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Born SD. January 1750. 
Died 4th. June 1801. 



Vol. XIII. 










Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association, December 1, 

1888. By Hon. Daniel Agnew, LL.D 1 

A Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment, and Sufferings of 
John Connolly, an American Loyalist and Lieutenant-Colonel 

in His Majesty's Service 61, 153, 281 

Bethlehem during the Eevolution. Extracts from the Diaries in 
the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. By John 

W. Jordan 71 

A List of the Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. By 

Charles B. Hildeburn . 90, 207 

The Wreck of the Ship " John" in Delaware Bay, 1732 ... 99 
What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence against his 

Master? 106 

An Account of a Naval Engagement between an American Priva- 
teer and a British Man-of-war, 1778 . 109 

Notes and Queries 112, 243, 376, 478 

The First Congress of the United States. By Hampton L. Carson. 129 

Owen of Merion. By Thomas Allen Glenn 168 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, Speaker of the House of 
Eepresentatives in the First Congress, 1789. By Oswald 

SeidensticJcer 184 

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698 . . 216 
Affaires de 1'Angleterre et de PAme'rique. By Paul Leicester Ford. 222 

Philadelphia in 1682 227 

The Eesignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778 . 232 
Eecords of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Baptisms, 1709-1760. By 

Charles E. Hildeburn 237 

Officers of the State Society of Cincinnati of Georgia, 1790 . . 242 
The History of a Eare Washington Print. By William S. Baker. 257 
The First Printed Protest against Slavery in America . . . 265 
An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. By Edwin Jaquett Sellers . 271 
Eees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, early Settlers in Merion. By 

George Vaux "... 292 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker, of Philadelphia, 

from September 25, 1777, to July 4, 1778 298 

The Ordinance of 1787. By Frederick D. Stone . . . .309 


iv Contents of Volume XIII. 


Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist, Projector of the 
First American Museum, with some Extracts from his Note- 
Book. By William John Potts 341 

Obituary Notice. William M. Darlington, Esq 375 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. By Charles 

J.Stilte 385 

Autobiography of Eobert Proud, the Historian .... 430 
Governor Pownall's Keasons for Declining the Government of 

Pennsylvania, 1758 441 

Settlers in Merion The Harrison Family and Harriton Planta- 
tion. By George Vaux ........ 447 

Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey . . . . . 460 

An Historical Sketch of the Seventh-day Baptist Cemetery, Fifth 

Street, below Market, Philadelphia. By Julius F. Sachse . 462 
Meetings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1889 . . 491 
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 494 

Extracts from the Report of the Finance Committee to the 

Council 496 

Index 499 




YOL. XIII. 1889. No. 1. 




I declined your appointment as historian of the bar and 
bench of Allegheny County. I found that the admissions 
to this bar in 1863 had been six hundred and fifty. The 
correspondence and labor of collecting information and the 
compilation of even a partial number of sketches would ex- 
tend over many months, resulting in a large book instead 
of a modest pamphlet appropriate to this occasion. I there- 
fore undertook to furnish a few sketches only of promi- 
nent lawyers of the last century and earlier years of this. 
Brief as these must be, they occupy a large space. But too 
much cannot be sacrificed to brevity. It would be to omit 
much that is interesting, and leave virtues, peculiarities, and 
true character often obscure. 

The life of an upright, honorable, and learned lawyer is 
full of instruction. He is in the front of active business, 
and his example useful. Intrusted with vast interests and 
VOL. xiii. 1 (1) 

2 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

called to advise, often under the most painful and delicate 
circumstances, he is the confidant and most trusted person 
in society. His integrity and learning are of the highest 
order. Vulgar prejudice assigns to the profession a lower 
position, where artful tricks and dishonest schemes hold a 
greater sway. True it is, and as sad as true, there is too 
much of these prevailing in the lower grades. But there 
is much of high and honorable character left, and many 
there are whose places cannot be easily filled and whose 
loss is sincerely mourned. 

It is of such I fain would write. But to raise from the 
ashes of dead generations the forms of those who existed 
nearly one hundred years ago of those who played con- 
spicuous parts and even dazzled the eyes of their contem- 
poraries with the brilliancy of their genius, or commanded 
their admiration by the force of their intellects is a work 
of labor now scarcely possible. Around many names tradi- 
tion circles bright halos of light, giving promise to the 
hope, but, when approached, which fade away, leaving only 
shadowy forms, finally disappearing in darkness. 

Of the millions who crowded the earth a century ago, 
who are now known ? Their very names are lost. Noth- 
ing remains, yet the same sun shone on them as brightly, 
they chased happiness as eagerly, and followed the phantoms 
of fancy as fondly as we do ; and, as we, they thought not 
of the fleeting foot falls of time and of the coming hours, 
when all would be forgotten and not even a rack of memory 
be left behind. Such is the work I am called to perform, 
in raking among the ashes of the dead past. 

Our starting period is the erection of the county of Alle- 
gheny by the Act of the 24th of September, 1788. In 
the following year the county embraced all the territory 
lying east of the Allegheny and southwest of the Monon- 
gahela and Ohio Rivers, now bounded by the counties of 
Westmoreland and Washington, and all the territory north 
and west of the Ohio and Allegheny Rivers, bounded by 
the New York and Ohio State lines. It was over this vast 
spread, largely of wilderness, that many whom I am to sketch 


(Born in Morayshire, Scotland, 1758. Died 1807.) 

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 3 

performed their parts. Peace with the Indian tribes was 
not concluded until August, 1795, by the treaty of General 
Anthony Wayne at Fort Greenville, ratified by the Senate 
of the United States December 22, 1795. 

The Fifth Circuit of the Courts of Common Pleas of the 
State, under the Constitution of 1790, was established by 
the Act of 13th April, 1791, and was composed of the 
counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington, and Alle- 
gheny. Of this circuit the first president judge was Alex- 
ander Addison, a man of great note and many virtues, and 
worthy to begin our sketches. 


Born in Ireland, according to an early note, but in Scot- 
land, according to family tradition, he was of Scottish 
descent, and was educated at Edinburgh, according to the 
same note, but at Aberdeen by family tradition ; and was 
licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Aberlowe. Coming 
to Western Pennsylvania, he was, on the 20th of December, 
1785, permitted by the Bedstone Presbytery (Brownsville) 
to preach within its bounds. For a short time he preached 
at Washington, Pennsylvania, then studied law, was ad- 
mitted there, and admitted in Allegheny County December 
16, 1788, and in 1791 was commissioned president judge. 

Judge Addison was eminent for his culture, erudition, 
correct principles, and his patriotism. Living in troublous 
times and during the Whiskey Insurrection of 1794, he was 
sorely tried ; but all his efforts were on the side of good 
order and lawful government. An earnest advocate of the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution, he was antagonized 
by those who opposed it, and by some who were impreg- 
nated with the loose and virulent ideas of the French revo- 
lution. This antagonism led finally to his impeachment at 
Lancaster in 1802. After a trial, the most flagitious ever 
urged on by vicious hate and obnoxious partisanship, he 
was convicted and sentenced to be removed from office, and 
ever afterwards to be ineligible to the office of judge in any 
court in this commonwealth. But insolence and enmity 

4 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

failed to rob him of his good name, and it has descended to 
posterity surrounded by a cloudless lustre and unstained by 
the impotent attempts to blacken and defame it. . In his 
volume of Keports, and his charges to juries, and essays 
may be read the fidelity, learning, and impartiality of the 
judge and the luminous virtues of the man. 

He died November 27, 1807, leaving descendants loved 
and admired by the community. 


The bar of the decennial between 1790 and 1800 was one 
of marked character and ability. Foremost was James 
Eoss, a man of culture, erudition, legal learning, eloquence, 
and forensic ability. In person an Apollo, with the propor- 
tions of an Ajax, his mental was superior to his bodily 
vigor. He was born in York County, Pennsylvania, July 
12, 1762; his father being the Hon. Thomas Eoss. 

In the "West we first notice him as a teacher of a Latin 
school at Canonsburg, before 1784, under the patronage of 
his friend, the Eev. Dr. McMillan, of pious memory. He was 
led to study law by the recommendation of Hugh Henry 
Brackenridge, then a prominent lawyer in the West. The 
time of his admission to the bar in "Washington County is 
uncertain. He was admitted in Fayette County in Decem- 
ber, 1784, and in Allegheny after its erection, December 
16, 1788. 

He became conspicuous for his eloquence, persuasiveness, 
learning, and logical statement. To a fine manner he united 
force and polish in his address, and soon rose to distinction. 
Impelled by the circumstances of the times, he took a 
lead in politics. They were full of excitement and inci- 
dent, were calculated to bring out all the talent of the 
day, and Mr. Eoss became a marked leader. On the pre- 
sentation to the people of the Constitution of the United 
States for adoption, he was found among its able advocates 
and defenders, and was ranked among the Federalists. In 
the formation of the Constitution of Pennsylvania of 1790, 
he took a leading part. He strongly opposed the "Whiskey 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 5 

Insurrection of 1794, making a speech in opposition in 
Washington, where he resided, of two hours' length. But 
the fiery zeal of David Bradford, a leader in the opposition 
to the government excise on whiskey, carried the people 
with him, and they resolved to go to Braddock's Field, a place 
of meeting of the insurgents. Defeated then, he resolved 
to attend the meeting there. Historically the fact is well 
known ; he appeared there, with Hugh Henry Brackenridge 
and others ; hut his previous speech, his subsequent course, 
and his well-known service to the government leave no 
doubt of his purpose to he there to observe the proceedings 
and not to be an actor, a matter in which Mr. Bracken- 
ridge was less fortunate, for his motive has never been clearly 
vindicated, though much has been written in his defence. 

A supporter of Washington, Mr. Eoss was on the 8th of 
August, 1794, on account of his bold and open stand on the 
side of law and order, appointed a commissioner to confer 
with the insurgents. Judge Jasper Yeates and William 
Bradford, attorney-general, were joined with him as com- 
missioners. In this service he displayed marked ability. 
To him Hugh Henry Brackenridge owed largely his escape 
from a prosecution for high treason, for the apparent part 
he took with the insurgents. 

Mr. Ross was three times a candidate of the Federal 
party for governor; but, Pennsylvania having followed 
the fortunes of the Democratic party, he was defeated by 
Thomas McKean in 1799 and 1802, and again by Simon 
Snyder in 1808. It was during the last campaign this 
famous couplet was repeated by the supporters of Snyder : 

" Jimmy Ross, 
He's a boss ; 
But Simon Snyder, 
He's the rider." 

He was also a senator of the United States from 1794 
until 1803. After his defeat by Simon Snyder, Mr. Eoss 
retired from politics and pursued his profession in the west- 
ern counties, chiefly in Allegheny. In the latter part of 

6 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

his life he became fairly wealthy from the rise in the value 
of real estate of which he became a pretty large owner. 
The court-house recently burned, the site also of the present 
magnificent building, was erected on property purchased 
of him. I remember well the high, close board fence 
which separated his property from the remainder of Grant's 
Hill, then open and the parade-ground of the militia and 
kite-ground of the boys. His dwelling and office stood on 
a rise, at about fifty or sixty feet eastward of the old Fourth 
Street road. In these pages I shall refer to the numbered 
"avenues" as "streets," as they were always known to me 
and in the times treated of in these sketches. From this 
office emanated a number of law students, among them my 
school-companion and friend Cornelius Darragh. 

Mr. Boss came occasionally into the court after I came to 
the bar. I was so fortunate as to hear his argument in the 
Supreme Court at September Term, 1830, in the Diamond 
Court-House, before Chief-Justice Gibson and his associates. 
The case was then a great case, an ejectment for land occu- 
pied by West Elliott, at the mouth of Saw-Mill Run, opposite 
the Point, involving titles acquired under the State of Vir- 
ginia while she claimed this part of Western Pennsylvania. 
The plaintiff* claimed under General Hand, whose title 
rested on a Pennsylvania warrant and patent and on two 
Virginia entries. Walton, under whom the defendant 
claimed title, held also a Virginia certificate. The counsel 
were W. W. Fetterman, James Ross, John Kennedy, and 
Walter Forward. Ross spoke about half a day. Kennedy's 
argument was as long as one of his opinions when he 
became a supreme judge, a whole day, and Forward spoke 
less than two hours, making a most terse and lucid argu- 
ment. Ross's argument was remarkable for its smooth and 
polished periods, the beauty and finish of its delivery, as 
well as for its cogency. 

In the latter part of his life, though not then considered 
intemperate, he occasionally came under the warming influ- 
ence of wine. Then a peculiarity noticed by others, I have 
seen myself, when walking he always took the middle of 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 7 

the street. My last recollection of him was when going 
beside him, up the steps of the Bank of Pittsburgh from 
Third Street. What led to the quotation of Pope's line I 
do not remember, but as we entered he said, " Fools rush 
in where angels fear to tread." 

Mr. Koss was married to a daughter of Colonel George 
Woods, of Bedford, a sister also of John Woods, the cele- 
brated lawyer. She died September 14, 1805. He, himself, 
died at Pittsburgh, November 27, 1847. 


Contemporary and prior to James Ross lived Hugh Henry 
Brackenridge, a noted man in his day. He was born at 
Campbellton, in Scotland, in the year 1748. When he was 
five years old his father, a poor farmer, emigrated to 
America, and settled in the so-called " Barrens" of York 
County, Pennsylvania. The son, a bright youth of energy 
and force of character, by night-study and recitation to a 
neighboring clergyman, acquired sufficient knowledge to 
become a country school-teacher. Through saving and 
industry he was able to reach Princeton College, teaching 
two classes for his own instruction in others. He remained 
a tutor for a time after graduation, and then took charge of 
an academy in Maryland. Thence he removed to Philadel- 
phia, studied divinity, and was licensed to preach. A writer 
of ability, patriotic and pithy, he wrote for the United States 
Magazine of Philadelphia. In 1777 he served as chaplain 
in a Pennsylvania regiment of the Revolutionary War. 
Afterwards abandoning divinity, he studied law with Judge 
Chase, of the Supreme Court of the United States, and after 
admission came to Pittsburgh, in 1781, reaching the head of 
the bar before Allegheny County was erected, and after its 
creation was admitted there December 16, 1788. 

Elected to the legislature in 1786, he there advocated an 
instruction to Congress to urge the free navigation of the 
Mississippi, a fact which doubtless aided to influence Mr. 
Jefferson afterwards in the purchase of Louisiana. 

In the discussion upon the Constitution of the United 

8 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 

States he advocated its adoption, separating from his friends 
Gallatin and Findley, who opposed it. 

The most doubtful part of Mr. Brackenridge's life was 
that during the Whiskey Insurrection of 1794, when he ap- 
parently sided with the insurgents. That he was a delegate, 
met with the insurgents at Parkinson's Ferry and at Brad- 
dock's Field, opposing the collection of the excise on 
whiskey, and seemingly approving of their proceedings, 
there is no doubt. But it is said his purpose was to prevent 
excess and lead to a more prudent and peaceable mode of 
redress. Yet after the arrival of the militia under Presi- 
dent "Washington, with Alexander Hamilton, secretary of 
the treasury, he was so strongly suspected by Hamilton 
that he was marked by him for arrest. Then it was that 
James Koss interfered in his behalf, explained to Hamilton 
what he said was Brackenridge's true position, and averted 
proceedings. Hamilton addressed a note to him stating the 
suspicion and the final exoneration. Still the cloud rested 
on him so much, his son, Judge Henry M. Brackenridge, a 
man of fine genius, defended his course in a book upon 
the Whiskey Insurrection, intended as a vindication of his 

James Eoss, Judge Jasper Yeates, and William Bradford, 
attorney-general, had on the previous 8th of August been 
appointed by President Washington commissioners of the 
United States to confer with the insurgents, " in order to 
quiet and extinguish the insurrection." The ill feeling 
between Judge Yeates and Judge Brackenridge, when on 
the bench together, probably was owing to the part Yeates 
took in this commission. 

Perhaps the true attitude of Mr. Brackenridge is exhibited 
in his letter of August 8, 1794, to Tench Coxe, Esq., 
recently published in the Magazine of Western History. 
From this letter, written before the marching of the troops 
to Pittsburgh, we discover that he was a strong and even 
bitter opponent of the excise system, believed the govern- 
ment would be unable to suppress an insurrection of the 
people against it, and was disposed to consider it as involv- 

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 9 

ing a general rising in the "West and the organizing of a 
new government, including parts of Western Virginia and 
Western Pennsylvania and an unknown extent westward. 
All this may not be incompatible with a desire to control 
the movement of the people in favor of peace and the 
authority of the government. Yet the purpose of the letter 
seems to have been to delay force, in the hope, possibly, 
that the movement would subside under a belief of final 
repeal of the law and an abandonment of the excise system. 
The following extracts from his letter will exhibit, at least 
partially, his views and feelings : 

" It will be said that insurrection can be easily sup- 
pressed, it is but that of a part of four counties. Be as- 
sured it is that of a greater part, and I am inclined to 
believe the three Virginia counties, on this side of the 
mountains, will fall in. The first measure then will be the 
organization of a new government, comprehending the three 
Virginia counties and those of Pennsylvania, to the west- 
ward to what extent I know not. This event, which I con- 
template with great pain, will be the result of the necessity 
of self-defence. For this reason I earnestly and anxiously 
wish that delay on the part of government may give time to 
bring about, if practicable, good order and subordination. 

" But the excise law is a branch of the funding system, 
detested and opposed by all the philosophic men and the 
yeomanry of America, those who hold certificates excepted. 
There is a growing, lurking discontent at this system that 
is ready to burst out and discover itself everywhere. I 
candidly and decidedly tell you the chariot of government 
has been driven Jehu-like as to finances ; like that of Phae- 
ton, it has descended from the middle path, and is likely to 
burn up the American earth. 

" Should an attempt be made to suppress these people, I 
am afraid the question will not be whether you will march 
to Pittsburgh, but whether they will march to Philadelphia, 
accumulating in their course and swelling over the banks of 
the Susquehanna like a torrent, irresistible and devouring 
in its progress." 

10 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

As a writer, Mr. Brackenridge displayed marked ability, 
indulging often in a fine vein of humor. His "Modern 
Chivalry," published in 1796, was widely read, and popular 
estimate is seen in a new edition published in 1856. 

In 1799, Mr. Brackenridge was appointed by Governor 
McKean a judge of the Supreme Court of this State, in 
which position he continued until his death, in 1816. At 
the bar he abounded in wit and native eloquence, and his 
knowledge of men and ready and fine address made him a 
powerful and popular advocate. In person he was command- 
ing and prepossessing in manner. As a judge he did not 
display the high powers he had exhibited as an advocate. 
His opinions were often racy, but not very profound ; while 
his opposition to Judge Yeates (who, as before stated, was 
one of the commissioners to confer with the insurgents) led 
to frequent disagreements ; when, as the Reports often say, 
" Brackenridge, J., agreed with the Chief- Justice." 

Of the marriage of Judge Brackenridge a romantic story 
is told. About 1790 he was on his way home from the 
"Washington Court. At the tavern of a German farmer 
named Wolf, in "Washington County, he stopped to " bait" 
his horse. Sabina Wolf, a daughter, in her bare feet, and 
playing hostler, brought his horse to the door. He was so 
much struck with her appearance that, after riding many 
miles, his mind reached a conclusion, and he rode back and 
asked the father for the girl in marriage. After some par- 
leying, to prove his seriousness, consent was given, and they 
were married. Mr. Brackenridge then sent Sabina to Phila- 
delphia to be educated in ways polite. 


Contemporary with Hugh Henry Brackenridge and James 
Ross was John Woods, an eminent counsellor of Pittsburgh 
in the last and present centuries. Little material is found to 
trace his life. Tradition informs us he was an able lawyer, 
especially in real estate and ejectment cases. Yeates's Re- 
ports, from 1793 onward, discover that he was engaged in 
nearly every cause argued in the Circuit Courts of the Su- 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 11 

preme Court, held at Huntingdon, Bedford, Somerset, 
Greensburg, Washington, Pittsburgh, and Beaver. He 
was undoubtedly in full practice before that date, as he was 
admitted to the bar in Westmoreland County in 1784, in 
Fayette County in the same year, and in Allegheny De- 
cember 16, 1788. 

He was a son of Colonel George Woods, of Bedford, 
who, in 1784, under the authority of Tench Francis, the 
agent and attorney of John Penn, Jr., and John Penn laid 
out Pittsburgh. In this work George Woods was aided by 
his son, John Woods, and Thomas Yickroy. A full account 
of the transaction will be found in the celebrated Batture 
case in 6 Peters's Keports, 501-2. 

The plan of Pittsburgh is often referred to as " John 
Woods's plan of Pittsburgh." This is correct. Though 
the authority was conferred on George Woods, the plan is 
certified thus : " A draught of the town-plot of Pittsburgh, 
surveyed and laid out by order of Tench Francis, Esq., at- 
torney of John Penn, Jr., and John Penn, May 31, 1784, 
by John Woods." " Witness George Woods, Peter Miller." 

A daughter of George Woods, and sister of John Woods, 
was the wife of James Ross, Pittsburgh's eminent lawyer. 

Wood Street in Pittsburgh was doubtless named in honor 
of the Woods family. It is interesting, in this connection, 
to trace some of the military occupants of Fort Pitt by the 
names of the streets running from Liberty Street to the 
Allegheny River, now the numbered streets. There was 
" Marbury," after Captain Joseph Marbury ; " St. Clair," 
after General Arthur St. Clair; "Hand," after General 
Edward Hand; " Irwin," after General William Irvine; 
" Wayne," after General Anthony Wayne, etc. 

John Woods at an early day built a very fine brick dwell- 
ing on the square between Wayne and Washington Streets 
and between Penn Street and the Allegheny Eiver, the same 
square now occupied by the buildings of the Pittsburgh, 
Fort Wayne, and Chicago Railway. When I first remember 
the house, in 1818 or 1819, it was occupied by Christian 
Ferbiger, a prominent gentleman from Philadelphia, who 

12 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

had been active in State affairs in the eastern part of the 
State early in the century. It was afterwards owned and 
occupied hy James S. Stevenson, a partner of Charles 
Avery in the drug business, corner of Wood and Second 
Streets, and who represented Allegheny County in Congress. 
The house was a double brick, with wings,' situated in the 
centre of the square, distant from Penn Street about one 
hundred and twenty to fifty feet, and faced by trees and 
shrubbery. During the occupancy of Mr. Stevenson, on 
the 4th of July, 1828, a great Jackson meeting was held in 
the rear of this square, next to the Allegheny River, pre- 
sided over by William Wilkins, and addressed by Henry 
Baldwin. I was present. Later the property became a 
tavern-stand and wagon-yard and a place of many public 
meetings. I remember hearing there " Tariff Andy Stew- 
art," of Uniontown, and Senator John J. Crittenden, of 

Few, I suppose, now remember the duel, or rather shoot- 
ing affray between James S. Stevenson and a gentleman 
living on Wood Street, nearly opposite to Avery & Steven- 
son's drug-store, whose name I have forgotten. It occurred 
in the morning, on the inner porch of Ramsey's Hotel, cor- 
ner of Wood and Third Streets. The frame of a door was 
the only object hurt. 

John Woods was married to Theodosia Higbee, who sur- 
vived him, and removed to Trenton, New Jersey, where she 
died in 1832. Mr. Woods was a Presidential elector in 
1796 and a State senator in 1797, and represented Allegheny 
County in Congress in 1815-1817. He died in 1817, leaving 
a daughter, who married Judge Henry M. Brackenridge, 
and brought him large wealth. 

How little remains of this distinguished lawyer, so emi- 
nent in his day, is seen in the foregoing very meagre sketch. 
The following is found in the " History of Westmoreland 
County," and is extracted, though with no knowledge of its 
accuracy. The writer is said to have been George Dallas 
Albert : 

" The reputation of John Woods as a skilful lawyer was 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 13 

also high. His person was fine and his dress and manner 
bespoke the gentleman, although there was a touch of aris- 
tocratic pride ahout him, which lessened his popularity. 
His voice was rather shrill and unpleasant, especially when 
contrasted with his manly appearance ; but, like John Ran- 
dolph, his ear-piercing voice often gave effect to a powerful 
invective. Few lawyers could manage a case with more 
skill. He was deeply versed in the subtlety of the law of 
tenure and ejectment cases. Being possessed of a hand- 
some fortune, he rather shunned than courted practice, but 
in a difficult case the suitor thought himself fortunate when 
he could secure his assistance." 


Somewhat later than John Woods came Steele Semple, 
an able lawyer, eloquent advocate, and finished scholar. 
Tradition says this much, yet his remains are so small and 
vague it is impossible to describe him with fidelity. Tradi- 
tion speaks of his legal attainments as immense, of his 
scholarship as magnificent, and of his eloquence as grand. 
Like Woods, with whom he was partly contemporary, his 
largest practice was found in land-title disputes and the trial 
of ejectments. His name is also frequently seen in Yeates's 
Reports, and as in attendance at the Circuit Courts of the 
Supreme Court in the western circuits of the State. He 
was, with Henry Baldwin, a witness of the cowhiding of 
Ephraim Pentland by Tarleton Bates, and with him signed 
a certificate of the facts. In this way he became partly 
identified with the duel which followed between Bates and 
Stewart, in which Bates was mortally wounded and died in 
a few hours. 

Tradition represents him as of a convivial turn, often 
tarrying over the wine-cup late at night. It is said that on 
one night, after indulging in the pleasures of the glass until 
very late, and being too much elated to walk in the right 
line of sober directness, he started for home along Wood 
Street, and, walking with erratic steps, fell into an open 
cellar. There confined within the unassailable ramparts of 

14 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

its walls, he lay shouting aloud, and from time to time cry- 
ing, " De profundis clamabo!" until a night wanderer, late as 
himself, passing, heard the cry, and released him from the 
profound depth, in which he so resolutely shouted out to 
catch the passing ear. 

He had his own experience in litigation, under the will 
of an uncle, carried into the Supreme Court ; and his case 
gave rise to the rule laid down by that court, " That words 
which only describe the object devised give no more than an 
estate for life; but words which comprehend the quantum 
of the estate pass the fee." The words were, " I devise to 
my beloved son-in-law, Steele Semple, all my real and per- 
sonal property," 6 Binney, 97. 

He lived in, and probably built, the house which before 
the great fire of April 10, 1845, stood on Second Street, 
at the corner of Chancery Lane, next door to the Branch 
Bank of the United States, and in which my father lived 
many years as a tenant under James Ross, who in some way 
claimed the property. 

The following description is taken from the " History of 
"Westmoreland County," p. 301. What opportunities the 
writer said to be George Dallas Albert had to enable him 
to make the statements I know not : 

" The great favorite of the younger members of the bar 
was Steele Semple, who ought to be considered at the head 
of the corps of regular practitioners. In stature he was a 
giant of mighty bone, and possessed a mind cast in as 
mighty a mould. Personally he was timid and sluggish. 
As a speaker his diction was elegant, sparkling, and clas- 
sical. His wit was genuine. He was at the same time a 
prodigy of memory, a gift imparted to him to supply the 
want of industry, although it is not every indolent man 
who is thus favored. Mr. Semple was conversant with all 
the polite and fashionable literature of the day, and was 
more of a modern than his distinguished competitors. It 
is no less strange than true that, for the first few years of 
his appearance at the bar, his success was very doubtful. 
His awkward manner, his hesitation and stammering, his 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 15 

indolent habits occasioned many to think that he had mis- 
taken his vocation. Judge Brackenridge, the elder, was 
almost the only person who saw his future eminence. He 
was unfortunately carried off when he had just risen to dis- 
tinction. He fell a victim to that vice which unhappily has 
too often overtaken the most distinguished in every profes- 
sion. His fame had not travelled far from the display of 
his powers, which is usually the case in professions which 
must be seen and felt to be appreciable." 


Among the distinguished lawyers of Pittsburgh in the 
decennial of 1790 to 1800 was Thomas Collins, a native 
of Ireland, born in Dublin in the year 1774, so far as is 
known. - He received his education at Trinity College, Dub- 
lin, where he was matriculated. He came to the United 
States in the year 1790, soon reaching Eeading, Berks 
County, Pennsylvania, where he studied law in the office of 
Marks Biddle, Esq., and was admitted to the bar of that 
county on the 8th of August, 1794. In the same year he 
came to Pittsburgh, and was admitted to the bar of Alle- 
gheny County, December 3, 1794, soon after his arrival. 

He quickly rose in practice, and became engaged in im- 
portant causes, his name appearing frequently in Yeates's 
and other early reports of cases decided in the courts of 
Allegheny and in the western Circuit Courts of the Supreme 

He was admitted to the bar of Beaver County at the first 
term after its organization, in February, 1804, his name 
being second on the list, following that of Alexander Addi- 
son, and in company with Steele Semple, Alexander W. 
Foster, John B. Gibson, William Wilkins, Henry Baldwin, 
and other celebrities of that day. He was one of the early 
bar who rode the circuit of the western counties. Much of 
his practice afterwards fell within Butler County, when, by 
marriage, he became interested for the lands of his father- 
in-law, Colonel Stephen Lowrey. 

Mr. Collins was married twice. His first wife, Susan 

16 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

Read, to whom he was married September 28, 1796, was 
a daughter of Collinson Read, Esq., a noted Philadelphian in 
the latter end of the last and the early years of this century, 
who was an elector voting for Washington when first chosen 
President, also a compiler of a " Digest of the Laws of Penn- 
sylvania," published in 1801. In 1806 he also published 
" The American Pleader's Assistant," a valuable compila- 
tion much in use in the early years of my practice. The issue 
of this marriage of Mr. Collins was a son, Thomas Collins, 
Jr., a cadet at West Point, and long a respected citizen of 
Allegheny and Beaver Counties. Mr* Collins's first wife died 
at Pittsburgh in September, 1804. He next married, Octo- 
ber 16, 1805, Sarah Lowrey, a daughter of Colonel Stephen 
Lowrey, residing near Centreville, Queen Anne's County, 
Maryland. William Wilkins was his groomsman. 

Colonel Stephen Lowrey, an Irishman by birth, and a 
commissary in the Revolutionary army, was a gentleman 
known in Western Pennsylvania as late as my day, dying 
December 29, 1821. He was a large landholder in Butler 
County, whose interests, often affected by the entries of 
adverse settlers, made Mr. Collins's professional services in 
Butler frequently necessary. Colonel Lowrey's wife was a 
daughter of Rev. Elihu Spencer, pastor of the First Presby- 
terian Church of Trenton, New Jersey. He was also a 
trustee of the College of New Jersey, at Princeton. 

From letters and documents in the family of Thomas 
Collins, his relatives in Ireland were evidently persons of 
culture and refinement. His father was a leading merchant 
of Dublin, and in 1799 was appointed by the English gov- 
ernment to a position of responsibility and honor at Domi- 
nica, one of the Caribbee Islands. A tradition exists in 
the family that he acted for a time as governor of Domi- 
nica; but there seems to remain no evidence of the fact. 
John Collins, a younger brother, was a lieutenant in the 
British navy, killed in action on board the "Alexander," 
Lord Nelson's flagship, in the battle of Aboukir (the Nile), 
August 1, 1798. 

Thomas Collins died in the prime of life, February 17, 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 17 

1814, at the town of Butler, and was buried in the Catholic 
burying-ground, near to the town. His widow, Mrs. Sarah 
L. Collins, came to Pittsburgh about 1819 or 1820, with her 
children, Margaret, Valeria, Lydia, Sarah, and Stephen. 
She was a lady of culture, highly esteemed, and admired 
for her energy and her efforts in self-support, and for the 
education of her daughters. Stephen, her son, died early, 
and was buried beside his father, at Butler. 

The Butler County lands of Colonel Stephen Lowrey, 
devised to her, came into possession in 1822, but at that 
early day brought very little at sale or lease, compelling her 
to put forth strenuous efforts to maintain her family and 
station, efforts, however, made successful by her force of 
character. Her eldest daughter, Margaret, married Wil- 
liam D. Duncan on the 17th of February, 1825. The late 
Colonel John Duncan, of Altoona, was her son. After the 
death of her husband, William D. Duncan, she married 
John Wrenshall. Valeria married Evan R. Evans, a lawyer 
from Lancaster, Pennsylvania, on the 7th of October, 1828. 
In May, 1830, Mrs. Collins conveyed to her a valuable tract 
of land of four hundred and seventeen acres, adjoining the 
town of Butler, on which she lived, and died there Septem- 
ber 18, 1833. This land was unfortunately lost through 
proceedings on a mortgage given by her husband, who died 
in Texas in 1836. Mrs. Sarah F. McCalmont, of Franklin, 
Pennsylvania, widow of Alfred B. McCalmont, colonel of 
the Two Hundred and Eighth Eegiment of Pennsylvania 
Volunteers, is her daughter. 

Lydia, the third daughter of William Collins, still living, 
on the 17th of May, 1833, married William B. McClure, 
Esq., a brother of Mrs. General William Robinson, late of 
Allegheny. He came from Carlisle, Pennsylvania, finished 
the study of the law in the office of John Kennedy, after- 
wards a supreme judge, and was admitted in Pittsburgh, 
November 18, 1829. He afterwards became president judge 
of the several courts of Allegheny County, an office held 
until his death, December 27, 1861, presiding with great ac- 
ceptability. Their daughter, Rebecca, is the wife of Judge 
VOL. xin. 2 

18 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

Charles B. Flandreau, of St. Paul, Minnesota, whose bril- 
liant services in defending New Ulm, Minnesota, in 1862, 
against the murderous attack of the Sioux Indians, made 
him conspicuous in the Northwest. 

Sarah Collins, the youngest daughter of Thomas Collins, 
still living, on the 4th of December, 1834, married "Wilson 
McCandless, Esq., who was admitted to the Allegheny bar 
June 15, 1831, and after an extensive practice in partner- 
ship, first, with W. W. Fetterman, Esq., and afterwards with 
William B. McClure, Esq., his brother-in-law, became judge 
of the United States District Court of the Western District 
of Pennsylvania, in which he presided with dignity until his 
death, on the 30th day of June, 1882. 

Thus, though cut off in the midst of a busy life, the 
name and reputation of Thomas Collins have been perpetu- 
ated without stain or blemish by a family among the most 
noted and esteemed of Pittsburgh's eminent and distin- 
guished citizens. I write of them as one who knew them in 
childhood's happy hours and in their earliest days in Pitts- 


William Wilkins, contemporary with Brackenridge, 
Woods, Semple, Collins, Baldwin, Mountain, and other 
members of the old bar, lived until within the memory of 
the present day. He was the son of John Wilkins, of 
Carlisle, Cumberland County, Pennsylvania, where he was 
born on the 20th of December, 1779. After graduating at 
Dickinson College he studied law under David Watts, an 
eminent lawyer of that day, remaining with him until his 
admission to the bar in Cumberland County. He came to 
Pittsburgh, and was admitted in Allegheny County Decem- 
ber 28, 1801, his father, John Wilkins, having preceded 
him as a resident of Pittsburgh in 1786. William Wilkins 
was a gentleman of fine address and courtly manners, and a 
fair lawyer, though he owed more to his suavity and finished 
style than to the depth and strength of his intellect. His 
impulses were quick, and his temperament unfitted for pro- 
longed investigation or great labor, and he wearied of pro- 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 19 

tracted and severe effort. His mental proclivity led him 
into politics, in which he became a leader. 

At an early day (1806) he became a participant in a duel 
between Tarleton Bates, prothonotary of Allegheny County, 
and Thomas Stewart, a merchant, which grew out of a 
quarrel between Bates and Ephraim Pentland. The politi- 
cal feuds and animosities of that day had been raging at 
their highest pitch. In 1805 there were three newspapers 
published in Pittsburgh, the Gazette, the Tree of Liberty 
(edited by Walter Forward), and the Commonwealth (edited 
by Ephraim Pentland). On the 25th of December, 1805, the 
Commonwealth contained a bitter attack on Bates. Bates, on 
the 2d of the following January, cowhided Pentland publicly 
on Market Street. Henry Baldwin and Steele Semple were 
witnesses of the attack, and gave a public certificate of the 
facts. Pentland challenged Bates, who refused to accept, 
on the ground that Pentland was not a gentleman, and was 
unworthy of such notice. Stewart, having, as Pentland's 
second, carried the challenge, then challenged Bates. Wil- 
liam Wilkins became his second. They fought on the Chad- 
wick farm, now Oakland, and at the second fire Bates fell, 
shot in the breast, and died in about one hour. Bates was 
very popular, and public indignation rose so high that Mr. 
Wilkins left the State and went to Kentucky, where he 
spent over a year with his brother, Charles Wilkins, then 
residing in Lexington. 

A few years after his return, Mr. Wilkins, who was a 
gentleman of taste and refinement, was led to build a very 
handsome and expensive brick dwelling on Water Street, 
where the Monongahela House in part now stands. The 
undertaking was too much for his means, law practice not 
then being so remunerative as in later days. This led to 
an effort of his friends, in 1818, to induce the Bank of the 
United States to purchase or lease Mr. Wilkins's house as a 
banking-house for its branch in Pittsburgh. Quite a con- 
troversy arose pro and con, and a large protest, signed by 
leading citizens, was sent to the parent bank in Philadel- 

20 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

phia. The result was a failure, and the hranch was located 
on Second Street hetween Ferry and Market Streets. 

The public spirit of Mr. "Wilkins led him to take part in 
useful enterprises, such as turnpike-roads and manufac- 
tories. The Bank of Pittsburgh, now known as the " Old 
Bank," owed its origin largely to him. He was its first 
president, beginning as a voluntary private association as 
early as in 1810, and afterwards chartered in 1814. He 
was fond of military display, and rose to a high rank in the 
militia. He also represented Allegheny County in the legis- 
lature. The election of 1820 led to a change of parties in 
the State administration, and late in the night of the 17th 
of December, 1820, and within two hours of the expiration 
of Governor Findley's term of office, he appointed "William 
Wilkins president judge of the courts in the Fifth Circuit, 
succeeding Judge Samuel Roberts, who had died on the 
night of December 13, 1820. 

Judge "Wilkins presided with ability. His mental opera- 
tions, being quick, were adapted to great facility in the 
despatch of business. He adopted a number of new rules 
of practice, which added much to this despatch. He con- 
tinued on the Common Pleas bench until May 25, 1824, 
when he resigned to accept an appointment to the bench of 
the District Court of the United States, in the Western Dis- 
trict of Pennsylvania, succeeding Judge Jonathan "Walker, 
then lately deceased. 

In 1828 he was elected to Congress, but declined to serve. 
Following this, in 1831, he was elected a senator of the 
United States, and resigned the judgeship for a full term 
in the Senate. In that body he took a conspicuous part. 
As chairman of the Senate committee, he reported the 
Force Bill, to meet the nullification measures of South 
Carolina, under the lead of John C. Calhoun. In 1828 he 
was a warm admirer and supporter of General Andrew 
Jackson, and presided at a great Jackson meeting held on 
the property of James S. Stevenson, in the rear of the lot, 
and on the bank of the Allegheny River. In the Senate 
he gave President Jackson his undivided support. In 1834 

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 21 

the President appointed him minister to Russia. This was 
his first lift out of straitened pecuniary circumstances. The 
next lift was the rise in the prices of real estate, caused "by 
the inflation of the currency of the State banks after their 
receipt of the deposits of the United States Treasury, re- 
moved from the Bank of the United States. The removal 
engendered a spirit of speculation. The deposit banks, full 
to repletion, lent money freely, which was invested in the 
purchase of real estate, and prices rose to an extent inviting 
men of all kinds to invest in purchases. This condition of 
affairs enabled Judge Wilkins, on his return from Russia, 
which was in a short time, and before the bubble bursted in 
the great bank suspension of May, 1837, to sell his "Water 
Street property for a high price. 

In 1842, Judge Wilkins was elected to Congress, and 
after the sad and terrible disaster caused by the bursting 
of the monster gun on board of the " Princeton," in Feb- 
ruary, 1844, he was appointed by President Tyler Secretary 
of War, to succeed Secretary Gilmer, one of the killed by 
the explosion. This office he held until March, 1845, at the 
incoming of President Polk. 

In 1855 he was elected to the State Senate from Allegheny 
County. When he came into the Senate he was seventy-six 
years of age. The cause which brought him in and his 
course in the Senate were exceptional. A generation of 
men have passed away, and few now living are aware that 
the temperance sentiment then rose so high. The Act of 
April 14, 1855, entitled an " Act to restrain the sale of in- 
toxicating liquors," prohibited all sales of liquors under a 
quart, and provided that no license for the sale of liquors 
should be granted to the keeper of any hotel, inn, tavern, 
restaurant, eating-house, oyster-house or cellar, theatre, or 
other place of entertainment, refreshment, or amusement. 
It was sweeping, and blotted out all places where liquor was 
commonly drunk. As a consequence, opposition arose from 
the liquor interests, and a large fund was raised to secure 
the repeal of the act, which was ironically called the " Jug 
Law." This movement brought into the Assembly a majority 

22 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

for the repeal, among the number Judge Wilkins. He intro- 
duced a bill of his own into the Senate, which, with the bill 
reported by the Senate committee, became the founda-tion of 
the Act of the 1st of March, 1856, repealing the Act of 
1855, and becoming the basis of the liquor and license laws 
until the Act of 1887. Much was told me by a leading 
senator of the modes of procedure during the pendency of 
the measure, but I shall not go out of the record to repeat 
it. Perhaps my mind was drawn to notice the course of 
Judge Wilkins by an occurrence known to me personally. 
During one of his professional visits to Beaver County, as 
the counsel of the Harmony Society at Economy, following 
the Count Leon secession movement of 1832, a temperance 
meeting was held at the court-house ; Judge Wilkins, hap- 
pening to be present, was called on for an address. In his 
speech he remarked that he was temperate from the force 
of constitution, that he could not take even a glass of wine 
without its firing his brain and unsettling his intellect. 

Judge Wilkins was instinctively patriotic. He was a life- 
long Democrat, and when the late rebellion rose, though 
over fourscore years, he entered heartily into the cause of 
the Union, taking a lead in inspiring the people with patri- 
otic fervor. He appeared on horseback in the full uniform 
of a general at a military review of the Home Guards. 

He was twice married, his second wife being a Dallas of 
the famous Pennsylvania family. Mrs. Wilkins (Matilda 
Dallas) was a sister of Yice-President George M. Dallas, and 
of Judge Travanion B. Dallas. The latter was a rising man, 
but unfortunately died early, carried off by scarlet-fever. I 
remember him well, as a gentleman of cordial and courteous 
manners. He, with Walter Forward and Samuel Kingston, 
examined George W. Buchanan and myself for admission to 
the bar in 1829. 

Judge Wilkins died at his residence (Homewood), in the 
east end of Pittsburgh, June 23, 1865, aged eighty-six years 
and six months. 

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 23 


Among the distinguished men who marked the early 
period of the har of Allegheny County was Henry Baldwin, 
a native of New Haven, Connecticut, horn January 14, 1780. 
He was the son of a farmer, a man of strong intellect, and 
the father of several sons who rose to eminence. One he- 
came a memher of Congress from Georgia, another ranked 
high in Ohio, a third held office under the United States in 
New Haven, and the fourth is the suhject of this sketch. 
A sister hecame the wife of Joel Barlow, celebrated as an 
early American poet and as minister to France. His chief 
work was the " Columbiad," a patriotic poem. A brother of 
Joel was- Judge Stephen Barlow, of Meadville, Pennsyl- 
vania, a large landholder in Crawford and Mercer Counties, 
and a joint tenant with Mr. Baldwin in a number of tracts 
of land. Another brother, Thomas Barlow, was long a 
resident of Allegheny Town (City), and married to the 
daughter of a brother of Commodore Preble. 

Henry Baldwin was graduated at Yale College, and in 
1830 received from his Alma Mater the degree of Doctor of 
Laws. Having lived in the early part of his life on a farm, 
he maintained and strengthened a vigorous constitution, 
inherited from his father. It was his boast in after years 
that he drove a cart for James Hillhouse in planting the 
now famous elms of New Haven, whose spreading branches 
arch the highways of the city. He studied law with Alex- 
ander J. Dallas, then a distinguished lawyer of Philadel- 
phia and attorney-general, and was admitted in that city. 
An amusing event, happening to him while in Mr. Dallas's 
office, he used to relate with great zest. A large party was 
given by Mrs. Dallas, to which Henry was invited. The 
fashion of the time was to wear long hair combed back 
from the forehead, tied in a queue behind, and powdered 
white. Baldwin had gone to a barber, and had his hair 
dressed in the fashion, in preparation for the great event. 
On entering Mrs. Dallas's parlor he found his hair had been 
drawn back and tied so tightly and his brows were elevated 

24 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

so high he could not close his eyelids without effort, and 
thus he spent the night with open eyes, suffering great 

One of his brothers having settled in Ohio, he was led 
to come "West, but stopped in Pittsburgh, where he was 
admitted to the bar April 30, 1801. Being a man of talent 
and possessing a frame and vigor which suited the people 
and the times, he soon became popular, and obtained prac- 

The courts of the territory west of the Allegheny River, 
laid off into counties in the year 1800, were organized for 
judicial purposes early in the year 1804. We find his name 
among the list of attorneys enrolled in Beaver in February 
of that year. Afterwards he " rode the circuit," as the 
phrase ran, over all the counties west of the Allegheny, 
and was employed in the trial of many ejectments, land 
actions then composing the principal litigation, owing to 
the unfortunate legislation of the State in 1792, which 
brought the holders of warrants and the actual settlers into 
conflict ; a contest which lasted far into my own day. The 
lawyers who practised in these counties for the most part 
lived in Pittsburgh, and rode the circuit together. Among 
Baldwin's companions we find John "Woods, Steele Semple, 
Thomas Collins, Alexander W. Foster, James Mountain, 
and others. Baldwin was somewhat rough at that day, and 
these were the occasions for practical jokes, in which he 
was foremost. According to the custom of that time, 
night found the company of riders at a country tavern, 
unrestrained by order, with whiskey, cigars, and cards in 
plenty, and this was Baldwin's opportunity. Tradition has 
handed down tricks and practical jokes which will not bear 
repetition in ears polite. 

Among the earlier incidents of his life, I heard it said in 
my youth, he had fought a duel, and his life was saved by a 
Spanish silver dollar carried in his waistcoat-pocket. But 
of this I can find no verification ; and it may have been a 
rumor in some way growing out of the duel between Tarle- 
ton Bates and Thomas Stewart, with which he and Steele 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 25 

Semple were measurably connected, being present when 
Bates cowhided Ephraim Pentland on Market Street. 
"William Wilkins was Stewart's second in that duel. Duel- 
ling was not so uncommon then as now. Alexander W. 
Foster fought with Major Eoger Alden in 1800, at Mead- 
ville, crippling him for life ; the duel growing out of a love- 
affair, in which the wounded man carried off the prize. 

Advancing years brought greater refinement, and Baldwin 
ripened into a great lawyer and advocate. His powerful 
frame and vigor of intellect enabled him to accomplish 
much work, and to bring to his cases extensive learning, 
the result of tireless study, and of the finest library in the 
West. His library was composed of all the English Re- 
ports in law and equity, from the earliest period, including 
the Year Books, imported from England, and all the then 
American Reports of the principal States. Many of the 
early English Reports, some in black letter, such as Har- 
dress, Hobart, Keble, and others, and Coke's Institutes and 
Lillies' Entries, were in the folio form. This library de- 
scended to W. "W. Fetterman in part, and from him to 
Messrs. McCandless and McClure. What became of it all, 
I never knew. When a student in Mr. Baldwin's office I 
often witnessed his method of examination, generally made 
at night, however. In the morning I would find the books 
piled on the floor open, face downward, and around a chair, 
the pile often mounting two feet high. Sometimes there 
were two and even three piles. During examination he 
smoked incessantly, always having at hand a box of the 
best small black Spanish cigars. His style of speaking was 
not polished or finished, but strong and forcible ; his full, 
sonorous voice giving emphasis to all he said. He was very 
effective before juries, and was employed in all important 

Mr. Baldwin was elected to Congress in 1816, and took 
his seat in 1817, and was twice re-elected, but resigned in 
1822. He became chairman of the Committee on Domestic 
Manufactures, and conspicuous for his able advocacy of a 
tariff for the protection of American-made fabrics. The 

26 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

War of 1812-15 had left the country in a state of extreme 
poverty, and measures were essential to bring the indus- 
tries of the United States into a state of activity. Then 
the statesmen of the South, including John C. Calhoun, 
were favorable to the protection of domestic manufactures, 
not having discovered the peculiar interest of that section 
in the export of cotton and return cargoes. A strong im- 
pulse was given to these measures by the part Mr. Baldwin 
took in the passage of the protective tariff laws, especially 
in that of 1820. 

The period centring around the year 1820 was one of 
great stringency, in which the leading business men of 
Pittsburgh suffered largely, many to the extent of relief by 
the insolvent laws. Mr. Baldwin suffered severely. He 
had embarked in the iron business on Bear Creek in the 
northeast corner of Butler County, had failed, and was 
sadly straitened by the adverse state of affairs. That he 
was encumbered largely the record shows ; but whether he 
was relieved by the insolvent laws cannot be ascertained, as, 
strange to say, no record of -insolvents can be found in the 
prothonotary's office of Allegheny County from 1818 until 
1829, a period searched by myself. This search was made 
in reference to the case of Anthony Beelen, as well as that 
of Mr. Baldwin. 

The case of Mr. Beelen is interesting as exhibiting the 
former state of the law, and the expedient he resorted to 
to avoid arrest. It occurred before the law authorizing the 


giving of an insolvent bond had been passed. As the law 
then stood the defendant arrested on a capias ad satisfaciendum 
went to jail to await a discharge. But the sheriff could not 
break the outer doors of a dwelling to make an arrest on 
civil process, nor could he execute civil process at all on 
Sunday. Mr. Beelen shut up and barred his outer doors 
and windows. The backyard of his dwelling on "Water 
Street, between Wood and Market Streets, was protected 
by a high wall. In this he placed as a watchman and guard 
a tall, strong, and vigorous workman, taken from his foun- 
dry, to prevent surprise by the sheriff when the family was 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 27 

employed in the yard. On Sunday his house was thrown 
open, his friends were dined and wined, and he and his 
family went to chapel. Thus the officer was held at bay, 
until Mr. Beelen was either discharged or in some way ap- 
peased his creditors. 

In the Presidential campaign of 1828, between John 
Quincy Adams and General Andrew Jackson, Mr. Bald- 
win was an earnest and active supporter of the latter. On 
the 4th of July of that year an immense Jackson meeting 
was held near the Allegheny River, on the rear end of the 
John Woods premises, on Penn Street, then owned by 
James S. Stevenson, member of Congress from Pittsburgh, 
the same now occupied by the buildings of the Pittsburgh, 
Fort Wayne, and Chicago Railway. The meeting was pre- 
sided over by "William Wilkins, whose silvery voice pene- 
trated distinctly to the outward limit of the great assem- 
blage. Baldwin was the orator of the day, and spoke in 
tones thundering far and wide, but not with the distinctness 
of Wilkins's utterance. His speech was long and full of 
points, covering about forty pages of foolscap. I copied it. 
The campaign of 1828 was most bitter, the attacks upon 
Jackson being greatly personal, requiring much to be said 
in his defence. 

Mr. Baldwin expected to be appointed Secretary of the 
Treasury by General Jackson, with whom he was a favorite. 
But policy dictated otherwise, and Samuel D. Ingham was 
appointed from Pennsylvania in 1829. Still Baldwin was 
remembered by Jackson, who appointed him to the vacancy 
on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States in 
1830, caused by the death of Judge Washington. Here he 
exhibited the immense learning his indefatigable industry 
had acquired. The labor of his latter years was supposed 
to have unhinged his mind, so gentlemen of the bar of 
Philadelphia thought. But my knowledge of his peculiari- 
ties lead me to think this was largely a mistaken belief. 
For example, a learned judge of Philadelphia said to me 
there was no doubt of his insanity, for he had known him 
to have a cup of coffee and cakes brought to him on 

28 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

the bench. These persons, probably, knew little of his 
peculiarities and the inattention paid to punctilios in the 
new country where Baldwin lived so long. He often car- 
ried confectionery in his pockets, which he dealt out to 
the children liberally. An instance of conduct which 
might be attributed to insanity occurred in Philadelphia, 
when the late Walter Forward and myself were there as 
members of the Constitutional Reform Convention, in 
1837-38. We both had been his students, longos intervallos, 
called by him " Forred" and " Dannel." We had called 
on him at his hotel in Chestnut Street. He proposed going 
to see Mrs. Baldwin, then visiting Philadelphia. Starting, 
we turned into Eighth Street towards Market. Going a 
short distance he stopped, went into a grocery, and came 
out carrying a large ham by the hock. Proof conclusive of 
insanity ! Yet none knew the contrary better than we. 

It was in his circuit Judge Baldwin was seen at his best, 
presiding with dignity, exhibiting his stores of learning, and 
holding attorneys to good behavior. One of the noted trials 
in which he sat was that of John F. Braddee, of Uniontown, 
in 1840, for robbing the mails. The most eminent mem- 
bers of the Pittsburgh bar participated in the trial, Cor- 
nelius Darragh, Andrew W. Loomis, Samuel W. Black, 
Moses Hampton, Richard Biddle, Walter Forward, Wilson 
McCandless, and others. The excitement of the trial was 
great, waged as it was by these Titans of the bar. Tradi- 
tion spoke of the strong hand of Judge Baldwin in which 
he held the reins of power, and by bridled sway kept in 
order men of so much character and force. 

Perhaps the most noted case coming before Judge Bald- 
win, and his greatest opinion delivered, was that of Magill 
vs. Brown, found in Brightly's Reports, p. 347, involving 
the doctrine of charitable bequests to unincorporated socie- 
ties. By his research and his laborious thought he brought 
to the light the true doctrine of such charities, then much 
misapprehended, in a way untrodden before in this State, 
and redeemed them from the influence of English common 
law, and the prohibition of British statutes ; bringing them 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 29 

into the favor and protection of equity. The opinion was 
one of immense labor, and a work of love, to which the pro- 
fession is greatly indebted. 

Judge Baldwin had but one son, so far as I know, and an 
adopted daughter. He died in Philadelphia April 21, 1844. 


To the Irish nation "Western Pennsylvania is indebted for 
some of its best early population, men of stalwart frame 
and hardy constitution ; vigorous in intellect, firm in prin- 
ciple, religious in conviction, honest, determined, and in- 
trepid, yet somewhat rough in manner. 

These men came chiefly from the north of Ireland, whose 
ancestors went over from Scotland, and were generally 
known here as the Scotch-Irish. They emigrated to 
America to find a home, liberal in religion, free from tyr- 
anny, and exempt from heavy burdens. 

Among the eminent men of this body of immigrants was 
James Mountain. Born in the north of Ireland in the 
year 1771, he received a liberal education there, became a 
tutor in the family of an Irish gentleman, studied law, and 
was admitted to the bar in his native country, and emi- 
grated alone to the United States. The ship in which he 
sailed was wrecked on the American coast, and with it he 
lost all his possessions, leaving him without means. Coming 
without companions, no one is now found to tell much of 
his early life. 

The first knowledge of him, in Western Pennsylvania, 
we possess is that, on the 28th of April, 1796, David John- 
son and he were employed by the trustees of the Canons- 
burg Academy to teach the Greek and Latin languages, 
commencing on the 2d of May, 1796, at a salary, each, of 
ninety pounds a year. In an advertisement of the trustees 
of that academy, published in the Western Telegraph and 
Washington Advertiser, dated June 9, 1796, we find the fol- 
lowing account of Mr. Mountain : 

"The characteristics and literary accomplishments of 
Messrs. Johnson and Miller are too well known in this 

30 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

county to need any recommendations. Mr. Mountain is 
a young gentleman from Ireland, who, after he finished his 
education, has been in the habit of teaching for several 
years, and has such an accurate knowledge of the Latin 
and Greek authors, of their references to antiquities, and 
such a perspicuous easy manner of communicating his ideas, 
and, withal, is so attentive to the duties of his station, as 
render him every way capable of filling the office of tutor 
with respectability and profit." 

On the 14th of November, 1796, an usher was appointed 
to assist Mr. Mountain, whose salary was increased ten 
pounds for the year. But the whole salary being inade- 
quate, as Mr. Mountain thought, his services as an instruc- 
tor in the classical department of the academy came to an 
end in April, 1797. 

How long he continued in Canonsburg, and with whom 
he studied law, if at all here, is unknown. He was ad- 
mitted to practice in "Washington County at November 
Term, 1801, and in Pittsburgh, December 28th of the 
same year. He was admitted also in Fayette County in 
1802. He was one of the long list of eminent Pittsburgh 
lawyers admitted to the bar of Beaver County at February 
Term, 1804, of the first court held there. His name is fre- 
quently seen in the early reports of cases in the Supreme 

On the 24th of March, 1803, he married Agnes Gilkison, 
a lady whose parents came from Virginia, and lived on a 
farm near Pittsburgh owned by Henry Heth, her maternal 
grandfather, and afterwards the property of Jacob Eegley. 
Having lost her parents at an early age, she was adopted 
and raised by her aunt, the wife of General Adamson Tanne- 
hill, in whose family she was found and courted by Mr. 
Mountain. At one time, after their marriage, they lived 
in one of a row of frame houses on the south side of Penn 
Street, near to Cecil Alley. 

James Mountain died early, September 13, 1813, when 
only forty-two years of age, and was buried in the grave- 
yard of the First Presbyterian Church in Pittsburgh. He 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 31 

left a widow, two sons, and a daughter. Susan, the daughter, 
married James B. Morgan, Esq., of Morganza, Washington 
County, and with her Mrs. James Mountain, her mother, 
lived until her death, in 1859, at the house of James B. 
Morgan, in Pittsburgh, who had removed thither from Mor- 
ganza in 1832. 

