 3. to Mr. Ben. Shoemaker the picture of the Lady of the Meschi-

anza
April 8. given to Mon* Gerard the french minister, his picture in black

lead
26 given to Mon" Gerard his picture in black lead [see under date April

Paintings & Drawings done]
May 1. delivered to Mons. Coulleaux's servant his three vols of Monde

primitif.

364 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

21 Sent to Mr Cist six prints of William Penn to be sold at

return'd

Curiosities, Books, Paintings &c
by whom given

1779 September

a small profile bust in basso relievo representing Dr Franklin made of
the french porcelain of seves [sic] near Paris (Mr Joseph Wharton)

N.B. I have fixed on a ground of black velvet in a round black frame
with the inner moulding gilt & cover'd with a glass & for its fel-
low, a frame & glass of the Sort & Size with a likeness in black
lead of Mons. Gerard form of a medal.

Books & Pamphlets relating to american affairs

October

1779 Considerations on the Subject of finance in which the cause of the
depreciation of the bills of credit emitted by Congress are briefly
stated and examined, and a plan proposed for restoring money to
a certain known value 16 p[p] Dunlap Philda 8°

This esssay had no title page nor printer's name, and was given away at
Mr Dunlap's printing office octob 25 —

[Hildeburn records a copy with the same title and number of pages as
being printed in Philadelphia : 1781. See No. 4089.]

[Du Simitiere, after giving a List of Laws, under " December 1779. Laws
of Pennsylvania enacted in October & november 1779 folio," makes
these remarks in his neat hand in red ink which shows that his
collection met with the highest official patronage. It will be
noticed that the same statement is made in his letter to Governor
Clinton, printed above, April 26, 1779.]

" N.B. altho' this is the first time I have entered the Laws & minutes
under this head, I have been Supplied with [them] constantly
from the beginning of the war to the present times by Mr John
Morris late clerk of the house, Mr Secretary Matlack & the pres-
ent Clerk Mr T. Payne, as also with other papers relating to Gov-
ernment."

Letters wrote

1779 Aug 1[2] ? to his Excellency Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie
mention that I have no answer to the last two letters I wrote
him. I suppose owing to the seat of war and his great occupa-
tions, will be glad to hear from him, request he will order his
messengers to congress to call on me to take what letters and
papers I may have for him refer for news to our papers request
him to assist me in my collection of american papers for my me-
moirs of which I shall say further in my next, added to my col-

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 365

lection of pictures President Reed & Col. Laurens, Sent the
Eulogium of Brackenridge & the essay on free trade & finance.

Septemb. 14 a letter to President Jay here, inclosing my collection of
heads for Governor Livingston's inspection, requesting to know
how long the Governor proposes staying in town wishing I might
have an opportunity to take his likeness

16 delivered this day to monsieur Gerard minister of france fourteen

drawings in black lead being portraits in profile in the form of a
medallion of eminent Persons engaged in the American war and
the next day delivered to him a memoir how I should wish the
Subscription might be set on foot, as also instructions drawn up
in french for the engravers of which I have copies and a list of
the pictures, delivered. N.B. his own picture is to be added to it,
and will make fifteen, he had it already before.

22 sent to Mons Gerard a new picture of Gen. Mifflin requesting

him to return the first which is not fit to be engraven

Oct. 8 To his Excell07 Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie that I have
now wrote four letters to him without receiving answer hope he
has received them and found the contents agreeable his messen-
gers to Congress have not called on me as I desired mention that
I have given my collection of heads to Mons. Gerard to have them
engraved in france by subscription Mention the rifle gun I have
had lately from Virginia, given the news of last night that the
enemy in Georgia had surrendered to Gen. Lincoln burnt their
shipping and that count D'estaing had taken Wallace, mention
the unfortunate accident that happened in this city last monday.
Sent Gov. Reed's proclamation on the occasion also two pam-
phlets, the School for Scandal and the Second Essay on finance
with the principles of the constit. Society. [This letter] did not
go till the 18th by Mr Jay's brother

18 to Col. Isaac Zane Marlboro Iron Work Virginia return thanks for his
present of curiosities regret not having finish [edj the picture
remind him of the things he said he had viz the stone ring of
white marble broken asunder [an indian relic it appears from an-
other note prob. a chunkie stone] a small green stone cup, a crow-
bar incrust with stone, amber grease, petrifac. of shells, stalactites,
antique Sword Indian medal Thomas Harriot's Treatise, curious
birds with long feathers growing betwixt the pinion of his wings.
Mr. Jay and Mons Gerard going on board to-day added to my
collection Mr Huntingdon presid. of Con. & Mr Governeur Morris

Letters memoirs &c wrote

1779 oct. 27 to Col. Proctor of the cont1 artillery at Easton requesting
him to send me aline of recommendation for his lady or daughter
to procure from them an Indian curiosity called a manitoe which

366 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

he said he had brought from the western expedition and intended
for my collection.

Nov. 30. To Isaac Zane Esq. . . . Williamsburg Viginia given an ac-
count of my affair before congress that the report was read last
Saturday & left for consideration

Dec. 24 to the president of Congress requesting that congress would
come to some resolution about my affair. I have a copy of it . .
this letter was read in congress Monday 27th and after some
debate the further consideration was put off till fryday 31st

Curiosities Books Paintings &c by whom given

November

1779 a vizor or mask of wood representing a ghastly human face, the
color of an Indian with a mouth painted red the eyes of yellow
copper with a round hole in the middle to peep thro' the forehead
covered with a piece of bear skin by way of a cap, found with
several more to the number of about 40 in an Indian town called
Chemung which was burnt by the Cont1 army under Gen Sullivan
in his expedition last Summer into the country of the Six nations,
these visors are commonly called manitoe faces and serve for the
Indian conjurors or Pawaws, in their dances and other ceremonies
there is also a long horse tail that belonged to it with a coat of
bear skins but this was destroyed by the soldiery N.B. all these
masks were different from each other

Paintings & Drawings done

1779 August a likeness of Gen. Whipple member of Congress for N.
Hampshire done in black lead form of a medal, for Col. Henry
Laurens.

a likeness of Col. Henry Laurens late president of Congress done

in black lead form of a medal for my collection.

a likeness of John Dickinson, Esqr member of Congress for Dela-
ware done in black lead form of a medal for my collection.

September.— a likeness of William Fleming, Esqr of Virginia delegate
in Congress the fifth in descent from Pocahontus daughter of
Powhatan Emperor of Virginia who was married to Mr. John
Eolfe an Englishman in 1617 See Stith's Hist, of Virginia

a likeness of Thomas Mifflin, Esqr late Major gen. in the American

Army and quarter master gen. done in black lead form of a medal
for my collection as well as the former.

October a likeness of Gouverneur Morris, Esq. member of congress for
N. York done in black lead form of a medal for my collection.

a picture in crayons of his Excelly John Jay Esq nominated

minister from the United States to the court of Spain.

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 367

a likeness of Samuel Huntington Esq. of Connecticut President of

Congress in black lead form of a medal for my collection.

a miniature of Gouverneur Morris, Esqr.

November a miniature of Col. James Boss of Lancaster.
1779 Books and other things lent or given

August 23 to Ch. Smith my butterfly net

27 given Mon8 Gerard a list of the members of the Philos. Society

Delivered to Mr James Potts's negro his picture

Sept. 28 delivered Col. Noarth's pict. to Mrs Gibbs' negro woman.

30 Lent to Mrs Williams the pict. of the Meschianza.

October 23 Sent to Mr Bache the picture of the Princess Sophia belong-
ing Dr Franklin which he lent me in July 1777

Deceinb. 29 Sent the minister of france a paper mss. of a chronology of
events since the war.

Paintings & Drawings done

1781 January

a miniature of Mr Kirkpatrick of Lancaster County

a picture in crayons 19£ inches high & 15J inch broad representing the
virgin Mary sitting by a table on which sets the child asleep
against her breast holding in his hands a small cross and an
apple. The virgin reading in a book and a candle burning on ye
table. Copied from an oil painting done in Italy belonging -to
Wm Bingham, Esq. of this city

March
a profile in black lead of Maj gen John Sullivan form of a medal

April
a miniature of Mr Stacy Hepburn of this city began last February

May

a drawing in Indian ink of a silver plate chased & engraved given by
King Charles II to the Queen of Pamunkey in Virginia

June

a profile in black lead of Mr Benjamin Shoemaker.
a miniature of Mr James Seagrove of this city began last month

July

a profile in black lead of Robt Morris Esq. form of a medal for my

collection

August
a profile in black lead of the pres. of Congress Thos. McKean form of a

medal
a ditto of James Duane member of Congress for ye State of New Jersey

368 I>u Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

September

a ditto of Major gen Arthur S* Glair form of a medal
a ditto of Lieut Al. Frazer of South Carolina for himself.

November
a ditto of Chancellor Livingston Secy forn affairs for my collection

December

a miniature of Mr Eichd Wistar Mercht of this city
a map of part of the state of New York comprehending the great Har-

denburg patent done for Rob1 R. Livingston Secretary for foreign

affairs
a picture in Crayons of Suckey Bead granddaughter of James Kead

Esq.
a miniature of the lady of Ralph Izzard, Esq of S° Carolina copied

from a beautiful miniature done by Jeremiah Miers in London

began last summer but could not finish it the owner going away.

Books and other things lent or given

1780 Octob 14 to Miss Emilia Walker of Virginia the pict. in bl. lead of
her uncle Wm Fleming, Esqr.

Nov 18 delivered Col. Du Buisson's Servant, Baron de Kalb's armour

Feb7 1 to Gen. Sullivan, a ms map of ye Indian Country & ye map of
his march.

March 30 to Dr B. Duffield, the times a mss.

Sept. 6. delivered to Mr Constable, the miniature Set in gold of Mr Sea-
grove

7 delivered to Robert Morris, Esq the miniature of Miss Living-
ston for Mr Jay.

Oct. 2. delivered to Mr Ralph Izzard the beautiful miniature he had
lent me to copy

3 lent to Mons L' enfant a plan of Charleston Mss.

1782 Curiosities Natural and Artificial, Pictures &c by whom given

January

a Stone chisel of a blackish Stone the edge well polished the middle
rough, and terminate to a point about 6 inches long, found on the
plantation of Mr Joseph Cooper, on the Jersey Side of the Delaware
opposite Philad*

a Picture about four inches Square painted on paper in water colours,
it represents a young militia-man from the back parts of North
Carolina, just return'd home from his first Campaign after the
battle of Camden, he is represented Sitting on a Stool holding a
bowl of grog, his clothes torn and ragged, facing him sits his old
mother and behind her chair his Sister leans to hear the lute and

Du Simitiere, Artwt, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 369

next to her sits another Sister with a sucking child at her breast
listening also attentively, the expressions of the different passions
that agitate their minds extremely well expressed in their coun-
tenance behind [?] the young man, a little boy has laid hold of
his gun and acoutrements as if going to be a Soldier, two negroes
in the back ground are laying the cloth whilst another is cooking
something in the chimney the Scene is in a log house built and
furnished in the manner that they are in that part of the country,
the picture is inlaid in Sea-green border above an inch broad
and set in a broad black and gold frame under glass invented
and painted by Monsieur L'enfant ingeneer in the Service of the
United States.

Curiosities natural & artificial Pictures &c by whom given.
1782 February

a very compleat and curious vocabulary of the Shawnoe Language drawn

at my request by Col. Eichard Butler of the 5th Pa Kegt.

March

a fine miniature picture on vellum, representing a young gentleman
with a large flowing wig, a laced cravat, and scarlet cloak turned
over the Shoulder Supposed by the dress to have been done in
franco in the begining of this century [The donor's name is
added in red ink] by Monsr De Meaux officer in the artillery of the
french army of Count De Kochambeau who died in Phila. from
the hurt received by the lightning that struckt the minister of
France's house March 1782.

May

The Original engraved copper-plate of the Picture of Benjamin Lay a
kind of Enthusiast in his way, who lived many years in Phila-
delphia and its environs, and was very remarkable for many
peculiarities. I have had it varnished and put in a black and
gold frame Mr. John Dunlap

June

Muscles-Shells in which pearls are often found, from mill stone river in
East Jersey. Mr. J. Sckenck of Green-brook N. Jersey

July

a Scalp taken from an Indian killed in September 1781, in Washington
County near the Ohio in this State by Adam Poe, who fought with
two Indians, and at last kill'd them both, it has as an ornament a
white wampum bead a finger long with a Silver Knob at the end
the rest of the hair plaited and tyed with deer skin. Sent me by
the President and the Supreme executive Council of this state
with a written account of the affair.
Vol.. XIII. — 24

370 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

17g2 Paintings & Drawings Done

february

a miniature of Col. Marberry of Georgia
a miniature of Col. Rich. Butler of ye 5th Penn^ Reg*.

March

a miniature of Dr. Rush's Lady
a picture of Mons* L' enfant french Ingeneer in water colours on paper.

April
May

June
a miniature of Mr James Bayard of this city

July

a likeness in black lead of Maj. gen. Benjn Lincoln Seer7 at War form
of a medal, for my collection

August

a picture in crayons of an uncommon Species of Owl, from life, described
in my memorandums of nat. & art. curiosities.

September
a miniature of Mr Isaac Connely [query Commely ?] begun last month.

December

finished the fine miniature copied from the original done by Jeremiah
Miers in London for the Lady of Ralph Izzard Esqr of South
Carolina — that I had in part done last year.

Books & other things lent or given

1782 feby 18 Mss Journals of Indian affairs & maps to Mrs Dickinson
March 12 lent to Mrs Dickinson mss. Poems of her uncle Jos. Norris

17 given to Mr Secretary Livingston, four pasteboards, with square holes

in them to write in cyphers

18 delivered to Mr Sam1 Wallace his draught of the frontiers of Penns*.
Octob. 7 left with Mr Tho" Bradford for Sale one print of Gouvr Morris

at 10"
Octob. 7 left with Mp Ja8 Reynolds for Sale 6 prints of Gouvr Morris at

10§ each

30 left with Mr Reynolds for sale 6 prints of Wm Penn at 8, 4y each
Decb. 13. delivd to Dr Hutchinson a letter from General Wayne to

Pread1 Reed datd Ja^. 4, 1781
14 left with Mr Bradford for Sale two prints of Baron de Steuben at 10s

each

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 371

left with Mr Reynolds for Sale four prints of Baron de Steuben at

10s each

1783 Paintings & drawings done

January
a likeness profil in black lead of John Holker, Esq.

April
a likeness profil in black lead of Monsr De Roquebrunne

October
a likeness profil in black lead of Mr Manigault of South Carolina

December

a miniature of Major Augustine Prevost of the 60th reg* British
a drawing in black & white chalk on brown paper of a scroll and small

flowers for teaching a pupill of mine
a Tulip in crayons on brown paper for the same purpose as above

Books & other things lent or given

1783 Jany 8 left with Mr Reynolds for Sale the print of Gen. Washing-
ton at two dollars Ch. Thomson, Mr Jo. Reed, Gov. Dickinson
at 10' each

27 Sold a print of W. Penn to Mon8* Petry at the minister of France
Feb* 14 left with Mr Reynolds for Sale a print of Gen1 Read
18 lent to Mr John White a drawing in bl. lead Am. convson.

delivered to Mr Holker his picture in bl. lead fram'd and glazed.

27 given to Mr Aitken upwards of an hundred Sermons

March 6. given to Mr Hazard 8 prints N° 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12 & arnold.

8 given to Mr Wm Henry of Lancaster a Print of William Penn

April 20 given to Mr Restif going to France two prints of Wm Penn viz.

one for the Biblioteque du Roi at Paris & one for himself
27 given to Mon8 De Roquebrune a print of Wm Penn
29 given to Mon8 Restif to deliver to Mou8 Court de Gebelin at Paris
Parsons Beaty and Jones Journals among the Indians the vocab-
ulary of the Delaware language.

May 26 Sent to Mr Reynolds a compleat Sett of 14 of my prints paid
[From another part of the note-book] " May 83 Print of Parson Duche"

Mr Wm Rawle"

July 10 lent to major L'enfant 3 drawings of Saratogha and a plan of
Crown point

Indian antiquities

New Jersey at Delaware falls near Trenton opposite an Island there
is a field on the Jersey Shore that has formerly been an Indian
burying ground where the freshes having washed the bank there

372 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

have been found a variety of Indian utensils &c, the place is just
above ye mouth of ye creek that Trenton mill is built on
from Mr John Zane

in the fields of the Seat formerly Kob. Lettis hooper afterward Dr
Wm Briant now Col John Cox near the place mentioned above
on the Jersey side, a little to the west of Trenton ferry have been
plough'd up at different times in 1777, 78, 79, 80 Indians Stone
hatchets or chissels of various Sizes and forms, Stone pestles of
several size, a oval cup of a stone resembling asbestos, and arrow
heads of various kinds of Stones and forms in abundance, all of
which I have in my collection

On Mr Joseph Cooper's plantation to the North of Samuel Cooper's
farm opposite to Philadelphia runs a high bank along the shore of
the river on the spot of which was formerly a large indian vil-
lage, as we are informed by tradition and confirmed by an im-
mense quantity of muscle shells, mixt with the earth for about a
foot thick toward the surface of the ground, and also several
fragments of indian earthenware and Stone arrow heads are found.

[Pennsylvania] at Kensington opposite to the above mentioned Spot it
is said there stood also formerly an indian village the inhabitants
of which were frequently at war with those of Cooper's Ferry

at the falls of Schuylkill miles, from Phil* have been dug

and been found abroad in the fields near that river several stone
hatchets of various sizes, with a variety of forms of Stone arrow
heads, At the plantation late Dr John Kearsley's 4 miles from.
Philad* on the right hand of the Frankfort road was plought out
of a field the largest Stone hatchet I ever saw, very intire and well
finished it was found in May 1775 and given me by the owner for
my collection

Curiosities natural & artificial &c by whom given
1781 October

a maneto-face or Mask of an Indian conjurer with a border of bear skin

round the forehead and a tuft of feathers in the centre Sent me

by his Excelly George Clinton

1781 May

a mezzotinto print of General Washington, posture Size by Mr Ch. Wil-
son Peale from a painting of his own the gift of the author.

June
an engraved print of General Washington, a bust done in Paris

by Aug. de S*. aubin graveur du Hoi &c.
an engraved print representing the marble monument invented
and executed at Paris in 1777 for General Montgomery
engraved by the same

Col
John

Shee

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 373

an indian Spear head of a grey Stone about 5 inches long 2 broad at the
basis & but ill shaped from Mr Joseph Cooper oppos. Kensington,
Jersey

an indian face carved in a red stone, the same that the Indian chiefs
pipes are made it is about an inch high and broad in proportion,
it has behind the ears two Small holes thro' which Leather
[thongs] were passed, and it was suspended to the neck of an
Indian chief called the king of Kanadasego that was kill'd in the
action between Gen. Sullivan's army and the indians & Tories
near New Town August 29th 1779 the gift of General Sullivan

1781 April

a Stone shaped in the form of a large Shoemaker's last the heel part broke
off, found in a meadow near the falls of Schuylkill supposed to
be of Indian workmanship Gen Mifflin

1778 Letters wrote

Sept 1 [1 ?] To Adam Foulke, Capt of militia in this City, in answer to
a notice of his for me to appear &c.

To Wm Henry Lieut of this city inclosing the above letter as Capt.

Foulke is out of town.

25 a memorandum to Col Isaac Zane of Virginia to send me

curiosities Such as books, pamphlets, laws, Seal, maps &c of Vir-
ginia, the title of Tho8 Harriots' treatise, Indian antiquities, Fos-
sils of all kind and some ancient weapons out of his collection.
Novr 24 to his Excellency George Clinton Esqr Governor of the State of
New York at Poukepsie

to Col. John Lamb, under cover of Gov. Clinton apology for my

not writing heard he was wounded at Danbury, Sent the epitaph
of marsh. Eantzau, given an account of my imprisonment &
what follows, a?ked about the fragment of the statue & the N.
York MSB. some Stamp Act, also News papers &c

1778 Curiosities & Books by whom given

October

N.B. these five volumes are given me by Mr. Henry Miller printer of
this city as a compliment in return for a chronology of the most
remarkable events of the present war, which I drew up for his
german almanac.

a map of Nova Scotia or Acadia with the Islands of .Cape Breton and
St John from actual Surveys by Capt Montresor, Engineer dedi-
cated to the Marquis of Granby, in four very large folio sheets
1768 bought at Mr Aitken's for forty shillings

1778 Pamphlets relating to American affairs

374 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist.

1779 January,

A Sermon preached at Christ church Philad* (for the benefit of
the poor) by appointment of and before the general communi-
cation of free and accepted Masons of the State of Pennsylvania
on Monday December 28, 1778 celebrated agreeable to their con-
stitution as the anniversary of S* John the Evangelist by William
Smith D.D. Provost of the college & Academy of Philad* Dun-
lap 1779 dedicated to his Excellency General Washington.

[The foregoing is not in Hildeburn's Issues of the Press in Pennsylvania.]

Books, Prints, Maps & Curiosities & by whom given

3779 feby a small mezzotinto of a head of Gen. Washington done by Mr
Peale, painter of this city, given by him

March

A Mystical Book without title, set forth by one Ingham of

Bucks county & published in Philad about years ago, it is

an unintelligible jargon of mystical notions about the revelations
& a copper plate of the planets &c unintelligible it is printed
with several sorts of Types & contains 282 pag. 8° besides the
introduction of 52 pages, given by Mr Ch. Cist
[See Hildeburn. No. 1904.]

Books, natural & artificial Curiosities & by whom given.

1779 May a view of the house of Employment, Alms House, Pennsyl-
vania Hospital & part of the city of Philad

Nic. Garrison delin.

P. Kulett Sculp.

Mr. Cist

June The minutes of the Committee of inspection and observation

at Philadelphia from June 18 to July 11, 1774 inclusive
Mss folio given by his Excellcy the President of ye State.

7be 1775

A copper medal of the size of a Dollar, the bust of the king on one
side and round it George, king of great britain, on the reverse an
Indian shooting an arrow at a deer under a tree and the sun
shining above, no inscription, nor date it has a string to hang it
about one

bought

1781 May

a Silver medal 2£ inches diameter weighs 2£ Dollar[s] representing on
one side the bust of the King of England and arms [or in arms?]
& round it Georgius III Dei Gratia on the reverse a lean wolf
coming out of a wood to attack a Lion that sits and behind which
is a church &c. This medal with several others were sent from

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 375

England to be distributed among the Indians during this war
and were found among the plunder of Post St Vincent by Col.
Clark of Virginia in 1779

A Cast in Copper of a Medal made in Virginia last year to be given to
the Indians having on one side Liberty trampling down a Tyrant
round it, Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God, On the top Vir-
ginia. On the reverse a white man and an Indian sitting on a
bench under a tree with a pipe in the hand, round happy while
united, in the exerque 1780, a pipe, an eagle's wing, on the top
of the medal with an opening to suspend it by, the gift of Isaac
Zane, Esq.

As this number of the MAGAZINE is going through the press, we have
received intelligence of, and regret to announce, the death of

WILLIAM M. DAKLINGTON, ESQ.,

a Vice-President of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Mr. Dar-
lington was born in Pittsburg, Pa., May 1, 1815, and died there Sep-
tember 28, 1889. He was elected a member of the society April 10,
1854, and since 1875 has served as one of its Vice-Presidents.

376 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES.

NEW YORK IN THE AUTUMN OF 1776. — The following letter, ad-
dressed to Bishop Nathaniel Seidel, of Bethlehem, Penna., by Rev. E.
G. Shewkirk, pastor of the Moravian congregation in the city of New
York, gives interesting details of events following the occupation of
that city by the British army in 1776 :

"MY DEAR BROTHER NATHANIEL,

" I will begin this to you tho' I don't know when and how I shall get
it to you as all our communication with the Jerseys and consequently
Pennsylvania is stop'd, and Letters are watch'd particularly. . . . My last
I wrote to you was shortly before matters here took a Turn. I don't
doubt by one and the other Way you have heard at least in general how
things have gone here. The city was summon'd time after time and the
answer was as one hears to dispute it to the last, so that the King's
Generals were embarassed what to do, wondering at the stupidity of the
Rebels to have the Place and themselves destroyed ; yet all the while
they took every thing away of ammunition, Provisions, sick &c, and also
all the Bells, which show'd plainly that they intended to leave the Town.
However the King's army form'd another Plan, unwilling to destroy the
Place. They sent up men-of-war both to the North and East River
with troops to land a couple of miles above the City. These Ships
went up Friday in the afternoon, Saturday about the same time and
Sunday morning (Sept. 15) ; each time they were fired at with a few
paltry cannon that had been left on the Batteries, which was answered
from the forts on Long and Govern our's Islands, and brought on a smart
cannonading which made the houses shake, Brick flying about here and
there and the Balls hiss thro' the streets, especially on Sunday morning ;
Some took their refuge to our house; a large Ball struck against the
North Church opposite us, broke, flew back into a cellar, the woman of
which came running into our cellar. This was about Breakfast Time.
It grew still again ; all the Rebel troops hastened away ; we had Preaching
as usual, but I believe were the only ones that had service. About this
Time the King's Troops had landed, drove the Rebels before them
towards Harlem and Kings Bridge, and there was a good deal of
slaughter. Towards evening some of the King's officers from the ships
came on, shore and were received with Joy. His Majesty's Standard
was put up again. The next day, Sept. 16th, the first English Troops
came in in all stillness; they were drawn up in two lines in the Broad-
way ; our dear Governor was also there. There were a great many of
spectators ; for it was a holyday for young and old, none worked. An
universal Joy was spread over all countenances. Persons that never
had taken notice of one another shook hands together and were quite
loving. I myself met with several such Instances. The first that was
done was that a great many, and many of the finest houses were marked
as forfeited. To my Grief I found that also some of our People's were
marked: H. Waldrons, Kilbruns, Isaac Van Vlecks, Bouquets and
Kings ; the two latter doubtless on account their Husbands. 'Tis true

Notes and Queries. 377

some had been marked by Persons that had no authority to do it,
because it was publickly desired that the houses of all those that had
been on the side of the Rebels might be marked. Waldron's and Kil-
brun's was rubbed off again, by whom I don't know ; I had made also
application in their Behalf. It had been frequently talked of, that they
would rather burn the town, than that the King's Troops should be in
possession of it; and the removal of the inhabitants of the poor-house
and other poor at public expense ; the warning by the Cryer in the
Streets, that all women, children and Infirm should leave the Town
looked suspicious, — (it is now clear they did it only with an Intention to
frighten as many People away as they could) — however it was now
thought, that one had nothing to fear of that kind. But alas I on the
21st of Sept. soon after midnight a terrible fire broke out and raged ten
or eleven hours with the greatest fury. It begun somewhere about the
White Hall and swept away all that part of the Town along the North
River as far as the College, a part of Broad Street, New Street, Beaver
Street, several cross streets going to Broadway and the lower part and
some of the upper part of the Broadway as far as St. Paul's, which was
sav'd with the greatest Difficulty ; but the old Lutheran Church, Trinity
Church &c. were entirely destroyed. I was about the fire from the Be-
ginning to the end helped what I could, 'till I could hardly walk any
more my feet being so sore. At last it caught already the corner house
of our street and if it had not been put out, our part of the City would
have been in danger and consequently also our chapel and house. . . .
I got them our Ladders, which they put to the roof of that corner-house,
carried up Buckets with water and thus got it out. I had the pleasure
to be of some comfort to our Neighbours, who cried for fear, especially
the Women, and asked me frequently whether I thought the fire would
come to our street too. Some of our People had retreated to our house
and several brought of their effects, so that it was quite full below.
When the fire was cried, I was quite alone in the house, for our Servant
Girl went also into the country that Sunday morning when the King's
Troops landed. Kilbrun's lost two handsome houses, worth about
£1000, if not more. Pell's, three houses, what they were I don't know,
(but one did let for £30. per year), Mrs Zoller, her Cottage and Mr
Jacobsen, one. Others of our People lost of their Effects more or less
either destroyed by the fire or stolen. There is great reason to think that
the fire was caused or promoted by some men lost to humanity and hired
perhaps for such a hellish design. Some were taken up furnished with
large matches and other combustibles ; they said they found upon a New
Englandman £500. and the commission of an officer, who was endeavour-
ing to promote the fire. A carpenter of this place was killed on the spot
and hung up by the Heels, because he cut the handles of Buckets &c.
Those that knew the man say he was always against the Kebellion and
therefore cannot account for his doing so, unless he was drunk, as they
suppose he was.

" This dreadful affair of the fire threw a great damp upon the former
Joy and has been a source of complicated misery and Distress. A gen-
eral distrust took seemingly place. More than a hundred, some say above
200 were taken up on suspicion to have had a hand in the fire, among
whom was our old Conrad, or else to have been aiding the Rebellion.
However the most were discharged soon. All House keepers were to
give in their names and of those with them, to General Robertson com-
manding in New York. All Houses were searched, if there were some
forbidden materials hidden. When they were in our Neighbourhood I
opened the door for them, but they would not come in and said, they

378 Notes and Queries.

knew I was no Congressman ! After 8 o'CIock no man was to be in the
Streets unless he knew the Counter-Sign. Many of the Inhabitants,
some of whom had suffer'd much in the Woods, hills and the beach,
came now to Town again, tho' some with much danger. But the women
could not come, and this is the case with my own dear Ann who is still
in the Jerseys. . . .

" In October a Petition was agreed to by the Inhabitants to the King's
Commissioners to be taken again under the King's Protection and re-
stored to peace &c. ; it was signed by more than 900 ; another petition
was put up, to the Governor to deliver the said petition to the Commis-
sioners, which was also done by him. The most part of the month of
October, I was sick and fell away very much, and so weak that I hardly
could walk, yet I made shift to Preach on Sunday, tho' one time I was
near fainted away before I could say the Blessing. My first walk was to
go and sign the said Petition.

" As to the operations of the war, the Rebel army settled themselves
between Harlem and King's Bridge, had an advantageous situation of
Ground, many Intrenchments, and some strong Forts, and must have been
reinforced too, for it seems there was there a great number together.
More Troops arrived likewise from Europe and mostly all went that
way, to drive the Rebels away. There were engagements from time to
time and it seems a good many killed on both sides, tho' the Rebels
would never face rightly the King's army. Many Prisoners were brought
in, and it is not known where to put them. The new low Dutch church ;
the French church ; Quaker new meeting, full of them ; the new brick
Presbyterian meeting a Hospital ; the Baptist meeting, a storehouse ;
and thus all them used in one or the other way. As the troops were
mostly drawn from Staten Island, the Rebels made now and then in-
roads, and plagued the People there. Thus it went on (on the Jersey
side the King's troops had only Fowl's Hook. Bergen, Hackensack,
Newark, Elizabethtown &c. were in possession of the Rebels), 'till Nov.
16, when the King's troops attacked the lines and the strong Fort
Washington, and carried it, and thus clear'd New York island. Before
this they had taken King's Bridge, were masters of East and West
Chester, and White Plains, where there had been a smart engagement,
and the main body of the Rebel army retreated along the North River,
and then as it is reported took into Connecticut Province. Those that
were about and in Fort Washington were mostly either killed or taken
prisoners, tho' many, especially of the Hessians fell that forenoon. The
cannonading was so vehement that we heard it plainly. Those in the
Fort surrendered and above 2000 were made prisoners that day. On
Monday they were brought to Town. In the forenoon two officers, and
two other gentlemen came to our house and chapel, and I showed it
them. One of the officers ran from top to bottom and everywhere on
the premises ; the other officer hearing that the chapel was in use, said
it is a pity to take it. It alarmed me not a little. I sat down and
wrote a Petition to Gen. Robertson, commandant of the city, and an-
other to Governor Tryon. I went first to the General and being not at
home I left it there ; I then went to the latter who was at home. I was
shown into a Parlour and after a little while called in ; he was friendly
and desired me to sit down. He told me he could do nothing in the
affair, as now all Power was in the Army ; but he added a few lines to
the General, viz. this Petition is referred to the favourable consideration
of ^Gen. Robertson &c. . . .

" In the afternoon about four o'clock I saw a multitude before our
house and one of the Guards knocked at the door and asked whether

Notes and Queries. 379

this was the Moravian meeting ; I told him yes. He reply'd I have
been ordered to bring these 400 prisoners here. To the question on
whose order, he answered Gen. Smith's and Robertson's . . . The
Major and another came in ; I opened the chapel ; they said the place
would not hold them, which was much urged by the other officer-like
man, saying he had told it before, for he had been in the place before at
a service. In short they began to doubt whether it was not a mistake,
and that the North Church was meant. A young man of the Town who
is always friendly to me, tho' I am not acquainted with him further, and
who now hath the care of the Provisions for the Prisoners, had a key
saying it was the key to our meeting ; I told him it was not, for none
had the key but myself. This seemed to confirm it that it was a mis-
take, and moreover this young man was sorry that the Prisoners should
come into our place. There were many spectators gathered together by
this time ; I looked for a person to send for one of our Brethren, but
could see none I knew ; but after a little while Philip Sykes came of
his own accord and glad I was to have one with me in the house. In
the meantime the Major and the other two went to make new inquiry;
one came back and said he had met with the Deputy Quarter Master
who told him they must be here, for there were designed 800 for the
North Church, and 400 for ours. Well ! the gates were opened, for they
would not that they should come thro' the house ; the Sergeant of the
Guard, a civil man, desired me to have everything that was loose taken
away before they came in. This was done, which caused another delay
and before it was ended the Major came again inquiring after the com-
mandant ; he was told there was none but the Sergeant, who was then
in the chapel. ' Well,' says he to him, ' stop yet before they come in, I
will go once more to the General.' When he returned he accosted me:
'Sir, if it is more agreeable to you, I will take them to another Place;'
I thanked him heartily ; ' Well,' said he, ' I believe they would be a dis-
agreeable company to you,' and then he took them to the North Church.
They were standing in the street before our door, I believe near an
hour. . . . How it will go further I cannot tell ; I am not without all
apprehensions when the Troops come into Winter Quarters, that there
may not be a new attempt. A creditable neighbor told me some days
ago, that he believed there was none that wished it out of spite; that
my character was known, but ours was a spacious building, and they
did not know where to put all the People, especially since the fire
destroyed so many houses.

" After Fort Washington was taken some thousands of the King's
troops went over into the Jerseys ; Fort Constitution or Lee was taken
without a blow, leaving their canon, 400 000 cartridges &c. The Rebels
would burn Hackensack but the inhabitants opposed them, and four
hours after came the King's troops whom they received with joy. Last
Sunday, Nov 24th., the Head Quarters of the Rebels were in Newark ;
today (Nov 27th) the report is that the King's troops are in Newark;
and it is thought they will proceed straightway to Philadelphia. Fear
seizes the Rebels, they flee or fall and the eyes of many are opened, and
it is time ; for often they have been deluded, they are left unprovided in
most miserable condition.

" The most what concerns me now is, that my poor wife might come
home, and I hope it will not be long. It was so difficult to get a Letter
there, that a man asked two Dollars for getting one thither. Among the
couple of hundred of officers that were brought in from Fort Washing-
ton, who were first put into the Methodist Meeting house, but now are
in other houses and on their Parole walk about, is also Helm from Phil-

380 Notes and Queries.

adelphia, who has been with me twice. What is become of Joseph
Frohlich, the three sons of Reed, Allen, Zoller, I can't hear ; John
Cargyle's son was brought in a Prisoner, soon in the beginning, at last
he enlisted in the King's service and is now on Long Island. Peter
Conrjid was also a prisoner for sometime, but was discharged. They
say there were 5000 prisoners in town. Many die, I hear four to five are
buried sometimes in one day, yea lately fifteen in two days. They get
no coffins, but are laid in their clothes.

" It is but seldom at Night, I get a regular rest, because of the noise and
racket in the street, especially as many prisoners are opposite our house.
This Winter will doubtless be a hard one. Wood is not to be had;
they give $3 to $4. for one load of Oak wood, for which and less a whole
cord used to be bought. The case is much the same with bread, often
people can get none ; in general most things are as dear again as they
were and some more : a pound of butter 3 to 4 shillings ; 3 eggs one
shilling; the riding of a load of wood which was formerly one shilling
is now two or more. Fences, wooden buildings &c., are pulled down
surprisingly and burnt by the army. It was a good luck and kind
Providence that in July, shortly before the last troubles began I ventured
it and bought a couple of cords of wood, which now is of great service
to me ; many had not a stick when the Winter came in. How else we
shall get thro' I don't know, for the Quarter from Michaelmas to Christ-
mas we have but got as yet between £4 and £5. for our maintenance, for
the most of our people are absent. You may perhaps, Dear Brother,
think we might have escaped many of these troublesome scenes, if we
had embraced your kind invitation of coming to you, but I believe
when you weigh all circumstances, that you will see it was well that I
stayed, at least it appears so to me. If I had been gone and our place
shut up, very likely I had been reckoned to the number of the other
ministers that are gone and we had got the name of Kebel ; but this I
know is not the case now, and it has pleased many people that I stood
my ground, and they have said, that it is good there is one place where
one may hear the Word. Besides this, I apprehend our Chapel and
house would have been taken long before now for one and the other use.