Morganza, a large domain, consisting of a number of 
large tracts of land surveyed together, at an early day 
one of which is now the well-known site of the Pennsyl- 
vania Reform School was the seat of the memorable Revo- 
lutionary Morgans, and was devised by Doctor John Mor- 
gan to his brother, Colonel George Morgan, who came into 
possession of it very early, and made it a home of hospitality, 
refinement, and generous liberality. It was there Colonel 
(once Vice-President) Aaron Burr visited Colonel Morgan 
on his tour through the West, when engaged in his purpose 
of either Mexican conquest or disunion, an uncertainty 
yet not fully solved. And it was at the hospitable table of 
Colonel Morgan, Burr, in covert terms, made known to him 
his Western scheme. The proposition of Burr, how easy it 
would be to detach the Western and Southwestern Terri- 
tory from the United States, was scouted by Colonel Mor- 
gan with scorn; but in consequence of this visit and con- 
versation, Colonel George Morgan and his two sons, John 
and Thomas, were called to Richmond, Virginia, as wit- 
nesses in the celebrated trial of Burr for treason, before 
Chief-Justice Marshall, in 1807. 

The sons of James Mountain were Algernon Sidney 
Tannehill Mountain and William Mountain. Sidney, born 
December 31, 1803, was a young man of great promise. But 
being in straitened circumstances, by the influence of friends 
he was advanced to the bar in 1821, at the early age of 
seventeen. He speedily rose in his profession. The writer 
remembers him well, and the public sentiment in his favor 
before he had reached his majority. On the 1st of March, 
1825, he married Eliza, eldest daughter of John Thaw, Esq., 
then in the Branch Bank of the United States, on Second 
Street. But the bright. prospects of his life became clouded 

32 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

by an early death, which occurred on the 9th of August, 
1827, when only in the twenty-fourth year of his age. His 
widow afterwards married Thomas S. Clarke, senior partner 
in the well-known firm of Clarke & Thaw, of Pittsburgh. 

"William, the second son of James Mountain, I remember 
well, especially when a member of the Pittsburgh Thespian 
Society, to which I belonged. But after my departure from 
Pittsburgh, in 1829, 1 lost sight of him. Susan, the daughter, 
an amiable and attractive girl, became the wife of James B. 
Morgan, as already stated. He was the last of the Morgans 
who occupied Morganza, and is yet living at the age of 
ninety-two years. His son, Colonel A. S. M. Morgan, is 
stationed at the Allegheny Arsenal in Pittsburgh. 

James Mountain was a dignified and polished gentleman, 
and one of the most eloquent of Pittsburgh's lawyers. His 
reputation for this splendid faculty descended to my day, 
and was frequently spoken of. The Hon. James Allison, 
Beaver's oldest distinguished lawyer, in the early years of 
my residence there, related to me the following circum- 
stance : Mr. Mountain was employed to defend one James 
Bell, charged with murder, to be tried at January Term, 
1809. Owing to distance and bad roads, he had not been 
able to reach Beaver from "Washington, whither he had 
gone, until the close of the evidence. Hastily learning the 
leading points, he at once launched into his address to the 
jury, and electrified and thrilled the audience to the highest 
pitch of excitement by his eloquence and the pathos of his 
tones. The prisoner was acquitted. Few men have left 
behind them a higher reputation for that magic power which 
at once persuades and transports an audience. 


Judge Samuel Roberts was not a Pittsburgh lawyer, but 
came from Sunbury, Pennsylvania, commissioned by Gov- 
ernor McKean, April 30, 1803, to succeed Judge Addison 
as judge of the Fifth Circuit, then composed of the coun- 
ties of Allegheny, Washington, Beaver, Fayette, Greene, 
and Westmoreland. In 1806 the Fifth Circuit was reduced 

Address to the Allegliemy County Bar Association. 33 

by the withdrawal of Westmoreland. This continued until 
1818, when the Fifth Circuit was reduced to Allegheny, 
Beaver, and Butler Counties. 

Judge Roberts was born September 10, 1761, in Phila- 
delphia, of an old family coming over from England about 
the time of the first settlement of Pennsylvania. He was 
educated in that city, studied law under William Lewis, and 
was admitted to the bar there in 1793. In the same year he 
married Miss Maria Heath, of York, Pennsylvania, a lady 
of refinement, well remembered by the old inhabitants of 
Pittsburgh, where she lived to an advanced age. Mr. 
Roberts removed to Lancaster, and practised his profession 
there until he removed to Sunbury, whence he came to 

As a judge he was sound and highly respected by the 
bar, though somewhat slow and indulgent in the despatch 
of business. He continued on the bench until his death, 
December 13, 1820. 

He published a " Digest of Select British Statutes in force 
in Pennsylvania/' printed in Pittsburgh in 1817. It followed 
the " Report of the Judges of the Supreme Court," made to 
the legislature, was largely annotated by him, and was 
highly useful to the profession. A second edition was 
printed in 1847. 

Judge Roberts left eight children, five sons and three 
daughters. His eldest son, Edward J. Roberts, was a pay- 
master in the army in the War of 1812-15. He studied law, 
and was admitted to the bar November 13, 1816. After the 
erection of the Western District Court of the United States 
for Pennsylvania, he was appointed clerk, and held the 
office for a long time. He was a local politician of some 
note, but on what side I am unable to state, unless it be in- 
dicated by a doggerel attributed to him at an early day. It 
caricatured in verse a caucus said to have been held by James 
Riddle and his followers. Riddle was a local leader and poli- 
tician in the Democratic party in Pittsburgh. He had been 
first a shoemaker, then a merchant, and was finally an asso- 
ciate judge of Allegheny County, an office he held for years, 
VOL. xni. 3 

34 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 

when the term was during good behavior, or for life. The 
first verse of the doggerel ran something like this : 

" In Pandemonium Beelzebub sat, 

His imps and his devils around, 
When at hell's outer gate came a terrible rap, 
And all Erebus echoed the sound." 

The remaining verses described the sulphurous proceed- 
ings and fiery doings of the caucus in inferno. 

Edward's eldest son, Richard Biddle Roberts, a precocious 
youth, who, at the age of eleven or twelve years, performed 
nearly all the duties of the clerk's office, owing to his 
father's unfortunate habits, became distinguished for his 
military services. He ripened early, but studied law more 
lately, and was admitted to the bar in 1850. In the War of 
the Rebellion he won distinction as colonel of the First 
Regiment of the Pennsylvania Reserves. At the close of 
the war he returned to his practice -in Pittsburgh, became 
United States district-attorney, and finally removed to 
Chicago, Illinois, where he pursued his profession until he 
died, two or three years ago. 

One of Judge Roberts's daughters married Oldham Craig, 
for a long time teller in the " Old" Bank of Pittsburgh. 
He was a highly-respected gentleman, and a brother of 
Neville B. Craig, an old-time lawyer of Pittsburgh, and 
well-known historical writer, at one time editor of the 
Pittsburgh Gazette. 

Horatio K, a younger son of Judge Roberts, studied law, 
and was admitted to practice in Pittsburgh in 1831. He 
afterwards went to Beaver and practised there until June, 
1840, when he was mysteriously shot at Clinton, Allegheny 
County, while visiting the family of Mr. Morgan. 

Samuel A. Roberts, another son of the judge, older than 
Horatio, was a lawyer also, admitted in Pittsburgh, August 
6, 1819. He lived and died in that city, a well-known and 
highly-respected gentleman, but not largely engaged in 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 35 


Perhaps no member of the Pittsburgh bar deserved the 
regard and was endeared to the people more than Walter 
Forward. Himself plain in manners, simple in tastes, un- 
ostentatious in bearing, his heart was the well-spring of his 
popularity. Few men were more noble and lofty by nature 
or more genial and kind, inspiring all he met with high 

Born in Connecticut in 1786, he came west in 1800, 
brought out by his father, who settled in Ohio, beginning a 
home in the woods, building his log cabin, and clearing his 
farm as the early settlers did. The son possessed naturally 
a rugged frame, not very tall, but broad and heavy, and 
strengthened by work in the fields. He obtained his early 
education in the humble country school-house. This he 
increased by teaching at night. In 1803 he set out on foot 
for Pittsburgh with the intention of studying law with Henry 
Baldwin, of whom he had heard, and whom he fortunately 
met in the street while looking for his office. He was 
quite poor, but Mr. Baldwin, perceiving something in the 
youth of seventeen which pleased him, took him by the 
hand and helped him along. In 1805, being interested in a 
Democratic newspaper called the Tree of Liberty, he secured 
young Forward's services upon it. This afforded him 
scanty means, and assisted him while pursuing his studies, 
and he was admitted to the bar of Allegheny County No- 
vember 12, 1806. 

Being a young man of talent, indeed of genius, and 
popular in his manners, he rose in practice, until the atten- 
tion of the people was drawn to him as one fit to represent 
them in Congress. He was elected to the House of Repre- 
sentatives in 1822, following in the wake of Henry Bald- 
win, whose business affairs had led him to resign. Mr. For- 
ward was re-elected in 1824. "While in Congress he entered 
the caucus, then a common mode of nomination, and in 
February, 1824, voted for William H. Crawford, of Georgia, 
as the congressional candidate for the Presidency. The 

36 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 

campaign of 1824, however, brought into it candidates more 
popular, Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson, and John Quincy 
Adams, resulting in the election of Mr. Adams by the 
House of Representatives. The effect of Mr. Forward's 
participation in the congressional caucus was felt by him in 
his subsequent candidacy for Congress, and twice led to his 
defeat. In the campaign of 1830, which I remember, Beaver 
County being in the congressional district with Allegheny, 
the caucus agreement was used against Mr. Forward with 
effect. Though candidates on the same side, in Allegheny 
County Harmar Denny's vote was 2711, and Forward's only 
1180, one township to be heard from. In Beaver County, 
however, Mr. Forward, who was always a favorite, was held 
up, his vote being 2133, and Mr. Denny's 1799. 

Unless Mr. Forward abandoned Mr. Crawford, he did not 
vote for Mr. Adams in 1824, as has been stated, but he did, 
no doubt, in 1828, when the issue was between Mr. Adams 
and General Jackson. He became a National Republican, 
and afterwards a "Whig, when that party arose in 1832-33. 

In 1836 he was elected by the people of Allegheny 
County to the State Constitutional Convention of 1837. In 
that body he was not conspicuous at first, owing to his 
natural repugnance to hasty conclusions. His early speeches 
partook in a measure of the hesitation which led him to be 
called " "Walter the Doubter." An evidence of this cautious 
reflection was often witnessed by myself. John Dickey, my 
colleague, and I sat on the opposite side of the chamber 
from the seat of Mr. Forward. When the convention was 
engaged in discussing important questions, Mr. Forward 
often came over to our seats. He would say, " Dickey, 
Agnew, how ought we to vote on this question ?" Dickey 
was a county politician, smart, but not deep, and was 
always ready to advise. I was young, only twenty-eight, 
but, like young men, thought I knew something. Perhaps 
there was a better reason, my name came first on the roll- 
call, and I was compelled to keep the state of the question 
in all its phases in my mind, amendment and amendment 
of the amendment, and to make up my mind on its merits, 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 37 

ready to lead off, for we stood 67 "Whigs to 66 Democrats ; 
and in every body there are members liable to be led astray 
by the lead. Another feature made the lead important. The 
convention was composed of three classes on the subject of 
amending the constitution. About one-third was opposed 
to all amendment ; another third was conservative, but for 
reasonable amendments called for by the people ; a third 
class (all Democrats) was extremely radical; some would 
elect all officers, judicial as well as executive, every year. 
Being a conservative member, I was kept constantly on the 

This characteristic of Mr. Forward was from no want of 
ability to think, but the opposite. His mind was so com- 
prehensive, and travelled so far beyond common thought, 
he saw aspects of the subject not within common vision, 
which led him to ponder well before deciding. The first 
impression of the convention soon gave way, when it had 
reached questions his mind had considered and pondered 
well. From his inmost heart he loved liberty, and his soul 
revolted against African slavery. When the proposition to 
insert the word " white" in the qualification of electors was 
under debate, Mr. Forward spoke against it, bursting out 
with a force and eloquence which electrified his auditors, 
and many were present besides members. 

I embrace this opportunity (the only one I have properly 
had) to refute a slander. I voted against the insertion of 
the word " white" in every form in which the question arose 
directly. I voted for the whole section, which contained 
some of the most important amendments made by the con- 
vention. Malignant partisans and an erring divine have 
made this the means of unwarrantable falsehood. 

In 1841, Mr. Forward was made first comptroller of the 
Treasury by President Harrison. In September of the 
same year President Tyler appointed him Secretary of the 
Treasury, continuing until March, 1845, when Mr. Polk 
became President. He then returned to his practice in 

In the month of August, 1847, soon after the death of 

38 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

George Rapp, the head of the Harmony Society at Economy, 
Mr. Forward and I were called to draw up papers suited to 
the change caused by the death of Mr. Rapp. "We spent 
the greater part of a week consulting and advising, and 
finally drawing up documents to continue the society in its 
proper relations, arid to govern its affairs. I was draftsman, 
while Mr. Forward sat by, reflecting and suggesting. There 
were several documents written, one being what might be 
termed a frame of government and method of procedure. 
A circumstance occurred, drawing marked attention by us 

The preamble to this frame and course of procedure, as 
first drafted by me, began by stating the death of George 
Rapp, in the usual way, as in the ordinary course of nature, 
and in the order of an all-wise Providence. The document, 
after submitting it to the society for approval, was returned 
to us, the person stating that the members highly approved 
of it. " But," and here the spokesman paused hesitatingly, 
" there is a little alteration our people would like to have 
made." He then stated an objection to the preamble in 
rather a cautious way. The result was the phraseology was 
so changed that, instead of an ordinary death, it was said 
that, by the decree of God, the venerable patriarch and 
beloved founder of the society had departed this life. The 
drift was plain. Mr. Rapp had been regarded by the body 
of his followers as more than an ordinary man, and his de- 
parture differed from that of others. 

In 1848, Mr. Forward took an active part in behalf of 
General Taylor for the Presidency. He spoke frequently, 
along with the Hon. Moses Hampton, on the subject of the 
tariff and the currency, the former being his favorite theme. 
He and Mr. Hampton had quite, to them, an unusual expe- 
rience in Beaver County. Neither had been in the habit of 
addressing anti-slavery men, and had given but little atten- 
tion to their arguments. They were invited by the Whigs 
to speak at Fallston, in the vicinity of which anti-slavery 
men abounded. In speaking neither had gone far until he 
was assailed by a torrent of questions and statistics. These 

Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 39 

freesoilers, headed by a noisy-tongued fellow named James 
M. Gregg, had purposely assembled in force. It was not 
long until Mr. Forward, and also Mr. Hampton, became in- 
volved in a cyclone of anti-slavery figures and inquiries, and 
soon made haste to finish. When we came away, Forward 
said to me, " Agnew, what sort of people have you here ? 
Why, I never heard such a volume of stuff" as they poured 
out upon me." 

In 1849, Mr. Forward was appointed by President Taylor 
charge-d' affaires to the Court of Denmark. He resigned in 
1851, to take the office of president judge of the District 
Court, to which he had been elected in his absence. Un- 
fortunately for his constituents, and to the sorrow of the 
bar, he sat in his high office only until the 24th day of 
November, 1852, when he died, after a few hours' sickness. 

Mr. Forward was married January 31, 1809, to Miss Eliza- 
beth Barclay, a sister of Joseph Barclay, a well-known Pitts- 
burgher in my youth. His board yard occupied the square 
on which the St. Clair Hotel was afterwards built and the 
Anderson Hotel now stands, on St. Clair or Sixth Street. 
Harriet, another sister, was married to Thomas Perkins, the 
silversmith, since county commissioner. A circumstance, 
interesting to me as a boy, led me to notice these sisters. 

At that time (about 1823 or 1824), as you descended the 
steps on the west side of the northern abutment of the Alle- 
gheny bridge (now Suspension) and passed in front of Gen- 
eral William Robinson's garden and orchard, down the 
green-tree-lined bank of the river, a few perches, you came 
to a beautiful, gently-sloping, grassy sward, running down 
to the first water-channel of the river, turning suddenly to 
the right, around the head of the upper Smoky Island, then 
filled with elders and alders and the blue-flowered iron- 
weed, and with tall elms and sycamores. On this beautiful 
grassy sod, and just around the turn, sat two ladies and 
several children with baskets beside them. As I neared 
them they were singing in sweet accord some of those ex- 
quisite old Irish melodies, which then delighted far beyond 
Italian quavering, high-strained airs, or Germania's harsh 

40 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

guttural songs. I stood, like Peter, afar off, and listened 
till my heart was full. The time is long agone, sixty years 
or more, and the scene is afar, yet I think I still hear the 
simple strains of " Kitty of Coleraine" borne by two sweet 
voices in delightful unison. Both these ladies died early. 
They were Mrs. Forward and Mrs. Perkins. 

Mr. Forward had several daughters and sons. One of 
the daughters married Alfred W. Marks, Esq., a lawyer, 
and a son of General Wm. Marks, a former senator of the 
United States; another married Wm. E. Austin, Esq., a 
lawyer also. 

Judge White, in his valuable sketches of the " Judiciary 
of Allegheny County," has truly said, " Judge Forward was 
a great man, intellectually, morally, and socially. And, 
like all truly great men, he was modest and unassuming, 
candid and sincere ; not envious or jealous ; rejoicing at the 
success of others, and always ready to give a kind word or 
helping hand to those starting in life. The religious ele- 
ment was strong in his character, resulting in a life re- 
markably exemplary, pure, and spotless. He was emphati- 
cally domestic in his habits, devotedly attached to his 
home, and delighted in social enjoyments. His conversa- 
tional powers were of the highest order." 

In the early period of my practice in Beaver County Mr. 
Forward often attended the courts there, and I had an op- 
portunity of observing his traits and methods. Few men 
treated the court and opposing counsel with more propriety, 
even in the midst of exciting contests. His fairness and 
good temper never deserted him when opposed by gusts of 
passion. He was naturally eloquent, but not always even. 
At times he seemed sluggish and unable to rise, which was 
probably owing to his honesty of purpose that could not 
soar without the wings of a righteous cause. At other 
times his dark eyes would flash with piercing power, his 
thoughts spring into vivid life, and, mingling argument with 
metaphor, his heavy blows would strike out brilliant 
thoughts, coruscating like sparks struck from the anvil's 
hard breast by the arm of the brawny smith. 

Address to ike Allegheny County Bar Association. 41 

He was one of my examiners for admission to the bar, 
and I have ever remembered his kind encouragement, en- 
abling me and my young associate, George W. Buchanan, 
brother of the future President, to answer without embar- 
rassment. A generation has passed away, but his memory 
is still green in those halls where he so long moved and so 
often stirred his audiences. 


This time the Green Mountain State contributed her gift 
to Pittsburgh's noted lawyers. John Huntington Chaplin, 
of Royalton, Vermont, was born there in 1782. His parents 
were "William Chaplin and Judith Huntington Chaplin. 
Mrs. Chaplin's brother, Samuel Huntington, was a signer 
of the Declaration of Independence. John H. Chaplin was 
graduated at Yale College, Connecticut, and came to Pitts- 
burgh in 1805, where he studied law with Henry Baldwin, 
and was admitted to practice November 15, 1808. 

On the 28th of June, 1809, he was married to Harriet 
Craig, eldest daughter of Major Isaac Craig of the United 
States army, and Amelia Neville Craig, only daughter of Gen- 
eral John Neville, then of Bower Hill, on Chartiers Creek, 
near Pittsburgh. By this marriage Mr. Chaplin became 
connected with two of the most distinguished families in 
Western Pennsylvania. On the 25th of July, 1809, Wil- 
liam Chaplin, his father, wrote to Mr. and Mrs. Craig a 
very kind and flattering letter of congratulation, dated at 
Bethel, near Royalton, Windsor County, Vermont, and 
bore testimony to the high character of his son. His only 
regret was the great distance intervening, which made 
strangers of both families. The date of this letter and that 
of the marriage show that letters must have taken a month 
to go and a month to come. This fact reminds us of the 
advance, in our time, of all that relates to convenience in 
travel, and to the unity and greatness of our country. The 
news by telegraph would have taken less than an hour to 
find its way over this widespread land, and by mail a few 
days only. 

42 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 

John H. Chaplin resided on "Water Street, below Ferry, 
and next door to the house of David Logan, on the corner 
of Water and Ferry Streets, his garden extending back to 
First Street. Along Water Street, in this vicinity, lived the 
principal families of that day. 

A portrait of John H. Chaplin, painted in Boston, is said 
to have been on exhibition recently in Gillespie's art-room, 
on "Wood Street, the queue and powdered hair denoting the 
fashion of the early time. 

Mr. Chaplin was at one time Worshipful Master of Lodge 
No. 45, of Pittsburgh, an order of Masons chartered by the 
Provincial Grand Lodge of England, December 27, 1785. 
This lodge (45) celebrated its centennial in Pittsburgh De- 
cember 27, 1885. 

The purchase of Florida was made of Spain in 1819. 
That country was supposed by many to be, as it was called 
by Ponce de Leon when in search of the fountain of health 
and beauty, the " land of flowers," and many Americans, 
on its cession to the United States, emigrated thither, hoping 
to find wealth and fortune, as well as health and pleasure, 
within its orange-groves and ever-blooming plants. 

Among these aspirants of hope was John H. Chaplin, 
who moved to Pensacola in the year 1820. He there prac- 
tised his profession successfully, and was in a fair way to 
redeem the promises of his aspirations, when cut off by 
yellow fever, August 24, 1822, just as he was about to 
bring his long exile from home to an end, and to return to his 
loved ones, whose separation from him had been a constant 

Mr. Chaplin left a wife and two children, one a son, 
William Craig Chaplin, who became a lieutenant in the 
United States navy, and married Sarah G., a daughter of 
James Crossan ; the other, a daughter, Amelia Neville 
Chaplin (now a widow), who married Thomas L. Shields, 
Esq., of Sewickley, Pennsylvania, October 8, 1832. John 
M. Chaplin, manager of the Pittsburgh Clearing-House, is 
a son of Lieutenant William C. Chaplin. 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 43 


This name, like thoughts from dreamland, or far-off 
music's strains, rouses memories of the long past, when 
Fort Pitt was the scene of great deeds, and when the head 
of the Ohio was the ultima Thule of early settlement, made 
famous hy a long array of brilliant names, the Revolu- 
tionary generals, Hand, Butler, Mclntosh, Broadhead, Ir- 
vine, and officers of less degree, and many eminent men 
from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, brought hither 
by the exigency of the times, who made Pittsburgh lumin- 
ous by their lives, their talents, and their virtues. Here 
were found the Nevilles, Morgans, Butlers, Kirkpatricks, 
O'Hara, Tannehill, Denny, Wilkins, Addison, Ross, Woods, 
Semple, and a host of worthies, the fragrance of whose 
memories clings to the tradition of their names. Even in 
my day some survived, but nearly all had gone to rest in 
the old graveyard of the Presbyterian Church. I remember 
the funeral procession of General James O'Hara, crossing 
Wood Street at Fourth, in December, 1819. 

Among the eminent men of the " olden time" was the 
father of Neville B. Craig, Major Isaac Craig. He was 
born near Hillsborough, County Down, northeastern coast 
of Ireland, in the year 1741, and emigrated to America in 
1765. At the beginning of the Revolutionary war he took 
up arms in defence of his adopted country's rights, deter- 
mined to lay them down only with his life or the establish- 
ment of freedom. In November, 1775, he was appointed a 
first lieutenant of marines in the navy, and served ten months 
in that capacity, on board the " Andrew Doria," command- 
ing marines. This vessel formed one of the squadron of 
Commodore Hopkins, which captured Forts Nassau and 
Montague, on the Island of New Providence, in the West 
Indies. The governor himself was captured, together with 
many valuable stores, then much needed by the Americans, 
and subsequently used in Rhode Island and on the Delaware. 
Of these a minute inventory was made by Lieutenant Craig. 
On return to harbor, in October, 1776, he was commissioned 

44 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

captain. In November following the marines were ordered 
into the army as infantry, and performed artillery duty. He 
was commissioned in March, 1777, a captain of artillery, 
under command of Colonel Proctor. On the promotion of 
Major Ford to the lieutenant-colonelcy, Captain Craig was 
entitled to the majority, but through misinformation, caused 
by his absence at sea, the Supreme Executive Council ap- 
pointed Captain Andrew Porter to the vacancy. This led 
to a strong letter of protest on the part of Captain Craig, 
dated at Philadelphia February 21, 1782. The council re- 
considered and revoked the order, and conferred priority of 
commission as major on Captain Craig, in the Fourth Regi- 
ment of Artillery, annexed by resolution of Congress to the 
Pennsylvania Line. He partook in a number of battles, 
among them Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth, and Brandy- 

He was ordered to Fort Pitt to join General Clark in an 
intended expedition against Detroit, which, however, failed 
to take place. At Fort Pitt he performed various services 
to the satisfaction of the government, and became noted for 
his energy, activity, and integrity. During his service at 
Fort Pitt he availed himself of the land laws of the State by 
taking up some valuable tracts of land. In 1797 he and 
General James O'Hara built the first glass-works erected in 
Western Pennsylvania, preceding those of Albert Gallatin 
at Brownsville a few months. 

On the 1st of February, 1785, he was married to Amelia, 
only daughter of General John Neville, then living at Bower 
Hill, on the Chartiers Creek, and became the father of a 
numerous family, some of whom followed the military in- 
stinct of their father. Percy Hamilton Craig was senior 
surgeon of the United States army, and medical director 
under General Zachary Taylor in Mexico. Henry Knox 
Craig was general and chief of ordnance, United States 
army, and Isaac Eugene Craig, lieutenant in the engineer 
corps of the United States. Some lived until a very recent 
period. Oldham Craig, a well-known Pittsburgher, died Oc- 
tober 4, 1874, on his way to Florence, Italy, to visit a son. 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 45 

Amelia Neville Craig died October 27, 1879. 

Major Isaac Craig himself died on Montours Island May 
4, 1825. 

On his mother's side Neville B. Craig was related, through 
her father, General John Neville, to one of the most distin- 
guished families in England and America. The Nevilles 
in America settled in Virginia. General Neville was born 
there, and at one time lived in Frederick County. He 
bought land on Chartiers Creek when Western Pennsyl- 
vania was claimed by Virginia, and within the bounds of 
Augusta County, as erected by Virginia. From that county, 
in 1774, he was elected a delegate to a Provincial Conven- 
tion of Virginia. Augusta County then embraced a large 
part of the present territory of Allegheny County. 

In 1777, General Neville and General George Morgan 
were at Fort Pitt together, charged with important public 
duties. They joined in a letter in that year to Patrick 
Henry, governor of Virginia, giving a minute detail of the 
condition of the Western country in relation to the tribes 
of Indians then incited to war against the colonists by Great 

After his removal to Pennsylvania, General Neville was 
a member of the Supreme Executive Council in the years 
1785 and 1786. His residence was on his farm on Chartiers 
called "Bower Hill," about seven miles from Pittsburgh, 
near to the road from Pittsburgh to Washington. He had 
resided a short time at a place called Woodville, nearly 
opposite Bower Hill. In my boyhood Bower Hill was 
owned by Christopher Cowan, who was building a large 
brick dwelling on Water Street, below Evans Alley. While 
thus engaged a workman offended him. Cowan, who felt 
his importance, asked him if he did not know the owner of 
the building. " Sure an* I do," replied the Irishman ; " it's 
Christy Cooen, Christy Cooen the nailor." John Wren- 
shall afterwards became owner of the farm. Wrenshall 
was a church-member, son of a worthy Methodist clergy- 
man, but sharp, shrewd at a deal, while his white flowing 
beard gave him a venerable appearance. 

46 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

"While residing at Bower Hill General Neville was in- 
spector of the United States excise revenue, having his 
office there, and then at Pittsburgh. The "Whiskey Insur- 
rection of 1794 involved him in great unpopularity, and 
led to two attacks upon his house, the first being repelled 
by arms and loss of life to the insurgents ; the second, by a 
larger number of insurgents, being successful, and ending 
in the burning of his dwelling, then the finest in the West, 
and all its out-houses. The general himself was not at 

General Neville and Major Abraham Kirkpatrick married 
sisters named Oldham, relatives of Colonel "William Old- 
ham, and belonging to a noted Virginia family. General 
Neville died on the 29th of July, 1803, and was buried in 
the old graveyard of the First Presbyterian Church, which 
was uprooted not long ago, with all its cherished memories 
of the olden time, and the bones of its occupants removed, 
to make way for a building to be used as a parlor, reception- 
room, and Sunday-school. My opinion of this act of van- 
dalism was expressed in a dissent to the opinion of the 
Supreme Court of this State. 

Neville B. Craig, descended from this worthy line of an- 
cestors, was born in the Colonel Boquet Redoubt, on the 
29th day of March, 1787. He was educated at the Pitts- 
burgh Academy, and graduated also at Princeton College ; 
studied law, and was admitted to the bar of Allegheny 
County August 13, 1810, and opened an office in Pittsburgh 
while it was a borough. His practice embraced a number 
of cases in which Richard Biddle was also concerned. As 
to some of these Mr. Biddle wrote to him from London in 
a letter dated December 10, 1828. Two of these cases were 
the celebrated case of John McDonald, whose house on 
Water Street, at the foot of Liberty, was cut down from a 
square to a pentagon, because it encroached on "Water 
Street, and the still more widely-known Batture case 
(Water Street), decided in favor of their clients, the city of 
Pittsburgh, in the Supreme Court of the United States. 

In 1829, Mr. Craig became the owner and editor of the 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 47 

Pittsburgh Gazette, which he converted into the first daily in 
Pittsburgh, continuing until 1841, when he disposed of his 
interest. As an editor he was bold and successful, always 
holding the pen with a firm and consistent hand, and de- 
voting his vigorous powers to the best interests of the city 
of his birth and his country. 

Possessing a large amount of traditionary lore, and fond 
of historical subjects, he next published the " Olden Time," 
a monthly periodical, commenced in January, 1846, and 
continued until December, 1847. His chief purpose was 
to preserve and disseminate early important documents and 
papers relative to the West, and especially to the head of the 
Ohio. With him it was a work of love, in which he labored 
with assiduity and ardor, and collected in two volumes of 
the " Olden Time" many scarce and valuable records, and 
preserved many interesting events, which else had not 
reached the eyes of the general public. But in this, as often 
in other efforts for the benefit of mankind, that public failed 
to prize the value of this contribution to the interests of 
history and of the city itself. 

Mr. Craig was a forcible writer, often pungent and severe. 
He was one of the noli-me-tangere sort, whose shield it was 
unsafe to strike with the lance's point. He returned blow 
for blow, with interest, having not only strong convictions, 
but the courage to back them. 

He was the author of several historical works, one of them 
a " History of Pittsburgh." Pittsburgh and the West owe 
much to his spirit of inquiry and literary labors, constituting 
a rich mine for the future reader and historian. 

He was solicitor of the city of Pittsburgh from 1821 
until 1829. In March, 1822, he formed a partnership with 
the Hon. Walter Forward, lasting several years. 

He married Jane Fulton, May 1, 1811, and died March 3, 
1863. Isaac Craig, the well-known writer, now living in 
Allegheny, is his son. To him I am indebted for many in- 
teresting facts as materials for these sketches. 

48 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 


Connecticut has given to the bar of Allegheny County 
several talented and loyal sons. One of these was Charles 
Shaler, born in that State in 1788, and graduated from Yale. 
He went to Eavenna, Ohio, in the year 1809, to attend to 
lands owned by his father, who was one of the commis- 
sioners to lay off the Connecticut Reserve, generally known 
as the Western Reserve. There he studied law, and was 
admitted to the bar. In 1813 he came to Pittsburgh and 
was admitted here. He soon obtained practice and became 
prominent in politics, first as a Federalist, and next as a 
National Republican. His first office was as judge of the 
Recorder's Court of Pittsburgh, presiding from 1818 until 
1821. He next was commissioned, June 5, 1824, following 
Judge Wilkins, as president judge of the courts in the Fifth 
Judicial District, composed of the counties of Allegheny, 
Beaver, and Butler, resigning May 4, 1835, and returning 
to practice. 

Previous to the Presidential election of 1832, he had been 
a National Republican ; but anti-masonry, having reached 
the western counties of Pennsylvania from Buffalo, New 
York, about 1830, continued to make progress, and in 1832 
had drawn in a large number of votes in the three counties 
in which he presided. During this time the Statesman was 
edited by John B. Butler, a friend and fellow Freemason 
of Shaler. Butler was a violent anti-Jackson man in the 
campaign of 1828, and had brought out the coffin hand-bills, 
first printed by John Binns, of Philadelphia, and posted 
them on the front of the Statesman's office, a small one or 
one-and-a-half story frame building on the corner of Wood 
and Fourth Streets. These hand-bills represented the deaths 
and coffins of John Woods, and the six Tennessee militia- 
men, shot by the order of General Jackson. Butler circu- 
lated these largely. At this time Charles Shaler and other 
Adams men stood beside John B. Butler, strong, indeed 
violent, in their opposition to Jackson. But in 1832, anti- 
masonry having acquired strength in this region, Moses Sul- 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 49 

livan, of Butler County, being elected to the Senate of 
Pennsylvania on that ticket, the anti-masons voted for Wil- 
liam "Wirt for the Presidency. Henry Clay was the candi- 
date of the National Republicans. But owing to the number 
of candidates opposing Jackson in 1832, many counties were 
scarce of electoral tickets. They were scarce in Beaver 
County, many National Eepublicans there voting for Wil- 
liam Wirt in consequence. Presumably Butler, Shaler, and 
other Adams men voted for Clay, but they voted for George 
Wolf in opposition to Joseph E-itner, the anti-masonic can- 
didate. The election of Joseph Ritner, in 1835, and the 
crusade of Thaddeus Stevens against masonry settled the 
matter with many masons ; and Shaler, Butler, and some 
other Adams and Clay masons in the West, became Demo- 
crats, voting for David R. Porter, in 1838, against Ritner. 
Shaler ever remained a Democrat. Butler was rewarded by 
an appointment at the United States Arsenal in Lawrence- 
ville. Shaler never sought political elevation, but he took 
an active part, and became an acknowledged leader of the 
Democracy in Allegheny County. 

In 1841, Charles Shaler was appointed, May 6, associate 
judge of the District Court of Allegheny County, and held 
the office until May 20, 1844, when he resigned and returned 
to the practice of his profession, in which he continued until 
his eyesight failed. He retired, esteemed and respected by 
his fellow-citizens as a gentleman and a lawyer and advo- 
cate of high character, unstained integrity, and unblemished 

As a lawyer and judge he was brilliant rather than solid. 
His mind was quick and subtle, his language chaste and 
exuberant, and his elocution pleasing, though slightly broken 
by a partial stutter, a quality making his racy humor often- 
times more effective. In his earlier days on the bench, the 
litigation in Beaver and Butler Counties was largely between 
the warrantees and the settlers, involving land-titles and 
questions of survey. The latter he professed not to under- 
stand. Indeed, his mind did not take cordially to the dry 
details of courses, distances, corners, blazes, blocks, and 
VOL. xin. 4 

50 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

variation of the compass. In regard to land-titles of the 
peculiar kind in these western counties his decisions were 
not always affirmed by the Supreme Court. I remember a 
case in Butler County in 1830, a settlement on warranted 
and surveyed land, in which he ran so strongly to the set- 
tler's side he pledged his reputation as a lawyer that the 
settlement would be supported on a view he took, somewhat 
novel and contrary to the current of decision. Unfortu- 
nately for his pledge, he was reversed. 

On the creation of the Seventeenth Judicial District, in 
the winter of 1831, Beaver and Butler Counties were with- 
drawn from the Fifth District, leaving Allegheny County 
remaining the Fifth alone. 

During the War of 1812-15, and while he continued in 
Ohio, some disloyal expressions were attributed to him, 
which were repeated against him after he came to Pitts- 
burgh. But they were doubtless the foolish ebullitions of 
youth, or of hasty rashness. They never lost him favor in 
the city of his adoption. 

Judge Shaler was twice married; the first time to a 
daughter of Major Abraham Kirkpatrick. The issue of 
this marriage was two sons and three daughters. His 
second wife was Miss Mary Ann Riddle, a daughter of 
James Riddle, long time an associate judge of Allegheny 
County, and in his day a noted local politician. His court- 
ship of this lady being known in Beaver caused occasional 
amusement at the judge's expense ; it being observed that 
in his haste to return to Pittsburgh he often ended the 
court on Wednesday or Thursday on the plea of an im- 
portant engagement at home. This was true, and his en- 
gagement ended in marriage. 

Judge Shaler, after the loss of his eyesight, went to reside 
in Bellefonte, Centre County, but being called by the illness 
of his daughter, the wife of the Rev. Mr. Hodges, to New- 
ark, New Jersey, in the winter season, he took a violent 
cold, became ill, and died there, March 5, 1869. 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 51 


The bar of Pittsburgh had long been distinguished for 
its ability. When Richard Biddle entered it he added an- 
other eminent and highly-prized name to its galaxy of bril- 
liant stars. He was one of the younger sons of a large 
family of boys, born to Charles and Hannah Biddle, of 
Philadelphia, a family distinguished in the public service, 
and esteemed in private life for talent and high qualities. 
The army and navy had lustre from their service, and the 
bar derived no less reputation from their ability and emi- 

Eichard Biddle was born in Philadelphia, March 25, 1796. 
In the "War of 1812-15, though quite young, he joined the 
Washington Guards, seeing some service near Wilmington, 
Delaware, and in 1813 became an ensign in the Guards, 
under the command of General Thomas Cadwalader, at 
Camp Dupont, remaining in service until December, 1814. 

He read law with William 8. Biddle, an elder brother, 
and was admitted to practice in Philadelphia in 1817. In 
the same year he came to Pittsburgh, was admitted Novem- 
ber 10, 1817, and soon rose to eminence. One of his first 
cases was the prosecution of John Tiernan, who was con- 
victed of murder in the first degree, and hanged in the 
hollow of Suke's Run, at the foot of Boyd's Hill, a few 
yards above the stone culvert over which Second Street 
(Avenue) then crossed. After this Mr. Biddle pursued his 
practice with diligence and labor, rising at every step until 
1827, when he retired from the bar for a time to visit 

He resided in London several years, pursuing favorite 
studies in the public library of that city, at the same time 
visiting the courts and keeping up his relish for legal pro- 
ceedings. While in London he wrote the life of " Sebas- 
tian Cabot," a work, it was said, of great labor and re- 
search. For reasons now unknown he became dissatisfied 
with his effort, and (as I heard after his return to Pittsburgh) 
bought up and suppressed the edition so far as possible. 

52 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

Whether any copies reached Pittsburgh I am not informed. 
On his return, in 1832, he recommenced the practice with 
his usual diligence and ability. 

During his absence Mr. Biddle was not unmindful of his 
law business. To his friend, Neville B. Craig, he wrote a 
long letter on various subjects. Among matters of busi- 
ness he referred to the John Wilkins estate, on which he 
administered ; to the Batture or Water Street case of Pitts- 
burgh; to the case of the Commonwealth vs. John Mc- 
Donald, and other causes in which he had been employed 
as counsel. The letter is dated London, December 10, 1828. 

In 1837 he was elected a representative in Congress from 
the Allegheny District, and was re-elected. He served in 
Congress with distinction, recognized by his fellow-members 
as a gentleman of high character and eminent ability, and 
served also to the satisfaction of his constituents, and to 
their regret resigned in 1840. The bar was his true sphere, 
and he felt out of his proper atmosphere in Congress, where 
sound argument and eminent statesmanship were too often 
disregarded for less patriotic reasons. 

After his resignation he continued in practice until his 
death. One of the noted cases tried by him was as leading 
counsel, with Walter Forward, in the defence of John F. 
Braddee for robbing the mails at Uniontown, Pennsylvania. 
On both sides was a rare combination of eminent lawyers, 
making the trial before Judge Baldwin, in the Circuit Court 
of the United States, one of the most memorable in Western 
annals. The struggle between these giants of the Western 
bar was intense and exciting, and among them Mr. Biddle 
shone in the vigor of his high powers, and in the command- 
ing argument and eloquence of his addresses. 

About the same time I had, myself, an opportunity of 
witnessing the peculiar force and character of Mr. Biddle's 
intellect, as his colleague, in the then famous case of the 
Gregg family of Pittsburgh and James Patterson, of 
Brighton, an ejectment for the undivided half of the prop- 
erty on which Beaver Falls now stands. The controversy 
grew out of an illegal sheriff's sale of Isaac Gregg's real 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 53 

estate, as a partner and co-tenant of Oliver Ormsby, who, 
with Mr. Gregg, had been engaged in the iron business at 
Brighton before 1812. Mr. Biddle took no notes in the 
trial except a few at wide intervals on the white foolscap, of 
the name of a witness, or of a fact he desired to notice. 
These few black marks on an illuminated ground seemed 
only as aids to recollection. The trial he left largely to 
myself, who had prepared the case, yet always keeping a 
close watch and ready to suggest. His address to the jury 
was remarkable for its keenness and power and for its 
adroitness and persuasiveness. He had studied it in all its 
aspects, personal and subjective. Mr. James Patterson was 
then the largest miller in the county, buying all its wheat, 
and popular among the farmers, who chiefly composed the 
jury. Mr. Biddle's description of how Mr. Patterson, the 
farmer's friend and public benefactor and popular gentle- 
man, would meet the jurors after a verdict in his favor, his 
hearty handshake, his words of praise and gratitude, and 
then his sharp, telling contrast between the rich miller and 
the poor insane widow, and the distant stricken children of 
Isaac Gregg, the fraud of the sheriff's sale, and the sympa- 
thy due to the defrauded deceased, and his oppressed and 
helpless family, the widow too insane to know her rights, 
and the children too poor, too ignorant, and too young to 
defend them, was one of surprising power, telling on the 
jury until no doubt seemed to rest on the verdict. But the 
positive instruction of the court left no room to the jury to 
be swayed by the masterly argument of Mr. Biddle. We 
lost, but had the satisfaction, afterwards, of reversing the 
judgment on leading points. The case being one of great 
lapse of time, involving large improvements and some 
doubtful facts, was compromised without a second trial. 

Mr. Biddle's mind was not rapid in its operations, but of 
immense momentum in its force, the result of large prepa- 
ration and long and matured thought. Naturally Mr. Bid- 
die was not eloquent, but, as it is said of Demosthenes, he 
overcame his defects, and became impressive and forcible in 
argument and expression. His thoughts were logical and 

54 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

his language well chosen and exceedingly effective. Those 
who knew him best have told of his preparation and his re- 
hearsal of his speeches in the privacy of his room. Of the 
latter I can bear some personal testimony, having heard him 
at night in the second story of his office building on Third 
Street (Avenue) below Market Street, and between the 
dwellings of Mayor John Darragh and Major Ebenezer 
Denny. In the upper room, between 1824 and 1828, he 
was often heard speaking to the walls, as though they had 
ears, with earnestness and full utterance. 

Richard Biddle was a gentleman of fine literary taste and 
acquirement, as well as of a large and accurate knowledge 
of the law in its highest sense. His reading was said to be 
various and extensive. I remember well of the wonder of 
the youngsters, of whom I was one, at the statement that 
he had actually read Henry's " Commentaries on the Bible" 
through and through. 

In the main he was not very social, but rather exclusive, 
seeking communion with books and his own thoughts, and 
a few friends only, but at times he would unbend and be- 
come exceedingly pleasant. In my personal intercourse 
with him on business I found him courteous and always 
ready to impart his views. An anecdote is told of his 
meeting a friend, a member of the bar, who boasted of a 
fee he had received in the shape of a very fine dog ; Biddle 
replied he was sorry to hear his fees were so cwr-tailed. 

On the 17th of June, 1844, he was married to Miss Ann 
Eliza, eldest daughter of John Anderson, of Allegheny 
City. In 1845, he lost largely by the great fire of April 
10, including all his books, valuable briefs, notes of trial, 
various papers, and numerous curiosities. He did not sur- 
vive long, dying on the 6th of July, 1847, leaving a widow 
and two children. 


John Henry Hopkins, by birth an Irishman, was born in 
the city of Dublin January 30, 1792. He came with his 
parents to the United States in the year 1800. He was 

Address to the Allegheny Cowity Bar Association. 55 

classically educated, but his Alma Mater is unknown to me. 
His first business was that of a clerk in Philadelphia. 
Having a taste for drawing and painting, he assisted in the 
preparation of the plates for "Wilson's Ornithology." 
About 1810 or 1811 he was brought out to Bassenheim 
Furnace, near Zelienople, Butler County, by John S. 
Glaser (my uncle) as clerk and manager of the furnace. 
While there he became acquainted with the family of 
George Henry Miiller, a German merchant, who had failed 
in business in Hamburg (I think), and emigrated to the 
United States. 

His family consisted of his wife, a son William Edward, 
and several daughters. The son entered business in Pitts- 
burgh. While driving to Braddock with Miss Nancy Denny, 
to whom he was engaged, and within a week of the day 
fixed for their marriage, he was thrown from his gig and 
his thigh-bone broken. He was brought to Major Denny's 
house on Third below Market Street, where he died. 

John H. Hopkins married a daughter of Mr. Miiller, Meli- 
cina, a lady of rare accomplishments, excelling in music and 
painting, who became a valuable assistant when he opened 
his school for young ladies in Allegheny. 

Mr. Glaser sold Bassenheim Furnace to Daniel Beltz- 
hoover, of Pittsburgh, and Mr. Hopkins went into the iron 
business with General James O'Hara, in Westmoreland 
County, at or near Ligonier. But this business failing, as 
indeed all business did after the War of 1812-15, Mr. Hop- 
kins studied law, and was admitted, after a short course of 
study, in Allegheny County April 9, 1818, and at a later day 
formed a partnership with W. W. Fetterman. As a lawyer 
he was credited with being sharp and full of expedients. 
Tiring of the law, in 1823 he turned his attention to 
divinity, and in 1824 became the rector of Trinity Church, 
on the triangle bounded by Liberty, Wood, and Sixth Streets, 
succeeding the Rev. John Taylor. He studied architecture, 
and planned and superintended the building of the new 
Trinity on Sixth Street (Avenue), between Wood and Smith- 
field Streets, in the Gothic style. 

56 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

During this time he built the house on the Beaver Road 
(now Western Avenue), Allegheny, lately occupied by the 
Hon. Robert McKnight. There he and his wife taught a 
classical and art school for young ladies, where before 1830 
many of the young ladies of Pittsburgh were educated. He 
was also professor of belles-lettres in the Western University 
about 1823-24. 

Rising in the church, he was called to Trinity Church, 
Boston, and was also professor of divinity in a theological 
seminary there. In 1832 he was chosen the first bishop of 
Vermont, and took the rectorship of St. Paul's Church in 
Burlington, where he resided until his death. Still filled 
with the desire of educating youths, he built and established 
a boys' school in Burlington, which, hovever, involved him 
so greatly the property was sold for debt. 

He became quite a voluminous writer, chiefly on theo- 
logical subjects, and published many sermons, addresses, 
and some books on subjects mainly connected with the 
Episcopal Church and its affairs. Among his works was 
the " American Citizen," published in 1857, which created 
a sensation on account of his vindication of American 
slavery on Bible grounds. He belonged to the High 
Church party, and was honored by Oxford with the degree 
of Doctor of Canon Law. 

Mr. Hopkins was a gentleman of culture and refinement, 
a fine musician and painter, and well up in art, and was 
also an accomplished speaker. His diction was classical and 
elegant, sometimes bordering on eloquence, and always 
pleasing and attractive. He was an accomplished reader, 
and always read his sermons. My father had a pew in New 
Trinity, and I often listened to his services. I remember of 
hearing his sermon on the Trinity, in which he likened 
trinity and unity to the memory, imagination, and judgment, 
as three faculties in one mind. 

He was the father of five sons, who became distinguished 
in their professions and callings. He died at Rock Point, 
Vermont, January 9, 1868. 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 57 


About the year 1820, a collocation of lawyers' offices 
stood on the east side of Third Street, a few doors from 
Wood towards Market Street. They were occupied by 
Harmar and William Denny, Harry Campbell, Duncan 
S. Walker, and others. A little later came in Kobert J. 
Walker, who removed to Natchez, and in course of time 
became a well-known senator of the United States, and 
Secretary of the Treasury. 

Among the gentlemen whose offices stood there was one 
remembered or known by few of the present day, who 
moved westward, and became eminent as a jurist and a man 
of letters. James Hall was born in Philadelphia, August 
19, 1793, and began the study of law there, which was in- 
terrupted by the War of 1812-15. He first served in the 
Northern troops on the Niagara border, where he distin- 
guished himself at the battles of Chippewa and Bridgewater 
on Lundy's Lane. 

After the close of the war he sailed as an offier in Commo- 
dore Stephen Decatur's squadron, in the expedition against 
Algiers. In the month of October, 1816, Lieutenant Hall 
reported himself for duty to Major A. R. Woolley, at the 
United States Arsenal near Pittsburgh. Soon afterwards dif- 
ficulties sprang up between them, ending in a court-martial 
convened at Pittsburgh, September 11, 1817, composed of 
Major Thomas Biddle, president; Captain Isaac Roach, N. 
N. Hall, James H. Rees, and Lieutenant Richard Bache, 
members; and Thomas T. Stevenson, judge-advocate. After 
a trial, lasting until September 25, 1817, Lieutenant Hall 
was convicted of unofficer-like conduct, of disobedience to 
orders, and of conduct unbecoming a gentleman, and was 
sentenced to be cashiered. On the 27th of November, 
1817, the President approved of the sentence, but in con- 
sideration of his fair character in other respects, his brave 
and meritorious conduct during the late war, and in ex- 
pectation that his future deportment would merit the lenity 
extended towards him, he remitted the punishment and re- 

58 Address to the Allegheny County Ear Association. 

stored him to his rank, and ordered his release from arrest, 
and to report for duty. 

The proceedings in this trial were printed in Pittsburgh 
in 1820, by Eichbaum & Johnston. One cannot read them 
without being impressed with the belief that the prosecution 
by Major Woolley was largely the fruit of his tyrannical and 
vindictive spirit, and the result of Lieutenant Hall's high tone 
and temper, which could not brook what seemed to him the 
oppression and insult of his superior officer, carrying him by 
his loss of temper beyond the line of military subordination. 
The conviction, in view of the necessity of military obedi- 
ence, though hard, was technically right ; but the action of 
the President shows that he appreciated the circumstances 
of the case, and in view of Lieutenant Hall's merits relieved 
him from the effect of the sentence. Major Woolley was 
himself tried by court-martial at Jefferson Barracks, and on 
the 14th of March, 1829, convicted and dismissed from the 
service by order of the President, April 28, 1829. 

The trial brings back to my memory many well-known 
Pittsburghers, for example, Stephen Barlow, Henry Bald- 
win, Dunning McNair, William B. Foster, Dr. Catlett, 
Charles Shaler, Edward J. Eoberts, and Jailer Barney 
Hubley. The defence of Lieutenant Hall, by himself, was 
masterly, exhibiting not only forcible argument, but that 
rich style and exuberance of expression for which he became 
noted as a writer. The place of the meeting of the court- 
martial, I presume, from the mention made, was the tavern 

of Kerr, a well-known hostlery in my youth, on the 

southeast corner of Second and Market Streets. 

In 1818, Lieutenant Hall resigned his commission in the 
army, having previously recommenced the study of the law 
in Pittsburgh, and was admitted to the bar on the 30th of 
June, 1818. In 1820 he removed to Shawneetown, Illinois, 
where he practised his profession, and also edited the Illi- 
nois Gazette, and was for a time treasurer of Illinois. About 
1825 he was elected to the office of circuit judge of the 
State, which he held until 1833, having removed to Cincin- 
nati late in 1832. 

Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 59 

He also published in Shawneetown the " Illinois Maga- 
zine,'' beginning in October, 1830. In it he wrote largely 
on the subject of the Western Indians, condemning the gov- 
ernment and the people of the United States for their injus- 
tice to the red man. This magazine is said to have been the 
first of its kind published in Illinois. It was devoted chiefly 
to historical articles and criticisms. Among its contribu- 
tors were James H. Perkins, Otway Curry, and Salmon P. 

After his removal to Cincinnati Mr. Hall began, in Janu- 
ary, 1833, the publication of the " Western Monthly Maga- 
zine." Among its contributors were many well-known 
writers, such as Rev. I. M. Peck, E. P. Mansfield, Morgan 
Neville, Salmon P. Chase, Mrs. Caroline L. Hentz, Miss 
Hannah F. Gould, and Harriet Beecher (Mrs. Stowe). Hall 
himself wrote largely criticisms, stories, and historical notes. 
As a writer he was often caustic and severe, but always in- 
teresting. His course on two subjects of controversy tended 
to lessen his popularity, his defence of Catholicism in the 
West and his attacks upon " Abolition." 

His writings outside of his magazine were voluminous 
and attractive, among them legends, tales, biographies, his- 
torical sketches, and statistics. Many years ago I remember 
of reading his " Harp's Head," a relation of a most myste- 
rious murder of a Virginia planter, singular in its circum- 
stances and undiscovered for a long time. The murderer 
was a remarkable negro, named Harp, and, after his execu- 
tion, his head was stuck up on a high post on a road, which 
thenceforward bore the name of the " Harp's Head Road." 

Mr. Hall was a man of genius as well as of culture. 
About thirty years since an edition of his entire works was 
published. He died near Cincinnati July 5, 1868. 


There was a lawyer, probably now entirely forgotten 
as such, named Henry G. Pius, pronounced Pees. An 
amusing incident recalls his memory. He was a Ger- 
man emigrant, and evidently a gentleman in manners and 

60 Address to the Allegheny County Bar Association. 

education ; but being quite poor, and a fine violinist, he was 
compelled to resort to teaching dancing for a livelihood. I 
remember him well. It required hard pushing to thrust me 
into his dancing-room, then on the corner of Market and 
Second Streets, and quite as hard pulling to draw me out. 
In the mean time while teaching he studied law, and was 
admitted to the bar August 19, 1820. The German popula- 
tion was then quite small, the foreign element of Pittsburgh 
being almost wholly Irish. Pius was therefore compelled 
to continue teaching the light step and pointed toe. Still 
he longed to dance the legal field and engage with the law- 
yers' high emprise. But his German tongue barred the way. 
Like Eichard Biddle, he therefore practised in his own safe 

On one occasion he set up his bow in one place and his 
violin in another, as judge and jury. Imagining his cause 
as one of importance to draw forth all the eloquence of his 
heart, he commenced, " Mr. Shudge, and you Jentlemans of 
de Shury, I will now bresent dis important case of my 
clients, so clearly as I can, to make you see his droobles." 
But here his tongue failed of its duty. " Oh, Gott tarn dis 
Dootch tongue of mine, he never goes right !" He began 
again, " Mr. Shudge and you Jentlemans/' but again the 
words failed to flow in good English, and he said, " Oh, 
hell, tarn dis Dootch tongue, I will pull him out." Suiting 
the action to the word, he gave it a wrench, equal to his 
temper, so hard it soon swelled to double its size, and be- 
came so painful he had to call my father from his office 
across the street to treat it. Pius's dancing-room was then 
on the corner of Third and Wood Streets. 

Poor fellow ! He got no practice, and removed, I think, 
to Paris, Kentucky. 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 61 


(Continued from Vol. XII., page 420.) 

Though I had progressively acquired rank in the pro- 
vincial service, of which they could not be ignorant, few 
men having been more generally or more respectably ac- 
quainted in the middle and southern colonies, though I 
had obtained a lieutenant-colonel's commission under his 
Majesty, yet whenever they had occasion to mention me in 
their resolves and public proceedings, they wrote plain John 
Connolly, without the least mark of distinction, or affected 
to call me Doctor, thereby bringing to the remembrance of 
those who knew me, that it was once intended 1 should 
pursue the practice of physic, if that were any disgrace, 
and insinuating to the world at large, that a Doctor would 
not have been in such a situation, had he not been a busy, 
factious person. The English history is replete with in- 
stances of a similar nature. The tyranny and insolence of 
republican faction, arraigned even the sovereign of these 
realms, by the name of Charles Stuart. Self-defence obliges 
me to make the foregoing remarks, it would else become 
matter of wonder, when the papers of Congress necessarily 
cited hereafter come to be read, Why, if I were what I say, 
I was not so distinguished. 

Amidst the hardships and chagrin es I daily suffered, I 
had still the consolation to reflect, I had done every thing 
possible in the discharge of my duty, and anxiously hoped 
Mr. Smyth had been fortunate enough to escape to the 
Illinois, but in this I was disappointed. This Gentleman, 
after having encountered a variety of difficulties, and suf- 
VOL. xni. 4J 

62 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

fered abuses for having undertaken this enterprise, scan- 
dalous to the perpetrators, disagreeable to remember, and 
unnecessary to relate, was brought once more a prisoner to 
Philadelphia. I was still resolved, if possible, to apprize 
Captain Lord of his danger, which I effected by the follow- 
ing means. 

The Council of Safety had made ajresolution to discharge 
all British prisoners, privates, who would take an oath not 
to engage in hostilities against the United Colonies. Among 
their captives, was a recruit of the Highland emigrants, that 
was allowed to come of a morning to make my fire, whom 
I found to be acute, and willing to do me any service. 
This man I prevailed on to take the oath, and procure his 
release, and then resolved to send him to Pittsburgh, with 
letters to a friend of mine, who might dispatch an Indian 
down the Ohio to Captain Lord. The recruit found oppor- 
tunity to bring me some writing paper and sal ammoniac, 
and the business was happily effected. By this means I 
endeavoured to preserve his Majesty's garrison, stores, and 
ordnance ; but as the transaction became ultimately known 
to Congress, it did not tend to lessen their severities. 

When Mr. Cameron and myself were conveyed to the 
new Prison, we were both confined in one room ; the walls 
were thick, and not thoroughly dry, so that we contracted 
inveterate colds. Our room door was constantly kept shut, 
and our windows towards the street nailed down, by which 
all free circulation of air was prevented, neither was any 
person suffered to speak to me, without an order under the 
signature of the Secretary of Congress. Under these cir- 
cumstances, I began first to experience a very disagreeable 
and a very serious alteration in my health, when by a resolve 
of Congress, I was allowed more open air, and a separate 
room ; but this indulgence was of short duration, and I was 
again locked up night and day. 

In the month of December, 1776, an attempt was made 
by Mr. Cameron, Mr. Smyth, and another gentleman (Mr. 
Maclean, since captain in the Eighty-fourth), of so indus- 
trious and hazardous a nature as to deserve a particular 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 63 

relation, the horrors of their imprisonment alone can 
account for the temerity of the enterprize. These gentle- 
men, with wonderful exertions and address, and with no 
other tool hut a knife, opened a hole through the arched 
roof, and got unobserved upon the top of the prison. With 
the unsound paillasses on which they lay, and their old 
blankets torn up, they made a rope, and perilous as the 
attempt too visibly was, resolved to endeavour this way to 
descend. Mr. Cameron, than whom no man is more 
daringly intrepid, made the first and the only essay; for 
scarce had he suspended himself beneath the roof, before the 
faithless cord broke, and he fell near fifty feet upon a hard 
frozen ground. It seems miraculous, that immediate death 
was not the consequence. He was taken up lifeless, his 
ancle bones were broken, and his whole frame shattered. 
The two unhurt gentlemen were thrown into the dungeon, 
where they remained until removed, with the other prisoners, 
to Baltimore, on the advance of the royal army to Trent 
Town, when Mr. Cameron, in a dying condition, was taken 
to the sick quarters in the city. Mr. Smyth was more for- 
tunate in a third attempt, escaping from Baltimore to New 
York, where Sir "William Howe gave him a company in 
the Queen's Rangers. 

Mr. Cameron did not obtain his release till the winter of 
1778, when, from a series of extreme hardships and abuses, 
his health was so much impaired, and he only enabled to 
walk on crutches, that he was incapable of service. This 
he accounted his greatest misfortune ; he therefore came to 
England, bearing with him the most unequivocal and mel- 
ancholy testimonials of his loyalty. Here he recovered in 
so astonishing a manner, that scarcely any visible marks of 
lameness remain. I am sorry to add, he has not been pro-* 
vided for in that mode in which he is again become capable 
of acting, with honour to himself, and advantage to society. 

When Congress first fled from Philadelphia to Baltimore, 
they left only a small committee of their body to act in 
concert with the Council of Safety. I had now been im- 
mured within the inhospitable walls of a gaol for upwards of 

64 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

a year, deprived of all exercise, cut off from all social inter- 
course, and my mind preyed upon by eternal chagrine, by 
reiterated reflections on what I hoped to have performed, 
and what, were I free, I might still perform : no wonder 
that my state of health became truly deplorable. I had con- 
tracted a complication of disorders ; my legs were swollen, 
and I was emaciated to a surprising degree. Solitude itself 
was become more solitary, for the very prison was deserted, 
and I only remained. At this crisis, two members of the 
Council of Safety came to inform me, I must prepare to 
move to the southward ; to which I replied, that my health 
was so far impaired, of which they seeing me, would not 
avoid being convinced, I was no longer able to encounter 
the difficulties to which I saw others exposed, and that if 
they meant to continue my existence, they must suffer me 
to procure a carriage, and go on my parole. To this they 
assented, moved, as I imagined, by the spectacle they 
beheld ; and I was in hourly expectation of a partial relief, 
which, however, I did not obtain, till my brother, now 
become a General in the service of Congress, came to com- 
mand at Philadelphia. Through his interest, and becom- 
ing responsible for my appearance when demanded, I was 
enlarged upon my parole, and sent to his house in the 
country, where I was allowed five miles distance to ride for 
the recovery of my health. This was fourteen months after 
my first becoming a prisoner at Hager's town. 

I remained here between five and six weeks, and was then 
remanded back to prison, where I continued about six 
weeks longer, with the liberty, however, of walking in the 
gaol yard during the day. My health had been too radically 
impaired to be so suddenly re-established, which being rep- 
resented to Congress, I was again admitted to live at my 
brother's on my parole, though not till he had entered into a 
high pecuniary obligation with the Council of Safety for my 

I now began to hope, that austerity and persecution were 
past, and that henceforth I should be allowed something 
like those liberties which officers, under such circumstances, 

Namative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 65 

usually enjoy, till my exchange could be effected. I was 
miserably deceived. I continued, in this comparatively 
happy situation from the llth of April, 1777, till the 14th 
of October following, when Congress, once more obliged to 
fly from Philadelphia at the approach of Sir William Howe, 
retired to York Town, in the vicinity of my brother's house. 
The night of the 14th I was again apprehended, by an order 
from the board of war: my papers, with every scrap of 
manuscript they could collect, seized, and myself hurried 
away to York-Town prison, close locked up, and every for- 
mer severity renewed. I was conscious of having done 
nothing to merit this treatment, and imagined, that as it 
might flow from some malicious misrepresentation of my 
having given secret intelligence to the British army, I should 
be enlarged as soon as my innocence appeared. But my 
prediction was drawn from reflections on justice, candour, 
and humanity, and I was a false prophet. My papers were 
returned, and I was taught to hope for my former indul- 
gence ; but days and months elapsed, and I was still a 
prisoner. The convention of Saratoga put so many per- 
sons of consequence into the possession of Congress, that 
the prospect of either humane usage, or exchange, was very 

In consequence of a recommendation from Congress, laws 
were passed in some Provinces, that whoever among the 
Loyalists should return, within a time specified, and become 
subject to the Kepublic, should have their estates restored. 
"When this act took place in Virginia, I was earnestly so- 
licited to renounce my allegiance, and again enjoy my lands 
and liberty. But harrassed as I had been, and unhappy as 
I was, without one earthly comfort, and scarce a future ray 
of hope, this proposition was peremptorily rejected : at the 
risk of a lingering death, I preferred my honour and my 
loyalty to every inferior consideration. I was debarred the 
rights, but could not forget the duties of a good subject. 

York-Town gaol, where I was now confined, was so 
crowded with British prisoners, it being the stage for such 
as were marching southward, exclusive of those that were 
VOL. xiH. 5 

66 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

resident, that at length a contagious fever appeared. About 
this time Congress appointed a day of thanksgiving to be 
observed throughout the United States, and their proclama- 
tion was replete with professions of piety, benevolence, and 
charity towards their enemies. This I thought a proper 
time, by a firm and candid representation of facts, to draw 
their attention towards the miserable condition of the 
prison, and, in concurrence with the opinion of some 
officers who signed the paper, I wrote and sent them the 
following remonstrance : 


May it please your Honour, We the subscribing persons, 
prisoners of war, having underwent a series of calamitous 
confinement equal to the utmost rigour (which has given 
cause to loud complaint) had the pleasing prospect of seeing 
a period to such afflictions by an exchange of officers, or by 
that humane interposition, which, in such cases, marks the 
character of a civilized and Christian people ; but unhap- 
pily find ourselves disappointed. We beg leave to remind 
your Honour, of the multitude of prisoners taken by his 
Majesty's forces, who have been restored to their friends, 
and their distress alleviated by a dismission from captivity. 
Whilst we have beheld a succession of such events extend- 
ing to almost all ranks of American prisoners, we are sorry 
to say, that our miseries have been aggravated by a most 
criminal imprisonment, in a loathsome, crowded jail in- 
fected with a contagious fever, and polluted with noisome 
smells through every part. Could any motives, founded 
upon reasons even of a political nature, be urged in justifi- 
cation of the treatment we experience, it would appear to 
us less objectionable ; but when we are satisfied that differ- 
ent gentlemen, in every respect in similar circumstances 
with ourselves, who were, born and educated in this country, 
have been admitted to generous favours, sent into the British 
lines, either on parole, or exchanged, and, in every other 
respect, treated only as unfortunate, we find ourselves utterly 
at a loss to account for the peculiarity of our persecution. 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 67 

In your address to the inhabitants of the United States, it is 
therein publicly declared, that you have studiously endeav- 
oured to alleviate the captivity of your enemies. We most 
heartily wish we could subscribe to this assertion ; but how 
is it possible, when sixteen months imprisonment, of the 
most distressing nature, is the shortest time of which any 
of us complain ? Subject to all the indignities, and low in- 
sults, of an illiberal gaoler and turnkey, and placed upon 
the same footing with horse-thieves, deserters, negroes, and 
the lowest and most despicable of the human race ? To 
cultivate the assistance of Heaven by acts which Heaven 
opposes, is a recommendation truly laudable. But whether 
the complaints which we thus exhibit, can be agreeable to 
the benignity of the Divine Kuler of Heaven, we submit to 
the dispassionate determination of your Honour. "We beg 
leave, finally, to observe, that as this gaol is a stage for all 
prisoners moving to the westward, that such as are sick, 
lame, or otherwise disabled, are left behind, and as the 
yard, and every part of it, is truly odious, from the disa- 
greeable smell, and unfit to maintain life, we intreat your 
Honour to lay this our Remonstrance before Congress, 
earnestly soliciting them to admit us to our paroles in any 
part of the country, or in some other manner to extend 
their humanity towards us, which, from our sufferings and 
your declarations, we have the greatest reasons to expect. 
We are, Sir, 

Your most obedient, 

Humble servants, 

YORK-TOWN GAOL, May 17, 1778. 

This Address was productive of the following Resolve of 
Congress, and Report from the Board of War : 

68 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

IN CONGRESS, May 23d, 1778. 

Whereas it appears probable that attempts are making to 
misrepresent the conduct of these United States towards the 
prisoners in their possession, in some degree, to wipe off or 
counterbalance the just reproach that has fallen upon our 
enemies for their barbarity. 

Eesolved, That the letter from John Connolly and others, 
dated York-Town gaol, May the 17th, 1778, together with 
the report of the Board of "War upon it, be published. 

At a Board of "War, 22d of May, 1778. The Board, 
having taken into consideration the letter from Doctor John 
Connolly, and the other prisoners of war, most of whom 
have been lately removed from Carlisle gaol, into the prison 
of the County of York, beg leave to report to Congress : 

That, forbearing to remark upon the indecency of the 
terms in which the said letter is conceived, and which is 
calculated for other purposes than merely to relate their 
pretended grievances, the board will lay before Congress the 
facts which they have collected from Major Wilson, com- 
manding at Carlisle, during the residence of Major Stock- 
ton, and other officers of his party in the gaol of that place. 
. . . From Mr. Thomas Peters, Deputy Commissary of 
prisoners, who had the charge during the winter, of the 
prisoners at Carlisle and York, from Doctor Henry, em- 
ployed to attend the British prisoners, when sick . . . and 
from Colonel Pickering, one of the board, who visited the 
gaol of this place. From the concurrent testimony of all 
which gentlemen, the account given by the prisoners, in the 
said letter, appears to be founded in misrepresentation. 

Major Wilson, who was frequently called in by the officers 
themselves to examine their situation at Carlisle, agrees with 
the Commissary of prisoners. 

That as often as either of these gentlemen visited the 
gaol at Carlisle, the officers, being six in number, had the 
privilege of the whole gaol, except such part as the gaoler 
occupied, and one room entirely to themselves; and, 
although the criminals were under the same roof, yet they 
were so far from being crowded, that there were not in the 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 69 

said gaol more than six or seven prisoners at a time (and 
the most of these Tories) on an average, during the con- 
finement of the officers at that place. That the gaol was as 
clean as such places can be kept ; and if it had not been so, 
the fault would have lain with the officers, who were in- 
dulged with two servants to attend them for the purposes 
of cleansing their apartment, and waiting on their persons. 
These officers too, were confined by order of the Commis- 
sary General of prisoners, as a retaliation for those of our 
army suffering every degree of insult and cruelty, which 
British haughtiness and inhumanity could inflict, in the 
provost and dungeons of New York and Philadelphia. 
This being the reason of their confinement, and the fore- 
going the situation of it, the board conceive their imprison- 
ment was of the mildest nature, when compared with the 
rigours of that of our own officers. . . . But the gaol at 
Carlisle not being secure, the Deputy Commissary of 
prisoners, removed them to the prison of this place, wherein 
was confined Doctor John Connolly, for the same causes 
which induced and continue their present imprisonment; 
and for other reasons of policy and prudence, Doctor Con- 
nolly having also sundry times behaved amiss while on 

In the gaol at York, these prisoners (seven only in num- 
ber) have two airy rooms ; the one fifteen by twenty feet, 
and the other something less, besides the privilege of the 
whole gaol yard, which is sixty yards long, and eighteen 
wide . . . frequently swept, and kept as clean as possible, 
and by no means polluted with filth, &c., there being a 
privy at the extreme end of the yard. These gentlemen 
too, have three servants to attend them . . . their com- 
plaints, then, of being confined in a loathsome, crowded 
prison, infected with a contagious fever, and polluted with 
noisome smells through every part, are not warranted by 
facts. The gaol is made a place of temporary confinement 
for passing prisoners, but is never crowded, and there are 
now only nine privates therein, and three of them are the 
officers' servants, although it is capable of holding, conven- 

70 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

iently, one hundred and sixty prisoners. There was, some 
time ago, an apprehension, in a part of the gaol, distant 
from the officers' apartments, that a contagious fever had 
broke out among the soldiers : but the diseased were im- 
mediately removed to hospitals, and a surgeon and nurses 
provided for them, and every assistance offered them the 
nature of our affairs would admit. The gaol is now clean 
and healthy, save that there are five soldiers who have 
fevers, from want of exercise and other causes common to 
places of confinement ; but the disorders are not contagious 
or dangerous. 

Mr. Connolly, although indulged with every thing a 
prisoner could reasonably wish, has repeatedly represented 
his own, and the situation of the gaol, in similar terms with 
the letter now under consideration ; and the former, and 
this board, have often had consequent examinations, in all 
of which, they found the complaints groundless. . . . Once, 
particularly, when Mr. Connolly represented himself at the 
point of death from the severity of his confinement, the 
board directed Doctor Shippen to visit him, who reported 
that his situation was directly opposite to his representation ; 
his indisposition slight, and merely of an hypochondriac 
nature; the board have been so particular for several 
reasons, one whereof is, to supercede the necessity of future 
enquiries; and are upon the whole of opinion, that these 
gentlemen should be more strictly confined, as from the 
indulgence now given them, there is a probability of some 
of them, at least, making their escape. 

By order of the Board, 


Published by order of Congress, 


(To be continued.) 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 71 



(Concluded from Vol. XII. page 406.) 

September 22. Throughout the day more sick and 
wounded arrived, which filled up the [Brethren's] House. 
John Hancock and Samuel Adams, with other Delegates 
arrived, making sixteen in all here to-day. As the surgeons 
desired an additional building for the sick, and suggested 
the Sisters' or Widows' Houses 1 as the most suitable; Bro. 
Ettwein, while conducting a party of the Delegates through 
the former, where they had been entertained with singing 
and playing on the organ, took occasion to represent the dis- 
tress an ejectment from their homes would cause the inmates. 
He was listened to respectfully and a promise at once given 
him, that their houses should be held sacred. On returning 
to the Tavern, Henry Laurens directed Richard Henry 
Lee to issue the following order, which was signed by all 
the Delegates present : 

BETHLEHEM, September 22, 1777. 

Having here observed a diligent attention to the sick and 
wounded, and a benevolent desire to make the necessary 
provision for the relief of the distressed as far as the power 
of the Brethren enable them, 

1 The Widows' House, as its name imports, was erected to accommodate 
the widows of the congregation, where they found the comforts of a re- 
tired home at rates proportioned to their means. It stands on the south 
side of Church Street, opposite the Sisters' House, and was erected in 
1768, and enlarged in 1794. The " Widows' Society" was organized in 
1771. A few years since this building was purchased, liberally endowed, 
and presented to the society. 

72 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

We desire that all Continental officers may refrain from 
disturbing the persons or property of the Moravians in 
Bethlehem ; and, particularly, that they do not disturb or 
molest the houses where the women are assembled. 

Given under our hands at the place & time above men- 

John Hancock, Eliphalet Dyer, Henry Laurens, 
Samuel Adams, Henry Marchant, Benjamin Harrison, 
James Duane, "William Duer, Joseph Jones, 
Nathan Brownson, Cornelius Harnett, John Adams, 
Nathaniel Folsom, Ei chard Henry Lee, William Williams, 
Ki chard Law, 

Delegates to Congress. 

There was constant talk of Congress holding its sessions 
here. In the evening arrived 50 troopers and 50 infantry, 
with the archives and other papers of Congress, from Tren- 
ton via Easton. 

September 23. Many of the Delegates attended the chil- 
dren's meeting in the chapel. After the service John Han- 
cock took up the Text Book 1 which was on the table and 
with several others examined its contents, when Bro. Ettwein 
offered to explain its design and use, at the same time reading 
that portion for the day : " Whoever is not against us, is for 
us." To this Samuel Adams remarked : " St. Paul says, * If 
any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be anath- 
ema.' " During their sojourn, the Delegates spoke in high 
terms of Bethlehem. Those from New England especially, 
were delighted with our institutions, and the neatness preva- 
lent in the town, promising to exert their influence for the 
speedy removal of the Hospital and the British prisoners, 
provided we would consent to their making Bethlehem their 

1 Since the year 1731 the Moravian Church has published a "Text- 
Book," containing two texts of Scripture for every day of the year, de- 
signed to be read by the heads of families in the morning, as affording 
matter for religious meditation throughout the day. In addition to these 
texts a few lines from a hymn are given. This manual is printed in 
English, German, Bohemian, French, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Esqui- 
maux, and Negro-English (used in Surinam, S. A.) languages. 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 73 

headquarters during the war. 1 It was by much persuasion, 
only, that we induced them to abandon that idea, setting be- 
fore them the ruinous consequences to our Society, which 
would inevitably result from such a measure. Not only were 
they satisfied with bur argument, but generously ordered the 
renloval of the laboratory, just set up in one of our work- 
shops for the manufacture of cartridges, to Allentown, and 
the early transfer of the Highlanders to Lancaster. 

September 24. The whole of the heavy baggage of the 
army, in a continuous train of 700 wagons, direct from 
camp, arrived under escort of 200 men, commanded by Col. 
[William] Polk, 2 of North Carolina. They encamped on 
the south side of the Lehigh, and in one night destroyed all 
our buckwheat and the fences around the fields. 3 The 

1 As late as 1780 the proposition to make Bethlehem the seat of gov- 
ernment was entertained by a number of delegates to Congress. See 
PENNA. MAG., Vol. II. p. 153. 

* See Lossing's " Field-Book of the Revolution," Vol. II. p. 496, for 
biographical sketch and portrait. 

8 BETHLEHEM, March 1, 1778. 

Account of the damages done by the troops and horses belonging to 
the army of the United States who escorted, brought and attended the 
Baggage of the army to this place, and encamped here from Septem- 
ber 1777, to Febr'y. 1778. 

To 15,500 Fence Bails, 4500 stakes @ $6. per c. . 450. 

" 1,500 do. belonging to single women & widows, 

15*. per c 33.15. 

" 200 Chestnut Posts, 1/6 15. 

" 22 Acres Buckwheat, entirely ruined, @ 20 bush, per 

acre @ 5/ per bush 110. 

" 4 Acres Indian Corn @ 35 bush, per acre, 7/6 per bush. 52.10. 

" 6 " Turnips @ 100 bush, per acre, 3/8 per bush. . 105. 

1 " Cabbage @ 4000 heads, /2 .... 33. 8 
" A crop of Flax laid out in the pasture which could not be 
taken away before the baggage came & was totally 
destroyed being 100 bundles spread for dew rotting, @ 

3/9 18.15. 

" 6 Tons Hay @ 6 i . 36. 

" 694J Cords of Wood, which upon the lowest computation, 
the waggoners and troops belonging to the Baggage as 
well as part of the hospital had taken from Bethlehem 
land, @ 30/ per cord 891.15. 

74 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

wagons after unloading, return to Trenton for more stores. 
Among the things brought here were the church bells from 
Philadelphia, and the wagon in which was loaded the State 
House bell, broke down in the street, and had to be 
unloaded. 1 

September 25. The Highland prisoners with their guard 
left for Heading on their way to Lancaster, and from thence 
are to be taken to "West Virginia. No sooner were their old 
quarters cleared than the Doctors of the Hospital took it 
for their store. We heard that Philadelphia had been oc- 
cupied by the British, and that the army was expected here, 
for Baron de Kalb with a corps of French engineers has 
commenced to survey the heights in and around the town. 
Col. Polk has received orders to hold himself in readiness 
to cross the river and occupy the southern acclivity of the 

September 26. To this date some 900 wagons, with muni- 
tions of war have arrived, and been parked behind the 
Tavern, in the fields towards Fain. 2 With them came a 
crowd of low women and thieves, so that we had to main- 
tain a watch at the Tavern. No services could be held of 
late it is a time of confusion ! We learned from officers 
just from the Army, that camp had been broken in Falck- 
ner's Swamp, 3 and that the troops instead of coming here, 
were moving to Germantown. A beginning was made in 
the removal of the powder magazine. 

September 27. Bethlehem swarms with officers! We 
heard heavy cannonading. 

September 28 (Sunday). Many officers attended church. 
The houses of our members were forcibly taken for storing 
regimental baggage. 

October 4. Loud cannonading was heard in the distance 

1 The bells were subsequently taken to Allentown. 

2 The seat of a Moravian Indian mission (two miles from Bethlehem, 
in Hanover township, Lehigh County), between 1758-1765. 

8 Included in Hanover and Frederick townships, Montgomery County, 
and named for Daniel Falckner, who settled there in 1700. 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 75 

October 5. News was received that a battle had been 
fought at Germantown. 

October 7. Yesterday and to-day many wounded were 
brought hither. Bro. Ettwein accompanied Gen. [William] 

Woodford, and Colonels [John] Banister and Elliot, of 

Virginia, to Nazareth and Christian's Spring, apparently 
objects of interest to those visiting here. 

October 14. Orders were received for the collection of 
clothing for the soldiers in the army, 1 and Gen. Woodford 
kindly protected us from lawless pillage. We made several 
collections of blankets for the destitute soldiers, also shoes, 
stockings, and breeches for the convalescents in the Hos- 
pital, many of whom had come here attired in rags swarm- 
ing with vermin, while others during their stay had been 
deprived of their all by their comrades. 

October 18. The French Marquis de La Fayette left us 
to-day for the army, in company with Gen. Woodford. We 
found him a very intelligent and pleasant young man. He 
occupied much of his time [in reading, and, among other 
matter read an English translation of the History of the 
Greenland Mission. 2 With the accounts given by the mis- 


By virtue of the power & authority given me by the Honourable Con- 
gress, I hereby request and authorize you to appoint such & so many 
persons as you shall see fit to collect for the use of the Continental Army, 
all such blankets, shoes, stockings, and other articles of clothing as can 
possibly be spared from the inhabitants in your section of the country, 
giving receipts therefor, to be paid by the Clothier General. Obtaining 
these things from the Quakers & disaffected inhabitants is recommended, 
but at all events to get them. Given under my hand & seal, Philadel- 
phia County, 6 October, 1777. 


* " The History of Greenland : Containing a description of the Coun- 
try, and its inhabitants : and particularly a relation of the Mission, car- 
ried on for above these thirty years by the Unitas Fratrum, at New 
Herrnhut and Lichtenfels, in that Country. By David Crantz. Trans- 
lated from the High Dutch, and illustrated with maps and other Copper- 
plates." 2 vols. London, 1767. The translation was made by Rev. 
Samuel Parminter. 

76 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

sionaries lie expressed himself highly pleased, pronouncing 
some of their descriptions pompeux, and their narrative of 
facts simple and truthful. Before bidding us adieu, he re- 
quested to be shown through the Sisters' House, a request 
which we were pleased to grant, and his admiration of the 
institution was unbounded. 1 

October 22. A number of wagons with sick from the 
army arrived, but as no accommodation could be furnished, 
they were forwarded to Easton. Upwards of 400 are at 
present in the Brethren's House alone, and 50 in tents in 
the garden back. The Surgeons refuse to receive any more 
into the large building. 

October 24. Heavy and uninterrupted cannonading was 
heard from early in the morning until noon, when after a 
thundering report and concussion it ceased. 

October 25. This morning the camp of 100 tents, which 
had been put up in the fields behind the Tavern, were, 
owing to their exposed position, removed to the lowlands 
for better shelter. News reached us of Burgoyne's surren- 
der to Gen. Gates. 

October 28. Commissary General James came with an 
order from Dr. [Benjamin] Rush, that owing to the rainy 
weather, 100 sick would be compelled to occupy the kitchen 
and cellar of the Brethren's House, until the weather would 
allow of their being transported to Bristol. They were, 
however, satisfied with the garret. 2 

1 When La Fayette revisited the United States in 1824-25, Mrs. Beckel 
and her daughter Liesel were still living, and at a social gathering in 
the Widows' House, the former remarked: "When the Marquis lay 
wounded in our house, there was no such fuss made with him I" Tra- 
dition says that quite an attachment was formed between the dashing 
young Marquis and the pretty Moravian Sister ; and a chronicler of the 
town states : " That the Marquis could not have failed impressing the 
sisterhood." Pretty Liesel Beckel died a spinster about 1831. 

* Dr. Shippen, under date, Bethlehem, November 12, 1777, wrote to 
Congress : " The pressing necessity of the Hospitals which begin to feel 
the effects of cold and dirt (I foretold in my last to the Medical Com- 
mittee) calls on me to address you in a serious manner and urge you to 
furnish us with immediate supply of clothing requisite for the very ex- 

JBethkhem during the Revolution. 77 

October 30. Saw the sun once again, after being hid six 

November 2. John Hancock passed through on his way 
from York to Boston. He was escorted hence by a troop 
of fifteen horsemen, who had awaited his arrival. From 
him we learned that our friend Henry Laurens had been 
chosen President of the Congress. 

November 3. Bro. Ettwein was requested to visit a sick 
and dying man in the Hospital, Robert Lepus, from Mary- 
land. It was an affecting interview, and impressive to the 
spectators. Robert Gillespie, the Hospital Steward, noted 
for his daring and hardiness, was much moved on the oc- 
casion, and, what is remarkable, was taken with the camp- 
fever the same day. 

November 11. Doctor Aquila "Wilmot, 1 of the Hospital 
staff, died, and pursuant to his request, made on his death- 
bed, was interred in our grave-yard; thus beginning the 
long projected " Stranger's Row." 2 

November 13. The Hospital officers erected a wooden 
building, 50 feet long, for a kitchen on the line of the upper 
garden fence. 

November 14. Hospital Steward, Robert Gillespie, 3 died, 
and was buried in Stranger's Row. 

November 21. Bro. Ettwein, on his visit to the Hospital, 
found a Karragansett Indian in great distress about his soul, 
at the near approach of death. 

November 27. This evening a remarkably brilliant aurora 
arose in the northwestern sky, and gradually moved towards 

istence of the sick now in the greatest distress in the Hospitals, and in- 
dispensably necessary to enable many, who are now well, and detained 
solely for want of clothing to return to the field." 

1 He was born in Baltimore County, Maryland, 1752, and died of 
putrid fever. See Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," p. 129. 

8 The row of graves along the fence, on the Market Street side of the 

8 The church register states : " He was a widower, about 40 years of 
age, born in County Carlow, Ireland, of the Presbyterian persuasion, 
and a faithful steward in the Hospital." 

78 Bethlehem, during the Revolution. 

the eastern horizon, its blood-red arch flashing with stream- 
ers of white light. 

December 7. In the forenoon Bro. Ettwein preached to 
the inmates of the Hospital, from Matthew xviii. 11, in the 
dormitory on the third floor. 

December 11. Through Dr. [Thomas] Bond 1 we learned 
that all the Hospitals are to be moved to the west side of 
the Schuylkill. 

December 13. More sick soldiers were brought here 

December 16. More sick arrived from other hospitals; 
those that were the most feeble we provided for, but the 
others were taken further. 

December 18. "We kept Fast and Prayer Day as ordered 
by Congress. 

December 20. Five corpses were conveyed out of the 
Brethren's House to-day for burial. 

December 24. Gen. "Washington's baggage, which has 
been here exactly three months, near to our tile-kiln under 
guard, moved off to-day. Our Christmas Vigils were at- 
tended by the Surgeons, Doctors, and convalescent officers, 
about 40 in number. 

December 28. At present there are 700 sick soldiers in 
the Single Brethren's House alone. 


January 4. Lucas Sherman, a soldier from Virginia, died 
to-day. Gen. Greene's wife, 2 and [Lewis] Morris, a Dele- 
gate from New York, passed through. Col. Joseph Wood, 3 

1 See Thatcher's " American Medical Biography," p. 177. 

a Cornelia Lott and Martha Washington Greene, daughters of General 
and Mrs. Nathaniel Greene, were scholars in the Seminary for Young 
Ladies at Bethlehem in 1789. "Lady Greene," says an eye-witness, 
" several times came to visit her two daughters at Bethlehem school. 
The impression I received of her nobility of heart and stately dignity of 
person her tall figure dressed in rich brocade and lace, with long, sweep- 
ing train is not yet erased. She was a pattern-lady of the old school." 

8 The founder of Winchester, Frederick County, Virginia, and a 
colonel in the Virginia line. 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 79 

from Winchester, Virginia, who for several weeks has lain 
sick here, left. 

January 5. So many of our Single Brethren have been 
made sick by the stench from the Hospital, that they have 
been advised to keep away. 

January 6. During the past three days, seventeen persons 
have died in the Hospital. Heard loud cannonading for 
some time to- day. 1 

January 7. Gen. Gates and family arrived this evening 
from Albany, on their way to Yorktown. [They left on 9th.] 

January 24. The famous Col. Kobatsch, a Prussian officer 
of Hussars in the late war, arrived from Easton, to see 
whether we could aid him to- equip and mount a corps of 
Hussars, which he is recruiting for Congress. He found, 

1 The following brief, but pithy notes, all written on the same sheet, 
are preserved in the Archives at Bethlehem : 


" The Bearer, Mr. Carr, is in possession of Part of a House near the 
Fulling Mill, the owner of which wants him put out. He has applied 
to me for leave to stay until he is sufficiently well to shift for himself, as 
he is to all Intents and purposes an invalid. I have told him it was not 
in my power to do anything in his favor. He then desired me to write 
to you for advice & assistance, for if he is turned out he has no chance 
of having his cure completed, 
" with respect 

" your very humble serv't 

"Bethlehem, Jan. 61778 

" In complyance with the request afs'd., these do certify, that Mr Carr 
is not to be moved until my orders. 

" Given under my hand at Bethlehem 6th Janu. 


" Col. Cropper has none to command in Bethlehem but his soldiers. 
Therefore we cannot receive his orders. Mr. Carr does 'not belong to 
the Hospital ; we want the Place where he is, and he must move without 

[At the bottom of the sheet is also written] 

. Was directly fetched away by Mr. Finley into the Hospital." 

80 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

however, that we were unable to assist him, as our saddler, 
glove-maker, and founder had no stock for their trades. 

January 30. Baron von Steuben, and a French merchant 
from Boston, passed through en route for Congress. 

February 6. Gen. [Thomas] Conway passed through to 

February 18. During the past few days a number of 
French officers passed through en route for Canada. 

February 22. Capt. "Webb went to Philadelphia on a pass. 

March 18. From New England there arrived a company 
of soldiers, composed of whites, blacks and a few Stock- 
bridge Indians, who were lodged over night. 

March 22. Bro. Ettwein heard from D r Shippen, that it 
was quite possible that the Hospitals would be transferred 
to Lititz, 1 upon which we decided to write to Gen. Washing- 
ton, giving him a clear account of the nature of our settle- 

March 26. Bro. Hasse set out on his journey for the 
camp of Gen. Washington with Bro. Ettwein's letter, in 
which he beg'd that the General Hospital be not established 
at Lititz as designed by D r Shippen, and that we be relieved 
of some of our burdens. 

1 Bishop Matthew Hehl, on behalf of the congregation at Lititz, pe- 
titioned Dr. Shippen not to locate the hospital in that town, to which 
the following reply was received : 


" I am so much affected at the very thoughts of distressing a Society I 
have so great an esteem for, that you may depend upon it I will not put 
in execution the proposal of removing the inhabitants of Lititz unless 
cruel necessity urges, which at present I don't imagine will be the case. 
If we should fix the General Hospital & take more room in your village 
it shall be done in a manner the least distressing & disagreeable to your 
flock that is possible, of which I will consult you. 
"I am Sir 

" Your & the congregations 

" Affectionate & very humble servant 

" Manheim 
"9 April, 1778." 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 81 

March 30. Bro. Hasse returned from headquarters with 
the following reply : 

HEAD QUARTERS 28 March 1778. 


I have received your letter of the 25th instant by Mr. 
Hasse, setting forth the injury that will be done to the In- 
habitants of Letiz by establishing a General Hospital there 
it is needless to explain how essential an establishment of 
this kind is to the welfare of the Army, and you must be 
sensible that it cannot be made anywhere, without occa- 
sioning inconvenience to some set of people or other at 
the same time it is ever my wish and aim that the public 
good be affected with as little sacrifice as possible of indi- 
vidual interests and I would by no means sanction the im- 
posing any burthens on the people in whose favor you 
remonstrate, which the public service does not require. 
The arrangement and distribution of Hospitals depends en- 
tirely on Doctor Shippen, and I am persuaded that he will 
not exert the authority vested in him unnecessarily to your 
prejudice. It would be proper however to represent to him 
the circumstances of the inhabitants of Letiz; and you may 
if you choose it, communicate the contents of this Letter to 

I am Sir 

Your most obed't Serv't 



April 8. An order by Express from Dr. [Thomas] Bond 
was received, removing the Hospitals here to Beading. 

April 12 (Palm Sunday). The services were attended by 
Gen. [Lachlan] Mclntosh, of Georgia. Many New England 
recruits on their way to camp nighted here. 

April 14. To-day completed the removal of the Hospital. 1 

1 BETHLEHEM Feb. 25, 1778. 

To Rent for the house appointed & used for the Continental 

forage, from April 1 1777 to March 1, 1778, 11 months . 27.10. 

VOL. xin. 6 

82 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

April 16. Gen. Pulaski 1 and Col. Kobatsch attend the 
meeting this afternoon. 

April 24. About 400 Tew York troops en route for 
Albany, passed through to-day. 

To Kent for 2 rooms & 1 kitchen over the Water Works, occu- 
pied by sundry departments, as, Guard for the military 
baggage & stores, the Commissary for Issues & his clerks 
and assistants, & now for the invalids on guard here from 
Oct 6 to Feby 21, 4 mo 15 days 15.15. 

" Kent for a house with 5 rooms occupied by several depart- 
ments of the Army & Guard appointed here & now by 
the invalids on guard from Sept 15 to Feby 155 months 12.10. 

" Bent for a large room and kitchen in the Fulling Mill for 
sick Doctors, officers & stewards from Sept 13 to Jany. 15, 
4 mo 6.00 

" Eent for the so-called Guard House near the Saw Mill oc- 
cupied for military stores and otherwise a guard being 
there continually from May 1/77 to Feby 15/78 9 
months 9.10. 

1 General Count Casimir Pulaski, while stationed at Bethlehem with a 
detachment of his troopers, always placed guards at the Sisters' House 
during the passage of troops through the town. In grateful acknowledg- 
ment for the protection thus afforded them, their superintendent, Sister 
Susan von Gersdorf, suggested the making of a banner, or more properly 
a guidon. The design of the work was intrusted to Sisters Rebecca 
Langly and Julia Bader ; and in its execution they were assisted by a 
number of their associates, more especially by Sisters Anna Beam, Anna 
Hussey, and Erdmuth Langly. The guidon was accepted by Pulaski, 
and borne in his corps through the campaign, and until he fell in the 
attack on Savannah, in the autumn of 1779. After a careful examination 
of all the diaries at Bethlehem, not the slightest reference to a presen- 
tation such as the lamented Longfellow narrates in his poem, " Hymn 
of the Moravian Nuns, at Bethlehem, Pa., at the consecration of Pu- 
laski's Banner," was found. The following letter on the subject is of 
interest : 

" CAMBRIDGE, January 13, 1857. 

" DEAR SIR, The ' Hymn of the Moravian Nuns' was written in 
1825, and was suggested to me by a paragraph in the North American 
Review, Vol. II. p. 390. 

u The standard of Count Pulaski, the noble Pole who fell in the attack 
on Savannah, during the American Eevolution, was of crimson silk, 
embroidered by the Moravian Nuns of Bethlehem, Pa. 

" The banner is still preserved ; you will find a complete account of 
the matter in Lossing's * Field Book of the Eevolution.' 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 83 

May 13. Gen. Gates and wife, and Gen. Ethan Allen 1 
reached here, en route for Peekskill. 

May 17 (Sunday). In the English morning service, there 
were present Samuel Adams, Delegate from Massachusetts, 
and Gen. Pulaski, with some members of his corps, in full 
dress uniform. 

June 1. In the Single Brethren's House, late Hospital, 
the whitewashes and others commenced renovating. 

June 15. John Hancock with others from Boston, on 
their way to Yorktown, nighted here. 

June 19. Two Delegates to Congress from Connecticut, 
one of them [Titus] Hosmer, remained here. 

June 27. The Single Brethren slept in their hall for the 
first time. [Since the hospital was removed from their 

July I. Three Delegates to Congress; also [Governor] 
Morris, of New York; Col. [John] Banister, of North 
Carolina; and Mr. [George] Plater 2 from Maryland visited 

July 2. News was received that on last Sunday (28th 
ulto) a battle was fought at Monmouth. 

July 3. Bro. Ettwein accompanied the three Delegates 
to Nazareth and Christian's Spring. 

July 5. News reached us that Wyoming had been 
attacked and destroyed by Tories and Indians. 

July 9. Many fugitives from "Wyoming came hither. 

July 10-11. Some of the wounded arrived from Wy- 

" The last line is figurative. I suppose the banner to have been 
wrapped about the body, as is frequently done. 

" Yours truly, 


The guidon is now in possession of the Maryland Historical Society. 
For a colored plate see " Penna. Archives," Second Series (frontispiece), 
Vol. XI. 

1 He had just been exchanged, and was on his return to Vermont. A 
niece of his, Anna, daughter of Levi and Ann Allen, a pupil in the 
Seminary at Bethlehem, died May 22, 1795, and is buried there. 

2 Delegate to Congress, 1778-81, and for many years judge of the 
Maryland Court of Appeals. 

84 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

oming, who reported that 400 of the New Englanders had 
been killed in the fight. 

July 15-17. Many fugitives from Shamokin and the West 
Branch, passed through on the way to New York and 

July 31. Heard heavy cannonading in the forenoon. 
Col. Kobatsch and the equipped members of his corps re- 
cruited in Easton, passed through en route to Baltimore. 

August 2. Several hundred militiamen marched through 
on their way to punish the Indians over the Blue Mountains. 

August 11. To-day Mrs. Webb and family, who have 
been here fifteen months, left for New York, thankful for 
all our kindness. 1 

October 8. Gen. Neuville, 2 a French officer, came to see 
the sights. 

October 27. Gen. [William] Woodford passed through to 

November 4. A rumor reached us that a part of Gen. 
Washington's army of 5000 men were to encamp three 
miles from here on Nancy's Run. This rumor originated 
from a brigade of wagons unloading their stores at the 
Flax Seed House ; but this was only done to allow of repairs 
being made. 

November 25. This afternoon the French Ambassador, 
Moris. Gerard, 3 Don Juan de Miralles, a Spaniard, and 

1 The wife of the Methodist preacher, Captain Thomas Webb, who had 
effected his exchange. See PENNA. MAG., Vol. X. p. 233. 

2 Brevet Brigadier-General de la Neuville served under General Gates 
as inspector, but retired from the army after six months' service, and 
returned to France. 


" Monsr. Gerard the Minister Plenepotentiary of France will be, pro- 
vided he meets no obstruction on the Boad, at Bethlehem on Wednesday 
the 25th Inst. about midday, this worthy character merits regard from 
all the Citizens of these States, an acquaintance with him will afford 
you satisfaction and I am persuaded his Visit will work no evil or in- 
convenience to your community. Don Juan de Miralles a Spanish 
Gentleman highly recommended by the Governor of Havanna will ac- 
company Mr. Gerard. The whole suite may amount to six Gentlemen 
& perhaps a servant to each. I give this previous intimation in order 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 85 

Silas Deane, arrived from Philadelphia to see the sights 

November 26. Bro. Ettwein took them to Christian's 
Spring and Nazareth, and in the evening they attended a 
concert we had arranged for them. 

November 28. Our distinguished visitors returned to 
Philadelphia to-day. 

December 3. Heard that Washington and his army were 
again at Morristown. 

December 5. Had not Quarter Master Hooper exerted 
himself in our behalf, we would have had quartered on us 
the Burgoyne captives, who marched in seven columns. 

December 30. Thanksgiving Day, pursuant to an Act of 
Congress. The inmates of the Single Brethren's House 
number 106. 


January 2. A troop of Pulaski's cavalry passed through 
on the way to Lebanon for winter quarters. 

January 5. To-day arrived the Brunswick General Baron 
von Riedesel, 1 with his wife, three children, and suite from 
Boston, with a letter from Gen. Gates. 2 The field-preacher 

that preparations suitable to the occasion may be made by Mr Johnson 
[Jansen] at the Tavern, & otherwise as you think expedient. My good 
wishes attend you all. I beg Mr John Okely will forbear with me a few 
days longer, I consider him a merciful Creditor and when an opportunity 
presents I will pay him more in one Act than all my words are worth. 
Believe me Dear Sir to be with sincere respect and very great affection 
your friend and most humble servant 

"Philadelphia 23 Novem. 1778 
"(The REV MR ETTWEIN, Bethlehem.)" 

1 For his description of Bethlehem and copy of letter to General 
Washington, see " Memoirs of Major-General Riedesel," Vol. II. pp. 
60-75 and 240. 

* " BOSTON, Nov'r 1778. 

" This Letter will be delivered to you by Madame Reidesel, the Lady 
of Major General Reidesel to whom I entreat you will show every Mark 
of Civility and Respect in your Power. Wise Reasons have determined 
Congress to direct the March of the Army under the Convention of 

86 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

John August Milius [the chaplain of Baron Riedesel's own 
regiment] is of the party. 

January 7. After spending two days pleasantly in our 
midst the Eiedesel party set out for Virginia. 

January 11. Gen. [William] Phillips, with some officers 

January 22. Gen. Phillips and officers left for Virginia 
to-day. They were so much pleased with our attentions, 
that they distributed 5 guineas among the small girls. 

January 26. Thirteen Brunswick officers 1 on parole 
with their attendants arrived and were given quarters at 
the request of Quarter Master Hooper. Among the num- 
ber were Major [Just C. von] Maibom ; Capt. [August F.] 
Dommes; Lieuts [August W.] Breva; [Andreas] Myer; 

Bach ; [Johann H.] von Godecke ; [Count E. A.] von 

Eantzau ; Judge Advocate [Johann B.] Stutzer, and Chap- 
lain Melzheimer. 

Saratoga to Charlotteville, in Virginia. General Reidesel, his Lady and 
little Family, accompany the Troopes of their Prince. It is a painful 
and fatiguing Journey at this Season of the year. I doubt not your 
Hospitable Disposition will render it as pleasant as possible, and that 
without my Recommendations, you naturally would indulge the Senti- 
ments which influence the Gentleman and the Citizen of the World. 
" Dear Sir 

" Your affectionate 

" Humble Servant 

"at Bethlehem Penna." 

1 These Brunswickers were a lively set of fellows, and much given to 
music. Having an excellent harper and flutist among them, they would 
occasionally serenade the town people, and Beckel's Hill (Market and 
Main Streets) was a favorite spot to which they would repair. A bur- 
lesque song and popular air with them was the " Merz Kater ;" a transla- 
tion of one verse is here given : 

" Is it not a rare delight 
When a tom-cat in the night 
On the roof-tree makes his bow 
Calling to his wife Mi-au !" 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 87 

March 28 (Palm Sunday). The Brunswick officers were 
present at service. 

April 4 (Easter). At 10 o'clock Chaplain Melzheimer 
kept a service for his comrades in the Single Brethren's 

April 11. The Brunswickers communed in the Chapel 
after service. 

May 11. Gen. Sullivan has his headquarters at Easton, 
preparatory to going on his expedition against the Indians. 

May 16. The Brunswick officers left for Lancaster. 

June 5. Gen. Sullivan, Cols. [Elias] Dayton 1 and Pierce 2 
visited our town. 

June 15. Early this morning Lady Washington arrived 
from Easton in company with Gens. Sullivan, [Enoch] 
Poor, 3 [William] Maxwell, 4 and some 20 officers. After 
dinner Bro. Ettwein escorted Lady Washington through 
the large buildings, and in the evening with her suite she 
attended the service, Bro. Ettwein speaking in English. 

June 16. Lady Washington set out for Virginia this 

1 Colonel Third New Jersey Regiment. 

3 Query. Captain Pierce, A.D.C, to General Sullivan? 

8 General Poor died September 8, 1780 ; and three days thereafter, out of 
respect for his memory, the countersign was " Poor," as the following 
extracts from Adjutant Bloomfield's " Orderly Book, No. 2, 3rd Jersey 
Eegiment," in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
attests : 

" HEAD QUARTERS Sept. 11, 1780. 

"Parole Portsmouth. 

"Countersign Poor. 

"U. W Magnanimity." 

The following is also copied from the same " Orderly Book :" 

" SEPTEMBER 12, 1780 
" Advertisement. 

"Part of the Effects of the late Brigadier Gen. Poor (among which are 
several Suits of Cloaths, a Genteel Small Sword, Sash Appauletts, and 
many other articles) will be Vendued at Lieut. Col. Dearbourn's Marquee 
To-morrow Morning Ten O'clock." 

4 See "Letters and Journals Relating to the War of the American 
Revolution," by Mrs. General Eiedesel, pp. 113-167. 

88 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

June 25. Mons. Gerard, the French Minister, visited us 

July 28. Three gentlemen from Virginia, one a "Wash- 
ington and nephew of the General's, visited here and at 
Nazareth, en route for camp. 

September 25. The British Gen. Phillips arrived, en route 
for New York. 

September 26. Baron Eiedesel, wife, children and suite 
came from Philadelphia. Gen. Phillips left to-day. The 
Baron with his family attended the evening service. 

October 10. Baron Biedesel and family returned from 
Elizabethtown, whither they had gone with an officer, who 
is to find quarters for them here. 

October 11. Gen. Phillips returned to-day. "We quar- 
tered the whole party in the Tavern. Quarter Master 
Hooper told us that it is Washington's orders, that they be 
quartered only at Bethlehem or Nazareth. 

November 22. Gens. Riedesel and Phillips left for New 
York by permission of Congress. 


February 16. The Lehigh Eiver has been frozen over 
seven weeks, but a thaw is at hand. 

June 28. Some British prisoners on parole visited here. 

July 10. Two teams from here and one from Nazareth 
were pressed into the army for two months service, and our 
teamster Frederick Beitel with them. 

October 2. Joseph Reed, President of the Council, John 
Bayard, Speaker of the Assembly, and David Rlttenhouse, 
State Treasurer, escorted by 20 Bucks County militia on 
horseback, came here on a visit from Philadelphia. 

October 3. The President attended the services. 

October 5. To-day the President spent some hours in the 
Choir Houses, and inspected the water-works and other 
objects of interest. 

October 6. The President and party left for Reading 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. 89 

November 29. Major Maibom and other Brunswick officers 
arrived from Eeading on their way to New York. 

December 1.- To-day the Brunswick officers left for New 

December 31. The population of Bethlehem is 574. 


July 25. After dinner we had the pleasure to welcome 
his Excellency Gen. "Washington, who is accompanied by 
two aids and no escort, with our trombones. The Sisters' 
House was first visited, and next the Single Brethren's 
House, in the chapel of which the party were refreshed 
with cake and wine, while Bro. Jacob Van Yleck played on 
the organ. The oil-mill, water works and other objects of 
interest were subsequently inspected. Bro. Ettwein waited 
on and escorted Gen. Washington from place to place, and 
also kept the evening service, which was attended by the 
visitors. After the service the church-choir entertained 
their guests with sacred music, both vocal and instrumental. 

July 26. Gen. Washington left for Easton early this 
morning, and before starting expressed himself as much 
pleased with the attentions shown him. 1 

1 During Washington's visit to Alexander Martin, Governor of North 
Carolina, in May of 1791, he visited the Moravian town of Salem, re- 
maining there overnight. Bishop J. D. Koehler, on behalf of the 
Church, presented him with an address of welcome, to which he returned 
the following answer : 

" I am greatly indebted to your respectful & affectionate expression 
of personal regard, & I am not less obliged by the patriotic sentiment 
contained in your address. 

" From a society whose governing principles are industry and the love 
of order much may be expected towards the improvement & prosperity 
of the country in which their settlements are formed, & experience 
authorizes the belief that much will be obtained. 

" Thanking you with grateful sincerity for your prayers in my behalf, 
I desire to assure you of my best wishes for your social & individual 


90 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 

YOKK, 1693-1752. 


(Continued from Vol. XII. page 482.) 

[Books and pamphlets which have come under the personal inspection 
of the compiler, and of which he has secured full titles and collations 
with a view to their future publication, are marked with an asterisk (*). 
Additions and corrections to this list will be gladly received. The com- 
piler is especially indebted to Messrs. William Kelby and Wilberforce 
Eames for their assistance.] 


Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford. 


Act for better clearing Highways. do. 

" " settling the Militia. do. 

* Acts of Assembly. do. 

* Frelinghuisen's Drie Predicatien. do. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1722. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Astronomical Diary for 1723. do. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1723. do. 

* New Jersey Court Ordinance. do. 

* New Jersey. Speeches in the Assembly. do. 
Ordinance regulating Fees. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Johnson's History of the Pirates. do. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1724. do. 

* New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. 
Ordinance regulating Fees in the Court of 

Chancery. do. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 91 

Ordinance regulating the Recording of 

Deeds. W". Bradford. 


Burling's Remarks. do. 

* Burnet's Essay on Scripture Prophecy. do. 

* Colden's Papers Relating to the Indian 

Trade. do. 

* Dummond (Evan). Memorial of do. 
French Convert. do. 
Johnson's History of the Pirates, 2d edi- 
tion, do. 

* Journal of Assembly. do. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1725. do. 

* New Jersey. Ordinance regulating Fees. do. 

* a a a 

in the Court of Chancery. do. 

Report on the Indian Trade. do. 

Stoddard's Sermon. do. 

* Votes of Assembly. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Extracts from the Minutes of the Council 

concerning the French Church. do. 

* Frilinghausen's Klagte van Eenige Leeden, 

&c. W. Bradford and J. P. Zenger. 

History of the Kingdom of Basaruah. "W. Bradford. 

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1726. do. 

* New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. do. 

" Ordinance regulating the 

Courts. do. 

New York Gazette. do. 

* Papers concerning Mr. Rou's Affair. do. 
Scotch Psalms. . do. 
SeweWs History of the Quakers. (Haven's 

List.) Printed in London. 

Tate and Brady's Psalms. W. Bradford. 

Votes of Assembly. do. 

92 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 


* Acts of Assembly, 1691 to 1725. "W. Bradford. 

* " to June 17. do. 

* " to Nov. 11. do. 

* Freeman's Verdeediging. J. P. Zenger. 
Interest of the Country in laying Duties. do. 

" " " in laying no Duties. 

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1727. W. Bradford. 

New England Psalms. do. 

New York Gazette. do. 

* Ordinance regulating Fees. do. 

* " " in the Court of 
Chancery. do. 

* Ordinance regulating the recording of 

Deeds. do. 

* Sameuspraak over de Klagte der Rari- 

tanders. J. P. Zenger. 

* True State of Mr. Rou's Case. W. Bradford. 
Two Interests Reconciled. 

Van Driesen's De Aanbiddelyke "Wegen 

Gods. J. P. Zenger. 

* Acts of Assembly. W. Bradford. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1728. do. 

* Charge to the Grand Jury. J. P. Zenger. 

* Col den's History of the Five Nations. "W. Bradford. 
Doings of the Council. do. 
Hughes' Almanac for 1728. do. 
Husbandman's Guide. do. 
Leeds' (F.) Almanac for 1728. do. 

" (T.) " " " do. 

New Jersey. Votes of Assembly. do. 
New York Gazette. 

* Palmer et al. vs. Van Courtland and Philipse. do. 

* Sir, In my former I frankly informed you, 

&c. [A second letter to A. Philipse.] J. P. Zenger. 

* To the Hon. Adolph Philipse. do. 
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 93 


* Acts of Assembly. "W. Bradford. 
Berkenmeyer's Herden en Wackter Stem. J. P. Zenger. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1729. W. Bradford. 

* Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 4th edition. do. 
Conductor Generalis. do. 

* Decree in the case of Solomon de Me- 

dina, do. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1729. do. 
New York Gazette. do. 
Fender's Divinity of the Scriptures. do. 
Votes of Assembly. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1730. 

* Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 4th edition. 

* Dickinson's Remarks on an Overture to 

the Synod of Philadelphia. 

* Frilinghausen's Een Trouwertig Yertog. 
Leeds' (F.) Almanac for 1730. 

u / r p \ u u 

New York Gazette. 
Votes of Assembly. 


* Acts of Assembly. 
Berkenmeyer's Consilium in Arena. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1731. 

* Laws of New York, 1726-30. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1731. 
Letter to a Parishioner. (See 1733.) 
New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. 
New York Gazette. 

Vanema's Arithmetica. 
Votes of Assembly. 
Wetmore's Quakerism. 


J. P. Zenger. 

W. Bradford. 





W. Bradford. 



J. P. Zenger. 
"W.. Bradford. 


J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 


The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 


Act of Parliament for the regulation of 

Seamen. "W. Bradford. 

* Acts of Assembly, July, 1729. do. 

* " Sept., 1731. do. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1732. do. 
Cook's Sermon on Rev. John Davenport. J. P. Zenger. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1732. W. Bradford. 

* New York City. Laws and Ordinances of do. 
New York Gazette. do. 

* Patent for the Oblong or Equivalent Lands. J. P. Zenger. 
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford. 


* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1733. do. 
Eccleston's Epistle. do. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1733. do. 
New Jersey. Acts of Assembly. do. 
New York Gazette. do. 
True Vindication of Alexander Campbell. J. P. Zenger. 
Votes of Assembly. W. Bradford. 


* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Ambrose's Death's Arrest. 

Birkett's Almanac for 1734. W. Bradford. 

Campbell's Protestation, March 26, 1733. J. P. Zenger. 

De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury. W. Bradford. 

Eleutherius Ernervatus. J. P. Zenger. 
Johnson's Letter to a Dissenting Parish- 
ioner, do. 

* Journal of Assembly. W. Bradford. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1734. do. 
New York Gazette. do. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 
Opinion, &c., of the Chief Justice on the 

Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. do. 

The same, 2d edition. do. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 95 

Proceedings of Eip Van Dam. 

Quinby's Correspondence with the Dutch 

Church. W. Bradford. 
Some Observations on De Lancey's Charge 

to the Grand Jury. J. P. Zenger. 


Account for building 100 Sail of Vessels. W. Bradford. 

* Acts of Assembly. do. 

" Nov. do. 

Birkett's Almanac for 1735. do. 

Cosby 's (Governor) Speech, April 25. do. 

* De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury, 

July, 1734. do. 
De Lancey's Charge to the Grand Jury, 

Oct., 1734. do. 

* Harison's Letter to the Corporation of 

Few York City. do. 

* Journal of Assembly to June 22. do. 

* " " to Nov. 28. do. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1735. do. 
Letter of Timothy Wheelwright. J. P. Zenger. 
New York Gazette. W. Bradford. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 
Opinion on Courts of Justice. (By W. 

Smith and Murray.) W. Bradford. 

* Keport of a Committee of Council on a 

letter found in Jas. Alexander's house. do. 

Sydney's Reply to Cosby's Speech. J. P. Zenger. 

* Vindication of J. Alexander and W. Smith. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. W. Bradford. 
Alexander (J.) and W. Smith's Complaint. 

Birkett's Almanac for 1736. W, Bradford. 

* Journal of Assembly. do. 

* New York City. Charter of J. P. Zenger. 

" Gazette. W. Bradford. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 

96 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1698-1752. 

* Ordinance for regulating Fees. W. Bradford. 
Pemberton's Sermon before the Synod at 

Philadelphia. J. P. Zenger. 

* Tennent's Danger of forgetting God. do. 

* " The Espousals. do. 

* " Necessity of Religious Violence. "W. Bradford. 


Albany. Charter of do. 

* Alexander's (James) Disavowal of Gov. 

Clarke. J. P. Zenger. 

Almanac in Dutch for 1737. 

A Sheet Almanac for 1736. W. Bradford. 

Beach's Vindication of the Worship of 

God. do. 

Birkett's Almanac for 1737. do. 

Clarke's (Governor) Speech, Oct. 14, 1736. do. 

Dickinson's Vanity of Human Under- 

* Hale's Some Necessary and Important 

Considerations. W. Bradford. 

His Majesty's Commission to Gov. Cosby. J. P. Zenger. 

* Journal of Assembly. W. Bradford. 
Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1736. do. 
Letter to one of the Members of Assembly. 

New York Gazette. W. Bradford. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 

Sentiments of a Principal Freeholder. W. Bradford. 

Tennent's Sermon at New York. J. P. Zenger. 

" Two Sermons at Brunswick. W. Bradford. 
Truman's Observations on Freeman's Per- 
Van Dam's (Rip) Copy of a Letter. 

" Protestation. 

Word in Season. J. P. Zenger. 

* Zenger's Trial. do. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 169S-1752. 97 


* Acts of Assembly. 
Almanac in Dutch for 1738. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1738. 
Blenman's Remarks on Zenger's Trial. 
The same, 2d edition. 

Dickinson's Defense of a Sermon preached 
at Newark. 

* Journal of Assembly to April 28. 

* " " " " Dec. 16. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1737. 
New York Gazette. 

" "Weekly Journal. 

Scheme to encourage the raising of Hemp. 
Spiritual Journey Temporized. (See 1741.) 

* To Governor Clarke. Address from the 



* Acts of Assembly. 
Almanac in Dutch for 1739. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1739. 
Haeghoort's Keter der Goddelyke Waar- 


* Journal of Assembly. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1738. 

Morris' (Lewis) Speech to the New Jersey 

Military Discipline. 

* New Jersey. Votes of Assembly. 
New York Gazette. 

Weekly Journal. 



* Acts of Assembly. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1740. 
Bradford's Secretary's Guide, 5th edition. 
Dickinson's Danger of Schism. 
VOL. xin. 7 

W. Bradford. 

W. Bradford, 

W. Bradford. 
J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 


J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 

W. Bradford. 

J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 

J. P. Zenger. 

W. Bradford. 

J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 
J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 
J. P. Zenger. 