" Yesterday Dec. 1st., Sunday, a number of officers came into the
house and would have quarters there. They looked about, some talked
of having the chapel, some of but some rooms, others my whole house,
and one Cornet of Light horse marked one room on the second floor for
himself, and desired me to move the things out of it this afternoon, and
let him have a table and a couple of chairs, for which he would pay.
After they left I went to Gen. Eobertson ; he told me he had given them
no order for it; we should have asked them for their order. He took
my name and the matter down, and then offered of his own accord to
go himself to Alderman Waddel and inquire into the matter. On the
way we met with one of the officers who said he would put people into
the chapel, going to the General, upon which the latter returned with
us. This officer talked quite in another strain in the presence of the
General, who is a very clever old gentleman— he said he would not
have any place disturbed where service was kept, and dismissed us.
Well, I have wrote so much that I fear you will be tired to read it, and
yet much more might be said. The people that have stay'd in the Town
and are come back are certainly the best off. A new Proclamation has
been published and a full Pardon offered to all that return to their alle-
giance within sixty days ; certainly more cannot be done, and whosoever
does not avail himself of it cannot be pitied afterwards. . .

Dec. 2, 1776.— E. G. SHEWKIRK"

Notes and Queries. 381

LETTER OF JOHN Ross, ESQ., TO DR. CADWALADER EVANS, 1748.—
The following letter from John Ross, Esq., a member of the Philadel-
phia Bar, to his friend Dr. Cadwalader Evans, at the date residing in
Jamaica, West Indies, giving an account of the accidental death of John
Kiusey, Jr., son of John Kinsey, formerly chief-justice of the Supreme
Court of Pennsylvania, is contributed by Henry D. Biddle, Esq. :

"DEAR Dr EVANS—

" I am going for New Castle early in the morning — I just heard of a
vessel going to Jamaica before my return, so in haste determined to give
you one scrawl, least you should think the neighbourhood forgot you —
but you may depend that will never happen — we gratefully and cordially
remember you often ; even at the widow Jones's — I would tell you all
the news in a word if possible with all haste. — to begin — Our neighbour-
hood just as you left us, only B. Franklin lives in your house. The
Col. Hollier not yet gone to sea. — I think all your acquaintance continue
well, save poor Johnny Kinsey jnnior on tuesday the 8th inst. by acci-
dent shot himself dead coming over Gray's ferry by Schuylkill falls
while in the boat. — He had loaded his gun, and as is supposed, let the
butt drop on the bottom of the flat, the gun erect, in a line with his
body by his side went off, when half cock'd — The whole load of shot
struck his left cheek, and went up directly into his brain — he dropt and
was dead in an instant — never groaned — Great sorrow attended his
father and all his friends for the accident. — He had strange apparitions
of his death the night before, which he informed his aunt Bowene of at
breakfast that morning of the accident, which I must relate you, as it is
as true as surprising — He talking with his aunt at breakfast concerning
his being admitted as an attorney and going into business, said, he be-
lieved he had nothing to do with business, for his time he thought was
not long in this world — He said that last night he was strangely dis-
turbed in his sleep with dreams and apparitions — that his cousin
Charles Pemberton who died last Spring appeared to him wrapped in a
sheet and said to him, " Kinsey your hour is come you must go with
me" and he disappeared. — Soon after appeared a person before him in
the form of an angel (according to the idea he had of an angel) and said
to him, " Kinsey, your hour is come you must go with me" and in-
stantly he thought a flash of lightning struck him on the cheek and
he instantly died : this was followed with a severe clap of thunder and
lightning that awaked him from his sleep, and all these particulars came
fresh to his memory, and gave him great uneasiness — (Note, no thunder
or lightning that night) — Upon this he endeavoured to get to sleep
again and after dosing a short time he was awaked again by the noise of
a person walking across the room, giving one heavy groan — he heard or
saw no more, but got out of bed, went into the other room cnlled the
Scotch boy to bring in his bed and lay by him the remainder of the
night — In the morning at breakfast, tuesday last, he communicated all
the before related to his aunt Bowene and Hannah Kearney — He seemed
much dejected upon it. — was confident he was near his end: but to divert
himself for that day he determined to take his gun and go fowling with
young J. Desborow young Oxley and two or three more — They walked
to Coulter's ferry and crossed Schuylkill, and up to the Falls ferry — he
told the company several times as they walked, he wished no accident
might befall him before he got home. — On their return, crossing the
ferry, in the boat, the unhappy accident happened him — Thus you
have the particulars of this melancholy affair as fully as I could relate
it, if with you. — And I chose to be particular in it, because I have met

382 Notes and Queries.

with no story in history so well attested as this concerning the premo-
nitions from Heaven of our dissolution. — The flash that struck his cheek
when asleep clearly answered by the flash of the gun, and the shot
thereof first striking — His aunts laboured to persuade him not to go a
gunning that day, and he agreed ; but afterwards meeting his company
they prevailed with him as they had all agreed to go the night before.

" Our President Palmer is married to the young widow that lived at
Harriet Clay. — Old Doctor Kearsley is to be married this week to M™
Bland Mrs Usher's niece that lives near the Burying ground — Doctor
Bond is gone to spend the winter at Barbadoes in a low state of health ;
it is thought he will continue there if the climate agrees with him — Last
week Judah Foulke had a son born — no small joy — About 20 of us bap-
tized it last monday at John Biddle's in hot arrack punch — and his
name is called Cadwalader — John Smith has passed one meeting with
Miss Hannah Logan — I would give you more, now my hand is in, if I
could recollect ; but I have wrote by this conveyance to my relation
Doctor Ross, as duplicate of my letter by you, I pray you will say from
me to him — And let me hear from you as often as possible and how you
are like to succeed. —

" I shall write per next to Doctr Curnesby concerning Noxon's estate
— Your father and all friends are well. —

" I sincerely wish you all imaginable felicity and with all the haste I
began I cannot help now concluding that I am

" your very affectionate Friend

" and Humble Servant

"JOHN Ross—

" Philada, Sunday Evening

" 13th November 1748—
"To Dr CADWALADER EVANS—

S* Anns Jamaica — "

MEGINNES'S HISTORY OF THE WEST BRANCH VALLEY.— The revised
" History of the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna" is now com-
pleted, and makes a compact volume of 702 pages, with full index. It
brings the history down from the advent of the whites to the close of
1799. All the Indian deeds for the purchase of the Susquehanna lands
are given, together with full accounts of all the invasions and bloody
massacres. The " Big Runaway" in 1778 is described, together with
many thrilling accounts of captivities. The Journal of Colonel Burd,
while stationed at Fort Augusta, is printed in full, together with that of
Fithian, who made a trip up the valley in the summer of 1775, and tells
what he saw and whom he met. The work has been entirely rewritten,
and a large amount of new material introduced, making it practically a
new book, and double the value of the old one of thirty-three years
ago. There are illustrations of Indian antiquities, forts, historic build-
ings, portraits of Van Campen and Covenhoven, the celebrated scouts,
diagrams of manors, a plan of the survey of Sunbury, in 1772, showing
the name of all the original lot-holders, map of the Indian purchases,
and one of the valley from Sunbury to Lock Haven, showing the tribu-
tary streams and the islands of the river, the locations of forts, and
where many of the pioneers settled. Price $5, in half morocco.

SAMUEL CARPENTER.— The following gives an indirect clue to Sam-
uel Carpenter's place of emigration in England : From a manuscript
lolio vellum-bound book in the Ridgway Library " Logan's Letters" is
a letter addressed " To Coll0 Ezu Somersall in Jama" (Jamaica), signed

Notes and Queries. 383

"Thy affectionate Brother Jonathn Dickinson," written probably in
1715. " Cap* Richmond Saith hee will take all the Care hee Cann There
goes wth this Ship a pson wee have Great Regards for on [el John Car-
penter ye Son of old Sam11 Carpenter I cannot but Recomend him to thy
Notice as well as to Some others of my friends his father was an Inti-
mate acquaintance in Our ffamily before wee left England & [a] pson of
Great Esteem in this Province who Dyed Last Summer." The next
letter to Caleb Dickinson, J. Dickinson's brother, in Wiltshire, April 18,
1715, would give the impression the Dickinsons may have come from
that place. W. J. P.

JOHN ADAMS ON TITLES. — The following letter is in the autograph
collection of Mr. Charles Roberts of Philadelphia :

gIR PARIS April 16, 1783.

In answer to the Inquiry of Mr. Fagel you will please to inform him
that the Letters of Credence of Mr. Van Berckell should be addressed
" To the United States of America in Congress assembled."

"Friends and Allies."

The King of France indeed has added the word " great." " Great Friends
and Allies." But I think it would be much better to leave out the word
great and all other Epithets. Congress have never assumed any other
Style, and I hope they never will assume or receive any other.

I have the honor to be sir, your respectfull and obedient Servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

MR. DUMAS.

COLLINSON READ'S ABRIDGED LAWS OF PENNSYLVANIA. —
Just Published,

AND TO BE SOLD BY

MESS'rs. HALL & SELLERS,

No. 51, Market street,

Mr. William M. Biddle, No. 30 Walnut street,
and by the subscriber, No. 125 Race street,

Price 5 Dollars,
AN ABRIDGMENT

OF THE

LA WS OF PENNSYL VANIA,

With an Appendix,

/CONTAINING a great variety of Precedents for the use of Justices
Vy of the Peace, Sheriffs, Attornies, and Conveyancers.

All the public Laws of this State now in force are arranged under
their proper heads and placed in alphabetical order with a compleat
Index to the whole.

The above work having received the approbation of the Judges of the
Supreme Court, and being allowed by act of Assembly to be read in evi-
dence in the several courts of justice in this common-wealth, the Editor
flatters himself that it will not only be of service to gentlemen of the law
and public officers, but will also be found very useful'to his fellow citi-
zens in general.

COLLINSON READ.

Philadelphia, March 21, 1801.

N. B. A considerable discount will be allowed those who buy to sell
again.

384 Notes and Queries.

BOOK LOST. — I am minded to try the chances of recovering a book
lent one hundred and nine years ago, and not yet returned. A copy, in
perfect condition, of the first volume of Bishop Burnet's "History of his
Own Time, London, printed for Thomas Ward in the Inner-Temple Lane
1724," folio (being the first edition), is in the possession of a descendant
of Christopher Marshall, whose signature, with the mem. " 2 vols.," ap-
pears on the margin of the title-page.

On page 236 of " Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall,"
edited by William Duane, Albany, 1877, occurs the following entry,
under date of February 2, 1780, when Mr. Marshall was living at Lan-
caster, Penna.

" Dined with us, William Bispham ; bought of him three and a half
yards yard-wide tow linen ; Paid him thirty-eight continental dollars ;
lent him the second volume in folio of Bishop Burnet's History of hi* own
time." T. S.

HITCHCOCK'S SCHOOL. — Can any of the readers of the PENNSYLVA-
NIA MAGAZINE give me the location of Hitchcock's school in 1825 ?
Germantown. B. S. W.

HITCHCOCK'S SCHOOL. — Ira Irvine Hitchcock's " Hill of Science
Seminary" was located on Cherry near Fourth Street, and was a mixed
school of boys and girls. ED. PENNA. MAG.

ELTON.— Referring to the inquiry, PENNA. MAG., Vol. IX., p. 119, for
maiden name of Hannah, wife of William Elton, it appears from records
in an old family Bible in possession of Elizabeth Bromley, of Moores-
town, N. J., that she was the daughter of Arthur and Margery Borra-
daile, born 8th of Twelfth Month, 1731, and died 25th of Fourth Month,
1799. She is thought to have been the daughter of Arthur Borradaile,
who was the third child of John and Sarah (Frampton) Borradaile.
Said Arthur was born 3d of November, 1706. The Borradaile record is
taken from a family Bible in the possession of George Wolf Holstein,
Belvidere, N. J. R. J. D.

Burlington, N. J.

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA GRADUATES AND MATRICULATES.
—CLASS 1762. (Honorary Graduates).— Isaac Smith,— refer "Port
Folio," Vol. I., February, 1809; to which may be added, that he was
elected a member of the American Philosophical Society, 4th Novem-
ber, 1768 ; Dr. Hall's " History of the Presbyterian Church of Trenton,
N. J.," p. 243, and General William S. Stryker's monographs, " Trenton
One Hundred Years Ago," and " Washington's Reception by the People
of New Jersey in 1789."

CLASS 1815. — George Buchanan. Information can be furnished by
Roberdeau Buchanan, Washington, D.C., but a full biography will ap-
pear in his forthcoming " McKeau Genealogy."

CLASS 1841. (Honorary Graduates).— Rev. Jehu Curtis Clay, D.D.,
some time rector of Gloria Dei Church, Philadelphia, was the son of
Rev Slator Clay. He married first Jeanette Schuyler, daughter of Dr.
Annan, who died of yellow fever in 1798 ; his second wife was Syinons
Eadie (daughter of a merchant from Barbadoes. West Indies), who died
in 1888.

THE

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE

OF

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

VOL. XIII. 1889. No. 4.

PENNSYLVANIA AND THE DECLAKATION OF
INDEPENDENCE.

BY CHARLES J. STILLE.

It is well known that when the Declaration of Indepen-
dence was adopted, there was a large party in Pennsylvania,
led by some of its most distinguished public men, who
thought the time decided upon for that purpose premature.
It is worth while to consider the reasons which led them to
this conclusion. Ever since the close of the Revolutionary
War the independence of the country has always been
looked upon as so unmixed a blessing that we are sometimes
at a loss to understand how men who gained so high a repu-
tation for statesman-like ability should have fallen into the
error of thinking that it was their duty in July, 1776, to
oppose an act of separation from the mother-country.

On the 4th of November, 1775, the Assembly of Penn-
sylvania chose as its Delegates to the Continental Congress
John Dickinson, Eobert Morris, Benjamin Franklin, Charles
Humphreys, Edward Biddle, Thomas Willing, Andrew
Allen, and James Wilson, the very flower of the moneyed
and intellectual aristocracy of the Province.

VOL. xiii.— 25 (385)

386 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

On the 9th of November, 1775, the Assembly gave these
Delegates instructions in regard to the policy they were
to pursue in Congress as representatives of Pennsylvania.
They were told, " You should use your utmost endeavors to
agree upon and recommend the adoption of such measures
as you shall judge to afford the best prospect of obtaining
the redress of American grievances, and utterly reject any
proposition (should such be made) that may cause or lead to
a separation from the mother-country, or a change in the
form of this government" (that is, the charter government
of the Province).

From November, 1775, to June, 1776, a large and con-
stantly-increasing party grew up which advocated a policy
directly the reverse of that laid down in these instructions.
This party, calling itself "Whig, insisted not merely upon a
speedy declaration of independence, but also upon a sub-
version of the charter government of the Province and a
substitution for it of one of a more popular form, to be
framed by a Convention to be chosen by the people. Thus
early was the question of national independence presented
to the people of Pennsylvania inseparably linked with the
proposition to abandon their own long-tried home govern-
ment, under which the Province had for a century grown
and prospered, and adopt a new and untried scheme.

On the 10th of May, 1776, Congress resolved " that it be
recommended to the different Colonies where no govern-
ment sufficient to < the exigencies of their affairs' has been
established, to adopt such a government as would answer
the purpose."

The Whig party in Pennsylvania insisted that the gov-
ernment under Penn's charter was not suited to "the
exigencies of their affairs," and should be abolished in
order that a popular Convention might frame a new one.
The majority of the Assembly denied both propositions.

On the 8th of June, 1776, the Assembly, after much
heated discussion out of doors and several days' debate
within, rescinded the instructions to the Delegates adopted
on the 9th of November, 1775, and authorized them by new

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 387

instructions to concur with the other Delegates in Congress
in forming contracts with " the united Colonies, concluding
treaties with foreign kingdoms, and such measures as they
shall judge necessary for promoting the liberty, etc., of the
people of this Province, reserving to said people the sole and
exclusive right of regulating the internal government of the same.'9

The new instructions were generally approved, and laid
aside in order to be transcribed for their final passage on
the 14th of June. When that day arrived, it appeared that
there was not a quorum of members, the rules requiring
that two-thirds of the whole number should be present for
the transaction of business. The Whigs in the Assembly,
by a secret understanding, had withdrawn, and never again
took their seats in that body, either because they regarded
the Assembly as without any legal power since the vote
of Congress of May 10-15, 1776, or because the Assembly
had by the new instructions protested against any attempt
to change the home government, or because the Whigs
felt, that, if by their withdrawal they could for a short time
paralyze the action of the Assembly, the progress of the
Revolution would do the rest. At any rate, thus fell the
Provincial Assembly, keeping up its shadowy existence
until the close of August, 1776, by constant adjournments,
a quorum for business being at no time present. Its fall
raises many interesting questions, — -among others, where
and in whom was vested the legal authority when the assent
of Pennsylvania was supposed to have been given to the
Declaration of Independence on the 4th of July, 1776.1

It seems as if the time had come when we should make
an effort to understand these curious transactions by which
Pennsylvania became a State, and especially that we should
examine the relation to these events borne by the ablest
body of men ever sent by Pennsylvania to represent her in
a legislative body.

1 The Delegates from Pennsylvania who signed the Declaration of
Independence of July 4, 1776, were chosen by a Convention which was
called to frame a new State Constitution, on the 20th of July, 1776, and
not by the legal Assembly.

388 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

We are confronted at the outset with a difficulty which has
embarrassed every Pennsylvanian historian of these times,
— a scarcity of material for their illustration. This is caused
mainly by the negligence or carelessness of the descendants
of those who were prominent actors in the early part of the
Revolution. It is not easy to overestimate the loss of repu-
tation which Pennsylvania has suffered and still suffers from
this cause. Long ago Mr. "William B. Reed complained
that family records were not accessible to the historian, and
in his preface to the " Life of President Reed" he draws
attention to the singular indifference which has been mani-
fested (probably from this cause) by Pennsylvania!! writers in
preserving the memory of those men of their own State who
were prominent, either as soldiers or statesmen, during the
American Revolution. Whether this is due to the fact that
most of these men embraced that side during the war which
became unpopular because it was unsuccessful, or whether
it is regarded as an ungracious task to explain how many
good reasons may have existed at the time which justified
patriotic men in doubting whether the Declaration of In-
dependence was opportune, certain it is that our own leaders
in those days, men like Wilson and Dickinson and Morris,
who were among the earliest and most powerful of the ad-
vacates of resistance to the pretensions of the ministry, have
had scant justice done them. They are almost forgotten,
and their services unheeded, as every one feels when the
story <of the Revolution is told in our day. They have, in-
deed, as many think, been relegated to unmerited obscurity
" quia carent vate sacro."

The lives and services of men in other States who were
prominent at this time have been commemorated with a
fulness and minuteness of detail which gives the very natural
but very erroneous impression that the War of the Revo-
lution was fought wholly by them, and that victory was at
last achieved solely by their wisdom and valor. While the
work of every prominent man during the Revolutionary
War, and of many claiming, without much reason, to have
been prominent therein who came from JSTew England or

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 389

Virginia has been most abundantly worked up and illus-
trated by their diaries or by their correspondence, which
has been carefully preserved, we have been reduced in Penn-
sylvania to the humble position of mere purveyors of ma-
terial to writers who have used it to build up the fame of
those not of our own household. We have no widely-known
and elaborate biography of any of our Revolutionary heroes,
save that of President Reed. In Graydon's Memoirs and
Christopher Marshall's Diary we certainly find the most
authentic material for reconstructing the social life in this
city during the Revolution ; but to weave this material into
an account of the personal doings and opinions of those
whom we know in a vague sort of way to have been most
active in doing the work without which the Declaration of
Independence would have proved a mere mockery, is a
task which has hardly yet been undertaken, much less
accomplished.

It is not flattering to our pride, to say the least, to find in
the biographies of those men of the Revolution who were
not Pennsylvanians striking testimony of the commanding
influence that was wielded during the struggle by our own
men, and to observe how this testimony is used to form a
sort of background to set off the work of others. "We find,
indeed, in all the contemporary accounts unquestioned
evidence that John Dickinson held in his hands the desti-
nies of this country between the date of the Stamp Act and
that of the Declaration of Independence, that James Wilson
was universally recognized as the profoundest lawyer not
only in the Continental Congress, but also in the Convention
which framed the Constitution of the United States, that
the modest title of the financier of the Revolution is one
which feebly describes the inestimable services of Robert
Morris ; but as to who these men were, how they happened
to do such great service, what was their origin, education, and
general environment and characteristics, we know almost
nothing. We discover, no doubt, that whatever else they
did in the Revolution they committed the cardinal and irre-
missible sin of thinking that the proper time for dissolving

390 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

our connection with England had not come in July, 1776,
and that, having been mistaken in this opinion, they have
been rightly excluded from the Valhalla reserved for our
Revolutionary heroes. The approval of the Declaration of
Independence nowadays is the sole test of patriotism, and
very little heed is given to the earnestness of their opinions
or the energy of their conduct during the war, either before
or after that event.

It is certainly not to be wondered at that the descendants
of those who laid the foundation of the most powerful gov-
ernment of a popular form in modern times, under every
possible discouragement, should claim for their ancestors
the very highest — perhaps the exclusive — honor. They are
doubtless entitled to the profoundest gratitude of those who
now enjoy the fruit of their labors. Still, we have hardly
adopted that opinion of antiquity which looked upon the
denial that one's own city was founded by the gods as a
form of gross impiety, and it may not be out of place to
recall occasionally the aid which the " Signers" derived,
in their work of building up the nation, from unconscious
helpers.

There is a curious popular tendency observable in the
history of all revolutions by which the sympathy of the
victorious party is more freely manifested towards those
who have been its enemies than towards those friends and
neighbors who have been moderate or lukewarm in its
support. We read, for instance, with the deepest interest
Mr. Sabine's account of the misfortunes of the loyalists of
the American Revolution. To many it is indeed the
saddest tale of suffering with which they are acquainted.
"When they read how the wild regions of Nova Scotia, of
New Brunswick, and of Upper Canada were settled by
people whose ancestors had been among the earliest and
most enlightened of those who first came to these shores,
and who themselves had been the chief instruments in
building up the civilization of the Colonies, that these men
who had been the leaders here were driven forth into the
wilderness for no other reason than that they were loyal

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 391

to the king and to the established order, — when they read,
I say, of the prolonged sufferings and miseries of these
unhappy people, they forget their disloyalty in the sturdy
devotion which they exhibited to principle, and they are
inclined to regard the sufferings they endured as an expia-
tion even of the wrongs of the partisan warfare in which so
many of them engaged. So it has been elsewhere. Take
the Jacobites for instance, those especially who were engaged
in open warfare against the kings of the house of Hanover:
they are far more attractive and interest us much more than
men like Harley and Bolingbroke, who had sworn allegiance
to Queen Anne and who used their position to undermine
her throne. So posterity, without much regard to party
feelings, looks with admiration and sympathy upon the
sufferings and the exploits of the peasants of La Vendee in
defence of what they claimed to be their religion and their
country, while the Girondists, to whose counsel and acts
much of the success of that world-movement, the French
Revolution, was due, are regarded chiefly as a party whose
leaders perished by the guillotine, and their special services
to the Revolution are either ignored or forgotten. Such has
always been the course of history. The man who does not
side with the most violent in a revolutionary crisis is not
only not a patriot in popular estimation ; he is extremely
fortunate if he is not pointed at as a traitor. To the ex-
cited imagination of the leaders at such times there is no
via media. An open enemy is less feared and more re-
spected than a lukewarm friend. Hence " moderates" at
such a crisis are never treated fairly, and their reputation
clings to them in history.

All kinds of motives, usually without reason, are ascribed
to such people in order to explain their indifference. They
are assumed to have been wanting in patriotism, and at
times to have shown a spirit of cowardly submission. Thus
it would appear from many accounts of the time that there
were certain classes of the people in Pennsylvania during the
Revolution who were bound to the English connection by
ties which were not felt by people in other parts of the

392 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

country. It is supposed, for instance, that there was some-
thing in the religion of the Quakers which forbade them
to love their country as other people did, or to seek a
change of government and of rulers when oppression be-
came intolerable. The kindest view of their conduct is
supposed to be that which excuses their submission to
tyranny on the ground that they were passive non-resist-
ants on principle. It need not be said how the whole
history of the Quakers is a protest against the use of ar-
bitrary power, always resisted in their own way. So it is
said that the friends of the Proprietary government, from
their love of office and of power, withstood the popular
claims. Any pretext, however false or unreasonable, is
seized upon to explain why Pennsylvania statesmen, friends
as well as enemies to the charter government, did not bow
submissively to the revolutionary notions of the $"ew Eng-
land leaders. The obvious fact seems to be forgotten, or
lost sight of, that John Penn, the Governor, was up to a
certain point in sympathy with the rebels, and that Penn-
sylvania, having controlled and directed the opposition to
the measures of the ministry throughout the country from
the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, did not think it
prudent or wise to abandon in 1776 the traditional and
English course she had pursued in seeking for the redress
of grievances.

Again, an impression is conveyed in books claiming to be
histories of the time that Pennsylvania was dragged reluc-
tantly into the war, and did not support it earnestly because
her statesmen had not approved the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and it has sometimes been hinted that she was
disloyal or disaffected to the American cause when the
British army was within her borders. The latter charge is
made principally on the authority of Mr. Galloway, who ac-
companied as a refugee Sir "William Howe on his march
from the head of Elk to Philadelphia in 1777. This gentle-
man stated to a committee of the House of Commons that
the people along the line of march appeared generally
loyal to the crown and furnished the army with provisions

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 393

without difficulty.1 " But how happens it, Mr. Galloway,"
said one of the members of the committee, " if such were
the case, that you got no recruits or volunteers for your
corps during the eight months which the British army
occupied Philadelphia?" The only answer that he could
give to such a question was that the inducements held out
by Sir "William Howe to encourage enlistments were not
powerful enough. And yet it is perfectly true that the
farmers in the neighborhood of the city preferred to sell
their produce for hard money to the British, rather than to
the Americans for worthless paper. Such has always been
about the measure of the virtue of non-combatants under
similar circumstances.

But the test of the approval of the Declaration is applied
in all cases by the New England writers to the acts of our
public men in order to ascertain their patriotism. For this
purpose it is amusing to trace from year to year the ac-
count Mr. Bancroft gives of John Dickinson. He is a
patriot when he agrees with Otis and the two Adamses, but
something very much the reverse when their revolutionary
violence has forced him to separate himself from them. Mr.
Bancroft first speaks of him as the "illustrious farmer"
(the author of the " Farmer's Letters"), and then as " want-
ing in vigor of will," and further on as " timid, deficient in
energy," " apathetic, of a tame spirit," etc., and lastly, and
chiefly, as " differing from John Adams," who, with charac-
teristic ill-breeding and bad temper, spoke of him as a
"piddling genius." Yet this is the man, we may say in
passing, who had for years consolidated the strength of the
whole country on legal grounds against the measures of the
ministry, who, although he refused to sign the Declaration
in July, yet alone of all the members of the Continental
Congress is found in arms in August of the same year at
the head of his regiment of associators at Amboy, ready
to repel an expected attack of the British a'rmy who had

1 It is well known that provisions of all kinds were sold at famine
prices in the markets of Philadelphia while that city was occupied by
the British. See " Elizabeth Drinker's Journal."

394 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

landed on Staten Island. One cannot help feeling that a
few more such lukewarm friends would have been service-
able to the American cause at that crisis.1

In short, it is very clear to any student of our Revolu-
tionary history that we must seek for some other test of
devotion to the American cause than a determination to
support the principles or the conclusions of the Declaration
of Independence prior to July, 1776. He who opposed it
may have been as strong an opponent of ministerial tyranny
as he who made loud professions in favor of independence.
It would be quite as much in accordance with the truth of
history to hold that the man who bore arms in the late
rebellion with the hope of suppressing slavery was a more
sincere lover of his country than he who fought by his side
to maintain the national sovereignty. The safest conclu-
sion to reach seems to be that in different parts of the
country different men were seeking the same object, the
redress of grievances, by different means. One party, princi-
pally representing New England, and some ardent politicians
in Virginia, thought that we should be in a better position
to accomplish that object if we claimed to be an independent
nation, while the leaders in Pennsylvania and the middle
provinces generally doubted whether such a policy was the
wiser. Those who decry the course pursued by Pennsyl-
vania in regard to independence have forgotten the state-
ment of John Adams himself, made many years after that
event. " There was not a moment during the Revolution,"
said he, " when I would not have given everything I pos-
sessed for a restoration to the state of things before the con-
test began, provided we could have had a sufficient security
for its continuance." And yet this is the man who abuses in
his diary and letters every statesman in Pennsylvania who
entertained similar opinions before the event, and who de-
nounced men like Dickinson, Wilson, Robert Morris, Wil-

1 Mr. Dickinson was appointed in 1778 a brigadier-general by the
State of Delaware. This appointment he declined. He served as a
private in Captain Lewis's company of Delaware militia at the battle
of Brandywine.

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 395

ling, Dr. Smith (the Provost), and a host of others (because
they did not agree with him at the time), as "timid and
spiritless creatures." With Adams in his views concerning
the war agreed Franklin and Jay, Jefferson and even
Washington himself, all of whom regarded the adoption of
the Declaration of Independence as a choice of evils, but
they knew too well what the Colonies owed to the services
of those who then hesitated to take the irrevocable step of
plunging the country into a revolution, to look upon them
with suspicion and distrust.

The great practical obstacle to declaring our independence
of Great Britain in July, 1776, was the fear lest such a step
would hopelessly divide the forces of those who were con-
tending against ministerial tyranny. To secure success unity
of opinion and of action was indispensable.

In order to understand how apparently hopeless was the
effort of those who sought to secure from the Colonies a
unanimous declaration in favor not merely of proclaiming
but also of maintaining independence, we have only to
recall the utter want of harmony in political opinion which
prevailed among the people throughout the country at the
beginning of the Revolution. It is perhaps not too much
to say that when resistance was first spoken of, up to at least
the outbreak of the war, no sentiment could have been more
abhorrent to the mass of the people than that which the
Declaration afterwards embodied. Even a suggestion that
the dissolution of our connection with the British Empire
would in any event be desirable would have been looked
upon as monstrous. Outside all mere political considerations
there were feelings the force of which we can now under-
stand but little, which were then universal and all-powerful.
There was the sentiment of loyalty, for instance, to the
king and the Constitution, a sentiment which, notwith-
standing the shocks it had received in this country, was an
ever-active principle and had grown stronger and stronger
every year in the inherited traits of the English character ;
there was besides that passionate love of country, inflamed
just then by pride at the recent conquests of England on

396 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

both Continents ; there was, in addition to all, that inde-
finable but strong feeling of race which gloried in belonging
to the foremost nation of modern times. All these things
may seem insignificant as moulding the opinions of men,
yet they have been among the most potent agencies as
stimulants to heroic action in all ages, and with people of
English blood especially. In difficult times Englishmen
have never forgotten the days of their proud history, and
they were not likely to do so in the days of Olive, of Wolfe,
and the elder Pitt. It cannot be doubted that sentiments,
the outgrowth of conditions such as these, were far more
deep-seated among the Colonists previous to the outbreak
than a spirit of rebellion. There were, of course, many
enlightened men among the leaders who were not affected
by such considerations, and who saw from the beginning
war at a distance, and independence as the probable out-
come. But with the mass of the people it was not so, and
the task of those who foresaw the worst consisted princi-
pally in convincing those who differed from them that no
other result than a long and bloody war was possible, and in
preparing them for the struggle. After the war began it
was found, as is always the case, that the people thought
and acted under the instruction they had received more
rapidly than their old leaders had probably expected.

Practically there were many reasons for a want of union
when seeking the gift of liberty under a new form of govern-
ment, such as was foreshadowed by the Declaration, besides
those of sentiment and habit to which we have referred.
There was a general conviction that there were grievances
caused by the ministerial policy, but as to the best method
of securing the redress of those grievances there was a wide
difference of opinion. It may be safely said that at the out-
set no one save a few wild theorists ever thought of inde-
pendence as a remedy for the evils from which all agreed
we were suffering. No one could then foresee the length
to which the stupidity of the ministry would carry them,
and independence was at last forced upon us by the insane
stubbornness of the English ministry. As the House of

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 397

Representatives in Massachusetts wrote to Lord Rockingham
in 1768, " So sensible are they of their happiness and safety
in their union with and dependence upon the mother-
country that they would by no means be inclined to accept
an independency if offered to them." The obstacles to
anything like united and effective opposition to the minis-
terial tyranny were so great and so apparent that we can-
not wonder that the idea of any prolonged resistance was
scouted at by the supporters of government. The Colonies
had then none of those intimate relations with each other
which now quite as much as the law itself give us union
and force in what we undertake. The mass of the popu-
lation was, of course, British by birth or descent, but it
was, in some of the Colonies at least, as in Pennsylvania,
composed of different races holding very different opin-
ions in religion and government. Thus, in this Province,
induced by the mildness of Penn's government, all nations
had given each other rendezvous. "We had here English
mixed up with Irish and Germans, Quakers with Presby-
terians, and members of the various pietistic German sects
of the seventeenth century, all enjoying what was promised
them in Massachusetts, — sub libertate quietem. So in New
York the antagonism between the mass of the population
and the great land-holders, between the Dutch and Scotch
Presbyterians and the Church people, was felt more or less
during the whole war, as it had been throughout the history
of the Colony. In Virginia the Dissenters, as they were
called, were ardent supporters of a revolution one of the
results of which would be the suppression of their greatest
practical grievance, the established Church of the Colony.
In short, look where we will throughout the Colonies before
the commencement of hostilities, we find discontent arising
from a variety of causes, but no common ground of resist-
ance. Indeed, this want of union in political and religious
ideas had always been a characteristic feature of the history
of the Colonies, and had made it very difficult to enforce
any common policy. The English government had always
found it as inconvenient to govern the Colonies, when any

398 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

great imperial object was to be attained, as did the Conti-
nental Congress when it declared independence of the
British crown as the basis of its political action. While
each Colony had a different charter and government, it
watched with the most scrutinizing jealousy lest any of its
chartered rights should be infringed by the agents of the
crown, and the consequence was that the ministry, finding
it impossible to induce the Colonies to carry out any common
line of policy with the united strength of all, made many
threats to withdraw their charters and to reduce them all
to immediate subjection to the crown. Even where union
was most desirable or necessary, the Colonists seemed in-
disposed to yield the most insignificant chartered right in
order to secure harmony of action. Thus, when the " Plan
of Union" was proposed at Albany by Dr. Franklin in
1754, the object being to obtain more effective protection of
the Colonies against the Indian invasions, it was found im-
possible to overcome the objections that were interposed by
the ministry as well as by the Colonies to its adoption. It
was said to be too democratic for the one, and to give up
too much to the royal prerogative for the other. When in
1755 the ministry, despairing of raising the necessary sup-
plies for Braddock's expedition, proposed that the governors
of the different Colonies should meet at Annapolis and there
agree upon some common plan of aiding the expedition, the
object being simply the defence of their own frontiers, the
proposition was regarded by the Colonies as inadmissible,
and no aid was derived from them. The history of the Colo-
nies in their relation to the mother-country whenever any de-
mand was made upon them to fulfil their imperial obligations
is simply a history of attempts made by each Colony to shift
off these obligations on the others, or to force the home gov-
ernment to make use of its own resources to gain its object.
Of course the secret of the Revolution lies in the inborn
hatred of the Colonies to the exercise of the royal authority
here for any purpose. This opposition, however, had no
common basis of support until that of independence of the
crown was determined upon, and the ministry relied, as we

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 399

have said, on the extreme number and variety of causes of
discontent as likely to embarrass effective resistance.

Of course the first object of those statesmen who had the
success of the Revolution at heart was to discover some
common unity of interest among the Colonies amidst these
various elements of discord, for until this was done no real
progress could be made. But, as is evident from the his-
tory of the time, no men ever undertook a more difficult task
or one surrounded by more formidable obstacles. Besides
the many obstacles of which we have spoken, it may be said
that none of those means which are now employed to secure
unity of action for a common purpose then existed. The
problem was how to revolutionize a continent, — not merely
how to combine for the work of destruction, but how to
put in the place of the existing system one which by com-
mon consent would be better calculated to provide for the
common needs.

The Colonies were separated by differing habits, customs,
tastes, and opinions, and all sorts of petty jealousies of each
other and of the crown. Many of these obstacles seemed in-
superable, and it is well known that the British government
was perfectly convinced that the Colonies would be helpless
owing to these differences. These obstacles, as we have al-
ready hinted, seemed to all at that time to have their origin
in differences which were fundamental and inalterable in
the condition and the characteristics of the people inhabit-
ing different sections of the country. The Puritan and the
Quaker, for instance, were not only persons of different
temper, and of totally opposite views concerning the
lawfulness of war, but they had radically different ideas as
to the nature of government and the character and extent of
the obligation which was imposed upon them by their alle-
giance to the crown. The Puritan, although he was nomi-
nally the subject of a monarchy, had been in point of fact,
certainly ever since he had come to New England, and proba-
bly long before, essentially a republican, always holding
fast, in spite of kings and charters and mandamuses, to the
fundamental principle of republicanism, that of self- govern-

400 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

ment. He was an Independent in religion, which implies
that he insisted upon a system of self-government in his ec-
clesiastical as well as in his civil relations. Moreover, he felt
in its acutest form that jealousy of power which has always
"been characteristic of the Englishman in history when any
attempt from any quarter has been made to assert arbitrary
principles of government. He was not disposed to wait and
see whether any overt acts would follow the avowal of such
principles, and especially he did not stop to consider whether
he himself was likely to suffer from such acts or the prin-
ciples upon which they were based. Obsta prindpiis was his
motto.

The Quakers, on the contrary, were essentially a law-
abiding people, patient and long-suffering, and not prone
to anticipate evil. None had suffered more than they in
history from the abuse of power, but their religion and their
experience alike taught them that passive resistance to
wrong, as they manifested it, was alike their duty and their
best policy. They believed literally that all things come
to those who wait. They were, therefore, not restless nor
noisy nor quarrelsome, and believed fully that the force ot
time and the influence of reason would bring about a redress
of the grievances from which they had suffered. They had
maintained their existence and their peculiar doctrines
under all forms of tyranny and without relying upon the
arm of flesh for support. The very first principle of the
Quakers, indeed, was a loyal submission to the government
under which they lived, so long as it did not openly in-
fringe their civil and ecclesiastical rights. With this senti-
ment was joined another equally strong and powerful as a
guide to their conduct, and that was a profound conviction
of the value of liberty of conscience, for the security of
which they had contended in their own way from the begin-
ning. To maintain this freedom of conscience they were
ready to make any sacrifice, and hitherto these sacrifices
had produced abundant fruit. Still, with this love of
liberty, civil and religious, fully as strong as that of the
Puritan, the Quaker was never clamorous in asserting his

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 401

rights. He was long-suffering, and persistent in his opin-
ions, but kept his temper even when he was threatened with
immediate and irreparable injury. There was, indeed, a
point (as shown in the history of the Province) when he
could resist. When he found, for instance, that the Pro-
prietaries in Pennsylvania were unwilling that their lands
should be taxed for general purposes, he persisted for years,
and as long as there was any hope of accomplishing his
object, in a constitutional opposition to such a pretension ;
and finally he did not hesitate, as a last remedy against this
flagrant injustice, to petition the king to revoke that charter
which had been granted to William Penn and which had
hitherto been priceless to him as a testimony of the king's
government to the confidence felt in the Quakers, and under
which the Province had enjoyed such wonderful prosperity.
So when the Governors under the Proprietaries insisted that
the Quakers should render compulsory military service,
they could never be induced to violate their principles by
serving as soldiers, but they never hesitated, justifying
themselves by some strange casuistry, to vote money to
provide for the defence of the Province. They would not
declare war against the Delawares and Shawanoes, feeling
that these Indians had been goaded on to the outrages they
committed on the frontiers by the injustice and rapacity of
the agents of the Proprietary government, but they did not
hesitate to defend with arms in their hands the Moravian
Indian converts who had taken refuge in Philadelphia
from the fury of the Paxton Boys. In short, Pennsylvania
for the practical purposes of government — that is, for the
protection of all its subjects — was in a chaotic condition
from the beginning of the French War, in 1755, to the
end of that of Pontiac, in 1766. The discussions about
the revocation of the charter, the constant complaints that
the representation in the Assembly was unequal, and the
cruel sufferings which had been undergone by the settlers
on the lands west of the Susquehanna at the hands of the
Indians, — all these evils, which were charged upon the
party that was dominant when the Revolution began,
VOL. xiii.— 26

402 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

seemed to render any united action among the people, for
any purpose, wholly impracticable. In New England no
such dissensions existed. The force of the people there was
immeasurably increased by the common recognition of the
traditions of English liberty as a precious inheritance. With
the blood of the Puritans they had preserved in full activity
those political ideas which had led their forefathers to with-
stand so manfully the tyranny of Strafford and of Laud.
It is a fact of immense importance, in estimating the force
of the various Colonies in the War of Independence, that in
New England there was practically a unity of sentiment not
only as to the nature of the grievances, but also as to the
best method of redressing them. As for the Germans of
Pennsylvania, living in the interior, engaged chiefly in farm-
ing, and kept by their ignorance of the language of the
country from any very accurate knowledge of the alleged
wrongs of which their fellow-subjects complained, or the
wisdom of the measures proposed to remedy them, their
influence in the Provinces was not to be measured by their
numbers. They suffered nothing from Stamp Acts nor
Smuggling Acts nor Boston Port Bills, and they could not
understand the earnestness with which the claim to impose
taxation upon Englishmen was opposed, for in such matters
they had neither knowledge nor experience. Their pre-
dominant feeling, if we are to regard the great Patriarch of
the Lutheran Church in this country, the Rev. Henry Muhlen-
berg, as their representative, was gratitude to the Quakers
and their government, by which so many of the blessings
of liberty and peace unknown in their Fatherland had been
secured to them. Of course such was their attitude only
before the outbreak of hostilities, for after the war broke
out no portion of the population was more ready to defend
its homes or took up arms more willingly in support of
the American cause.

The nature of the resistance to the ministerial measures
was very much determined also by the character of the
religious teaching in different sections of the country. At
this period the Congregational clergy was the recognized

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 403

'guide of the people of New England in political as well as
in religious concerns. Of this body only twelve out of five
hundred and fifty ministers remained loyal to the crown.
They spoke with no uncertain voice as to the duty of their
flocks at this crisis, and all the influence which their office
and the traditional reverence for their opinions had given to
the pastors was employed to inflame the popular passions
and to encourage armed resistance to the pretensions of the
crown. Their fiery zeal was said by some of their enemies
to have been greatly due to a fear lest the government
should establish here the Church of England, with its hie-
rarchy of bishops and other dignitaries, and thus supplant
them in their influence over the people ; but no such expla-
nation is needed when it is remembered how far their tra-
ditional hatred of prelacy, against which their ancestors had
rebelled in England, was the outgrowth of their republican-
ism. But in Pennsylvania, among the Quakers at least,
there were no parsons to rouse the passions of the multitude,
or to delude them by chimerical fears of a religious revo-
lution whose results should be more disastrous than those
by which their civil rights were threatened. The affairs of
the Friends, civil and ecclesiastical, were then, as they have
always been, in the hands of the elder and not of the younger
portion of the Society, and the practice of the elders was
repression and enforced submission to that strict discipline
which was the fundamental rule throughout the body.

It would be hardly fair, however, to judge of the character
of the opposition in Pennsylvania to the ministerial tyranny
from the cautious and conservative attitude of the Quakers
alone. Long before any one dreamed of war as the ultima
ratio, all classes of people in every Provincial party here,
Quakers as well as Presbyterians, Germans, and Church-of-
England people, had joined together in protesting against
what all conceived to be acts of arbitrary power. The
measures of opposition which they adopted at that critical
time were similar to those agreed upon in the other Colonies.
Thus all classes in Pennsylvania, resistants and non-resist-
ants alike, under the guidance of men who afterwards

404 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

became conspicuous, both as loyalists and as patriots, remon-
strated with one accord against the Stamp Act and the Tea
Act, the Boston Port Bill, and the other measures intended
to punish the town of Boston, they all signed the non-impor-
tation and non-exportation agreements, they all petitioned
the crown that the right of self-government should be guar-
anteed, they declared their determination to maintain the
fundamental rights of the Colonists, they warned the min-
istry that armed resistance would be made to further en-
croachments, they did not hesitate to vote for raising more
money for the defence of the Province after the battle of
Lexington, and yet with all this they never ceased to hope
that some peaceful settlement of the dispute might be made,
and that no separation from the mother-country would take
place. It is easy to say now that they were mistaken in be-
lieving that England would at last consent to govern them
as she had done previous to 1763, but the man who main-
tained the opposite theory in 1776 would have argued against
the force of every precedent in English history. At any
rate, the course that was taken by the dominant party in
Pennsylvania was not settled by the power of the non-
resistant Quakers, and still less by the force of an irresist-
ible popular clamor; it was deliberately taken under the
guidance of thoroughly enlightened and patriotic men whose
studies and training had led them to discover in English
history how and why their race had in the long course of
that history resisted oppression.

Nothing contributed more to produce confusion in the
counsels of the leaders in the beginning of the Revolution
than the different character and political training of the
Delegates from different sections of the country. It is, in-
deed, hard to conceive how the national cause could have been
successfully promoted at all, when the men who were its
champions were affected by so totally different an environ-
ment and had such opposite notions of the remedy. The
line was drawn so distinctly between the parties that no
compromise seemed possible, and the only question was
which should have exclusive control of the destiny of the

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 405

country. Strange to say, everything seemed to combine to
keep apart those who professed to have the same object in
view. Before the Massachusetts Delegates to the Congress
of 1774 reached Philadelphia, it was the habit of those op-
posed to the popular cause, both here and in Boston, to speak
of them as needy adventurers or lawyers seeking for noto-
riety, or as persons whose reputation and fortune had become
compromised by attempts to defraud the customs' revenue.
Whatever truth there may have been in these stories, they
had, as we shall see, their effect so far as the influence of
these gentlemen in Congress was concerned. But in Penn-
sylvania, however lukewarm some may have thought the
patriotism of her Delegates, no one before the Declaration
of Independence was adopted supposed for a moment that
private interests or personal ambition was a motive which
led any one of them to espouse the popular cause. They
were all men, as we have said, whose position, reputation,
and fortune were firmly established at the outset of the
Revolution, and in these respects they had everything to
lose and nothing to gain by becoming popular leaders at
such a crisis. John Dickinson, at their head, was at this
time a man of mature years, of as high a rank as could then
be reached by a Colonist, of large fortune, and of a profes-
sional reputation that made his name known throughout
the Continent. His private interest, selfishly considered,
was to support the ministry ; and we cannot doubt that his
influence on that side would have been purchased by the
highest rewards which the royal government had to bestow.
In that path only, as it then appeared to a man like Gal-
loway, was the prospect of promotion and advancement.
But the earnestness and depth of Dickinson's convictions
concerning the ministerial pretensions were such that he did
not hesitate to obey the dictates of his conscience to sacri-
fice even his loyalty to his king (which in him had been
a sentiment of intense earnestness) and to abandon his
friends who differed from him, many of whom had given
him their warmest sympathy and support from his early
manhood.

406 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

Much the same may be said of James Wilson, the favorite
pupil and colleague of Dickinson. He was comparatively a
young man at the outbreak of the war. He had gained a
certain fame by the publication of what was considered the
strongest argument which had then appeared in support of
the favorite thesis of the revolutionary party, " that the
Colonies and the mother-country had a common king, but
separate and independent legislatures." He soon became
recognized as what we should now call a " great constitu-
tional lawyer." In his character there were no qualities to
attract popular favor or to enable him to control the pas-
sions of the multitude. There was nothing of the dema-
gogue or modern politician about him, and throughout his
life he, in connection with all his colleagues from Pennsyl-
vania in Congress, forbore to stimulate the revolutionary
passions of those whose aid they sought. He was a hard,
dry, emotionless Scotchman, but he was such a master of
logical argument, so clear in his statements, and showing so
profound a knowledge of the legal principles involved in the
subjects he discussed, that in the Continental Congress, and
afterwards in the Convention which framed the Constitu-
tion of the United States, he wielded unbounded influence,
and held in those bodies, among the ablest men of the
country, the foremost rank.

Men of the same masculine type, although they were
merchants and not lawyers, were Thomas Willing and Eobert
Morris, partners in business, and colleagues of Dickinson
and Wilson in the Congress of 1775-6. Although these
gentlemen were the wealthiest merchants in Philadelphia,
and among the wealthiest throughout the Colonies, in com-
mercial relations with widely distant countries, and although,
of course, the increase, if not the security, of their property
depended much upon the preservation of peaceful relations
with Great Britain, our commercial emporium, yet when
the time of trial came they showed that their interests were
subordinate to their patriotism, and they were the first to
•set the example of sacrifice by signing the non-importation
agreement. But the vast services of the mercantile house

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 407

of Willing and Morris to the American cause during the
Revolution are too well known to need recapitulation here.
Whatever may be our standard of patriotism to-day, it is
very clear that during the war the men in Pennsylvania who
bore the chief burden of the contest, and who were most
trusted by their fellow-citizens, were precisely those who
either refused to sign the Declaration or who signed it, as
they confessed, against their better judgment, — Dickinson,
Morris, Willing, and Wilson.

But by far the most serious obstacle to any mutual un-
derstanding between the opposite factions in the War of
Independence was due, strange to say, to opposite views
concerning the legal ground of complaint against the
mother-country, as well as to the nature of the remedy
which should be insisted upon. Both parties agreed that
we had grievances and that they must be redressed, but
as to the foundation of our claim that the ministry had
exceeded its authority, or as to the nature of the redress
which should be sought, there was no agreement. The
ISTew England creed on this subject, according to Jona-
than Mayhew in 1749, " recognized no authority but the
Bible in religion, and what arose from natural reason, and
the principle of equity, in civil affairs." So James Otis,
somewhat later, declared, " God made all men naturally
equal." " By the laws of God and of nature, government
could not raise money by taxation on the property of the
people without their consent or that of their deputies;" and
again, " An Act of Parliament contrary to natural equity
is void." In one of the resolutions of a town-meeting held
in Boston in 1768 it was plainly declared that " no law of
society can be binding upon any individual without his con-
sent." These illustrations, showing the temper of the time
in New England, but so utterly inconsistent with the facts
in our pre-Revolutionary history, might be multiplied, but it
is unnecessary. The statesmen of Pennsylvania were not
philosophers after the school of Rousseau, and therefore
they could not maintain either the natural goodness or the
natural equality of mankind ; nor were they Puritans, and

408 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

hence they were unable to perceive " an American empire in
the Divine decrees." They were only hard-headed English
lawyers, who, while they traced their grievances to the viola-
tion of English law as guaranteed to them by their charters,
turned to English history as their guide for a remedy.
They had always been and were still satisfied with English
law when it was not made an instrument of oppression.
They shuddered at the prospect of a revolution and of war,
even if a republic was to be reached only through such a
path. They were honestly genuine monarchists, believing
in the lessons taught by that teacher of all true wisdom, ex-
perience. They believed that the evils from which they
were suffering were in the nature of things transitory, that
they must soon see the return of " the days before the peace
of 1763," before any complaint was made of ministerial
tyranny. They were willing to imitate the example of their
forefathers, and again and again to come to the foot of the
throne with petition and remonstrance, refusing even to see
in dim perspective the shadow of the great empire which
was promised to them as the reward of a successful re-
bellion. This was the basis of the argument of Mr. Dick-
inson in the " Farmer's Letters," and they had satisfied for
several years at least the most ardent supporters of the
American claims. But a new era was approaching, when
his voice would be no longer heard : Diis aliter visum.

Thus in the great divergency of views which prevailed in
various parts of the country in regard to the proper method
of seeking a redress of grievances, and the men of different
character and of different political education who represented
the various Colonies, those who strove for the adoption of a
national policy had a most difficult task to perform. Added
to all the other difficulties, the utmost delicacy and skill
in managing men of different opinions were required. In-
tense earnestness and enthusiasm, combined with a sincere
spirit of conciliation which sought only the common good,
were essential if the leaders hoped to overcome that vis
inertice which is so powerful a check to the revolutionary
spirit at all times. None of the pretensions of what the

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 409

Germans call particularism could avail. There seemed to be,
after the first excitement had passed, but two ways by which
men of opposite opinions could be brought into active co-
operation to secure the result, — the one by crushing down all
opposition by force, the other by conciliating those who
were as yet unwilling or unready, and thus winning over
the timid and the hesitating to a loyal support of indepen-
dence. Unfortunately for the desirable union of sentiment
among the Colonists, the first method (that of force) was
adopted. The violent and revolutionary men, at least in
New England, forced themselves to the front, disarming
their opponents and forcing them into exile, and claiming a
monopoly of love of country, and thus managed to control
the revolutionary movement in such a way as to throw sus-
picion and distrust upon all those who would not co-operate
with them in their violent measures. The Revolution was
preceded, at least in Massachusetts, by a total suspension of
all the functions of regular government. Mob rule was the
normal condition of things. The " tarring and feathering"
of obnoxious officials, the destruction of private property
because its owners were political opponents, the closing of
the courts by mob force and the vile insults heaped upon the
judges because they held the king's commission, the expul-
sion of quiet citizens from their homes, many of whom had
been revered and honored as among the first characters in
the Commonwealth, because they were, in their quiet way,
as sincerely loyal to the king and to the old order as their
opponents were disloyal to the existing government, — all
these enormities, for which no redress was ever had, al-
though often referred to now as an illustration that the people
of New England could be law-abiding and revolutionary
at the same time, made a very different impression at the
time upon the conservative masses in the other Colonies,
especially in Pennsylvania.1 The proceedings of the early
leaders of the Revolution in New England convinced the
law-abiding people of the Middle Colonies that their design

1 See an article in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1888, entitled
"Mobs in Boston before the Revolution."

410 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

was to substitute for an orderly government, under which
they and their fathers had lived and prospered for so many
generations, that rule which the average Englishman had
been taught to regard as embodying all the worst vices of
despotism, — the rule of the mob. Thus it happened, natu-
rally, that the struggle in New England from the beginning
was characterized by the intense individuality which has
always belonged to the people of that part of the country.
Their conduct, stimulated by the action of the clergy, and
strongly leavened by a passionate love of equality, was made
singularly aggressive by the inherited tendencies which were
so strongly marked in those who were Puritans in their
religion and true children of the English Commonwealth in
their political opinions.

But, however powerful were these motives of action in
Few England, they did but little to promote the good cause
among those in the other Colonies, who had not the same
traditions, habits, and opinions, and possibly not the same
fiery zeal for independence. In Pennsylvania, at least, men
looked to English history for guidance when seeking for a
redress of grievances. There had been tyrants on the Eng-
lish throne before George III., and the history of their an-
cestors taught them that all great movements for reform in
English history had begun by petition and remonstrance, and
that the line between passive resistance and an appeal to
force to secure their ends was there clearly marked, as Mr.
Dickinson had said long before. They remembered how
the Petition of Eight in 1628 had united men of all parties
and opinions against the usurpations of Charles I. by its as-
sertion of English liberties, how men like Hyde and Cole-
pepper and Falkland, as well as Pym and Eliot, true patriots
in the beginning, all equally sincere in their loyalty and ear-
nestness before the civil war broke out, had united in the peti-
tion and had heartily supported it. Before they plunged into
war, the statesmen of Pennsylvania were determined to follow
the example of their ancestors, the English Whigs of 1688,
who declared in their Bill of Rights the fundamental condi-
tions on which alone they proposed to submit to the rule of

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 411

any king, whether he were called James or William. From
these examples they learned that every expedient must be
tried before they exposed themselves to the anarchy and
ruin of civil war. In short, they were Englishmen, and
their mistake, if mistake it can be called, was in being
governed too strictly by English precedent and example.

It must have seemed to many sober and thoughtful
persons, in the years between 1765 and 1776, as it does to
many of their descendants now (if our statement of the
obstacles in the way is a correct one), that there had never
been a dispute between the governors and the governed
among English-speaking people more susceptible of a peace-
ful solution than that concerning taxation in the shape in
which it was then presented for determination. Our Revo-
lution was not a sudden outbreak against acts of intolerable
oppression which could be borne no longer, and therefore
requiring an immediate remedy. "We had no Star-Chamber
here working without interruption and constantly condemn-
ing by its illegal edicts the subject to lose his liberty and
property ; we had no High Commission Court, with its in-
tolerable and perpetual tyranny over the consciences of
Englishmen ; we had no James II. claiming as his preroga-
tive the right to dispense with the execution of the laws, and
permitting the free exercise of a religion which was for-
bidden by those laws. Still less did there exist any of those
frightful political and social evils which under the sanction
of law in France made the people slaves, and the removal of
which could be brought about only by a social convulsion.
What we suffered from during those ten years which pre-
ceded the Revolution was not so much the execution of
obnoxious Acts of Parliament which might have been re-
pealed by the authority which enacted them, as the claims
which were made to rule us by the omnipotent power of
Parliament in all cases, and the perpetual threats to ex-
ercise that alleged right. What we objected to was not so
much what was actually done, as what we might suffer in
the way of vast and irremediable injury if we allowed the
Parliamentary claim and threats to pass unquestioned.

412 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

Under the circumstances, it seemed to conservative people
that this was the time to bring about a redress of grievances
by a spirit of conciliation, not by threats, violence, and mob
rule on our part, but by discussion, petition, and remon-
strance. These people were encouraged to hope that after
the repeal of the Stamp Act and the Act levying duties on
paper, glass, etc., owing to the discontent which had been
manifested in the Colonies, the principle of the right to
tax us by Parliament might well in time be abandoned
also. It is very true that these men were sadly mistaken
and disappointed in their hopes and calculations, that they
had underestimated the unbending pride of the English
House of Commons and the pig-headed obstinacy of George
HE., but to judge them rightly we must put ourselves in
their places.

If further justification of the course pursued by Pennsyl-
vania and the leaders here is needed, it is to be found in the
peculiar position of the Province during the ten years preced-
ing the Revolution. The population here, although greater
than that of any other of the Colonies except Virginia, was,
as we have seen, of a composite order : one-third were said
by Dr. Franklin to have been English Quakers, one-third to
have been Germans, and the other third to have been made
up of a variety of races, chief among which were the Scotch-
Irish Presbyterians. This difference in races and religion
was, as we have shown, the first great obstacle to unity of
political action. There had been a bitter contest prolonged
through many years between the friends and the opponents
of the Proprietary government. On each side of this ques-
tion were arrayed the most prominent public men of the
Province. The Quakers as a body had forsaken the Pro-
prietary party, and, although they returned to the support
of the charter when they discovered what sort of Constitu-
tion the popular party proposed to substitute for it, yet they
soon became divided on other grounds. The Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians, as was to be expected, were most ardent in
their opposition to the ministry, for they remembered only
too well the tyranny from which their ancestors had suffered

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 413

in their native country, which had destroyed the woollen-
industry in Ireland, and the shocking attempt which was
made to disqualify them from holding there any office unless
they had subscribed the religious test of that day. They had
here, as inhabitants of the frontier settlements, a peculiar
grievance, a long-standing quarrel with the Quakers who
controlled the Assembly, and who, they alleged, had refused,
in consequence of religious scruples, to protect them from
the attacks of the French and Indians. Hence the sym-
pathy between these two sections of the population was not
remarkably warm or active.

It will be readily seen, from what has been said, that to
fuse all these discordant elements in Pennsylvania into the
white-heat of opposition to ministerial tyranny was a well-
nigh impossible task. The leaders in New England saw
clearly the absolute necessity of some Plan of Union as
essential to success, and to secure it they were willing, for a
time at least, to subordinate their own peculiar views to
those of others. During the ten years which preceded the
war they were seeking for a common basis upon which they
could hope to conduct the agitation successfully, and their
leaders were overjoyed when at last they found it in the
Plan proposed by John Dickinson, the most distinguished
Pennsylvania publicist of the time. This Plan, of which
we have spoken, was embodied in the celebrated " Farmer's
Letters," printed in 1768, which upheld doctrines in regard
to our position as Colonists and our rights and duties in our
relations with the mother-country which, on the lines of
strict historical English precedent, served as a chart for the
guidance of Colonial statesmen for many years. The politi-
cal doctrines taught in these celebrated letters must have
been, for instance, distasteful to Mr. Samuel Adams, with his
early belief in the necessity of working for the independence
of his country ; and yet he was so fully convinced of their
wisdom that he repressed his zeal, and said, " After all, the
Farmer is right. At this time either violence or submission
would be equally disastrous." So the town of Boston, in the
midst of her mobs, officially thanked Mr. Dickinson for the

414 Pennsylvania and ike Declaration of Independence.

lesson of moderation which he had given them. There
seems to be a general consensus of opinion among historians
that throughout the Continent the Pennsylvanian idea and
system was the dominant one. Certainly no other political
tract or pamphlet published in America has ever produced
so deep and permanent an impression, not excepting even
that of Paine, — " Common Sense."

The doctrine taught in these letters was one designed to
calm the revolutionary passions which were manifesting
themselves in such a way in certain parts of the country as
to disgust the friends of good government, and to alienate,
what was so essential to our success, the sympathy of our
friends in England. In them he showed plainly that what
the Americans were then contending for needed not the
support of illegal or revolutionary proceedings, but that, on
the contrary, the great principle of representation founded
on taxation was as much " an ancient and undoubted right
and privilege of the Colonists as of the people of this
realm," that it rested on the same basis as trial by jury, for
instance, a right which we would be slaves indeed could we
consent to yield without resistance. Mr. Dickinson then
insists that the true English mode of redressing any politi-
cal grievance, and especially one such as this, was in the
first place by the historical and constitutional method of
petition and remonstrance, which may be a slow and tedi-
ous process, but which in history has usually proved effective
in the end. He does not hesitate to foresee the possi-
bility that the patience of the people may be exhausted, and
that the king may be obdurate, and in such an event he
does not hesitate to warn the ministry that, should " an
inveterate resolution be formed to destroy the liberties of
the people," English history affords frequent examples of
resistance by force. And he adds, significantly, " The first
act of violence on the part of the administration in America
will put the whole continent in arms, from Nova Scotia to
Georgia."

Such were the views held by a large majority of the
Whigs in Pennsylvania before the war. They continued

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 415

to hold them when the Congress met here in 1774. By
that time the fiery patriots of New England had gone very
far "beyond them, although they did not think it prudent
openly to avow the change. The execution of the " Boston
Port Bill," perhaps, was the occasion chosen for a more
frank avowal of a change of opinion. Be that as it may, it
was apparent before the Delegates came together in 1774 that
there were two parties throughout the Colonies, whom for
want of better names we may call the violent and the mod-
erate, and that their views of the proper course to be pursued
differed on fundamental grounds. Pennsylvania occupied a
commanding position at this crisis. Her course was clearly
marked out by the Farmer's Letters ; there was no doubt
nor hesitation in her Assembly, nor in her Delegates to the
Congress, Messrs. Dickinson, Wilson, Galloway, and Morris.
With her no doubt agreed at first the larger portion of the
Congress, as appears from their votes and subsequent pro-
ceedings.

The obstacles which the New England Delegates found
to the approval of their theories of independence in 1774
can hardly be exaggerated. The story is nowhere better told
than by John Adams himself in a letter to Timothy Picker-
ing, 6th August, 1822. (See Adams's Life, vol. i. p. 512.)
He is describing the journey of the Delegates of Massachu-
setts to the Congress of 1774 at Philadelphia. It appears
that they all travelled, with the characteristic simplicity of
those days, in one coach. Arrived at Frankford in the
suburbs of the city, they were met by Dr. Rush, Mr. (after-
wards General) Mifflin, Mr. Bayard, and several others of
the most active " Sons of Liberty" in Philadelphia, who had
come out not so much to welcome them as to give them a
timely warning as to their conduct. They were suspected
(so they were told) of being in favor of independence.
" Now," said the Philadelphia gentlemen, " you must not
utter the word independence, nor give the least hint or
insinuation of the idea, either in Congress or any private
conversation : if you do, you are undone, for the idea of in-
dependence is as unpopular in Pennsylvania and in all the

416 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

Middle and Southern States as the Stamp Act itself. !N"o
man dares to speak of it." They were also advised to keep
themselves in the background, and to put forward Virgin-
ians, as they represented the most populous Colony. To
this advice (unwelcome as it was, no doubt, to the preten-
sions of some of them) we owed, according to Mr. Adams,
the selection of Mr. Peyton Randolph as President of the
Congress, and of Washington as General-in-Chief, although
he admits that when he found the " members of Congress,
Virginians and all, so perfectly convinced that we should be
able to persuade or terrify Great Britain," he " had some
misgivings." We may remark that his statement in this
letter (written when he was eighty-six years old) that on his
arrival in Philadelphia he was avoided like a " man affected
with leprosy," and that he walked the streets in solitude,
"borne down by the weight of care and unpopularity," is
hardly in accord with the account of his reception given in his
Diary, written presumably when the events referred to in it
took place. He tells us there that he dined nearly every day
he passed in Philadelphia with men of the highest rank and
distinction, and the impression made upon him by the ex-
cellence of "the turtle, the madeira, and the flummery"
was all the more agreeable as it was evidently a novel sen-
sation for him. The truth is that all the Delegates to the
Congress, from whatever part of the country they came and
whatever were their political opinions, were welcomed by
the gentlemen of Philadelphia with characteristic hospi-
tality, and Mr. Adams never became an " outcast" until, by
the betrayal of an intercepted letter, it was discovered that
he had insulted one of his principal hosts, — no less a person
than the popular idol, John Dickinson. Among the gentle-
men who at that time composed the society which welcomed
so warmly the strangers who came as Delegates to the Con-
gress, such a social offence was, of course, unpardonable.
It may be that the printing of this intercepted letter, which
was widely circulated, may have been, in the opinion of its
author and in that of General Reed (who, by the way, it is
curious to find cited as an authority on the subject of

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 417

" intercepted letters*'), of advantage to the American cause;
but it is undeniably true that it was Mr. Adams's manners,
and not his politics, that made him an " outcast in the
streets of Philadelphia."

The Delegates found on their arrival in the city that the
gentlemen who had met them at Frankford had not exag-
gerated the state of feeling there. Wherever they went they
found little sympathy with their opinions. Not only did
the Quakers seem cold, but others also conspicuous in public
life; yet they were politely received by all. Those who
then composed what was called the society of the place
formed, it must not be forgotten, an array of men distin-
guished in public and private life such as could be found at
that time nowhere else on the Continent. Among the more
prominent of these were the Pennsylvania members of the
Congress, Messrs. Dickinson, Wilson, Morris, Willing, and
Humphreys, — the first, as we have said, with a reputation
as a statesman already continental, the second probably the
most eminent jurist of his day, and the third, with his part-
ner Thomas Willing, member of one of the largest mercan-
tile firms in America at a time when the term "merchant
prince" had a significance which it has now lost. Besides,
among the prominent lawyers were the Chief- Justice, Chew,
Edward Tilghman, William and Andrew Allen, McKean,
Reed, and Galloway, all bred in the Temple, and all having
imbibed there the traditional English view of the public
questions at that time under discussion. There were, too,
eminent physicians and men of learning who added to the
social attractions of the place : Morgan, Rush, and Shippen,
father and son, who had founded the first medical school on
this Continent, which even then gave promise of its future
renown ; Provost Smith, regarded by his contemporaries as
a prodigy of learning, and spoken of even by John Adams
as "very able;" Rittenhouse, the greatest natural philoso-
pher of the time, according to Jefferson; and Vice-Provost
Allison, regarded by President Stiles of Yale College as the
best classical scholar of his day in this country. These men
all discussed the burning questions of the hour in a large
VOL. xiii.— 27

418 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

and comprehensive spirit; and doubtless the society of such
men, reinforced as it then was by that of the Delegates from
the other Colonies, must have taught the New England
Delegates many things which they needed to know, if har-
mony of sentiment throughout the country was to be reached.
The impression produced on the minds of the Delegates by
their intercourse with the enlightened men they met at Phil-
adelphia was not, if we are to judge by their correspondence
and their Diaries, a very favorable one. They were quick
enough to see that their political opinions were associated in
the minds of those they met not merely with the pretensions
of a narrow and levelling Puritanism, but also with the en-
couragement of lawless and disorderly acts. The Committees
of Safety, the " Sons of Liberty," the caucus, and various
other devices which New England had invented for rousing
and organizing the passions of the multitude, although
shortly to be introduced here, were then regarded by the
sober, conservative, and law-abiding people of this part of
the country as forms of mob violence, and as such these
political manifestations were extremely distasteful to them.
The truth is, our people had not then been educated in revo-
lutionary methods, and, Quakers as they were, they could
not appreciate the value of that " higher law" which was
invoked as their guide. One of the most curious illustra-
tions of the failure of this New England mission to convert
the stubborn Quakers is given by John Adams himself
(Diary, p. 398).

It seems that he and his colleagues were invited by Israel
Pembertori, a prominent citizen of the town, to be present
at a Quaker meeting. From what we learn of his conduct
on this and similar occasions Pemberton would appear to
have taken George Fox before Cromwell as his model. The
Massachusetts Delegates accepted the invitation gladly, and
the meeting seems to have been held in the Carpenters'
Hall, the same place in which Congress met To their utter
amazement, Friend Israel arose and said that " Friends had
a concern about the condition of things in Massachusetts ;
that they had received complaints from some Anabaptists and

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 419

some Friends against certain laws of that Province restrictive
of liberty of conscience." Israel said, further, " that the laws
of New England, and particularly of Massachusetts, were
inconsistent with this liberty of conscience, for they not
only compelled men to pay for the building of churches and
support of ministers, but to go to some known religious
assembly on first-days, etc. ; and that he and his friends were
desirous of engaging us to assure them that our State would
repeal all those laws and place things as they were in Pennsyl-
vania." It may be imagined what must have been the indig-
nation of these Delegates of the " Sons of Liberty" to find
themselves appealed to in favor of the liberty of Quakers
and of Baptists at home, when they had come so far to teach
these very benighted Quakers the true meaning of that much-
abused word. They denied that any particular case of op-
pression had occurred under these laws in their time, but
they insisted upon it that the laws themselves were so sacred
that " they might as well hope to turn the heavenly bodies
out of their annual and diurnal courses as the people of
Massachusetts at the present day from their meeting-house
and Sunday laws." They then began to descant upon the
compatibility of these laws with liberty of conscience, — when
they were interrupted by Pemberton, who cried out, " Oh,
sir, don't urge liberty of conscience in favor of such laws."
No wonder John Adams did not like the Quakers, and that
he was tempted at times to call them by their old nickname,
Jesuits.

As the day for the meeting of Congress of 1774 drew
nigh, it became more and more apparent that, in the exist-
ing state of public feeling throughout the country, no meas-
ure looking towards independence could pass that body.
The "Declaration of Rights" prepared by Mr. Dickinson,
which was finally unanimously adopted as expressing the
sense of the Congress, embodied simply the views which
had been always maintained in Pennsylvania by her legisla-
ture and by her public men since the dispute began. In this
" Declaration," in the characteristic English way, following
the example of the Whigs of 1688, they do declare, "as

420 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

Englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done
for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties,"
certain fundamental principles, etc. ; and they insist that to
the grievances, acts, and measures which they enumerate,
Americans cannot submit, but that "/or the present they are
resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures only, —
that is, to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption,
and non-exportation agreement, and to send addresses to the
king and the people of Great Britain." These words "/or the
present" really constituted the only difference on this subject
between the majority and the minority of the Delegates. It
has turned out that the Delegates who favored an imme-
diate declaration of independence at this time were wiser in
their generation and more far-seeing than their colleagues.
The English government, as it proved, was not to be fright-
ened from its position by threats to destroy its commerce,
er conciliated by protestations of loyalty and attachment:
.these seemed, contrary to all expectation, only to harden
the heart of the king and to confirm Parliament in its deter-
mination to force us to submission.

The Assembly of Pennsylvania was the first of the Colo-
nial Legislatures to meet after the adjournment of Congress.
On the 10th of December, 1774, it adopted and confirmed
all the measures of that body, — a result apparently unex-
pected by the governor, and regarded by Mr. Keed in his
letter to Lord Dartmouth as very significant, as it was " ex-
pressive of the approbation of a large number of Quakers
in the House, a body of people who have acted a passive
part in all the disputes between the mother-country and the
Colonies." The Assembly also appointed Delegates to the
next Congress to be held in May, 1775, but declined, from
the religious scruples of the Quakers, to provide fire-arms
for those who should be enrolled. A Provincial Conven-
tion, which was certainly an extra-legal if not a revolution-
ary body, formed by committees who had been appointed by
mass meetings in the different counties, was called by this
" General Committee," the real intention of those who con-
voked it being to use it as a means of supervising the con-

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 421

duct of the legal Assembly. This was a scheme violently
opposed by some of the best Whigs and most ardent patriots
in the Province, because it proposed to interfere with the
regular legal action of the Assembly, which up to this time
had been in harmony with Congress and the other Colonies.
This body met on the 23d of January, 1775, and adjourned
on the 28th. The immediate pretext for convening it at
that time was the encouragement of domestic manufactures,
but its real object was to familiarize the people with the
necessity of subverting the old charter and establishing a
new constitution on a more popular basis, and it managed
to breed distrust, suspicion, and dissensions among a people
who had been hitherto practically unanimous in their opin-
ions and acts concerning the policy to be observed towards
the mother-country. From that time until June, 1776, there
was a sort of dual authority in Pennsylvania, the "Whigs
holding by the General Committee and the Convention, and
their opponents by the Assembly and the old charter.
When the Assembly met in May, 1775, the battle of Lex-
ington had been fought, and that body, although chiefly
composed of Quakers and of other persons still indisposed
to take the irrevocable step of independence, and who have
been represented as unpatriotic, voted at once, in accord-
ance with the recommendation of Congress, that forty-three
hundred men should be raised and enrolled, and that the
commissioners of the different counties should provide them
with arms and accoutrements. Moreover, they provided
for the appointment of a Committee of Safety, with John
Dickinson at its head, which took over to itself the chief
legal executive power of the Province in the absence of the
Governor. The Assembly gave this body power to call for
troops and to issue bills of credit to be used for military
purposes. During this critical period Pennsylvania was
represented in Congress with great credit, and her Dele-
gates, who were all members of the Assembly, and espe-
cially Mr. Dickinson, had influence enough to secure the
adoption of her policy, which was resistance to ministerial
measures, but opposition to separation from the mother-

422 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

country. This policy will be found in the two petitions to
the king and the Declaration of the Rights of the Colonies
and of their reasons for taking up arms, all drafted by Mr.
Dickinson.