W. Bradford, 

98 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 

* Journal of Assembly to April 14. 

* " " Nov. 17. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1739. 

* Morris' (Lewis) Speech to the New Jersey 

New Jersey. Address of the Council to 

Gov. Morris. 
" Address of the Assembly to 

Gov. Morris. 
New York Gazette. 

" "Weekly Journal. 

* Short Direction for Unregenerate Sinners. 
"Whiten" eld's Answer to the Bishop of Lon- 
don's Pastoral Letter. 

" Letter to some Church Mem- 


" Marks of a New Birth. 

" Sermon on Intercession. 

Birkett's Almanac for 1741. 

* Dickinson's Call to the Weary. 
Douglas' Account of the Throat Dis- 

Geestelyk died Bequaam on Gesongen, &c. 

* Journal of Assembly to May 13. 

* " to July 12. 

* " " " to Nov. 3. 

* Kort Handleiding. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1740. 
New York Gazette. 

" " Weekly Journal. 
Quinby's Short History of a Long Journey. 
Reasons for writing a scandalous letter to 

Gov. Cosby. 
Whitefield's Yoorbidding. B. Franklin 

W. Bradford, 

J. P. Zenger. 


W. Bradford. 
J. P. Zenger. 


W. Bradford. 



J. P. Zenger. 

W. Bradford, 

J. P. Zenger. 

W. Bradford. 



J. P. Zenger. 
W. Bradford. 

J. P. Zenger. 


& J. P. Zenger. 

(To be continued.) 

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 99 


BAY, 1732. 

[We are indebted to Mr. George Vaux for the following account of the 
wreck of the ship " John" on the Brown Shoal in Delaware Bay, in De- 
cember of 1732, written by one of his ancestors who was a passenger on 
board. ED. PEKNA. MAG.] 

" I fully intended to have sent thee word by way of New 
York, for expedition sake, but the ship altering her voyage 
frustrated my design. In this I purpose to acquaint thee 
with our unfortunate voyage and the unhappy accident that 
attended it, with as much brevity as the case will admit of. 
Which is as follows : 

" After many storms and tempests, on the 13th of No- 
vember, we were beat off the coast by a terrible N. W. wind, 
succeeded by thunder and lightning in a very surprising 
manner, insomuch that we could carry no sail the sea beat- 
ing in upon us to that degree we expected we must una- 
voidably have foundered, or been beat to pieces, by the vio- 
lence of the wind and waves. Our Captain, with several of 
his men, who had used the sea for many years, said they 
never had been in so violent a storm before. This held us 
three days and nights successively with little abatement. 
Thus were we beaten off the coast, and did not make the 
Capes 'till the 9th of December (which was exactly thirteen 
weeks from the day we set sail from Gravesend) two days 
before which we espied a sail, and it being calm we had an 
opportunity to speak with her, the Captain's name, Thomas 
Ramsey, 1 of whom I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. 
She was bound for this place and beat off the coast as long 
as we, and their provisions almost spent; but, however, our 

1 Captain Thomas Kamsey commanded the snow " Speedy," and was 
unable to enter at the custom-house, Philadelphia, before March 6, 
1733, owing to the ice in the river. 

100 The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 

Captain desiring to know from whence she came, which was 
from St. Kitts, and her load consisting of Rum and Sugar, 
and we having no liquor but water, our Captain desired 
Ramsey to spare him some Rum, which he readily agreed 
to, and went on board with four sailors in order to get it, 
and brought away as much as he thought necessary. By 
this means our captain became acquainted with Ramsey. 
But now to return. On the ninth of December about eleven 
O'Clock in the forenoon, we made the Capes, and got in good 
anchoring ground. The next business was to get a Pilot. 
For which purpose our Captain sent his boat with Samuel 
Neave, 1 Anthony Duche, and Robert Best, passengers, and 
three sailors. The wind blew fresh when they went off, 
and in the evening blew hard, so we could not expect them 
that night ; but the next morning being pretty still we fully 
expected them, with a pilot ; not knowing that the Creek they 
were to go over was frozen so hard occasioned their stay. 
So we lay four days in expectation of a pilot, but none came 
off to us, nor was there but one in the place, and he was 
engaged to another ship. The next morning after we made 
the Capes, Capt. Ramsey with a passenger of his came to 
pay our captain a visit. It was a still morning as I hinted 
before, but towards evening it blew very hard so that they 
could not get on board their own ship though there was 
great need of Captain Ramsey, for his ship drove from her 
anchors, and he was afraid she would drive to sea again. 
This made his visit very uneasy to him, as well it might : 
for had his ship gone to sea with so few hands, and hardly 
any provisions, in all probability she would have been lost, 
and very likely all that was left on board his have perished 
for want : but through mercy it was not so, though Capt. 
Ramsey staid with us till the 3 d day, not being able to get 
on board before. In the interval of which time Ramsey 

1 Samuel Neave, for more than a quarter of a century, was a prominent 
merchant of Philadelphia, being a member of the firm of Neave & Har- 
man, and Neave, Harman & Lewis. In 1760 he joined the Schuylkill 
Fishing Club, and his autograph will be found among the signers of the 
Non-Importation Act. He died unmarried in 1774, and bequeathed 
500, Pennsylvania currency, to the Pennsylvania Hospital. 

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 101 

had agreed with our Captain that his Boatswain should 
pilot our ship up, and himself would follow. Our Captain 
not knowing when a pilot would come off to him, and being 
both loth to lose time, takes the Boatswain for his pilot, 
with the recommendation from Ramsey, that he knew the 
bay these twenty years and had piloted up two ships before. 
All this was plausible, and all thought recommendation good 
enough. So the third day morning Ramsey went on board 
his own ship, for he could not possibly get on board before. 
When he went off he promised he would weigh anchor and 
follow us directly, so our Captain agreed to stay for him, and 
did so, from seven O'Clock in the morning till about ten, 
but could see no manner of forwardness in Ramsey, from 
which he concluded that he could not purchase his anchors, 
nor no likelihood of his overtaking us, and a fine wind 
springing up at S.W. our Captain began to be impatient, 
and the pilot very urgent to sail. Orders were given to 
weigh anchor and make sail directly, our sails were set, our 
top-sails unreefed, and away we went at the rate of ten 
miles or knots an hour. The tide being strong drew us 
very fast. This without doubt was pleasing to us, expecting 
to be at our port presently not knowing the river was froze 
over, which occasioned the ships to come back that had made 
a farther progress than we : but before we had sailed one 
league our captain spied as he thought his boat coming 
with his passengers and pilot in her, which indeed it was ; 
but they had not the success to come to us, nor we the hap- 
piness to meet them, for the wind blew fresh, and we being 
some distance from them the pilot did not care to come for 
fear he should be drove upon the ice. It is true our captain 
lay-to for them, but, they going back, hastened us to go for- 
ward, and so left them to take care of themselves, the cap- 
tain intending to call for his boat as he came back. We 
(the passengers) were concerned to think our companions 
and shipmates should be left behind : but our pilot on board 
our ship being eager to pursue his prize, who was to have 
full pilotage, and if he brought us up safe he was promised 
he should carry her down, for his encouragement; so orders 

102 The Wreck of ike Ship "John" in Delaware Say, 1732. 

were given to make sail ; but we had not sailed above 7 or 8 
leagues l before we found to our very great surprise our ship 
fast aground, upon that sand, the great York a fine ship of 
five hundred tons was lost, and proving a burying place to 
many poor creatures on board her as it was to four poor 
creatures on board us. 2 The thought in relating it really 
affects my mind with sorrow, but to see the poor creatures 
perish was enough to pierce one's heart. The name of the 
sand I cant certainly tell, there being various opinions about 
it ; but most seem to agree that it was the Brown which 
took its name from one Capt. Brown, of another good ship 
that was lost there, and ours is now lost makes the third : 
but not being material what name it is called by aground 
were we, and everybody was very eager to save their lives 
which we had no hopes of but our long boat. So we begged 
and prayed of our captain to hoist it out, but he pleaded 
with us not to be in a hurry, telling the ill consequences that 
attended it, and that many times more people have been 
saved by keeping to a ship than by trusting too much to a 
long boat. This way of arguing though reasonable could 
hardly prevail upon us, who looked upon ourselves as dying 
people. So he gave orders the boat should be got ready, 
and everybody being willing to save some clothes, as well 
as their lives, the captain himself setting an example, he 
permitted every person to put in a bundle, which was no 
sooner done but the women, and those that could not so 
readily help themselves, were ordered to get in first for fear 
they should be left behind. This was done I believe with a 
good intent on the captain's part, for everybody was ready 
to get in as fast as possible : but before the boat was hoisted 
along side it was almost half full of bundles, and seven 
people went in, but the boat being an old crazy thing, and 

1 The writer is incorrect as to the distance of the Brown Shoal from 

2 The Gazette of December 12-19, 1732, contains the following notice 
of the wreck : " The Ship John is ashore upon a Shole about ten miles 
above Lewes, supposed to be irrecoverably lost, but the People are sav'd ; 
we have however, no perfect Account of her. There are forty Servants 
on board." 

The Wreck of ike Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 103 

the sailors being in confusion did not stand by their tackling 
as they ought to do, by which means she went down head- 
foremost, and stood right on end. The water flowed in im- 
mediately and the boat stove along side. Seven people went 
in, but four came up alive, and one of the four died pres- 
ently after. This to be sure was a terrible sight indeed, to 
see four poor creatures perish before our eyes, and all hopes 
of being saved taken away from us. We had nothing now 
left us but a cracked ship, which we expected would be 
beat to pieces with striking so hard upon the sand. It was 
grievous to behold us in this deplorable condition, but to 
stand still would not do; so our captain advised us to 
lighten the ship, in hopes of getting her off. Accordingly 
we went about it and got out I believe near twenty tons 
of ballast. The next morning early we cut away our 
main mast, but all to no purpose, for we could not get 
her off. This being done our captain looked to see if 
he could see any sail coming our way, which he spied, 
and there was no less than six seemed to come pretty near 
us, which put new life in us all, expecting no less but they 
would send out their boats and save us, which might easily 
have been done at that time. They drawing near we made 
all the signals of distress imaginable, by firing off guns, and 
making false fires, yet so inhuman were they (although 
they have confessed they saw us), they would take no notice 
of us, which we thought barbarous to the highest degree. 
They laid the fault upon the pilot that went on the first 
ship. We contrived at last to make a little boat, though 
we had no tools fit for it, for the carpenter's tools were lost 
in the long-boat ; however they nailed a few boards together, 
and three people were appointed to go in it two sailors and 
a clergyman, who went purely to serve the company and to 
get relief with a letter from our captain of my writing. 
These poor creatures were twenty-two hours upon the open 
sea, in this small thing, and the weather being excessive 
cold froze the sailor's legs to the boat, and the clergyman, 
who was not used to such hardships, was froze to death 
soon after he got to shore, the top of his thumb dropping 

104 The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 

off, as they told us, a little before he died. "We were very 
much concerned to hear of his death. He was a good com- 
panion and seemed to be a religious man. I with many 
more, although our number was now reduced, was five days 
and nights on a wreck in the coldest time in the hard winter, 
which has been so severe that the inhabitants here say they 
scarcely ever saw the like, and to be in a cold wrecked ship 
in the open sea surely it was the greatest of mercies we 
perished not with cold. We had but little rest all the time 
we lay down it is true to keep ourselves together, for the 
ship struck so hard at times that it would drive us from one 
side to the other. 

" Now it is proper to acquaint thee how we came to be 
delivered, which was by the all-sufficiency of an all wise 
Being, whose ways are past finding out. On the sixth day 
of our calamities, when we had given over all thoughts of 
being saved, for the weather has been so cold, and froze so 
very hard that we could not expect any ship to come to us 
for the ice. It happened that day, that a sloop came into 
the bay, which the inhabitants of Lewestown forced to come 
and save us : but when they heard our ship belonged to 
Hudson they did not care to move much about it, for he 
has a very bad name here, so we sped the worse for his 
sake : but this sloop was sent to save our lives. As for the 
goods I cannot give thee an account of what is saved, but 
certain it is that a great deal is damaged, and some lost, our 
ship having six foot water in her hold when they went for 
the goods. The goods that are saved are put on board 
Ramsey, who intends to come up as soon as the river is 
open and fit for ships to pass. It has been froze over three 
months already, & still remains impassable, for ships to 
come in or go out, which puts a stop to business entirely in 
this place. 

"At Lewestown we landed, a dismal spectacle to be- 
holders, who seemed to sympathise with us in our affliction ; 
but the inhabitants, those that kept public houses, made us 
pay severely for what we had. It's a poor little town, but 
plenty of provisions in this place. I staid twelve days, and 

The Wreck of the Ship "John" in Delaware Bay, 1732. 105 

by chance or rather by Providence, found a friend or two. 
(One) would lend me, or Samuel E"eave what money we had 
occasion for, his name Nath 1 Palmer, starch maker, in Phil- 
adelphia at whose house we now board and lodge. Thus 
have I gone through this unfortunate voyage and scene of 
affliction, for we was very hardly dealt by at sea, our cap- 
tain being a selfish, arbitrary man, but for brevity sake I 
omit relating his unkind dealing with us, and the poor 
Palatines especially, who often complained they were almost 

" It may not be amiss to give thee some account of our 
travel by land. Lewestown is 150 or as some say 160 miles 
from this place. So !N". Palmer bought S. Neave & I each a 
horse to ride to this town, which we accomplished in three 
days, and about three hours, which was very hard traveling 
indeed, being short days, and the roads deep with snow, and 
through woods that for a great many miles we could see no 

" I have been told by divers persons here that if my goods 
had come in time, and in good order, they would have 
come to a very good market, Blankets, wigs and bed-ticks, 
with duffields, being almost never failing commodities here, 
and most woolen goods in the fall of the year. So if thou 
please to send me a parcel of the cheaper sort against next 
Fall, if thou approves of me staying here so long, it may 
be a means to set me up again. Thou mayest assure thyself 
I will use my utmost endeavours to make as good returns 
and as quick as possible. Though I confess this place is 
much at a loss for returns, and, their way of trading being 
by way of truck, there is very little money stirring." 

106 What Right had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc. 


The trial of John Bead for the murder of Peter Shipley, 
at the sessions of the Court of Oyer and Terminer held at 
"West Chester, Penna., in November of 1821, from the par- 
ticular circumstances attending it, excited an unusual de- 
gree of interest, even beyond the limits of the State. The 
accused had been tried in May for the murder of Samuel 
G. Griffith, and acquitted. The case was tried before Judge 
Darlington, president, and Judges Ralston and Davis, asso- 
ciates. Counsel for the Commonwealth, Dick (in the place 
of Dillingham, prosecuting attorney, who, having been 
Read's counsel in the former trial, was excluded from 
taking part against him in this), assisted by Barnard and 
Duer ; for the prisoner, Tilghman and Bell. 

Read, the prisoner, a negro, two or three years before 
came into Pennsylvania from Maryland and represented 
that, although he was free, an attempt had been made to 
hold him in slavery, frequently declared himself afraid of 
kidnappers, and often went armed. He married in Penn- 
sylvania and had one child ; hired a house in Kennet Town- 
ship, and worked about in the neighborhood. On the night 
of the 14th of December, 1820, his wife was from home ; 
he lay down, but felt uneasy and could not sleep, and then 
got up and made a fire. About midnight he thought he 
heard persons walking around the house, one at length 
rapped smartly at the do6r. He asked what was wanted; 
the person answered they had a search-warrant for stolen 
goods. Read told them to go away; he believed them to 
be kidnappers, and if they were not, he had no stolen goods, 
and if they would wait until morning they might search the 
house. Soon after they began to force the door. He rolled 
a barrel of cider against it, and told them if they attempted 

What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc. 107 

to come in he would kill them. They pried the door off 
the hinges, and it fell over the cider-barrel; at the instant 
he heard the click of a pistol, and called out, " It is life for 
life !" One of the persons said, " Eush on, Shipley ; d n 
the nigger, he won't shoot." A person attempted to enter, 
he shot him ; another attempted to come in, he struck him 
with a club, the man fell on his knees, and as he arose Read 
struck him once or twice. Seizing his gun he ran to a 
neighbor's and told him that the kidnappers had attacked 
his house ; that he had killed two, and asked for more pow- 
der, as he was afraid they would pursue him. He made no 
attempt to escape, and was arrested. 

"When the neighbors came upon the ground in the morn- 
ing, they found Mr. Griffith lying on the bed in Read's 
house, dead. Mr. Shipley, the overseer, carried Griffith 
there, and then went to Mrs. Harvey's, about one hundred 
yards distant, and prevailed upon her to let him in. There 
he languished eight days and died. Read's club was found 
in the house, close by the cider-barrel; two pistols, loaded, 
one of them cocked, a whip, and a pair of gloves were found 
at the door ; and a pair of handcuffs and a rope were found 
in the pockets of Mr. Shipley. A third pistol was found 
on Mr. Griffith. There were but two wounds upon Mr. 

It appeared sufficiently clear that Read was the child of 
Muria, formerly an African queen, recently a slave, and no 
proof of his manumission was shown. He was claimed by 
Mr. Griffith, from whose service he had absconded. Having 
ascertained where he was, Mr. Griffith, his overseer, Mr. 
Shipley, and two assistants, Minner and Pearson, came to 
the house occupied by Read, about midnight, and made the 
attempt which resulted in the death of both Griffith and 
Shipley, as related. The principal points disputed were, 1, 
Whether Mr. Griffith intended to take Read out of the 
State without taking him before a judge, in violation of the 
Act of Assembly; 2, Whether Read knew his master; 3, 
What right could Read, as a slave, acquire of self-defence in 
Pennsylvania ? 4, Whether he returned, as stated that he 

108 What Eight had a Fugitive Slave of Self-Defence, etc. 

confessed to one witness, from the fence and beat Mr. Ship- 
ley. The case was fully and ably argued. Mr. Dick, for 
the Commonwealth, took up about one hour and a half in 
an argumentative address. He was followed by Mr. Bell, 
on behalf of the prisoner, and he by Mr. Tilghman, who 
spoke from three o'clock until after seven. Mr. Duer, in 
conclusion, on the part of the Commonwealth, contended 
that the master had a right under the Act of Congress, at 
any time and place, and at any hour, by himself or his agent, 
to seize his slave ; that the slave had no right to resist his 
master ; that his house was no protection ; that, therefore, 
the master and the deceased Shipley, his overseer, were in 
the exercise of a legal right, and Read, in resisting, was 
perpetrating a wrong ; that he must have known his master, 
and that the killing, in resisting the legal attempt to arrest 
him, was murder in the first degree. 

Judge Darlington then summed up the evidence, and laid 
down the law in a charge of an hour and a half. He ad- 
verted to the delicacy of his situation, having been, on the 
other trial, attorney for the Commonwealth; but remarked 
that his regret was considerably diminished by the consid- 
eration that the jury were the judges of the law as well as 
the fact in the case before them. He gave a full and lucid 
exposition of the whole law on the subject. In respect to 
the construction of the Act of Assembly of 1820, on which 
much reliance was placed, he differed from the opinion of 
Judge Eoss, delivered at Norristown. The counsel for the 
prisoner had contended that by this act the attempt to take 
any person claimed as a slave out of the State, without 
taking him before a judge to prove his right, was declared a 
felony ; that from the time and circumstances of the attack, 
no doubt could exist but that it was the intention of the 
party to take Read out of the State, in violation of that act; 
they were, therefore, in the commission of a felony, and 
Read was justified in resisting unto the death. The counsel 
for the Commonwealth maintained that this act was in- 
tended to prevent kidnapping, or man-stealing ; that it did 
not apply to a master who intended to arrest and reclaim 

An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc. 109 

his runaway slave, whom, by the Act of Congress, he was 
authorized to arrest, or seize, when and where he could. 
But Judge Ross had decided that the act had reference to 
masters' seizing their slaves and taking them out of the 
State without going before a judge. He was of opinion 
that such was not the construction, inasmuch as the law so 
construed inflicted the same penalty (seven years' imprison- 
ment in the penitentiary) upon the acknowledged master, 
reclaiming his slave and taking him away, as upon the kid- 
napper who should attempt to carry off' a freeman ; and this 
opinion was confirmed by the construction of the Supreme 
Court of the old Act of Assembly in relation to the same 
subject. He then examined the evidence and weighed it 
with great perspicuity and impartiality, expressing his opin- 
ion that there was not conclusive proof that Read knew his 
master or overseer, and intimating very clearly that the 
witness who testified that the prisoner confessed he returned 
and beat the deceased until he thought him quite dead, was 

The jury convicted Read of manslaughter, and he was 
sentenced to an imprisonment of nine years in the peniten- 

OF-WAR, 1778. 

[The London Chronicle, October 6-8, 1778, contains the following ac- 
count of an engagement between an American privateer (brigantine), 
mounting fourteen guns 4- and 6-pounders and six coehorns, and the 
British ship " Minerva," commanded by Edward Morrison, of sixteen 
guns 6-pounders and ten coehorns, off the Jersey coast, in lat. 38.40 
N., and long. 73 W., in May of 1778. ED. PENNA. MAG.] 

" On the evening of May the 25th, we discovered a sail 
astern, but there being little wind he did not come fast up 
with us. In the morning of the 26th, saw the vessel still 
astern, carrying all sail to come up with us. At half past 

110 An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc. 

seven we had a squall, which obliged us to hand our top- 
gallant sails, and run hefore it; then we discovered the 
vessel to be a brigantine of force ; we handed our main- 
sail, and took in most of our small sails. At eight o'clock 
he came up with us, it blowing then easy, he kept his head 
toward us, so that we could not see his whole force, and we 
suspected his attempting to board; on which we fired a 
cohorn, and hoisted our colours. He still keeping his sta- 
tion, we fired on board of him, and opened our stern ports ; 
on seeing this he run up abreast, and gave us a broadside, 
hoisting the 13 stripes. We returned his broadside, and 
the action continued for one hour and 57 minutes, having 
obliged him to sheer off at ten o'clock. We were in no 
condition to follow him, 16 of our crew being killed and 
wounded; our scuppers on both sides running with blood 
(I may say) of as brave men as ever faced an enemy ; our 
sails and rigging being mostly cut and destroyed, and all 
our masts very severely wounded. Our greatest distance 
from the privateer during the engagement, did not ex- 
ceed the length of our ship ; and we were often yard-arm 
and yard-arm, scarce clearing one another's rigging. Our 
topmast stay-sail, which continued set during the action, 
had 180 shot through it ; 9 great shot, beside small ones 
through our ensign; 1 through our pendant; 13 shot in 
our mizen-mast; our main-mast shot through, and our 
fore-mast greatly damaged. I believe that the rebel was as 
much damaged in rigging as ourselves, and his loss of men 
must have been very considerable, he being quite crowded 
with them; he carried 6 swivels in his tops, and great 
quantities of their shot consisted of old iron cut square, old 
pots, old bolts, &c. 

"About the middle of the engagement an alarm was 
raised that our ship was beginning to sink ; on this a num- 
ber of the men deserted their quarters, and among them the 
person who was at the helm ; the captain rallied them in- 
stantly, took the helm himself, and while standing there a 
ball went through his hat. Such resolution was then shewn 
that had the ship been in a sinking condition, I am con- 

An Account of a Naval Engagement, etc. Ill 

vinced she would have gone to the bottom with the colours 
standing, every one on board being determined to sell his 
life as dear as he could. The rebel hailed us to strike but 
we could spare no time to answer him. 

" We steered away in a very distressful situation for the 
Delaware, as the nearest friendly port ; and on the evening 
of the 27th was off Egg-island, where we came to an anchor, 
intending to stop till the tide made ; but in half an hour 
two row-gallies came off and viewed us. On hoisting our 
colours, one of them gave us three shot which we returned, 
and they left us. Then we hove up and stood across to- 
wards Cape Henlopen, and were close in with it in the 
morning, in hopes of meeting some of his Majesty's ships, 
that would assist us with a Surgeon, and see us into a safe 
port ; but we could not fall in with any ; and it began to 
blow so fresh against us, that we could not carry sail, by 
our masts being wounded, therefore we bore away for New 
York ; and in a few hours the Thames frigate (then com- 
manded by Capt. Halloway) came up with us, from whom 
we got every assistance ; and on the 30th of May we arrived 
at New York. 

"Seven killed; nine wounded. Both the mates are of 
the wounded. 

" P.S. The report, during the engagement of the Minerva 
being sinking, arose from some of the enemy's shot having 
gone through and through, which staved 14 puncheons of 
rum between decks." 


Notes and Queries. 


1692. Whereas John Eoades of the County Philadelphia and Han- 
nah Willcox Daughter of Sarah Willcox of Schoolkill in the County 
aforesaid having declared theire Intentione of Takeing Each Other as 
Husband and Wife before severall Men and Womens Meetings of the 
People called Quakers whose Proceedings Therein after deliberate Con- 
sideraton Thereof and Consent of parties and Kelations concerned being 
approved by the said Meetings. 

AND alsoe the said John Roades and Hannah Willcox having Pub- 
lished theire said Intentions in Writing according to the Lawes of this 
province Whereby the said Law is fulfilled. . . . 

Now these are to CERTIFIE all Persons whome it may concern that 
for the full Determination of theire said Intentions this tenth day of the 
Ninth Month in the Yeare One Thousand Six Hundred and Ninty and 
two, they the said John Roades and Hannah Willcox in an Assembly 
of the aforesaid people Mett together for that end and purpose at the 
Dwelling House of Sarah Willcox aforesaid, according to the Example 
of the primitive Christians Recorded in the Scriptures of Truth did 
take each Other as Husband and Wife in Manner following (viz) he the 
said John Roades takeing the said Hannah Willcox by the Hand said 
friends in the feare of the Lord and Before you his people I take this 
my friend Hannah Willcox to be my wife promising as the Lord shall 
Inable mee to be unto her a faithfull and Loving Husband till Death 
shall part us. ... AND the said Hannah Willcox in Like Manner 
takeing the said John Roades by the Hand said friends I Likewise do in 
the fear of the Lord and in the presence of You his people take John 
Roades to be my Husband promising to be unto him a faithfull and 
Loving Wife till Death separate us. ... AND the said John Roades and 
Hannah Willcox as a farther Confirmation thereof did then and there 
to these presents Set theire Hand AND wee whose Names are hereunto 
Subscribed are Witnesses of the same the Day and Yeare abovesaid. 

Thomas Duckett 
Anthony Morris 
Paul Saunders 
Griffith Owen 
James ffox 
Joshua flfearne 
W m Hudson 
William Powell 
Sam 11 Carr 
Griffith Jones 
John Brietwen 
Philip England 
Joseph Jones 
Jonathan Duckett 
James Coates 
Joseph Richardson 
John Warner 

James Kite 
Thomas Canby 
Job Bunting 
Stephen Wilson 
Michael Blunston 
W m Hudson 
W m Troter 
Rachell Jones 
Ruth Duckett 
Sarah Owen 
Elizabeth fox 
Elizabeth luf 
Mary Hudson 
Mary Cotes 
Ann Hudson 
Rebeckah Thaach 
Barbara Peper 

Sarah Wilson 
Ann Richardson 
Elizabeth Richardson 
Ann Roades 
John Roades 
Hannah Willcox 
Sarah Willcox 
Joseph Willcox 
Adam Roades 
Esther Willcox 
Ann Willcox 
Katherine Roades 
Sarah Blunston 
Elener Wood 
Rebecka ffearn 
Sarah Bowne 

Notes and Queries. 


A LIST OF GERMAN EMIGRANTS, 1773. Eupp's "Collection of 
Thirty Thousand Names of Immigrants to Pennsylvania" gives the 
arrival at the port of Philadelphia, 18th September, 1773, of the ship 
"Britannia," James Peter, master, from Kotterdam via Cowes, with two 
hundred and fifty passengers. Of this number one hundred and eighteen 
names are given. Bradford's Journal of 29th September contains the 
following advertisement : 

" Just arrived in the Ship Britannia, James Peter, Master. 

A number of healthy GERMAN PASSENGERS, chiefly young people, 
whose freights are to be paid to Joshua Fisher and Sons or to the 
Master on board the Ship lying off the Draw-bridge." 

Among the recent accessions to the Historical Society of Pennsylva- 
nia is an original manuscript endorsed: "Germans Landed from on 
board the Britannia 11 mo : 2 d 1773," evidently prepared by an employe" of 
Messrs. Joshua Fisher & Sons, which gives the names of fifty-three pas- 
sengers, with the amount of their passage-money and expenses due. This 
list is particularly valuable as it gives the names of several males, 
females, and children not given by Mr. Rupp, and should be compared 
with his by all interested. We make a verbatim copy of the names : 
Andreas Keym .... 26. 7. 

Lena Bekker, his wife 
Expenses, 16 days 

Hendrick Soneau 
Dorothea, his wife 
Expenses . 

22. 2. 
1.12. 50. 1. 

1.12. 42.18. 

Johann Fredrick Camerloo . . 23.15. 

Anna, his wife 22. 1. 

Expenses 1.12. 

47. 8. 

Simon Martz, 

Ann, wife, 

Anna Margaretta, daughter. 

Expenses .... 

Augustinus Hess 
Maria, wife 

Anna Marg tu daughter 
Expenses . 

Jacob Schott, j 
Anna, wife J 
Expenses . 

Christophel Schwer, ) 
Anna, wife 

John George Kunkell, 
Anna, wife, 
Catherina, daughter 
Expenses . 

2. 8. 

19. 1. 
19. 4. 
2. 8. 59.12.- 

17. 1. 
1.12. 18.13.- 

. IK i 

50. 7. 
1.12. 51.19.- 


114 Notes and Queries. 

Jacob Steyheler 19.19. 

Catharina, wife 17.18. 

Expenses 1.12. 39. 9. 

Bernard Schmit, 1 

Margaretta, wife, I 61 5 

Turgen, son, 

Catharina, daughter J 

Expenses 3. 4. 64. 9. 

Andreas Otto, ) 41 7 

Sophia, wife | 

Expenses 1.12. 42.19. 

John Dan 1 Both, \ 
Anna, wife f 


Jacob Wanner, ) 9ft t r 

Maria, wife J ^.15.- 
Expenses ...... 1.12. 22. 7. 

Dan 1 Specs, ) QQ IT 

Anna, wife | 38 ' 17 '- 

Expenses . . .... 1.12. 40. 9. 

Dan 1 Specs, Jun r , ) QA 1 T 

A f f * OO A I " "" ' 

Anna, wife j 

Expenses 1.12. 38. 9. 

Christian Habert, 



Andreas Kirch, 
Anna Maria, wife, 
Maria Eliz% daughte 
Expenses . 

Jacob Zwytser, 42 7 

Johanna Barbara, wife j 

Expenses 1.12. 43.19. 

Conrad Foltz, 
Susanna, wife, 
Maria, daughter 
Expenses . 

William Schwatz, j 
Anna Maria, wife j 
Expenses 1.12. 37. 8. 

Christian Nell 20.. 

Expenses 16. 20.16. 

Notes and Queries. 115 

Johann Jeremiah Snell . . . 24.19. 
Expenses 16. 25.15. 

Gerrett Benenge* . . . . 23.11. 
Expenses 16. 24. 7. 

Ant* Guerin 21. 3. 6 

Expenses 16. 21.19. 6 

Pierie Mullott 21.. 

Expenses 16. 21.16. 

Gerturia Vogelesang .... 17.18. 

16. 18.14 

The following memorandum is appended to the list: " Sund^ at H. 
Haines ; 1 Frying Pan ; 1 large Iron Pot ; Scales & Weights ; some 
Flour, ab* a week ; some salt Beef; some Barley & Rice ; a chest belong- 
ing to G. Vogelesang. 1 bar 1 Bread will last near 2 weeks." 

CEPTION IN NEW YORK. From a communication of Dr. Walter 
Franklin Atlee to The Times, 20th February, 1889, we take the follow- 
ing extracts relating to the reception of President Washington in New 
York in April of 1789 : 

" In 1850 I was a resident, as substitute, in the Pennsylvania Hos- 
pital. When writing my name in the book kept for that purpose, and 
writing it as I usually have done, Walter F., the old steward, Friend 
Allen Clapp, then eighty-two years of age, said, ' Thou must write thy 
name in full.' When Franklin was written, he exclaimed, ' Walter 
Franklin ! When I was a lad I saw General Washington and Lady 
Washington come up the river in a boat, and walk on a carpet to Walter 
Franklin's house, where they were to stay, in New York.' My mother 
was the daughter of Walter Franklin, and she told me, when I spoke of 
this to her, that her father's father was Thomas Franklin, who came 
from New York, and married, in Philadelphia, the daughter of Samuel 
Rhoads, and the Walter Franklin in whose house General Washington 
resided in New York was an older brother of Thomas. A few years 
ago a letter written to Kitty Franklin Wistar, the daughter of Mary 
Franklin, who was married to Casper Wistar, of Brandy wine, giving an 
account of the preparation of the Franklin house for Washington's re- 
ception, at the time of his arrival in New York, was shown to me, and 
I give here a copy of this part of the letter. It is dated New York, 30th 
of the Fourth month, 1789. 

" ' Great rejoicing in New York on the arrival of General Washing- 
ton ; an elegant Barge decorated with an awning of Sattin, 12 oarsmen 
drest in white frocks and blue ribbons, went down to E. Town [Eliza- 
bethtown] last Fourth day to bring him up. A stage was erected at the 
Coffee House wharf covered with a carpet for him to step on, where a 
company of light horse, one of Artillery, and most of the. inhabitants 
were waiting to receive him. They paraded through Queen Street in 
great form, while the music, the drums, and ringing of bells were enough 
to stun one with the noise. Previous to his coming, Uncle Walter's 
house in Cherry Street was taken for him, and every room furnished in 
the most elegant manner. Aunt Osgood and Lady Kitty Duer had the 
whole management of it. I went the morning before the General's ar- 

116 Notes and Queries. 

rival to look at it the best of furniture in every room and the greatest 
quantity of plate and china that I ever saw before, the whole of the first 
and second story is papered and the floors covered with the richest kind 
of Turkey and Wilton Carpets the house really did honour to my Aunt 
and Lady Kitty, they spared no pains nor expense in it. Thou must 
know that Uncle Osgood and Duer were appointed to procure a house 
and furnish it, accordingly they pitched on their wives as being likely 
to do it better. I have not done yet my dear, is thee almost tired ? The 
evening after his Excellency's arrival a general illumination took place, 
except among friend? and those styled Anti-Federalists, the latter's win- 
dows suffered some thou may imagine as soon as the General has sworn 
in, a grand exhibition of fireworks is to be displayed, which is to be ex- 
pected will be to-morrow, there is scarcely anything talked of now 
but General Washington and the Palace, and of little else have I told 
thee yet, tho' have spun my miserable scrawl already to a great length, 
but thou requested to know all that was going forward.' 

" The ' Uncle Osgood' of this letter is the person who married Walter 
Franklin's widow. This, probably, caused the statement in Todd's story 
of New York that Washington went to the Osgood mansion." 

autograph collection of Mr. Charles Roberts contains the following in- 
teresting letter of Zachariah Poulson, Jr., librarian of the Library 
Company of Philadelphia, to Dr. Thomas Parke, one of its directors. 
The latter resided on the west side of Fourth, between Market and 
Chestnut streets. [Benjamin] Poultney, [William] Eawle, and Richard 
Wells, who are named in the letter, were also directors of the library. 

GERMANTOWN, September 27, 1793. 

The Anxiety I feel for your Safety has led me to make many Inquiries 
were seldom answered in a satisfactory manner I am induced to trouble 
you for the desired Information. I sincerely regret, with you, the loss 
of those of your Connections, and the many other valuable Citizens, who 
have fallen victims to the Disorder which is unhappily depopulating our 
City. Though I have, in some measure, withdrawn myself and family 
from its baneful Influences, yet, I sincerely lament its Effects and sorrow- 
fully sympathize with those who are left within its reach and hourly be- 
hold its ravages. Your Situation is an hazardous one Every precaution 
should be taken for your own preservation. For the sake of your dear 
Family for the sake of your Friends be careful of yourself. Let not 
your benevolence lead you beyond the bounds which Prudence dictates. 
Several of your Profession have already fallen their friends and the 
Community at large have cause now to regret that they ventured too much 
and are no more in a Situation to be useful. If your numerous avoca- 
tions will permit you to favor me with a few lines they will be highly 
acceptable. I stay with my wife's Uncle Jacob Knorr a little abov'e 
the seven mile stone. If they are left with the widow of Reuben 
Haines, in Market-Street, they will be safely forwarded to me. Previ- 
ous to my departure from the City I carefully secured the windows and 
doors of the Library, and directed one of my boys, who declined to leave 
the city while his parents remained there, to go around it daily this ser- 
vice, he tells me, he faithfully performs. I was exceedingly anxious of ob- 
taining your approbation of the measure, but I had not the pleasure of 
finding you at home. I have the hope, however, that the necessity of 
the Case will justify me to you and the other Directors. I am desirous of 
returning as soon as it can be done with safety, and, I shall esteem it a 

Notes and Queries. 117 

particular favor if you will be pleased to give me an intimation of the 
happy time as soon as it arrives. I had the pleasure of seeing Mr. 
Eawle and family in health yesterday if you have any Commands to 
him they may be conveyed to me by the above mentioned Channel and 
I will deliver them myself. The last time I notified the Directors to 
attend none came but Mr. Poultney now, alas, he is no more ! He 
staid with me two hours our Conversation was, for the most part, 
serious and made a deep impression upon me. It is said, That Those 
who mourn shall be comforted We have now many Causes for mourn- 
ing ; but when shall we be comforted f When will it please the Almighty 
to remove the great Calamity which destroys our Relatives and Friends ? 
It seems to be the duty of every Individual to unite in addressing the 
Great Disposer of Human Events to take from us this calamitous Scorge. 

A few Persons who came from the City have died of the Disorder at 
and near Germantown. Doctor Warner of this place has had it above 
twelve days it is said he is getting better It is also reported that Mr. 
Pragers has it here. The people of this place dread it much if a per- 
son from the City has only a common fever he is immediately forsaken. 
Two men in the neighborhood, who had the misfortune to lose their 
wives with the Fever, were necessitated to bury them with the assistance 
of only one person. I do not know of a house in this place in which a 
person from the City could get lodgings unless he could prove that he 
had been some days from the City. There are many Philadelphians 
here and in the neighbourhood. I had the pleasure of seeing D r Wistar 
ride through Germantown he looks better than I expected, but seems 
very feeble He told me that he had handed Mr. Bache his Case for 

Next Thursday is the stated time for the Directors to meet ; but, as 
the cause which prevented them from assembling on the fifth of this 
month still exists, it will be hardly necessary to notify them. Hardie 
left town before the Library was closed Pray are any of the Officers and 
Directors in town beside yourself? Is my good friend S. Coates still 
with you? I hope our friend R. Wells is out of danger. I am very 
desirous of knowing how it is with you do, therefore, favor me with a 
few Lines. The Bearer waits and I have only time to add, that 
I am, with great Respect, 

Your sincere and much obliged 

Friend and Servant 


P.S. Mrs. Poulson is looking over my Shoulder and says I must not 
close this without adding her Compliments to you. 
Friday, Three o'Clock in the Afternoon. 

God preserve you and yours. 

FORT ADAMS, CHICKASAW BLUFFS. The following letters in the 
collection of Isaac Craig, Esq., Allegheny, Pennsylvania, determine 
the name of the fort erected at Chickasaw Bluffs in 1797, and also by 
whom it was named : 

FORT ADAMS, CHICKASAW BLUFFS, October 23 d , 1797. 

I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 9th ultimo, together 
with dispatches from the Secretary of War, safe on 19th instant, as also 
a packet of Gazettes, for which I return you my sincere thanks. Mr. 
Toler will be detained a couple of days longer, as I wish to avail myself 

118 Notes and Queries. 

of his return, being a confidential man, to send my dispatches to the 
General as well as to the War Office, and this will take me some time as 
it contains a lengthy correspondence. I have engaged a man by the 
name of Moore to assist Mr. Toler in ascending the river ; I have made 
no agreement with him what sum he is to receive, for his services will 
be regulated by yourself on Mr. Toler's declaration of his merit. I 
have been at this place since the 20th of July last, and have erected a 
Fort which I have called Adams. I shall garrison it, and leave it about 
the 1st of next month, and repair to Natchez. Any more Gazettes that 
you may have preserved will at all times be thankfully received. Please 
to mention me to General and Colonel Neville, and all my friends in your 
quarter, and believe me, Sir, your 

friend and respectful 

Humble Servant, 

I. GUION, Captain 
in the Army of the U.S. 

[Isaac Guion, of New York, appointed captain Third Infantry, 1792 ; 
brigade inspector, 1796 ; major, 1801. He was a surveyor and inspector 
of revenue at Natchez, Mississippi, 1821, to his death, in February of 

CHICKASAW BLUFFS, Octb r 26 th , 1797. 

... I have no news to give you whatever further than the Dons 
whom we had near neighbors in their armed galleys for some time were 
friendly. We have erected a strong Stockade Fort on the Bluff, with the 
consent of our great friends, the Chickasaws, on which the Flag of the 
United States was displayed on the 22d inst., and the Fort named 
Adams, in Honour to the President. I have lived since parting with 
you constantly in my Boat, which is now more than five months a 
very pleasant time you may suppose it has been in this warm climate. . . . 

Believe me with regard, 




[Captain John Heth, of Virginia, was appointed ensign, 1790 ; lieu- 
tenant Third Infantry, 1791 ; captain, 1802.] 

THE GENESIS OF THE UNITED STATES: A narrative of the move- 
ment in England (1605-1616) which resulted in the plantation of North 
America by Englishmen, disclosing the contest between England and 
Spain for the possession of the soil now occupied by the United States 
of America ; the whole set forth through a series of historical manu- 
scripts now first printed, together with a reissue of rare contemporane- 
ous tracts, accompanied by bibliographical memoranda, notes, plans, and 
portraits, and a comprehensive biographical index, collected, arranged, 
and edited by Alexander Brown. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1889. 

From the prospectus of this important contribution to American his- 
tory we make the following extracts : 

" Mr. Brown recognizes the fact that the crucial period of English 
occupancy of North America was that included between the return of 
Weymouth to England in July, 1605, and closing with the return of 
Dale to England in June, 1616. This period witnessed the first founda- 
tion of English colonies in Virginia ; it saw the moment of impending 
ruin, and it closed with the irrevocable establishment of the English race 

Notes and Queries. 119 

on American soil. The method adopted in setting forth this history is 
the only one which can satisfy the historical student who desires not so 
much to know the opinion of an historian as to be furnished with the 
means of forming his own opinion. Mr. Brown recognizes this, and 
gives the reader all the contemporary evidence in the case, or bearing 
on the case, now attainable. He presents the documents, broadsides, and 
rare tracts in his narrative, in their historic order, as they came to hand 
in London or in the court of Spain. These documents and reprints are 
furnished with head-notes, which state explicitly their origin and 
present location, as well as the events which called them forth ; with 
foot-notes explanatory of difficulties, and with editorial narrative which 
points out the relation which they bear to each other and to historical 
development. The whole number of documents contained in the work 
is three hundred and sixty-five. Of these seventy-one have been pub- 
lished before. The remainder, two hundred and ninety-four, are now 
for the first time given to the public. They include communications 
between Virginia and London, and confidential communications be- 
tween the Spanish Court and its agents in London ; agreements, con- 
tracts, constitutions, and records. There are petitions to Parliament, 
letters of Philip III. of Spain to Zufiiga, and from Zufiiga to Philip ; 
from Newport to Salisbury ; from Ealeigh to Salisbury ; from Captain 
John Smith to the treasurer of the company ; from Velasco to the king 
of Spain ; from Digby to James I. ; from Gondomar to Philip ; from 
Molino to Gondomar, and a great variety of other illuminating letters ; 
passages from the records of the Grocers, Mercers, Merchant Taylors, 
Fishmongers, and other companies concerned in the colonizing move- 
ment, and a number of relations. 

" In collecting and annotating these valuable documents, Mr. Brown 
has taken occasion to bring together a large collection of valuable 
prints from contemporary portraits of the prominent figures in the 
history. All of these are rare, and some possibly unique. The docu- 
ments included in this work necessarily contain the names of a great 
number of persons, some of them persons of rank and distinction, many 
more persons of whom but little is known. Many of those named are 
the originators of families who are to-day largely represented in the 
United States. Mr. Brown has spared no pains to obtain every scrap of 
information which could throw light on the careers of these men, and 
he has condensed this information into a thorough and comprehensive 
biographical index, consisting of over one thousand entries. The entire 
work will be contained in two octavo volumes, of about 450 pages each. 
The publication will begin as soon as three hundred subscribers have 
been obtained. The price to them will be $12 for the two volumes, 
bound in cloth." 



B. Walker. Cupples & Burd, Boston, 1888. 12mo, pp. 128. $2. 

Mr. Walker gives a faithful history of the old North Meeting-House, 
biographical notices of the members of the New Hampshire Convention 
that ratified the Constitution, and probably all that will ever be known 
of the debate on that question. The only authentic record of a speech 
made on the occasion that Mr. Walker has been able to discover is the 
abstract of that of General John Sullivan, published in the papers of 
the day. That attributed to Colonel Ebenezer Webster, Mr. Walker 
says, " was written out from tradition by a hand other than his own, 

120 Notes and Queries. 

long after the convention." " The same," he adds, " may perhaps be 
true of the one credited to the Hon. Joshua Atherton upon the subject 
of slavery," which cannot be found to exist earlier than 1827, when it 
was published in the New Hampshire Statesman. In connection with 
the history of the ratification of the Constitution by New Hampshire it 
may be well to add that there can be little reason to doubt the truth of 
Madison's assertion that the impoverished condition of the State treasury 
at first precluded the hope that New Hampshire would send delegates 
to the Federal Convention. For some time she had allowed herself to 
be unrepresented in the Continental Congress, and although Madison 
wrote before the meeting of the Assembly, the only body that could 
appoint delegates to the Convention, he doubtless echoed the sentiments 
of the hour. When the Assembly met, and delegates were named, the 
question of means was settled, not by the authorities, but by public- 
spirited John Langdon. The evidence of this will be found in the 
Independent Gazette of Philadelphia for July 23, 1787. It reads as 
follows : 

" PORTSMOUTH, July 7 th 

" We hear that his Excellency the late President Langdon will leave 
this town on Monday to join the Federal Convention. The prayers of 
the good will follow this distinguished patriot, who, when the public 
treasury was incapable of furnishing supplies, generously offered to bear 
the expense of himself and colleague on this important mission." 

Philadelphia, 1888. 12mo, 424 pp. Price, $2.50. 

Notwithstanding the numerous biographies of the Founder of Penn- 
sylvania which have been written, Mr. Buck, believing that there was 
still room for another, compiled the work before us. In it he has given, 
as far as possible, the daily occurrences and movements of Penn, dating 
from his first application for the grant of Pennsylvania, to his final return 
to England and the appointment of Deputy-Governor Evans, a period of 
upwards of twenty years. In his preface the author states that Penn's 
character is favorably sustained, that he had no desire to be partial, but 
to do him that justice to which he is fairly entitled. Neither does he 
seek to raise him up by reviling his enemies, but permits his actions to 
speak for themselves. Most of the pecuniary troubles which befell the 
Founder he attributes not so much to the opposition that he encoun- 
tered as to his own mismanagement. In the compilation of his book, 
Mr. Buck has been careful and judicious, drawing largely from the 
Penn and Logan Correspondence, the Penn Manuscripts, Penn's Private 
Correspondence, the Claypoole Letter-Book, the Harrison Letters, the 
Logan Papers, and the Memoirs and Collections of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania ; from the Records and Minutes of five Monthly and 
one Quarterly Meeting of the Society of Friends of Pennsylvania, and 
from other original sources. The type is neat and clear, the paper good, 
and an index renders it a useful book of reference. Edition limited to 
three hundred copies. On sale at Friends' Book Association, southwest 
corner of Fifteenth and Race Streets. 

POWELL FROM SOUTHWARK, ENGLAND. Until lately, Samuel Powell, 
the noted carpenter and builder of provincial Philadelphia, was con- 
sidered to be either the son of the William Powell above mentioned, or 

Notes and Queries. 121 

else a man the name of whose father was forgotten in the lapse of the 
last two hundred years. Of the two theories, I followed the former in 
my answer to " A. S. M." in the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, Vol. VIII. 
p. 120, 1884, because it then seemed the most probable. Since then, 
however, through investigations made by Mr. Charles Penrose Keith 
for the Real Estate Title Insurance and Trust Company, it is shown 
that there is really no proof of the said William being the father of the 
said Samuel, 1 while from researches made for me among the Quaker 
records of Somersetshire it appears that, considering said Samuel's age 
(about 83) at his death, in 1756, he may have been the son of either 
Gregory Powell or Samuel Powell, both of whom were neighbors in 
North Curry Hundred, said shire, and had sons named Samuel, between 
whom it is yet impossible to decide which came to Philadelphia, although 
the probabilities are in favor of the son of Samuel. 

Since the full particulars of the matter would make this communica- 
tion too long for insertion in this magazine, I have lodged them in 
manuscript at the Historical Society, where they can be consulted by 
those interested (vide Miscellaneous MSS., Vol. II.). 


Notes and Queries, states : 

We are in possession of what we consider the first family record pub- 
lished in America. It is a broadside, printed at Ephrata in 1763, of two 
octavo pages, on one sheet, 10J by 8 inches. It is in German, and we 
give the following translation : 

In the year of Christ, 1728, the 28th of March, was our son Daniel 
Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1730, on the 15th-16th of December, was our 
daughter Magdalena Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1732, on the 14th of February, was our daugh- 
ter Anna Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1734, on the 15th of March, was our daughter 
Elizabeth Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1736, the 15th-16th of January, was our daugh- 
ter Barbara Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1738, the first of January, was our son Christian 
Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1741, the 5th of May, was our daughter Sophia 
Bollinger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1743, in March, was our daughter Maria Bollin- 
ger born on the Conestoga. 

In the year of Christ, 1748, the 12th of September, was Hans Rudolph 

1 Mr. Keith says, in his letter to me, " In examining, for the Heal Estate Title In- 
surance and Trust Company, the records concerning William Powell, a first pur- 
chaser, and his family, I find no evidence that the Samuel Powell, of Philadelphia, 
carpenter, who married Abigail Willcox, was his son. Said William, of ' Southwark, 
Co. Surry, cooper,' was a cooper in Philadelphia County in 1686, having a wife 
named Christian, and died later than July 12, 1718. He had two sons : John, his 
heir apparent, who died after April 8, 1710, and who married Ann, daughter of 
David Harvard, and William, of Philadelphia, cooper, who married, 10th mo. 31, 
1700, Elizabeth Kelly, and, 10th mo. 9, 1707, Sarah Armitt, and died about 1732, 
leaving a son, Samuel, also of Philadelphia, cooper, who married, 9th mo. 1726, 
Mary Raper, and, about 1730, Sarah, daughter of Thomas Roberts. This last 
Samuel died about 1750, and his widow married, llth mo. 9, 1758, Jonathan 

122 Note* and Queries. 

Bellinger born in the Cocalico, on the Conestoga. The Sun and Mer- 
cury are his planets. 

In the year of Christ, 1756, the llth of February, between 7 and 8 
o'clock in the morning, was Abraham Bellinger born into the world. 
The following planets were shining in the Heavens : 

The Moon in Gemini. 

The Sun in the Waterman. 

Saturn in the Waterman. 

Jupiter in the Scales. 

Mars in the Crabs. 

Venus in the Fishes. 

Mercury in the Fishes. 

LETTER OF DR. JOHN Co WELL TO HIS FATHER, 1776. The writer of 
the following letter, a surgeon's mate in the Hospital Department of the 
Continental army, studied his profession under Dr. William Shippen. 
After the war he removed to Trenton, New Jersey, where he engaged 
in private practice, which was largely increased on the death of his 
brother, Dr. David Cowell. He died there 30th January, 1789, in his 
thirtieth year, from the lingering effects of fever contracted while in the 
hospital service. 

AMBOY AUG 9th 1776 

I have just sit down to write you a few lines to let you know that I 
am well, hoping these few lines may find you in health. I arrived here 
yesterday after a very tedious and wearisome journey. I have little 
news to tell at present, there is a deserter that swam over from Staten 
Island, that brings us intelligence that there are about 14,000 men there 
fit for duty, and 2000 sick. A few nights before I came there were 
over 150 men, going over to Staten Island to get intelligence by taking 
some of their out-guards, but their orders were countermanded just as 
they were ready to go, and there will be no occasion to go now for they 
have got all the intelligence they desire bv the deserter, it is thought 
that we shall attack Staten Island in a few days from all quarters. We 
have about 40 men sick in this Hospital now and expect more every day. 

D r Shippen is gone to Philadelphia, but we expect him back next 
week, the Hospital is in the house where Charles Pettit, Secretary, lived, 
it is a very pleasant place near the water, we live very well or at least 
as well as can be expected. I should be glad if Eunice would send me 
a gown of any sort ; I dont care what it is, if it is but cool, for it is a 
thing that I want very much, there are none of the mates without them 
but me I have nothing more to tell you at present, expect to have more 
news next time I write so I remain your loving and affectionate son. 


nesseth, that Henry Drinker junior, son of Henry Drinker of the City 
of Philadelphia, Scrivener, Doth By Virtue of these Presents (with y e 
Advice & Consent of his Father) put himself Apprentice to George 
James of s d City Shopkeeper. With him (or Assignee Provided it be 
his son Able James) to Live & as an Apprentice to serve from the date 
hereof Untill the Expiration of Four Years and one month During 
which Time the s d Apprentice his Master, for the Time being, Faithfully 
shall serve his Secrets keep his Lawful Commands readily obey. He 
shall not in any Wise damage his said Master, nor Waste his Goods, nor 
Lend them unlawfully to any. He shall not Buy nor Sell, Nor absent 

Notes and Queries. 123 

himself at any Time from his Master's Service without his Leave. But 
shall diligently & Circumspectly attend his Masters Business of Shop 
keeping during the aforesaid Term of Four Years and one Month. And 
the said Master shall Teach or Cause his s d apprentice to be Taught & 
Instructed in the best Method he can of Shop keeping, or Retailing 
Goods & Bookkeeping. And Learn or Cause him to Learn Arithmetick 
as far as the Rule of 3 Direct & the Rule of Practice. And shall find 
& provide for him sufficient Meat Drink, Apparel, Lodging & Washing 
during the s d Term And at y e End thereof give him One good New suit 
of Apparel besides y e rest of his Wearing Cloaths. In Witness whereof 
the said Parties have to these Presents interchangeably set their Hands, 
& Seals Dated y e first Day of the Eleventh Month Anno Domini one 
thousand seven hundred & forty four/5. 

Sealed & Delivered 
In the Presence of 

Marshall Green. Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati. 8vo, pp. 304. $2. 

Under this title the author has written of the families of McDowell, 
Logan, and Allen, and those with whom they have intermarried. Many 
of them had Scotch-Irish ancestors, who found their way to Kentucky 
from Pennsylvania and the Valley of Virginia. So many of our citi- 
zens can trace their origin to this sturdy and energetic race that the 
book before us should command a host of readers. Among the families 
spoken of are those of Alexander, Allen, Anderson, Andrews, Ball, Bar- 
bour, Bell, Benton, Birney, Blair, Bowman, Brashear, Breckinridge, 
Brown, Buford, Bullitt, Burden, Butler, Campbell, Carlisle, Corrington, 
Carson, Caruthers, Carthrae, Chrisman, Christian, Clarke, Clay, Critten- 
den, Cummings, Dickson, Drake, Duke, Fontaine, Frogg, Hall, Harbe- 
son, Hardin, Harvey, Harvie, Hawkins, Helm, Innes, Irvine, Gordon, 
Jones, Kuth, Kirk, Le Grand, Lewis, Logan, Lake, Lyle, Madison, Mar- 
shall, McAlpine, McClure, McClarty, McClung, McDowell, McKnight, 
McPheeters, Metcalfe, Miller, Moffett, Monroe, Montgomery, Moore, 
Murray, Neil, Newton, Patton, Parker, Ppxton, Pepper, Pickett, Pres- 
ton, Price, Randolph, Reade, Reed, Reid, Smith, Starling, Stuart, 
Strother, Taylor, Thornton, Todd, Venable, Warren, Washington, 
Woodson, Wallace. Besides these the names of many that occur in the 

FRIENDS, PHILADELPHIA, 9 Mo. 25, 1720. " This meeting being in- 
formed that Richard Robinson, a person of our profession, hath lately 
been guilty of speaking divers slighty and disrespectful words in dero- 
gation of the King, which this meeting highly resents, as being repug- 
nant to our known principles and practice, and appoints Hugh Durborrow 
and John Warder to let the said Richard Robinson know, that if he do 
not condemn the same, and give such proofs of his allegiance as may be 


resentment of this meeting on the report of his speaking slightingly of 
the king, inform the meeting, that Richard acknowledged himself sorry 
for what he had said, and expressed a willingness to give any satisfac- 

124 Notes and Queries. 

tion friends should reasonably desire, and accordingly sent in a paper 
condemning his imprudent conduct &c, which paper of condemnation 
with the minute of the last Monthly Meeting relating to him, this meet- 
ing desires Thomas Griffith to read publickly in the close of the morning 
meeting next first day of the week, and that Richard do attend the 
meeting, and stand up while the paper is reading." 