The opinions of the advocates of revolution were, how-
ever, not changed by the proceedings of the Congress, and
they employed every expedient to accomplish their object,
which was to induce the other Colonies to adopt measures
looking towards independence. The most promising method
which was at last adopted, by which it was hoped that this
result could be achieved, was so to change the Proprietary
governments of several of the Colonies, and especially that
of Pennsylvania, as to place them within the control of the
popular and revolutionary parties. For more than twenty
months this party in Pennsylvania, aided by Delegates from
other Colonies who were in sympathy with them, were un-
ceasing in their efforts to subvert the ancient charter of
Penn, under which the Province had grown and prospered
for nearly a hundred years. Those who had petitioned the
king in 1764 that the charter might be revoked, because
its powers had been abused by the Deputies of the Penn
family, were now unanimous in their desire to preserve it.
The complaint is not merely that we were forced to sacrifice
the old charter, but that this object was reached in the end
by revolutionary means such as have never been used in any
case since in changing the fundamental law of any of our
American States. During this period the people of Penn-
sylvania were forced to contend against two revolutions, —
one against the power of the mother- country, and the other
against a party within her own borders seeking to over-
turn by illegal methods the long-established and well-tried
government of the Province, and to substitute in its place
a new and untried scheme, which the most experienced
statesmen of the Commonwealth truly predicted would
prove, if adopted, absolutely disastrous to her interests.
How this scheme was regarded by her prominent public
men is clearly seen by referring to the history of the time ;
and how much its discussion destroyed all hope of the union

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 423

of parties here and produced dissensions which destroyed
the legitimate influence of the Province in the prosecution
of the war, it needs no argument to prove. It is, of course,
not to be denied that there were many in the Province
who desired to abolish the old charter and to establish
a government founded on universal suffrage; but, as no
other Colony had ever been governed by such a system, as
indeed the term "people" in the sense applied to it by
modern politicians was then an unknown term, what was
proposed would have been at any time a genuine revolution,
but attempted in the midst of war, and with the object of
placing the conduct of that war, as far as Pennsylvania was
concerned, under the control of the populace, it seems an
act of almost as insane folly as could have been well under-
taken. What effect this change had upon the progress of
the war it is unnecessary to enlarge upon here, but the great
evils which grew out of this attempt to substitute a new and
untried system in opposition to a large majority of the legal
voters, at a crisis of peculiar difficulty, for the charter govern-
ment of Penn are well known, and have been well described
by the most discreet, judicious, and experienced man we
had in public life during the Revolution, — Charles Thomson,
the highly honored Secretary of the Continental Congress.
" Had the Whigs in the Assembly/' said Mr. Thomson
many years after, " been left to pursue their own measures,
there is every reason to believe that they would have ef-
fected their purpose, prevented the disunion which has un-
fortunately taken place, and brought the whole Province as
one man, with all the force and weight of government, into
the common cause. . . . The original Constitution of Penn-
sylvania [Penn's charter] was very favorable, and well
adapted to the present emergency. The Assembly was
annual. The election was fixed for a certain day, on which
freemen who were worth fifty pounds met, or had a right to
meet, without summons, at their respective colinty towns,
and by ballot chose not only representatives for Assembly,
but also sheriff', coroner, and commissioners for managing
the affairs of the county, and assessors to rate the tax im-

424 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

posed by law upon the estates real and personal of the
several inhabitants. Members of Assembly, when chosen,
met according to law on a certain day, and chose their own
Speaker, Provincial Treasurer, and sundry other officers.
The House sat on its own adjournments, nor was it in the
power of the Governor to prorogue or dissolve it. Hence it
is apparent that Pennsylvania had a great advantage over
the other Colonies, which, by being deprived by their Gov-
ernors of their legal Assemblies constitutionally chosen,
were forced into conventions."

This charter, it is to be remembered, could at any time
have been altered or amended by the vote of six parts
out of seven of the members of the Assembly. It must not
be forgotten, too, that of all the leading public men in
Pennsylvania at that time — Franklin, Dickinson, Thomson,
Reed, Mifflin, Morris, McKean, Clymer — Dr. Franklin,
McKean, and Clymer alone thought it necessary for the
success of the Eevolution and the benefit of the Province
that the ancient charter of Penn should thus be subverted.
A good deal was said at the time of the binding force of
oaths of allegiance, and the supposed obligation of these
oaths was made the excuse for many lawless acts. But, as
is well known, test-oaths, as they were called, had been
administered throughout the Colonies to all those who held
any office under the crown, and Pennsylvania was in that
respect in the same position as the others. Besides, it was
always understood that revolutions which are strong enough
to withdraw the subject from the protection of a govern-
ment de jure acquire, from the necessity of the case, a recog-
nized right to a certain qualified form of allegiance. Both
in Connecticut and in Rhode Island all public officers were
required by their charters to take the same oath of alle-
giance as in Pennsylvania, yet the charters of both States
were in full force during the Revolution and for many years
after it, and their inhabitants suffered no inconvenience
from the provision in regard to test-oaths. After consider-
ing this change of government at this time carefully, we are
forced to the conclusion that all these excuses founded on

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 425

the idea that there was something peculiar in the Penn-
sylvania allegiance were mere pretexts put forward to
screen an act the real object of which was to secure the
support of this Province to an immediate declaration of
independence, without any regard to the injury to the State
itself or the opinions of the voters. "We insist upon this
point, because it is impossible to gain any correct idea of
the attitude of Pennsylvania towards independence during
the spring of 1776 without understanding how the question
was complicated, owing to the action of a supervisory popu-
lar body called a Provincial Convention, with the vastly
important question of the preservation of her charter. The
question always was, in Pennsylvania, not, are you in favor
of national independence pure and simple? but, are you
also in favor of a new and untried scheme of state gov-
ernment? The particular party then in power under the
charter were opposed to an immediate declaration of inde-
pendence for many reasons, not the least weighty of which
was that the adoption of such a measure would necessarily
destroy their own long-tried home government. Their
opponents, having failed to outnumber them at the polls,
proposed by a revolutionary process to accomplish two
objects, — first to get rid entirely of the trouble given by the
supporters of the charter by abolishing it, and then to estab-
lish in its place a government which, whatever else it might
do, would favor independence. There is no reason why we
should not call the means taken to effect this object by its
right name, — revolutionary and anti -republican. The vast
results which followed the adhesion of Pennsylvania to the
cause of independence in giving birth to this nation
must not blind us to the extra-legal course adopted to
accomplish the object, and we must see to it at least that
unmerited reproach is not cast upon the motives of the
purest body of men who ever represented Pennsylvania in a
legislative body, — her Delegates in Congress when the
Declaration was adopted.

We must follow somewhat carefully the steps of this
intrigue if we wish to know how the Declaration of Inde-

426 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

pendence was made in July, 1776. The party in Pennsyl-
vania in the winter and spring of that year whose immediate
object was the abolition of the old charter, and the party in
Congress whose only object was to secure the general con-
Bent of the Colonies to a declaration, had a common basis
of action, and it was not difficult to reach an understanding
as to the course which they should pursue. There could be
no independence while Pennsylvania did not consent, and
there seemed at that time little prospect that she would
agree to a separation of any kind while her policy was con-
trolled by her legal Assembly. From the beginning, as is
now well understood, there had been a plan in the minds of
a certain party in Congress (of which the Adamses, Samuel
and John, were the leaders) to bring about a separation.
This project had been discreetly veiled because for a long
time it met with little encouragement. The greatest obsta-
cle in the way of this party was undoubtedly the Pennsyl-
vania charter and the Assembly organized under it. How
to get rid of the charter was a problem of no little difficulty.
Its supporters would vote for no scheme of national inde-
pendence which involved its destruction. Mr. Elbridge
Gerry, who came as a Delegate to Congress from Massachu-
setts in January, 1776, wrote a letter on this subject shortly
after his arrival in Philadelphia which is very suggestive.
" Since my arrival in this city," he says, " the New England
Delegates have been in continual war with the advocates of
the Proprietary interest in Congress and in this Colony.
These are they who are most in the way of the measures we
have proposed ; but I think the contest is pretty nearly at
an end," etc. One loses patience at the coolness with which
men who came here to seek our aid in restoring their
charter propose as the only means of effecting their object
the destruction of our own. As time went on, and John
Adams probably was seen by Dr. Rush " wandering like an
outcast in the streets of Philadelphia," in despair at the
conduct of the obstinate Quakers, the crisis was approach-
ing. The power of the Provincial Convention, intended as
a means of overawing the Charter Assembly, was first tried

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 427

in February, 1776, and its intervention, as we have seen,
was a failure ; then an election was held on the 1st of May,
1776, for members of the Assembly, which was hotly con-
tested, but the friends of the charter were all elected, save
Mr. Clymer. It was then that John Adams determined,
in despair of success in any other way, to make his final
assault upon Penn's charter. On the 10th of May he offered
a resolution in Congress recommending that the Colonies
should establish a " government sufiicient to the exigencies
of affairs." But the friends of the charter in the Assembly
contended at once that they had just such a government in
Pennsylvania, and therefore, in the opinion of Dickinson
and Wilson, they needed "for the exigencies of affairs"
none other. As soon as this movement, which entirely dis-
concerted Adams's plan, was discovered, he proposed, May
15, what he called a preamble to his resolution, but what
was in reality a substitute for it, and was intended to shut
out all hope of escape and declared that the exercise of every
authority under the crown should be totally suppressed.
The preamble, after a violent debate, was passed. This
measure was, of course, the true Declaration of Indepen-
dence. From that hour the charter of Pennsylvania and the
Assembly which it created were doomed, not by its own act,
but by la force majeure of Congress, which it was unable to
resist. None saw this more clearly than the patriots who
formed the majority of the Assembly, with Dickinson at
their head. They took no factious or revolutionary steps to
prolong their power. On the contrary, in the early days of
June they revoked the instructions given to the Pennsyl-
vania Delegates in Congress on the 9th of November, 1775,
and permitted them to use their discretion in concurring
with the Delegates of the other Colonies in a measure of
separation from the mother-country. This proposition, as we
have said, they were never permitted to bring to a vote,
their opponents whose presence was necessary to form a
quorum for the transaction of business having absented
themselves. It thus followed that Dr. Franklin was the
only Delegate who had been chosen in November, 1775,

428 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence.

who voted for and signed the Declaration of Independence
voluntarily. Of that Delegation, when the vote was taken on
the 2d of July, Dickinson and Morris were absent, Wilson
was much opposed to it, but appended his signature, and
Willing and Humphreys voted against it. Those whose
names are now appended to this document, with the ex-
ception of that of Franklin, were chosen by the Conven-
tion on the 20th of July and signed it as of July 4, 1776.
In this way was the Declaration signed in Pennsylvania.
Those who signed it not only signed the death-warrant of
royal power on this Continent, but in doing so they blotted
from existence one of the most admirable codes of con-
stitutional law that the world has ever seen, — the great
charter of William Penn, under whose benign rule a com-
munity had grown up where civil and religious liberty
had been fully maintained, where justice between man and
man had been fairly administered, and where the prosperity
and success in the arts of life which always attend on good
government had made the people who lived under it the
envy and admiration of the world. It is a consolation to
feel that the sacrifice was made in order to attain a higher
good, and that those who were the chief agents in its de-
struction and the substitution for it of the " unspeakable"
Constitution of 1776 were not our own sons, but strangers.

I have thus endeavored to show how a Pennsylvanian
might have been a genuine patriot in the Revolution and
yet not have favored the Declaration of Independence in
July, 1776. It was not because he loved his country less,
but because he loved his old home more. If he favored
national independence he was obliged to surrender the
Provincial charter. Forced to choose between his charter
and a new and untried scheme of government of which he
could know nothing, it was natural that he should cling to
that with which he was most familiar. He had strong mis-
givings as to the result when he saw into whose hands the
framing of the new Constitution would fall, and his fears
were fully justified. Of all the Colonial charters those only
of Connecticut and Rhode Island survived the Revolution.

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 429

They were preserved in the affections of their people, and
made to harmonize with the changes produced by the war.
All that the people of Pennsylvania asked was that their
charter, to which so large a portion of her people was at-
tached, should be treated in the same way. This was denied
them. Perhaps it was absolutely necessary for the common
good that such a sacrifice should be made. If such was the
case, then the terms " timidity,'' " weakness," and " want
of patriotism" are very much out of place when applied
to explain the conduct of men who in this crisis had the
highest of all forms of courage, — for it includes them all,
— the courage of their opinions ; and surely America has
produced no class of citizens whose career during the Revo-
lution was more constant in its loyalty or more full of
devoted service of all kinds to the country than those
much-abused men who defended to the last the chartered
rights of Pennsylvania.

430 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF EGBERT PROUD, THE
HISTORIAN.

[On August 16, 1826, Mr. Charles West Thomson read, before the
Council of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, a paper entitled
" Notices of the Life and Character of Eobert Proud, author of ' The
History of Pennsylvania/ " in which he gives some quotations from the
autobiography of the historian. Through the courtesy of Mr. Henry
D. Biddle we are enabled to give the autobiography in full. — ED.
PENNA. MAG.]

COMMENTARIOLUM DE VITA R. PnouDi, or short notes and
memoranda of the time and place of Robert Proud's
birth, with his changes of situation or places of abode,
both in England and America. Written by himself
anno 1806, in the 78 year of his age : with some brief
observations and reflections.

Our early days are best, but quickly gone ;
Disease with age and sorrow soon come on ;
Labor and pain soon introduce decay,
And death relentless hastens all away. E. P.

The following notes are intended to inform those, whom
it may concern, or to whom the same shall be agreeable to
know, That I Robert Proud, having resided in Philadelphia
now many years, which have seemed to me very short and
fleeting, tho' attended with much vicissitude, tribulation and
disappointment, divers ways, was born on the tenth day of
May, anno 1728, according to best information and memory,
in the north part of Yorkshire, England, at a farm house,
called, Low Foxton (long since demolished) which was dis-
tinguished, by that name, from another next to it, called,
High Foxton, near one mile distant from a village, or coun-
try town, named, Crathorn, where I went daily to school, to
learn my first rudiments of a person named, Baxter; a man
of some eminence in his line ; likewise a little more than

432 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

in that city ; and, being afterwards recommended by the
same person, I was introduced into the families of Silvanus
and Timothy Bevan, eminent chemists and druggists and
much noted in the medical line. — Of whom the former, at
that time, lived mostly retired, in his then advanced age, at
the pleasant village of Hackney, nigh London ; and the
latter, in Plow Court, Lombard street, in the city itself. By
whom being kindly received, and treated with much respect,
benevolence and friendship, I undertook, at their request,
the instruction of the sons of the latter, in certain branches
of learning, who mostly resided at Hackney. In which place
and employment (having the free use of S. Bevan's large and
excellent library) I continued to much mutual satisfaction,
till I removed to Pennsylvania in the latter part of the year
1758.

For considering this situation and employment would not
long answer to provide for my future support in life, for
which in my narrow circumstances I was often much thought-
fully concerned, and as it did not occupy my whole time, so,
being conversant with divers persons of much noted medical
knowledge and practice, I applied part of my time, while
here, diligently to that study, with a view to qualify myself
for the practice. — To which I was the more induced, not
only by a strong desire of all useful science, in general, and
best improvement of mind, but also particularly by the ex-
traordinary opportunity, and best of information, with seeing
a very extensive practice, in that line; which I then had, or
might enjoy, in the families, where I lived, and their large
connections, as being generally persons of much note and
eminency in different respects. — In this pursuit, for several
years, I made such proficiency as to attract considerable
notice and respect from many : — having then in view the
practice of physic.

This not only exposed me to much variety of company,
with great intenseness of thought, application and trial, but
also frequently to such society and communication, in some
things, as were not always agreeable, but, as I thought, in-
jurious to my mind ; so that afterwards, for these and other

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 433

reasons, declining further pursuit thereof, in regard to a
medical profession, in the latter part of the year 1758, having
with much difficulty to my mind, or affection, taken leave
of divers of my friends, more especially where I lived, I left
London ; and from Portsmouth, took shipping for Pennsyl-
vania ; having letters of recommendation from divers of my
friends, in London to theirs in Philadelphia; among which,
from Dr Fothergill to Israel Pemberton, — with certificate,
drawn by Timothy Bevan and Joseph Phipps, from the
Monthly Meeting of friends, in Grace Church street, Lon-
don, to that of Philadelphia, or elsewhere in America.

MEMORANDA.

1758, 9 mo. 27, and 4th day of the week, I left London,
early in the morning, in the flying machine, six horses,
with Sarah & Eliz. Hyde and other passengers ; and arrived
at Portsmouth, in the evening, about 73 miles: where I
abode one day.

9 mo. 29. — Went on board the ship Carolina, — Duncan, —
where waited for the sailing of convoy (it being in time of
war) about three weeks, at Spithead, with my friend, Mor-
decai Yarnall, of Philadelphia who had joined us, and other
passengers.

10 mo. 22, and first day of the week. — Sailed with a fair
wind.

1759, 1 mo. 3, After a stormy passage, and much contrary
winds, arrived at Lewistown, on, or near Delaware Bay,
where M. Yarnall and myself went on shore, to Samuel
Rowland's house, with Captain Duncan; and from thence
by land we two arrived at M. Yarnall's house in Philadelphia
on the 6th same month ; the navigation of the river Delaware
having been obstructed with ice, for about two weeks.

On the 7th or 8th same month, by kind invitation I re-
moved to the house of Isaac Greenleaf, Market street ; from
whence 9 mo. 10th to that of William Brown, Walnut street,
then kept by Mary Newport, where I first took a few pupils
or scholars : and from thence on 2 mo. 6th 1761 to the house
of James Pemberton, in 2nd street.
YOL. xm.— 28

434 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

1762, 1 mo. 21 — from James Pemberton's house to that
of Israel Morris, both in 2nd and Walnut streets.

1763, 9 mo. 19 — to Anthony Benezet's, Chestnut street.

1766, 5 mo. 15 — Joseph Marriott's, Walnut street.

1767, 3 mo. 25 — Anthony Benezet's again, — returned from
Burlington.

1771, 2 mo. 8— Tacey Forbes's, N E. corner, Market Str.
& 4th Street.

1772, 10 mo. 3 — Benjamin Morgan's, Arch street.

1776, 5 mo. 25— Roger Bowman's, 2nd Street.

1777, 10 mo. 21— Anthony Benezet's 3rd time.

1778, 4 mo. 23— Elizabeth and Ruth Roberts, Arch street.
8 mo. 3 — B. Morgan with R. Roberts, New Jersey.

1779, 9 mo. 9— Samuel Clark's 5th street Philad*.

In all 14 removals, between the years 9 mo. 1759, and 9
mo. 1779, about 20 years.

Near two years after my arrival in America, in 1 mo. 3rd
1759 aforesaid, I undertook, on the 11th of 9 mo. 1761 the
Public Latin School of Friends in Philadelphia. In which
station I continued till 9 mo. 11th 1770, about 9 years, when
I resigned it.

From that time till 4 mo. 24th 1780, the space of 9 yean
and 7 months, I was partly employed in trade with my
brother John Proud from England and partly during the
distraction of the Country here, engaged, at the particular
request of some Friends, in compiling and writing the His-
tory of Pennsylvania, in my retirement, — a laborious and
important work.

Between the years 1775 and 1780, there being a great
change from the former happy condition of this country,
since called, The United States, with a general cessation, at
that time, from the former usual and useful employments
among the people, who were then strangely disposed for
revolution, rebellion and destruction, under the name and
pretence of Liberty, I endeavoured to divert my mind from
those popular and disagreeable objects, at times, by such
meditations and reflections as took my attention ; which, in
part, I committed to writing, on various subjects, both in

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 435

prose and verse, but mostly in the former, during part of
my retirement, in that afflictive and trying season, besides
the compilation of the History of Pennsylvania since
printed.

All which literary productions, translations and memo-
randa, chiefly for my own use and amusement, or to help my
memory,* still remaining in manuscript, with those, which
are lost or destroyed, and including some written before, in
England, and others since more lately here, I suppose, would
fill several large octavo volumes, if printed.

SOME EXTEMPORANEOUS LINES, ON THE SOURCE OP HUMAN MISERY,
HERE CALLED, FORBIDDEN FRUIT, WRITTEN ABOUT THE BEGIN-
NING OP THE AFORESAID TIME OR CHANGE.

forbidden fruit* 'a, in ev'ry state,

The source of human woe ;
Forbidden fruit our fathers ate ;

And sadly found it so :
Forbidden fruit's rebellion's cause,

In ev'ry sense and time ;
Forbidden fruit's the fatal growth

Of ev'ry age and clime.
Forbidden fruit's New England's choice,

She claims it as her due ;
Forbidden fruit, with heart and voice,

The Colonies pursue.
Forbidden fruit our parents chose,

Instead of life and peace ;
Forbidden fruit to be the choice

Of man will never cease.

E. P. 1775.

ON THE VIOLATION OF ESTABLISHED AND LAWFUL ORDER, RULE OR
GOVERNMENT — APPLIED TO THE PRESENT TIMES IN PfiNNS* IN

1776. By R. PROUD.

" Asperius nihil est humili, cum surgit in altum ;
Cuncta ferit, dum cuncta timet, desavit in omnes,
Quam servi rabies in libera colla furentes." — CLAUDIANU8.

Of all the plagues, that scourge the human race,
None can be worse than upstarts, when in place ;
Their pow'r to shew, no action they forbear;
They tyrannize o'er all, while all they fear ;

436 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

No savage rage, no rav'nous beast of prey,
Exceeds the cruelty of Servile Sway ! l

As if the foot to be the head inclin'd,
Or body should aspire to rule the mind ;
As when the pow'r of fire, of air and flood,
In proper bounds, support the common good ;
But when they break the bound, to them assign'd,
They most pernicious are to human kind ;
So are those men, whose duty's to obey,
When they usurp the rule, and bear the sway.

In order God has wisely rang'd the whole ;
And animates that order, as the Soul ;
In due gradation ev'ry rank must be,
Some high, some low, but all in their degree :
This law in ev'ry flock and herd we find,
In ev'ry living thing of ev'ry kind ;
Their Chief precedes, as in the fields they stray ;
The rest in order follow and obey.

Much more in men, this order ought to dwell,
As they in rank and reason do excel ;
A state the nearest to the Bless'd above,
Where all degrees, in beauteous order move : *
Which those, who violate, are sure to be
The tools3 of woeful infelicity !

Ev'n so are men, far worse than beasts of prey
When those usurp the rule, who should obey :
In self-security weak mortals find
The will of God is thus to scourge mankind. &c.

ODE TO DIVINE WISDOM.

From the Latin of Matt. Casimirus Sarbievious by R. P. of Philad. anno
U776 ; — On account of the revolutionary conduct, and present prospect of the
.public affairs, at that time, in this country.

Oh ! Pow'r supreme, that rulest all,
In constant change around this ball ;
As I delight to walk thy ways,
So condescend to aid my lays.

1 NOTE. — Servile Sway — That of servants, slaves, or lower rank of the people,
when, by violence, they usurp the power over their former masters and rulers, <fcc —
See the history of the Servile Wars, among the Romans :— of the Rustic War, since,
among the Germans, in the 16th Century: — not to mention those of the more late rev-
olutions in France and S* Domingo.

2 NOTE. — Observe the order of the heavenly bodies.

8 Id est, devils, or rebels and destroyers; See Milton.

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 437

Thy bounteous, and thy various hand
Spreads gifts and honors round the land ;
Which mortals catch, with eager strife
As children, straws, in infant life ;
Some strive for riches, some for pow'r,
Which last a day, perhaps an hour ;
They tott'ring stand, in anxious pain ;
They rise, and quickly sink again ;
All worldly empires rise and fall,
And certain change attends on all ;
It is a point, the sword divides ;
And for a moment each presides :

But I, who am both low and poor,
This only boon of thee implore ;
Let me, while others rage and fight ;
Enjoy thy smiles, with thee delight.

E. P. 1776.

But omitting, in this place, further mention of things of
this nature, I proceed to ohserve that, in the year 1780, 4
mo. 24th, after having sustained great losses by the confusion
and iniquity of the late and present times (when I received
such a shock, both in body and mind, as I was not well able
to bear, and never since entirely recovered) I recommenced
the management of the aforesaid Latin School, then deserted,
by reason of said times ; in which station I continued till 5
mo. 31st 1790, about ten years and one month, when I finally
and totally declined it.

Both before and after this time (1790) I was frequently in
a veryjinfirm state of health, and sometimes dangerously ill ;
notwithstanding which I revised and published my history
of Pennsylvania, tho' imperfect and deficient ; the necessary
and authentic materials being very defective, and my de-
clining health not permitting me to finish it entirely to my
mind; and I had reason to apprehend, if it was not then
published, nothing of the kind so complete, even with all its
defects, would be likely to be published at all ; — which pub-
lication, tho' the best extant of the kind, or on that subject,
as a true and faithful record instead of meeting with the ex-
pected encouragement, first given to the undertaking, as due
to such a work, has since been strangely and manifestly op-

438 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

posed, or discouraged even by many of those, whom it most
properly concerned to encourage and promote the same ; as
being the offspring, and lineal successors of the first and
early settlers of Pennsylvania; for whose sakes, or more
special and particular service it was undertaken by me ; — to
my great loss and disappointment; — and that without any
reason given to me ! A performance, besides the said more
particular and special design, intended likewise for a more
public information, and the general utility of both the pres-
ent and future times; — and to prevent the future publishing
and spreading of false accounts, or misrepresentation, on the
subject; which had too long prevailed.

It may also be here observed, that from similar views of
utility to others, and a public service, was my first under-
taking the then too much despised and neglected instruction
of youth, in my line, among Friends — otherwise I should
never have attempted the troublesome, unprofitable and labo-
rious charge and employment, at first in this country; having
formerly had much better offers, in a lucrative, or pecuniary
sense, both in England and America.

From what is before observed, it appears, I have been 21
years instructing youth in Philadelphia, and 17 in trade and
compiling the History of Pennsylvania, till about the year
1797 ; and 9 years since that time, during my more infirm,
and fast declining state of health, till the beginning of the
present year, 1806, now in the 78th year of my age : having
been about 47 years in America, mostly in and near Phila-
delphia. Of late much in meditation, and sometimes writ-
ing observations and memoranda, on various subjects, for
amusement and aiding my memory, still mostly remaining
by me in manuscript ; my former friends and acquaintances,
excepting some of my quondam pupils, or disciples, being
mostly gone, removed, or deceased; and their successors
become more and more strangers, unacquainted with, and
alien to, me, renders my final removal or departure, from
my present state of existence, so much the more welcome
and desirable,

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 439

" Taught half by reason, half by mere decay,
To welcome death, and calmly pass away." — POPE.

— for which I am now waiting ; and tho', according to the
expressions before mentioned, I may say, — " Few and evil
have been the years of my life ;" — yet, in part, according to
my desire, I seem not to have so much anxiety and concern
about the conclusion and consequence thereof, as I have had,
at times, for the propriety of my conduct and advancement
in the way of Truth and Eighteousness, in said state, so as
to ensure the continued favor of a sensible enjoyment of the
divine presence and preservation, while existing in this world,
in order for a happy futurity and eternal life.

E. PROUD.
Philad. 1806.

DIVINJE SENSUS, NE UNQUAM ANIMO DEFICIAT,
PB2ECATIO.

1. God of ray life, whose pow'r divine
Thro' all creation's works doth shine,
That ev'ry mental eye may see

A glorious evidence of thee ;
Thy inward virtue, life and spring,
Thou source of ev'ry living thing,
Be still propitious to my mind,
Oh I thou Preserver of mankind !

2. For tho' we hear no vocal sound,
Among thy radiant orbs around ;
Tho' they, in solemn silence, all
Move round this dark, terrestrial ball,
In reason's ear they all rejoice,

And utter a melodious voice,
Proclaiming loudly, as they shine,
"The hand, that made us, is divine;"
And keeps all Being from decay,
Which else would fail and die away.

3. But yet a nearer word we have,
Thy Word of Life, the soul to save ;
Which is, as it affects the mind,
The light and life of human-kind,
That shines in darkness, till its ray
Increases to the perfect day ;

440 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian.

Leads out of all obscurity,

And guides the mind of man to thee.

4. In this dark world, where e'er I go,
Whatever I suffer here below;

In life, whatever my lot may be,
Take not thy Holy Sense from me ;
Nor me abandon ! — let me share
Thy saving presence ever near ; —
Preserve me in each needful hour ;
For still almighty is thy pow'r.

5. Since all true science comes from thee,
My never-failing wisdom be ;
Protect me from my mental foes,

The cause of all my griefs and woes ;
O'er all my ways do thou preside,
And be my faithful friend and guide ;
That so my mind may never stray
From thy pure light, thy living way.

6. For all my foes, ev'n death, will flee,
In thy bright presence, far from me,
As darkness vanishes away,"

At the approach of light and day ;
And whate'er state in life I know,
When thro' the vale of death I go,
If I but know thy presence near,
I'll dread no harm, no evil fear ;
But hence, to all eternity,
Where e'er thou art, my soul shall be.

K. P. Theophilus.
Philad- 1801.

Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 441

GOYEENOE POWNALLS SEASON'S FOE DECLINING
THE GOYEENMENT OF PENNSYLYANIA, 1758.

[A paper in the MS. collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.]

EEASONS

For declining the Government of Pensilvania, given to the
Eight Honble Mr. Fox, for his royal Highness the Duke of
Cumberland.

M. Pownall having been recommended by his Eoyal
Highness to M. Penn for the Lieutenancy of Pensilvania as
a Person proper to forward the service within that Govern-
ment, at this juncture, was very happy in the honour, and
very ready to undertake the charge, in hopes and expecta-
tion, of effecting such service; but upon his having had
communicated to him by Mr. Penn the Particulars of the
Powers granted to his Lieut. Govr and the mode of Admin-
istration within which Mr. Penn limits such Govr by Bond
of £5000 penalty. Mr. Pownall conscious that he cannot
perform such service with any security or honour to himself,
nor in any wise with Utility to the Publick, and his Majesty's
service, with which only view and in chearful obedience to
the Royal recommendation he undertook it, humbly begs
leave now to decline it.

And he further thinks himself bound to give his reasons
for so Doing.

Ist. As to his own insecurity under such Bonds and high
Penalties. The Deputy Govr being bound down under
great Penalties to execute Instructions, cannot on any ac-
count, without making a sacrifice of his own security and
welfare, deviate from the least Title of such did even the
immediate safety and preservation of ye Province, require
such temporary deviation : for altho' the Instructions given
may be neither proper nor practicable in such case, nor just
in Equity, yet they may be lawful, and the penal Bond &
it's Fines will be sued according to the legal not the equi-

442 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758.

table performance of it's Conditions ; according to the Letter
not the Spirit; Whereas in the case of Instructions given by
his Majesty to his Govr any Govr who has the Good of the
service at heart would in such case as above, venture to
relax, or wave, or deviate from the strict Letter and throw
himself on his Majesty's mercy and gracious pardon. This
is the Case of those Instructions that respect Emergencies
and unforseen Accidents in Government.

In the ordinary course of Administration in Government
those Points (the Matters of dispute & the cause of all the
Trouble in such Governments) which possibly and probable
might be settled or accommodated, or kept quite from inter-
fering with Government by waving, compromising, or other
Address as Occasions require and Incidents point out, are by
the Instructions absolutely determined on the part of the
Proprietor, nor can the Deputy Govr venture to Engage in
any practicable Measure of settling such, beyond the Letter
already determined, without the utmost and absolute Eisk
of his safety for, the Reasons above.

This is the case of the Instructions known and already
given, but if the Deputy Govr be bound under the above
high Penalties " At all times and in all things whatsoever
well and truly to observe perform and fulfill execute & con-
form himself within and unto all such further and other law-
ful Powers, Authorities, Directions, and Instructions what-
soever, from the Proprietor, which already have been or at
any time or at any times hereafter shall be delivered to him
in Writing by or from or on the part of the Proprietor,
whether the same do or shall relate to the Proprietary Affairs
of the said Province, or to the Government of the same, or
to any other matter whatsoever." He is under the absolute
power of the Proprietor; and what makes his Situation
more than subservient, and servile, even dangerous is, that
he the Deputy cannot refuse to act under such Instructions
without quitting the Government, and yet by the same Bond
and Penalties. He cannot quit the Government, without
giving a Twelve Month's notice, So that He must inevitable
act at the will of the Proprietor, or suffer the high Penalties.

Reasons Jor Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 443

IIdly. As to the Ineffectuality of an Administration under
such a Mode, and the Inutility that a Deputy Govr, and Mr.
Pownall in particular would prove to be of, towards restor-
ing Peace, or forwarding the general service, Administration
and Administrators being under such Bonds.

"The particular Powers, Jurisdictions, & Authorities"
granted to the Proprietor, by Patent to be exercised by Him-
self or Deputy are such as are fit and equal " to the well
governing, safety, defence and preservation of the Province,
and the People therein." And the Proprietor does accord-
ingly grant all these Powers in his Patent Commission to his
Deputy: but those Powers being greatly abridged and in
some measure changed from the Letter of the Charter of
Government by the mode of Administration prescribed and de-
fined in the Instructions, the People are always dissatisfied with,
and discontented under such Administration, as they con-
ceive the Powers and Modes of Government under such a
Deputy so circumstanced are not fit and equal to the well
Governing, Safety, Defence & Preservation of the Province,
& the People residing therein, nor that they enjoy the full
Rights and Powers of their Charter.

The Deputy Govr being bound under great Penalties to
execute " from time to time" the will of the Proprietor, and
in some Cases where & when that cannot be sent to the
Deputy, he being bound under the same great Penalties to
act and resolve by the Advice of the Proprietaries Council
(Who by the Charter of Government are no part of the
Legislature) the Assembly the only remaining Branch of
Government reason and act upon this Principle — That, the
full Powers of Government must be somewhere within the
Province ; But, as such cannot possibly be in the Deputy
Govr so circumstanced, they do reason & act as having them-
selves those Powers which are defective in the Deputy Govr
therefore this state of the Deputy Govr is in effect productive
of instead of being calculated to remove, these internal
disorders of Government.

Should this Reason be not altogether true, yet it is what
the People there conceive to be true and consequently have

444 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758.

not, nor ever will have any confidence or trust in a Deputy
under this Mode only.

Mr. Pownall's expectations & hopes of promoting the ser-
vice & restoring Peace arose from a Confidence & trust which
the People in that Government, had express'd in him, & an
opinion of his being detached from all Parties. The sup-
position of the Deputy Governor's being bound by Bond
under continual Instructions from the Proprietor has de-
stroy'd all Trust & Confidence in him, or those appointed by
him under such Circumstances.

Should Mr. Pownall be so bound, the confidence on which
his hopes of acting were founded would be entirely lost ;
and should he be bound down and determined as to certain
Points all his opinion of Impartiality & Dissengagement
would be Destroy'd ; The People would not dare to trust
him, they would lose the inclination to trust him ; and He
could not be of the least use or utility to his Majesty's ser-
vice, or to that of the Proprietor, or Province. He there-
fore humbly begs leave to Decline all Engagements in such
Service.

All the above Cases arise from a Deputy Govr being bound
by a Bond of high Penalties to act under Instructions, even
prior to the consideration whether such Instructions be
proper or not. But the reasons are still more cogent upon
a Review of the impropriety of the present Instruction.

By the 6th Article the L* Govr is directed and enjoined not
to encourage or countenance the coming in of Papists or
Roman Catholicks, nor to allow them any Privileges not
allowed by Law. Now the Fact is, that, Papists & Roman
Catholicks do come into the Province, & do enjoy many
Liberties and Priviledges not allowed them by Law ; and as
it is not in the power of the L* Govr under the mere Au-
thority of his Commission to prevent it this Instruction is
as to the Remedy of the evil a mere Nullity & ensnaring
with respect to the Lieutenant Governor.