VANIA. Through Mr. John Jordan, Jr., executor of the estate of 
the late William Man, of this city, the Society has received the follow- 
ing bequests, the testator directing that the principal be invested by the 
trustees and the interest applied to the funds specified : 

To the Library Fund $8,000.00 

" Binding Fund 2,000.00 

" General Fund 5,000.00 


Mr. Man was elected a life-member of the Society 25th April, 1864. 
He was the youngest son of the late Daniel Man, sea captain and mer- 
chant, of this city, and was born 30th September, 1817. After receiving 
a part of his education at the Moravian school, Nazareth Hall, in this 
State, he followed for some years his inclination for the sea. Since 
1866, Mr. Man has resided in England, where his contributions to various 
local charities have been liberal. He died 12th October, 1888, at Wood- 
bridge, in Suffolk, the home of his ancestors, where his remains are 
interred. Notwithstanding his long absence from his native country, 
Mr. Man always took an interest in the welfare and prosperity of our 

dated at New Orleans, 24th December, 1815, and addressed to a gentle- 
man of this city, we take the following extracts : 

" Now to the ground Six miles from the city is the headquarters of 
Jackson, and two and a half miles distant, Packenham's ; between is 
the battle-ground strewed with shot of all sizes. The burial place is 
three large square holes ; to appearance they were not large enough to 
contain the whole of their dead, as there are a large number of human 
skulls and bones unburied even on the graves the bones are sticking 
out of the ground. The remains of a great number of cartridge-boxes, 
knapsacks, red-coats, &c., are still to be seen. I searched a long time for 
a British soldier-button, but could not find any, so I carried to the ship 
three shot, a 24, 18, and 9, and when we return to Philadelphia you shall 
have the choice of either. They were found on the British side, so that 

Ci may rely upon their being Jackson's pills. The ground is entirely 
ren, occasioned, it is said, by the blood of the killed and wounded 
heating the ground so as to destroy all the grass. One of my companions 
brought away a skull, ' for,' said he, 'shot may be got anywhere, but a 
skull will be indisputable evidence that I have been on the battle-ground 
at New Orleans.' " 

1692. The following is a certificate of a marriage solemnized in open 
court at Salem, New Jersey, as recorded in the Minute Book No. 2, on 
file in the office of the Secretary of State at Trenton, New Jersey : 

These may certifie all whom itt may concerne that Joseph burgin of 
y c town of Salem in y e province of West Jersey, Carpint, & Jane Silver 

Notes and Queries. 125 


province in y e case provided take each y 
y e manner & forms of y e church of England, in witness whereof they 
have hereunto sett their hands before uss whose names are hereunder 
Present at y e marriage 

Jno Worlidge. Justice 
Tho Johnson Tho York 

Jinett Johnson Joshua Jackson 

Sam Hedge Rebeka baker 

Benjamin Acton Anna Hedge 
W" Elliot Mary beere 

Jonathan Beere Grace paine 
John Allin Chrystia Acton 

Charles Eowe Mary York 

Recorded y e 3 d of December 1694 by me 


CHRISTOPHER SAUR, JR., LOYALIST. The following extracts are 
taken from Davis's " Memoir of Aaron Burr :" 

" Chistopher Sower, 1st March, 1779, says, An association is signing 
here (New York), according to which the Loyalists are to form them- 
selves into companies of fifty men each; choose their own officers; to 
have the disposal of all prisoners by them taken ; to make excursions 
against the rebels, plunder them, sell the spoil, appoint an agent to 
receive the money, and to divide it among them in equal shares. 

"On the back of Mr. Sower's letter Mr. Galloway has made, in his 
own handwriting, this endorsement : * Mr. Sower is a German refugee at 
New York, and a person of the greatest influence among the Germans 
in Pennsylvania.' " S. 

ARCHBISHOP HARSNETT'S SCHOOL. His Excellency, Governor James 
A. Beaver, has forwarded to us the circular issued on behalf of the Govern- 
ors, Masters, and Scholars of Archbishop Harsnett's School, Chigwell, in 
the County of Essex, England, founded in 1629. It was at this school 
that the Founder of Pennsylvania received his education, whose name 
attaches still to one of its dormitories, and the room in which he was 
taught is still its principal school-room. The reputation of the school 
is high among the other public schools of England. The Governors 
propose : 

1. "To establish Penn Scholarships in the school, so as to attract 
clever boys to it, or to assist boys in needy circumstances. 

2. " To found Exhibitions to the University of Oxford, or of Cam- 
bridge, to be called the Penn Exhibitions. 

3. " To erect Penn Buildings, to contain a Gymnasium and Five Courts, 
a Library and Museum." 

" Will you help us," states the circular, " to accomplish one or the 
other of these objects, to enable us to carry on and develop our work in 
the memory and to the honor of your distinguished Founder ?" 

Society of Pennsylvania has in a bound volume of manuscripts a deed 
from which I take the following brief extracts, dated April 9, 1706. 
" Isabeau Minvielle now living in the City of London Spinster and 

126 Notes and Queries. 

lately living at Montauban in ffrance One of the daughters of Peter 
Minvielle late of Montauban deceased," mentions " my brother David 
Minvielle mercht. now in London." " My uncle Gabrielle Minvielle 
Late of New Yorke Mercht. Deceased," and speaks of his will 8th 
March 1697/8. The deed is sealed with an heraldic seal, partly defaced, 
a tree to the left of the shield, in the field, and some other object. This 
is, however, sufficient for identification. For a further account of this 
family see Baird's " Huguenot Emigration to America," Vol. II. pp. 138 
to 143. P. 


THIS IS TO CERTIFY, That Henry Drinker hath contributed Ten 
pounds to the Relief and Employment of the Poor of the City of Phil- 
adelphia, District of Southward, Townships of Moyamensing, Passyunk, 
and the Northern Liberties; and is thereby become one of the Corpora- 
tion of Contributors, vested with all the Rights, Powers, and Privileges 
of a Member thereof, according to An Act of Assembly made to en- 
courage the same. 

Witness my Hand, and seal of the said Corporation this Twentieth 
Day of June 1766. 


[Seal of Corporation.] Trea 8 

Hall, rector of Holy Trinity, Brooklyn, New York, sends the following 
record copied from old manuscripts in his possession : " Lydia Gibbs, 
born in Boston, January 26, 1669, married October 7, 1692, to Hugh Hall, 
Esq., of Barbadoes, died Sept. 11, 1699, and buried in a tomb at church- 
door in Philadelphia, which must have been Christ Church." 

*' THE CABINET," NEWSPAPER. While recently examining some old 
letters of my grandfather, who resided in Washington, D.C., towards the 
close of the last and beginning of the present century, the following ex- 
tracts attracted my attention. Where may I find a file of this paper, 
and what is known of its publisher ? 

" A Mr. Lyon, son of Matthew Lyon, the spitler, who was presented 
with a wooden sword by Gen. Gates at Ticonderoga, for deserting his 
post at Onion River, at this time established a printing office at George- 
town. He published a paper twice a week, called The Cabinet. This 
paper appeared to be more than usually charged with scurility ; his ar- 
tillery to be leveled chiefly against the President. He copied from the 
Aurora and other despicable papers, all that he could find against Mr. 
Adams, not being able to originate anything of the kind himself. Mr. 
Lyon soon received that treatment, which his ignorance and insolence 
deserved he was taken at a public house and severely chastised by the 
foot and rattan as his slanderous abuse merited. He immediately left 
the city, taking his press with him. 

" We may next expect to hear from him in Tennessee, editing The Cab- 
inet under the inspiration of his father, who is an old and experienced 
Democrat and mover of sedition, for which he made trial of the virtues 
of the gaol in Vermont; and altho' he persevered in the application for 
six mouths, yet it is said that he found but little benefit thereby, as he 
still continues intent upon the disorganizing system. It is hoped, that 

Notes and Queries. 127 

if all other prescriptions fail, a specific remedy will be found for him 
and the whole clan, in the halter and gibbet." ' J. N. P. 

Albany, N. Y. 

OLUTION. He was lost at sea in the winter of 1779. Letters of admin- 
istration in his estate were granted to Dennis McCarthy, September 8, 
1780. (Vol. I. p. 31, No. 47, Register of Wills' office, Philadelphia.) 
Dennis McCarthy, Bryan O'Hara, and Patrick Byrne gave bonds. In 
the second session of the Eleventh Congress the heirs (names not given) 
of said Morgan Connor petitioned for arrears of pay, etc., due him (page 
of Journal, 176). On January 31, 1810, an adverse report was issued. 
Information is desired regarding the family, parentage, and birthplace 
of this meritorious officer, with the names of his heirs. 


INFORMATION WANTED. Can you inform me where Robert Allison, 
who was admitted to the Philadelphia bar in December term, 1798, was 
born, and when? Also when ana where he died? And any other in- 
formation in regard to any official position he may have held. The 
same information is desired of the following other lawyers in Martin's 
list of the " Bench and Bar," viz. : 

William Anderson, admitted about 1785. 

George Armstrong, admitted March 8, 1796. 

George Ashbrook, admitted December term, 1798. 

Samuel Yorke Atlee, admitted March 4, 1829. 

Wm. Richardson Atlee, admitted December 15, 1787. 

William Ayres, admitted December term, 1798. 

Thomas A. Armstrong, admitted April 27, 1816. 

Daniel Addis, admitted June 7, 1808. 

Edward Allen, admitted about 1785. 

John Allston, admitted March 8, 1830. E. S. S. 

SAMPLE OR SEMPLE. In the " Bench and Bar," p. 308, will be found 

"Admitted to the Phila. Bar. 
"Sample, Cunningham, Dec. 1798. 

" David, Lancaster, Apl. 10. 1772. 
Steele, June 1796." 

Can you give me any account of the above lawyers ? When were 
they born ? when did they die? Were they related to one another? and 
what important judicial or other position did they occupy ? Is the 
name Sample or Semple? J. HILL MARTIN. 

NAVAL MEDAL. Information is requested as to the whereabouts of 
the silver medal presented to the " nearest male relative of Lieut. Wil- 
liam S. Bush, U.S.N.," who was killed in the engagement between the 
" Constitution" and the " Guerriere," in August of 1812. The medal is 
two and one-half inches in diameter, bears a relief portrait of Isaac 
Hull, around which are the words: "Peritos Arte Superat Jul. 
MDCCCXII. Aug. Certamine Fortes." On the reverse side is the scene 
of a naval engagement, above which is: "Horae Momento Victoria;" 
and below : " Inter Const. Nav. Amer. et Guer. Angl." L. B. J. 

MAGAZINE kindlv inform me whether any person was ever hung for 
counterfeiting Colonial money ? H. 

128 Notes and Queries. 

EGBERTS. Information is desired about the ancestry and descendants 
of -- Eoberts, who came over with William Penn in 1699, and settled 
in Upper Darby, near Philadelphia. His daughter Martha married 
Thomas Evans, son of Lot Evans, who emigrated from Wales same time 
as - Eoberts. 

M. DE BRULS, ENGRAVER. Can any one tell me where an engraver, 
M. De Bruls, lived, possibly in Philadelphia? I wish to ascertain the 
date of a book-plate signed by his name. E. B. 

MUSSER PEPPER. Information is desired of the ancestry and de- 
scendants of the Musser ahd Pepper families, who were settlers of Lan- 
caster County, Pennsylvania, early in the last century. 

West Philadelphia. MOTZER. 

SITGREAVES. Information is wanted concerning the parentage of 
William Sitgreaves, during the Revolutionary period a noted merchant 
of Philadelphia ; also that of his wife, Susanna. J. B. 

CHARLES COXE, OF SIDNEY. Information is desired concerning the 
parentage of Charles Coxe, of Sidney, Hunterdon County, New Jersey, 
who married, 1759, Eebecca Wells, of Philadelphia. E. S. 

FOOTMAN. What is known concerning the parentage of Eichard 
and Eleanor Footman, who resided in this city at the close of the 
eighteenth century ? C. C. T. 

Darby, Pa. 

MARKOE. Information is requested of the ancestry of Abram 
Markoe, for some time captain of the First City Troop. S. T. D. 

Bristol, Pa. 

LIGHT. Who were the parents of John Light, who settled in Lan- 
caster County prior to the Eevolution, and that of his wife, Catherine 
Britzius? M. 

Eeading, Pa. 

497.) In the Old Episcopal church-yard, Allentown, New Jersey, are 
two large vaults, side by side, covered with a large slab, on which are 
these two inscriptions : " Isaac Price Died February 25th 1768 Aged 46 
years. Mary Blackwell Died April 7th 1766 Aged 21 Years." As these 
are on the same slab, a kinship was likely between the Prices and Black- 
wells. The Eev. Eobert Blackwell, minister of St. Mary," Old Coles- 
town Church," was made rector, November 19, 1772. He married 
Eebecca, a daughter of Joseph Harrison, and resided in Haddonfield. 
During the Eevolutionary War he became a chaplain in the army, and 
the church was again left without regular service. (Clement's " First 
Settlers in Newtown Township, N. J.," p. 209.) Hinchman and Harri- 
son are well-known Haddonfield families. I think, therefore, these 
Bible records belong to those of the name in New Jersey. It is also 
noticeable that the names of four Blackwells occur among the soldiers 
of the Eevolutionary War from Hunterdon County, New Jersey. (See 
Stryker, p. 509.) W. J. P. 





YOL. XIII. 1889. No. 2. 




We have assembled to-night for the purpose of commemo- 
rating an interesting and important national event. We have 
met in this beautiful hall, dedicated to the muse of history 
and adorned with visible reminders of the heroic past, in 
obedience to the sentiment that no marked event in our 
national history should be permitted to pass without a 
gathering of the people, in honor of the deeds of our illus- 
trious sires, and in pious gratitude to God for the blessings 
of liberty. These commemorative celebrations are of price- 
less value. They serve to keep alive the recollection of the 
past ; they reanimate the aged ; they kindle the enthusiasm 
of the young ; they instruct the ignorant ; and promote the 
careful study of our institutions. They destroy the barriers 
of local prejudice and sectionalism, and knit in closer bonds 
of union the members of our great republic." They are 

1 A paper read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, April 6, 
1889, to commemorate the first meeting of the First Congress of the 
United States. 

VOL. xiii. 9 (129) 

130 The First Congress of the United States. 

occasions upon which we renew our vows of fealty to the 
Constitution. Eloquence, poetry, and philosophy find in 
them fresh sources of inspiration. The pulse of the patriot 
is quickened, the sympathies of statesmen are broadened, 
while the souls of all true lovers of liberty according to 
law are lifted up and purified. During the past decade 

" What great events have chased the seasons by, 
Like gale-blown waves beneath a thundering sky !" 

At Lexington -and Bunker Hill, at Philadelphia in 1876, 
at Saratoga and Trenton, at Brandywine and Germantown, 
at Valley Forge and Monmouth, at Stony Point and Charles- 
ton, Savannah, and Eutaw Springs, we met to commemorate 
the self-sacrificing struggles of our sires. At Yorktown we 
celebrated their final triumph and deliverance from bondage. 
But eighteen months ago the citizens of thirty States met 
in our city the city of the Declaration of Independence and 
the Constitution to applaud the completion of the struct- 
ure of our government by its architects and builders, and its 
solemn dedication to the service of the people and mankind. 
We now stand upon the threshold of the Centenary of their 
last great act. The inauguration of Washington was their 
crowning work. Their labors were then ended, and our 
ship of State, freighted with the rights of men, and floating 
from her mast-head the banner of constitutional freedom, was 
launched upon the sea of Time, in which the centuries are 
but as waves. 

I do not intend to anticipate the thoughts appropriate to 
the celebration of the 30th of April, but to invite your at- 
tention to an acJMvhich, though less imposing, was none the 
less important than the inauguration of the President. 

We meet to commemorate the first meeting of the First 
Congress of the United States. 

The old Congress of the Confederation, among its last 
acts, had provided that the First Congress under the Consti- 
tution should convene in the city of New York on the 4th 
of March, 1789. On that day but eight members of the 
Senate and thirteen of the House of Representatives ap- 

The First Congress of the United States. 131 

peared in their respective halls and took their seats, and both 
Houses adjourned from day to day until the 1st of April, 
when, a quorum of the House being present, an organization 
was effected by the choice of Frederick Augustus Muhlen- 
berg, of Pennsylvania, as Speaker, and John Beckley as 
Clerk, both gentlemen being selected by ballot. 1 It was not 
until the 6th of April, however, that a quorum of the Sen- 
ate was present, so that this is the natal day of our National 
Congress^ which, under the Constitution, consists of two 
bodies, a Senate, in which the States are equally represented, 
and a House of Representatives, in which the people of the 
States are represented in proportion to their population. 
In their aggregate capacity, both are representatives of the 
people of the United States. 

This feature of the Constitution was a novelty. The 
Continental Congress had consisted of but one body, and 
the debate in the Federal Convention upon the respective 
merits of a single chamber, or of the bicameral system, as 
it was termed by Bentham, had been warmly contested, the 
ultimate decision being in favor of the latter, although 
stoutly opposed by Dr. Franklin. 

During the first week of its sessions the House had pro- 
ceeded to the appointment of a Committee upon Rules and 
Orders of Procedure, and was actually engaged in the con- 
sideration of a resolution relating to the form of oath to be 
taken by its members to support the Constitution of the 
United States, when, on the morning of the 6th of April, a 
message was delivered by Mr. Ellsworth, of Connecticut, 
stating that a quorum of the Senate had been formed, that 
a President had been elected for the sole purpose of opening 
the certificates and counting the votes of the electors of the 
several States, in a choice of a President and Yice-President 
of the United States, and that the Senate was then ready to 
proceed in the presence of the House to discharge that duty. 2 

1 " Annals of Congress," compiled by Joseph Gales, Sr., Washington, 
1834, Vol. I. pp. 16-946; "History of Congress," Philadelphia, 1834, 
Vol. I. pp. 9-24. 

2 " Annals of Congress," Vol. I. p. 97. 

132 The First Congress of the United States. 

The House responded through Mr. Boudinot, of New 
Jersey, that it was ready forthwith to meet the Senate, and 
the Speaker, accompanied by the members, filed into the 
Senate chamber in the west wing of Federal Hall, at the 
junction of Wall and Broad Streets. 

It was a solemn hour when John Langdon, of ISTew Hamp- 
shire, who twelve years before had pledged private plate and 
commercial credit to win the battle of Bennington, arose 
and opened and counted the votes, whereby it appeared that 
George Washington had been elected President and John 
Adams Vice-President of the United States of America. 

The world had never witnessed such a scene as this. It 
had contemplated with awe the making of consuls and dic- 
tators, the crowning of kings, the proclamation of em- 
perors. But the chariot-wheels of the conqueror had been 
driven over the necks of the people, and the gilded barges 
of monarchs had been launched upon the tears of their sub- 
jects. The air had been often convulsed with the cry, " The 
king is dead, long live the king!" But now a scene of 
novel yet sublime simplicity was witnessed : a new political 
character had been created. Henceforth no tyrant, knave, 
or fool could plead hereditary right to rule ; henceforth the 
ruler was to be the servant of the people, elected by the free 
ballots of freemen, while the welkin rang with joyous 
shouts, " Long live the President of the United States ; 
forever live the Constitution and the Union; forever live 
the liberties of America !" 

Thus was the government happily organized. It must 
have been a profound relief to those earnest patriots who 
had so long waited in patience for the dawning of day. 
The years which had succeeded the treaty of peace had 
been dark indeed. Political independence, it is true, had 
rewarded the exertions of our arms, but bankruptcy and social 
disorder, lawlessness and civil paralysis, had seized the State, 
and the brightest anticipations of those lion-hearted men 
who had met the dangers of July, '76, had turned like Dead- 
Sea apples into ashes. The Constitution, which was or- 
dained to provide a remedy, had been adopted only after a 

The First Congress of the United States. 133 

long and bitter struggle, and had encountered the opposition 
of such men as Patrick Henry, Samuel Chase, and Luther 
Martin. Gerry, of Massachusetts, and Mason and Randolph, 
of Virginia, had discredited the instrument by their refusal 
to sign. The victory had been won by Madison, of Virginia, 
Wilson, of Pennsylvania, Hamilton and Jay, of New York, 
and Ellsworth, of Connecticut. When the Constitution was 
before the people for adoption, and the result was in doubt, 
Gouverneur Morris wrote to Washington as follows : " I 
have observed that your name to the Constitution has been 
of infinite service. Indeed, I am convinced that if you had 
not attended the Convention, and the same paper had been 
handed out to the world, it would have met with a colder 
reception, with fewer and weaker advocates, and with more 
and more strenuous opponents. As it is, should the idea pre- 
vail that you will not accept the Presidency, it will prove 
fatal in many parts. The truth is, that your great and de- 
cided superiority leads men willingly to put you in a place 
which will not add to your present dignity, nor raise you 
higher than you already stand." l 

And when, on the morning of the 4th of March, solemnly 
appointed by law for the new government to go into opera- 
tion, Robert Morris and John Langdon saw but six asso- 
ciates present in the Senate, and Fisher Ames and Elbridge 
Gerry met but ten fellow-members in the House, and the 
long days darkened into night until a month had passed, it 
would not have been surprising if gloom and despair reigned 
in the breasts of those who maintained their vigils and their 
trust. Surely it was an auspicious omen that the long and dis- 
tressing delay was broken by the appearance in the Senate, 
on the 6th of April, of Richard Henry Lee, the man who, 
on the 7th of June, 1776, had proposed in Congress : " That 
these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free 
and independent States : that they are absolved from all alle- 
giance to the British Crown, and that all political connec- 

1 Gouverneur Morris to Washington, Philadelphia, Oct. 30, 1787 ; 
Elliott's " Debates," Vol. I. Appendix, p. 505. 

134 The First Congress of the United States. 

tioii between them and the State of Great Britain is, and 
ought to be, totally dissolved." 

Who were the members of the first Senate of the United 
States? Among them we note eleven of those who had 
been members of the Convention which framed the Consti- 
tution of the United States. There was the ardent and 
self-sacrificing Langdon. There was Caleb Strong, "a 
statesman of consummate prudence from the Valley of the 
Connecticut, a graduate of Harvard, and a fit representative 
of the country people of Massachusetts." There too was 
Oliver Ellsworth, a giant in the law, the author of the Judi- 
ciary Act, and the future Chief-Justice of the United States. 
At his side sat that accomplished scholar and polished de- 
bater, William Samuel Johnson. Beyond was Rufus King, 
the man who had inspired the soul if not the language 
embodied by Nathan Dane in the famous Ordinance of 
1787. His colleague was Philip Schuyler, whose military 
laurels had been unjustly snatched by Gates. New Jersey 
had sent William Paterson, the author of the plan in the 
Federal Convention which bore fruit in the establishment 
of the Senate and the reserved powers of the States, and 
subsequently an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. 
Pennsylvania was represented by Robert Morris, whose 
reputation as a financier can never die, and William Maclay, 
a sturdy Democrat and witty annalist, from whose " Sketches 
of Debate in the First Senate of the United States" we de- 
rive the most life-like and suggestive portraits. There too 
was George Read, of Delaware, and Charles Carroll, of 
Maryland, both signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
From Virginia came Richard Henry Lee and William Gray- 
son ; from Georgia, William Few, a modest but not uninfiu- 
ential member of the Federal Convention ; while from South 
Carolina came Ralph Izard, with blood as " hot as the sands 
of his native State," and Pierce Butler, who " flamed like a 
meteor," but who, in spite of his foreign birth and aristo- 
cratic descent, had written in the midst of the wildest 
tumult of the Revolution, " I wish I was possessed of 
power sufficient to enable me to be more serviceable to a 

The First Congress of the United States. 135 

country that is dearer to me than the one I first breathed 
in." l 

In the House of Representatives, which was the arena 
sought by the rising and vigorous intellects of the country 
as the appropriate theatre for the display of their powers, 
stood James Madison, the Father of the Constitution, 
pre-eminently first, debarred by the fears and wiles of 
Patrick Henry from entering the Senate, but destined to 
leadership in all the great measures of legislation affecting 
the revenues, commerce, and finance. Beside him were 
Roger Sherman, the shoemaker of Connecticut, the only 
man in the long roll of illustrious names who had signed all 
four of the most important State papers in American his- 
tory, the Articles of Association of the Congress of 1774> 
the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, and the Constitution of the United States; Nicholas 
Oilman, of ISTew Hampshire, a stripling in years, but a law- 
yer of ability ; Elbridge Gerry, a singular admixture of en- 
lightened statesmanship and political cunning; Thomas 
Fitzsimons, a Philadelphia merchant, and the stoutest ad- 
vocate of our first protective tariff; George Clymer and 
Daniel Carroll, all of them members of the Federal Conven- 
tion, and therefore trained in the best school to qualify them 
for the high and responsible duty of organizing the govern- 
ment. There too were Fisher Ames, the most brilliant 
orator of that day and the most renowned supporter of the 
treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay; Elias Boudinot, of New 
Jersey, once President of the Continental Congress ; Fred- 
erick Augustus Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, the first 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, and a galaxy of 
lesser lights, whose names still glow in our political firma- 

Such were the men who composed the First Congress of 
the United States. 2 

1 Original autograph letter, never published, in possession of writer. 

2 The complete list is as follows : 


Caleb Strong, ) Massachu- I John Langdon, j New Hamp- 
Tristram Dalton, j setts. | Paine Wingate, j shire. 


The First Congress of the United States. 

In reviewing the work of this Congress our attention is 
first attracted by the effort to establish, or the final estab- 

Wm. Saml. Johnson, ) Connecti- 
Oliver Ellsworth, j cut. 

Philip Schuyler, 

Jonathan Elmer, 
Wm. Paterson, 

3d session, 
Philemon Dickinson, 

Y , 



Richard Henry Lee, 
Wm. Grayson, 
after 31st March, 1790, 


John Walker, 

3d session, 
James Monroe, 

At 3d session. 

Samuel Johnston, } North Caro- 
Benjamin Hawkins, J Una. 


At the 3d session. 
Joseph Stanton, Jr., ) Ehode 
Theodore Foster, J Island. 




Abiel Foster, 

Nicholas Gilman, > , . 

Samuel Livermore, J snire ' 

George Thatcher, 

Fisher Ames, 

George Leonard, 

Elbridge Gerry, 

Benjamin Goodhue, 

Jonathan Grout, 

George Partridge, 

Theodore Sedgwick, 

Benjamin Huntington, 

Roger Sherman, 

Jonathan Sturges, 

Jonathan Trumbull, 

Jeremiah Wadsworth, 

Egbert Benson, 

William Floyd, 

John Hathorn, I New 

Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, f York. 

John Lawrence, 

Peter Sylvester, 

Elias Boudinot, "I 

Lambert Cadwalader, i New 

James Shureman, j Jersey. 

Thomas Sinnickson, J 

George Clymer, 

Thomas Fitzsimons, 

Thomas Hartley, 

Daniel Heister, I Pennsylva- 

F. A. Muhlenberg, [ nia. 

Peter Muhlenberg, 

Thomas Scott, 

Henry Wynkoop, 

John Vining, {-Delaware. 

Daniel Carroll, 
Benjamin Contee, 
George Gale, 
Joshua Seoey, 
William Smith, 
Michael Jenifer Stone, 

Theodoric Bland, 
John Brown, 
Isaac Coles. 
Samuel Griffin, 
Richard Bland Lee, 
James Madison, Jr., 
Andrew Moore, 
John Page, 
Alexander White, 
Josiah Parker, 



Edanus Burke, 
Daniel Huger, 
William Smith, 
Thomas Sumter, 
Thomas Tudor Tucker, 


Abraham Baldwin, ] 

James Jackson, > Georgia. 

George Mathews, J 

The First Congress of the United States. 137 

lishment, of certain customs and ceremonies which have 
long since ceased to exist. 

On the 21st of April, the Vice-President, Mr. Adams, was 
introduced to the Senate by Mr. Langdon, and delivered an 
address, in which he congratulated the country upon the 
successful formation of the Federal Union, upon the adop- 
tion of the Constitution, and the auspicious circumstances 
under which the new government came into operation 
under the Presidency of him who had led the American 
armies to victory, and conducted by those who had con- 
tributed to achieve independence. 

Two days later an animated debate arose upon the ques- 
tion, What titles shall be annexed to the office of President 
and Yice-President ? and a committee, consisting of Mr. Lee, 
Mr. Izard, and Mr. Dalton, was appointed to consider and 
report thereon. The matter had been suggested by Mr. 
Adams, who, from his experience and knowledge of foreign 
Courts, and an exalted notion of the dignity of his office, 
declared himself in favor of titles. 1 He was warmly opposed 
by Mr. Maclay, of Pennsylvania, who based his objections 
upon the language of the Constitution, forbidding titles of 
nobility. On the 9th of May the committee reported in 
favor of " His Highness, the President of the United States 
and Protector of their Liberties." Mr. Lee was warm in its 
support. He declared that all "the world, civilized and 
savage, called for titles. There must be something in 
human nature that occasioned this general consent; there- 
fore he conceived it was right." He read a list of all the 

At the third session of the First Congress the following additional 
members attended : 
Benjamin Bourn, } Rhode Island. 
John Baptist Ashe, 
Timothy Bloodworth, N ^ 
John feevier, 
John Steele, 
Hugh Williamson, 

1 See " History of Congress," Vol. I. ; " Annals of Congress," Vol. I. ; 
Benton's " Abridgment of the Debates," Vol. I. ; " Sketches of Debates 
in the First Senate of the United States," by William Maclay, a Senator 
from Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, 1880. 

138 The First Congress of the United States. 

princes and potentates of the earth, where the word High- 
ness occurred. The Grand Turk had it. All the princes 
of Germany had it. The sons and daughters of crowned 
heads had it. Venice and Genoa gave titles, and France 
and Spain. Mr. Izard followed in the same strain, but 
favored the words " His Excellency." Paterson rose, but 
" there was no knowing which mind he was of." Lee consid- 
ered him against him and answered him ; but Paterson finally 
voted with Lee. Ellsworth declared that the appellation of 
President was common. It put him in mind that there 
were presidents of fire companies and cricket clubs. On the 
other side were arrayed Charles Carroll and William Ma- 
clay. They denounced kings and royal governments, and 
all their " faulty finery, expensive trappings, and brilliant 
scenes." They preferred the simple language of the Consti- 
tution, and declared that no additional words could add to 
the dignity of offices, or to the character of the men who 
held them. In the mean time the House, at the instance of Mr. 
Maclay, who had suggested to the Speaker and other friends 
that the Senate displayed a disposition to erect pompous 
and lordly distinctions between them, established a precedent 
by addressing the President by his constitutional name, 
without title, and the matter culminated in a resolution to 
conform to the position of the House for the sake of harmony. 
Once again was the serenity of the atmosphere disturbed. 
The President was to address the Senate. How should the 
Yice-President behave ? How should the Senate receive 
the address ? Should it be standing or sitting ? Mr. Lee 
declared that he had been in the House of Commons, and 
that the Lords sat, while the Commons stood on the delivery 
of the King's speech. Mr. Izard made the " sagacious dis- 
covery that the Commons stood because they had no seats to 
sit in on being arrived at the House of Lords. It was dis- 
covered too, after some time, that the King sat and had his 
robes and crown on." The Yice-President declared that he 
could not say how it was, as there " was always a crowd and 
ladies along." Mr. Carroll exclaimed it was of no con- 
sequence how it was in Great Britain ; they were no rule to 

The First Congress of the. United States. 139 

us. 1 In the mean time the President arrived and advanced 
between the Senators and Representatives, bowing to each, 
and, after taking the oath of office upon the gallery opposite 
the middle window of the Senate chamber, in the presence 
of the people who were congregated in the street below, re- 
turned, and all arose as he addressed them. 

A few days later the Senate and the House separately 
waited upon the President at his residence, presented an 
answer to his address, and received his reply, everything 
being conducted with stately and formal ceremony. 

On the 21st of August a committee was appointed by the 
Senate to wait upon the President and confer with him as to 
the proper mode of communication to be observed between 
them when carrying out that clause in the Constitution 
which required the advice and consent of the Senate in the 
matter of treaties and appointments to office. It was re- 
solved that the President should attend in the Senate cham- 
ber, and that the Yice-President should yield his chair to the 
President and take a seat upon the floor, reserving his right, 
however, as presiding officer of the Senate, to put all ques- 
tions, whether in the presence or absence of the President. 
The resolution was acted upon but once, when the President, 
attended by General Knox, his Secretary of War, conferred 
with the Senate in relation to the treaty with the Creek and 
Cherokee Indians. The practice was then discontinued, and 
communication by message established. The change has 
been deprecated by Senator Benton as greatly to the preju- 
dice of the free and independent action of the Senate in 
such cases. Important and unusual treaties, even those with 
foreign powers, are now negotiated in secret, and then laid 
before the Senate for ratification as an administration meas- 
ure, and the Senate is coerced by the weight of Executive 
influence and the inconveniences of rejection, amounting to 
moral duress, into an abdication of its right to independent 
judgment and action. 2 

1 " Sketches of Debates in the First Senate of the United States," by 
William Maclay, a Senator from Pennsylvania, pp. 42, 48, 50. 

1 Benton's "Abridgment of the Debates in Congress," Vol. I. p. 18. 

140 The First Congress of the United States. 

A singular illustration of the practice prevailing in rela- 
tion to appointments occurred in the case of Colonel Fish- 
bourne. That gallant and well-known soldier had been 
nominated by the President for the place of naval officer of 
Savannah. The Senate refused to confirm him. The Presi- 
dent sent a letter nominating Lachlan Mclntosh in his stead, 
stating that he was persuaded that whatever reasons the 
Senate had for its dissent must be presumed to be sufficient, 
but suggesting that in the future it would be expedient for 
that body, in case of a difference of judgment, to listen to 
the reasons which had governed the choice of the Execu- 
tive, and setting forth in strong terms the merits and qualifi- 
cations of Colonel Fishbourne. 1 This message, says Benton, 
is an instance of the deference of the President to the Sen- 
ate, in thus yielding, upon their objections, the nomination 
of a citizen whom he knew to be fit and worthy. It is an 
instance also of the deference of the Senate to the individ- 
ual views of the Senators of the State directly interested in 
the nomination, and constitutes the first case on record of 
what is now known as " Senatorial Courtesy," Colonel Fish- 
bourne having been rejected simply because the Senators 
from Georgia preferred some one else. During all this 
time the Senate sat with closed doors, both in its legislative 
and executive capacities, a custom which was maintained 
until the 20th of February, 1794, when the doors were 
opened during legislative sessions. 

While the Senate was thus engaged in settling questions 
of etiquette, the House was actively at work upon impor- 
tant and necessary legislation. It first turned its attention 
to the regulation of oaths of office, a subject which produced 
the earliest though not a serious collision between the Feder- 
alists and those who subsequently became the ardent advo- 
cates of State Rights. As it had been provided that the 
Constitution should be the supreme law of the land, and 
that Senators and Representatives, and the members of the 
several State Legislatures and all executive and judicial offi- 
cers, both of the United States and the several States, should 
1 Benton's "Abridgment," Vol. I. p. 17. 

The First Congress of the United States. 141 

be bound by oath or affirmation to support the Constitution, 
a bill was brought in for this purpose. It was suggested that 
it was inexpedient to interfere with the States or their offi- 
cers, as it might produce jealousy of Federal power. The 
adopting States had pledged themselves to conform to the 
Constitution, and it was better to trust to State action. 
Connecticut had already acted. Massachusetts was in 
doubt, and all congressional interference might produce 
resentments. The Senate, after some discussion, adopted 
an amendment of the House bill by which State officers were 
obliged to take the oath ; it being argued with great force and 
earnestness by Langdon, Ellsworth, Izard, and Lee that the 
supremacy of the new government was of the first impor- 
tance, and that all officials, whether Federal or State, should 
be compelled to recognize it. 

As early as the 8th of April the House, having resolved 
itself into a Committee of the "Whole, entered into a dis- 
cussion of duties on imports. The subject had been intro- 
duced by Mr. Madison, who proceeded in the parliamentary 
form common at that day, but since abandoned, of first dis- 
cussing and agreeing to a measure, and then appointing a 
committee to bring in a bill according to what had been 
agreed upon, thus giving scope to the intelligence of the 
whole House before the subject had taken a form difficult to 
alter and certain to be objected to when brought in by a 
committee as a specific bill. 1 

In opening the debate, Mr. Madison pursued a moderate 
course, declaring that the plan he wished the committee to 
adopt was similar to propositions made on the subject by 
the Congress of 1783, which were well calculated to form 
the basis of a temporary system : that the main object was 

1 The authorities from which the following account of the proceedings 
of Congress is drawn are the " Annals of Congress," " The History of 
Congress," Benton's "Abridgment of the Debates," Maclay's " Sketches 
of Debates in the First Senate of the United States," " The Laws of the 
United States," in three volumes, published by authority, imprinted in 
Philadelphia in 1796, "The Life and Works of John Adams," Vol. III., 
edited by Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1851, "The Writings of 
Madison," Vol. I., Philadelphia, 1865. 

142 The First Congress of the United States. 

to provide a revenue in order to meet the deficiency in the 
Treasury, and that the methods to be resorted to should be 
as little oppressive to constituents as possible, as " commerce 
ought to be as free as the policy of nations will admit." He 
was supported by Mr. Boudinot and Mr. White and Mr. 
Lawrence. Upon the second day, Mr. Fitzsimons, a mer- 
chant of Philadelphia, of ample experience and great per- 
sonal influence, aware that the table of Congress was loaded 
with petitions from the business men of the leading cities of 
the Union from Boston to Charleston, portraying the ruin- 
ous effects of foreign competition upon the manufacturing 
and other interests of the country, gave the debate a new 
direction and a stronger impetus by declaring that he had 
prepared an additional list of articles to be subjected to 
duties, among which were some calculated " to encourage 
the productions of our country and protect our infant manu- 
factures; besides others tending to operate as sumptuary 
restrictions upon articles which are often termed those of 
luxury." The same idea was clearly expressed by Mr. 
Hartley, also of Pennsylvania, who said, " If we consult 
the history of the ancient world, we shall see that they have 
thought proper for a long time past to give great encour- 
agement to the establishment of manufactories, by laying 
such partial duties on the importation of foreign goods, as 
to give the home manufactures a considerable advantage in 
the price when brought to market. It is also well known to 
this committee that there are many articles that will bear a 
higher duty than others, which are to remain in the common 
mass, and be taxed with a certain impost ad valorem. From 
this view of the subject I think it both politic and just that 
the fostering hand of the general government should ex- 
tend to all those manufactures which will tend to national 

Thus early in our history were the doctrines of a protec- 
tive tariff announced, and it is a matter of no little pride to 
us that it was the voice of Pennsylvania which first spoke in 
their behalf. The effect of these views is plainly traceable 
throughout the debate, which continued with but little inter- 

The First Congress of the United States. 143 

ruption until the middle of May. Even Mr. Madison shifted 
his ground, and in a letter to Edmund Eandolph, wrote: 
" Opinions are divided upon the point whether the first plan 
shall be a hasty and temporary essay, or be digested into a 
form as little imperfect as the work of experience will 
admit. There are plausible arguments on both sides. The 
former loses ground daily, from the apparent impractica- 
bility of reaping the spring harvest from importations." l 
Upon the floor he declared that he hoped gentlemen would 
not infer that he thought the encouragement held out by the 
bill to the manufacturers improper. Far from it : he was 
glad to see their growing consequence, and was disposed to 
give them every aid in his power. 

In the Senate the bill was debated with spirit; Morris, 
Maclay, Ellsworth, and Langdon contending with Lee, 
Izard, Johnson, and Butler, the latter of whom denounced 
the measure proposed as oppressive to South Carolina. His 
State " would live free or die glorious." The result was 
a bill which became a law by the signature of the Presi- 
dent on the 4th of July, 1789, imposing duties on goods, 
wares, and merchandise imported ; this being " necessary," 
as the preamble alleged, " for the payment of the debts of 
the United States and the encouragement and protection of 
manufactures." The duties imposed were low, measured 
even by the standard of those days, when the cost of trans- 
portation was great. At the second session of this Congress 
the President reminded them that " the safety and interest 
of the people require that they should promote such manu- 
factures as would tend to render them independent of others 
for essential (particularly military) supplies." A second and 
much more protective tariff was adopted in August, 1790, 
after Hamilton had been asked to " report a plan, conform- 
ably to the recommendation of the President." At the 
next and last session, in October, 1791, Hamilton made his 
famous "Treasury Report" on the subject, in which he 
dwelt with masterly emphasis upon the new era upon which 

1 Letter, dated New York, April 12, 1789, Madison's " Writings," Vol. 
I. p. 463. 

144 The First Congress of the United States. 

industry was entering, through the use of machinery and 
division of labor ; on the advantages that would be lost to 
the nation who fell behind in this advance ; on the inter- 
dependence of all the material interests of the country ; and 
on the relation of a diversified industry to national pros- 

The second great subject to which the attention of Con- 
gress was directed was the judiciary department. The 
Constitution had vested the judicial power of the United 
States " in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts 
as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish." 
In defining the extent of the judicial power, the Constitu- 
tion had declared that it " shall extend to all cases in law 
and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the 
United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty 
and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the 
United States shall be a party; to controversies between 
two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another 
State; between citizens of different States; between citi- 
zens of the same State claiming lands under grants of dif- 
ferent States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, 
and foreign States, citizens or subjects." The original juris- 
diction of the Supreme Court was expressly limited to cases 
affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, 
and those to which a State shall be a party. In all the 
other cases mentioned the jurisdiction was appellate only. 

Here then was a vast field new and untrodden a terra 
incognita into which the boldest and best-equipped lawyer 
might well enter with hesitation and foreboding. The Sen- 
ate first grappled with the subject, and appointed a com- 
mittee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman, with Pater- 
son, Maclay, Strong, Lee, Bassett, Few, and Wingate as 
associates. The debate that ensued upon their report was 
long and able, in which all the lawyers participated, display- 
ing abundant learning and professional ingenuity. 

The result was a bill, concurred in by the House, and ap- 

The First Congress of the United States. 145 

proved by the President on the 24th of September, 1789. 
It was provided that the Supreme Court should consist of a 
Chief- Justice and five Associate Justices, any four of whom 
should be a quorum, and that they should hold two sessions 
annually at the seat of government. The United States 
were divided into thirteen districts, and a District Court 
was established in each. These districts were divided into 
three circuits, and a Circuit Court was established in each. 
The jurisdiction of each court, whether original or appellate, 
whether exclusive or concurrent, was carefully defined. 
Ample powers were bestowed both at law and in equity, 
and proceedings were regulated. Attorneys, marshals, and 
clerks were provided for, and finally it was enacted " that in 
all Courts of the United States, the parties may plead and 
manage their own causes personally, or by the assistance of 
such counsel or attorneys at law as by the rules of the said 
Courts respectively shall be permitted to manage and con- 
duct causes therein." 1 

No feature of the Constitution is more likely to kindle 
the enthusiastic admiration of the philosophical student of 
our institutions than the establishment of a judicial depart- 
ment independent in character, beyond the reach of preju- 
dice and passion, dispensing with calm voice the bless- 
ings of the government, armed with authority to overturn 
improvident or unjust legislation by a State directed against 
the contracts, the currency, or the intercourse of the people, 
and restricting congressional action to constitutional bounds. 
The conception of the Supreme Court with its appellate 
powers was the greatest creation of the Constitution. It 
embodied the loftiest ideas of moral and legal power. Its 
novelty was sublime. It was entirely original. Its pro- 
totype existed nowhere. No system of government known to 
earth ever approached it in grandeur. It is the court of last 
resort. It is absolute in authority. It is above the Execu- 

1 An Act to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States ; "Laws 
of the United States," Vol. I. p. 47. The jurisdiction bestowed was by 
no means coextensive with that denned in the Constitution, and has been 
enlarged from time to time. 
VOL. xm. 10 

146 The First Congress of the United States. 

tive, it is above the Legislature. It is subordinate to no other 
department. Its decree is law. From its mandates there is 
no appeal. It is the august representative of the wisdom 
and justice and conscience of the whole people. " It is 
the peaceful and venerable arbitrator between the citizens 
in all questions touching the extent and sway of constitu- 
tional power. It is the great moral substitute for force in 
controversies between the people, the States, and the Union." 

The Congress then organized the Executive Departments 
of Foreign Affairs, of War, of the Treasury, and the Land 
Office ; provided for the temporary establishment of the 
Post-Office ; fixed the salaries of all members of the gov- 
ernment ; imposed duties on tonnage ; regulated the coast- 
ing trade, and the registering and clearing of vessels; es- 
tablished light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers; 
settled the accounts between the United States and indi- 
vidual States ; provided for the government of the terri- 
tory northwest of the Ohio River ; and adapted the military 
establishment to the new order of affairs. 

During the passage of the bill relating to the Department 
of Foreign Affairs, the question was agitated of the Presi- 
dent's constitutional power of removing from office. Mr. 
Madison had added to his resolution the words, " and to be 
removable by the President." A heated discussion followed. 
Mr. Bland proposed to add " by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate." But his motion failed, and the lan- 
guage objected to was retained by a large majority. The 
question was reopened and introduced in a new form, when 
the acknowledgment of the power as conferred by the Con- 
stitution upon the President was sustained by thirty votes 
against eighteen in the negative. The bill went to the 
Senate, which was equally divided, and the matter was set- 
tled by the casting vote of the Yice-President in favor of the 
exclusive power of the President. The country acquiesced 
in the decision, and the power of absolute removal has 
been exercised by the President ever since, except during a 
brief period beginning in Johnson's administration. 

The question of the permanent seat of the government 

The First Congress of the United States. 147 

was then introduced. Some wished it upon the Potomac, 
others upon the Delaware, and others again upon the Sus- 
quehanna; Wright's Ferry, Yorktown, Harrisburg, and 
Peach Bottom were mentioned. Some wished a centre of 
territory, others a centre of population, others again a 
centre of wealth. Where were these points and were they 
likely to be stable? The Pennsylvania Senators were 
divided, and it is probable that, owing to this disagreement, 
the national capital was lost to this State. Mr. Maclay 
contended for the Susquehanna ; Mr. Morris was at first in 
favor of the Falls of the Delaware, but failing in this, en- 
deavored to have it established in Germantown, contending 
that it ought to be near a commercial place. The Susque- 
hanna measure passed the House and was agreed to in the 
Senate, but Germantown was afterwards substituted in the 
Senate through the pertinacious efforts of Mr. Morris. 
It was subsequently agreed to in the House, but, at the in- 
stance of Mr. Madison, an amendment was made providing 
for the operation of the laws of Pennsylvania in the district 
until supplied or altered by Congress. This amendment 
rendered necessary the return of the bill to the Senate, 
where a majority appeared against Germantown, and on the 
28th of September, the question still being open, the bill 
was postponed. It was in vain that Mr. Maclay raised his 
prophetic voice that if the Susquehanna was yielded the 
seat of government would be fixed on the Potomac. His 
prophecy was verified. At the next session, while the 
funding bill was under debate, Mr. Hamilton secured its 
passage by yielding the capital to the Southern States, and 
the permanent seat of the government was fixed in the 
District of Columbia. 

The question of amendments to the Constitution was 
then taken up and disposed of. It will be remembered that 
several of the States, notably Massachusetts and Virginia, 
had proposed amendments, embodying a Bill of Eights, as 
the conditions of their ratification of the Constitution. The 
subject was discussed at some length, and finally the ten 
first amendments as they now exist were adopted, and pre- 

148 The First Congress of the United States. 

sented by Congress to the States for action. Mr. Madison's 
position was explained by him in a letter to Mr. Eve. 1 He 
writes : "I freely own that I have never seen in the Con- 
stitution, as it now stands, those serious dangers which have 
alarmed many respectable citizens. Accordingly, whilst it 
remained unratified, and it was necessary to unite the States 
in some one plan, I opposed all previous alterations as calcu- 
lated to throw the States into dangerous contentions, and to 
furnish the secret enemies of the Union with an oppor- 
tunity of promoting its dissolution. Circumstances are now 
changed. The Constitution is established on the ratifica- 
tions of eleven States and a very great majority of the people 
of America, and amendments, if pursued with a proper 
moderation, and in a proper mode, will be not only safe but 
may serve the double purpose of satisfying the mind of 
well-meaning opponents, and of providing additional safe- 
guards in favor of liberty." 

Such were the acts of the First Congress during its first 
session, which was held in the city of New York, beginning 
on the 1st of April and terminating on the 29th day of Sep- 
tember, 1789. The second session was held at the same 
place, beginning on January 4, 1790, and terminating on 
the 12th of August of that year. 

After providing for the taking of the first census and es- 
tablishing a rule of naturalization, the Congress proceeded 
to the consideration of the public credit, a matter which 
provoked a prolonged discussion, one which will remain for- 
ever memorable in our annals. It was the genius of Hamil- 
ton that inspired that great debate. It was he who origi- 
nated policies, breathed life into statutes, gave reputation 
and stability to the administration, rescued the nation from 
bankruptcy, adjusted the claims of creditors, and developed 
theories into vigorous principles of constitutional law. 
Amid a bewildering variety of business, he found time to 
evolve a great financial policy, broad, comprehensive, and 
minute, which he laid before the House in a report upon 
the public credit. He had divided the debt into three parts, 
1 Dated 2d January, 1789, Madison's " Writings," Vol. I. p. 446. 

The First Congress of the United States. 149 

the foreign debt, the domestic debt, and the debts of the 
States incurred in the cause of the Union during the war of 
the Revolution. To the first there was no objection; to the 
second all were agreed, but differences of opinion arose as to 
how and to whom the payment should be made. To the 
assumption of State debts there was strenuous opposition. 
For the first time, the lines of division between the two 
great parties became distinctly visible, and as time went on 
these became more and more strongly marked. Jackson, 
Livermore, Scott, Sedgwick, and Ames threw themselves 
into the arena : the former in attack, the latter in defence 
of the bill. For the first time in his career Mr. Madison 
parted company with Washington, and drifted slowly into 
opposition. He moved to discriminate between original 
creditors and present holders, so as to pay claims in full to 
the former, the highest market price to the assignee, and 
the remainder to the original creditor. With great astute- 
ness and plausibility he urged his views. He was answered 
by Boudinot, who said that the gentleman from Virginia 
had not scrutinized the subject with his usual accuracy. He 
was led away by the dictates of his heart and his sympathy 
with the misfortunes of those who were the prey of avarice. 
But the real question was, Is the debt due, and if any of our 
first creditors has assigned his claim are we to disavow the 
act of the party himself? The same reasoning would re- 
quire us to go further and investigate every claim of those 
who had received Continental money, which they afterwards 
parted with for ten, forty, or one hundred for one. For 
days the contest raged. Then Madison proposed a com- 
promise which was finally lost. Assumption was carried by 
an overwhelming vote, the result, it has been said, of " a 
little talk and a little dinner," where Hamilton agreed to 
secure votes for a Southern capital and Jefferson promised 
to do the same for assumption. 

The passions of the House were also aroused upon the 
subject of slavery. The Pennsylvania Society for Promoting 
the Abolition of Slavery had presented a memorial for the 
relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage and for 

150 The First Congress of the United States. 

the improvement of the condition of the African race. It 
was signed by the venerable Benjamin Franklin as presi- 
dent, and was introduced by Mr. Hartley, of Pennsylvania. 
It was instantly attacked by Mr. Tucker, of South Carolina, 
as having for its object to engage Congress in an unconsti- 
tutional measure. Mr. Burke and Mr. Jackson followed in 
the same strain, and were replied to by Mr. Scott and Mr. 
Sherman. Upon the question of commitment, however, 
the votes stood forty-three to fourteen. The flames were 
smothered for a time, but again broke forth when the 
report of the committee was presented. Mr. Burke, of 
South Carolina, made a violent attack upon the Quakers. 
He denied that they were friends of freedom ; asserted that 
during the late war they were for bringing the country 
under a foreign yoke ; that they descended to the character 
of spies ; had supplied the enemy with provisions ; and had 
acted as guides to their armies. Mr. Smith, from the same 
State, followed in a long and bitter speech. Mr. Boudinot 
replied with great spirit. He resented the attack upon the 
Quakers, and cited instance after instance of their humanity 
to prisoners, and of the aid and comfort they had given 
during the war. The attack he denounced as an indis- 
criminate charge. " Where was the denomination," he 
asked, " that did not furnish opposers to our glorious Revo- 
lution ? Were not hundreds of Presbyterians, Episcopalians, 
and almost of every other denomination, among our enemies ? 
What denominations formed the thousands of new levies 
that endeavored to deluge our country in blood ? On the 
other hand, were not a Greene and a Mifflin furnished from 
the society of Quakers ?" The report of the special com- 
mittee was finally received by a vote of twenty-nine to 
twenty-five, and the philanthropic society, of which Dr. 
Franklin was president, was informed that " Congress had 
no right to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or their 
treatment in any of the States." 

When Congress next met, it was in the city of Phila- 
delphia, the third session being held in the old building, 
erected in 1787, at the southeast corner of Sixth and Chestnut 

The First Congress of ike United States. 151 

Streets. There John Adams presided over the Senate. 
There Madison and Fisher Ames contended with each other 
upon the bill to establish a National Bank. There Wash- 
ington was inaugurated for his second term. There John 
Adams was inducted into the Presidential office. In a sim- 
ilar building, at the southwest corner of Fifth and Chestnut 
Streets, sat the Supreme Court of the United States. There 
Jay and Rutledge and Ellsworth presided as Chief-Justices. 
There Lewis and Dallas, Ingersoll and Tilghman, Rawle, 
Dexter, and Harper appeared to argue their causes. Be- 
tween them stands the Hall, sacred to the Declaration of 
Independence and the Constitution. Where, in America, 
can be found a similar group of historic buildings ? Quaint 
in their simplicity, solid in their structure, thrilling in their 
associations, they speak each hour to the Americans of to- 
day. They recall the plainness, the strength, the endurance, 
the patriotism, the heroism, and the sacrifices of our early 
days. Invested with a charm that clings not to the moulder- 
ing ruins of feudal castles, or the frowning prisons of the 
Doge, they speak not of tyranny, but of liberty. They are 
shrines and places of baptism where our fathers knelt and 
dedicated themselves and their children to the service of 
mankind. Let no rage for modern improvement demand 
their removal. Let no thoughtless spirit of progress lay 
ruthless hands upon their holy walls. 

The third and last session of the Congress opened on the 
6th of December, 1790, and terminated on the 3d of March, 
1791. Besides a discussion upon the address of the Presi- 
dent, particularly in relation to the treaty with the Creek 
Indians, debates arose upon duties on spirits, the public 
lands, and a vacancy in the Presidency. But the subject 
which engaged almost exclusively the attention, and taxed 
to the utmost the abilities, of both parties, was the famous 
debate upon the Bill to Establish the Bank of the United 
States. The plan originated with Hamilton, and was adopted 
in the Senate with but little difficulty. Mr. Madison led the 
opposition in the House, and Mr. Ames made a brilliant 
reply. It was doubted whether Congress had the constitu- 

152 The First Congress of the United States. 

tional power to establish a National Bank ; it was dreaded 
as an engine of tyranny and faction. It was thought to be 
in derogation of the rights of the States, and was viewed 
with distrust and alarm. To this it was answered that the 
bank was an instrument which was necessary and proper 
for carrying into effect the powers vested in the government. 
It was to be created for national purposes, and would be the 
great instrument by which the fiscal operations of the govern- 
ment would be conducted. Upon the final vote the yeas and 
nays were called, and it was found that thirty-nine were in 
favor of the measure and twenty against it. It was a great vic- 
tory for the Federalists. The division took place almost upon 
geographical lines, the North sustaining the administration, 
the South, with but three exceptions, appearing in opposition. 

On the 3d of March, 1791, the First Congress adjourned. 

In this imperfect review I have contented myself with 
alluding to leading measures, in which we have a general 
outline of the government of the United States. It has been 
the work of later years to fill in the details, to work out 
new problems, to apply the principles of the Constitution to 
new conditions, to bind contending sections in stronger and 
holier bonds of alliance. The picture upon which we look 
in retrospect could not have been perceived even in dim and 
distant adumbration by the most piercing gaze of those men 
of eagle eyes. They knew little of what the future had in 
store. They could not have dreamed of our magnificent 
expansion, our growth in power, in influence, in grandeur, 
in wealth ; and yet, so well and wisely did they toil, and so 
marvellous was the work of their hands, that the mantle of 
the Constitution has been " spread without stretching" from 
commonwealth to commonwealth, until forty-two States are 
now enveloped in its still ample folds, and more than sixty 
millions of people repose beneath the aegis of its protection. 
Sustained in our high hopes of the future by our experience 
of the past, we may confidently exclaim, 

How many ages hence shall this 

Our lofty scene be acted o'er 

In lands unknown, and accents yet unborn ? 

Nawative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 153 


(Continued from page 70.) 

Nothing can have a greater appearance of dispassionate 
candour, if we except the expression Tories, than this re- 
port ; yet nothing was ever more abundant in chicane and 
deceit. On the 17th of May, the date of our letter, the gaol 
was exactly, literally, in the state we represented it to be : 
on the 23d of the same month it was what their report af- 
firms. But, in the interim, so industrious were they to give 
their proceedings every appearance of truth, as well as of 
humanity, one hundred and fifty privates had been sent 
away, some of the sick removed, the gaol-yard thoroughly 
cleaned, and our rooms whitewashed. They then, with an 
ostentatious formality, examined the prison, and made their 
report. But was it probable, was it possible, that men could 
have the temerity, knowing themselves in the power of an 
unforgiving enemy, or the audacity, making pretension to 
the character of gentlemen, to affirm such direct falsehoods 
as their report made our letter to contain ? Or if one were 
so spleen-ridden, as to magnify his miseries so excessively, 
would five other gentlemen have written their names, and 
disgraced themselves in attestation of his visions ? No : 
Rouzed by a retrospection of things that could not be justi- 
fied, and irritated that men should dare to speak the plain 
truth, they remove, in some measure, the cause of the com- 
plaint, and then affirm it never existed : they are afraid the 
tale should be told to their confusion, therefore resolve to 
tell it first themselves. No other excuse can be adduced to 
plead for the duplicity of their conduct, but the often reiter- 

154 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

ated one of political necessity. This, perhaps, may justify 
them to themselves, and to the world, as politicians, but 
will not invalidate my claim to distinction from the nation 
in whose cause I suffered. It will, likewise, if admitted, 
be a melancholy proof, that politics and justice are things, 
in their own nature, very distinct and heterogeneous. 

There are other things in this report which I would wish 
should be particularly noticed. Eetaliation, and other 
reasons of policy and prudence, are there assigned as the 
causes of my continued imprisonment. I hope this will be 
remembered, because very different motives are given here- 
after. It is likewise there asserted, I had sundry times 
behaved amiss while on parole : this, upon the word and 
honour of a gentleman, I totally deny. I must, likewise, 
remark, that their other reasons of policy and prudence 
were evidently the conviction they had of my determination 
to leave nothing unessayed to serve his Majesty. They 
knew me to be an enterprizing, and, as may be adduced 
from the former part of this narrative, a dangerous enemy ; 
and, therefore, would not suffer me to escape. These were 
reasons of policy and prudence. 

Another effort is made to impugn my veracity, by saying, 
that Dr. Shippen, when he visited me, found my situation 
directly opposite to my representation : that my indisposi- 
tion was slight, and merely of a hypochondriac nature. To 
this I answer, that when this visitation was made, I had lost 
my appetite : had an incessant watchfulness ; was reduced 
to a skeleton ; had blisters upon my neck ; was incapable of 
walking across the room ; and, for the two preceding nights, 
my brother officers had very humanely sat up with me. 
That melancholy and hypochondria should be generated in 
such a situation is not to be wondered at ; but surely these 
were indications of something more than a slight indis- 

Here, that is, in York-Town gaol, I remained till the 
evacuation of Philadelphia by the British army; when, 
just before the return of Congress to that city, I was in- 
formed, officially, that a general exchange had taken place, 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 155 

and that I, amongst others, was exchanged : but before the 
final departure of Congress, this information, though from 
the Board of War, was contradicted. Towards the latter 
end of July, a still stronger assurance of approaching liberty 
arrived. A letter from the American Commissary General 
of Prisoners came to York-Town, wherein it was required 
that I, with my brother officers, should be immediately for- 
warded to Elizabeth Town, to be exchanged. I was now 
admitted to my parole (be pleased to observe) as a prisoner 
of war, and obtained a passport for myself and servant to 
Philadelphia, when I waited on the Deputy Commissary of 
Prisoners, and shewed him my passport. He informed me, 
I should proceed in a day or two, took my address, and 
recommended me to keep within my lodgings. I was 
punctual in waiting upon him at the time mentioned, when 
to my utter surprize and chagrine, he told me, I was by 
order of Congress, to be again confined, for a few days, in 
the new gaol, until that body had more properly considered 
of the admission of my exchange, whither he had an officer 
in waiting to convey me. To have gained my parole, to be 
thus far advanced on my way, and afterwards, without the 
least cause, to be so cruelly and vexatiously again imprisoned, 
disturbed me so much, that I wrote to the President of Con- 
gress, complaining bitterly of the length of my confine- 
ment, and evidently studied cruelty of my treatment, to 
which I received no answer. I then addressed myself to 
General Washington, and stated the peculiarity of my case, 
who wrote me a short reply to this purport ; u That he had 
transmitted my letter to the President of Congress, but 
could extend no relief to me, as I was the immediate prisoner 
of that body." 

It was on the 5th of August, 1778, that I, for the third 
time, became an inhabitant of this prison, at which time I 
became acquainted with Captain Hawker, a Gentleman of 
great philanthropy and liberality of sentiment, and to 
whom I owe every acknowledgment, for his polite atten- 
tions and civilities while he remained. 

My irritation of mind was now so great, that a dismal 

156 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

train of nervous disorders, established in my habit by former 
sufferings, were revived with such force, that sleep and 
appetite again forsook me, and I fell into the last stage of 
despondency. I wrote, however, on the 12th of October, 
to Congress, informed them of my ungenerous usage, and 
claimed the treatment of a prisoner of war. I ultimately 
demanded a personal audience of a Committee of Congress, 
in order to know wherefore I was refused to be exchanged, 
or on what pretence I had been subjected to such unpar- 
alleled injustice and indignities. The officers who signed 
the before recited remonstrance, were Provincial, not British 
officers, born and bred in America ; and they, as well as 
many more in the same predicament, had been exchanged, 
therefore my country could be no impediment. Mr. 
Cameron, who had been taken with me at Hagar's Town, 
had been so also of course. I was upon that ground equally 
eligible. I therefore declared I was utterly incapable of 
accounting, by any mode of reasoning, for my peculiar 
detention, and required to receive personal and authentic 

For once I was gratified, and brought before a committee, 
where having briefly recapitulated my causes of complaint, 
the chairman replied to the following purport : 

That it had been for some time past his opinion, which 
he had not scrupled to communicate to Congress, that I 
should be kept in close custody, until Sir John Johnson 
was delivered up to them, who, he asserted, had broken his 
sacred parole given to General Scuyler, and joined the 
enemy ; since which time he had been committing ravages 
upon the northern frontiers, with a body of light troops and 
Indians, as he supposed I intended to do. 

To this I answered, that a parole or honorary obligation, 
I presumed, was of modern date, calculated to alleviate the 
horrors of war; that no Gentleman could be answerable 
for any but himself; that I had been admitted to my parole 
above a year ago, when my conduct was irreproachable, and 
that I was again, without the least cause on my part, thrown 
into prison, and there continued for another year; that 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 157 

much had been said about the infraction of my parole, 
which I utterly denied to have been the case. 

To this they replied, I certainly had not adhered to the 
spirit of it, for that I had spoken against their proceed- 
ings, and had frequently attempted to turn them into ridi- 

I answered, the spirit of my parole was so indefinite a 
phrase, that it carried no accusation ; that it was impossible 
to produce an instance, and that nothing of this nature could 
be affirmed, except in vague and general terms. 

The final objection they made to my exchange, turned 
upon the impropriety of my being considered as a prisoner 
of war. They said, I had not been taken at the head of 
any armed troops, but privately making my way through 
the country ; and one of them asserted, I might be con- 
sidered as amenable to law martial, as a spy ; but at the 
same time he observed, there was no intention of treating 
me as such. 

This was an accusation of so strange and novel a nature, 
that it excited both my surprise and indignation ; and I 
answered it, recapitulating, that I had been now almost 
three years a prisoner, in which space I had been three 
times admitted to my parole on their own authority ; that 
I had repeatedly complained to them of the harshness of 
my treatment, and the length of my imprisonment, but 
that they never before had alledged this crime against me 
in their justification ; nor was it, I said, possible, with even 
a shadow of truth. I was the King's commissioned oificer, 
taken in the execution of my duty, to a sovereign, at that 
time, acknowledged by themselves. America was not a 
separate state; no independency was declared; no penal 
laws promulgated. Neither was there anything to spy. I 
was perfectly acquainted with the country, and there were 
no armed troops, fortifications, or ihtrenchments, to be 
inspected; nay, more, themselves knew my business was 
not to give intelligence, but to act, which had been publicly 
declared in their proceedings concerning me, in which I had 
been acknowledged a prisoner of war. 

158 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

The committee at length promised to consider and report 
my case to Congress, and as my health was so exceedingly 
and visibly impaired, gave me an intimation, that if I were 
not exchanged, I should be enlarged on parole. I was then 
re-conducted to prison. 

As the sole end and purport of this narrative is to show, 
that I was, from the commencement to the last moment, 
firm and active in my loyalty ; that had I been at liberty, I 
had the power as well as the will to serve my sovereign and my 
country ; that Congress were conscious of this, and there- 
fore resolved to detain me, which they did in an extraordi- 
nary manner, and quite distinct from any other Loyalist, 
during the whole contest ; I therefore hope my prolixities 
will be forgiven, and my endeavours to exhibit myself and 
sufferings such as they really were, considered not as the 
effusions of vanity, but a strict and literal representation of 
facts, in order to obtain justice : that I shall be indulged 
with a patient hearing, while I contrast the assertions, and 
shew the incongruities of the opposite party; and that, 
while I " extenuate nought, nor aught set down in malice," 
I shall not be thought guilty of magnifying my own mis- 
fortunes, or the political injuries of my enemies. 

Permit me then to remark, that in the report of the 23d 
of May, retaliation for the sufferings of American prisoners, 
and other reasons of policy and prudence, were assigned 
for the causes of my imprisonment ; but since that, having 
been more closely pressed for my release, and having no 
good reason to alledge why I should not be exchanged as 
well as others, they answered, for the first time, that I might 
be considered as amenable to law martial as a Spy, but gra- 
ciously gave me to understand, they would not totally pro- 
ceed to such extremities. They had still a further subterfuge. 
The following note was sent me a few days after the above 
hearing from the committee : 

The committee appointed to take into consideration the 
application of Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, request that 
gentleman will inform them of his reasons for not producing 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 159 

and pleading his commission, at the time he was first taken, 
and for a considerable time afterwards. 
Thursday 12 o'clock. 

It appears really astonishing, to think that a body of men 
could suffer such a note to escape them, when my papers 
had several times, and my commission among the rest, been 
examined ; but the fact was, they wanted to publish some- 
thing to the world, that should, in my case, have at least 
the semblance and plausibility of justice. However, I made 
them so cautious an answer, that they were obliged to drop 
this plea, and once again take refuge under the Spy. Ac- 
cordingly, in about two months after this committee first 
gave me a hearing, and pretended to examine into the true 
state of the business, the following report and resolve of 
Congress were published : 

CONGRESS, Nov. 12, 1778. 

The committee, to whom was referred a letter from John 
Beatty, Commissary of Prisoners, dated September 15th, 
1778, together with two letters from Joshua Loring, Esq. ; 
of the 1st of September and 28th of October, and sundry 
letters from John Connolly, report the following state of 
facts : 

That Doctor John Connolly (now stiling himself Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel in the British service) was, in the latter end 
of November, 1775, apprehended in Frederick county, in 
Maryland, in company with a certain Allen Cameron, and 
John Smyth, by the Committee of Inspection of that county. 
That at the time he was taken, he was not in arms, or at 
the head of any party of men in arms, but was clandestinely 
making his way to Detroit, in order to join, give intelligence 
to, and otherwise aid the garrison at that place, as appears 
by his own intercepted letters of the 16th of December, 1775. 

That a number of officers in the British service, who 
were made prisoners, long after the said John Connolly 
was apprehended, have been exchanged in course ; and no 
demand has been made (till within these few months past) 

160 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

by any British General, for the release or exchange of the 
officer last-mentioned. 

With respect to the treatment of the said Lieutenant- 
Colonel Connolly, the Committee report : 

That at the time when he was first apprehended, he was 
confined under guard, by the Committee of Inspection in 
the town of Frederick, in an apartment separate from his 
associates, without any circumstance to aggravate his cap- 
tivity, except the being debarred the use of pen, ink, and 
paper: That, notwithstanding this restraint, he contrived 
to write several letters of intelligence to the British officers 
commanding at the posts of Detroit and Kuskuskis, which 
letters were found on the person of Dr. Smyth, one of his 
associates, who, having escaped from the town of Frederick, 
was again apprehended : 

That by the resolution of Congress, of the 8th of De- 
cember, 1775, he was ordered to be confined in prison at 
Philadelphia ; that being brought to that city, he was con- 
fined in the new gaol, wherein he continued till about the 
month of November, 1776, when he was permitted, on 
account of a declining state of health, to reside on his 
parole, at the house of his brother-in-law, on the river 
Susquehannah, where he continued for about two months ; 
when, on information being given to the Council of Safety, 
of the State of Pennsylvania, of certain suspicious circum- 
stances relative to him, he was remanded to his former place 
of confinement, in which he continued till about the spring, 
1777, when he was again permitted on his parole, and the 
security of his brother-in-law, to return to his former place 
of residence on the river Susquehannah : 

That during these periods of his confinement in the new 
gaol, he had, for the greatest part of the time, a separate 
apartment to himself, the privilege of walking in the yard, 
a person allowed to attend him in his apartment, and his 
own servant permitted to fetch him such necessaries as he 
chose to order. 

That during the short period, when he had not a separate 
apartment, there were never more than two persons in the 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 161 

same room, seldom more than one, and those, some of his 
associates, or in consequence of his particular request : 

That during these periods of time, he made two attempts 
to escape, in which he was detected : 

That on authentic information being given to Congress, 
at York-Town, that the said Lieut. Col. John Connolly, 
was acting in a manner not consistent with the spirit of his 
parole, and the frontiers being threatened with a barbarous 
war, in which there was reason to apprehend he was designed 
as an instrument, he was ordered into confinement in the 
gaol at York-Town on the 13th of October : 

That on the 17th of May, the said J. Connolly, with 
several others confined in said gaol, made a representation 
to Congress, setting forth in the strongest colouring, the 
hardships and cruelties which they declared they were then 
suffering : 

That on the result of a strict enquiry, and after the gaol 
had been visited by Colonel Pickering, one of the members 
to the Board of War, it appeared, that the suggestions 
contained in the said representation, were scandalous and 
groundless ; and the report of the Board of War, was, on 
the 23d day of May, ordered to be published : 

That since the evacuation of Philadelphia, the said J. 
Connolly was remanded to the new gaol in that city, where 
(excepting the space of about fourteen days, when two 
persons were necessarily obliged to sleep in the same room) 
he has had a separate and commodious apartment of his 
own choice, the privilege of his own servant to attend him 
constantly, and to bring him whatever he may require, and 
the unrestrained use of a spacious yard to take the air in, 
during the day : 

That in his letter of the 12th of October, 1778, the said 
J. Connolly declared, " That the common rights of humanity 
are denied to him," and paints his situation in such terms, 
as would tend to induce a belief, that the most wanton 
cruelties and restraints are imposed upon him : 

That in consequence of a request of J. Connolly, to be 
heard in person by Committee of Congress, this Committee 
VOL. xm. 11 

162 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

have complied with this request, when he declared, in pres- 
ence of your Committee, " that, excepting the restraint of 
his person, under the limits above-mentioned, which, how- 
ever indulgent they might appear, he conceived unfavourable 
to his state of health, he experienced every other relief which 
could be extended to a person in confinement :" 

That Joshua Loring, Esq ; British Commissary of pris- 
oners, in his letter to Mr. Beatty of the first of September, 
1778, threatens to retaliate on an American prisoner at war, 
of equal rank with Lieutenant Colonel Connolly, for the 
sufferings which, it is pretended that officer endures." 
Whereupon, Resolved, That Lieutenant Colonel John Con- 
nolly, cannot of right, claim to be considered and treated 
as a prisoner of war ; but that he was, at the time he was 
apprehended, and still is, amenable to the law martial, as a spy 
and emissary from the JBritish army : . . . that the repeated 
representations made by Lieut. Col. John Connolly, of the 
grievances he undergoes, are not founded on facts : . . . 
That General Washington be directed to transmit the fore- 
going resolutions and state of facts, to the Commander in 
Chief of his Britanic Majesty's forces in New- York; and 
to inform the said officer, that if, under the pretext of 
retaliating for the pretended sufferings of a person, who, 
by the law of nations, has no right to be considered as a 
prisoner of war, any American officer, entitled to be con- 
sidered and treated as a prisoner of war, shall undergo any 
extraordinary restraints or sufferings, Congress are deter- 
mined to retaliate on the person of an officer of the first 
rank in their possession, for every species of hardship or 
restraint on such account inflicted. 

Extract from the minutes, 


Though the inconsistencies of this paper are, I hope, 
evident from the facts before related, yet as they may not 
strike a mind less interested with the same force, I beg to 
be indulged while I point out a few of them. 

They make it one of my crimes, that although I was de- 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist 163 

barred the use of pen, ink, and paper, I, notwithstanding, 
contrived to write several letters of intelligence to British 
officers. This is ridiculous; for, certainly, if I had the 
means, it was as much my duty to aid my Sovereign when 
in prison, as when at liberty, I not having given, by parole, 
any promise to the contrary. 

Another of my sins is, that I made two attempts to 
escape ! 

Sometimes they call me Doctor, sometimes Lieutenant- 
Colonel, and sometimes John Connolly; but when they 
speak of the lex talionis, they threaten to retaliate on the 
person of an officer of the first rank in their possession. 

Another part of their report is contrary to truth : after 
the evacuation of Philadelphia, they say I was remanded back 
to the new gaol in that city. The fact is as before related ; 
I was going from York-Town to Elizabeth-Town, on my 
parole, to be exchanged, and was stopped at Philadelphia ; 
but it did not suit their purpose to state it in this light. 

They say no demand has been made, till within these few 
months past, by any British General for my release, or ex- 
change. This is an equivocation which must be explained 
in justice to Sir William Howe. I had come down to Phil- 
adelphia, in consequence of a general exchange of prisoners ; 
which, previous thereto, could never be settled, owing to 
the impediments inseparable from a state of warfare in a 
rebellion. It could not, therefore, militate against that com- 
mander, as inattentive to the condition of a loyal American. 
I must likewise acknowledge, with the warmest gratitude, 
the zeal with which Sir Henry Clinton insisted upon my 
release, although this equitable and generous interference 
had nearly effected my destruction ; for finding themselves, 
when they made the above resolve, in possession of General 
Phillips, and other officers of rank, the Congress was de- 
termined to keep me ; and the threat of retaliation, however 
disguised, was palpably levelled at the last-mentioned Gen- 
eral, and was, in fact, a plain declaration to Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, that I should not then be exchanged. 

I owe, indeed, every obligation to Sir Henry's attention ; 

164 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

for when the report, which the emissaries of Congress had 
propagated that I was not commissioned, reached the British 
lines ; to obviate immediately that pretence, and all undue 
advantages that might be taken, had my commission been 
lost by any accident, or out of my power to produce, he 
instantly caused the following certificate to be transmitted 
to Philadelphia : 

November 27, 1778. 

This is to certify, that John Connolly, Esq ; was appointed 
Lieutenant-Colonel in his Majesty's service, by his Excellency 
Lord Dunmore; and said Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly is 
now confined in prison by the enemy, in Philadelphia ; and 
I further certify, that I have received Lieutenant-Colonel 
Connolly's full subsistence, up to the 25th December, 1778, 
by order of his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, Commander 
in Chief of his Majesty's forces in North America. 


D. I. a. P. forces. 

(Copy from the original.} 

I shall forbear to reason upon, or take any further notice 
of that part of their report, where they endeavour to shew 
I had not endured any peculiar hardships in my imprison- 
ment, or of their treating me as a spy in their resolve, having 
before spoken to those points, but shall proceed with my 

Some time after this, Doctor Berkenhout arrived at Phila- 
delphia from New York, and was imprisoned on some sus- 
picions, by which accident I became acquainted with that 
Gentleman, and much conversation passed between us con- 
cerning the most probable means of my obtaining my liberty. 
Shortly after he was delivered from his confinement, an 
order of Congress, under the signature of their Secretary, 
came to the keeper to lock me up in my room (I having 
then the privilege of walking in the gaol yard), place a cen- 
tinel at my door, and allow no person whatever to converse 
with me. The complexion of the times, the formality of 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 165 

the order, coming immediately too from Congress, and the 
strictness with which it was enforced, gave me reason to 
believe that the last tragic act was now to take place, and 
that I should be released from my sufferings by execution ; 
and in such a state were both my mind and body, that this 
imagination gave far more pleasure than pain. I remained 
in this suspense for six weeks, when my door was again 
thrown open, and I was allowed to walk in the yard. 

It afterwards appeared, that Mr. Silas Deane, in his de- 
fence of his public transactions while Ambassador to the 
Court of France, had affirmed, he had discovered, by means 
of his emissaries at New York, that Dr. Berkenhout had 
made a proposition to the British General, to suspend all 
exchange of American officers till I was admitted to be ex- 
changed, and that I was then to be sent to the northward, 
to carry on a predatory war, whence he asserted, he had 
saved the inhabitants of the United States from the horrors 
of Indian hostilities. This, absurd as it was, and calculated 
on private views only, was the cause of my above close 

Soon afterwards I was suddenly attacked by a cholera 
morbus, and continued in so languishing a state, that in the 
beginning of April, 1779, a certificate of my infirmities was 
signed by two of the most eminent physicians in Philadel- 
phia, and sent by them to Congress, wherein they declared, 
that unless I was allowed the open air, I must fall a victim 
to imprisonment, on which I was allowed to ride four hours 
a day, within the limits of about two miles, but on my 
parole, obliged to return every night to confinement. It 
was intimated likewise, I should soon be sent to Reading 
and exchanged ; but even the indulgence of riding in the 
open air, was presently prohibited, and I again shut up in 

Thus I continued till the 17th of November, at which 
time, in consequence of the return of General Sullivan, 
from his expedition against Colonel Butler and the Indian 
auxiliaries, in which he was supposed to have greatly in- 
timidated those people; and as it was evident, that my 

166 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

health was in a manner irreparably impaired, and the future 
of the war more favourable to Congress, they came to the 
following resolve : 

In Congress. 
Kead a report from the Board of War. 

Whereupon resolved, 

That the Commissary-General of prisoners be authorized 
to exchange Lieutenant-Colonel John Connolly, for any 
Lieutenant-Colonel in the service of the United States, now 
a prisoner with the enemy. 

By order of Congress, 


I was quickly after sent to German Town on parole, and 
on the 4th of July, 1780, allowed to go to New- York on 
the following conditions : 


His Excellency General Washington having granted me 
permission to repair to the City of New- York on parole, 
for the purpose of negociating my exchange for that of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Ramsay, I do promise, on my word of 
honour and faith as a gentleman, that I will pass from here 
on the direct road to the said City of New- York, by the 
way of Elizabeth Town, and that I will return to captivity 
at the expiration of one month from this day, unless within 
that time the above-mentioned exchange is effected. 

I do, in like manner, pledge my word and sacred honour, 
that I will not, directly nor indirectly, say or do any thing 
injurious to the United States of America, or the armies 
thereof; but that I will in all things conduct myself as a 
prisoner of war ought and should do, under the indulgence 
granted me. 

It is worthy of remark, that, in the resolve, Congress 
authorized me to be exchanged for any Lieutenant-Colonel 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 167 

in the service of the United States ; but in the strange parole, 
which they obliged me to give, they insist upon a particular 
person, a favourite Colonel. However, that all necessity of 
my return to Philadelphia might be totally superseded, the 
Commander in Chief allowed Colonel Ramsay to set off' on 
his parole immediately, and the final adjustment of the 
matter was deferred till the 25th of October, 1780, at which 
time, after suffering what I have related, in an imprisonment 
of almost five years, I congratulated myself on a restoration 
to liberty. 

(To be concluded.) 

168 Owen of Merion. 



I. Owen ap Evan, of Fron Gdch, 1 near Bala, in the comot 
of Penllyn, Merionethshire, Wales, was born probably prior 
to his father's removal from Bhiwlas, which event may have 
occurred subsequent to 1636. He was the son of Evan Robert 
Lewis, of Fron Grdch, a "Welsh gentleman of small fortune, 
but " of an ancient and honourable family," who was born 
circa 1585, 2 and is described as " a sober honest man." 
Owen ap Evan had several brothers, of whom John ap 
Evan was father of William John, of Gwynedd, and of 
Griffith John, 3 of Merion, early settlers of Pennsylvania. 
Further on it will be noticed that Robert Owen in his will 
mentions his " cousin Griffith John," thus confirming the 
account given in the old manuscript from which the above 
statement is partly taken. Evan ap Evan, another son of 
Evan Robert Lewis, was father of the Evans brothers who 
settled at Gwynedd, for a detailed account of whose de- 
scendants see H. M. Jenkins's " Historical Collections of 
Gwynedd." The children of Griffith John called them- 
selves " Griffiths," and those of William, " Williams." The 
descendants of Owen ap Evan assumed the surname of Owen. 
Owen ap Evan died at Fron Goch prior to 1678. From rec- 
ords extant it appears that his wife's name was Gainor John, 
and that she was probably living until 1682. Owen and 
Gainor had issue, five children : 

1 Called also Vron and Tron G6ch, the Red Slope. 

2 Old manuscript pedigree. Dwnn Visit. Wales, 1601 (Meyrick). 

3 Described in Welsh documents as " Griffith John de Gwerevol ;" he 
came with Robert Owen in 1690. His certificate was from the Quar- 
terly Meeting of Friends at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merionethshire, and bears 
the same date as that of his relative. 

Owen of Merion. 169 

1. Robert, b. circa 1657 ; m. Rebecca Owen. 

2. Owen, supposed to have d. s. p. 

3. Evan, living 1690. 

4. Jane, m. Hugh Roberts. 

5. Ellin, m. Cadwalader Thomas ap Hugh. 

H. Robert Owen, 1 son of Owen ap Evan, of Fron Goch, 
and Gainor, born at Fron Goch, Merionethshire, Wales, circa 
1657 ; died in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, Penn- 
sylvania, 10th mo. 8th, 1697, and was buried in the ground 
of the Merion Friends' Meeting on the 10th of same month. 
His brother-in-law, Hugh Roberts, says of him : " He was one 
that feared the Lord from his youth, being convinced of the 
truth when about seventeen years of age . . . travelling 
several times through his native country, Wales, where he 
was of good service. In 1690 he came into Pennsylvania, 
where he lived about seven years, visiting this and the ad- 
jacent provinces, and was also very useful in the meeting 
where he resided ... a man of peace, hating all appear- 
ance of contention, endued with wisdom and authority, yet 
merciful unto the least appearance of good in such as he 
had to do withal." 

Regarding his earlier life in Merionethshire many particu- 
lars have been obtained. The following from " Besse's 
Sufferings of Friends," Vol. I. p. 755, is the first men- 
tion we have of him as a Quaker : " Anno 1674, on the 3d 
day of the month called May, John David, Robert David, 
Robert Owen, Cadwallader Thomas, and Hugh Roberts 
were taken by the Sheriff with a process and committed to 
Dolgelly Goale, being indicted at sessions some time before 
for their being absent from National Worship." " Robert 

1 There was another Robert Owen and Jane, his wife, of Dolsereu, 
near Dolgelly, Merionethshire, who came to Pennsylvania in 1684, on the 
" Vine," and settled on Duck Creek, New Castle (now Delaware), where 
a son, Edward Owen, had previously located. Robert and "Jane died in 
1685. They had nine sons, all of age before their arrival here, of whom 
I can name only Lewis, who came with them, but returned to Wales ; 
Dr. Griffith Owen, who accompanied them, and died in Philadelphia ; 
Edward, who remained on Duck Creek and left descendants. 

170 Owen of Meri&n. 

Owen, of Yron Goch," was one of those Quakers fined for 
meeting at Llwyn y Braner, in the parish of Llanvawr, May 
16, 1675 (PENNA. MAG., Vol. Y. p. 359), together with his two 
sisters, Elin, who afterwards married Cadwalader Thomas 
ap Hugh, and Jane, wife of Hugh Roberts. His younger 
brother, " Evan Owen ye son of a widdow called Gainor, 
whose late husband was Owen ap Evan of Yron Goch," was 
also present at a meeting, " though but 9 or 10 years old." 
Robert was appointed one of the overseers of the will of 
John Thomas, of Llaithgwm, which document is dated 9th 
February, 1682, 1 and was executed in Wales, but probated 
in Pennsylvania in the year 1688. He is described therein 
as " Robert Owen late of fron goch neer Bala in the County 
of Merionyth." Subsequent to this date I find him a resi- 
dent of the parish of Llanddervel in Merionethshire. 2 On 
the 8th day of the 6th month (August), 1690, the Quarterly 
Meeting of Friends held at Tyddyn y Garreg, Merioneth- 
shire, granted a certificate of removal to this Robert Owen. 
This certificate is of record in Book 1st, pp. 286-87 of the 
Merion, Radnor and Haverford Meeting, and is as follows : 

To o e Friends & Brothers in the Province of Pennsylvania. 
These are to certifie, as occasion shall require, unto whom 
it may concern in the behalf of o e dearly beloved friende & 
Brother Robt. Owen & Rebecca his wife & their dear & 
tender children. That they are faithfull & beloved friends, 
well known to be serviceable unto Friends & brethren since 
they have (become convinced), of a Savory & Blameless 
conversation. Alsoe are psons Dearly beloved & Respected 
of all sorts. His testimony sweet & tender, reaching to the 
quicking seed of life, of a meek, quiet & gentle Behavior ; 
we cannot alsoe but bemoan the want of his company, being 

1 Will Book A, Philadelphia. 

2 He appears as a witness to sundry deeds executed in Merionethshire 
in 1682, and recorded in Philadelphia, 1684, in Deed Book C I, for 
land in Pennsylvania, viz. : " John Thomas, of Llaethgwm, Merioneth, 
yeoman," to "Edward Jones, of Bala Chyrurgeon," dated 1st April. 
" Edward Jones, of Bala, to Hugh Eoberts, of the township of Ciltal- 
garth, yeoman," dated the last day of February. 

Owen of Merion. 171 

he was near and dear unto us & seasonable in intention for 
Pennsylvania many months before his removal, now seeing 
it remaineth still on his mind, & in order therein unto find- 
ing his way clear & freedom in the truth according to the 
measure manifested unto him, we thought it o e duty to 
commend him unto you as o e dear & faithfull friend & 
brother, and hereby desiring their faithfull services in the 
truth may increase & abound among you to their endless 
joy without end. 

Att o e quarty. Meeting att Tyddyn y Garreg in Merion- 
ethshire the eight of the sixe month in the year 1690. 

Ellis Morris David Jones 

Hugh David Evan Owen 

Rowland Ellis Regnald (Rowland ?) Hum- 

Jn. Evan phrey 

Hugh Rees Margaret David 

Rowland Owen Jonett Johnes 

Lewis Owen Elizabeth Jones 

Owen Lewis Ellin Ellis 

Griffitt Robt. Jane Robt. 

Evan Rees Margaret Robt. 

Robert Yaughan Ann Rowland 

Rees Thomas Gainor Jones. 

Rees Evan 

Some time before this, about 1678, Robert Owen had 
married, according to Friends' ceremony, Rebecca Owen, 
daughter of Owen Humphrey (or Humphreys), Esquire, a 
gentleman who " had a good and indefeisible estate of inher- 
itance" called Llwyn-du, in the township of Llwyngwrill and 
parish of Llangelynin, Talybont, Merionethshire, which he 
had succeeded to in or about 1646. The agreement con- 
cerning a marriage settlement was executed on the 6th of 
1st month, 1678, between Gainor John, mother of Robert 
Owen, and Owen Humphrey. The bond of this contract, 
" Owin Humphrey de Llwundu" to " Rob* Owen de vron goch 
com* Penllin, gener." (gentleman), dated as above, is extant. 
The witnesses were, Rowland Ellis, Edward Yaughan, John 

172 Owen of Merlon. 

Thomas, Owen Thomas, Hugh Robert, Rowland Owen, and 
Humphrey Owen ; the last two were brothers of Rebecca, 
as were John and Joshua Owen, who afterwards removed to 
Pennsylvania and lived with Robert Owen or with their uncle, 
John Humphreys. After his coming to Pennsylvania his 
name is of continual occurrence as executor, administrator, or 
trustee, or as a party to some agreement. He is described in 
one of these documents, dated 30th May, 1696, as "Robert 
Owen, of Merioneth, in the County of Philadelphia, in the 
Province of Pennsylvania, Yeoman," and is grantee in a deed 
from Thomas Lloyd, 1 dated " the fifth day of the sixth month, 
Anno Dom. 1691," for a tract of land containing four hundred 
and forty-two acres, situate in " the Township of Merion" 
in Philadelphia County, the consideration being one hun- 
dred pounds. This " plantation," as it was then called, lay 
west of the present Wynnewood Station, on the Pennsylva- 
nia Railroad, and extended to near the present village of 
Ardmore. It was confirmed to Evan Owen, eldest son and 
heir of Robert, by patent 2 from Penn's Commissioner, 
dated 8th February, 1704, " Together with the Messuage or 
Tenement, Plantation, . . . Houses, Barns, Buildings, 
Gardens, Orchards, "Woods, Underwoods, Ways, Waters, 
Meadows, Water-courses, Fishings, Fowlings, Hawkings, 
Huntings, Rights, Liberties." By a deed dated 31st De- 
cember, 1707, 3 " Evan Owen, of the Township of Merion, 
in the County of Philadelphia, and Province of Pennsylva- 
nia, yeoman, son and heir of Robert Owen, late of Merion, 
yeoman, deceased," conveyed this farm, devised to him 
by his father, to his brother-in-law, " Jonathan Jones, of 
Merion, yeoman." A manuscript by Owen Jones, grand- 
son of Robert Owen, says, 4 " He purchased a large tract of 
land about nine miles from the city of Philadelphia, in the 
township of Lower Merion. Here he built a large commo- 
dious dwelling-house, and resided in it during the remain- 

1 Deed Book E2, Vol. V. p. 174, etc., Philadelphia. 

2 Patent Book A, Vol. III. p. 241, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 

3 Deed Book E4, Vol. VII. p. 40, etc., Philadelphia. 
4 " Memoir of Charles J. Wister." 

Owen of Me)-ion. 173 

der of his life. He had children, viz., Gainor, Evan, Owen, 
Elizabeth, John, and Robert, some of whom were born in 
"Wales." This house is yet standing, and compares favor- 
ably with many of the modern dwellings erected near it. 
The date is carved upon a corner-stone, " 1695." Robert 
Owen was a justice of the peace for Merion, and by 1695 
had, says this old manuscript, " gained the confidence of the 
people in general, which they manifested by making choice 
of him to represent them in the Assembly of the Province 
of Pennsylvania (elected again, 1697) . . . which position 
he filled with much reputation. It pleased Divine Provi- 
dence to remove his beloved wife in the year 1697 (died 
8th mo. 23d, buried 25th), which severe trial he survived 
but a few weeks." 

Robert, as already stated, outlived his wife whom he had 
loved long and tenderly but a short time, and was buried 
beside her. Among the eminent Friends whose bones lie 
near his, scarcely one has left a more stainless, and none a 
more honored, name. His will, dated " 10th mo. 2d day, 
1697," was probated May 16, 1705. 1 He left his plantation 
in Merion to his eldest son, Evan Owen, and speaks of his 
other children without mentioning their names. He appoints 
as overseers John Humphreys, Hugh Roberts, John Roberts, 
Griffith John, Robert Jones, Robert Roberts, Robert Lloyd, 
and Rowland Ellis, and appoints his " cousin Griffith John 
above named" as sole executor. The witnesses were Joshua 
Owen, Robert Jones, and Rowland Ellis. John Owen, de- 
scribed elsewhere as " ye 2nd son of Owen Humphreys of 
Llwyn-du," in Merionethshire, and brother to Joshua, above 
named, subsequently acted as an appraiser. Robert Owen's 
important services as a minister among Friends must not be 
overlooked. He was one of the founders of the Merion 
Meeting, and a trustee thereof, as appears by a deed dated 
20th 6th mo., 1695, Edward Rees, of Merion, yeoman, to 
Robert Owen, Edward Jones, Cadwallader Morgan, and 
Thomas Jones, of Merion, yeomen, in trust, for one-half 
acre of land in Merion, " for the purposes of the Merion 

1 Register of Wills' Office, Philadelphia. 

174 Owen of Merion. 

Meeting." As early as 28th June, 1692, Robert Owen, with 
Thomas Lloyd, Nicholas Wain, Dr. Griffith Owen, Hugh 
Roberts, John Symcock, William Byles, and others, the 
then ministers at or near Philadelphia, signed the communi- 
cation of the Meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, to the 
Monthly Meetings of Friends in Pennsylvania, and East and 
West Jersey, setting forth their displeasure and sorrow at 
the action of Keith, who was making himself obnoxious to 
Friends about this time. Perhaps the last documents, exe- 
cuted the year of his death, 1697, that in any way concerned 
Robert, are an agreement of his with one Evan Harry con- 
cerning the estate of Cadwallader Lewis, deceased, of which 
Robert Owen was appointed by the court administrator, 
" Letters of Attorney, 1 Richard Davies of Cloodie Cochion, 
Welchpoole (Montgomeryshire), gentleman," to Robert 
Owen et al, his "true and lawful attys.," dated 1st mo. 8th, 
1696/7, and a letter from him to Hugh Roberts, then travel- 
ling in Wales, dated 24th of 2d mo., 1697. So far as can 
be ascertained at this late day, Robert and Rebecca Owen 
had but eight children ; or, if there were others, their early 
decease in Wales renders their existence of little interest. 
Of these eight, the first four Evan, Grainor, Elizabeth, and 
Jane were born in Merionethshire, and are the " tender 
children" mentioned in the certificate of removal. The 
rest were born in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, 
Pennsylvania, as appears by the record of their births in 
the "Book of Births" of the Radnor Monthly Meeting, 
and there mentioned as children " of Robert and Rebeckah 
Owen." Their births are also noted in records of said Meet- 
ing as " Births in Merion Meeting." The eight were : 

1. Evan, b. circa 1682 ; m. Mary Hoskins. 

2. Gainor, m. Jonathan Jones. 

3. Elizabeth, m. David Evans. 

4. Jane. 

5. Owen, b. 12 mo. 21st, 1690 ; m. Anne Wood. 

6. John, b. 12 mo. 26th, 1692; m. Hannah Maris. 

7. Robert, b. 7 mo. 27th, 1695 ; m. Susanna Hudson. 

1 Exemplification Book 4, p. 677, Philadelphia. 

Owen of Merion. 175 

8. Rebecca, b. 1 mo. 14th, 1697; d. inft. ; buried 9 mo. 
21st, 1697. 1 

II. Jane, daughter of Owen ap Evan, of Fron Goch, and 
Gainor, born at Fron Goch, 1653/4 ; died in Merion Town- 
ship, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, 7th mo. 1st, 
1686, and buried 3d of same month. She married, in 
Merionethshire, 1672/3, " Hugh Roberts, of the township of 
Kiltalgarth, parish of Llanvawr, Merionethshire, yeoman." 
He was a prominent minister among Friends, and after- 
wards a Provincial Councillor of Pennsylvania. Their cer- 
tificate of removal from the comot of Penllyn, is dated " ye 
2nd of 5 mo., 1683," and they settled upon about six hun- 
dred acres of land in Merion. All of their children, except 
Elizabeth, were born in the township of Kiltalgarth, but a 
record of their births has been preserved in the archives 
of the Merion, Pennsylvania, Monthly Meeting of Friends. 
They were as follows : 

1. Robert, b. 11 mo. 7th, 1673 ; m. 1st Catharine Jones ; 
2ndly, Priscilla Johnes. 

2. Ellin, b. 10 mo. 4th, 1675. 

3. Owen, b. 10 mo. 1st, 1677 ; m. Ann Bevan. 

4. Edward, b. 2 mo. 4th, 1680; m. 1st Susannah Painter; 
2ndly, Martha Hoskins ; 3dly Maria Cox. 

5. William, b. 3 mo. 26th, 1682 ; d. 1697 in Penna. 

6. Elizabeth, b. 12 mo. 24th, 1683. 

II. Ellin, second daughter of Owen ap Evan, of Fron 
Goch, and Gainor, born at Fron Goch, circa 1660; died in 
Merionethshire prior to 1697. She married, subsequent 
to 16th May, 1675, Cadwalader Thomas ap Hugh, of the 
township of Kiltalgarth, in Llanvawr, Merionethshire. He 
was the son of Thomas ap Hugh, ap Evan, ap Rees Goch, ap 
Tudor, ap Rees, ap Evan Coch, of Bryammer, in the parish 
of Gerrig y drudion, Denbighshire, derived from March- 
werthian, Lord of Issallt, who bore Gules, a lion rampt, 

1 " Burials at Merion Meeting," in Records of Radnor Monthly Meet- 
ing of Friends. 

176 Owen of Merion. 

arg., armed, and langued azure. Cadwalader Thomas died 
prior to 9th February, 1682, as appears by the will of his 
brother, John Thomas, of Laithgwm, " gentleman," dated 
as above, and proved in Philadelphia, 1688. Cadwalader 
had issue by Elin, two sons : 

1. Thomas Cadwalader, living 9th Feb., 1682. 

2. John Cadwalader, born prior to 1682 ; removed to 
Pennsylvania and became ancestor to the Cadwalader family 
of Philadelphia. He was a member of the Provincial As- 
sembly, and his son, Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, was a Coun- 

III. Evan Owen, eldest son and heir of Kobert and Re- 
becca, born in Merionethshire, "Wales, 1682/3 ; died at Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania, 1727. Letters were granted on his 
estate to Mary, his widow, 27th October, that year. He mar- 
ried, 10th mo. llth, 1711, Mary, daughter of Dr. Richard Hos- 
kins. The record of their marriage says, " Evan Owen, son 
of Robert, of Merion Township, Philadelphia County, yeo- 
man, deceased, and Mary Hoskins, daughter of Richard, prac- 
titioner of physick, deceased. . . . Philadelphia Meeting." 
The witnesses were Owen, John and Robert Owen, Grainor 
Jones, John and Martha Cadwalader, and forty-seven others. 
Evan Owen, having sold his Merion land to his brother-in- 
law, Jonathan Jones, removed to Philadelphia, and was 
admitted to the freedom of the city in April, 1717 ; neither 
he nor his brother Robert, who was admitted with him, 
gave any occupation. He (Evan) became a member of 
Common Council, 1717, and was appointed a justice of the 
peace of the Philadelphia County Courts, 1723, serving until 
his decease. He was justice of Court of Common Pleas, 
Quarter Sessions, and Orphans' Court, commissioned 18th 
February, 1723. Became associate justice of the City Court 
and alderman, 6th October, 1724. Justice of Orphans' 
Court from 5th December, 1724; was a master of the Court 
of Equity, 1725 ; treasurer of Philadelphia County from 
1724 to his death. Became a member of the Provincial 
Assembly, 1725, and Provincial Councillor of Pennsylvania, 

Owen of Merlon. 177 

1726, being a justice of the Court of Chancery the same year. 
While serving as a member of the Assembly, Evan Owen 
was, as we have seen, called to the Provincial Council, the 
lieutenant-governor expressing a desire to have another 
Quaker at the board, and Preston and Fishbourne, whose 
advice was asked, recommended him. He asked to be ex- 
cused until the expiration of the sessions of the Assembly, 
but appears to have qualified, as there is a note to the 
minutes of the first meeting he afterwards attended, which 
was during Gordon's term, that he had qualified in Keith's 
time. Perhaps Evan's most important trust was as a trustee 
of the Society of Free-Traders, who had purchased several 
thousand acres in Pennsylvania. The records of the Arch 
Street, Philadelphia, Monthly Meeting show the births of 
four children of Evan and Mary, and the death of one. 
They were : 

1. Robert, d. 10 mo. 9th, 1712. 

2. Robert, b. 10 mo. 12th, 1712 ; d. s. p. 

3. Martha, b. 4 mo. 12th, 1714. 

4. Esther, b. 9 mo. 18th, 1716 ; m., 1743, William Davis. 1 

5. Aurelius, b. 1 mo. 1st, 1718; d. 5 mo. 2d, 1721. 

III. Gainor Owen, daughter of Robert and Rebecca, 
born in Merionethshire, died in Pennsylvania. She mar- 
ried, 8th mo. 4th, 1706, Jonathan, son of Dr. Edward Jones, 
of Merion, by Mary, daughter of Dr. Thomas Wynne, of 
Bronvedog, near Calwys, Flintshire. Gainor is described 
as being " much beloved by her neighbours, a friend to the 
poor." They had eleven children ; surname Jones : 

1. Mary, b. 14th 5 mo., 1707 ; m. Benjamin Hayes. 

2. Edward, b. 7th 7 mo., 1708 ; d. unm. 

3. Rebecca, b. 20th 12 mo., 1709 ; m. John Roberts. 

4. Owen, 2 b. 19th 9 mo., 1711; m. Ann Evans. 

5. Ezekiel Jones, supposed by his father to have d. s. p. 

6. Jacob, b. 14th 5 mo., 1713 ; m. Mary Lawrence. 

7. Jonathan, b. 29th 4 mo., 1715; m. Sarah Jones. 

1 Register of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

2 He was colonial treasurer of Pennsylvania. 
VOL. xiii. 12 

178 Owen of Merion. 

8. Elizabeth, m., 1758, Jesse George. 

9. Martha, b. 6th 3 mo., 1717. 

10. Hannah, b. 28th 11 mo., 1718/9. 

11. Charity, b. 4th 8 mo., 1720. 

III. Elizabeth Owen, daughter of Robert and Rebecca, 
born in Merionethshire, Wales ; died at Philadelphia, Penn- 
sylvania, 22d 10th mo., 1753. She married David Evans, of 
Philadelphia, " gentleman," deputy sheriff of Philadelphia, 
1714-21. His will is dated Sept. 27, 1745. They had six 
children ; surname Evans : 

1. Evan, d. prior to 1762; issue, Sidney, David, Rebecca. 

2. Rebecca, d. unm. 

3. Sidney, m. 4 mo. 26th, 1759, Joseph Howell, of Chester. 

4. Sarah, d. unm. Will d. 14 July, 1762 ; proved 21 Dec. 

5. David, d. 11 mo. 18th, 1725. 

6. Margaret, d. unm. 4 mo. 12th, 1734. 

III. Owen Owen, second son of Robert and Rebecca, 
born in the township of Merion, Philadelphia County, 21st 
12th mo., 1690; died at Philadelphia, 5th 8th mo., 1741. 
Will dated 4th 5th mo., 1741 ; proved llth August, 1741. 
He married, 13th 3d mo., 1714, Anne Wood, who died 2d 
mo. 4th, 1743. He was high sheriff of Philadelphia from 
4th October, 1726, and coroner, 1729 to 1741. The Penn- 
sylvania Gazette, August 6, 1741, says, "Yesterday died 
after a long illness, Owen Owen, Esquire; formerly High 
Sheriff, and for many years Coroner of this city and county." 
Owen and Anne had five children : 

1. Robert. 

2. Jane, m., 1760, Dr. Cadwallader Evans, who d. s. p., 

3. Sarah, m. John Biddle ; d. 1 mo. 1st, 1773. 

4. Tacey, m., 1744, Daniel Morris, of Upper Dublin, Pa. 

5. Rebecca, d. unm., 10th Dec., 1755. 

HI. John Owen, third son of Robert and Rebecca, born 
in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, 12th mo. 26th, 

Oiven of Merion. 179 

1692; died in Chester County, 1752. Will proved 23d 
January that year. He removed from Philadelphia to 
Chester in 1718. He married, 8th mo. 22d, 1719, Hannah, 
daughter of George Maris, Provincial Councillor and a 
colonial justice of Pennsylvania, the marriage being re- 
corded as follows in the books of the Chester Monthly 
Meeting of Friends : " John Owen, son of Robert, of Me- 
rion, Philadelphia County, yeoman, deceased, and Hannah 
Maris, daughter of George of Chester, yeoman." The 
witnesses were Evan, Robert and Owen Owen, George 
Maris, Sr., and forty -four others. 

John Owen was high sheriff for the county of Chester, 
4th October, 1729-31 ; 3d October, 1735-37 ; 4th October, 
1743-45 ; 8th October, 1749-51. He was elected a member 
of the Provincial Assembly of Pennsylvania at periods ex- 
tending from 1733-1748 ; was collector of excise for Ches- 
ter, 1733-37, and for many years one of the trustees of the 
Loan Office of Pennsylvania. He had issue by Hannah, his 
wife, five children : l 

1. Jane, m. Joseph West. 

2. George, m., 1751, Rebecca Hains ; d. at Philada. s. p., 
1764. Will proved 28th Sept. that year. 

3. Elizabeth, m. James Rhoads. 

4. Rebecca, m. 8 mo. 22d, 1754, Jesse Maris. 

5. Susanna, m. Josiah Hibbard. 

III. Robert Owen, fourth son of Robert and Rebecca, 
born in Merion Township, Philadelphia County, 7th mo. 
27th, 1695 ; died circa 1730. He married, llth mo. 10th, 
1716/17, Susanna, daughter of William Hudson, mayor of 
Philadelphia and a justice of the Orphans' Court, by Mary, 
his first wife, daughter of Samuel Richardson, Provincial 
Councillor and a justice of Pennsylvania. The following 
is an abstract of the original record of their marriage cer- 
tificate: 2 "Robert Owen, son of Robert, late of Merion, 

1 For descendants, see " History of Maris Family of Pennsylvania." 

2 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends' Monthly Meeting Records, 
Book A, p. 91, No. 188. 

180 Owen of Merion. 

Philadelphia County, yeoman, deceased, and Susanna Hud- 
son, daughter of William, of the city of Philadelphia, ... at 
Philadelphia Meeting." The witnesses were William, Han- 
nah, Samuel, William, Jr., John, Hannah, and Eachel Hud- 
son, Evan, Mary, John, and Owen Owen, and fifty others. 

Along with his brother Evan, the Councillor, Robert 
Owen was admitted to the " freedom of the city" in April, 
1717, and continued to reside there until his decease. His 
widow married, 3d mo. 2d, 1734, 1 John Burr, of North- 
ampton, Burlington County, New Jersey, and died at Phila- 
delphia, 3d mo. 4th, 1757. 2 

Robert Owen is grantee in a deed 3 dated " 24th May, in 
4th year of the reign of our sovereign Lord George, King of 
Great Britain, and in the year of our Lord 1718," for a lot 
of ground " fronting 28 feet on Walnut St., and in length to 
formly the 30 foot cartway under the bank of the Delaware, 
called King Street, 58 feet" and " with North and West, the 
Smithshop & ground of Robert Jones, Eastward by Samuel 
Carpenter's Warehouse." 

Robert and Susanna had three daughters, whose births 
are thus noted in the original book of record of the Arch 
Street, Philadelphia, Monthly Meeting of Friends : 

1. " Mary Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen, 
was born in Philadelphia ye 3d day of ye ^: 1719." She 
d. young. 

2. " Hannah Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen, 
was born in Philadelphia ye 16th day of ye ^ : 1720." She 
m. 1st, John Ogden ; 2ndly, Joseph Wharton. 

3. " Rachel Owen, daughter of Robert & Susanna Owen, 
was born in Philadelphia ye 19th day of ye ~ : 1724." 
Living unm. 1740. 

IV. Mary, first daughter of Jonathan and Gainor Jones, 
born in Merion Township, 14th 5th mo., 1707; married at 

1 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends' Monthly Meeting Eecords, Book 
A, p. 131, No. 259. 

2 She was born 12th mo. 17th, 1698/9. 

3 Deed Book Fl, p. 251, etc., Philadelphia. 

Owen of Merlon. 181 

Merion Meeting, 10th mo. 2d, 1737, Benjamin Hayes, son 
of Richard, of Haverford, "yeoman." They had one child : 
Elizabeth, b. 7th mo. 16th, 1738. 

IV. Rebecca, second daughter of Jonathan and Gainor 
Jones, born in Merion Township, 20th 12th mo., 1709; mar- 
ried at Merion Meeting, 3d mo. 4th, 1733, John Roberts, 
son of Robert Roberts, of Merion. They had ten children ; 
surname Roberts : 

1. Jonathan, b. 1 mo. 30th, 1734. 

2. Gainor, b. 11 mo. 30th, 1735/6. 

3. Alban, b. 7 mo. 7th, 1738. 

4. Elizabeth, b. 6 mo. 18th, 1740. 

5. Mary, b. 5 mo. 3d, 1742; d. unm. Will proved 

6. Tacey, b. 7 mo. 2d, 1744. 

7. John, b. 9 mo. 16th, 1747. 

8. Robert, b. 10 mo. 8th, 1749. 

9. Algernon, b. 11 mo. 24th, 1750/1. 
10. Franklin, b. 11 mo. 27th, 1752. 

IV. Jonathan Jones, fifth son of Jonathan and Gainor, 
born in Merion Township, 29th 4th mo., 1715 ; married at 
Merion Meeting, llth mo. 8th, 1742, Sarah, daughter of 
" Thomas Jones, of Merion, deceased, yeoman," son of 
John Thomas, of Llaithgwm, Merionethshire, "Wales, de- 
scended from Evan Coch, of Bryammer, Denbighshire. (See 
PENNA. MAG., Vol. IV.) They had three daughters : 

1. Mary, b. 11 mo. 23d, 1744/5. 

2. Gainor, b. 8 mo. 4th, 1742. 

3. Katharine, m. Lewis Jones, of Blockley. 

IV. Hannah Owen, second daughter of Robert and Su- 
sanna, born in Philadelphia, 3d mo. 16th, 1720 ; died Jan- 
uary, 1791, in said city. Will dated 28th November, 1786 ; 
probate January, 1791. 1 She married first, 8th mo. 23d, 

1 Will Book W, p. 65, Philadelphia. 

182 Owen of Merion. 

1740, 1 John Ogden, of Philadelphia (widower), son of David 
Ogden, of Chester. John Ogden died 6th February, 1742, 
being then of the " Township of Myamensing and Passy- 
unct, Philadelphia County." Will dated 31st January, 
1742 ; probate 12th February, same year. 2 

Hannah married secondly, 6th mo. 7th, 1754, Joseph 
"Wharton, of Walnut Grove, Southwark, Philadelphia. In 
her will, dated as above, Hannah leaves to her " son Wil- 
liam Ogden," among other bequests, " my Silver Tankard/' 
and directs that her executors " sell my Charriott, and apply 
the Amount of the same toward payment of my debts." 
She also mentions her grandfather, William Hudson, and 
her children by her second husband, Wharton. By her first 
husband, John Ogden, she had one son : 

William Ogden, b. prior to 31st January, 1742 ; m. 1st, 
Marie Pinniard, 2ndly, Tacey David. 

By her second husband, Joseph Wharton, she had a large 
family, the most distinguished of whom was Robert Whar- 
ton, mayor of Philadelphia, captain of the City Troop, etc. 
For an account of them and their descendants, see " History 
of Wharton Family," in PENNA. MAG., Vol. II. 

V. William Ogden, 3 only son of John, by Hannah Owen 
(his second wife), born in Philadelphia County prior to 31st 
January, 1742; died in Camden, New Jersey, 13th May, 
1818. He married first, 1st mo. llth, 1769, Marie Pinniard, 
of French descent. She died 7th mo. 14th, 1775, aged 
twenty-three years. He married secondly, Tacey David, 
daughter of Benjamin and Ann David ; the latter daughter 
of Hugh Evans, of Gwynedd. She died llth September, 
1809. William Ogden had by his first wife two children : 

1. Hannah, b. Dec., 1770 ; m. 1st Captain William Duer ; 
2dly, Samuel Cuthbert. 

1 Philadelphia (Arch Street) Friends* Monthly Meeting Records, 
Book A, p. 172. 

2 Will-Book G, p. 31, Philadelphia. 

3 He was commissioned notary public for the State of New Jersey 
subsequent to 1801. 

Owen of Merion. 183 

2. Joseph, b. 7 mo., 1775 ; d. 10 mo. 20th, 1778. 
He had by his second wife two children : 

1. Ann, m. Hezekiah Niles, of Baltimore. 

2. Robert Wharton, of Camden. 

VI. Hannah Ogden, eldest daughter of William by Marie 
(his first wife), born in Philadelphia County, December, 
1770 ; died at Philadelphia, 29th July, 1827 ; buried in the 
ground of the Third Presbyterian Church, Pine Street, said 
city. She married first, in Christ Church, 10th April, 1795, 
Captain "William Duer, who was lost at sea, 1800/1. 1 She 
married, secondly, in Christ Church, 27th January, 1810, 
Samuel Cuthbert, " gentleman," son of Thomas. He died 
January, 1839. Hannah had by Captain Duer three children : 

1. Harriet, b. 1796 ; d. unm. at Phila. 7th May, 1851. 

2. Mary Ann, b. 1798 ; m. 5th May, 1825, Lewis Wash- 
ington Glenn, son of James, of Maryland', and had issue, 
William Duer, d. s. p. in Cairo, Egypt, 1876 ; Edward, of 
Ardmore, Lower Merion; Hannah Cuthbert, m. A. W. 
North, who d. s. p. 

3. William, d. at Phila., 25th March, 1802. 
By Samuel Cuthbert she had two daughters : 

1. Frances Duer, d. infant. 

2. Elizabeth Frances, d. unm. 

1 Letters of administration granted on his estate, 25th November, 
1801, to Hannah Duer. Sureties, William Ogden, " gentleman," and 
Robert Ralston, " merchant." 

184 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg ^ etc. 



The same poetic justice which, at the close of the great 
drama, bestowed on the hero of the Revolution the civic 
crown in the very city that had, in 1776, witnessed his dis- 
comfiture, appears to have shaped also the destiny of the 
first Speaker of Congress, Frederick Augustus Conrad Muh- 
lenberg. He, too, left New York, 1776, in distress, then a 
young preacher of pronounced rebel principles, cautioned 
by his friends to seek shelter outside of the doomed city, 
and he, too, returned in 1789, sent by the great State of 
Pennsylvania as one of her representatives, soon to be raised 
by his colleagues to the highest honor they could bestow, 
the office of Speaker of the House. 

His father was Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, a man 
of rare endowments, who, amid untold difficulties, with 
endurance and noble self-sacrifice, carried out his great 
mission-work, earning for himself the honorable title of 
" Patriarch of the Lutheran Church in America." 

Having received a call from the three congregations, 
Philadelphia, Trappe, and New Hanover (the two latter 
situated in what is now Montgomery County), he arrived 
in Philadelphia November 25, 1742, and soon after settled 
at the Trappe. On April 22, 1745, he married Anna Maria 
"Weiser, a daughter of the famous Indian interpreter Conrad 
Weiser. This union was blessed with three sons and four 
daughters. The three sons have all left their mark in the 
life-work they carved out for themselves. 

1 For much information on the subject of this paper, drawn from 
original sources, the writer is indebted to Kev. F. A. Muhlenberg, D.D., 
and Eev. W. J. Mann, D.D., both of Philadelphia. 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 185 

In obedience to the wishes of their father they entered the 
ministry, but only one remained faithful to his vocation. 
The eldest, Peter Gabriel, bore a conspicuous part in the war 
for independence; the second, the subject of this paper, 
Frederick Augustus, entered the service of the State, and 
became distinguished in the halls of legislation; Henry 
Ernest remained a clergyman, at the same time he was one 
of the pioneer botanists of America, and his labors in this 
field are held in grateful remembrance. 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg was born at the 
Trappe, January 2, 1750. The Trappe is a German settle- 
ment where the German language has been preserved down 
to our day. The name is supposed to be a corruption of 
the German word Treppe, meaning staircase. This idea is 
brought out in a quaint manner on the monument erected 
there to Governor F. R. Shunk, which is surmounted by 
some steps, with the allegorical inscription, " I mount." 

The three sons grew up under the care of their father, 
who devoted as much time to their instruction as his official 
duties would allow. He was, however, aware that, with the 
best intentions, he could not do justice to the requirements 
of a proper course of education. Nor did Philadelphia, to 
which place he removed in 1761, afford the desired facili- 
ties. 1 Hence he concluded to send his sons to Halle, in 
Germany, where, after the completion of his studies in Got- 
tingen, he had pursued a practical course of preparation for 
the ministry under the guidance of Director Dr. Francke. 