The same observation and objection only to a greater
extent arises with respect to the 7th Instruction by which the
Lieu* Govr is directed to observe & put in execution the Laws

Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 445

of Trade, & to prevent Flaggs of Truce from coming in from
foreign Colonies. Those, which are no doubt, wrong in
themselves, but which are constantly practised, it is not in
the L* Govr'8 power to prevent, without the Aids of the Acts
of the Legislature.

By the 9th Instruction he is directed to take the advice of
the Proprietary's Council in matters of Legislature, & in all
Acts of Government ; which appears to be highly improper,
as this Council is not by the Charter, & the Constitution of
the Government a part of the Legislature. And yet if the
L* Govr does any act without their advice, He subjects him-
self to the Penalties of the Bond.

By the llth Instruction he is directed not to assent to any
Act for emitting, re-emitting, or continuing any Paper-
Money, unless it be enacted that the Interest arising there-
from shall be Disposed of only as the Proprietors, or the L*
Govr or the President of the Council, & the House of Rep-
resentatives shall Direct ; by which the Power & Priviledge
vested by the Constitution in every Assembly of Appropri-
ating Money they grant to such Services as they think proper
is intirely Destroy'd. No such claim as this was ever in-
sisted on in the King's Governments ; for altho the Crown
in it's Commission reserves, to the Govr a power of dispos-
ing of publick Money. Yet this is meant & intended only
of Money raised & appropriated by Acts of Assembly, and
according to such appropriation.

By the 14th Article it is directed that the Quakers be not
compell'd to act in any manner in Matters relating to the
Militia ; which may be construed into an Exemption not only
against bearing Arms themselves, but in making provision
for the Pay & Subsistance & other Expenses of such whose
Consciencies will permit to serve in a Military Capacity;
Besides, by this Injuntion the Govr is pinn'd down to a Mi-
litia, which is highly improper, as it may & probably will be
found an ineffectual Plan, for the service and a much better
one may be thought of.

By the 16th Article he is directed to assist in making
Settlements to the "Westward of the Mountains on the

446 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758.

"Waters of the Ohio, which is a Measure highly offensive to
the Indians and the carrying of which into execution at this
time, would be attended with fatal Consequences to the ser-
vice, as the Indians look upon those Lands as of right be-
longing to them, & have several times lately Declared their
Resolution not to part with them.

N" B This to be struck out, but should be re-
placed by an Instruction directing the L*
Govr not to give encouragement or suffer
any settlement to be made on Lands
claimed by the Indians, until the Rights
be settled to their satisfaction.

By the 21st Article he is directed not to give his assent to
any Law, by which any of the Proprietor's Manor Lands,
Quit Rents, ether Estates may be affected, which ties up the
Govr?fl Hands from assenting to any Law for raising Money
by a Tax upon Estates without an Exemption as to the Pro-
prietary's Estates which is unjust and unreasonable; and
when upon a late occasion a Law of that sort was proposed
by the Assembly it was rejected by the Gov* for this very
Reason : — He is likewise directed by his Instruction not to
assent to any Law for establishing Ferries or, for the estab-
lishing a Court of Chancery; Points which the Assembly
have long contested, & which have been allowed of in other
Colonies.

By the 23d Instruction he is directed not to assent to any
Laws for laying Duties on Goods imported, which as it re-
strains the Assembly from availing themselves of this par-
ticular subject of Taxation ; for raising Money for the Pub-
lick-Service appears in the present times of Exigency to be
improper, & may be the occasion of Disputes & Differences
between them, and the Governor. And whatever the gen-
eral view of the Instruction may be, it seems improper that
the Trade of this particular Province, should be exempted
from those Duties which are laid upon it universally in
every other Colony.

This to be altered.

Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation. 447

SETTLEES IN MERION — THE HARRISON FAMILY
AND HARRITON PLANTATION.

BY GEORGE VATTX.

The Harrison family was settled, towards the close of the
seventeenth century, in what was then Calvert County, on
the Western Shore of Maryland. Richard Harrison was a
member of the religious Society of Friends, of which body
there had been a considerable settlement in that section long
before the arrival of William Penn in Pennsylvania. George
Fox and John Burnyeat, eminent ministers from England,
visited these parts in 1672 to 1674, and were instrumental
in increasing the membership.

Meetings were held at West River, Herring Creek, and
The Cliffs, and there was a meeting-house at the first- named
place.1 Richard Harrison the elder resided near Herring
Creek, but whether originally in membership with Friends,
or a convert under the preaching of George Fox and John
Burnyeat, does not appear. He was, however, an active
member of the society, and the monthly meetings were held
at his house. Maryland Friends were early alive to the evils
of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, and Richard Harrison
was one of a committee appointed soon after the commence-
ment of the eighteenth century to take steps for its suppres-
sion. It is believed that he died about the year 1717.

Richard Harrison, Jr., son of the former, was a tobacco-
planter and an extensive slave-holder, residing in the vicinity
of Herring Creek. He was probably born there, and was
educated among Friends by religious parents, and bore an
excellent reputation in the place of his nativity.' After his

1 The site of this building still remains, being used as a burial-ground,
though much overgrown with weeds. The building has long since dis-
appeared, but the place is still known as " The Friends' Meeting."

448 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

removal to Pennsylvania he was said, on the authority of
Deborah Logan, to have been a gentleman of great integrity
and virtue.

He is supposed to have been twice married. His first wife
appears to have been Elizabeth Hall, daughter of Elisha
Hall, of Calvert County, Maryland. The marriage took
place in the early part of 1707. The time of her death has
not been ascertained. There does not appear to have been
any issue of this marriage.

Richard Harrison's second wife, Hannah Morris, was the
second daughter of Isaac Norris, and granddaughter of
Deputy Governor Thomas Lloyd. She was a most affec-
tionate and pious woman, and a minister in the Society of
Friends.

Richard Harrison and Hannah Norris were married in
Philadelphia in 1717, and soon after he returned with his
bride to his residence at Herring Creek. He had, however,
promised Hannah Morris prior to the marriage, that, if after
residing in Maryland one year she did not like it for a home,
he would dispose of his property at Herring Creek and re-
move to Pennsylvania. The year's trial did not prove sat-
isfactory to Hannah Harrison, and, in accordance with his
promise, her husband made preparations to remove to the
vicinity of Philadelphia. In 1719 he purchased, of Rowland
Ellis, an estate of seven hundred acres in Merion, about ten
miles from Philadelphia, situated on what was in those early
times one of the main roads leading out of the city, now
known as the Old Gulf Road. This road passes diagonally
through the southern part of the tract, and bounds it on the
southwest side throughout most of its length. The ancient
eleven- and twelve-mile-stones, marking the distance from
the old Court-House at Second and Market Streets, yet re-
main on the premises. The mansion-house, still standing,
was erected by the former owner, Rowland Ellis,1 in 1704.

1 Rowland Ellis was born in 1650 at Bryn-Mawr, Merionethshire,
Wales. He became a Friend when about twenty-two years old, and
suffered several years' imprisonment for his constancy in refusing to
take an oath. He was a minister and a man of note both in the country

Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation. 449

It is said that all the stone, sand, and other similar materials
used in its construction were carried on panniers. There
were no carts or wagons in use in that section of the coun-
try in those days, and the produce of the farms was carried
to market on pack-horses.

This house, afterwards the residence of Kichard Harrison's
son-in-law Charles Thomson, is built of pointed stone, two
stories high with dormer windows above. The main door-
way opens into the principal room on the first floor, used as
a dining-room in early times, and occupied by Charles
Thomson as his study. It was here that the principal part
of the work was done on his translation of the Bible from
the Septuagint. Until within a few years there was a
date-stone in the southwest gable of the house marked
1704.

To this plantation Richard Harrison and his wife removed.
He called it Harriton, after his own name, changing only the
letter s into L His household goods and slaves (the latter
said to have been numerous) appear to have been sent to
Philadelphia in a sailing vessel. When ascending the Dela-
ware, the vessel was taken by pirates, who appropriated all
the household goods, but landed the slaves, and allowed
them to make their way as best they could to their master.
After the removal to Merion, some of the slaves became
dissatisfied with their new home, and endeavored to prevail
upon their master to return to Maryland. Failing in this,
several of them conspired to destroy him and his family by
poisoning. This design was, however, providentially frus-
trated. The poison was put into the chocolate which the
family were to drink at breakfast. During the season of

of his birth and in the land of his adoption. In 1686 he visited Penn-
sylvania to prepare for a settlement of his family, but returned to Wales
the following spring. In 1697 he finally came to America and settled in
Merion on the plantation now called Harriton. He continued to reside
in Merion until about 1719, when he removed to North Wales, Pennsyl-
vania. He died in 1729 and was buried at Plymouth. During his resi-
dence in Merion religious meetings after the manner of Friends were
frequently held at his house, and in some instances marriages were
solemnized there.

VOL. xiii. — 29

450 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

silence which precedes partaking of a meal in the families
of Friends there was a knock at the front door of the house,
which opened immediately into the hreakfast-room. Richard
Harrison requested the visitor to enter, but, as his invitation
apparently was not heard, he rose suddenly to open the door,
in doing which he overturned the breakfast-table, and the
chocolate, which had in the mean time been poured into the
cups, was spilled on the floor. The spilled chocolate was
licked up by the cat, which soon died from the effects of the
poison. The conspirators subsequently confessed their crime,
and admitted that the design was to destroy the whole fam-
ily, with the hope that they would then be able to return to
Herring Creek.

A considerable part of the Harriton plantation was wood-
land. Upon the portion which had been cleared Richard
Harrison resumed his business of tobacco-planting. Access
to the Philadelphia market was difficult, not only because of
the primitive character of the Old Gulf Road, but also in
consequence of the route passing over steep hills. The prac-
tice still in vogue in some parts of the South was adopted
for taking the tobacco to market. It was packed in hogs-
heads, through the centre of which an axle was placed,
and on the projecting parts on either side slabs were fitted
in which the axle would revolve easily. These slabs suit-
ably braced answered for shafts, and admitted of one or
more horses being attached to the hogsheads, by which
means they were rolled to Philadelphia with comparative
ease.

In 1737 a certain Thomas Lloyd and his wife in some way
interfered with Richard Harrison's slaves. The character of
this interference is not apparent, but it was sufficiently seri-
ous to cause a complaint to be laid before the Monthly Meet-
ing, which appointed Rees Thomas and five other Friends to
hear the case. Under date of 8 Mo. 13, 1737, the minutes
of the Monthly Meeting held at Haverford contain the fol-
lowing entry in relation to the matter.

" The friends appointed to hear the complaint of Richard
Harrison against Thomas Lloyd reports in writing under

Settlers in Merlon — Harriton Plantation. 451

their hands that the said Richard had just cause of com-
plaint: Also that there was a paper brought to this meeting
signed by Thomas Lloyd and his wife, acknowledging that
they were heartily sorry that they had given the said Richard
and wife, just cause to be offended in tha,t they had any thing
to do with their negroes and that they had acted very un-
advisedly and foolishly and promises to avoid any thing of
the kind for the time to come, and Richard Harrison
being present at this meeting accepts thereof for satisfac-
tion."

As has been heretofore intimated, Richard Harrison and
his wife were both religious persons, the latter being a min-
ister. To afford to his family and neighbors the opportunity
for worship after the manner of Friends, he erected a meet-
ing-house on his land a few hundred yards from his dwelling-
house. This was built at least as early as 1730, and probably
some years earlier. It is referred to in the minutes of the
Monthly Meeting, then held alternately at Merion, Haver-
ford, and Radnor, as "Richard Harrison's school-house,"
but the family tradition is clear that it was built for a meet-
ing-house, and there is very little doubt that it was erected
primarily for that purpose. It was of stone, one story high,
and appears to have been about thirty by fifteen feet. The
interior was fitted with a small minister's gallery so ar-
ranged as to be closed in below and thus keep the occupants
more free from the cold in winter.

Meetings for Divine worship appear to have been held in
this building so long as the Harrison family continued to
reside at Harriton, — it is supposed during a period of about
thirty years, and probably longer.

At the Monthly Meeting held in the Eleventh Month,
1730, action was taken in relation to holding this meeting as
follows, — viz. :

" It's proposed on behalf of Richard Harrison and some
other friends that they have liberty to keep a meeting on
the first days for this winter season at the said Richard's
School-house, which this meeting allows them until ye next
spring Yearly Meeting."

452 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

In the Seventh Month following the Monthly Meeting
records :

" Richard Harrison with some other friends proposes to
have liberty to keep a meeting on first day of the week at
said Richard's School-house to begin after the Yearly Meet-
ing and to continue until spring Yearly Meeting which this
meeting allows of."

In the First Month, 1732, the matter was again before the
Monthly Meeting, when —

"Richard Harrison and some other friends signified to
this meeting in writing that the meeting appointed last 7th
mo. to be kept at ye sd Richards School-house was duely and
religiously kept. And further requesting to be admitted to
keep an afternoon meeting in ye sd place from the Spring
meeting in this month until ye yearly meeting in ye 7th mo
next, which is allowed of and to begin at four o'clock."

After many years, at the Monthly Meeting held on the
14th of Sixth Month, 1759, a committee was " appointed to
make inquiry into the circumstance of that meeting at
Harrisons and know if it is still kept up and report to our
next meeting."

At the following Monthly Meeting, held in the Seventh
Month, report was made that " Some of the friends ap-
pointed to enquire into the circumstance of that meeting at
Harrisons reported that they were there, and some friends
were met there, and that the widow Harrison seemed
desirous to have it continued some time, which this meeting
agrees to. And Robert Jones is appointed to inform the
widow Harrison and those friends who are desirous of
meeting there, that this meeting desires them to meet at the
fourth hour in the afternoon."

After the removal of the family from Harriton, which
occurred, as will hereafter appear, soon after the death of
the elder son, Thomas, in 1759, these meetings were dis-
continued. It is probable that services by other religious
denominations than Friends may have been held in Harriton
meeting-house subsequently, as the owners for a long time
were not members of that religious society. For many

Settlers in Merion — Haniton Plantation. 453

years it was used as a school-house, and remained in fairly
.good repair until about 1819, when it was maliciously pulled
down by a person then residing on the property. The
stone foundations still remain, and afford the opportunity of
ascertaining the size and exact location of the building.

Adjoining the meeting-house a piece of land was appro-
priated for a family burial-ground. This burial-ground has
long been known as Harriton Family Cemetery.

Richard Harrison provided, by his will, that the site of
the meeting-house and burial-ground should not be sold,
and his wife left a legacy to be applied to erecting a suitable
enclosure around them. The first wall was erected with the
proceeds of this legacy. It had a wooden covering and an
entrance gate. The wall, which is about four feet high, was
rebuilt in 1844, and the present stone coping and entrance
steps were supplied at that time.

Harriton Family Cemetery is about eighty-five feet long
and forty-six feet wide. The entrance is by a flight of
stone steps ascending the wall on one side, and a similar
flight descending on the other. A grass walk extends across
the breadth of the enclosure. Immediately on the left-hand
side of this walk are two rows of family graves, in which
were interred several generations of the Harrison family.
Still farther to the left, and entirely apart from these
interments, are a number of stones marking the graves of
strangers to the family blood, buried here by permission
between 1795 and 1828. On the right of the grass walk are
several other rows of graves, many of which are those
of slaves employed in the Harrison family. The house
servants alone were buried here, the slaves generally being
interred in a selected spot in one of the fields. A block of
soapstone is built in the front wall of the cemetery, showing
inscriptions on both sides. On the exterior side are the
words " Harriton Family Cemetery Anno 1719." On the
interior side is the following inscription : " This stone is
opposite the division between two rows of family graves,
wherein were interred Richard Harrison (died March 2,
1747) and a number of his descendants. Also Charles

454 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

Thomson Secretary of Continental Congress (died Aug.
16, 1824) and Hannah Thomson wife of Chas : Thomson,
daughter of Kichard Harrison, grand-daughter of Isaac
Morris, & great-grand-daughter of Governor Thomas Lloyd,
(died Sept. 6, 1807)."

In Charles Thomson's time the burial-ground was in full
view from the windows of the mansion-house, through a
vista cut in the woodland which surrounds it. Charles
Thomson particularly requested that after his death his
remains might repose with those of his wife and her an-
cestors, in their ancient burying-place, and he was accord-
ingly interred in Harriton Cemetery. Subsequently, how-
ever, his desires were entirely ignored, under circumstances
at once painful and discreditable.

In 1838 several persons in Philadelphia established
Laurel Hill Cemetery. It was a new scheme, the first of its
kind, and its promoters were anxious to give it all the
prestige possible by having removed there the remains of
prominent persons. One of the parties interested called
upon the owners of the Harriton estate, they being the
nearest family connections of Hannah Thomson (for her
husband had only a life-estate in the property), and asked
permission to remove the remains of Charles Thomson
and his wife from the family burial-ground to the new
cemetery.

He was courteously informed that other relatives would
be consulted, and an early reply given. The matter was
accordingly considered by various members of the family,
and it was the unanimous judgment of all that, as Charles
Thomson had been interred in the family burial-ground at
his own request, and had expressed the strong desire that
his remains might lie with those of his wife's ancestors in
their ancient burial-place, it would not be right to grant the
request. Among those consulted was the venerable Deborah
Logan, a near relative, whose opposition to the removal was
perhaps more decided than that of any other person. The
judgment arrived at was accordingly communicated to the
individual who had made the application.

Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation. 455

There was, however, a nephew of Charles Thomson who
was a stranger to the Harrison blood and unfriendly to the
owners of Harriton. This was John Thomson. He, of
course, was not consulted by the other relatives. To him
the individual above referred to applied for permission to
remove the remains. He undertook to authorize the re-
moval, claiming that he had the right to do it by virtue of
the fact that he had been Charles Thomson's executor and
was his nearest relative. How these circumstances could
confer a right to authorize any meddling with the remains
of Hannah Thomson, who was not of his blood and with
whose affairs he had never had any concern, or to authorize
an entry upon private property to take either body, has
never been explained. If such a right really existed, it could
easily have been established in the proper court of law;
and the fact that the removal was accomplished by stealth
at dead of night, seems to be conclusive that the parties
engaged in it had but little confidence in the legality of
their proceedings. Those desiring to make the removal
resolved to carry it out, upon the assent of John Thomson.
The scheme was carefully planned. On an August evening
in 1838, the resurrectionists rendezvoused at the residence
of John Elliot, a stone house still standing in the village
of Bryn-Mawr, about a quarter of a mile from the burial-
ground. At dead of night they proceeded to the cemetery,
expecting to have all the work completed during the dark-
ness. But the digging was hard, and the early gray of the
morning appeared by the time that the bodies were reached
and raised to the surface. At this juncture a laboring man
employed on one of the farms, having made an early start
to go to his work, in passing through the woodland which
surrounds the cemetery was attracted by the lanterns and the
voices of the resurrectionists. Upon approaching them,
they, finding themselves discovered, were seized with a
panic and hastily loaded the bodies in wagons which they
had in readiness, and drove off rapidly, leaving the graves
open, a high pile of earth, and other evidences of their
depredations. The facts were at once reported to the

456 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

owners, but there seemed nothing to do but to fill up the
open graves and repair the damage done to the cemetery.

It has sometimes been asked whether, after all, the resur-
rectionists really secured the remains of Charles Thomson.
It is probable that this question will never be satisfactorily
answered. In explanation of the difficulties of the case it
may be stated, that none of the early family graves were
provided with inscribed gravestones, nor were there any
permanent marks of any kind; and it is only certainly
known that the two rows of graves immediately to the left
of the present entrance contained family remains.

The identity of each cannot be established. The ground
was overgrown with briers in 1838, and even the mounds were
to some extent obliterated. The desire expressed by Charles
Thomson was, that " he wished to be buried in a line with
his father-in-law Richard Harrison and next above his de-
ceased wife Hannah Harrison." It is not known whether
he was buried in this exact spot or not, nor, as above inti-
mated, can the location of Richard Harrison's grave be
ascertained.1

Those who are familiar with burial-lots where gravestones
have not been erected immediately after interments know the
very great difficulty and uncertainty of identifying graves at
any future time. Disappointments which have arisen in such
cases are not infrequent, and are rather the rule than the
exception. When we keep this in view, we can appreciate
the significance of the statement made by John Thomson in
his letter defending the removal, when he says, " It was be-
lieved that but one person knew the exact locality, where
rested one of the most conspicuous men of the revolution.
No stone or tablet was erected," etc.

How easily that one person may have been mistaken, in a
ground then overgrown with " brush and briers," if indeed
he possessed the information he claimed to have, will readily

1 The writer has a plan of the cemetery, copied from one formerly in
possession of Charles Thomson, which has a part of the graves marked
on it, but it does not seem to be consistent with what appears on the
ground.

Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation. 457

be recognized. And when we consider that all this resur-
rection work was done at night under fear of discovery,
and the panic which was upon the perpetrators when they were
seen, and the haste with which they fled, leaving no time for
identifying the remains from internal evidence, we cannot
but feel that a doubtful question still remains to be solved.
Mounds with rough head-stones and foot-stones now mark
the sites of the graves from which the bodies were taken in
1838.

Eichard and Hannah Harrison are believed to have had
eight children. The names of five only are known, and it
is supposed that the others died in infancy or early childhood.
Of these five, Isaac and Samuel died unmarried, the former
in the lifetime of his father. Mary displeased all her friends
by an improper marriage, which she did not long survive,
and died without issue. Hannah, born in December, 1728,
married Charles Thomson in 1775. The remaining son,
Thomas, married Frances Scull, and died early in 1759,
leaving three little girls, who subsequent to his death were
taken into the family of their grandmother and educated by
their aunt Hannah Harrison. Of these Hannah died in
childhood. Mary married Jonathan Mifflin, and died soon
after the birth of twin daughters, both of whom died in
early childhood. The third, Amelia Sophia, married
Robert McClenachan, an Irishman from Raphoe, County
Donegal, and was the ancestor of all the present descendants
of Richard and Hannah Harrison. There is a table of
descendants in Keith's Provincial Counsellors.

As shown on the historical tablet in the wall of Harriton
Cemetery, Richard Harrison died in 1747. His wife and
family continued to reside at Harriton for many years after-
wards, and his son Thomas appears to have died there in
1759, and was buried in the family cemetery. Ultimately
the widow and two surviving children, Samuel and Hannah,
removed to Somerville, another estate owned in the family,
which was nearer Philadelphia and more convenient to their
relations.

Hannah Harrison survived her husband twenty-eight

458 Settlers in Merion — Harriton Plantation.

years and died in 1775, and was interred in Friends' burial-
ground at Arch and Fourth Streets, Philadelphia. Of all
her numerous children, her daughter Hannah alone survived
her.

By a partition between the then living heirs of Richard
Harrison, the Harriton plantation became in 1781 the ex-
clusive property of Hannah Thomson, the wife of Charles
Thomson. It was their permanent residence in later life,
and both of them died there. They had no children.

Charles McClenachan, one of the grandchildren of Hannah
Thomson's brother Thomas, was a favorite with both her
husband and herself: he had been named for Charles Thom-
son, and was brought up and educated in the family at Har-
riton. He had also aided his uncle in making the translation
of the Bible from the Septuagint version. It was but natural
that his aunt should desire him to have a generous share of
her property and that this desire should be agreeable to her
husband. But under the then laws of Pennsylvania a married
woman could not make a will, and it was necessary to pro-
vide by deed for the settlement of the real estate. This was
done in 1798, and, by the conveyances, life estates were re-
served to both Charles Thomson and his wife, and the whole
of Harriton plantation, except one hundred acres given to
another nephew (subject to a further life estate in a small
portion which was given to Page Cadorus, a faithful negro
servant), was settled upon Charles McClenachan. Unfortu-
nately, an unskilful conveyancer was employed, and the
deeds were drawn in such a loose way that, after the sudden
death of Charles McClenachan without a will, in 1811, dur-
ing the lifetime of Charles Thomson, leaving an only child
but six weeks old, a serious legal contest took place, in
which the heirs-at-law of Hannah Thomson sought to
deprive this child of her legitimate inheritance.

The evidence given by Charles Thomson as to his wife's
intention was, however, so clear, that, although years of
litigation ensued, the title was ultimately settled in favor of
Charles McClenachan's heir, who is still in possession of all
the plantation settled upon her father, except a few acres

Settlers in Merlon — Harriton Plantation. 459

added to the burial-ground and church-edifice site of the
Lower Merion Baptist Church.1

1 The site of the Lower Merion Baptist Church edifice at the eastern-
most corner of the Old Gulf Road (sometimes called Roberts Road) and
the New Gulf Road was donated in the year 1810 by Charles McClena-
chan, and was conveyed by him to trustees in trust for the congregation
"adhering to the Baptist confession of faith adopted by the Philadelphia
Baptist Association in the year 1742." The life-estate which Charles
Thomson had in this plot, containing one acre, had been previously re-
leased. The lot has since been increased in size by purchase.

The original meeting-house was erected about the time the land was
given. It was a large oblong structure of stone, roughcast, with high
sloping roof, its gable facing the New Gulf Road. Charles Thomson
sometimes worshipped in this building in the later years of his life. It
remained about as originally erected until within the last three years.

It has recently been rebuilt, part of the old walls being used, but in
such a way that not a vestige remains of what this venerable building
formerly was, as respects either its exterior appearance or its interior
arrangements. The main window in the southwest side contains a
stained-glass memorial to Charles Thomson, in which a prominent feat-
ure is a portrait of that eminent man. This memorial was donated by
George W. Childs. In the southeast wall in the interior is a marble tablet
to the memory of Horatio Gates Jones, the first pastor of the congrega-
tion worshipping in the old building, who died December 12, 1853, in
his seventy-seventh year.

460 Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey.

LETTER OF WILLIAM PENN TO JOHN AUBREY.

[We are indebted to the Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker for a copy
of this letter of William Penn to John Aubrey, which is addressed
" For my esteem'd Frd John Auberry at Gresham Colledge."]

ESTEEMED FRIEND

I value my selfe much upon ye good opinion of those
Ingeneous Gentlemen I know of ye Royall Society, and their
kind wishes for me and my poor Provinces : all I can say is
that I & It are votarys to ye prosperity of their harmless and
usefull inquierys. It is even one step to Heaven to returne
to nature and Though I Love that proportion should be ob-
served in all things, yett a naturall Knowledge, or ye Science
of things from sence and a carefull observation and argu-
mentation thereon, reinstates men, and gives them some
possession of themselves againe; a thing they have long
wanted by an ill Tradition, too closely followed and ye
foolish Credulity so Incident to men. I am a Greshamist
throughout; I Love Inquiry, not for inquiry's sake, but
care not to trust my share in either world to other mens
Judm*8, at Least without having a finger in ye Pye for my-
self; yet I Love That Inquiry should be modest and peace-
able ; virtues, that have strong charms upon ye wiser and
honester part of ye mistaken world. Pray give them my sin-
ceer respects, and in my behalfe sollicite ye continuation of
their friendship to my undertaking. We are ye wonder of our
neighbours as in our coming and numbers, so to ourselves
in or health, subsistance and success ; all goes well, blessed
be God, and provision we shall have to spare, considerably,
in a year or Two, unless very great quantitys of People
croud upon us. The Aire, heat and Cold Resemble ye
heart of France ; ye soyle good, ye springs many & delight-
full, y6 fruits roots corne and flesh as good as I have com-

Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey. 461

monly eaten in Europe, I may say of most of them better.
Strawberrys ripe in ye woods in Aprill, and in ye Last
Month, Peas, beans, Cherrys & mulberrys. Much black
walnut, Chesnutt, Cyprus or white Cedar and mulberry are
here. The sorts of fish in these parts are excellent and
numerous. Sturgeon leap day and night that we can hear
them a bow shot from ye Rivers in our beds, we have
Roasted and pickeled them, and they eat like veal one way,
and sturgeon ye other way. Mineral here is great store, I
shall send some soddainly for Tryall. Vines are here in
Abundance every where, some may be as bigg in the body
as a mans Thigh. I have begun a Vineyard by a French-
man of Languedock, and another of Poicteu, near Santonge,
severall people from the Colonys are retiring hither, as Vir-
ginia, Mary-Land, New England, Road Island, New York
&c : I make it my business to Establish virtuous Economy
and therefore sett twice in Councell every week with good
success. I thank God My Reception was with all ye show of
Kindness ye rude State of ye Country would yield; and after
holding Two Genrll Assemblys I am not uneasy to yc
People. They to express their Love and gratitude gave me
an Impost that might be worth 500lbs per an, and I returned
it to Them with as much creditt. This is our p'sent pos-
ture. I am Debtor to thy Kindness for Two Letters wether
this be pay or no, but wampum against sterl : mettle, pray
miss not to Continue to yield that Content And Liberality to
Thy very True Friend

WM PENN.
Philadelphia

13th of ye 4th Month

called June

1683.

Particularly, pray give my Respect to Sr "Wm Petty, my
friend Hook, Wood, Lodwick and Dr Bernard Though un-
knowiie whose skill is a great Complem*.

Vale.

462 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

AN HISTOEICAL SKETCH OF THE SEYEOTH-DAY
BAPTIST CEMETEEY, FIFTH STEEET, BELOW MAE-
KET, PHILADELPHIA.

BY JULIUS P. SACHSE.

Richard Sparks, a prominent member of the community
of Seventh-day Baptists, or "Sabbath Keepers" (formed
during the last decade of the seventeenth century, and lo-
cated on the Pennepack in the upper part of Philadelphia
County), removed to Philadelphia about the time when the
differences broke out between their minister, William Davis,
and Able Noble, Thomas Eutter, and other prominent
brethren of the faith. Here he prospered and acquired con-
siderable property, among which was the lot on the south-
east corner of Fifth and Market Streets, having a frontage
of twenty- six feet on the latter street and extending back
on Fifth Street a distance of two hundred and sixty feet.

Late in the year 1715, Sparks became seriously ill, and,
recognizing the uncertainty of life, also knowing that there
was no separate place of burial for the " Sabbath Keepers,"
and having in mind the trouble concerning the old meeting-
house on the Pennepack, incorporated the following clause
in his last will and testament :

" I the said Eichard Sparks, have put my hand and seal
to this my last will and testament, dated ye 14th day of
January, in ye second year of ye reign of our soverign
Lord George by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France
and Ireland King, and in ye year 1715-16. . . . The above
Eichard Sparks, do hereby give, devise, and bequeath one
hundred feet of the back end of my lot on ye south side of
ye High Street Philadelphia for a burial place, for ye use
of ye people or society called ye Seventh Day Baptists for
ever. In which said piece of ground I desire to be buried,
my wife having the use of it during her life, and I will that
this clause be considered and taken as part of my will."

MEMORIAL STONE IN CEMETERY OF SEVENTH-DAY BAPTISTS,
FIFTH STREET, NEAR MARKET, PHILADELPHIA.

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 465

To remedy this defect, application was made to the Leg-
islature early in 1787, by the brethren of Newtown and
French Creek or Nantmeal, to incorporate the latter con-
gregation, they being the most numerous and having a
meeting-house. The petition was granted March 5, 1787,
too late, however, to prevent the Jersey brethren from as-
suming the complete control of the bequest, so far as the
income or revenue was concerned, thus ignoring the claim
of the Chester County congregations in everything except
their right of burial, which right was never questioned.

At the time of the removal of the seat of government to
Philadelphia, in 1790, the two churches in New Jersey leased
the unoccupied part of the ground to a Mr. Shoemaker, and
in the following year the church at Piscataway sent a " letter
of agency" to their brethren of Cohansey, as follows :

"We whose names are underwritten and seals affixed
being trustees of the Seventh Day Baptist church of Christ,
in Piscataway, Middlesex County, State of New Jersey, do
appoint, constitute and autherize our trusty friend and
brother Jacob Martin, who is one of our body, our agent in
our behalf and for the use and benefit of said, in conjunc-
tion with any person or persons that may be appointed by
the Cohansey church, or otherwise as the case may be to
take charge of a certain lot of ground in the city of Phil-
adelphia, the property of said churches; and left as a
buring ground for the Sabbathkeepers, part of which at
this time in the tenury of a Mr. Shoomaker and we auther-
ize our said agent to leese out sd. lot for any term of years
and for such price as he with the agent from Cohansey
church may think proper, and to collect the rents that may
be due to this church and releases and other acquittances to
give and gennerally to do every matter and thing that may
appertain to justice in the premises rattefing and conform-
ing for effectual whatever our said agent may or shall do in
the premises as fully and effectually as if we had done the
same in our person in testimony whereof we have hereunto
set our hands -and affixed our seals this seventh day of Oc-
VOL. xiii.— 30

466 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

tober in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred
and ninty one. 1791.

(signed) THOMAS FITZRANDOLPH L.S.

KEHEMIAH FITZRANDOLPH L.S.

DAVID DUNHAM JUNIOR L.S!

ABRAHAM DUNHAM L.S.

JOEL DUNN L.S."

The " Sabbath Keepers" of New Jersey continued to use
the lot as a place of sepulture for some of their people who
died in the city; thus, we find records of the burial of
James, John, and Jehu Ayres, and of the wife of Enoch
David, one of their most noted preachers of the day.

As the Chester County people never acknowledged the
claim of the Jersey churches nor renounced their own, it
was not long before the contest was renewed. At this time
there were as yet no streets cut through from Fourth to
Fifth Street, and it further appears that at the commence-
ment of the century there were several houses on the
ground.1 James Simmonds was one of the lessees, and held
his title from the trustees of the Piscataway church, and
seems to have been the builder of one or more of the houses.
Early in April, 1803, he paid a year's rent for the ground
to David Ayres, the trustee of the Cohansey congregation,
and a few days later Hazeal Thomas, as representative of
the Chester County churches, demanded the same rental.
On objecting to paying the rent over again, Thomas
threatened him with a suit of ejectment. "Writs of a
similar character were also served upon Simmonds at the
instance of one John Brown, and the heirs of Colonel
Coates ; on what grounds the claims of the two latter were
founded were not known at the time.

The Chester County Sabbatarians now rented the ground
to one John Denn (who he was does not appear), and suit
was at once brought in the court of Nisi Prius, in his name,

Directory for the year 1801 gives: "Fifth Street, east side
south, William Sheaf— Gentleman (at the corner of Market St.) William
Beache ornament composition manufactory. No. 11. — James Simmonds
Gentleman."

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day baptist Cemetery. 467

against James Simmonds, who employed Mahlon Dickin-
son as counsel, and appealed to Messrs. Dunn, Dunham, and
others of the Piscataway church to protect him in his lease.
The trustees of this church at once wrote to Thomas on the
subject, making him an offer which it was thought would
prove more than acceptable, but the negotiations counted
as naught, and the suit went on. Several further attempts
were made by the Jersey churches to come to an under-
standing with Thomas and compromise the matter without
resorting to the law, and a committee was appointed to
confer with him on behalf of the Chester County churches,
the meeting to be held in Philadelphia, November 21, 1803.
The trustees from Piscataway came to the city, but for some
unexplained reason, neither Thomas nor the representatives
from Shiloh appeared. The committee from Piscataway,
accompanied by Mr. Simmonds, at once started for East
Nantmeal, to have an interview with Thomas, the under-
standing of the Jersey congregations being that, " if Thomas
wants no more than a proportional privilege in the premises
for time to come, we agree to it, but if, as the nature of the
proceeding seems to imply he means to dispossess iis, we
think it best to support our rights."

The result of this visit is detailed in a letter from the
church in Piscataway to their brethren in Cohansey, as
follows :

" According to your letter the twenty first November
1803 we did appoint to attend on Mr. Thomas with expec-
tation one of your church at Philadelphia, but disappoint-
ment has been felt in this case as well as many others, still
we have no disposition to lay any blame on your part but
we still went on to Philadelphia and was in hopes of seeing
Mr. Thomas there but his nonattendance caused a jurne to
his hous with Mr. Simmonds we found him at home seem-
ingly determed to see the ishu of the [ ] by law for he had
taken it very hard that Isaac Davis had curled -up his nose
(as he said) when he talked about the property and was not
to be put off in this manner.

" After a conversation of some length he did agree for us

468 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

to set a time and give you notis and himself to meet at
Philadelphia in February next."

The meeting settled on at this interview took place in
Philadelphia, February 8, 1804, at the inn in Cherry Alley
known by the sign of the " Horse and Groom," when the
following proposal in writing was submitted to Hazeal
Thomas, which he refused to sign.

"February 8th. 1804 by appointment Joel Dunn of
Piscataway in East Jersey a representative of the society
of Seventh Day Baptists residing there.

" David Ayars representative of the society of the same
order at French Creek Cohansey in Cumberland County in
West Jersey with

" Hazeal Thomas Esq of the society of the same order at
French Creek or East Nantmill Pennsylvania being met at
Philadelphia to compromise the claim to a lot of ground in
Fifth Street in the city.

" That is to say the David Ayars on the part of society
at Cohansey, willing to put an end to cost and trouble that
may hereafter arise in consequence of continuing a dispute
about the premises offers the following viz :

" That each claim of above societies produce their full
and sufficient vouchers of their several authorities to the
satisfaction of each, and that we agree to abide by the terms
of the lease of the tenant now in possession.1

" And from the present time become mutual sharers in
the powers and benefits arising there from so long as we
continue to be incorporate bodies by ourselves or successors
and in case this proposal is not agreed to the satisfaction of
all the above societies, then the above proposal and all
things therein proposed to cease and become void, other-
wise to become valid to all intents and purposes witness my
hand the day and date above written

"DAVID AYARS.