All arrangements having been completed, the three young 
German- Americans embarked April 27, 1763. They reached 
London June 15, and after some sojourn there arrived in Halle 
September 1. At that time Peter was fifteen, Frederick thir- 
teen, and Henry eleven years old. The eldest did not remain 
long at Halle, but was indentured to Mr. L. H. Niemeyer, 

1 In a humorous letter to his brother Henry, written in 1730, Frederick 
Augustus speaks of the marvellous progress of his little son Henry, 
who could decline Latin nouns, hie, hcec, hoc, and even conjugate amo. 
" Brother," he adds, " if we had known as much when we went to Halle, 
what might have become of us ?" 

186 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

a merchant in Liibeck. The other two pursued their school 
and university studies for nearly seven years in a manner 
entirely satisfactory to their teachers. In 1770 they returned 
to the land of their birth, accompanied by their brother-in-law, 
Rev. John Christian Kunze. Before an examining board 
in Reading they gave sufficient proof of their qualifications 
(having among other things to translate Hebrew into Latin), 
and were though not yet of age ordained to the ministry 
October 25, 1770. The young Americans had become thor- 
oughly imbued with German thought and feeling during 
their stay in Germany, and on their return they spoke Ger- 
man more fluently than English. As late as 1772, Frederick 
expresses, in a letter to his father, his regret that he did not 
master the English language as fully as he desired. Ger- 
man was, however, just then more necessary to him than 
English, as he had to conduct the service in the German 

Near the end of 1770, Frederick, then twenty years of 
age, became assistant to his brother-in-law, Rev. Christian 
Emanuel Schulze, in Tulpehocken, Berks County, and also 
served the congregation in Shaeferstown. A few years later 
we find traces of his ministry in Salem Church, Lebanon. 1 

What adventures and hardships would at that time occa- 
sionally fall to the lot of country parsons in the pursuit of 
their good calling cannot be better illustrated than by some 
extracts from Frederick Muhlenberg's account of a trip from 
Tulpehocken to Shamokin in the summer of 1771. (Hal- 
lische Nachrichten, p. 1385-1393.) There was at the latter 
place a little flock of German Lutherans without a church 
and without a minister, who, however, were not lost sight of, 
and, at times, provided with spiritual comfort. On such an 
errand our young minister set out upon his long and lonely 
ride through the wilds of the Blue Mountains and beyond. 

1 The following is an entry on the title-page of the Church records : 
" Church-book of the Evangelical Lutheran Congregation in Lebanon, 
Lancaster County, containing the record of baptisms, etc., begun by 
Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, at this time minister here. 
Lebanon, May 1st, 1773." 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 187 

He had one companion, though, young Conrad Weiser, the 
son of Frederick, and grandson of Conrad Weiser, the inter- 
preter. Leaving Tulpehocken on the 25th of June, 1771, 
they passed near the foot of the first ridge, Fort Henry, then 
in a quite dilapidated condition ; many graves reminded them 
of the terrible times fifteen years ago. The steepness of the 
road, which resembled a mountain staircase, compelled them 
to dismount. Arriving by hard climbing at the top of the 
ridge, they were delighted with the beautiful outlook upon 
a wide tract of country; they could see Tulpehocken, 
Heidelberg, Miihlbach, and many other places. Descending, 
they found the road even more impracticable than before. 
At one o'clock of the first day they reached the bottom of the 
valley, and stopped at a miserable hovel, used as an inn. 
"Now," says Muhlenberg "the real wilderness began, for 
this was the last human habitation until we came to Shamo- 
kin." They crossed the Swatara three times, keeping upon 
an Indian path. At one of the most dangerous places, 
called the " Capes," the road, threading upon a rocky shelf 
of the mountain, had hardly the breadth of eighteen inches, 
being barred on the right by huge boulders and on the left 
by the steep bank of the Swatara. After having crossed 
the second ridge, also called the " Broad Mountains," with a 
good deal of difficulty and at some places with fear and 
trembling, they entered a dense forest of lofty pines, the prop- 
erty of a Philadelphian by the name of Flowers. It was 10 
o'clock P.M. when they stopped to rest from their first day's 
journey. In the midst of a thick forest they let the horses 
graze where they pleased, after fastening bells to their necks, 
then built a fire to cook their supper and keep off the host 
of mosquitoes and the wolves that howled uncomfortably 
near them. 

Continuing their journey the next morning, they were 
happy enough to find a breakfast waiting for them on the 
road. The carcass of a stag, that had been recently killed, 
hung fastened to a large wooden spit over a smouldering 
fire. It was then the common custom of travellers who had 
killed some game, to leave as much of it as they did not con- 

188 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg ^ etc. 

sume themselves for the use of others, either in a cool 
stream near the road or fastened on a spit over a slow fire. 
Muhlenberg and Weiser helped themselves to a good piece 
and put the rest back in its place. At 11 o'clock A.M. they 
came to a spring of delicious water, which the Moravians 
had named Jacob's "Well. 

Having crossed the Mahanoy Mountain they arrived at 
the bank of the Susquehanna near Shamokin. On the 
opposite side was Caspar Reid's house, but no one happened 
to be in sight or within hearing to answer their call. At 
last a canoe rowed by two little girls came over; they put 
their baggage and the saddles in, and followed at first on 
horseback, and when that became impracticable, by swim- 
ming. The following night they spent at Caspar Reid's, a 
publican of the most liberal principles, who refused neither 
man nor dog the privilege of his only room. As a conse- 
quence of this indiscriminate hospitality, hosts of unbidden 
guests infested the unsuspecting sleepers, and the young 
minister had at dawn to strike for the woods in order to rid 
himself of the pest. Soon after they arrived at Benjamin 
"Weiser's, the terminus of their journey. He lived on an 
island of about eight hundred acres, formed by the Susque- 
hanna and Middle Creek. On the 28th, Muhlenberg visited 
a mountain near the Mahanoy River, where the Conestoga 
and Delaware Indians had suffered a defeat by the Six 
Nations. Many bones still lay scattered around. On the 
30th of June a large crowd, consisting mainly of Lutherans, 
gathered for divine service. The porch of the house served 
as pulpit ; the congregation assembled in front of it was pro- 
tected from the heat of the sun by a number of saplings that 
were cut and stuck in the ground. Before the sermon Muhlen- 
berg baptized eighteen children. The service in this wil- 
derness the motley crowd seated upon the ground and ris- 
ing for prayer, their devout demeanor and chant had a 
solemnity of its own, which much impressed the young 
preacher. Sixty persons took part in the communion. On 
the 2d of July the travellers returned to Tulpehocken. 

Another incident of more permanent importance to the 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 189 

subject of this memoir transpired, during the same year. 
While on a visit to Philadelphia, Frederick had formed the 
acquaintance of Catharine, the youngest daughter of David 
Schafer, a sugar refiner and elder of Zion's Church. Mutual 
affection led to a union for life. They were married October 
15, 1771. 

In the summer of 1773 the congregation of Conococheague, 
in Maryland, invited Frederick Muhlenberg through the 
Lutheran Ministerium to become their pastor. The request 
was not granted ; in the same year, however, he accepted a 
call from a German congregation in New York, which had 
seceded from the old German Trinity Church (southwest 
corner of Broadway and Rector Street) and worshipped at 
the northwest corner of Frankford and "William Streets. 
Their church was known as Christ or Swamp Church, and 
had been dedicated May 1, 1767. 

The talented and eloquent Bernhard Michael Hausihl 
was at that time pastor of Trinity and, although a native of 
Germany, preached in English, while our Muhlenberg, born 
in this country, held divine services in German. At the 
outbreak of the Revolution another difference between the 
two men, destined to affect the whole tenor of their lives, 
manifested itself. Hausihl espoused the cause of the Tories, 
as his congregation did. His evil day came after the evac- 
uation of New York. Frederick Muhlenberg, on the con- 
trary, sided with the friends of freedom and gave full vent 
to the expression of his sentiments. His congregation were 
in perfect accord with him, and when he left, under the 
stress of the times, they insisted that he should return as 
soon as the storm blew over. When it became evident 
that the enemy contemplated to seize the city, his friends 
advised him to seek a place of safety for himself and family. 
In consequence he sent, in May, 1776, his wife to her parents 
in Philadelphia, where their third child was born. He fol- 
lowed July 2, two days before independence was declared. 

What effect this great event had upon his mind, what 
thoughts and dreams of the future may have arisen within 
him, whether an inner voice whispered to him that he too 

190 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

should be called to tender a hand in raising the temple of 
freedom, quien sabe ? His elder brother, Peter Gabriel, had 
at that time already chosen his part. In January, 1776, he 
entered the pulpit in Woodstock, Virginia, for the last time, 
and, taking leave of his congregation, exchanged the clerical 
gown for the uniform of a colonel. At the head of his 
brave German regiment he had already, before the Declara- 
tion of Independence, received the baptism of fire on Sulli- 
van's Island. 

For Frederick, however, the time had not yet come. At 
present he was only a parson without a charge, the father of 
a family without the means of support, and his prospects 
were anything but cheering. He removed to his aged 
parents at the Trappe, where he arrived August 16. On 
the evening of the 23d, before a company of soldiers re- 
cruited in New Hanover, under command of Captain Rich- 
ards, he preached a parting sermon on the text, " Be not ye 
afraid of them ; remember the Lord, which is great and terri- 
ble, and fight for your brethren, your sons, and your daugh- 
ters, your wives, and your houses." (Nehemiah iv. 14.) 

While assisting his father in his pastoral duties, he occa- 
sionally visited Philadelphia on horseback. Thus it happened 
that towards the end of the year 1776, when the cause of 
the Americans looked very dark, he was the bearer of the 
glad tidings to the Trappe of the surprise at Trenton. But 
in the following year the course of events took a most un- 
fortunate turn. The enemy entered Pennsylvania, the battle 
of Brandywine was lost, and Philadelphia fell. Those were 
dark and anxious days for old Muhlenberg, his son, and their 
families. The din of war no longer was heard at a distance, 
but in the immediate neighborhood. On their retreat, 
after the battle of Brandywine, a part of the American 
army occupied the peaceful Trappe, a regiment of militia 
taking up their quarters in the church and school-house. 
When the enemy approached Philadelphia, Frederick has- 
tened thither to convey his parents-in-law to the country, for 
David Schafer had shown himself a stout friend of the 
Revolutionary party, and could expect no mercy from the 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg , etc. 191 

English. Among the many buildings wantonly destroyed 
during the occupation was also his sugar refinery. 

Frederick Muhlenberg had during the year 1777 removed 
to the neighboring New Hanover (also called Falkner's 
Swamp), where he took charge of the Lutheran Church, and 
did good service in quelling dissensions of the congregation, 
which, by the way, was the oldest German Lutheran con- 
gregation in America, dating back to the beginning of the 
last century. From there he ministered to congregations in 
the hilly country of Oley, New Goshenhoppen, and for a 
time in Reading, until the church of the latter place was 
occupied for hospital purposes. A letter of Muhlenberg to 
his brother-in-law, Pastor Schulze, in Tulpehocken, bearing 
date New Hanover, September 30, 1777, gives a vivid picture 
of his situation. 

After congratulations on the birth of a son, he says, 
" Our general (Peter Muhlenberg) is well. Yesterday 
Burckhard, Schafer, and I slept with him in camp. The 
army stands ten miles distant from here, and three miles 
from the Trappe. All news, particularly the capture of 
Ticonderoga and Burgoyne's defeat, you will hear from the 
bearer. During the year I had untold trouble because of the 
army being here, and my house being filled with Philadel- 
phians. I am still overrun with strangers. Our affairs will 
shortly wear a better aspect. Howe will probably not remain 
in Philadelphia a long time. As soon as I can I shall come 
to Tulpehocken. Papa and Mama are well. They are also 
overrun with people, as the Militia and a part of Lord Ster- 
ling's division lie encamped at the Trappe. However, thus 
far they have suffered no material losses." 

From an entry in the elder Muhlenberg's diary we learn 
more exactly how many persons found lodgings in Fred- 
erick's small house. He writes, October 11, 1777, as follows : 
" My son F. came from New Hanover, but is very much 
discouraged, as he himself is a fugitive with wife, three 
children, maid and nurse, his brother's wife and child and 
Swaine and wife, make all eleven persons in one small house 
and with increasing scarcity of money and provisions." 

192 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc. 

Before Frederick Muhlenberg entered his thirtieth year 
he seriously considered the question of his future career. 
For nine years he had faithfully served in the ministry and 
yet not risen above depressing cares and petty concerns of 
life. Should his life be a failure ? Should the powers of 
which he was conscious run to waste ? The whole of his 
vigorous manhood lay yet before him, and now was the time 
to come to a decision, if he was to venture upon a new de- 

He took counsel with his good father, who could not, 
however, reconcile himself to the idea that his second son 
also should forsake the calling which in his eyes was the 
noblest and worthiest of all. But it was perhaps the very 
example which Peter had set that led Frederick to think of 
changing his profession. He, too, was anxious to serve his 
country, which had not yet emerged from its struggle for 
national and political liberty, and to devote himself to a 
career that satisfied his aspirations and tested his capabili- 
ties. His friends, particularly his father-in-law, were favor- 
ably inclined to further his plans, and to aid him in the pur- 
suit of a laudable ambition. Thus, early in the year 1779, 
Muhlenberg concluded to resign his ministerial office and 
to enter political life. 

The first step he took in this direction was to accept the 
candidacy as member to Congress. The Assembly of Penn- 
sylvania had to fill three vacancies, and elected, on March 2, 
1779, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, Henry Wynkoop, 
and J. McCleane. The term of the whole delegation ex- 
piring in the same year, an election was held in November, 
which resulted in the choice of Muhlenberg, James Searle, 
John Armstrong, James McCleane, and William Shippen, 
who took their seats on the 13th of November. On the same 
day Muhlenberg was put on the Committee on the Treasury, 
which goes to show that during the few months of his novi- 
tiate he had won the esteem and confidence of his colleagues. 
He now plunged with a will into the turbulent sea of poli- 
tics, keeping all the time a calm head and an honest heart. 
He was not spared, as we shall see, sharp collisions and 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc. 193 

bitter disappointments. Some of his experiences he details 
in letters to his younger brother Henry, then minister in 
Lancaster. 1 They are all written in German, dashed off in 
an easy, confidential style, sometimes with a tinge of frolick- 
ing humor and again " talking out of meeting" in terms 
that would be used only sub rosa. The first on hand is 
dated October 11, 1780, a time when Arnold's treason was 
the great sensation of the day. In it he says, 

" I received your last through Mr. Wirz, Jr., and will now 
answer the points of your letter, as far as I remember them, 
for I am writing in Congress. It is true, Arnold, the arch- 
villain, formerly had quite a number of friends in Congress, 
but their support was mainly due to the fact that he was 
against Pennsylvania. Moreover, New York hoped to em- 
ploy him as Commander-in-chief against Vermont, the 
newly set-up State in their State. That is the reason why 
they supported him, though his speculating principles were 
detested. In spite of your misgivings I am pretty sure that 
the aspect of affairs is not exactly as you think. Nobody 
thought that he would go so far astray, though there was 
reason enough to detest his cursed avarice. As far as 
Pennsylvania is concerned, we were all the time intensely 
opposed to him. For this we were much blamed, now we 
stand justified. I hope, however, before the war is over, we 
shall get him into our hands, and give him his due as much 
as to Major Andre. Your remarks about the yellow whigs 
I fully endorse. I have never thought of supporting ' sus- 
pect,' moderate men, but the principle of the yellow whigs, 
to allow none that is not of their own stripe, to show his 
head, I take exception to, especially as they are more noisy 
than inclined to do real service. They care more for the 

1 They were kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by the Kev. F. 
A. Muhlenberg, a grandson of Henry E. Muhlenberg. Among these 
papers there is also a burlesque German poem in doggerel verse, con- 
gratulating Henry with mock solemnity upon the honorary degree of 
A.M. conferred upon him by the University of Pennsylvania, on July 4, 
1780. The prose introduction is in Latin. The text is full of allusions to 
the " high old times" they had in Halle, and is followed by ludicrous foot- 
notes, mimicking the style of learned commentaries to classic writers. 
VOL. xiii. 13 

194 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

emoluments than the welfare of the country. In general, it 
is sad to see that public spirit and virtue are more and more 
on the decline, while avarice, dissipation, and luxury are 
gaining the upper hand. Only our brave soldiers form an 
exception. With all their hardships, hunger, cold, and 
fatigue they remain steadfast and deserve all that is due to 
brave men. . . . Yesterday we had an election for Assem- 
blymen, which brought out a strong vote, and this morning 
the result became known. Those chosen are Samuel Mor- 
ris, by 870 votes ; F. Muhlenberg, by 869 ; Robert Morris, 
by 649 ; Sharp Delany, 615 ; and John Steinmetz, 531. Dr. 
Hutchinson, Gurney and Kammerer, who ran against us, 
had only between 2 and 300. Colonel Will is Sheriff. You 
may judge how much the Constitutionalists are disappointed 
that their ticket has been such a failure. At first they even 
wanted to fall back upon their former men, but that would 
not do at all. However, they have to be satisfied, and I 
hope, if the new Assembly will prove earnest, our internal 
affairs will soon be in better shape. Morris alone is able 
by his credit to appreciate our State money. 

" But I am getting into a wide subject and must break off, 
especially as, at this moment, an important debate is going 
on in the house and I can hardly keep my mind on what I 
am writing. I shall keep my seat in Congress until the 
new Assembly will meet. We are quite anxious to learn 
how matters have gone with you. No question, the others 
have pushed the cart so deep into the mire that we shall 
have infinite trouble to move it back, and shall, in the effort, 
be much bespattered with dirt. The coffers are empty, the 
taxes almost unendurable, the people in bad humor, the 
money discredited, the army magazines exhausted, and the 
prospects to replenish them poor; the soldiers are badly 
clad, winter is coming, the enemy by no means to be 
despised, especially since the arrival of Rodney. Taking 
this and other things into account, public service might 
appear undesirable. However, let us once more take cheer 
and be steadfast, rely on God and our own strength, and 
endure courageously, then we shall after all be sure of 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 195 

reaching our goal. The present Congress, believe me, 
consists of honest, hrave, and excepting myself wise men, 
but the difficulties are innumerable and their power is by far 
too limited. I have often heard the present Congress com- 
pared with that of 1776 to the disadvantage of the former, 
but, at that time, it was no hard task ; if they needed money, 
the sinews of war, the press had to keep silence, taxes were 
not imposed, and the country was not drained. If the same 
men were in our place, they would have to whistle to 
another tune. I have reasons to think that the Confedera- 
tion will soon be ratified by the signing of Maryland, and 
then the outlook will be better. 

" Our foreign affairs look very well. "We have as one of the 
belligerent powers acceded to the proposals of the Emperor 
of Russia about the commerce of neutral powers, and our 
minister in France has received full powers to that end. 
Of this we expect, with good reason, considerable advantages. 
Again we are about to lay an impost on all imports and ex- 
ports, likewise on prize-goods, so as to establish a perma- 
nent fund for hard money, aside of the tobacco which Vir- 
ginia and Maryland must furnish. This falls upon the 
mercantile class, the poor will not feel it much. You see 
now in which way we expect to give credit to our new 
money, a part of the funds, which the several States estab- 
lish, and how we hereafter intend to redeem the certifi- 
cates. This will be done, the value being determined by 
the scale adopted by Congress, either in specie or in new 
money, at the option of the holder. At present we have, to 
be sure, no means to pay interest, for we can hardly raise 
money enough for the army and not so much as members 
of Congress coming from elsewhere need for their mainte- 
nance, but provision will be made within a short time and 
then you can get yours. I don't know whether you will 
understand my letter : I listen to the debate, make angli- 
cisms, and often write incoherently. Of such things I should 
prefer to write in English, if I were not afraid that the letter 
might fall into wrong hands. 

" It just occurs to me that Father had a little conference at 

196 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlmbwg, etc. 

the Trappe. Kurz, Voigt, Koller, Schmidt, and Ernst were 
there. The latter, I think, is ordained and will go to Easton. 
I should have liked to attend, but could not go. I have no 
horse, nor can I afford to keep one ; moreover, I had no time. 
Believe me, I am not so well off now as when I left the 
Swamp [New Hanover], and if I had not been induced by 
the urgent appeals of the Germans to accept membership in 
the Assembly, a resolution in which the large majority of 
votes I received further confirmed me, I might have been 
tempted to take again to the apostolate. But I am here not 
my own master, and must be satisfied to serve where my 
fellow-citizens want me." 

Among the charges intrusted to Frederick Muhlenberg 
in Congress was also that of chairman of the Medical 
Committee, by no means a sinecure ; for, as he writes to his 
brother (September 6, 1780), he had to perform all the duties 
of the Director-General of the military hospitals. 

Yielding to the pressure of his numerous friends, he had, 
as we have seen by the foregoing letter, accepted candidacy 
for the Assembly and been elected. It must have been 
owing to the good record he had made in Congress and to 
the great confidence which his character and his ability 
inspired that, though a new member and only thirty years 
of age, he was at the opening of the session (November 3, 
1780) elected Speaker. To the same responsible position 
he was called by the two succeeding Assemblies (November 
9, 1781, and October 31, 1782). 

The final blow which virtually ended the attempts of the 
English to conquer and recover their former colonies, the 
surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, inspired Frederick, 
as we may expect, with most joyous feelings. 

In a letter to his venerable father, who had followed the 
course of events with painful anxiety, he writes under date 
of October 24, 1781, 

" With heartfelt joy, with the utmost gratitude to the Al- 
mighty for his divine interposition, I do most sincerely con- 
gratulate you on the capture of Lord Cornwallis with his 
whole Army, amounting to 5500 land forces, 110 vessels, and 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 197 

a prodigious quantity of Artillery, and this without much 
blood being spilled. I am, at present, in too great a hurry 
and confusion to give you the particulars, but shall do so by 
the first opportunity. Just now Congress, Assembly, and 
Council are about to proceed to our Zion's Church to return 
thanks to the Lord for this singular mark of interposition 
in our favor. Oh, may all the people rejoice in the Lord 
and return the most unfeigned and sincere thanks ! In the 
next papers all the particulars will be given, as Col. Tilgh- 
man, of the General's Aides, arrived two hours ago." 

This great achievement, with its magnificent results, did 
not, however, remove all difficulties, relieve all sores, or stop 
factional rancor. Bitter reproaches were launched against 
the Assembly, and hints thrown out that it harbored sinister 
designs. Frederick Muhlenberg took up the pen to expose 
and refute these slanderous insinuations, but, at the same 
time, a longing after the peace and tranquillity of private 
life appears for a while to have gained upon him. Of this 
mood a letter to his brother Henry testifies, from which some 
extracts are given here. It is dated February 20, 1782 : 

" I am glad that you like my articles. 1 The one in English 
was perhaps too studied ; it was not written for everybody, 
but only for those who can judge of our political affairs. 
Merks has this week come out against me in a rather pig- 
gish reply, but I shall answer politely, and hereafter decline 
further discussion, if he continues throwing dirt. Do you 
know, it is Leuthauser and Kammerer? Sometimes my 
phlegmatic temper becomes a little ruffled, when I think of 
those asses; but mindful of Solomon's proverb I let the 
fools alone. 

" I am now much wrapped up in politics, the more one is 
concerned with them, the deeper he is drawn in. But it is 
a comfort to think that this will be my last year and that, if 
my life is spared, I shall next year be released of public ser- 

1 The German articles of Muhlenberg appeared in the Gemeinnutzige 
Philadelphische Correspondenz of February 13, February 20, and March 
13, 1782. They are signed "Ein Deutscher." The English articles 
have not been discovered. 

198 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

vice. It is settled that I go to the Trappe in April, where 
I expect to recuperate in the solitude and quiet of rural life. 
For, helieve me, I have become faint in body and soul. Take 
my remark as you please, I assure you, I aim at nothing but 
the welfare of my country. Popularity I do not seek. The 
fool's praise or censure I do not mind." 

In another letter, written a few months later (May 15, 
1782), he expresses himself exceedingly well pleased with 
the first taste of the coveted retirement. 

"... Yesterday I came down [from Trappe] to buy 
some goods. Now only, dear brother, I enjoy my life; it is 
true, in the sweat of my brow, yet far from the noise of the 
City and of the restless political life. Here I am not 
troubled with clients, petitioners, and the hundred other 
curious inquirers with whom my house in the City was all 
the time swarming ; but I can comfortably attend to my work 
in the garden, the field, or the store, my constitution begins 
to improve in the wholesome air. Next autumn there will 
be an end of my public office and then hail to me ! Zac- 
chseus ! l 

We do not know what induced him to reconsider this res- 
olution and to forego the surcease of public cares so long- 
ingly wished for. At all events, in the fall of 1782, he was 
re-elected into the Assembly, took his seat, and was at once 
again invested with the Speaker's office. Before his term 
had expired he was elected into the Board of Censors, a sort 
of grand jury on all matters pertaining to the government, 
the laws, and finance of the Commonwealth. He must have 
established a remarkably good record as presiding officer, 
for the Board of Censors also called him to the chair. 

1 Since 1781, Frederick Muhlenberg had a business interest both in 
Philadelphia and the Trappe. In Philadelphia, the firm Muhlen- 
burg & Wegman, dealers in colonial goods, had their store in Second 
Street between Arch and Eace. At the Trappe, Frederick Muhlenberg 
bought, in 1781, for eight hundred pounds, of Hermann Ried, a stone 
house and fifty acres of land. In 1791, if not earlier, he went into part- 
nership with Jacob L. Lawersweiler to carry on a sugar refinery, 80 and 
82 (O. N.) North Second Street. The firm existed until about 1800, when 
it failed. 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg y etc. 199 

Their sessions lasted from November 10, 1783, to September 
25, 1784. 

Upon some questions which then agitated the public mind, 
e.g., the expediency of calling a convention to change the 
Constitution of Pennsylvania, on equal representation, etc., 
Frederick Muhlenberg expresses himself with refreshing 
unreserve in a letter to his brother, dated June 28, 1784, 
from which we give the following extracts : 

" As to our political affairs, it is true the racket is over, 
but, as you say, the ' boil is not ripe.' The blind passion and 
mad party spirit of the common crowd, who, after all, can- 
not judge for themselves, are so strong and bitter that they 
would rather put up with three times as many defeats of the 
constitution than with a convention. But is this not a real 
aristocracy, when a few leaders of the party, by untiring 
effort manage to withhold from the people, of whom their 
power is derived, the people's own power? Do they not 
betray a ridiculous fear that in a convention, based upon 
equal representation of the people (for such does not exist 
in Council), the people might alter the constitution ? But 
the rascals know well enough, if the intelligent part of the 
people, and I assert also, if the majority of the people, were 
properly and equitably represented in the convention that a 
change would be the consequence and they be unhorsed." 

Muhlenberg continues in English : 

" The principle of representation, which the constitution 
calls the only and just one, is the Number of taxables, with- 
out respect to property. I admire and fully approve of the 
principle as just, equal, and good. And it has been adopted 
by the State as far as respects the Assembly, of course, 
every 700 Taxables, rich or poor, have one Representative 
in Assembly; for instance, Westmoreland County having 
1500 Taxables, has two members in Assembly ; Lancaster 
County, having near 8000 Taxables, has eleven Representa- 
tives in Assembly. 

" Bat if the principle for Representation is good, which we 
admit, why did it not come into the wise noddles of those 
great framers of the Convention, to let that principle hold 

200 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

good throughout every public body, e.g., why not in the 
Executive Council, and the Council of Censors? Is it just 
that 1500 Taxables in "Washington, Bedford, Westmoreland, 
or other back counties, who, by the way have paid little or 
no Tax during this revolution, should have as much to say 
in the Council of Censors as 8000 from Lancaster, or 7000 
from Philadelphia who bear the burthen of the State ? All 
those back counties, although the number of Taxables is 
so inconsiderable, still have two members in our Council, if 
this is not an absurdity in the Constitution, there never was 
one. Take the real number of Taxables each member of 
our Council represents and you have a great majority of the 
good people of the State for a Convention. And had Mr. 
W. from your county not displayed a double face, and spoke 
otherwise before the election than he does since, I know full 
well he never would have had a seat here." 
What follows is again German in the original : 
" But what am I about ? I just thought I was arguing with 
an Englishman in Lancaster, and I confess on the subject of 
politics English comes easier to me than German, and here 
I almost fall into a passion about my countrymen when I 
think of their dreadful credulity, envy, lack of sense, and 
hence their foolish peasant conceit. ... If I had looked 
more to my own interest than to theirs, had I danced to 
their stupid whistling without consulting my judgment and 
my conscience, I might be a fugleman among them. . . . 

" Whether we are going to make a new code ? I do not 
think so. They have now the majority. Miles has resigned, 
and the City, the great, rich, populous City, has allowed Geo. 
Bryan, an archpartisan and brawler to be elected in his 
place. In these minor elections a culpable indifference pre- 
vails here. Bryan is one of the chief justices who by the 
Constitution is not to sit in Assembly or Council, receive no 
fee nor perquisite of any kind, etc., etc. ; he was long time 
Vice-President, has not a farthing of real or personal prop- 
erty, lives in the Country, not in the City, and has neverthe- 
less been elected Censor for the City. And such men are 
to investigate whether the Constitution has been kept invio- 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 201 

late, whether the taxes have been properly imposed and col- 
lected, whether the laws have been properly executed ! 

"Eheu! risum teneatis, in brief, the whole thing is a 
farce, costs the State five thousand or six thousand dollars, 
keeps the people in a ferment, and is not worth a farthing. 
I am ashamed to be a member, and if it might not be said, 
you forsook the vessel in the storm or you are afraid to 
weather it out, I would have resigned long ere this ; per- 
haps I shall do so yet, for I can neither before God nor the 
world answer for thus wasting my precious time, robbing the 
State, and doing only mischief. The fellows from the back 
counties now hope to stay here till next October, to draw 
their 17/6, and to return home with a well filled purse ; some 
of them will get at the end of the session more money than 
they ever had in their life. In short, dear brother, I am 
losing patience and draw a deep sigh at the corrupt political 
condition of our State. 

"... Nevertheless, to prove to you how readily the 
sentiments of the people change, imagine, in spite of all 
the calumnies and abuse behind my back, even here in Phil- 
adelphia County, the three districts of the County have ap- 
plied to me with the inquiry, whether I would not serve 
them next year in the Assembly, but I have flatly refused. 
Henceforward I shall have nothing to do with public office. 
I am justice of the peace and can be serviceable to my neigh- 
bors. My store is doing well and is in good running order. 

" One more question. Tell me your sincere opinion about 
* Die freymiithigen Gedanken,' etc. [frank thoughts]. Will it 
be worth while, to have a few more of such pieces printed ? 
To be sure, what is the use ? The asses won't understand 
it, though you figure it out to them ever so plainly, etc." 

Had Muhlenberg been inclined to return to the min- 
istry, he would have had an opportunity in 1783, when 
the Lutheran congregation at Ebenezer, near Savannah, 
Georgia, consisting of Salzburg refugees and their descend- 
ants, offered him the pulpit that had been vacated by the 
death of Rev. Christian Rabenhorst. But his heart was set 
on returning once more to the localities endeared to him 

202 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg^ etc. 

in early childhood, to his beloved Trappe, the abode of his 
aged parents and of near relatives. The employment which 
his store, his farm, and his garden gave him left him still 
sufficient leisure to attend to several responsible but in no 
way harassing offices. On March 19, 1784, the Executive 
Council commissioned him justice of the peace for the dis- 
trict composed of Skippach, Perkiomen, Providence, and 
Limerick townships (he resigned January 14, 1789). When 
Montgomery County was erected, in autumn, 1784, the 
Assembly appointed him Register of Wills and Recorder of 
Deeds (September 21, 1784). At the first court that was held 
in Montgomery County (September 28, 1784) he presided. 
Thus several years passed to him quiet and uneventful. 

In the mean time, the political aspect of the country 
entered into an entirely new phase. The foundation on 
which the government of the United States had been con- 
structed proved weak and unsafe; the Articles of Con- 
federation were replaced by the Constitution, which Congress 
submitted to the several States for ratification. To the 
Convention which Pennsylvania called for this purpose, F. 
A. Muhlenberg was elected member. In view of the pas- 
sionate opposition threatened to undo the work of patriotism 
and wisdom, and holding firm convictions on the subject, 
he deemed it his duty to accept the important trust. The 
Convention met at Philadelphia, September 21, 1787, and 
its first business was the election of a presiding officer. By 
the sixty votes cast, Muhlenberg received thirty, Judge 
McKean twenty-nine, and Mr. Gray one. The question 
whether one-half of the votes constituted a majority was 
waived by passing the resolution to conduct Muhlenberg to 
the chair. Both he and his brother Peter, then Vice-Presi- 
dent of Pennsylvania, exerted themselves earnestly in behalf 
of ratification. The Constitution having been accepted by 
a sufficient number of States, the new form of federal 
government went into operation. Under it Pennsylvania 
was entitled to eight representatives to the lower House. 
Among those elected with goodly majorities were Frederick 
and Peter Muhlenberg. 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 203 

On March 4, 1789, the day set for the meeting of Con- 
gress in New York, no quorum was present, and it was not 
till April 1 that an organization of the House could 
he effected. Such was the prestige which attached to 
Muhlenberg's name that he was chosen Speaker. The 
respect and confidence thus shown him by the representa- 
tives of eleven States of the Union could not but be highly 
gratifying to him; at the same time his present position, 
under so wonderful a change of the surroundings, must, 
by contrast, have reminded him of the time when, as a 
fugitive, he left New York a marked man on account of 
his republican principles. 

He was also a member of the House of the Second, Third, 
and Fourth Congresses. In the Third Congress he was again 
elected Speaker this time as candidate of the Antifederal- 
ists or Democrats (then called Republicans) over Sedgwick, 
the Federalist candidate. He took part in a debate on the 
taxation of sugar refined in the United States, upon which 
an excise of two cents per pound was to be laid. Muhlen- 
berg strenuously opposed this measure as a blow against 
domestic industry, but in vain. 

In the Fourth Congress, Jay's treaty became the sub- 
ject of a very animated discussion; the Senate, how- 
ever, ratified it on June 24, 1795, and it received the Presi- 
dent's approval. Again very hot and protracted debates 
ensued in the House of Representatives when the reso- 
lution was offered to grant an appropriation for carry- 
ing out the provisions of the treaty. The President 
was requested by a resolution to place before the House 
all instructions, correspondence, etc., which had refer- 
ence to the treaty, because there was an impression 
afloat that the branch of Congress representing the rights 
of the people had been ignored. Washington replied 
politely but firmly, declining to grant this request, as the 
House of Representatives had nothing to do with the con- 
clusion of treaties. This news was handed over to the 
Committee of the Whole, of which Frederick Augustus 
Muhlenberg was the chairman. After a long and stormy 

204 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 

debate, the vote was taken, April 29, 1796, on the resolution 
of granting the appropriation. There were forty-nine votes 
for and as many against it. Upon Muhlenberg now rested 
the very responsible duty of giving the deciding vote, and 
although not perfectly satisfied with the treaty as it had 
been expressed, he cast it in the affirmative. Had he voted 
differently serious complications might have resulted. The 
question now came before the House, and was favorably 
acted upon by a vote of fifty-one against forty-eight. 

The acceptance of Jay's treaty was denounced by its 
adversaries as a base surrender of American interests to the 
arrogant and wily foe. But Muhlenberg, in deciding as he 
did, was guided solely by the considerations of the states- 
man who looks to the welfare of his country. "When, soon 
afterwards, the party lines were drawn between the Feder- 
alists, who were charged with servility to England, and 
the Republicans or Democrats, who sympathized with revo- 
lutionary France, Frederick Muhlenberg, as well as his 
brother Peter, stood on the side of the latter. Both used 
their influence in favor of the Democratic party, as John 
Adams, not without some bitterness, remarks, " These two 
Muhlenbergs addressed the public with their names, both 
in English and in German, with invectives against the ad- 
ministration and warm recommendations of Mr. Jefferson." 

After the adjournment of the Fourth Congress, Muhlen- 
berg withdrew from active political life. In the autumn of 
1799 the place of Collector-General of the Pennsylvania 
Land Office became vacant by the removal of the incumbent 
for malfeasance. Muhlenberg was appointed to this place 
by the recently-elected governor, Thomas McKean, in the 
beginning of the year 1800. He removed to Lancaster, 
which in 1799 had become the seat of the State govern- 
ment. Once more in a position to enjoy the genial com- 
pany of his beloved brother Henry, minister at the Lutheran 
church in Lancaster, he, no doubt, looked forward to a 
happy and comparatively quiet life. But he was not long 
granted this boon. Death ended his earthly career on June 
4, 1801, before he had completed his fifty-second year. 

Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, etc. 205 

The fact that Frederick Muhlenberg was on so many 
occasions chosen to preside over deliberating bodies to 
which the people had elected him may be taken as evidence 
of his readily discerned and proven fitness, in which his 
character and temper as well as his abilities had a share. 
Also in other walks of life he was sought as a safe and 
judicious counsellor. The University of Pennsylvania he 
served as trustee from 1779 till 1786. The Rev. John 
Christian Hardwick (Hartwig) appointed him by his last 
will trustee and president of a society for the propagation 
of the gospel, to be founded according to the provisions of 
the will, a charge he could not carry out because he died 
before the difficulties that retarded the execution of the 
will were overcome. The German Society of Pennsylvania, 
of which he became a member in 1778, elected him their 
president in 1789 and again in the years following till 1797, 
when, on account of removal from the city, he declined a 
renomination. The society also expressed to him in a for- 
mal manner their thanks for help rendered in procuring 
their charter in 1781, when he was Speaker of the Assembly. 
Altogether, the Germans of Pennsylvania looked upon 
Frederick Muhlenberg as one of their own people, and a 
leader they might be proud of, while he never stooped to 
improper methods to curry their favor. Of the great power 
that he and his brother had over them, John Adams queru- 
lously says, " These two Germans, who had been long in 
public affairs and in high offices, were the great leaders and 
oracles of the whole German interest in Pennsylvania and 
the neighboring States. . . . The Muhlenbergs turned the 
whole body of the Germans, great numbers of the Irish, 
and many of the English, and in this manner introduced 
the total change that followed in both Houses of the legis- 
lature, and in all the executive departments of the national 
government. Upon such slender threads did our elections 
then depend !" 

A personal description of the man, his ways and bearing, 
is not at hand. The portrait which accompanies this sketch 
gives the impression of firmness, dignity, and a calm, well- 

206 Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlmberg, etc. 

balanced mind. But it hardly betrays the vein of humor 
he possessed, of which his letters bear unmistakable evidence. 
We close with a short notice of his family. That he was 
married to Catharine Schafer, daughter of the sugar refiner, 
David Schafer, has already been mentioned. His children 
were: Maria, married to John S. Heister; Henry William, 
married to Mary Sheaff; Elizabeth, married to John H. 
Irwin; Margareth, married to Jacob Sperry; P. David, 
married to Rachel Evans, daughter of Oliver Evans, Esq. ; 
and Catharine, married to George Sheaff. 

The Issues of the Press in New Yvrk, 1693-1752. 207 

YOKE, 1693-1752. 


(Continued from page 98.) 


* Acts of Assembly, Nov. 3, 1740. W. Bradford. 

* " " " " 27, 1741. do. 
Birkett's Almanac for 1742. do. 

* Journal of Assembly to June 13. do. 

" " " " Nov. 27. do. 

Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1741. do. 

Letter from Capt. Peter Lawrence. J. P. Zenger. 

Nederduitsche Almanack voor 1742. do. 

New York Gazette. W. Bradford. 

" " Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 

Spiritual Journey Temporized. do. 

The Quietists. do. 


* Acts of Assembly. "W. Bradford. 

* " " " Nov. do. 
Almanac for 1743. do. 
Garden's Two Sermons. J. P. Zenger. 

* Leeds' (T.) Almanac for 1742. W. Bradford. 
New York Gazette. . do. 
New York "Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 
Plea for Pure Religion. 

Tennent's (John) Essay on Pleurisy. 

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker. 

208 The Issues of the Press in New Forfc, 1693-1752. 


* Acts of Assembly. J. Parker. 

* Birkett's Almanac for 1743. W. Bradford. 
Dickinson's Nature and Necessity of Res- 


Nederduitsche Almanack voor 1743. J. P. Zenger. 

New York Gazette and Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 

Pemberton's Sermon on Dr. Nichol. J. Parker. 

Shepherd's Sincere Convert. do. 

Votes of Assembly. do. 


Act of Assembly for regulating the Mi- . 

litia. do. 
" " " the relief of insol- 
vent debtors. do. 

* Acts of Assembly. do. 
Drelincourt's Christian's Defence. do. 

* Duyckinck's Short Account of the Mo- 

ravians. H. De Foreest. 

* Horsmanden's Journal of the Detection 

of the Conspiracy. J. Parker. 
Life of the Eev. Peter Vine. H. De Foreest. 

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1745. do. 

* New Year Verses of the Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker. 

* New York Almanac for 1745. H. De Foreest. 

" Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette and Weekly Post Boy. J. Parker. 

" Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 
Prime's Sermon at Mrs. Wilmot's Fu- 
neral. J. Parker. 
Richardson's Pamela. do. 
Rules of the Scots Society in New York. do. 
Votes of Assembly. do. 
Wetmore. Letter on Dickinson's Re- 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 209 


* Acts of Assembly. J. Parker. 

* " " " do. 
Advertisement. Notice to delinquent pur- 
chasers at Romopock, 

N. J. J. P. Zenger. 

" of a reward for Solomon 


Beach's Sermon on Eternal Life. J. Parker. 

Berkeley's Treatise on Tar "Water. 
Burr's Sermon at the Ordination of Mr. 

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As- 

sembly, June 25, 1745. J. Parker. 

* Clinton's Speech dissolving the Assem- 

bly, May 14, 1745. do. 

Colden's Explication of the First Causes. do. 

" On Yellow Fever. 
Leslie's Short and Easy Method with 

Deists. H. De Foreest. 

More's American Country Almanac for 

1746. J. Parker. 

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1746. H. De Foreest. 
New Complete Guide to the English 

Tongue. J. Parker. 

New York Almanac for 1746. H. De Foreest. 

" Gazette. J. Parker. 

" "Weekly Journal. J. P. Zenger. 

Notice to bidders for farming the Excise. J. Parker. 

Strange Relation of an Old Woman who 

was drowned. H. De Foreest. 

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker. 


Acts of Assembly to May ? J. Parker. 

* " to July 15. do. 

VOL. xin. 14 

210 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 

Anderson's Chronicles of the Duke of 

Blakeney's New Manual Exercises. 

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As- 


Dickinson's Brief Illustration of the 
Eights of Infant Baptism. 

* Jenkin's Brief Vindication. 

* More's American Country Almanac for 


Nathan's Almanac for 1747. 
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1747. 

* New York Almanac for 1747. 

" Evening Post. 

" Gazette. 

" Primer. 

" "Weekly Journal. 

* Pemberton's Sermon, July 31. 
Proclamation, Jan. 20, 1745/6. 

Feb. 3, 

" June 7, 1746. 

Publication (First) of the Council of Pro- 
prietors of East Jersey, March 25, 1746. 

* To his Excellency Geo. Clinton, the Hum- 

ble Eepresentation of the Council. 

* Treaty with the Six Nations. 

Votes of Assembly, June 25, 1745, to May 

3, 1746. 

" to July 15, 1746. 

" " to Dec. 6, 1746. 

Account of the Apparition of Lord Kil- 

Acts of Assembly. 

* Answer to the Council of Proprietors of 

East New Jersey. 

* Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey. 

J. Parker. 


J. Zenger, Jr. 

J. Parker. 
C. Zenger. 
H. De Foreest. 

J. Parker. 
H. De Foreest. 
J. P. & C. Zenger. 
J. Parker, 





C. Zenger. 
J. Parker. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 211 

Burgh's Britain's Remembrancer. J. Parker. 
Candid Account of the Behavior of Lord 

Lovat on the day of his execution. do. 

* Clinton's Speech to the Council and As- 

sembly, March 25, 1747. do. 
Countryman's Help and Indian's Friend. 

Guide to Vestrymen of New York City. J. Parker. 

Infallible Scheme for reducing Canada. do. 

Journal of Assembly to Sept. 22, 1747. do. 

Letter from the Representatives. do. 

Livingston's Philosophic Solitude. do. 
Merchant's History of the Rebellion in 

Great Britain. do. 

* More's American Country Almanac for 

1748. do. 

Nathan's Almanac for 1748. C. Zenger. 

Nature, &c., of Oaths and Juries. J. Parker. 
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1748. H. De Foreest. 

* New York Almanac for 1748. do. 

" Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette. J. Parker. 

" Weekly Journal. C. Zenger. 

Proclamation, April 30, 1747. J. Parker. 

Publication of the Council of Proprietors 

of East Jersey, Sept. 14, 1747. do. 

Ray's Acts of the Rebels. do. 

Representation of the Assembly to the 

Governor. do. 

Second Publication of the Council of Pro- 
prietors of East Jersey, March 25, 1747. do. 

Shirley's Letter to the Duke of New- 
castle, do. 

Votes of Assembly to Nov. 25, 1747. do. 

Watts' Divine Songs. H. De Foreest. 

Yorkshire Wonder. do. 


Acts of Assembly. J. Parker. 
Congress between the Beasts. 

212 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-175. 

Cries of the Oppressed. 
Doctrine of Universal Free Grace proved 
from the Scriptures. 

Church Forms and 

H. De Foreest 

Dutch Eeformed 

Liturgy. do. 
Frilinghausen's Jeugd-oeffening. "W. Weyman. 

* Funeral Sermon on Michael Morin. J. Parker. 
Heidelburgh Catechism. H. De Foreest. 
Just Vengeance of Heaven Exemplified. J. Parker. 
More's American Country Almanac for 

1749. do. 

* Nathan's Almanac for 1749. C. Zenger. 
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1749. H. De Foreest. 
New York Almanac for 1749. do. 

" Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette. J. Parker. 

" "Weekly Journal. C. Zenger. 
Pierson's Sermon on the Death of Jona- 
than Dickinson. J. Parker. 
Pocket Almanac for 1749. do. 
Proclamation, Oct. 4, 1748. do. 
Towgood's Dissenting Gentleman's Answer. 
Votes of Assembly. J. Parker. 


Acts of Assembly. do. 
Burgh's Britain's Remembrancer. 

* Cheever's Introduction to Latin, 6th edi- 

tion. J. Parker. 
Conductor Generalis. 

* More's American Country Almanac for 

1750. J. Parker. 
Nathan's Almanac for 1750. C. Zenger. 
Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1750. H. De Foreest. 
New York Almanac for 1750. do. 

" City. Laws and Ordinances of J. Parker. 

" " The Carmen's Law. do. 

Evening Post. 

H. De Foreest. 
J. Parker. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 213 

New York "Weekly Journal. J. Zenger. 

Pocket Almanac for 1750. J. Parker. 

Proclamation, Feb. 28, 1748/9. do. 

" April 29, do. 

* Sherman's Almanac for 1750. H. De Foreest. 
Some Serious Thoughts on erecting a 

College in New York. 

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker. 


An Act to prevent the exportation of un- 
merchantable flour. do. 

An Act to regulate the gauging of Rum, 

&c. do. 

Acts of Assembly. do. 

* Arthur's Sermon at Mr. Thane's Ordina- 

tion, do. 

Colden's History of the Five Nations. 
(Haven's List.) 

Doomsday, a Discourse on the Resurrec- 
tion. H. De Foreest. 

Gentle Shepherd. J. Parker. 

Graham's Sermon at his son's Ordination. 

Kennedy's Observations on the importance 

of the Northern Colonies. do. 

King (The) and the Miller of Mansfield. do. 

Letter from a Gentleman in New York. 

* Lloyd's Meditations on Divine Subjects. J. Parker. 
Manner of receiving a Freemason. H. De Foreest. 
Merry Piper, or the Friar and the Boy. J. Parker. 
More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for 

1751. do. 

* Mqre's (T.) American Country Almanac 

for 1751. do. 

Nathan's Almanac for 1751. J. Zenger. 

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1751. H. De Foreest. 
New Memorandum Book, 3d edition. 

* New Year Verses of the New York Ga- 

zette. J. Parker. 

214 The Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1752. 

New York Almanac for 1751. H. De Foreest. 

" Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette. J. Parker. 

" Primer Enlarged. H. De Foreest. 

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger. 
Palmer's Serious Address. 

Proclamation, Jan. 6, 1749/50. J. Parker. 
Reply to a Letter from a Gentleman in 

New York. 
Sherman's Almanac for 1751. H. De Foreest. 

* Some Animadversions on a Reply to a 

Letter from a Gentleman in New York. J. Parker. 

Toy Shop (The), a Dramatic Satire. do. 

Twenty-four Songs of Robin Hood. do. 

Votes of Assembly. do. 


Acts of Assembly. do. 
Art of Pleading. 
Dodsley's Economy of Human Life, 6th 

edition. J. Parker. 

Gay's Beggar's Opera. do. 

* Importance of the Friendship of the In- 

dians, do. 
More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for 

1752. do. 

* More's (T.) American Country Almanac 

for 1752. do. 

Muilman's Letter to the Earl of Chester- 
field, do. 

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1752. H. De Foreest. 

Almanac for 1752. do. 

New York Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette. do. 

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger. 

Noel's Short Introduction to Spanish. J. Parker. 

Ronde's De Gekruicigde Christus. H. De Foreest. 

Sherman's Almanac for 1752. do. 

Sure Guide to Hell. J. Parker. 

The Issues of the Press in New York, 1698-1752. 215 

True Translation of the Pope's Absolu- 
tion. J. Parker. 

Votes of Assembly. do. 

Zenger's Trial. 


Acts of Assembly. J. Parker. 

Answer to a Bill in the Chancery of New 

Jersey. do. 

Answer to a Letter. 

Authentic Narrative of the Loss of the 

Barclay's Catechism and Confession of 

Hutchins' Almanac for 1753. H. Gaine. 

Independent Reflector. J. Parker. 

Indian Songs of Peace. 

Johnson's First Principles of Human 

Knowledge, 2d edition. J. Parker. 

Judson's Timely Warning. 

Laws of New York. J. Parker. 

Letter of the Freemen of New York City. do. 

More's (R.) Poor Roger's Almanac for 

1753. do. 

* More's (T.) American Country Almanac 

for 1753. do. 

Nederduytsche Almanacke voor 1753. H. De Foreest. 

New York Evening Post. do. 

" Gazette. J. Parker. 

" Mercury. H. Gaine. 

" Weekly Journal. J. Zenger. 

* Ronde's De Ware Gedat'nis. H. De Foreest. 

* Ross's Complete Introduction to Latin. J. Parker. 
Sherman's Astronomical Diary. H. De Foreest. 
Some Thoughts on Education. 

Votes of Assembly. J. Parker. 

Watts' Hymns. 

216 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 


[Through the courtesy of the Eev. Eoswell Randall Hoes, U.S.N., we 
are enabled to publish the following interesting papers relating to the 
early history of Pennsylvania, to be found in the archives of the ven- 
erable " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," 
London. It is an exact copy, the work of the transcriber extending 
even to a faithful reproduction of the punctuation marks. ED. PENNA. 

PHILADELPHIA 9 ber 20. 1698 

I now give yo' Excy a true Account of this Country of 
Pensylvania relating to y e Government since my Arrival in 
as posseble. 

In y e Year 169 I came hither from Jamaica I not having 
my health there, transported myself & estate here in hopes 
to find y e same wholesom laws here as in other of his Maty's 
plantacons; and a quiet moderate people: but found quite 
contrary ; found y m in wrangles among y m selves, and im- 
prisoning one another for Religion. I was in hopes by that 
they would in time make such a discovery of their hypoc- 
recy and be a shamed, so as to return home to their Mother 
the Church of England. I finding none setled here, nor so 
much as any law for one here being a consederable number 
of y e Church of England and finding y e prejudice y e Quakers 
had ag* it we agreed to peticon our Sacred Majesty, y* we 
might have y* free exercise of our Religion and Arms for 
our Defense, we having an account of an Attempt designed 
on this place by y e French by Col Hambleton, who had an 
Account by a French privateer. The Quaker Magistrate 
no sooner heard of it, but sent for me, y e person y* writ it by 
a Constable to their Sessions. They told me they heard I 
with some others was peticoning. I told y m we were peti- 
tioning his Maty y* we might have a Minister of y 6 Church 

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 217 

of England for y Exercise of o' Religion, and to make use 
of our Arms as a Militia to defend our Estates from Enimys. 
Edward Shippen one of y e Quaker Judges turning to y e 
other of his Fellows sayd ; Now they have discovered y m 
selves ; they are a bringing y e and y e sword amongst 

us : but God forbid ; we will prevent y m , and ordered y e 
Kings Atturney a Quaker to read a Law y* they had made 
ags* any person y* shall conte or speak ags* their Govern- 
ment. I told y m I hoped they would not hinder us of y* 
right of petitioning. They then took one Griffith Jones an 
Atturney at Law on suspition for writing it, into custody & 
bound him over from sessions to sessions, and threatned all 
y* dare it by a law they have made ags* y* right of a Sub- 
ject. To relate their partiality in their Courts as often as 
they sit, were too tedious ; so violent they are ags* all y* are 
not quakers even to death ; their Judges Jurys, nor Evidence 
being never sworn ; One was heard to say he would sooner 
take a Negro y* is a heathen's Word before a Church of 
England man's Oath ; their Malise towards us is such. 

I happening to talk with one of their Magistrates concern- 
ing y* danger we were in, if y e privateers knew what a people 
we were as defenceless : He said y* they had an Account of 
all privateers which were ordered to these parts from France 
first went to K. James for orders, who gave them a partic- 
ular charge not to meddle with this place, to show y 6 ex- 
traordinary kindness he has for y m . They indeed are all 

"We hearing y 6 dreadfull account of y* bloody Conspiracy 
ags* his Maty's royal person by Assassinators, We of y e 
Church of Engld formed an Address to congratulate his 
Matys great deliverance by y 6 hand of Allmighty God. I 
carryed it to Govern' Markham for his Approbacon : who 
seemingly liked of it, and signed it I y n with y 6 Assistance 
of others got it signed by many : and after some consulta- 
tion (as I suppose) of y e Quakers who shewed their dislike, 
and y* it was like to go home & y* y e King would y n see 
what a Number of y e Church of Engld were here, We called 
for it pretending to see it, and kept it & would not part with 

218 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 

it, so y* we were hindered in expressing our duty as we 
ought. Govern' Markham (as I suppose) to gain a proselyte 
to M r . Pen & his Interest, made me a justice of y e peace 
one of his and M r . Pen's Magistrates, not y e Kings, by his 
obstrucing me in my duty to y e King as a Magistrate and a 
good Subject in apprehending y e pirats, My Narrative of 
which I have herewith inclosed, it being a Copy, y e 
Original is sent home from !N"ew York by M r Randolph; 
and attested by me when there to y e right Hon We , y e Lords 
Com sr8 of y e plantacons & Admiralty and others with the 
Account of y e seizing and smothering of [?] Askialonds 
Vessel, for y e tryal of which M r Markham would have 
made me Judge of y e Admiralty if I would, on y e slender 
power he had. He has written to Col Heathcot y* I in- 
formed at home against him about it : which letters I doubt 
not will be a Sufficient Evidence ag* him there ; which I sup- 
pose yo' Excellency has had an Account of. S r y e Quakers are 
so bold to say, one of their Magistrates in my hearing, y* 
they did not fear anything could doe anything ags* Penn's 
Interest in this Government; no man more intimate with 
the King y n M r Penn, and yet he was often in private with 
y e King in his Closet, and hardly did anything without his 
advice. So they [?] y m selves under security and y* they 
may doe what they please, they having such an Agent at 
home, as long y e Governm* is in y e hands of Quakers and 
M r Penn, as they say, such Interest, we y* are his Maty's 
Subjects, (which they are not nor never will be) we had 
better live in Turky, there is good Morality among y m , 
there is none here : they make so little of God, and y e King, 
y* to their dishonour & our grief are loth hear & see y m ; 
God through his Ministers, they having been heard to say, 
Since we have had y e blessing of so good a Divine as y e 
Worthy M r Clayton, y* he is y e Minister of y e Doctrine of 
Devils, and his Maty's Commission with y e seal to it held up 
in open Court, in a ridiculous manner, Shewing it to the 
people & laughing at it ; saying here is a baby in a Tin box. 
We are not to be frighted with babes, and others have said, 
The King has nothing more to doe here than to receive a 

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 219 

Beares Skin or two yearly : and his &y e parliaments laws, reach 
no further y n England. Water and y e Town of Berwick upon 
Tweed : and such like Expressions which can all be proved 
by sufficient Witnesses. Tell them in their Corts, y* in mat- 
ters ags* us they go ag* law, they will answer on y e Bench 
they will strayn or stretch a point of Law, with many other 
Expressions & transactions too tedious here to set down. 
They are Establishing of a ?Free School for y e groth of 
Quakerism, and Apostacy which I pray God in his due time 
he may direct, and y* we may live to enjoy y e Libertys of 
Subjects of England, and not to be governed by dissenters 
and Apostates, y* absolutely deny y e Bible to be y e holy 
"Writ, & Baptism & y e Lord's Supper ; is y e prayers of yo r 
Excy's most humble most obedient Servant to command. 
Robert? S .... Su ... praying yo' Excy to pardon y e 
troble of this long scrole. 

(Letter enclosed in the above.) 

PHILADELPHIA 9. 29. 98. 

Since my last to You, I have reed an Answer of my letter 
to y e Lloydians cast in the same mold with y e former, only 
much longer & subscribed only be y e same person. I had 
allmost finisht my reply when I [sic] an Inhibition from my 
Bretheren which stopt me ; to which I have sent an answ'. 
I shall take care to obey y m as far as I can. upon y e accts 
they speak of. I allso rec'd yo' kind Letters together with 
those papers which signify yo' bounty & charity, which shall 
be taken care of, & disposed of, I hope to y e Satisfaction 
of yo' Excellencey & y e end you design in y m viz. y 6 glory 
of God and y e benefit of men. 