" I do agree to the principles and terms above proposes
for and in behalf of the society at Piscataway

" Date above JOEL DUNN."

1 James Simmonds.

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 469

No further attempts were made to effect a compromise.
On September 6, 1805, Mr. Lewis, counsel for Thomas,
applied to the court for a rule to take depositions in the
case, which was followed, September 10, by notice from
Mahlon Dickinson, Esq., that Simmonds join the Jersey
churches in defending the suit, and on November 27 the
case came to trial.1 The result of this trial, as noted in the
docket, reads :

" At Nisi Prius at Philadelphia, a jury called who being
duly empanelled — returned — tried — sworn and affirmed
upon their oaths and affirmations, respectfully do say that
they find for the plaintiffs and assess damages to six pence
with six pence cost."2

1 See Supreme Court, March Term, 1803, 289, "John Denn vs. James
Simmonds."

8 An old subpoena used in this case by David Ayres in summoning
Zaddock Thomas, Uriah Thomas, and David Thomas bears the following
curious endorsement.

"November 24th, 1805.

" A jarney to Philad'a, on trial of titule to the lot Samuel Davis his
waggon & horses to Coopers Ferry himself & horse went to Chester
County 1st. 2nd. 3rd. & 4th. day afternoon

Expense Pine Tavern 12 J

Woodbury 1.37*

Samuel paid at Coopers

2nd. day paid for subpoanse 70

3d lodging & breakfast 50

One single subpcense 50

Paid Mr. Dickinson 20.00

4th. lodging & breakfast 00.50

Lodging & Ferryages 37£

5th. day 6 cents for b. I for T 7

Ferryage 12£

Supper & lodging 44

Breakfast 25

BearatWoodby 12J

Carpenter bridge & sling ' .12£

On the road for passag 25

Black Beer House 3

25.47"

470 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

Although the suit went against Simmonds, there must
have been some compromise between the parties which does
not appear at the present day; for he remained in posses-
sion until 1810. In 1811 a portion of the ground was
enclosed with a board fence.

Early in the year 1810 the Harmony Fire Company, com-
posed of members of the Society of Friends, who housed
their apparatus at the northwest corner of Third and Spruce
Streets, became desirous of obtaining a more central loca-
tion, and selected the old Sparks lot for their new building.
Some of the members of the company, knowing of the
past litigation, had a committee appointed to visit Hazeal
Thomas, who then lived near the Yellow Springs, in
Chester County, and claimed to represent all the Seventh-
day Baptists in the State, to obtain his sanction to their
project. Thomas readily gave his permission, and after the
company received the favorable report of their committee,
they at once took possession, broke ground, and proceeded
to erect a one-story building. This action no sooner came
to the knowledge of the Jersey brethren than they entered
so vigorous a protest that for a time the work was sus-
pended.

On the 15th of March, 1811, Wm. P. Morris, Abraham L.
Pennock, Josh. H. Wilson, Benjamin Say, Jr., and Samuel
L. Bobbins, a committee of the Philadelphia Hose Company,
made application to the Shiloh church for permission to
erect a house for their fire apparatus " on such portion of
the ground not buried in," for which they offered to pay " a
small annual compensation, and put up a brick wall in front
of the lot as an acknowledgment of their title." In this
they were joined by the Philadelphia Engine Company.
Both requests were refused by the Jersey brethren. To-
wards the latter part of the year, the Harmony Fire Com-
pany seem in some way to have overcome the objections of
the Jersey brethren for the time being, and completed their
house.

The Jersey brethren, however, did not relax their efforts
for possession, and the result was that in 1816 (?) the dele-

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 471

gates of the Cohan sey or Hopewell church brought the
matter before the General Conference of the " Seventh-
day Baptists in America," who appointed a committee to
attend to the matter, and collect money from the different
churches to defray the necessary expenses. At the next
General Conference the committee reported that the prose-
cution of the claim would be attended by considerable
expense, and the ultimate success not at all certain; so
they asked to be discharged. The representatives of the
Shiloh and Piscataway churches then asked that the other
churches comprising the General Conference relinquish
all claim to the bequest, and they would prosecute the
claim at their own risk and expense, which request was
acceded to.

In the intervening time the ground seemed to be an un-
appropriated domain, upon which every neighbor thought
himself at liberty to encroach. The Harmony Fire Com-
pany opened a door on the south side of their house, and
used and occupied the whole of the lower end of the lot.
So sure did they feel themselves in possession that in 1819,
notwithstanding the unceasing protests from the Jersey
brethren, the company added a second story to their build-
ing and neatly fitted up and furnished a room which be-
came a favorite meeting place of numerous societies : the
Philadelphia Fire Association, the Philadelphia Literary
Association, the Pennsylvania Literary Association, the
Belles-Lettres Association, the Johnson Association, the
Philadelphia Fire Company, and the Resolution Fire Com-
pany.

On May 24, 1822, the Resolution Fire Company made
an effort to obtain what was left of the ground, and applied
to W. 0. Fahenstock, a German Seventh-day Baptist in
Harrisburg, for his sanction; he, however, referred the
applicants to the Shiloh congregation, who promptly re-
fused the request, and renewed their efforts to dispossess
all trespassers and have the lot enclosed.

Shortly after this date Stephen Girard bought the property
immediately south of the Sparks lot, and, as he soon be-

472 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

came anxious to get rid of his troublesome neighbors,
negotiations looking to that result were opened with repre-
sentatives of the Jersey congregations, which resulted in a
writ of ejectment being issued against the Harmony Fire
Company in 1824. The Harmony Company, however,
stubbornly contested the suit. From the following entry
on the records of the Shiloh church, it appears that the
whole matter was left to Girard.

" The trustees of the first congregation of Seventh Day
Baptists residing in the township of Hopewell, and county
of Cumberland in conformity to the resolution made and
entered on this book, February 15th, 1825, — have by their
agent Enos F. Randolph and others succeeded in giting the
incumberance removed from the lot in Fifth Street in Phila-
delphia given by Richard Sparks, to the Seventh Day Bap-
tists as a burying place, and have placed the said lot in the
care of Stephen Girard Esq. of Philadelphia for the pur-
pose of preventing further intruding on said burying
place."

Girard now opened negotiations for possession of the lot
by purchase or lease. The expenses attending the long
litigation had proved so severe a drain on the brethren in
New Jersey that they were forced to borrow money to press
the prosecution of their claim. To pay off this debt, the
trustees of the two Jersey churches, together with Caleb
Sheppard, Joel Dunn, and Jacob Week, agents of the Gen-
eral Conference, executed a lease of the whole bequest to
Stephen Girard, for a term of nine hundred and ninety-
nine years, from the twenty-eighth day of November,
1828, the consideration being " Five thousand dollars, and
a yearly rental of Six cents to be paid on the first day
of January in every year during the said term if it shall
be demanded. Upon the condition nevertheless that the
northermost half part of the lot should be held during
the term for the uses mentioned in the will of Richard
Sparks."

This lease no sooner became known to the Harmony Fire
Company than they put up a board fence against Girard's

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 473

house, and claimed and took possession of the whole lot.
Girard retorted by tearing down the fence and reconstruct-
ing it on the north side of the vacant ground, thus shutting
up the door of the engine-house, but the members of the
company were not slow in cutting this fence away. A riot
seemed imminent, when all the participants were arrested
and taken before Mayor Watson, but these measures only
increased the bad feeling which existed between the fire
company and Girard. Nothing definite came out of the
matter until 1829, when, on the morning of the day set for
trial of the ejectment suit, a proposition was made to the
company, by parties professing to be adverse to Girard, that
if the engine-house was removed by a certain date they
should receive four hundred dollars, besides their other ex-
penses; which was acceded to under the impression that
steps would be taken to dispossess Girard of his hold on
the property. Soon after the evacuation of the premises
the company found, to their chagrin, that the whole trans-
action had been a sharp piece of diplomacy by Girard,
who, in place of being ousted, at once took possession
of the lot, removed the buildings, and enclosed the re-
served part with a brick wall, and, as the Shiloh record
further states, " and we have placed in sd wall a monu-
ment to perpetuate the memory of Eichard Sparks, the
donor and many others buryed in said lot who ware ances-
tors and Rilatives of same of the seventh-day Baptists in
New Jersey."

The inscription on the plain marble slab (called by
courtesy a monument) now fastened to the west wall of the
enclosure reads as follows : l

1 Although but seven persons are named on the tablet, it is known
that there were over twenty interments made within the original en-
closure.

474 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

"This Monument erected April A.D. 1829
By the Trustees of the First Congregation

Seventh-day Baptists,

residing in the township of Hopewell,

in the County of Cumberland, West New Jersey ;

And the Trustees of the Seventh-day Baptist Church

of Christ in Piscataway, East New Jersey ;

to perpetuate the Memory of

KICHAED SPAEKS,

Who, in his Testament and last will, gave and

devised this lot for a burying-ground for the

use of the Society of Seventh-day Baptists,

and was himself interred therein A.D. 1716,

agreeably to his request in said will, with

several others, Ancestors and Eelatives of

Members of said Societies, who were laid

within 25 Feet of the North End of the same.

In Memory of ELIZABETH WEST,

an aged widow of William West,

who departed this Life, A.D. 1773.

In Memory of JANE ELIZABETH,

Daughter of James and Barbara Tomlinson,

formerly of this City, but late of Cumberland County,

W. N. Jersey, who died A.D. 1772.

In Memory of John and Jehu, sons of

Nehemiah and Eunice Ayres, formerly of

Cumberland Co., W. N. Jersey,

and late of this City, A.D. 1802.

In Memory of EEBECCA, wife of the

Eev. Enoch David, late of this City.

In Memory of James Ayres, late of

this City, A.D. 1796,

and formerly of Cumberland

Co, W. N. Jersey."

That part of the ground not reserved for burial purposes
was also enclosed by Girard, and laid out as a garden for
Thomas Sully, the artist, who in 1830 had taken up his resi-
dence in the house formerly occupied by James Simmonds.

On April 22, 1830, the closing settlement in regard to
the above lease was made between the two Jersey churches.
The expenses of the litigation appear to have been $1897.98,
leaving $3102.02 to be divided between them; of which
sum Jonathan R. Dunham received $1500 on the part of the

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 475

Piscataway church, while Enos F. Bandolph on the part of
the Shiloh church receipted for $1602.02, with the under-
standing that from that date the Shiloh church assume all
responsibility in regard to the lease and bequest. The
members of the Shiloh congregation congratulated them-
selves on the successful termination of the long-drawn-out
litigation, as it was mainly by their efforts that the victory
had been won; and it was thought that the matter had
been definitely settled for all time to come. Such, however,
was not the case, for two years had not elapsed since the
entry in the church records before given when the news
was received of Girard's death, December 26, 1831, and his
bequest to the city.

The city had no sooner taken possession of the estate
than the Harmony Fire Company made another attempt to
regain possession of the lot, instigated, it is said, by some
of the descendants of former Sabbatarians in Chester
County,1 and, in connection with the scheme, presented a
petition to Councils, December 26, 1834, taking the ground
that they had never actually given up the lot, and that, by
virtue of undisputed possession for more than twenty-one
years, the title then vested in the Committee on the Girard
Estate really belonged to the Harmony Fire Company.
The Committee on Fire Companies, to whom this petition
was referred, reported in the following October (1835):
" As the question of the right of possession in the lot re-
ferred to is now pending in the Supreme Court of the State,
the committee are of the opinion, that it ought not to be
prejudiced by a grant of any portion of the premises, and ask
to be discharged from the further consideration of the peti-
tion." Nothing further came out of this attempt to molest
or annoy the Shiloh brethren in their claim to the ground.

A new danger for a time threatened this resting-place of
the Sabbatarians. A cross street from Fourth to Fifth
Street, below Market, had become a necessity, and a propo-
sition was made to open one below SheafPs line, cutting off

1 Emmor Kimber, then president of the company, is said to have been
one of these descendants.

476 An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery.

twenty-five feet from the upper end of the Sparks lot, which
would have obliterated all the graves in the old cemetery.
To prevent this desecration, a petition was presented to
court, April 16, 1836, to extend " Greenleaf s" Court, or
Alley westward to Fifth Street;" a jury was appointed, and
a favorable verdict was rendered on the 23d of June follow-
ing, which was, however, contested by the Sheaff family,
as it would cut through their property ; but the verdict of
the jury was affirmed by the Supreme Court, August 23,
1839. The final order, however, was not made until June
22, 1841, when the present Merchant Street was opened.

During the agitation in regard to the opening of the new
street, a further complication arose by the passing of an
ordinance by Councils, under the act of 1794, prohibiting
any further interments within the enclosure, thus virtu-
ally making the lot useless for the purposes originally in-
tended. This coming to the knowledge of the trustees,
they called on the city to put and keep the lot and wall in
good repair ; but the final outcome was that the reservation
was again reduced one-half, and, December 13, 1838, " The
Mayor, Aldermen and citizens of Philadelphia, Executed an
agreement with the Seventh Day Baptists, agreeing to keep
open and reserve the northern most twenty-five feet in front
by twenty-seven in depth, of the lot &c. and that free access
shall be had thereunto at all reasonable times, and that they
shall and will keep the said burying-ground in good order
and condition and suitably enclosed, with a gate fronting on
Fifth street and will also cause the marble slab now erected
to the memory of Richard Sparks, and others to be placed
in a conspicuous place," etc. This document was recorded
in the clerk's office of Cumberland County, at Bridgeton,
Few Jersey.

The last effort to wrest the ground from the proper cus-
todians was made in the year 1859, when the Eastern
Market Company was projected; the trustees of the Sab-
batarian church, however, again maintained their rights in
the premises, and the new market-house was built around
the lot, the enclosure forming an offset in the structure.

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery. 477

The enclosure is at the present time inaccessible except
through a window opening into an alleyway back of the
Girard Buildings, which occupy the lower end of the Sparks
lot.1 It is overrun with vines and noxious weeds, and has
virtually become a receptacle for refuse thrown from the
adjoining market-house. The tablet now fastened against
the street wall is almost hidden by the rank growth of
creepers, while the inscription has through the ravages of
time and neglect become partly illegible. How isolated
and neglected this spot is, within the very heart of the city,
may be surmised from the fact that the writer, having after
much difficulty obtained access to the enclosure, while cut-
ting away some of the leafless briers to set up his tripod for
the purpose of photographing the tablet, to his horror discov-
ered among the accumulated rubbish the mouldering skele-
ton of a man, the tissue of which had long since formed the
nocturnal feast of the rodents that infest the adjoining market.

Few of the thousands of busy toilers who daily pass the
spot know anything of its history, or even that it is a burial-
place ; nor is there anything to tell the stranger or future
generations that within these narrow limits, shut out from
the busy world by the high brick wall capped by sharp iron
spikes, rest the remains of a few of the peculiar sect of
Christians who formed the first society in this Common-
wealth to claim the right to worship after the dictates of
their conscience, under the twenty-second clause of the
charter which had been forced upon Penn, after a long
struggle, by Dr. Henry Compton, Lord Bishop of London,
and which assured religious liberty to all men within the
bounds of the Province.

1 In connection with the erection of this building the following in-
cident is given on the authority of the late William Roberts, long the
janitor of the offices. When the excavations for the foundations were
made several graves were disturbed, in one of which a skull was found,
and when picked up to place it with the other bones a strange protuber-
ance on the side where the ear had once been on examination proved to
be a long, sharp, wrought-iron nail, which had been driven into the skull.
Whether it was a foul murder or was done after dissolution as a precau-
tion against premature burial is a problem which will remain unsolved.

478 Notes and Queries.

NOTES AND QUERIES.

AN EARLY SPECIMEN OF BOSTON CULTURE. — " If there be any Per-
son that has impos'd his surreptitious Digits, or Bubonick Ophthalins, on
the Globular Kotundity of an Hat, tinctured with Nigridity, let him
convey his Intel ligencies to the Preconick Potentate, when the sonorous
Jar of his Tintinnabular Instrument, by a Tremulous Percussion of the
Minute ^Ereal Particles, affecting the Auricular Organs, make an Im-
pression on the Cerebral Part of his Microcosm ; and he shall receive a
Premeial Donation adapted to the Magnitude of the Benefit, whether
the Hat has titillated his Manual Nerves, or only struck the Capilli-
ments of his Optick Nerve."— The New- England Courant, No. 251, from
Saturday, May 21, to Saturday, May 28, 1726.

WASHINGTONIANA. — The originals of the following are in the auto-
graph collection of Isaac Craig, Esq., Alleghany, Penna., to whose
courtesy we are indebted for the copies.

" MOUNT VERNON, July 15, 1773.

" The subscriber, having obtained patents for upwards of 20,000 acres
of land, on the Ohio and Great Kanhawa, being part of 200,000 acres
granted by proclamation, in 1754, (10,000 of which are situated on the
banks of the first mentioned river, between the mouths of the two Kan-
hawa's ; the remainder on the Great Kanhawa or New River, from the
mouth, or near it, upwards in one continued survey) proposes to divide
the same into any sized tenements that may be desired, and lease them
upon moderate terms, allowing a reasonable number of years, rent free ;
provided that, within the space of two years from next October, three
acres for every fifty contained in each lot, and proportionable for a lesser
quantity, shall be cleared, fenced, and tilled, and that by or before the
time limited for the commencement of the first rent, five acres for every
hundred, and proportionably, as above, shall be enclosed and laid down
in good grass for meadow ; and moreover, that at least fifty good fruit
trees, for every like quantity of land, shall be planted on the premises.

" Any person inclined to settle upon these lands, may be more fully
informed of the terms, by applying to the subscriber, near Alexandria,
in Virginia, or in his absence, to Mr. Lund Washington ; and will do
well in communicating their intentions before the 1st of October next,
in order that a sufficient number of lots may be laid off to answer the
demand.

" As these lands are among the first which have been surveyed, in the
part of the country where they lie, it is almost needless to premise, that
none can exceed them in luxuriency of soil, or convenience of situation ;
all of them lying upon the banks either of the Ohio, or Kanhawa, and
abounding in fine fish and wild fowl of various kinds, as also in most
excellent meadows, many of which (by the beautiful hand of nature)
are in their present state almost fit for the scythe.

" From every part of these lands water carriage is now had to Fort Pitt,

Notes and Queries. 479

by an easy communication, and from Fort Pitt up the Monongahela to
Red Stone, vessels of convenient burthen may, and do pass continually;
from whence, by means of Cheat River, and other navigable branches
of Monongahela, it is thought the portage to Patowmack may, and will
be reduced within the compass of a few miles, to the great ease and con-
venience of the settlers, in transporting the produce of their lands to
market ; to which may be added that, as patents have now actually
passed the seals, for the several tracts here offered to be leased, settlers
on them may cultivate and enjoy the land in peace and safety, notwith-
standing the unsettled councils, respecting a new colony on the Ohio ;
and as no right money is to be paid for these lands, and a quit rent of
two shillings sterling a hundred, demandable some years hence only, it
is presumable that they will always be held upon a more desirable foot-
ing, than where both are laid on with a very heavy hand. It may not
be amiss further to observe, that if the scheme for establishing a new
government on the Ohio, in the manner talked of, should ever be ef-
fected, these must be among the most valuable lands in it, not only on
account of the goodness of the soil, and the other advantages above
enumerated, but from their contiguity to the seat of government, which
more than probable will be fixed at the mouth of the Great Kanhawa.

"GEORGE WASHINGTON."

The above is printed on the upper part of a half-sheet of foolscap ;
the lines begin on the left and run up the sheet. Beneath this is the
following, the lines running across the sheet and being in Washington's
well-known hand :

"Note. For further explanation of the above Advertisement, and
better understanding the terms on which these lands will be granted, the
subscriber proposes

" To give Leases for the term of Twenty-one years, or three Lives with
proper Covenants for securing the Rights of each Party.

" To allow an exemption of four years from payment of Rent under the
provisos in the above printed advertizement (where no improvements
are made) aft^- which four pounds Sterling for every hundred acres
contained in the Lease and proportionably for Lesser quantity to be
demanded and paid in the Currency of the Country, at the exchange
prevailing at the time of making such payment.

"To erect within the space of Seven years from the date of the Lease,
a decent dwelling House and good Barn fit for a common farmer ; Plant
Orchards of good fruit Trees in proportion to the quantity of Land Let ;
and for every Hundred Acres contained in the Tenement Improve at
least five Acres into Meadow ; which five Acres or the like quantity of
Ground always to be kept in good Grass.

" G° WASHINGTON

"Novr 30th 1773."

The above was sent to John D. Woelpper, a German by birth, who
had served in the Virginia troops under Washington, and subsequently,
on January 6, 1776, was appointed a first lieutenant in Colonel John
Shee's Pennsylvania regiment in the Revolutionary War.

The beginning of the following letter to the widow of General Rich-
ard Butler, who was killed at St. Clair's defeat, is unfortunately lost :

" Permit me to assure you that in a public view, I consider the recent
misfortune greatly enhanced by the loss of the truly gallant General

480 Notes and Queries.

Butler, and that I participate in the grief which afflicts you on this dis-
tressing event.

"A small detachment of troops had been ordered to be stationed at
Pittsburgh previously to the receipt of your letter; these will be rein-
forced by a more considerable detachment now on their march to that
place.

" I sincerely hope, that you will under the present pressure of your
affliction experience all the powerful consolation of religion and Philoso-
phy. I am Madam

" Your Most Obed' & Hble Serv*
" G° WASHINGTON"

CONCERTS IN PHILADELPHIA, 1764. — The Pennsylvania Journal of
November 1 and December 27, 1764, contains the following announce-
ments :

" Subscription Concert at the Assembly Eoom Lodge Alley begins on
Thursday the 8th day of November next, and to continue every other
Thursday till the 14th of March following. Each subscriber on paying
Three Pounds to be entitled to two Ladies tickets for the Season. The
Concert to begin precisely at Six o'Clock in the Evening. Tickets to be
had at the bar of the London Coffee House."

" For the benefit of Mr. Forage, and others, assistant performers at the
Subscription Concert in this City. On Monday the 31st. instant, at the
Assembly Eoom, in Lodge Alley, will be performed

A CONCERT OF Music,

Consisting of a variety of the most celebrated pieces now in taste ; in
which also will be introduced the famous Armonica or Musical Glasses,
so much admired for the great sweetness and Delicacy of its tone.
Tickets at 7/6 each to be had at the bar of the London Coffee House.
No person to be admitted without a Ticket. The Concert to begin at
Six o'Clock precisely."

NOTICE OF THE FUNERAL OF REV. GILBERT TENNANT.— The fol-
lowing notice was read in the Moravian Church, Philadelphia, in the
Sunday afternoon meeting, 29th July, 1764. The original is preserved
in the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania :

" This Congregation are invited to attend the funeral of the Kevd
Gilbert Tennant at his house on Cherry Street this afternoon at 6 o'Clock."

A PASTORAL LETTER OF KEV. PETER TRANBERG.— This letter, al-
though undated, was written in the year 1743, and the " Mr. Brizelius"
referred to was a Moravian clergyman.

"DEARLY BELOVED COUNTRYMEN MEMBERS OF THE SWEDISH
LUTHERAN CHURCH AT RACOON AND PENN'S NECK.

" It has ever been, since my moving to this Side my reall endeavour to
contribute what layeth in my power, to see a happy fixed Settlement ot
divine Worship among you consistent with the Orthodox Faith of the
Lutheran Church, & have found no way more safe then that you make
your application to the Bishop of Swedland, who has proved to you &
your Forefathers as a nursing Father and will do so still, as you may see
by his last letter to Vicaco Church. If you now should decline from him
without a Cause, you would expose yourselves as Ungratefull members,
& not only so, but to deprive you & your Posterity any more from ex-
pecting such favour. Which to prevent I thought proper to send a
Paper with your Clerck, Andrew Hopman, on purpose to see how many

Notes and Queries. 481

have a mind to send for one. And as for supplying the vacancy in the
meanwhile, I understand the Major Part of the congregation is for Mr.
Brizelius, who (tho' not ordained and sent from the Bishop of Swedland)
may officiate either till the Congregation gets his own from Swedland or
till Vicaco Minister comes in, who undoubtedly will assist you, as formerly
Mr. Sandel did: and as for Penn's neck, I will take upon me to supply
that place, as Mr. Birk did, which will be every other Sunday, & that
is as much as use to have when you have your own Minister. You may
in the meanwhile make use of the Service Mr. Brizelius has offered,
since you would not agree with Mr. Falk for whom I have laid myself
so much out for. But let me beseech you to be unanimous in Sending
for one to Swedland, and I will recommend your Case in the best manner.
I remain for the rest

" Gentlemen

" Your most humble Servant

" PET. TRANBERG."

LETTER OF BENJAMIN WEST TO WILLIAM RAWLE. — The following
letter from Benjamin West, the artist, to William Rawle (the elder),
one of the founders, in 1805, of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine
Arts, is in the Historical Society's collection :

" LONDON, Newman Street, Sepr. 21st. 1805.
" DEAR SIR.

" Your letter the 2nd of July last gave me great pleasure as it was a
token of regard, and that I was not effaced from your memory.

" I have to assure you, that yourself and those young gentlemen from
Peusylvania who have visited this capital since my residence in it, it
has always given me much pleasure to render them any little civility in
my power, and to have given them that attention which I thought was
due to my countrymen.

"The death of my much respected friend Samuel Shoemaker1 I had
heard of before I received your letter — and I am gratified to find that
you are in possession of the Print of the Apotheosis of the King's two
children which His Majesty commanded me to place in the hands of Mr.
Shoemaker as a token of the high respect His Majesty had for his char-
acter : 2 the Print is very scarce.

" Your account of the state of the fine arts in the city of Philadelphia,
and the views which yourself and others in that city have to cherish and
reward them into higher excellence, is greatly to your honour.

" The citizens of New York having commenced their Academy with
many casts from the fine statues by the Greeks, they are highly proper for
an academy where youth are taught to deliniate the human figure — and to
form their minds to what it is that constitutes justness of character, and
refinement in beauty. By such studies he is the better able to see, and
judge what is character and beauty in natural objects when they present
thierselves to his observation. In that part of your academy I recom-
mend to the citizens of Philadelphia, to follow the example of the New
Yorkers in forming the means of study to the ingenious youth.

" It is my wish that your academy should be so indowed in all the
points which are necessary to instruct, not only the mind of the student
in what is excellent in art — but that it should equally instruct the eye
and judgement of the public to know, and properly appreciate excellence

1 See Gait's " Life of West," pp. 27, 215, and 216. Mr. Rawle was the step-son of
Mr. Shoemaker.

2 See PENNA. MAO. OP HIST. AND BIOG., Vol. II. p. 35.

VOL. xin. — 31

482 Notes and Queries.

when it is produced — because the correct artist and a correct taste in the
public must be in unison : it is therefore necessary that not only a few
of the fine examples of Greek art should be procured ; but the highly
endowed productions of the moderns in paintings should be added—
when from the agregate of ancient and modern art the Philosophic
mind of the Philadelphian would make up their judgement in what was
truly grate, just, and beautiful in art.

" The City of Philadelphia so furnished in the materials of instruction,
would in a few years be the vortext of all that was mental in the Western
world.

" In the course of this winter I shall bear your academy in mind, and I
flatter myself that by the spring ships, not only be able to give you my
further advice, but to be able to send you the casts of the Anatomy fig-
ures we have in the Royal Academy — as well as to point out to you the
casts from the Greek figures most proper for study.

" The correspondence between the secretary of foreign correspondence
of our academy, and the academies on the continent, I send you by the
hands of Col. Williamson : that work will show you the movements of
the arts in Europe — and with it, I likewise send you the abstract of the
Laws and regulations of the Royal Academy of the fine arts in London.

" You will see by the academical correspondence of what importance
the arts are viewed in the European world, and I am persuaded they
will not be less valued on your side the water.

" I have a lively interest in the elevation of the fine arts in my native
country — and I shall at all times be gratified to hear of their prosperity.

" With great regard, and esteem, I have the honour to be,

" Dear Sir,

" Yours with sincerity,
" BENJ" WEST.

"MR. RAWLE."

WASHINGTON - BEFORE - BOSTON MEDAL.— A design for the medal
ordered by Congress, March 25, 1776, to commemorate the evacuation of
Boston by the British army, was made at the instance of the Committee
of Congress by Pierre EugSne Du Simitieire, of Philadelphia, artist and
antiquary, as appears by the following entry in his note -book (PENNA.
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, October, 1889, p. 357) : "1776.
7ber a drawing in Indian ink for a medal to be given gen1 Washington
on the english evacuation of Boston, begun some time ago."

The original drawings for the obverse and reverse of this medal are
preserved among the Du Simitie're papers in the possession of the Library
Company of Philadelphia, the former being in India ink and the latter
in pencil. On the obverse, to the left, Washington is represented stand-
ing in full uniform and cocked hat, a drawn sword in his right hand,
while beside him and leaning on his left shoulder stands a figure of Lib-
erty ; on the right of the design the British troops are seen embarking.
The figure of Liberty is badly drawn and the expression of face anything
but pleasant,— in fact, she seems to be leering at Washington. The com-
position and drawing of the embarkation, however, are commendable.
The reverse presents, in the middle of the field, the All-seeing eye cast-
ing rays over a naked sword, held upright by a hand, the whole sur-
rounded by thirteen shields bearing the names of the different original
States. Diameter, three inches.

The Journals of Congress of November 29, 1776, p. 485, record : " Paid
P. K Du SimitiSre for designing, making & drawing a medal for General
Washington, $32."

Notes and Queries. 483

It will thus be seen that the committee, composed of such men as
John Adams, John Jay, and Stephen Hopkins, made at least one effort
to obtain in this country a suitable design for the " Washington-before-
Boston medal," before ordering its execution in Europe, the result being
the fine medal by Pierre Simon Duvivier, struck at Paris in 1786.

W. S. BAKEE.

LETTER OF GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GOVERNOR GEORGE JOHN-
STONE, JUNE 18, 1778.— Mr. William John Potts sends us the following
clipping from the London Chronicle, August 8-11, 1778 : " Extracts from
a letter of an officer in Gen. Clinton's army to a friend in Hampshire,
dated at Billingsport in the Delaware, 20 June, 1778," to which is added
a copy of a letter from General Washington to Governor George John-
stone, 18th June, 1778. Although the letter does not appear in Sparks,
we believe it to be genuine, from the contents of the letter of Joseph
Read to Washington of June 15.

" My letter by the last packet will inform you of the transactions of
this place down to the 15th instant. One whole fleet is still in the Dela-
ware, and we expect the final evacuation of Philadelphia will take place
this day. This letter will go by the Porcupine man of war which bears
the government dispatches. I visited the commissioners twice or thrice
on board the Trident, after they had forwarded their message to Con-
gress ; an answer to which is not yet received. I saw Gov. Johnstone
in Philadelphia a few days before I left it, and had some conversation
with him. Through the means of the Commander in Chief and Mr-
Galloway, he sent several private introductory letters of himself to some
American gentlemen in power, one to Mr. Morris, a leading member of
the Congress, from a Quaker-house in London, and also three others to
Gen. Washington, Mr. Johnson, the Governor of Maryland, and to a
Mr. Carmichael, lately Secretary to the Commissioners at Paris, these

last were given to him by a Maryland Gentleman who lives at B ,

and visited the Commissioners on board the Trident, before she left
Spithead. These letters were laid before General Clinton, and he ap-
pointed Mr. Brown with a flag of truce to carry them. I understand they
were merely introductory to Gov. Johnstone, and conveyed the hopes and
wishes of their writers, that such introduction might lead to personal
conversation, and tend to produce an accommodation on honourable
terms to both countries. Washington's answer was received the next
day, and is not looked upon by us as a favourable omen to peace. I
herewith annex you a copy of it, and refer you to the government ac-
counts by the Porcupine for further particulars. The Commissioners
are to go with the fleet to New York, and there wait for the Congress*
answer. I am &c. W. M."

" CAMP AT VALLEY FORGE, June 18, 1778.

"I take the earliest opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your
obliging letter by Mr. Brown, which covered the introductory one of
yourself to me. I have also received and forwarded the other letters to
the different gentlemen they are directed to. I am thankful to you sir,
for your very indulging opinion of me, and much obliged to my friend
for his intention to bring us acquainted. I am sorry that pleasure must
be denied me until the termination of your intended negotiation with
Congress ; for situated as I am, were it ever so much my wish to see you,
my occupations and duty to the cause I am engaged in, are essential
barriers for the present.

" You will find Sir, when you become more acquainted with this country

484 Notes and Queries.

that the voice of the Congress is the general voice of the people, and
that they are deservedly held up as the guardians of the United States.
I shall always be happy to render you any services, and for the present
I have the honour to be, Sir, your very obedient servant,

"G. WASHINGTON.
" To his Excellency Geo. Johnstone, Esq., Philadelphia."

ESCAPE OF AMERICAN PRISONERS FROM THE BRITISH PRISON NEAR
GOSPORT IN 1778. — From a letter dated Portsmouth, 7th September,
1778, the following account of the escape of fifty-seven American pris-
oners from Fortune Prison near Gosport is taken : " Early on Monday
morning it was discovered at Fortune prison, near Gosport, that fifty-
seven prisoners all Americans, had effected their escape in the night ;
immediately the picquet guard from Weovill camp scoured the coast
and country, and the alarm was made as general as possible, so that
it is hoped they will soon be retaken. Justice to the officers and
privates of the Westminster regiment and the 41st, who were upon
that duty, require that some little account should be given of the
manner in which they succeeded, as no blame whatever can be im-
puted to them, no attention or care having been wanting on their parts,
but it is necessary to say, that the good subscribers to the American
prisoners contribute greatly to the means of doing it, their agent at
Gosport having access to them, and furnishing them with what is
necessary to bribe poor and mercenary people to secrete them, and for-
ward their escape. The black hole in which the refractory have been
confined, is immediately under the room where the other prisoners
sleep ; those in the dungeon had for several days undermined and worked
a subterraneous passuge, which led beyond the wall that incloses the
prisons so that they had only to open the ground upwards into the
country where they knew there was no guard to discover them. A
hole sufficient to admit a man through was made from the ceiling of
their bed-room down to the black hole, by which they had conveyed up
the rubbish brought from the working below, some of which they had
put into their beds, and some into the chimney, and the hole was
easily covered over with a bed when any person came into the room to
prevent any suspicion of their intention. The prison is by no means
adequate to the purposes, and if continued, ought to be inclosed with a
very high wall at some distance from the house.

"A private of the Westminster is likely to suffer for having commu-
nicated a letter which one of the prisoners showed him on Sunday last.
It related to the intention of providing a vessel to be waiting for them
in Stoke's-bay which is little more than a mile from the prison ; such
information might have tended to the apprehending of the prisoners
and there is little doubt that many of them will now be taken, as a
reward of five pounds is offered for every prisoner taken."

STRAHAN-HALL CORRESPONDENCE [without date]. —
"DEAR DAVIE.

" Yesterday I received yours of the 31st March, via Dublin,

enclosing a Bill on Nesbitt, Drummond and Franks for £293

Fordyce's Sermons to Young Women sell much here. They are really
well written. The Character of Isabella (Vol 2d page 289.) was taken
from my poor Rachel, with whom he was intimately acquainted ; from
whence you may see what Reason I and all that were concerned in her
have to regret her loss.

" I am truly sorry to find by your last letter that you run some Risque

Notes and Queries. 485

of losing the Assembly's Business, which, as it was handsomely paid for,
must be of real Detriment to you. This is the natural consequence,
however, of setting up another Printer from Party Motives. Those who
encouraged him to settle with you, and who may perhaps be personally
interested in his success, will., of course leave no stone contrived to serve
him and promote his Interest, and this without regard to, or ill-will
against, any other Printer. From the success of his Paper I think you
have nothing to apprehend; but the Depriving you of the Publick Busi-
ness will be a loss indeed ; which yet nevertheless as matters now stand,
you cannot possibly prevent perhaps. Upon this subject I have little to
add to what I said in my last ; but that I am wholly ignorant of the Pro-
vocation they had to set up a new Paper with you (for I find it has been
intended for some time past) for that you refused to do equal Justice to
both Parties in your paper I cannot believe : and yet I find this is the
Reason they assign ; nothing on the popular side of the Question being
for many Years past admitted by you, without the utmost Difficulty,
and most frequently absolutely refused ; which laid that Party under
an invincible necessity of setting up another public Paper. It is pecu-
liarly unlucky that G r F. and his Father are so deeply engaged in

a different System of Politics, from what you seem to lean to, otherwise
I think nothing could have induced either of them to have afforded the
least Countenance or Protection to any Person in opposition to your
Interest, as you have so long been so intimately connected together to
your mutual Satisfaction ; a Satisfaction which Dr. Fr. never fails to
express to me upon all Occasions. What Party it is, that your Party
Disputes should exist so long, and are likely to last much longer. I
think they might be adjusted without much Difficulty ; nay, I look
upon them as so very clear, that I am vain enough to imagine, that
were they referred to me, I could undertake to settle them to the Con-
tentment of both sides, on Penalty in case of Failure of being hanged
up upon the next Sign Post. But I am at the same time sensible that
People at a Distance from the Scene of Dispute, must necessarily be very

incompetent Judges

" My politics (which shall always be only sent to you) you have in a
separate Letter. We are all pure well here. I am thinking of taking
a trip to Scotland next July along with my Wife and Peggy. Whether
I shall be able to make it out I cannot yet say. Our best Loves and
Respects to Mrs. Hall and the Children.

" I remain unalterably

" Dear Davie
" Yours most affectionately

"WILL: STRAHAN."

PASSENGER LIST OF THE "PENNSYLVANIA PACKET," 1773. — Rupp
in his "Thirty Thousand Names of Immigrants to Pennsylvania," p.
404, gives a list of the passengers on board the " Pennsylvania Packet,"
which arrived at Philadelphia 30th April, 1773, but it is so incomplete,
and so many of the names are incorrect, that we give a copy of the
original agreement between Captain Osborne and his passengers, now
in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

" We whose Names are hereunto annexed do hereby acknowledge that
we have agreed with Capt. Peter Osborne, Commander of the good Ship
called the Pennsylvania Packett to pay Him for our Passage from London
to Philadelphia in North America Fourteen Days after our safe arrival
at the said place, (the said Capt. Osborne finding us in sufficient meat
& drink during the said passage) at & after the rate of eight pounds

486 Notes and Queries.

eight shillings Sterling per Head— & in case of nonperformance of the
said payment by any of us, that then the said Captain, Peter Osborne or
the Owners of the said Ship shall have full Power to dispose of us for
the said money, or any of us that shall not make good the said Payment
within the said fourteen Days above limited Witness our Hands in Lon-
don the 16th day of February in the year of our Lord 1773.
Arnold Boedeker, Philip Bohne,

Frederick Basermann, Johannus Miller,

John Hartman, Christoph Keincke,

Peter Goebel, Thomas Eiddle,

Gerhard Meyer, Johann D. Lehmann,

Anton Konig, Adolph Strohl,

Christopher Rintelman, Edeine Halbon,

Johnannis Miiller, Pierre Charles Pouponnot,

John Frederick Rintelman, Joseph Bourghele,

Heinrich Miiller, Marie J. Peternellen,

Carl Glickner, Sara Bourghele,

Heinrich Kaese, Samuel Dowgy,

Christoph Hebigt, Maria Lewineul,

Christian Brand, Gottfried Gebauer."

A CORRECTION. — In " Address to the Allegheny County Bar Associa-
tion," by Judge Daniel Agnew, PENNA. MAG., Vol. XIII. p. 44, eighth
line from foot of page, for Percy read Presley Hamilton Craig.

LETTER OF CAPTAIN ALEXANDER HUNTER TO OWEN BIDDLE. —

" URABANNA 21st Feby. 1777
"SiR,

" I hear Inclose you a letter from your Cougan Charles the Small artickles
sent by me is all safe ashore but dose knot know how the Can be for-
warded to you on ace* of the Shiping Being in this bay if you think
proper Shall Dispose of them hear and make no doubt to a Good advan-
tag as you Could do with you and Can Remite you the amounts by Some
opportunity with Safty. I am Glad to hear of the Sucksess which has
adend your armey laterly hope it May Continue Charles was treated
Cruly in Jamacia on acct of them Knowing he was Brother to Cap*
Nichoulas Biddle and indeed the had papers who had yr name and yr
Br Clemt and some more of the Biddies which made them more Ease-
perated against him then otherweis the would have when we weare Ex-
emined by the damd Old adm1 he asked Cap* Cha8 was the Br to that
Villian who command one of the America frigets on which he told him
he had a brother who had the honour to Comd one of them but never new
him By the name of a vilan on which he Began to abuse him and Ordered
him to be put in Irons : but youl have the pleasure of seeing him Shortly
he was in the Mole and well when I left ther which is not yet three weeks
please to Rember me to yr father's family Mrs. Biddle and yr Children and
Believe me Sir to

" Be yr Verry Humble Serv*

" ALEXB HUNTER.

" PS : Capn Pickran on a brig Belongin to Charlstown went in dry har-
bour in the N° Side of Jamacia and Cut out a ship w* 300 Hhds Sugar
and a shooner Loaded w* Rum and pomenta the French in Cape franc-
way is now fiting out privetars the have But one American on Board w*
a Commison from Congress or Some of yr States one of them so fited

Notes and Queries. 487

took a schooner of Cape N'amole from Jamacia But a few days before I
left that."

"MARKET" AND "RACE" STREETS.— There is a general impression
that the names of Market and Race Streets in Philadelphia are quite
recent, having been officially changed from their so-called old names
"High" and "Sassafras" Streets within the memory of those now liv-
ing. The following extracts from two advertisements in the Pennsyl-
vania Gazette show they were known by the present names a hundred
and thirty years ago. Pennsylvania Gazette, June 8, 1758, Samuel Grisley,
wine merchant, advertises his store " In High-Street commonly called
Market Street, a little below the Jersey Market, a Lamp before the Door."
Ibid., July 20, 1758, "Thomas Lee Silk Dyer and Scowerer, from Lon-
don, but now in Partnership with the widow Brown in Sassafras Street
commonly called Race Street between Second and Front Street."

W. J. P.

PROTECTION IN ENGLAND. — Few persons are aware of the extreme to
which the English carried " Protection" in the last century. These notes
are interesting for comparison with their treatment of the Colonies, as
exemplified in the article " British Views of American Trade and Man-
ufactures during the Revolution," published in the PENNA. MAGAZINE,
Vol. VII., 1883, as they refer to the same year, 1778. We doubt if the
wildest American Protectionist of the present day ever dreamed of such
an extreme enforcement of Protection as we have here shown, which was
not a dead letter but a living reality. Many other instances might be
given to show how the law was carried out, but these are sufficient to
prove it was enforced upon all classes of society.

London Chronicle, Aug. 18-20, 1778. — "A Taylor gave information
before the Bench against a Brother in the trade for selling him a waist-
coat with buttons covered with the same stuff contrary to the 4th of
George I. which inflicts a penalty of 40s. per dozen upon the sellers of
such garments, upon the oaths of two witnesses; but the informer being
the sole witness he lost the benefit of that statute ; and by a subsequent
statute of the 7th of George I. to explain the first act, one witness is suf-
ficient, but confines the penalty to wearers of such buttons only, whereby
the whole force of the information was defeated."

Ibid., Sept. 5-8, 1778.—" On the 5th inst. was duly Convicted before
John King, Esq ; one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, a Linen
Draper at Charing-cross, for wearing on a garment, buttons covered con-
trary to law, for which he paid the penalty of 40s. per dozen. There
were 307 duly convicted last month."

Ibid., Oct. 3-6, 1778.— "A few days since a lady who had a muslin gown
on, had the same burnt on her back in Shoreditch, by some men who
call themselves aquafortis men who have entered into a Society in order
to destroy everything that is foreign manufacture they see ladies wear in
the streets."

Ibid, — " On the 29th of last month, a Gentleman, of St. Ann's West-
minster, was convicted before Wm. Martin, Esq ; one of his Majesty's
Justices of the Peace, for wearing on a coat buttons covered contrary to
law for which he paid the penalty of 40s. per dozen. There were 149
convicted last month 86 of which were Salesmen and Master Taylors."

Ibid., Aug. 4-6, 1778.—" We are advised from Lancaster, that during
last month there were 23 persons convicted before the Recorder of that
town for wearing buttons covered, contrary to law, and that there were
14 informations exhibited against gentlemen in that neighborhood."

488 Notes and Queries.

Ibid., Aug. 8, 1778.— "On the 8th instant a Gentleman of Hollis
street St. James's, convicted before Rob. Elliot, Esq. ; for wearing on a
waistcoat ten buttons contrary to law, for which he paid a penalty of

"Also on the same day, and before the same Magistrate, a Nobleman
in St. James, was convicted for wearing on a tambour waistcoat buttons
covered contrary to law, for which he paid the penalty of 3s. 4d. each
button. There are informations exhibited against several persons of
distinction."

REES THOMAS AND MARTHA AWBREY.— Mr. George Vaux, in his
very interesting article in the PENNA. MAG. for October, 1889, on Rees
Thomas and Martha Awbrey, of Merion, mentions only three children of
this couple : Rees, Awbrey, and William. They had, however, as ap-
pears of record, six. They were—

Rees, b. 2 mo. 22, 1693.

Awbrey, b. 11 ino. 30, 1694.

Herbert, b. 9 mo. 3, 1696 ; m. Mary, d. John Havard.

Elizabeth, b. 8 mo. 10, 1698.

William, b. 5 mo. 2, 1701.

Richard, b. 5 mo. 23, 1703.

It seems probable that William and David Thomas, early settlers in
Merion and Radnor, were brothers of Rees, or else very near kinsmen.
Rees, it will be noticed, in his letter to his father-in-law, William Aw-
brey, mentions John Bevan, who/with his wife Barbara, had lately come
from Treverig, Glamorganshire, as his uncle, and Awbrey was a family
name in the Bevan and Richardson families. Did John Bevan (John
ap Evan) marry an Awbrey? Can any one tell how he was an uncle to
Rees Thomas ? It may perhaps interest the descendants of Thomas to
know that he was a prominent member of the Provincial Assembly, and
a justice of the peace for Merion.

Rees Thomas purchased from Sarah Eckley, widow of John, three
hundred acres of laud in " Merion township, in the Welsh tract." The
deed was dated 6 mo. 15, 1692, and the land is described as follows :
" Beginning at a stake in Ellis Hughe's line and extending thence
E.N.E. 102 Perches, thence S.E. 480 Perches, thence S.W. 102 Perches,
to the road dividing it and the Radnor Township, and thence by said
road. N.N.W. 480 Perches to place of Beginning." He subsequently
bought of Edward Prichard an adjoining tract. In his will, dated 10th
September, 1742, Rees Thomas leaves " unto my son William Thomas
. . . two hundred acres of land to be laid out of the N. end of tract of
land that I bought of Sarah Eckley wid. . . . Unto my son Rees Thomas.
. . . my dwelling house and plantation. . . . being 290 acres of land
(that is to say) 100 acres that I bought of Sarah Eckley and 170 acres
part of the tract of land I bought of Edward Prichard." This will
was proved at Philadelphia 12th February, 1742. A part of this property
long continued in the possession of descendants. In 1787, Anthony
Tunis and Mary his wife, daughter of Rees Thomas 3d, conveyed their
share in a parcel of it to William Thomas, eldest son of said Rees
Thomas 3d, and brother of Mary. This William Thomas and Naomi
his wife sold some of the same to William Colflesh ; it, however, re-
verted by deed to Thomas in 1805. William Thomas left a will proved
in 1840, by which he devised to his daughter Jane W. Cleaver (widow
in 1842) a part of same ; who sold it to Thomas Stanley. Another

Notes and Queries. 489

Thomas, designated in the records " William Thomas 1st," and son of
old Rees Thomas, died in 1776, and letters of administration were
granted on his estate to John Llewellyn and Nathan Jones. GLENN.

FRANKLIN BIBLIOGRAPHY. A List of Books written by, or relating to,
Benjamin Franklin. By Paul Leicester Ford. Brooklyn, N. Y.,
1889. 8vo. LXXI. 467 pp.

This is the most elaborate attempt that has yet been made to bring to-
gether the titles of the writings of Franklin and of the works relating
to him. It is divided into seven parts, the subjects being as follows:

Part I. — Books and pamphlets wholly or partly written by Franklin, —
613 titles.

Part II. — Periodicals and serials containing writings of Franklin, — 20
titles.

Part III. — State Papers and Treaties in the formation of which Frank-
lin aided, — 15 titles.

Part IV.— Works containing letters of Franklin,— 71 titles.

Part V. — Pseudpnymes used by Franklin, — 18 titles.

Part VI. — Writings wrongfully or doubtfully ascribed to Franklin, —
18 titles.

Part VII. — Works relating to, written to, or dedicated to, Franklin, —
214 titles.

The whole is prefaced with an excellent introduction, treating largely
of Franklin as an author, and is supplemented by three indices. Refer-
ences are given to libraries where the publications can be found. In the
volume we find described one hundred and fifty-three editions to the
" Way to Wealth," fifty-four of the Autobiography, and about one hun-
dred and twenty collections of Franklin's " Works" in which the Auto-
biography is included. From this description, the scope of the book will
be understood, and its value to any one interested in studying Franklin's
career will be appreciated. While it is not free from omissions, and its
arrangement could in some respects be improved, there are few pioneer
works, in so broad a field, that possess less faults. It is in every way a
creditable piece of work, bearing evidence of great labor, careful inves-
tigation, and acute observation. As no edition of the works of Frank-
lin contains more than two-thirds of what he is known to have written,
such books as Mr. Ford's are invaluable, and, although they may not
reach his ears, he will receive the hearty thanks of many earnest workers
for the time and labor he has saved them by his investigations. The vol-
ume is uniform with the works of Franklin edited by Mr. Bigelow.

ANCESTRY OF THIRTY-THREE RHODE ISLANDERS BORN IN THE EIGH-
TEENTH CENTURY. By John Osborne Austin. Albany: Joel
Munsell's Sons. 1889. "Large 4to., pp. 139.

This work is by the author of the " Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode
Island." It contains the pedigrees of thirty-three Rhode Islanders, born
in the eighteenth century. Their ancestors are traced back for five gen-
erations, and while there are some omissions, Mr. Austin has been re-
markably successful in making the record as complete as it is. The
pedigrees given are those of Daniel Anthony, Welcome Arnold, Rowse
Babcock, Isaac Barker, William Barton, Nicholas Brown, Henry Bull,
William Ellery Channing, Thomas Durfee, Benjamin Dyer, James Fen-
ner, Nathaniel Green, Ray Green, Elisha Harris, Rowland Hazard,
Stephen Hopkins, Richard Jackson, Nehemiah Rice Knight, Christopher

490 Notes and Queries.

Lippitt, Daniel Lyman, Stephen Olney, Oliver Hazard Perry, Elisha
Reynolds Potter, Sr., Stephen Randall, William Sprague, Gilbert Stuart,
Wilkins Updike, Samuel Ward, Wagner Weeden, John Whipple, Isaac
Wilbour, Oziel Wilkinson.

The book also contains twenty-seven charts, giving the descendants
of Roger Williams, an account of Lewis Latham, falconer to King
Charles I., a chart of the Latham family, and a list of one hundred and
eighty portraits of prominent Rhode Islanders.

CHRONICON EPHRATENSE : A HISTORY OF THE COMMUNITY OF SEV-
ENTH-DAY BAPTISTS AT EPHRATA, LANCASTER COUNTY, PENNA.
BY LAMECH AND AGRIPPA. Translated from the original German
by J. Max Hark, D.D., Lancaster, Pennsylvania, 1889. Pp. 288.
The English translation of this rare work will be appreciated by all
who are interested in the history of the Ephrata community, and to
Messrs. S. H. Zahm & Co., of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, they are indebted
for its publication. The translator, J. Max Hark, D.D., of the Moravian
Church, has been most successful in his reproduction, particularly so
with regard to involved sentences, local idioms, mystical expressions,
and curious phrases, which he has rendered with scrupulous fidelity.
The book is printed on good paper and with clear type, and the edition
is limited.

COLONIAL AND REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY OF THE LOCKWOOD FAMILY
IN AMERICA, FROM A.D. 1630. Compiled by Frederic A. Holden
and E. Dunbar Lockwood. Printed privately by the family. Phila-
delphia, 1889. Royal 8vo, pp. 884.

This is one of the best genealogies in arrangement, paper, and type
published this year, and the descendants of Robert Lock wood, of Water-
town, are indebted to Mr. Frederic A. Holden and Mr. E. Dunbar
Lockwood, of Philadelphia, who have been diligent and successful col-
lectors in compiling so complete a family history. The biographical
sketches, the list of over two hundred and seventy descendants who
served in the army and navy, from the colonial period to a recent date ;
the records of those distinguished in the church, at the bar, in the
legislature, and in the scientific world, as well as those allied to the
family by marriage, are interesting and valuable features of the work.
Forty-five illustrations, consisting of the family coat of arms, portraits,
fac-similes of autographs, wills, commissions, and muster-rolls, letters and
sermons, an appendix, and a copious index containing over nine thousand
names, lend special value and completeness to this handsome volume.

AMERICAN CATHOLIC HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PHILADELPHIA. —
We have received the " Records of the American Catholic Historical
Society," Vol. II. 406 pp., which contains, among other valuable and

Missionary in Pennsylvania," by Rev. Jules <

Thomas Fitzsimons," by M. I. J. Griffin ; "Catholic Choirs and
Choir Music in Philadelphia," by Michael H. Cross ; " List of Baptisms,
St. Joseph's Church, 1776-1781 ;" " Marriage Registers, St. Joseph's
Church, 1758-1786;" and " Goshenhoppen Register, 1741-1764." The
Genealogical Department, edited by C. H. A. Esling, contains genealo-
gies of the Esling, Sehner, and Kelly-Hendry families. We are pleased
to observe that the Society continues the publication of the registers of
St. Joseph and other congregations, which fills a want so long felt by all
genealogists. The book is a credit to the Society in every particular.

Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 491

MEETINGS OF THE HISTOEICAL SOCIETY OF
PENNSYLVANIA, 1889.

A stated meeting was held on the evening of January 14, Vice-Presi-
dent Horatio Gates Jones, Esq., in the chair.

The Chairman announced that, departing from the usual custom at
meetings of the Society, discussions and the reading of short papers upon
subjects mentioned in the notices of the meeting would be in order this
evening.

Dr. Charles J. Stille" read a paper on " American Colonies as Penal
Settlements;" Dr. D. G. Brinton, on "Indian Names in Pennsylvania;"
J. Granville Leach, Esq., " Humphrey Murray, the First Mayor of Phila-
delphia ;" and Dr. J. J. Levick, " Fenny-Drayton and Swarthmore Hall."

Remarks were made by Edward Shippen, Esq., George de B. Keim,
Esq., and William Brooke Rawle, Esq.

A special meeting was held on Monday evening, February 18, Mr.
John C. Browne in the chair.

The Chairman introduced Dr. Charles J. Stille", who read a paper en-
titled, " A Visit to the Swedish Fatherland."

Upon the conclusion of the reading, on motion of Rev. Thomas F.
Davies, D.D., a vote of thanks was tendered.

A stated meeting of the Society was held March 11, Vice-President
Dr. Charles J. Stille" in the chair.

Nominations for officers to be voted for at the next stated meeting
being in order, Charles H. A. Esling, Esq., nominated the following:

President.
Brinton Coxe.

Honorary Vice-Presidents.
Aubrey H. Smiih, Craig Biddle,

Ferdinand J. Dreer.

Vice-Presidents (to serve three years).
Horatio Gates Jones, George de B. Keim.

Corresponding Secretary.
Gregory B. Keen.

Recording Secretary.
William Brooke Rawle.

492 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Treasurer.
J. Edward Carpenter.

Council (to serve four years).

James T. Mitchell, William S. Baker,

Charles Hare Hutchinson.

No other nominations being made, the chairman appointed tellers to
conduct the election on May 6.

Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker related the story of " A Woman's
Curse and its Fulfilment,"— a tradition connected with the town of
Phoenixville, Penna., and its vicinity.

Edward Shippen, Esq., read extracts from the "Memoirs of Mrs.
Elizabeth Bordley Gibson," with some familiar letters to her friend,
Martha Derby, of Boston.

Mr. Frederick D. Stone read a sketch appropriate to the Centennial
Celebration of the Inauguration of Washington. Eemarks were made
by Prof. John Bach McMaster, Joseph G. Rosengarten, Esq., and Mr.
Stone.

On motion of Eichardson L. Wright, Esq., a vote of thanks was ten-
dered to the gentlemen who had spoken during the evening.

A special meeting of the Society was held April 6, Vice-President
Hon. S. W. Pennypacker in the chair.

The Chairman introduced Hampton L. Carson, Esq., who delivered an
address on " The First Congress of the United States."

On motion of John J. Pinkerton, Esq., the thanks of the Society were
given to Mr. Carson.

Mr. Frederick D. Stone read an article, published in the Pennsylvania
Mercury, relating to some historical incidents connected with Bradford's
Coffee- House.

There being no other business, the meeting adjourned.

A stated meeting of the Society was held May 6, the President,
Brinton Coxe, Esq., in the chair.

Minutes of meetings read and approved.

The tellers appointed to conduct the annual election reported that the
gentlemen nominated at the last stated meeting had been unanimously
elected.

The Report of the Council for the year 1888 was read, and ordered to
be spread on the minutes.

The President announced that Vice-President John Jordan, Jr., had
presented to the Society a fund for the erection of a fire-proof wing to
the building on the Thirteenth Street side of the lot belonging to the
Society; and that by the will of Captain William Man the following

Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 493

bequests had been made: $5000 to the General Fund; $8000 to the
Library Fund ; $2000 to the Binding Fund.

After appropriate remarks, Joseph G. Eosengarten, Esq., offered the
following :

" Resolved, That the President of the Society appoint a committee to
collect the published and unpublished correspondence and writings of
John Dickinson, with a view of including them in the memoirs of the
Society, and that Charles J. Stille, Esq., LL.D., be invited to edit the
same."

Colonel Frank M. Etting offered the following:

" Resolved, That a standing committee be constituted whose duty it
shall be to take note of all historical monuments and buildings of every
description in Philadelphia ; to report periodically to the Society the
condition of all such, how tended or cared for ; to recommend, where
necessary, suitable inscriptions to be placed thereon, and what interven-
tion, if any, is needed for their preservation."

Mr. William S. Baker read an account of the painting by Charles
Wilson Peale, in the winter of 1778-79, of a portrait of Washington for
the Supreme Executive Council of the State, and of the engraving in
mezzotinto of the picture by the artist in 1780.

A stated meeting of the Society was held November 11, Vice-Presi-
dent Horatio Gates Jones, Esq., in the chair.

General W. W. H. Davis was introduced, and read a paper on " La-
fayette in Bucks County."

After passing a vote of thanks, the Society adjourned.

494 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

OFFICERS

OF

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.

PRESIDENT.
BRINTON COXE.

HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENTS.
CRAIG BIDDLE, AUBREY H. SMITH,

FERDINAND J. DREER.

VICE-PRESIDENTS.

HORATIO GATES JONES, SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER,

JOHN JORDAN, JR., CHARLES J. STILLE,

GEORGE DE B. KEIM, WILLIAM M. DARLINGTON.1

CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.

GREGORY B. KEEN.

RECORDING SECRETARY.
WILLIAM BROOKE RAWLE.

TREASURER.
J. EDWARD CARPENTER.

LIBRARIAN.

FREDERICK D. STONE.

ASSISTANT LIBRARIAN.

JOHN W. JORDAN.

COUNCIL.

JOHN JORDAN, JR., JAMES T. MITCHELL,

SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER, WILLIAM S. BAKER,

JOHN B. GEST, WILLIAM G. THOMAS,

CHARLES HARE HUTCHINSON, EDWIN T. EISENBREY,

GEORGE HARRISON FISHER, OSWALD SEIDENSTICKER

CHARLES KOBERTS, JOHN C. BROWNE.

1 Died 28th September, 1889.

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 495

TRUSTEES OF THE PUBLICATION AND BINDING FUNDS.

JOHN JORDAN, JR., AUBREY H. SMITH,

CHARLES HARE HUTCHINSON.

TRUSTEES OF THE LIBRARY FUND.

BRINTON COXE, JOHN JORDAN, JR.,

FREDERICK D. STONE.

TRUSTEES OF THE GILPIN FUND.
BRINTON COXE, JOHN JORDAN, JR.,

SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER, CHARLES HARE HUTCHINSON,
CHARLES J. STILL£

TRUSTEES OF THE ENDOWMENT FUND.

GEORGE DE B. KEIM, JOHN JORDAN, JR.,

BRINTON COXE.

STATED MEETINGS.

March 10, 1890. November 10, 1890.

May 5, 1890. January 12, 1891.

Annual membership $5.00

Life membership 50.00

Publication Fund, life subscription .... 25.00

Pennsylvania Magazine, per annum . . . 3.00

Payments may be made to the Librarian, at the Hall, 1300 Locust
Street, or to the Collector.

496 Report of Finance Committee to Council.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORT OP THE FINANCE
COMMITTEE TO THE COUNCIL.

Statement of Finances, December 31, 1888.

DR.

The Treasurer and Trustees charge themselves with the following :

To Real Estate $117,008 02

Investments 63,913 67

Cash 3,709 13

On.

The Treasurer and Trustees claim credit for :

General Fund, Invested $5,500 00

" Loan to Real Estate . . . 5,500 00

" " Interest Account . . . 547 81

Binding Fund, Invested 3,300 00

" " Interest Account ... 234 24

Library Fund, Invested 8,000 00

" " Interest Account ... 270 08

Publication Fund, Invested .... 32,111 78

" Uninvested ... 792 97

Interest Account .... 1,617 85

Endowment Fund, Invested .... 15,001 89

" Uninvested ... 32 75

Investments of Real Estate .... 111,023 54

Loan Emily Bell 565 41

Balance Donation for Harleian Publications . 68 50

Sundries 64 00

$184,630 82 $184,630 82
Publication Fund.

Receipts: Cash on hand, January 1, 1888 . $1,213 41

Interest, Dividends, and Rents . 1,985 02

Subscriptions to Magazine, etc. . 776 75

$3,975 18

Disbursements for 1888 2,357 33

Balance in hands of Trustees . . . $1,617 85

Report of Finance Committee to Council.

497

General Fund.

Receipts: Cash on hand, January 1, 1888

Annual Dues, 1888 ....
Donations .....
Interest, Dividends, etc. .

" Trustees Endowment Fund

Disbursements : General Expenses, Taxes, and

Sundries for 1888
Balance in hands of Treasurer .

$102 16

4,983 00

300 00

447 49

740 00

$6,572 65

6.024 84

$547 81

Binding Fund.

Receipts : Cash on hand, January 1, 1888
Interest, Dividends, etc. .

Disbursements for Binding, 1888
Balance in hands of Trustees

$308 39

157 90

$466 29

232 05

$234 24

Library Fund.

Receipts: Cash on hand, January 1, 1888
Interest on Investments .
Penna. Loan Redeemed .
Donations and Sales of Duplicates,
etc

Disbursements : Purchase of Books in 1888 .
Balance in hands of Trustees .

$43 02
464 00
400 00

125 99

$1,033 01

762 93

$270 08

Endowment Fund.

Receipts : Interest and Dividends.
Disbursements: Paid to Treasurer General
Fund

$740 00
740 00

VOL. xiii.— 32

INDEX.

(Family surnames of value in genealogical research are printed in SMALL CAPITALS;
names of places in italics.}

Academy of Fine Arts, New York, 481 j
Philadelphia, 481

Adams, John, remarks of the Muhlen-
bergs, quoted, 204, 206 ; on Titles, 383 j
Diary of, quoted, 415, 416, and the
Quakers, 418 ; Samuel arrives at Beth-
lehem in 1777, 71} in 1778, 83

Addis, Daniel, query regarding, 127

Addison, Alexander, sketch of, 3

" Affaires de 1'Angleterre et de I'Ame'r-
ique," by Paul Leicester Ford, 222

Agnew, Hon. Daniel, contribution of, 1 ;
vote of, in Constitutional Convention,
37

Albert, George Dallas, quoted, 12, 14

Alden, Maj. Roger, duel with Alex. Fos-
ter, 25

Allegheny County, extent of, in 1789, 2

Allegheny County Bar Association, Ad-
dress to the, by Hon. Daniel Agnew, 1 ;
correction in the, 486

Allen, Anna, death of, at Bethlehem, 83 j
Edward, query regarding, 127 ; Gen.
Ethan, at Bethlehem, 83

Allison, Robert, query regarding, 127

Allston, John, query regarding, 127

Alrich, Peter, 277

Alricks, Jacob, successor to Jean Paul
Jaquet, 276

American Catholic Historical Society of
Philadelphia, records of, notice of, 490

" Ancestry of Thirty-three Rhode Island-
ers born in the Eighteenth Century,"
by John Osborne Austin, notice of, 489

ANDERSON, 54

Anderson, William, query regarding, 127

Andros, Sir Edmund, 276, 277

ANGELL, Mary, 251

Archbishop Harsnett's School, circular
issued on behalf of the Governors of,
125

ARMITT, Sarah, 121

Armstrong, George, query regarding,
127; Thomas A., query regarding, 127

Arnold, Benedict, Muhlenberg's opinion
of, 195

Arrowsmith, Rev., 220

Ashbrook, George, query regarding, 127

Ashhurst, Mary, contribution of, 256

ATLEE, 256

Atlee, Samuel Yorke, query regarding,
126; Dr. Walter P., contribution of,
115, 256; Wm. Richardson, query re-
garding, 127

Aubrey, John, letter of Wm. Penn to, 460

"Augusta," frigate, destruction of, 300

Austin, John Osborne, "Ancestry of
Thirty-three Rhode Islanders born in
the Eighteenth Century," by, notice
of, 489; Wm. E., 40

A very, Charles, 12

Awbrey, Martha, Rees Thomas and, chil-
dren of, 488 ; Rees Thomas and, early
settlers in Merion, by George Vaux,
292 ; Sir Reginald, 292 ; Richard, 293 ;
Saunders, de St., 292; William, 488

Ayres, David, 466, 468 ; James, 466, 474 ;
Jehu, 466, 474; John, 466,474; Wil-
liam, query regarding, 127

Bach, Lieut., 86

Bache, Mr., 117

Bader, Julia, 82

Baker, Wm. S., history of a rare Wash-
ington Print, 257 ; contribution of, 482,
483

Baldwin, Henry, 12, 13,19; sketch of,
23 ; mentioned, 35

Bancroft, George, opinion of John Dick-
inson, noticed, 393

BANER, Baron Isaac, 278 ; John, 278

Banister, Col. John, 75 ; at Bethlehem, 83

Banner, account of the, presented by the
Moravian Sisters of Bethlehem to Pu-
laski, 82

BARCLAY, 39

BARLOW, Joel, 23 ; Stephen, 23 ; Thomas,
23

Barras, Admiral, 284

Bates, Tarleton, 13, 19

"Battle of the Kegs," 302

Bayard, John, visits- Bethlehem, 88

BAYNTON, Elizabeth, 256

Beache, William, 466

Beam, Anna, 82

Beatty, John, 159-162

Beaver, Governor James, a contribution
from, 125

(499)

500

Index.

Beckel, Liesel, a Moravian Sister, 76

Beelen, Anthony, 26

Beitel, Frederick, 88

Bekker, Lena, 113

Bell, John, writer of the first biographi-
cal sketch of George Washington, 263

Bells of the State House and churches of
Philadelphia taken to Bethlehem and
Allentown, 74

Benenge", Gerrett, 115

Benezet, Anthony, 434

Berk, Mr., 481

Berkenhout, Dr., arrives in Philadelphia
from N. Y., 164, 165

Berrien, Major John, 242

Best, Robert, 100

Bethlehem during the Revolution, 71 ;
attempts to make, the seat of govern-
ment, 72, 73; damage done by the
Continental army, 73; population of,
89

BEVAN, Ann, 175

Bevan, Barbara, 488; John, 295, 488;
Silvanus, 432; Timothy, 432

BIDDLE, 178

Biddle, Henry D., contribution by, 381,
430; Owen, letter from Capt. Alex-
ander Hunter to, 486; Richard, 46;
sketch of, 51

Bill of Moravians for rent of rooms for
Continental army, etc., 81

Blackwell Family Record, 128

Boarding in Philadelphia 1779-1780,
rates of, 251

BOLLINGER Family Record, 121

Bond, D. Thomas, 78, 81

Borradaile, Arthur and Margery, parents
of Hannah Elton, 384

Boston culture, an early specimen of.
478

Boucher, Rev. Jonathan, 260

Bower Hill, 45

Bowman, Roger, 434

BRACKENRIDGE, Henry M., 12

Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, mentioned,
4, 5 ; sketch of, 7

Braddee, John F., trial of, 28

Bradford, David, 5 ; William, 5, 8

Breva, Lieut. August. W., 86

Bright, Jacob, imprisoned, 299

British evacuate Philadelphia, 307

Brizelius, Mr., a Moravian clergyman,
481

Brooks, Mr., 263

Brown, Alexander, "The Genesis of the
U. 8.," notice of, 118; John, 466; Wil-
liam, 433

Brunswick officers arrive at Bethlehem,
86

Bryan, George, 200

Buchanan, George, of the class of 1815
of University of Penna., 384; George
W., 41

Buck, Wm. J., " William Penn in Amer-
ica," notice of, 119

Burgin, Joseph, and Jane Silver, mar-
riage certificate of, 124

Burnet's "History of his Own Time,"
lost volume of, 384

BURR, John, 180

Bush, Lieut. Wm. S., 127

Butler, Gen. (British), 165 ; John B., 48

Cabeen, Robert B., 262

" Cabinet, The," a newspaper query re-
garding, 126; answer to, 255

Cadorus, Page, 458

CABWALADER, John, 176; Thomas, 176

Cadwalader, Thomas, 463

Camerloo, Anna, 113; Johann Frederick,
113

Cameron, imprisonment and trial of, 62,
63 ; Allen, 156, 159

Cargyle, John, son of, made prisoner, 380

Carleton, Sir Guy, 286

Carpenter, Samuel, clue to place of emi-
gration in England of, 382

Carrington, Edward, 328

Carson, Hampton L., contribution by,
129

Casimir, Fort, 272, 274

Chaplin, John H., sketch of, 41 ; John M.,
42; Judith, 41; William, 41 ; William
Craig, 42

Chew's House, 299

Childs, George W., 459

Christ Church, Phila., Records of Bap-
tisms, 1709-1760, 237

Christianaham, 277

" Chronicon Ephratense," translated by
J. Max Hark, notice of, 490

Cincinnati, officers of the State Society
of, of Georgia, 1790, 242

Civil and ecclesiastical affairs in Penna.
in 1698, 216

Clapp, Allen, 115

Clark, Gen. Geo. Rogers, 44; Samuel,
434

CLARKE, Thos. S., 32

Clay, Rev. John Curtis, honorary gradu-
ate of the University of Penna., class of
1841, 384

CLAY, Rev. Slator, 384

Claypoole, Helena, 251 ; James, account
of a tankard presented by family of,
to Wm. Penn, 250

Clayton, Thos., letter from, 218, 219, 221

Cleaver, Jane W., 488

Cleyn, Elmerhuysen, 272

Clinton, George, letter to, from Du Simi-
tiere, 345 ; Sir Henry, attention to John
Connolly, 163, 164, 281; arrives in
Phila., 306

Coates, Col., 466 ; S., 117

Colflesh, William, 488

Colier, John, 277

Collins, John, 16; Mrs. Sarah L. and
children, 17; Thomas, sketch of, 15

Colonial money, query regarding the
punishment of counterfeiting, 127

Index.

501

" Colonial and Revolutionary History of
the Lockwood Family in America, from
A.D. 1630," compiled by F. A. Holden
and E. Dunbar Lockwood, notice of,
490

Concerts in Philadelphia, 1764, 480

Congress, First, of the United States, by
Hampton L. Carson, 129 ; list of mem-
bers of, 135, 136

Conner, P. S. P., contribution by, 121

Connolly, John, narrative of, 61, 153,
281 ; taken prisoner, 283

Connor, Morgan, information desired of
the family of, 127

Conrad, Peter, made prisoner and then
released, 380

Constitution of Penna., F. Muhlenberg's
opinion of changing the, 199

Constitutional Convention of 1787, let-
ters of Washington and Patrick Henry
relating to their appointment as dele-
gates to, 243

Continental Congress, delegates from
Penna. to the, 385

Conway, Gen. Thomas, passes through
Bethlehem, 80

COOK, Mary, 254, 255

Cornwallis, Lord, news of the surrender
of, 197, 281, 282; leaves Phila., 301,
302 ; returns to Phila., 307

Cowan, Christopher, 45

Cowell, Dr. David, 122 ; Dr. John, letter
of, 122

Cox, 256 ; Maria, 175

Coxe, Charles, of Sidney, information
wanted concerning the parentage of,
128; Tench, letter of H. H. Bracken-
ridge to, 8, 9

Craig, Amelia Neville, death of, 45;
Henry Knox, 44; Isaac, 43; men-
tioned, 47; contribution of, 117, 478;
Major Isaac, death of, 45 ; Isaac Eu-
gene, 44; Neville B., sketch of, 43;
mentioned, 45, 46 ; Oldham, 44 ; Percy
Hamilton, 44 ; Presley Hamilton, 486 ;
for Percy Hamilton, page 44, read
Presley, see 486

CRAIG, 41; Neville B., 34; Oldham, 34

Cramond, Major John, quartered on
Henry Drinker, 303, 306 ; quits Phila.,
307

Cropper, John, 79

CROSSAN, 42

COTHBERT, Samuel, 182, 183

Cutler, Manasseh, and the Ordinance of
1787 reviewed, 309-340 ; extracts from
the diary of, 318, 319; arrives in N.
York, 319 ; leaves N. York for Phila.,
319; returns to N. York, 222; services
of, 339

DALLAS, 22

Dane, Nathan, and the Ordinance of
1787, mentioned, 319; letter of, to
Rufus King, 321; services of, in the

formation of the Ordinance of 1787,
quoted, 336

Darlington, William M., notice of the
death of, 375

Darragh, Cornelius, 6

DAVID, 169

David, Benjamin, 182; Rev. Enoch, 464;
wife of Enoch, record of burial of,
466; John, 169; Rebecca, 474; Robert,
169; Tacey, 182

Davis, Samuel, 469 ; William, 462

DAVIS, William, 177

Dayton, Col. Elias, visits Bethlehem,
87

Deane, Silas, 165, 232, 233

De Bruls, M., the engraver, information
wanted concerning, 128

Declaration of Independence, Pennsyl-
vania and the, by Charles J. Stille, 385

De Kalb, Gen., 74, 279

Delancey, Lt.-Col., 286

" Delaware" frigate captured, 298

Demar, De (Anspach), 306

Denn, John, 466, 469

DESHON, 255

Dickinson, John, residence of, destroyed,
301, 302 ; influence of, 389, 413 ; George
Bancroft's opinion of, noticed, 393 ;
character of, 405 ; Mahlon, 467, 469

Dommes, Capt. August F., 86

Douche, Jacob, imprisoned, 299

Dreer, Ferdinand J., contribution from,
243

Drinker, Henry, 126; Mrs. Henry, ex-
tracts from the journal of, 298

Duche, Anthony, 100

Duer, Wm., 116

DUER, Capt. Wm., 182, 183

Duncan, Capt., 433

DUNCAN, John, 17; Wm. D., 17

Dungan, Rebecca, 464

Dunham, Abraham, 466; Asher, 67;
David, Jr., 466, 467 ; Jonathan R., 474

Dunmore, Lord, 164; certificate of, re-
garding John Connolly, 288

Dunn, Joel, 466, 467, 468

Durborrow, Hugh, 123

Du Simitiere, see SimitiSre

Duvivier, Pierre Simon, medal of Wash-
ington, struck at Paris, 1786, 483

EADIE, Symons, 384

Eckley, John, 488 ; Sarah, 488

Educational clause in the Ordinance of

1787, 333

Edward, William ap, 229
Egle, Dr. William H., contribution of,

121
Ellery, William, extracts from the diary

of, 251

Elliot, John, 455
Elliot, , of Va., 75; West, the land

case of, 6
Ellis, Rowland, 448; Rowland, Sr., 227;

Rowland, Jr., 227

502

Index.

ELTON, Hannah, answer to inquiry con-
cerning the maiden name of, 384

Erickson, John, 277

Ettwein, Bishop John, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80,
83, 89, 232

EVAN, who settled at Gwynedd, 168;
Rowland Johns, 230; Thomas Sion,
227, 230 ; Thomas John (Sion), 227, 230

Evans, Cadwalader (Dr.), letter from
John Ross to, 381

EVANS, Ann, 177; Dr. Cadwallader, 178;
Catherine, query regarding the parents
of, and place of birth, 254; David,
174, 178 ; Evan R., 17 ; Oliver, 206 ;
Rachael, 206

Fahenstock, W. 0., 471

Falk, Mr., 481

Family record, the first, 121

Fenwick, John, 277

Ferbiger, Christian, 11

Fernow, B., contribution by, 250

Fetterman, W. W., 18

Finley, Samuel, letter from, to Col. Crop-
per, 79

Fisher, Joshua, and sons, 113; William,
296

Fitzrandolph, Nehemiah, 466 ; Thomas,
466

FLANDREAU, Charles B., 18

Folk -Lore Society, American, notice of,
252

Foltz, Conrad, 114; Maria, 114; Susanna,
114

Footman, Eleanor and Richard, informa-
tion wanted concerning the parentage
of, 128

Forbes, Tacey, 434

Ford, Capt., 307 ; Major, 44; Paul Leices-
ter, contribution by, 222; notice of,
" Franklin Bibliography" by, 489

Fort Adams, Chickasaw Bluffs, name of
determined, 117, 118

Fortune Prison, 484

Forward, Walter, 19, 22, 28 ; sketch of, 35

Foster, Alexander W., duel with Roger
Alden, 25

Fothergill, Dr. John, 431

Francis, Tench, 11

Franklin, Benjamin, letter of, to Prof.
Kinnersley, 247

"Franklin Bibliography," by Paul Lei-
cester Ford, notice of, 489

Franklin, Thomas, 115 ; Walter, 115

Friends, extracts from the minutes of
the Monthly Meeting of, 9 mo. 25, 1720,
123 ; sent to Virginia, visited by their
relatives, 304, 305

Frohlich, Joseph, 380

Fugitive slave, what right had a, of self-
defence against his master ? 106

FULTON, James, 47

Gage, Gen. Thomas, 287, 288
Gallatin, Albert, 44

Galloway, Joseph, 298, 302, 483

Gardiner, Rev. Theodore L., 463

Gates, Gen. Horatio and family arrive
at Bethlehem, 79, 83; letter from, to
Rev. Mr. Ettwein, regarding Madame
RiedeseFs visit to Bethlehem, 85

" Genesis of the U. S.," the, a review of,
118

GEORGE, Jesse, 178

Gerard, Mons., French Minister, arrives
at Bethlehem, 84, 88

German emigrants, a list of, 113

Germantown, battle of, 299 ; news of the
battle of, 75

Gibbons, James, 305

GIBBS, Lydia, 126

GILKISON, Agnes, 30

Gillespie, Robert, death of, 77

Girard, Stephen, litigation with Har-
mony Fire Co., 471, 472, 473, 475

Glass-works first erected in Western
Penna., 44

GLENN, Edward, 183; Lewis Washing-
ton, 183 ; William Duer, 183

Glenn, Thomas Allen, contribution by,
168, 227

Godecke, Lieut. John H. von, 86

Gordon, Col. Cosmo (British), 306

Gosport, escape of American prisoners
from the British prison near, in 1778,
484

Grayson, William, and the Ordinance of
1787, 328; extract from speeches of,
330 ; services of, in connection with
the Ordinance of 1787, 319, 321, 338

Green, Thos. Marshall, " Historic Fami-
lies of Kentucky," by, notice of, 123

Greene, Gen., sent his two daughters to
Bethlehem school, 78; wife of, 78;
mentioned, 304

Greenleaf, Isaac, 433

Gregg, case in Pittsburg, trial of, men-
tioned, 53

Griffith, Thomas, 124

Grisley, Samuel, 487

Guerin, Anthony, 115

Guion, Isaac, letter from, 118

Habert, Anna Maria, 114; Christian,
114

Haines, Reuben, 116

HAINS, Rebecca, 179

Hale, Rev. Edward Everett, quoted, 312

HALL, 448 ; Hugh, 126

Hall, Rev. Chas. H., record from, 126;
David, teacher of Robert Proud, 431 ;
James, sketch of, 57; John, impris-
oned, 299

Hambleton, Col., 216

Hamilton, Alexander, 8

Hampton, Moses, 38

Hancock, John, arrives at Bethlehem in
1777, 71-77 ; at Bethlehem, 83 ; owner
of a portrait of Washington, 260

Hand, Gen. Edward, 6, 11

Index.

503

Hardie, 117

Hardwick, Rev. John Christian, 205

Hark, J. Max, notice of " Chronicon
Ephratense," 490

Harmony Fire Company of Philadelphia,
470, 472

Harmony Society at Economy, 38

Harrington Family Cemetery, 453

HARRISON, 128

Harrison, Charles, 67 ; family and Har-
riton Plantation, 447

Harriton Plantation, 447

Harry, Evan, 174

HARVARD, 121

Hasse, Brother, 80, 81

Hausihl, Rev. Bernhard Michael, 189

Hawker, Capt., 155

HAYES, Benjamin, 177, 181

HAZLEHURST, Isaac, 256

HEATH, Maria, 33

Heathcot, Col., 218

Hehl, Bishop Matthew, 80

HEISTER, John S., 206

Helm, of Phila., 379

Henry, Dr., 68

Henry, Patrick, letters of, relating to his
appointment as delegate to the Con-
stitutional Convention of 1787, 243

Hess, Augustinus, 113; Maria, 113

HETH, Henry, 30

Heth, John, letter from, to Major Isaac
Craig, relating to Fort Adams, 118

HIBBARD, Josiah, 179

HIGBEE, Theodosia, 12

Highlanders removed from Bethlehem,

Hildeburn, Charles R., contribution by,

90, 207, 237, 265
Hillhouse, James, 23
"Historic Families of Kentucky," by

Thomas Marshall Green, notice of, 123
Historical Society of Penna., bequests to

funds of the, 124; finances of the, 496;

officers of the, 494 ; proceedings of the,

491
"History of Greenland," by David

Crantz, mentioned, 75
Hitchcock's school, location of, 384
Hoar, Hon. George F., quoted, 310
HODGES, 50
Hoes, Rev. Roswell Randall, contribution

by, 116
Holden, F. A., " History of the Lockwood

Family," compiled by E. Dunbar Lock-
wood and, notice of, 490
Holstein, George Wolf, 384
Hooper, Quartermaster, 86, 88
Hopkins, Rt. Rev. John Henry, sketch

of, 54

Hopman, Andrew, 480
HOSKINS, Martha, 175; Mary, 174, 176;

Dr. Richard, 176
Hosmer, Titus, at Bethlehem, 83
Hospital to be established at Lititz, 80,

81

Howe, Sir William, 163; in Philada., 302

HOWELL, Joseph, 178

Huddo, Audries, 272

HUDSON, Susanna, 174, 179 ; William. 182

Hughe, Ellis, 488

Humphrey, Owen, 171

Humphreys, John, 172

Hunter, Alexander, letter from, to Owen
Biddle, 486

Huntington Collection, portrait of Wash-
ington in, 262

HUNTINGTON, Samuel, 41

Huntsman, Mrs. Edward H., 247

Hussey, Anna, 82

Huygen, Hendrick, captain of the vessel
" Mercurius," 273

Hyde, Sarah and Elizabeth, 433

" Hymn of the Moravian Nuns," letter
regarding, 82

Indenture of apprentice, 1745, form of,

122

Irvine, Gen. Wm., 11
IRWIN, John H., 206
Israel, Capt., 250
"Issues of the Press in N. York, 1693-

1752," by C. R. Hildeburn, 90, 207

James II., 217, 218

James, Gen., 76; Chalkley, 299

Jaquet, Jean Paul, an account of, by
Edwin Jaquett Sellers, 271

Jaquett, Rev. Joseph, obituary of, 279,
280; Maj. Peter, funeral of, 279

Jay, John, 259

Jay's treaty, debate on, 203

Jefferson, Thos., plan of, for government
of Western Territory in 1784, 313, 327,
336

" John," the wreck of the ship, in Dela-
aware Bay, 1732, 99

John, Griffith, 168

JOHNES, Priscilla, 175

Johnson, David, 29; Sir John, 156; Wil-
liam Samuel, plan of, for government
of Western Territory, 316

Johnstone, Gov. George, letter from G.
Washington to, 483 ; bearer of letters
of introduction to R. Morris and others,
483

JONES, Catharine, 175; Jonathan, 174,
177; Lewis, 181; Mary, 180; Sarah,
177, 181

Jones, Edward, 170; Dr. Edward, 229;
G., query regarding the full name
of, 254; Griffith, 217; Horatio Gates,
contribution from, 247; Rev. Horatio
Gates, 459; Hugh, 227; Jonathan,
181; Nathan, 489; Owen, 172, 304;
Rebecca, 181; Robert, 452; S., 303
Jordan, John W., contribution of, 71 ;

query of, 127
July 4th, 1778, celebration of, 308

Kean, John, 316, 321

504

Index.

Keen, May, 464

Kegs, Battle of the, 302

Keith, George, followers of, 219

KELLY, Elizabeth, 121

Keppel, Captain, 260

Keym, Andreas, 113

Kirnber, Emmor, 475

King, Rufus, and the Ordinance of 1787,
314, 315 ; letter of Dane to, 321

Kinnersley, Ebenezer, letter from Benj.
Franklin to, 247

Kinsey, John W., account of the acci-
dental death of, 381

Kirch, Andreas, 114; Anna Maria, 114;
Maria Elizabeth, 114

KIRKPATRICK, 50; Maj. Abraham, 46

Knorr, Jacob, 116

Knowles, Dr., 306

Knox, Major-General, 242

Kobatsch, Col., arrives at Bethlehem, 79,
82 ; passes through Bethlehem, 84

Koehler, Bishop J. D., 89

Kunkell, Catherina, 113; John George,
and wife, 113

Kunse, Rev. John Christian, 186

La Fayette, Marquis de, mentioned, 75,
76 ; portrait of, engraved by Peale, 264 ;
mentioned, 284

Langly, Erdmuth, 82 ; Rebecca, 82

LAURENCE, Mary, 177

Laurens, Henry, letter to, from John Con-
nolly and others, regarding the York-
town gaol, 66, 67; mentioned 71, 77;
letter from, to Rev. Ettwein, 85 ; resig-
nation of, as President of Congress,
1778, 232; mentioned, 259

Lawersweiler, Jacob L., 198

Lee, Gen. Charles, 304 ; Richard Henry,
71 ; and the Ordinance of 1787, 319,
321, 335, 338; Thomas, 487

Leech, Tom, imprisoned, 299

Leeser, Isaac, editor of Hebrew Bible, 280

Lepus, Robert, 77

Levick, James J., M.D., contribution
from, 245

LEWIS, Evan Robert, 168

Lewis, William, 33, 469

Lidenius, Rev., 278

Light, John, query regarding the parents
of, 128

Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, 284

Lititz, general hospital to be established
at, 80, 81

Llewellyn, John, 489

Lloyd, Edward, 242 ; Thomas, 227, 450

LLOYD, Thomas, 448, 450

Llwyd, widow of Thomas, 230

Lockwood, E. Dunbar, " History of the
Lockwood Family," compiled by F. A.
Holden, notice of, 490

Lockwood Family, History of the, com-
piled by F. A. Holden and E. Dunbar
Lockwood, notice of, 490

Logan, Charles, 304 ; David, 42

Longfellow, Henry W., letter from, re-
garding the " Hymn of the Moravian
Nuns," 83 ; letter from, regarding Pu-
laski's banner, 82

Long Hook, 278

Lord, Captain, 62

Loring, Joshua, 159, 162

Lower Merion Baptist Church, 459

LOWREY, Col. Stephen, 15, 16

Lyon, Matthew, 126, 255

McCALMONT, 17

MCCANDLESS, Wilson, 18

McCLENACHAN, 457, 458

McClenachan, Charles, 458, 459

MCCLURE, Wm. B., 17, 18

McDonald, John, 46

Mclntosh, Col. John, 242 ; Gen. at Beth-
lehem, 81

McKean, H. Pratt, owner of a portrait of
Washington, 260

MacLean, Captain, 62

McMillan, Rev. Dr., 4

Madison, James, on the Mississippi ques-
tion, 332

Maibom, Major, passes through Beth-
lehem, 86, 89

Man, Daniel, 124 ; William, bequest of,
to the Historical Society of Penna.,
124

Marailles, Don Juan, 259

Marbury, Capt. Joseph, 11

MARIS, George, 179; Hannah, 174, 179;
Jesse, 179

Market and Race Streets, names of, 487

Markham, Madam, wife of Gov., and
daughter, 220; Gov. William, 218

MARKOE, 256

Markoe, Abram, query regarding an-
cestry of, 128

MARKS, 40

Marriage Certificate of John Roades and
Hannah Willcox, 112

Marriott, Joseph, 434

Martin, Alexander, Gov. of North Caro-
lina, 89 ; Jacob, 465 ; John Hill, query
by, 127

Martz, Simon, and wife, 113

MAVINIERE, 255

Maxwell, Gen. Wm., 87

Meeting-house in Fourth Street, Phila.,
used by British soldiers, 302

Meginnes's History of the West Branch
Valley, notice of, 382

Mellors, Randall, 305

Melzheimer, Chaplain, 86, 87

Menon, Count de, 260

" Mercurius," arrival at Fort Casimir of
the Swedish ship, 273

Merion, Owen of, by Thomas Allen Glenn,
168 ; early settlers in, 292 ; settlers in,
447

Merriam, John M., author of " The Legis-
lative History of the Ordinance of
1787," 309

Index.

505

MIFFLIN, Jonathan 121, 457; Miles,
Samuel, 200

Milius, John August, a chaplain, arrives
at Bethlehem, 86

Minvielle Family, their origin and arms,
125

Miralles, Don Juan de, arrives in Beth-
lehem, 84

Mischianza, the, 306

Mississippi question, its influence in the
passage of the Ordinance of 1787,
argued, 330-333

Monmouth, news of the battle of, reaches
Bethlehem, 83

Monroe, James, plan of, for government
of Western Territory, 316

Moore, 118 ; George H., contribution by,
265 ; Rebecca, 305 j James, 305 j Wil-
liam (President of Penna.), 285

Moravian Church in New York during the
occupation of the city by the British,
376

Morgan, A. S. M., 32 ; B., 434 ; Benjamin,
434; George, 31, 45, 307 ; Jane B., 31,
32 ; John, 31 ; Thos., 31

MORGAN, James B., 31, 32

Morganza, country-seat of James B.
Morgan, 31

MORRIS, Daniel, 178

Morris, Governor of New York, at Beth-
lehem, 83; Israel, 304, 434; Lewis
passes through Bethlehem, 78 ; Robert,
67; ability of, 389, 406

Morrison, Edward, commander of the
" Minerva," 109

Moulder, William, imprisoned, 299

Mountain, James, sketch of, 29

Mud Island Battery taken, 301

Muhlenberg, Frederick Augustus Conrad,
sketch of, by Oswald Seidensticker,
184; letter of, to his brother Henry,
193; children of, 206; Rev. Henry
Ernst, 185, 204; Rev. Henry Melchior,
184; Peter Gabriel, 185; becomes a
soldier, 190; mentioned, 202, 204, 205

MttLLER, 55

Mullott, Pierie, 115

Musser Family, information wanted con-
cerning the ancestry of, 128
Myer, Lieut. Andreas, 86
Myers, Col. Bailey, quoted, 344

Nain, 74

Napper, G., 298

Naval engagement between an American

privateer and a British man-of-war,

1778, account of, 109
Naval medal, presented to relative of

Lieut. William S. Bush, information

wanted regarding the, 127
Neave, Samuel, notice of, 100 ; mentioned,

105

Negley, Jacob, 30
Nell, Christian, 114

Neuville, Gen., arrives at Bethlehem, 84
NEVILLE, 41-44

Neville, Colonel, 118; Gen. John, 45
New Hampshire Convention, history of

the, by Joseph B. Walker, a review of,

119 *

Newmarke, Bernard, 292
New Orleans, a visit to the battle-field

of, 124

Newport, Mary, 433
Neio York, Issues of the Press in, 1693-

1752, by C. R. Hildeburn, 207 ; in the

autumn of 1776, 376; fire in 1776, 377
Nicholas, George, on the Mississippi

question, 332
Nicholson, Col. John P., contribution

from, 242

Niemeyer, L. H., 185
NILES, Hezekiah, 183
Noble, Able, 462 ; Job, 464
NORRIS, 448
North, A. W., 183
Noyes, J. Atkins, query by, 254; Mosea,

information wanted concerning, 253

OGBEN, Hannah, 183; John, 180-182;

William, 182

O'Hara, Gen. James, 43, 44
Ohio Company, 317, 322, 324, 325, 334
Okely, John, 85
Oldenheimer, John, 463, 464
OLDHAM, 46
Ordinance, the, of 1787, by Fredk. D.

Stone, 309; why the Southern States

accepted it, 328-333
Osgood, 116
Otto, 114; Louis William, French charg£

at New York in 1787, 329; Sophia,

114
Owen of Merion, by Thomas Allen Glenn,

168; Edward, 169; Elizabeth, 178;

Ellin, 175; Evan, 176; Gainor, 177;

Dr. Griffith, 169 ; Hannah, 181 ; Jane,

171; John, 178; Joseph, 227; Lewis,

169; Owen, 178; Robert, 179, 227
OWEN, Robert, of Fron Goch, 168, 169;

Robert of Dolsereu, 169

PAINTER, Susannah, 175

Palmer, Nath'l, 105

Parke, Dr. Thomas, letter to, from Z.
Poulson, Jr., 116

Parminter, Samuel, translator of " The
History of Greenland," 75

Parsons, Samuel Holden, and the Ordi-
nance of 1787, 318, 323

Passenger list of the " Pennsylvania
Packet," 1773, 485

Patterson, James, 52, 53

Peale, Charles Willson, 259, 262

Pemberton, Hannah, 304; Israel, speech
of, in Carpenters' Hall, quoted, 418,
419, 433; James, 433, 434; Mary, 304;
Phoebe, 304

PENN, Gulielma, 296 ; Letitia, 294

506

Index.

Perm, Win., 218, 229, 230 ; tankard be-
longing to, a gift from James Clay-
poole's family, 250, 277 ; Indian policy
of, 337 ; portrait of, by Du SimitieTe,
354 ; letter of, to John Aubrey, 460

Pennington, Isaac, 304

Pennsylvania, civil and ecclesiastical
affairs in, in 1698, 216 j and the Decla-
ration of Independence, by Charles J.
Stille", 385 ; Governor Pownall's reasons
for declining the government of Penna.,
441 ; " Packet," 1773, passenger list of
the, 485

Pennypacker, Hon. Samuel W., contri-
bution of, 460

Pentland, Ephraim, cowhiding of, 13, 19,
25

Pepper Family, information wanted con-
cerning the ancestry of, 128

PERKINS, Thomas, 39

Peter, James, 113

Peters, Richard, 70 ; Thomas, commis-
sary of prisoners, 68

PFEIPPER, Dr. Joseph, 280

Philadelphia, events in, while occupied
by the British, 298-308 ; in 1682, 227 ;
rates of boarding in, 1779-1780, 251;
evacuated by the British, 307

Philadelphia Hose Company, committee
of, 470

Philadelphia Township, Nova Scotia,
information wanted regarding the
origin of the name of, 254

Phillips, Gen. William, arrives at Beth-
lehem, 86, 88

Phipps, Joseph, 433

Pickering, Timothy, 68, 161; protest of,
against the admission of slavery into
the Western Territory, quoted, 314, 336

Pierce, Capt, visits Bethlehem, 87

Pilmore, Rev. Joseph, portrait of, en-
graved by Peale, 264

Pinckney, Charles, 316

PINNIARD, Marie, 182 ; William, 182

Piscataway Church, letter of agency sent
by the, to church at Cohansey, quoted,
465 ; letter from, 467

Pittsburgh, plan of, 11 ; names of streets
in, 11

Pius, Henry G., sketch of, 59

Plater, George, 83

Pleasants, Mary, 303, 304

Poems to memory of Martha Thomas,
296 ; by R. Proud, 435, 436, 439

Polk, Col. William, 73, 74

Poole, Wm. F., review of the history of
the Ordinance of 1787, quoted, 310,

Poor, Gen. Enoch, death of, 87 \

Porter, Capt. Andrew, 44

Potts, William John, sketch of Du Simi-

tidre by, 341 ; Wm. John, contribution

by, 251, 483
Poulson, Jr., Zachariah, letter of, to Dr.

Thomas Parke in 1793, 116

Poultney, Benjamin, 116, 117

POWELL, 121

Powell, Gregory, 121 ; Samuel, not the

son of William, 120 ; and Abigail Wil-

cox, marriage certificate of, 248
Pownall's, Governor, reasons for declining

the government of Penna., 1758, 441
Pragers, Mr., 117
PREBLE, Commodore, 23
Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia

used as hospitals by the British, 299
Press in N. York, issues of, 1693-1752, 90
Price, Isaac, 128
Prichard, Edward, 488
Protection in England, 487
PROUD, Ann, 431 ; William, 431
Proud, John, 434 ; Robert, autobiography

of, 430
Province Island, battery on, taken from

the English and retaken, 300
Pulaski, Gen., at Bethlehem, 82, 83
Putnam, Rufus, and the Ordinance of

1787, 317, 323

Quakers sent to Virginia visited by their
relatives, 304, 305; the, of Penna.,
400, 401, 402

Rabenhorst, Rev. Christian, 201

Ralston, Robert, 183

Ramsay, Lieut.-Col., exchanged for John
Connolly, 166

Ramsey, Capt. Thomas, 99, 100

Randolph, Edmund, 218 ; Enos F., 475

Rantzau, Count E. A. von, 86

RAPER, 121

Rapp, George, 38

Rawle, William, 116, 117 ; William, letter
from Benj. West to, 481

READ, 16

Read, Collinson, abridgment of the laws
of Penna. by, 383 ; Joseph, letter from,
to G. Washington, 483

Reading, B, engraved, a series of por-
traits by Du Simitiere, 343

Records of Christ Church, Phila., bap-
tisms, 1709-1760, by C. R. Hildeburn,
237

Reed, Joseph, visits Bethlehem, 88

Rees, Edward, 229 ; Risiart, 231

Reid, Caspar, 188

Relief Alley, query regarding the origin
of the name of, 254

Religious clause in the Ordinance of
1787, 333

Resolution Fire Company of Phila.,
committee of members of, 470

RHOADS, James, 115, 179

Richards, Capt., 190

RICHARDSON, Mary, 179; Samuel, 179

RIDDLE, 50

Riddle, James, 33

Ried, Hermann, 198

Riedesel, Maj.-Gen., arrives at Bethle-
hem with his family, 85, 88

Index.

507

Rittenhouse, David, visits Bethlehem, 88 ;
mentioned, 417

Roades, John and Hannah Willcox, mar-
riage certificate of, 112

ROBERTS, 121 j Hugh, 169, 175 j John,
177, 181

Roberts, information wanted concerning
ancestry of, 128 ; Charles, contribu-
tion of, 116, 243; Edward J., 33;
Elizabeth, 434 j Horatio N., 34 j Hugh,
169, 170; R., 434; Richard Biddle,
34; Ruth, 434; Judge Samuel, 20;
Samuel, sketch of, 32; Samuel A.,
34; William, incident related by,
477

ROBINSON, Mrs. William, 17; Richard,
123 ; Gen. William, 39

Rogers. Mrs. Theodore, 278

Ross, James, sketch of, 4 ; mentioned, 8 ;
John, letter of, to Dr. Cadwalader
Evans, 1748, 381

Ross, Hon. Thomas, 4

Roth, Anna, 114; John Dan'l, 114

Rowland, Samuel, 433

Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 76

Rutter, Thomas, 462

" Sabbath-Keepers," 462, 464, 466
Sachse, Julius F., contribution by, 462
Sample or Semple, query regarding the

name, 127
Sandel, Mr., 481
Sargent, Col. Winthrop, 325
Saur, Jr., Christopher, loyalist, 125
SCHAFER, Catharne, 189; David, 189,

190
Schmit, Bernard, 114; Catharina, 114;

Margaretta, 114 ; Turgen, 114
Schoete, Swen, 273, 274
School, free, in Phila. in 1697, 219
Schott, Jacob, and wife, 113
Schulze, Rev. Christian Emanuel, 186
SCHTJYLER, 384
Schwatz, Anna Maria, 114; William,

114

Schwer, Anna, 113 ; Christophel, 113
SCULL, 457
Sedgwick, 203
Seidel, Bishop Nathaniel, of Bethlehem,

letter to, from Rev. E. G. Shewkirk,

376
Seidensticker, Oswald, contribution by,

184
Sellers, Edwin Jaquett, an account of

Jean Paul Jaquet, 271
Semple, Steele, sketch of, 13 ; mentioned,

19
Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery, Phila.,

an historical sketch of, by Julius F.

Sachse, 462

Shaler, Charles, sketch of, 48
Sharpe, Dr., 242

SHEAFP, George, 206 ; Mary, 206
Sheaff, William, 464, 466
Sherman, Lucas, death of, 78

Shewkirk, Rev. E. G., letter to Bishop
Nathaniel Seidel from, 376

SHIELDS, Thomas L., 42

Shippen, Edward (1st), 217; William,
letter from, regarding the establish-
ment of a hospital for the soldiers at
Lititz, 80, 81 ; mentioned, 70, 76, 122,

Shoemaker, Mr., 465 ; Samuel, death of,
mentioned, 481

Shunk, F. R., monument to, 185

Sille, Nicasius de, 273

Silver, Jane, marriage certificate of Jo-
seph Burger and, 124

SimitieTe, Pierre Eugene du, 259 ; sketch
of, by Wm. John Potts, 341 ; extracts
from his note-book, 356 ; designing the
Washington-before-Boston Medal, 482

Simmonds, James, 466, 467, 468, 469,
470

SITGREAVES, family record of the, 254,
255

Sitgreaves, William, information wanted
concerning the parentage of, 128

Slave, see Fugitive Slave

Slavery in America, the first printed
protest against, 265

Smith, Col., 304; Isaac, honorary gradu-
ate of University of Penna., 1762, 384;
Melancthon, 316, 319, 321; William,
D.D., 417

Smyth, 61, 62 ; John, 159, 160

Snell, Johann Jeremiah, 115

Society for the Relief and Employment
of the Poor of Phila., certificate of,
126

Soneau, Hendrick, 113; Dorothea, 113

Sparks, Richard, 462 ; Joan, 463 ; Rich-
ard, 472; inscription on monument
erected to, 474

Specs, Anna, 114; Daniel, 114; Daniel,
Jr., 114

SPENCER, Rev. Elihu, 16

Sperry, Jacob, 206

Stalcop, John, 277

Stanley, Thomas, 488

Steen Hooke, 277

Steuben, Baron von, passed through Beth-
lehem, 80

STEVENS, 255

Stevenson, James S., 12

Stewart, Andrew, 12 ; Thos., duel of, men-
tioned, 13, 19, 25

Steyheler, Catharina, 114; Jacob, 114

Stidham, Dr. Tymen, 277

Stille", Charles J., contribution by, 385

Stone, F. D., the Ordinance of 1787, by,
309

Story, Enoch, 298, 307

Strahan-Hall correspondence, 484

Stutzer, Johann B., Judge-Advocate, 86

Stuyvesant, Peter, 271, 272

Sullivan, Gen., has his headquarters at
Easton, 87; visits Bethlehem, 87; men-
tioned, 165

508

Index.

Sully, Thomas, the artist, 474
Sykes, Philip, 379

Talbot, Roger, 431

TANNEHILL, 30

Taylor, Joseph, 431

Telner, Jacob, 250

Temperance act of April 14, 1855, in
Penna., 21

Tennant, Rev. Gilbert, notice of the
funeral of, 480

Text-book used by the Moravians, 72

THAW, John, 31

Theatre in Philadelphia used as a hos-
pital, 300; opened by the British,
302

THOMAS, Cadwalader, 175 ; John, 181

Thomas, Cadwallader, 169, 170; David,
469, 488 ; Hazeal, 466, 467, 468, 470 ;
John, will of, 170 ; Naomi, 488 ; Rees,
450 ; and Martha Aubrey, early settlers
in Merion, by George Vaux, 292 ; and
Martha Aubrey, children of, 488;
Uriah, 469 ; William, 488 ; Zaddock,
469

Thomson, Charles, 70, 162,166; on the
Ordinance of 1787, quoted, 328, 335 ; on
the charter of Penna., 423; residence
of, 449 ; proposal to remove the remains
of, to Laurel Hill Cemetery, Phila.,
454, 455, 456 ; memorial window to,
459 ; Charles West, 430 ; John, 455

Tienhoven, Cornelis van, 273

Tiernan, John, murder of, mentioned, 51

Tilghman, Col. Tench, 304

Toler, Mr., 117

Tomlinson, Benjamin, 464; Jane Eliza-
beth, record of burial of, 464, men-
tioned, 474 ; Richard, 464

Townshend, J., 286

Tranberg, Rev. Peter, pastoral letter of,
480

Trappe, the, 185

Truman, Thomas, 305

Tunis, Anthony, 488 ; Mary, 488

Tupper, Benjamin, 817

University of Pennsylvania, graduates
and matriculates, information wanted
concerning, 252; honorary graduates,
384

Valentine, Robert, 305

Valley Forge, 304

Van Vleck, Jacob, organist at Bethlehem,
89

Varick, Rudolphus, in Phila., 1690, 249

VAUGHAN, 293

Vaux, George, contribution of, 99 ; con-
tribution by, 292; contribution by,
447 ; James, 304, 305

Vickroy, Thomas, 11

Virginia, Quakers sent to, visited by
their relatives, 304, 305

Vogelesang, Gerturia, 115

Walker, Judge Jonathan, 20 ; Joseph B.,
"History of the N. H. Convention," re-
view of, 119

Wain, Richard, arrested and sent to New
York, 300 ; mentioned, 307

Wanner, Jacob, 114; Maria, 114

Warder, Jeremiah, 126; John, 123

Warner, Dr., 117

Washington, General George, order of,
for collection of clothing, 75 ; baggage
of, 78; to Bishop Ettwein, 81; arrives
at Bethlehem, 89 ; his answer to the
address of welcome given him when he
visited Salem, 89 ; account of, reception
in N. Y., 115 ; in 1789, letters of, re-
lating to his appointment as delegate
to the Constitutional Convention of
1787, 243 ; inauguration of, as President
in 1789, 245; address of yearly meet-
ing of Friends of Penna. to, as Presi-
dent, 1789, 245 ; answer to same, 246 ;
portrait of, defaced, 261, 284, 285;
meets the wives of Quaker exiles at
Valley Forge, 304 ; portrait of, by Du
Simitiere, 354, 355; before-Boston
medal, 482 ; letter of, to Gov. George
Johnstone, 483 ; letter to, from Joseph
Read, 483; Lady, arrives at Bethle-
hem, 87 ; at Valley Forge, 304

Washington print, the history of a rare,
by Wm. S. Baker, 257

Washingtoniana, letters of Washing-
ton in the possession of Isaac Craig.
478

WAYNE, 256

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 11 j Maj.-Gen.
Anthony, 242

Webb, of Lancaster, 305 ; Capt. Thomas
goes to Phila. from Bethlehem, 80;
family of, leave Bethlehem, 84

Webster, Pelatiah, 337

Weer, Jacob Van der, 277

WEISER, Anna Maria, daughter of Con-
rad, 184

Weiser, Benjamin, 188; Conrad, 187

WELLS, Rebecca, 128

Wells, Richard, 116, 117; Samuel, 464

WEST, Joseph, 179

West, Benjamin, 464; John, 464 ; Sarah,
464; Benjamin, letter from, to Wm.
Rawle, 481; Elizabeth, record of
burial of, 464: mentioned, 474; Wil-
liam " Innholder," 464

WHARTON, Joseph, 180, 182; Robert, 183 ;
Thomas, Jr., 304, 305

Whiskey Insurrection, H. H. Bracken-
ridge's part in the, 8

Widows' House at Bethlehem, description
of, 71

Wilcox, Abigail, and Samuel Powell,
marriage certificate of, 248

WILKINS, 18

Wilkins, William, 12 ; sketch of, 18 ; men-
tioned, 27

WILLCOX, Abigail, 121 ; Sarah, 112; Han-

Index.

509

nah, marriage certificate of, John

Roades and, 112
William Penn in America, by Wm. J.

Buck, notice of, 119
" William Penn," the, 228
WJLLIAMS, 16,8
Willing, Thomas, 406
Wilmot, Aquila, death of, 77
Wilson, James, recognized as the pro-

foundest lawyer in Congress, 389 ; Jas.,

character of, 406 ; Major, 68
Wind-mill on island in the Delaware

destroyed, 302
WISTAR, 115
Wistar, Dr., 117
Woelpper, John D., 479
WOLF, Sabina, 10
WOOD, Anne, 174, 178
Wood, Col. Joseph, 79
Woodford, Gen. Wm., 75 ; passes through

Bethlehem, 84

WOODS, Col. George, 7, 11 ; John, 7, 11, 12
Woods, John, sketch of, 10

Woolley, Major A. R., 57, 58
WRENSHALL, John, 12
Wrenshall, John, 45
Wylly, Col. Richard, 242
WYNNE, Mary, 177

Wyoming, news reaches Bethlehem that,
was destroyed, 83

Yarnall, Mordecai, 433

Yates, A., votes against the Ordinance of
1787, 321

YATS, Moise, 255

Yearly meeting of Friends of Penna.,
address of the, to President Washing-
ton, 1789, with his answer, 245, 246

Yeates, Jasper, 5, 8

Yellow fever in Phila., 1793, 117

Yorktown gaol, letter regarding, 66, 67

Zwytser, Jacob, 114; Johanna Barbara,
114

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