I have received allso an Answer from y e Keetheians a Copy 
of which I have sent you : They had lately a great meeting 
in Town, y e night before which, I was sent for to 9 or 10 of 
y e heads of y m . went and debated matters for about 3 or 4 
hours, and (by y e blessing of God) to great satisfaction of 
both sides, so y* one of y m told me, they must employ me 

220 Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 

to baptize their Children and others and I hopt y e next days 
consultation would make almost a genial union. But it 
happened y* y e next day some of y e preachers y* were not 
with us y e night before seeing things go on so fast y* they 
were like to lose y e darling of their ambition their preacher- 
ship urged 1 st Cor : 14. 29, 30, 31, & commented in favour 
of y m selves : but were opposed by some considerable ; y* 
those prophets there spoken of, were persons lawfully called 
to y e Ministry by Imposition of hands. Yet this prevailing 
upon some of y m has put a stop for a while. But I with 
some Assistants of their own party am bringing y e cause 
about again, & as I am told with good success too. (God 
prosper it.) I have often talked with the presbyterian min- 
ister, and find him such as I could wish. They tell me y* 
have heard him, y* he makes a great noise, but this did not 
amaze me considering y e bulk & emptiness of y e thing but 
he is so far from growing upon us that he threatens to go 
home in y e Spring, & could this be a quiet place for him, yet 
he ought to doe this according to y e laudable custom of 
Hugh Peters to bring y m to a better Subscription. But I'll 
take care to prevent y e first and leave y e last to y e self-interest 
of y e people. I told him upon a meeting between B r Arrow- 
smith, he, & I, if his Congregacon increast, he must expect 
it from me : but so long as I saw myself in no danger, I 
should look after y e business all ready upon my hands. This 
Advantage he has got on me, Madam Markham & her 
Daughter because I can not be so servile as to stoop to their 
haughty humors, frequently leave my Church and counte- 
nance their meeting : which tho' it does not y m much good, 
yet shews neither good breeding reason, nor religion. I am 
pretty patient under it, until I can see a fair opportunity to 
vent my resentments but y n they may be sure to have it in 
so plain a dress y fc they shall know w* I mean, and why I 
doe it. I could have wished y* B r Arrowsmith had had a 
little more spirit before I came ; but however I have too 
much to doe, as he did, (as I am told and y*' 8 y e root of 
these evils, of which I suffer a great part as far as they can 
inflict y m , so y* not y e Will but y e power of doing me more 

Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs in Pennsylvania in 1698. 221 

harm (I almost think) is wanting. The other Presbyterian 
gos from Newcastle in y e Spring too as I am told. The 
Anabaptist has not Answred me. He and y e Presbyterian 
(I am told) preach both in one meeting, y e one in y e morning 
and y e other in y e afternoon, which I upbraided y e Presby- 
terian with all as being a direct cherishing aschism ags* him- 
self as well as me ; & would fain have set him to work ags* 
him, but could not spur him to it. 

This with my humble thanks for this last charitable 
(amongst many former) is what at present offers from 

Yo' Excellcys 
most obliged humble & faithful Servant 


I have sent an Answer to my Bretherens letter if yo' 
Excy think fit it should be conveyed to y m I beg it, but as 
yo' Excy shall order shall satisfactorily acquiesse. 

D r Brays Exposition of y e Baptismal Covenant y e 30 books 
y* were sent here, are yet in my hands, & I can not get in- 
formation how you ordered their disposal. If by y e next 
return yo' Excellency will advise me, your will shall be per- 

222 Affaires de VAngleterre et de PAmfrique. 



In 1776 there was commenced at Paris, though with the 
imprint of "Anvers," a periodical entitled "Affaires de 
1'Angleterre et de PAmerique," which was published for 
about four years, and was, according to Barbier, 1 edited 
by Benjamin Franklin, Antoine Court de Gebelin, Jean 
Baptiste Rene Robinet, and others. As its title indicates, 
it was devoted to the history of the American Revolution, 
and the plan of the work was threefold : 

I. To print in diary form a narrative of events. 

EC. To reprint from newspapers and pamphlets matter of 
especial interest. 

III. To give, in what purported to be letters from a 
London banker, the inside political history and parliamen- 
tary proceedings of Great Britain. 2 

The work as thus printed, though containing many errors, 
is one of singular value for the history of the period covered. 
Edited to a certain extent in a partisan manner, it was 
clearly intended to neutralize the accounts published by the 
ordinary French journals, who drew their news from the 
English press, and by giving the French people accurate 
information concerning the causes and progress of the war, 
encourage them in their sympathy with the American cause, 
and so add another lever to the forces that were acting on 
the French government to make it recognize our indepen- 
dence. Yet the rarity of this work, together with the 
ignorance of its contents, due partly to Rich's misstate- 

1 " Dictionaire des Ouvrages," anonymes. 

2 These " Lettres (Tun Banquier" were written, so I have seen stated, 
by Dr. Edward Bancroft. 

Affaires de VAngleterre et de l'Amrique. 223 

ment that " this work appears to have been an imitation 
of Almon's 'Remembrancer,'" 1 has made it practically 
neglected as a source of history. 

The work has also been neglected from a bibliographical 
stand-point. Issued at irregular intervals, several times 
changed in plan and method of publication, few of the 
volumes with title-pages, and full of typographical errors in 
the pagings and numberings of the parts, it is one of the 
most intricate and puzzling studies in collation. Barbier 
and Eich, therefore, merely stated that it was in fifteen vol- 
umes. Sabin 2 gives it as " 24 cahiers divided into 8 tomes, 
usually bound in 17 volumes ;" and it remained for Leclerc 3 
to even attempt a collation, which, made from a single im- 
perfect set, and confused by two misleading typographical 
errors, is of really no value for ascertaining what constitutes 
a perfect series. 

Through the courtesy of Mr. Theodore F. D wight, of Wash- 
ington, I have obtained collations of the sets in the library 
of the Department of State 4 and the Library of Congress. 5 
Personally I have collated the sets in the New York State, 6 
Harvard College, 7 Massachusetts Historical Society, 8 and the 
Thomas Crane Public 9 (Quincy) libraries, and the collations 
of these seven imperfect sets have been compared with an- 
other imperfect set in the library of Gordon L. Ford, of 
Brooklyn. From these comparisons I have made a collation 
which I believe will show what, for working purposes, is a 
set of the work. 

The work was issued in parts, or " cahiers," bound in 

Bibliotheca Americana Nova," I. 247. 

Dictionary of Books relating to America," I. 

Bibliotheca Americana" (1878), 646. The set of fourteen slightly 
imperfect volumes is priced at two hundred and fifty francs. 
This set contains fifteen volumes. 
This set contains fourteen slightly imperfect volumes. 

6 This set contains thirteen very imperfect volumes. 

7 This set contains fifteen volumes. 

8 This set contains seventeen slightly imperfect volumes, and is the 
best set so far as I know. 

9 This set contains fourteen volumes. It is John Adams's copy. 

224 Affaires de PAngleterre et de PAmtrique. 

blue paper covers, 1 which were numbered ; but, like Almon's 
" Remembrancer," it is practically unfindable in this con- 
dition. The " cahiers" were also numbered on the signature- 
leaf till number 36 was reached, after which the numbering 
was disregarded, so that it becomes impossible to distinguish 
the parts ; and I have therefore paid no attention to them 
in my collation, except to note, from information given in 
the index to each volume, the " cahiers" that should be 
contained in each volume. The matter is divided into two 
classes, which the editor or editors distinguished as 
" Journal" and " Lettres d'un Banquier." These in vol- 
umes I.-II. were combined in each " cahier" and paged con- 
tinuously ; in volumes III.-VI. they were included in the 
same volume, but separately paged, the " Journal" in 
Arabic numerals, and the " Lettres" in Roman numerals ; 
after volume VI. they were issued as separate volumes, but 
retaining this distinction of numbering. Though the work 
is nominally in fifteen volumes, and really in seventeen 
volumes, but three title-pages were issued. 

Vol. I. 2 " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 1 to 5. Title, 1 1. ; 

Advertisement, 11.; pp. 103; 88; (65)-80; (17)-92; 103; 118. 
Vol. n. 3 /'Journal" and "Lettres." Cahiers 6 to 10; 

Title, 11.; pp. 88; 95; 101; 80; 80; Table and Index, 19. 
Vol. III. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 11 to 15. Pp. 

88; (113)-144; 161-272; xlij ; Avis, 1|1.; xiv [for xlv]- 

xcxviv [for xciv]; xcxvij [for xcvij]-ccxxiv ; Table and 

Index, 11. 

1 1 have seen but three numbers in this condition. The title reads : 
"Affaires | de I 1 Angleterre j et de PAmerique. j No. LXI. j Onsouscrita' 
Paris chez Pissot, Libraire, | Quai des Augustins. j L'Abonnement pour 
vingt Nume'ros, commgant | par le soixante-unieme, est de 24 liv. pour 
Paris, & de 32 liv. post franc, pour la Province. | On trouve chez la 
meme Libraire, les soixant pre- | miers Nume'ros, formant les deux 
premiere ann6es. j A Anvers | M.DCC.LXXVIII." 

2 The title reads : " Affaires | de 1' Angleterre | et de PAmerique. | N. 
1 OT . | A Anvers. | M.DCC.LXXVI." 

3 The title reads : " Affaires | de | PAngleterre | et de PAmerique. | 
Tome II. | A Anvers. | 1776." 

Affaires de VAngleterre et de I'Amfrique. 225 

Vol. IV. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 16 to 20. Pp. 

128 ; 137-160 ; ccliv [2 Ix, no Ixxvi] ; Table and Index, 8. 
Vol. Y. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 21 to 25 [no 

cahier 25 in the " Journal" series]. Pp. 112; clvj ; clxi- 

ccxiv ; folding table, 1 1. ; ccxv-cccxvij [no cccv] ; Table 

and Index, 7. 
Vol. VI. " Journal" and " Lettres." Cahiers 26 to 30. Pp. 

1 60 ; Avis, 1 1. ; Ixiv ; lix [for xlix]-clxxiv ; clxxiij-ccviij ; 

Table and Index, 10. 
Vol. VII. " Lettres." Cahiers 31 to 36. Pp. xlvj ; Avis, 1 

1. ; xlvij-cclxxxvj ; Advertissement, ij ; cccxxj-ccclxxviij ; 

Table and Index, 8. 
Vol. VIII. 1 " Journal." Cahiers 31 to 44. 2 Title, 1 1. ; pp. 

320 ; Avis, 2 ; 321-368 ; Table and Index, 11. 
Vol. IX. " Lettres." Cahiers 37 to 42. Pp. cxxvi ; " Re- 

trenchement," 1 1. ; cxxix-ccxlvj ; notice, 1 1. ; Avis, 1 1. ; 

ccxlix-cccx ; cccxiij-ccclix ; [2 cccxxxvij] ; Table and 

Index, 10. 

Vol. X. " Lettres." Cahiers 43 to 47. Pp. Ixiij ; Adver- 
tissement, ij; Ixv-clxxxvj; m*, 1 1.; clxxxvij-ccclxx ; 

ccclix-ccclxxij ; Table and Index, 13. 
Vol. XI. " Journal." Cahiers 48 to 63. [Cahiers 48 and 

49 are misprinted Vol. IX.] Pp. 368. Table and Index, 

Vol. XI. "Lettres." Cahiers 48 to 54. Pp. Ixxxj [for 

ccxxix, no ccxxv-vi] ; ccxix-ccxciv ; ccxcvij-cccxxxiv ; 

cccxxxvij-ccclxxix ; Table and Index, 6. 
Vol. XII. " Journal." Cahiers 64 to 82. Pp. 348. Table 

and Index, 7. 
Vol. XII. " Lettres." Cahiers 55 to 61. Pp. ccxc; Avis, 

11.; ccxciij-ccccxx ; Table and Index, 6. 

1 The title reads : " Affaires | de | 1'Angleterre | et de | PAmerique. | 
Tome VIII. | Formant de la partie du Journal de 1776, | No. XXXI & 
XLIV enclusivement. | A Anvers | et se trouve a Paris, | Chez Pissot, 
Libraire, quai des Augiistins. | 1778." 

a There is an apparent omission between Vols. VIII. and XI. of three 
cahiers of the " Journal" series, but it is evidently merely a misprint, 
for the dates show no gap. 
VOL. xin. 15 

226 Affaires de VAngleterre et de VAmfoique. 

Vol. XIII. "Lettres." Cahiers 62 to 69. Pp. clxxxij; 
clxxxv-ccxxj ; ccxxv-cclxxxj ; Title, 1 1. ; Advertissement 
(cclxxxiv)-cclxxxvij ; (cclxxxix)-cccxlvj ; cccxlix-ccccxix; 
Table and Index, 5. 

Vol. XIV. "Lettres." Cahiers 70 to 75. Pp. ccxciij; 
ccxcviij-ccccij ; Table and Index, 4. 

Vol. XV. " Lettres." Cabiers 75 to 82. Pp. Ixiv; folding 
table ("Ligne de Battaille") ; Ixv-xcj; folding table 
(" Ligne de Battaille") ; xcjij-cxlvj ; title (" Expose") 1 1. ; 
cxlix ; (cliij)-ccx ; ccxiij-cclxviij ; cclxxxj-cccx ; cccxiij- 
cccxliv ; 14 folding tables ; Avis, 5 ; Table, 5. 

Philadelphia in 1682. 227 


[We are indebted to Mr. Thomas Allen Glenn for the following in- 
teresting letter, written about 1708, to a certain Hugh Jones, of Bala, 
in Wales, which has never been published in America. It appeared in 
its original language in a Welsh periodical of London, 1806, and again 
in the Gwyliedydd at Bala in 1833, and in the latter year the following 
translation appeared in the Cambrian Magazine. By a curious error, the 
signature is given as "Hugh Jones." An examination of the will of 
Thomas Sion (John) Evan, "of Eadnor in Pennsylvania," dated 31st 
1 mo., 1707, proved at Philadelphia 23d September, 1707, informs us that 
the writer of this letter was called John, not Hugh ; but it is probable 
that he called himself Jones, as did his father. Thomas left, as his letter 
states, his farm of three hundred acres to his two sons John and Joseph, 
in equal shares ; to his daughter Elizabeth 50 ; to his wife (Lowry) 6 
per annum, and right to reside on the farm. He appoints as " Guardians 
and Overseers" his friends Rowland Ellis, Sr., Joseph Owen, and Row- 
land Ellis, Jr. Thomas John Evan it would seem has the honor of being 
the first Welsh settler in Pennsylvania, having landed in April of 1682. 
The Thomas Lloyd mentioned " of Penmaen," a township in the parish 
of Llanvaur, Merionethshire, was a bard of note before he joined the 
Friends. There are excellent verses of his published in the Gwyliedydd 
for March, 1824, on the subject of his conversion. ED. PENNA. MAO.] 


I received a letter from you, dated May 8, 1705 ; and I 
was glad to find that one of my relatives, in the old land of 
which I have heard so much, was pleased to recollect me. 
I have heard my father speak much about old Cymru ; but 
I was born in this woody region this new world. 

I remember him frequently mentioning such places as 
Llan-y-Cil, Llan-uwchlyn, Llan Vair, Llan Gwm, Bala, Llan- 
gower, Llyn Tegyd, Arenig Vaw, Yron-Goch, 1 Llaithgwm,* 
Havod Vadog, Cwm Tir-y-naint, and many others. It is 
probably uninteresting to you to hear these names of places, 

1 Written also Fron and Tron G6ch ; the home of Robert Owen. 

2 The home of John Thomas. 

228 Philadelphia in 

but it affords me great delight even to think of them, altho- 
I do not know what kind of places they are ; and indeed I 
long much to see them, having heard my father and mother 
so often speak in the most affectionate manner of the kind 
hearted and innocent old people who live in them. . . . And 
now my friend, I will give an account of the life and for- 
tunes of my dear father from the time he left Wales to the 
day of his death. He was at St. Peters fair, at Bala (July 
10th 1681) when he first heard of Pennsylvania ; three weeks 
only after this, he took leave of his neighbours and relations, 
who were anxiously looking forward to his departure for 
London on his way to America. Here (in London) he 
waited three months for a ship ; and at length went out in 
one bearing the name of William Penn. He had a very 
tempestuous passage for several weeks ; and when in sight 
of the river Delaware, owing to adverse winds and a bois- 
terous sea, the sails were torn, and the rudder injured. By 
this disaster they were greatly disheartened, and were obliged 
to go back to Barbadoes, where they continued three weeks, 
expending much money in refitting their ship. Being now 
ready for a second attempt, they easily accomplished their 
voyage, and arrived safely in the river Delaware on the 16th 
of April, being thirty weeks from the time they left London. 
During this long voyage he learned to speak and read 
English tolerably well. They now came up the river 120 
miles, to the place where Philadelphia is at present situate. 
At that time, as the Welsh say, there was " na thy nac 
Jrmogor" (neither house nor shelter) but the wild woods, nor 
any one to welcome them to land. A poor look out this, 
for persons who had been so long at sea, many of whom 
had spent their little all. This was not the place for them 
to remain stationary. My father therefore went alone where 
chance led him, to endeavour to obtain the means of sub- 
sistence. He longed much at this time for milk. During his 
wanderings he met with a drunken old man, who under- 
stood neither Welsh nor English, and who, noticing the 
stranger, by means of some signs and gesticulations invited 
him to his dwelling, where he was received by the old man's 

Philadelphia in 1682. 229 

wife and several sons, in the most kind and hospitable man- 
ner : they were Swedes : here he made his home, till he had 
a habitation of his own. As you shall hear, during the sum- 
mer of 1682 our governor William Penn Esq., arrived here, 
together with several from England, having bought lands 
here. They now began to divide the country into allot- 
ments, and to plan the city of Philadelphia, (which was to 
be more than two miles in length) laying it out in streets 
and squares, &c. with portions of land assigned to several 
of the houses. He also bought the freehold of the soil from 
the Indians, a savage race of men, who have lived here from 
time immemorial, as far as I am able to understand. They 
can give no account of themselves, not knowing where or 
whence they came here, an irrational set, I should imagine, 
but they have some kind of reason too, and extraordinary 
natural endowments in their peculiar way; they are very 
observant in their customs, and more unblameable, in many 
respects, than we are. They had neither towns nor villages, 
but lived in booths or tents. In the autumn of this year 
(1682) several from Wales arrived here : Edward ab Rhys, 1 
Edward Jones, of Bala, 2 William ab Edward, 3 and many 

By this time there was a kind of neighbourhood here, al- 
though as neighbours they could little benefit each other. 
They were sometimes employed in making huts beneath 
some cliff, or under the hollow banks of rivulets, thus shel- 
tering themselves where their fancy dictated. There were 
neither cows nor horses to be had at any price. " If we have 
bread, we will drink water and be content," they said ; yet 
no one was in want, and all were much attached to each 
other ; indeed much more so, perhaps than many who have 
every outward comfort this world can afford. 

During this eventful period, our governor began to build 

1 Edward ap Rhys, or Edward Rees, was of Bryn Lloyd.' 

2 Dr. Edward Jones, who settled in Merion. 

8 William ap Edward, in a deed executed in Wales 1st April, 1682, for 
land in Pennsylvania, is described as " of Ucheldri in co. Merioneth, 

230 Philadelphia in 

mansion houses at different intervals, to the distance of fifty 
miles from the city, although the country appeared a com- 
plete wilderness. The governor was a clever intelligent 
man, possessing great penetration, affable in discourse, and 
a pleasant orator ; a man of rank, no doubt, but he did not 
succeed according to his merit, the words of the bard Ed- 
ward Morys might be applied to him : 

" Ni chadwodd yr henddyn o'i synwyr vriw stonyn 
Mi giliodd i ganlyn y golud." 

At this time my father, Thomas Sion Evan, was living with 
the Swedes, as I mentioned before, and intending daily to 
return to Wales; but as time advanced, the country im- 
proved. In the course of three years several were begin- 
ning to obtain a pretty good livelihood, and my father de- 
termined to remain with them. There was, by this time no 
land to be bought within twelve miles the city, and my 
father having purchased a small tract of land 1 married the 
widow of Thomas Llwyd, of Penmaen. 

" Chur glywsoch son yn Nyfryn Clwyd, 
Am domas Llwyd o Ben Maen." 

He now went to live near the woods. It was now a very 
rare but pleasing thing to hear a neighbour's cock crow. 

My father had now only one small horse, and his wife was 
much afflicted with the tertian ague. In process of time 
however the little which he had prospered, so that he be- 
came possessed of horses, cows, and every thing else that 
was necessary for him. . . . During the latter years of his 
life he kept twelve good milch cows. He had eight children, 2 
but I was the eldest. Having lived in this manner twenty 
four years, he now became helpless and infirm and very sub- 
ject to difficulty of breathing at the close of his days labour. 
He was a muscular man, very careful and attentive to his 
worldly occupations. 

1 In Kadnor Township. 

3 Five appear to have died young ; one of them, " Rowland Johns, son 
of Thomas John Evan," died 1698. 

Philadelphia in 1682. 231 

About the end of July . . . years ago he became sick, 
and much enfeebled by a severe fever, but asthma was his 
chief complaint. 

Having lived thus five weeks indisposed, he departed this 
life, leaving a farm each for my brother 1 and self, a corre- 
spondent portion for my sister, 2 and a fair dower for my 
mother. My sister married Kisiart ab Thomas ab Rhys, a 
man whom I much respected prior to his marriage, and still 
regard. My brother and I continue to live with our mother, 
as before, endeavouring to imitate our father in the manage- 
ment of his affairs ; but we are in many respects unequal to 
him. Our mother is 73 years old. ... Do send some 
news ; if you should have anything remarkable to mention 
I shall be glad to hear it. I must conclude my letter, 

your Kinsman 

1 Joseph, born 2d mo. 28th, 1695. 
1 Elizabeth, born llth mo. 8th, 1691. 

232 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 


[Among the papers of Bishop John Ettwein, of Bethlehem, Penna., 
was found the following : " Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of 
Congress : In Congress on Wednesday the 9th December 1778." This 
copy was probably made at the instance of Mr. Laurens for the bishop, 
between whom intimate relations existed for upwards of a quarter cen- 
tury. The handwriting is unknown to the ED. PENNA. MAG.] 


Ever jealous for the Dignity of Congress & prompted 
by a sense of Duty, I had the honor on Monday of laying 
before the House informations which I had received from 
Citizens of respectable Characters, that a certain Letter 
signed S. Deane, & address'd to the Citizens of America at 
large, published in the Pensylvania Packet of Saturday the 
5 th inst., which I presumed every Member had read, had 
created anxieties in the minds of the good People of this 
City, & excited tumults amongst them that having re- 
ceived such information, I had carefully perused the Letter, 
& found it to contain Articles highly derogatory to the 
honor & interests of these United States. 

That I could not be suspected of having prejudices, or of 
being engaged in any intrigue or Cabal against Mr. Deane, 
since, I could declare upon my honor that no Gentleman on 
the floor knew so much of my sentiments respecting Mr. 
Deane's Public character as I had communicated to that 
Gentleman himself that seeing Mr. Deane had made his 
appeal to the People, & had intimated a design of giving 
them a course of Letters, it was evident he did not mean to 
depart from America so suddenly as he had lately declared 
to this House. 

That from these considerations I held it dishonorable to 
Congress to hear him the following evening, & thereupon I 

Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 233 

humbly moved the House to appoint a Committee of three 
to consider & report specially upon the contents of the 
Letter above mentioned that in the mean time Mr. Deane 
be informed that Congress will give him further notice 
when they desire to hear him in the House. 

This motion was seconded by many voices an amend- 
ment was offered by an honorable Gentleman 'that the 
printed Letter be read,' which being put to question, passed 
in the negative by a majority of one State. 

I then renewed my motion, founded upon comon fame & 
my own certain knowledge of the facts this was over ruled 
by calling for the Order of the Day, for which a single 
voice, you know Gentlemen, is sufficient, & from that time 
the motion has remained neglected. 

I feel upon this occasion, not for any disappointment to 
myself, but for the honor & dignity of this House, the great 
Representative of an infant Empire, upon whose conduct, 
the Eyes of Europe are fixed. 

I have, from the moment in which my motion was 
quashed, seriously & almost constantly reflected on the above 
recited circumstances, & have again attentively considered 
Mr. Deane's Address to the People. 

I see no cause to regret my conduct on Monday, & I am 
confirmed in my opinion that the Address contains ground- 
less & unwarrantable insinuations & intimations respecting 
the conduct of this House. 

Mr. Deane had never offered to this House a narrative in 
writing of his proceedings in France in his character of 
Comercial & Political Agent, nor hath he, even to this 
Day produced proper Accounts & Vouchers of his expendi- 
ture of Public Money. 

He was notified on the 3 d inst. by your President, that 
Congress had resolved to take into consideration, as on that 
evening, the state of their foreign affairs ; that such branches 
as he had been particularly concerned in, would, in due 
course, become subjects of their deliberation. In a Letter 
of the 4 th < he thanked Congress for that intimation.' 

In the same Letter he informed them ' that he had pre- 

234 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 

pared to leave this City, & had made his arrangements ac- 
cordingly, which it would not be in his power to dispense 
with for any time,' & yet on the 5 th he published an Ad- 
dress to the free & virtuous Citizens of America, in which 
he complains, that the Ears of their Representatives had 
been shut against him, & tacitly promises them a course of 

He informs the Public that he had been sacrificed for 
the agrandizment of others. 

He charges one of your Comissioners with such improper 
conduct in his public character as amounts, in my Ideas, to 
high Crimes. 

He avers that the same Comissioner had been suspected by 
their best friends abroad, & those in important Characters 
& stations, although he had given Congress no such infor- 
mation in writing, which he ought to have done, even long 
before he comenced his Voyage from France. He insinu- 
ates that the same Comissioner had been improperly forced 
upon him. 

He sets up a charge against another of your Comissioners 
for a species of peculation & other malversation of conduct, 
which, if true, it was his duty long ago to have exhibited to 

He arraigns the Justice & the Wisdom of Congress. 

He charges & questions the conduct of an honorable 
Member of this House, out of the House, & holds him up to 
the Public in a criminal light, which ought not to have been 
done before he had lodged a complaint in Congress, & had 
failed of their attention. His publication is a sacrifice of 
the Peace & good Order of these States to personal resent- 
ments ; & so far as it regards Congress, it is groundless & 
unwarrantable, wherefore, be the remainder false or true, it 
is, in my humble opinion, a pernicious & unprovoked Libel, 
affrontive to the Majesty of the People. 

I am neither a Volunteer advocate for the private Char- 
acters stricturized in Mr. Deane's Paper, nor an Enemy to 
Mr. Deane. In a word, I view the performance in question 
as an Act unbecoming the character of a Public Servant 

Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 235 

altogether unnecessary, & tending to excite fears and jeal- 
ousies in the minds of those free & virtuous Citizens of 
America to whom Mr. Deane has address'd himself, & also 
to draw the conduct of Congress into suspicion & contempt 
and I still hold my opinion that it was the duty of this 
House to take the Address into consideration before they 
admitted the Author to a further hearing. 

Nevertheless Congress were pleased to adhere to a Ee- 
solve passed on Saturday subsequently to the open appear- 
ance of that unnecessary & insulting Publication for hearing 
him in writing, contrary to a Resolution of the fifteenth day 
of August last, which was obtained at that time after much 
debate, by the reasonings & Votes of Gentlemen who had 
interested themselves strongly in his favor, & from motives 
assigned which cannot be effaced from the remembrance of 
those Gentlemen who were then present and time is Now 
given to Mr. Deane for preparing a detail of his transactions, 
which, if I understand any thing of Public business, ought 
to have been completed & ready for presentation before he 
landed on the American Shore. 

I feel my own honor, & much more forcibly the honor of 
the Public deeply wounded by Mr. Deane's Address,* & I 
am persuaded that it will hold out such encouragement to 
our Enemies to continue their Persecution, as will, in its 
consequences, be more detrimental to our Cause than the 
loss of a Battle. Mr. Deane has not contented himself with 
the scope of Dunlap's Newspaper, he has caused his Ad- 
dress to be printed in a thousand Hand Bills these will af- 
ford a sufficient number for penetrating the remotest part 
of our Union, & enough for the service of our Enemies.* 

I know that what I am about to do will give a transient 
pleasure to our Enemies, knowledge derived from a circum- 
stance which induced me to continue in this Chair after the 
31 st day of October last, more strongly induced me than 
that unanimous request of this House, which I was then 
honored with. There are Gentlemen upon this floor who 
are well acquainted with the circumstance alluded to but 
Gentlemen, their satisfaction will indeed be transitory, for I 

236 Resignation of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, 1778. 

here again solemnly declare, and they will soon learn it, that I 
am determined to continue a faithful & diligent labourer in 
the Cause of my Country, & at the hazard of Life, fortune & 
domestic happiness, to contribute, by every means in my 
power to the perfect establishment of our Independence. 

I shall have less cause to regret the carrying my intended 
purpose into effect, foreseeing that you may immediately fill 
with advantage, the vacancy which will presently happen. 

I shall hold myself particularly answerable to my constit- 
uents for my present conduct, & in general to all my fellow 
Citizens throughout these States, when properly questioned. 

Finally, Gentlemen, from the considerations above men- 
tioned, as I cannot, consistently with my own honor, nor 
with utility to my country, considering the manner in which 
Bussiness is transacted here, remain any longer in this 
Chair, I now resign it. 


The words from * to the end of that Paragraph * were 
intended, but omitted thro' accident in his Address to Con- 
gress, delivered from the Chair. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 237 

BAPTISMS, 1709-1760. 


(Continued from Vol. XII. page 365.) 

1760 Dec. 4 Badger Mary d. Bannet and Susannah Sept. 3 1756 
1759 Aug. 23 Bailey James s. James and Eebecca Jan. 16 1749 

Aug. 23 Phoebe d. James and Eebecca April 21 1751 

Aug. 23 Jonathan s. James and Eebecca Nov. 20 1755 

Aug. 23 Joseph s. James and Eebecca May 28 1759 

1722 April 1 Baily d. William and 

1729 Mch. 15 James s. James and Ann [Baillie] 2 ms. 3 wks. 

1734 Aug. 2 Mary d. John and Sarah 18 months 

Oct. 6 Elizabeth d. James and Anne 2 weeks days 

Oct. 6 Anne d. James and Anne 2 weeks 1 day 

1739 June 12 Stuart s. James and Anne 4 months 

1757 July 30 Baine John s. George and Mary Dec. 27 1756 
1728 April 26 Baker Elizabeth d. John and Elizabeth 2 weeks 
1734 Jan. 6 Simon s. John and Hannah 1 day 

1738 April 30 Alexander s. John and Eebecca 5 weeks 

1740 Nov. 1 Isaac s. John and Eebecca 11 days 
1742 Mch. 28 Isaac s. John and Eebecca 5 weeks 

1748 Jan. 24 Francis s. John and Eebecca Dec 27 1747 

1739 June 19 Ballard Mary w. William 33 years 
June 19 Mary d. William and Mary 2 weeks 

1744 May 27 Banbridge Henry s. James and Mary 7 months 7 days 
1727 May 26 Banbury William s. William and Jane 1 month 

1740 June 22 Banks Michael s. Michael and Sarah 5 weeks 
1731 Feb. 24 Bankson Anne d. Thomas and Hester 6 years 
1748 July 2 Andrew s. Andrew and Sarah June 4 1748 

1725 July 26 Banton Eebecca d. Peter and Mary 

1726 Aug. 18 Bantost Eebecca d. William and Sarah 

1758 Oct. 4 Baraman William s. James and Jemimah June 1 1758 
1757 Dec. 12 Barbut Mary d. Theodore and Sarah Sept. 24 1757 

1761 June 12 Barclay Eobert s. Alexander and Anne May 15 1751 
1742 April 26 Bard Samuel s. John and Susannah 26 days 

1744 Mch. 15 Peter s. John Vincent and Susannah 6 weeks 
1746 July 18 Mary d. Peter and Mary June 18 1746 

238 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

1750 Jan. 10 William s. Peter and Mary Nov. 25 1749 

1751 Dec. 8 Peter s. Peter and Mary Oct. 2 1750 
1756 Mch. 26 Mary d. John and Elizabeth Nov. 28 1755 
1760 July 10 John s. John and Elizabeth Aug. 11 1759 
1723 Feb. 24 Barger Elizabeth adult 

1760 Feb. 12 Barker Ann d. James and Dorothy Sept. 5 1758 
Feb. 12 William s. Jainea and Dorothy Jan. 9 1760 
Mch. 6 Ann d. James and Dorothy Sept. 5 1758 

1739 Feb. 20 Barnet James s. Abraham and Mary 2 weeks 

1740 June 23 Mary w. Abraham 26 years 

1741 Dec. 27 John s. Abraham and Mary 1 month 

1743 Sept. 25 Barret John s. John and Hester 6 months 17 days 

1746 Jan. 11 Bartholomew John s. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. 29 1745 

1749 May 11 Mary d. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. 1747 
Nov. 19 Joseph s. Andrew and Elizabeth Sept. 26 1749 

1740 July 7 Barton Anne d. Robert and Anne 3 months 

1741 May 21 Martha d. Robert and Anne 1 month 2 days 
1743 Mch. 10 Robert s. Robert and Anne 17 weeks 

1745 June 20 Susannah d. Robert and Anne Feb. 15 1743 

1728 Sept. 5 Basnett Elizabeth d. Ralph and Mary 2 weeks 

1750 Nov. 11 Bass Elizabeth d. Nathan and Martha Oct. 27 1750 
1760 April 24 Elizabeth d. Robert and Cecelia Dec. 26 1756 

1732 Feb. 4 Bastick John s. Henry and Elizabeth 2 weeks 4 days 

1733 June 27 Margaret (Mary) d. Henry and Elizabeth 4 months 

1734 Aug. 30 Thomas s. Henry and Elizabeth 3 weeks 

1736 Mch. 12 Henry s. Henry and Elizabeth 4 months 2 days 
1753 April 30 Bath James s. George and Margaret March 25 1753 
July 8 Batson Mary d. Thomas and Elizabeth April 7 1753 

1726 Oct. 9 Baxter William s. William and Catherine March 22 
1722 Mch. 27 Bayly Grace d. Thomas and Mary 

1733 July 29 Hannah d. James and Anne 1 years 

1748 Jan. 4 Bayne John s. Nathaniell and Mary Sept. 19 1747 

1727 Jan. 2 Baynton John s. Peter and Mary 

1729 May 29 Jeoffrey s. Mr. Peter and Mary 25 days 
1731 Aug. 6 Peter s. Peter and Mary 7 days 

1749 April 20 Mary d. John and Elizabeth March 27 1749 

1753 Mch. 6 Elizabeth d. John and Elizabeth Feb. 16 1753 

1754 Dec. 2 Peter s. John and Elizabeth Aug. 21 1754 

1758 Jan. 1 Benjamin s. John and Elizabeth Nov. 12 1757 
May 13 John s. John Oct. 31 1755 

1759 Jan. 3 Jane d. John and Elizabeth Dec. 2 1758 

1743 Sept. 11 Beath Ann d. Thomas and Elizabeth 5 years 10 months 
1740 Feb. 17 Beatty John s. Joseph and Catherine 2 weeks 
1749 Aug. 18 Elizabeth d. Ezekiel and Frances Aug. 12 1749 
1748 Oct. 30 Bedison Robert s. Robert and Mary March 29 1748 
1736 Feb. 22 Beeks Joseph s. Joseph and Elizabeth 5 days 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 239 

1737 Nov. 15 Susannah d. Joseph and Elizabeth 2 weeks 

1740 Jan. 27 John s. Joseph and Elizabeth 2 months 

1710 Feb. 5 Beer Mary d. Jonathan and Mary 12 years 

1715 Oct. 8 Jonathan s. John and Eliza 2 weeks 

1717 June 9 Beere Caleb s. John and Elizabeth 3 weeks 

1732 Jan. 16 Mary d. John and Elizabeth 3 weeks 4 days 

1744 Jan. 29 Beers Sarah d. Caleb and Hannah 13 days 
July 21 Samuel natural son of Jonathan 6 months 

1745 Nov. 20 Beeslay Sarah adult 
1754 Dec. 26 Mary adult 

1745 Dec. 29 Belitho John Harris s. John and Mary June 10 1745 

1748 April 10 William s. John and Mary March 22 1748 
April 10 Zachariah s. John and Mary March 22 1748 

1753 April 25 Jacob s. John and Mary May 29 1750 
April 25 Mary d. John and Mary April 15 1753 
April 25 James s. John and Mary April 15 1753 

1721 Dec. 30 Bell Elizabeth d. Richard and Grace 

1723 Mch. 22 Mary d. John and Mary 

1727 Aug. 25 Thomas [Joseph] s. William and Ann 3 weeks 5 days 

1729 Mch. 26 William s. William and Ann 6 weeks 3 days 

1731 April 13 Richard s. Richard and Grace 3 months 3 weeks 
Sept. 11 Hannah d. William and Ann 7 weeks 

1733 April 4 Elizabeth d. William and Ann 4 days 

1737 Aug. 31 Jane d. George and Anne 4 days 

1742 May 2 Benbridge James s. James and Mary March 21 1742 

1716 Oct. 14 Bendsly Margaret d. James and Mary 6 weeks 

1746 April 1 Benezet Sarah d. Daniel and Elizabeth 

1749 Sept. 10 Stephen s. Daniel and Elizabeth June 21 1749 
1751 Oct. 6 Anthony s. Daniel and Elizabeth Aug. 21 1751 

Nov. 14 Anne d. James and Anne July 5 1751 

1754 Nov. 17 Elizabeth d. Daniel and Elizabeth Sept. 29 1754 
Dec. 19 Jane d. James and Ann Dec. 9 1752 

Dec. 19 James s. James and Ann Sept. 23 1754 
1756 April 20 Mary d. Daniel and Elizabeth Dec. 20 1755 
1758 July 28 Judah s. Daniel and Elizabeth 
1760 April 24 Daniel s. Daniel and Elizabeth Feb. 18 1760 
1740 Dec. 27 Bennet John s. John and Mary 7 weeks 

1747 Feb. 15 Mary d. William and Sarah Dec. 4 1746 

1716 Nov. 14 Bennett Elizabeth d. Samuel and Hannah 4 days 

1718 Jan. 26 Samuel s. Samuel and Hannah born 8th Jan. 
1720 June 20 Grace wife John Bennett 25 years 

1738 Mch. 12 Elizabeth d. Thomas and Mary 8 months ' 
1744 Sept. 8 Bennit Elizabeth d. William and Sarah 1 month 

1730 Dec. 27 Bennitt Sarah Ann d. John and Mary 10 days 

1732 Jan. 28 John s. John and Mary 8 days 

1739 Mch. 10 Bentham Mary d. William and Mary 1 day 

240 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

1740 Jan. 20 Berkley Anthony Henry s. Thomas and Jane 11 weeks 

1744 June 15 Berry Sarah d. John and Elizabeth 1 month 
1748 Oct. 30 Hannah d. Joseph and Elizabeth Sept. 20 1748 

1731 Jan. 24 Berwick Simon s. Richard and Mary 7 days 

1732 Dec. 26 Catherine d. Richard and Margaret 2 days 
1734 Aug. 16 Simon s. Richard and Margaret 2 months 

1754 July 29 Besley Sarah (adult) 

1738 Oct. 20 Best Joseph s. Samuel and Margaret 5 weeks 

1756 Sept. 16 Samuel s. Samuel and Margaret Dec. 25 1744 
Sept. 16 James s. Samuel and Margaret May 1 1747 
Sept. 16 Margaret d. Samuel and Margaret April 19 1749 

1757 Dec. 21 Elinor (adult) 

1746 July 23 Betty Hannah d. Joseph and Christian June 10 1743 
July 23 Joseph s. Joseph and Christian Sept. 29 1745 

1748 April 10 James s. Edward and Hester June 8 1747 

1747 July 12 Bevan John s. Evan and Mary July 7, 1746 
1746 Aug. 19 Bevin Margret d. George and Mary March 9 1745 

1749 Feb. 20 William s. David and Ann Jan. 24 1749 

1745 July 21 Biddison William s. Robert and Catherine Nov. 9 1744 
1721 Aug. 17 Biddle Michael s. William and Ann 

1723 Mch. 15 William s. William and Ann 

1726 Aug. 10 William s. William and Ann July 17 

1729 May 28 William s. William and Ann 1 yr. 8 mo. 28 days 

1732 Aug. 28 James s. William and Mary 18 months 

1732 Aug. 28 Nicolas s. William and Mary 5 weeks 

1755 May 29 Mark s. James and Joanna May 3 1755 

1758 Oct. 23 Joseph s. James and Frances Oct. 28 1757 
Oct. 23 William s. James and Frances Oct. 23 1758 
Oct. 23 Edward s. James and Frances Oct. 23 1758 

1749 Mch. 26 Biggar William s. Richard and Susannah Aug. 1 1748 

1756 Aug. 28 Sarah d. Richard and Susannah Aug. 2 1756 
1729 Aug. 24 Bingham Thomas s. James and Ann 1 month 

1741 Aug. 19 Ann d. John and Mary 7 weeks 

1748 April 27 James s. William and Mary March 23 1748 
1752 April 22 William s. William and Mary March 8 1752 
1754 May 26 Hannah d. William and Mary March 26 1754 
1756 Feb. 3 Ann d. William and Mary Jan. 2 1756 

1732 Jan. 13 Birch David s. David and Susannah 2 weeks 

1720 July 4 Bird Mary d. Joseph and Martha 3 years 

1736 Dec. 1 Edward Valentine s. Jeremiah and Sarah 7 weeks 

1740 Sept. 30 Jeremiah s. Jeremiah and Sarah 2 years 

1741 Nov. 12 Jane d. Jeremiah and Sarah 4 days 
1738 Jan. 21 Bishop Robert s. Robert 3 months 

April 1 Black Robert s. James and Elizabeth 3 weeks 
1741 Mch. 28 George s. James and Elizabeth 3 months 
1745 Oct. 14 Blackledge Hester d. Benjamin and Sarah Aug. 28 1744 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 241 

1736 Aug. 30 Blacklock Robert s. Robert and Elizabeth 1 year 
1722 Feb. 9 Blackston William s. Thomas and Ann 1 year 10 months 
1722 Feb. 9 Mary d. Thomas and Ann Feb. 4 
1727 Aug. 25 Thomas s. Thomas and Ann 1 year 

1733 Jan. 17 James s. Thomas and Ann 3 weeks 

1731 Jan. 4 Blackstone Cornelius s. Thomas and Ann 1 month 
1747 Mch. 1 Elaine Samuel s. Samuel and Mary Jan. 5 1747 
1752 April 5 Blake John s. Roger and Rebecca April 8 1752 
1755 June 15 Mary d. Roger and Rebecca May 22 1755 
1720 Aug. 7 Blakely Charles s. Charles and Mary 
1722 May 13 Blakey Thomas s. Charles and Ann 
1729 Sept. 18 Mary d. Charles and Mary 8 months 15 days 
1745 Feb. 10 Blarney John s. Samuel and Mary 1 month 

1729 Jan. 28 Blaston John s. Thomas and Ann 4 months 

1741 May 29 Bliss John s. George and Ann Bliss 1 year 4 months 
1736 Feb. 8 Boardman George s. George and Mary 2 months 
1755 April 20 Bolitho Christian d. John and Mary Feb. 1 1755 

April 20 Sarah d. John and Mary Feb. 1 1755 
1760 June 2 Samuel s. John and Mary Nov. 18 1759 

1730 Dec. 27 Bollard Sarah d. William and Mary 2 years 
Dec. 27 Rebecca d. William and Mary 7 months 

1722 Jan. 22 Bolton Robert s. Robert and Ann Jan. 9 

1724 May 8 Mary d. Robert and Ann 

1726 Mch. 28 John s. Robert and Ann March 20 
July 5 John s. Robert and Ann April 20 

1727 June 22 Joseph s. Robert and Ann 2 days 
June 22 Hannah d. Robert and Ann 2 days 

1728 Sept. 2 Joseph s. Robert and Ann 8 days 

1725 July 16 Bond William s. John and Sarah 

1727 Jan. 11 Elizabeth d. Thomas and Sarah 5 weeks 

1729 Jan. 17 John s. Samuel and Deborah 3 months 
May 28 Ann d. Thomas and Sarah 5 months 5 days 

1734 Mcb. 17 Deborah d. Thomas and Sarah 3 weeks 

(To be continued.) 

VOL. XIII. 16 

242 Officers of the State Society of Cincinnati of Georgia, 1790. 


[From the original manuscript in the possession of Col. John P. 
Nicholson, Philadelphia.] 

At an Anniversary meeting of the Society of Cincinnati 
in the State of Georgia, at Browns Coffee house in the City 
of Savannah, the 5th of July (the 4th being Sunday) 1790. 
The following officers were duly elected for the ensuing 
year, viz : 

Major General Anthony Wayne, President. 
Lieut. Colonel John Mclntosh, Vice-President. 
Major John Berrien, Secretary. 
Colonel Richard Wylly, Treasurer, 
Doctor Sharpe, Assistant Secretary, 
Lieutenant Edward Lloyd, Assistant Treasurer. 
Extract, from the Minutes, 


Agreeably to a rule of our Society, I have the honor to 
transmit you, a List of its Officers in the State Society of 
Georgia for the current year. I have the honor to be 
respectfully Sir, 

Your most obed't Serv*. 

SAVANNAH, July 25th, 1790. 



Secretary General 

via Philadelphia, of the Society of Cincinnati, 

ISTew York. 

Notes and Queries. 243 


VENTION OF 1787. The originals of the Washington letters are in the 
collection of Ferdinand J. Dreer ; the Patrick Henry letter, in collection 
of Charles Roberts, of Philadelphia. 

MOUNT VERNON, Dec'. 21st 1786. 

I had not the honor of receiving your Excellency's favor of the 6th, 
with its enclosures, till last night. 

Sensible as I am of the honor conferred on me by the General Assem- 
bly in appointing me one of the Delegates to a convention proposed to 
be held in the City of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of re- 
vising the Fsederal Constitution ; and desirous as I am on all occasions, 
of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my Country yet, Sir, there 
exists at this moment, circumstances, which I am persuaded will render 
my acceptance incompatible with other measures which I had previously 
adopted ; and from which, seeing little prospect of disengaging myself, 
it would be disingenuous not to express a wish that some other character, 
on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place ; 
the probability of my non-attendance being too great to continue my 

As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the awful 
situation of our affairs resulting in a great measure from the want of 
efficient powers in the fsederal head, and due respect to its Ordinances 
so, consequently those who do engage in the important business of re- 
moving these defects, will carry with them every good wish of mine 
which the best dispositions toward the attainment can bestow. 

I have the hon r to be with very gr* respect, 

Your Excell y ' most Obed. H ble Serv* 


His Excell y EDM* RANDOLPH. 

MOUNT VERNON 28th Mar. 1787. 

Your favor of the llth did not come to my hand till the 24 th ; and 
since then, till now, I have been too much indisposed to acknowledge 
the receipt of it. To what cause to ascribe the detention of the letter I 
know not, as I never omit sending once, and ofteuer twice a week to the 
Post-Office in Alexandria. 

It was the decided intention of the letter I had the honor of writing 
to your Excellency the 21 st of December last, to inform you, that it would 
not be convenient for me to attend the Convention proposed "to be holden 
in Philadelphia in May next ; and I had entertained hopes that another 
had been, or soon would be, appointed in my place, that much as it is 
not only inconvenient for me to leave home, but because there will be, 
I apprehend, too much cause to charge my conduct with inconsistency, in 
again appearing on a public theatre after a public declaration to the 

244 Notes and Queries. 

contrary; and because it will I fear, have a tendency to sweep me back 
into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease is so essentially 
necessary for, and is so much desired by me. 

However, as my friends, with a degree of solicitude which is unusual, 
seem to wish my attendance on this occasion, I have come to a resolution 
to go if my health will permit, provided, from the lapse of time between 
the date of your Excellency's letter and this reply, the Executive may 
not the reverse of which be highly pleasing to me have turned its 
thoughts to some other character for independently of all other consid- 
erations, I have, of late, been so much afflicted with a rheumatic com- 
plaint in my shoulder that at times I am hardly able to raise my hand 
to my head, or turn myself in bed. This, consequently, might prevent 
my attendance, and eventually a representation of the State; which w d 
afflict me more sensibly than the disorder which occasioned it. 

If after the expression of these sentiments, the Executive should con- 
sider me as one of the Delegates, I would thank your Excellency for the 
earliest advice of it ; because if I am able, and should go to Philadel- 
phia I shall have some previous arrangements to make, and would set 
of for that place the first or second day of May, that I may be there in 
time to account, personally, for my conduct to the General Meeting of 
the Cincinnati which is to convene on the first Monday of that month. 
My feelings would be much hurt if that body should otherwise, ascribe 
my attendance on the one and not on the other occasion, to a disrespect- 
ful inattention to the Society ; when the fact is, that I shall ever retain 
the most lively and affectionate regard for the members of which it is 
composed, on ace* of their attachment to, and uniform support of me, upon 
many trying occasions ; as much as on acc e of their public virtues, patri- 
otism, and sufferings. 

I hope your Excellency will be found among the attending delegates 
I should be glad to be informed who the others are and cannot conclude 
without once more, and in emphatical terms, praying that if there is not 
a decided representation in prospect, without me, that another, for the 
reason I have assigned, may be chosen in my room without ceremony 
and without delay ; for it would be unfortunate indeed if the State which 
was the mover of this Convention, should be unrepresented in it. With 
great respect I have the honor to be 

Y' Excels Most Obed* 


His Excell y EDM* RANDOLPH. 

PRINCE EDWARD feby 13 th 1787. 

Your Excellency's Favor accompaney's the Resolution & Act of the 
Assembly for appointing Commissioners from this State to meet with 
others from the United States at Philadelphia in May next for the 
purposes therein mentioned did not reach me 'til very long after its 
Date, or I should have acknowledged it sooner. And it is with much 
Concern that I feel myself constrained to decline acting under this Ap- 
pointment, so honourable to me from the Objects of it as well as the 
Characters with whom I am joined. 

I have judged it my Duty to signify this to your Excellency by the first 
opportunity, in order, as much as possible to prevent the Loss of Time 
in making another appointment. 

With the highest Regard I am Sir 

Your Excellencys most obedient and very humble servant 


His Excy the Governor. 

Notes and Queties. 245 

of the Moravian congregation in New York contains the following 
record concerning the inauguration of Washington as first President of 
the United States, in 1789: 

April 20. Doctor Livingston, the Low Dutch minister called here to 
acquaint Bro. Birkby [Moravian pastor], that it was the intention of all 
denominations to meet in their churches or places of worship on the 
day when the President moves from his house to Federal Hall to take 
the oath and to be inaugurated into his office ; that in every place of 
worship there be a prayer in a solemn manner offered up to the Lord in 
behalf of this Nation and also of the President and Vice-President at 9 
o'clock in the morning. In the afternoon at 4 o'clock, the Vice-Presi- 
dent, his Excellency 'John Adams arrived here, and it occasioned a great 
to do in the city, but as it rained heavily, the extravagant proceedings 
were much alloy 'd. 

April 23. In the afternoon at 3 o'clock his Excellency Geo. Washing- 
ton, president of the United States arrived here a numerous concourse 
of People assembled at the Dock to see the head of the United States 
of America come on shore. At night the whole city was illuminated, 
and we were obliged to do the same to our house, else we should have 
had our windows broke. 

April 30. This being the day when his Excellency George Washington 
was to be installed and to take the oath, we had at 9 o'clock a meeting 
in our church, and which was also in other churches, when a prayer was 
put up in behalf of the new government, and of the president of the 
United States. At 12 o'clock the President was conducted to the Federal 
house where the ceremony was performed, and from thence to St. Paul's 
church where the service was performed. Great concourse of people 
was assembled together on the occasion. And at night there was what 
they call the most brilliant Fire works played off', that ever was in 

ETC., TO PRESIDENT WASHINGTON, 1789. We are indebted to Dr. James 
J. Levick for a copy of the address of the Yearly Meeting of the Friends 
of Philadelphia, etc., to President Washington, and his reply. 


THE ADDRESS of the Religious Society catted Quakers, from their Yearly 
Meeting for Pennsylvania, New- Jersey, Delaware, and the western parts of 
Virginia and Maryland. 

BEING met in this pur Annual Assembly for the well-ordering the 
affairs of our Religious Society, and the promotion of universal 
righteousness, our minds have been drawn to consider that the Almighty, 
who ruleth in Heaven and in the kingdoms of men, having permitted a 
great revolution to take place in the government of this country, we are 
fervently concerned that the rulers of the people may be favoured with 
the counsel of God, the only sure means of enabling them to fulfil the 
important trust committed to their charge, and in an especial manner 
that Divine wisdom and grace vouchsafed from above, may qualify thee 
to fill up the duties of the exalted station, to which thou art appointed. 
We are sensible thou hast obtained great place in the esteem and affec- 
tions of people of all denominations, over whom thou presideth; and 
many eminent talents being committed to thy trust, we much desire they 
may be fully devoted to the Lord's honour and service, that thus thou 

246 Notes and Queries. 

mayest be an happy instrument in his hand, for the suppression of vice, 
infidelity and irreligion, and every species of oppression on the persons 
and consciences of men, so that righteousness and peace, which truly 
exalt a nation, may prevail throughout the land, as the only solid foun- 
dation that can be laid for the prosperity and happiness of this or any 

The free toleration which the citizens of these States enjoy in the 
public worship of the Almighty, agreeable to the dictates of their con- 
sciences, we esteem among the choicest of blessings ; and as we desire to 
be filled with fervent charity for those who differ from us in faith and 
practice, believing that the general assembly of saints is composed of the 
sincere and upright hearted of all nations, kingdoms and people ; so we 
trust we may justly claim it from others, and in a full persuasion 
that the Divine principle we profess, leads into harmony ana concord, 
we can take no part in carrying on war on any occasion, or under 
any power, but are bound in conscience to lead quiet and peaceable 
lives in godliness and honestly amongst men, contributing freely 
our proportion to the indigences of the poor, and to the necessary 
support of civil government, acknowledging those " who rule well to be 
worthy of double honour," and if any professing with us, are, or have 
been, of a contrary disposition and conduct, we own them not therein ; 
having never been chargeable from our first establishment as a Religious 
Society, with fomenting or countenancing tumults or conspiracies or dis- 
respect to those who are placed in authority over us. 

We wish not improperly to intrude on thy time or patience, nor is it 
our practice to offer adulation to any ; but as we are a people whose 
principles and conduct have been misrepresented and traduced, we take 
the liberty to assure thee, that we feel our hearts affectionately drawn to- 
wards thee, and those in authority over us, with prayers that thy Presi- 
dency may, under the blessing of Heaven, be happy to thyself and to 
the people; that through the encrease of morality and true religion, 
Divine Providence may condescend to look down upon our land with a 
propitious eye, and bless the inhabitants with a continuance of peace, the 
dew of Heaven, and the fatness of the earth, and enable us gratefully to 
acknowledge his manifold mercies. And it is our earnest concern, that 
he may be pleased to grant thee every necessary qualification to fill thy 
weighty and important station to his glory ; and that finally, when all 
terrestial honours shall fail and pass away, thou and thy respectable con- 
sort may be found worthy to receive a crown of unfading righteousness 
in the mansions of peace and joy for ever. 

Signed in and on behalf of our said meeting held in Philadelphia, by 
adjournments, from the 28th of the 9th mo. to the 3d day of the 10th 
mo. inclusive, 1789. 

NICHOLAS WALN, Clerk of the meeting this year. 

THE ANSWER of the President of the United States to the Address of the 
Religious Society called Quakers, from their Yearly Meeting for Pennsyl- 
vania, New- Jersey, Delaware, and the western parts of Maryland and 


I RECEIVE with pleasure your affectionate address, and thank you for 
the friendly sentiments and good wishes which you express for the 
success of my administration, and for my personal happiness. 
We have reason to rejoice in the prospect that the present national 

Notes and Queries. 247 

government, which, by the favor of Divine Providence, was formed by 
the common counsels, and peaceably established with the common con- 
sent of the people, will prove a blessing to every denomination of them ; 
to render it such, my best endeavours shall not be wanting. 

Government being among other purposes instituted to protect the per- 
sons and consciences of men from oppression, it certainly is the duty 
of rulers, not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their 
stations to prevent it in others. 

The liberty enjoyed by the people of these States, of worshipping Al- 
mighty God agreeable to their consciences, is not only among the choicest 
of their blessings, but also of their rights. While men perform their 
social duties faithfully, they do all that Society or the State can with 
propriety demand or expect, and remain responsible only to their Maker 
for the religion or mode of faith, which they may prefer or profess. 

Your principles and conduct are well known to me ; and it is doing 
the people called Quakers no more than justice to say, that (except their 
declining to share with others the burthen of the common defence) there 
is no denomination among us who are more exemplary and useful 

I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the conscientious 
scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy and tender- 
ness ; and it is my wish and desire, that the laws may always be as ex- 
tensively accommodated to them, as a due regard to the protection and 
essential interests of the nation may justify and permit. 


Printed by DANIEL HUMPHREYS, Front-street, near the Drawbridge, 

Horatio Gates Jones, Esq., sends us a copy of the following interesting 
letter of Doctor Franklin to his friend and scientific co-laborer Prof. 
Ebenezer Kinnersley. The original is in the possession of Mrs. Edward 
H. Huntsman, Langhorne, Penna., who is a collateral relative of the 
distinguished electrician : 

LONDON, July 28, 1759. 

I received your favour of Sept. 9 and should have answer'd it sooner, 
but delay'd in Expectation of procuring for you some Book that describes 
and explains the Uses of the Instruments you are at a loss about. I have 
not yet got such a Book but shall make further Enquiry. Does not 
Desaguliers in his Course explain them ? You do not mention the Rea- 
sons of your being tired of your Situation in the Academy. And if you 
had, it would perhaps be out of my Power at this Distance to remedy 
any Inconveniences you suffer or even if I was present. For before I 
left Philadelphia, everything to be done in the Academy was privately 
preconcerted in a Cabal without my Knowledge or Participation and 
accordingly carried into Execution. The Schemes of Public Parties 
made it seem requisite to lessen my Influence whereever it could be les- 
sened. The Trustees had reap'd the full Advantage of my fiead, Hands, 
Heart and Purse, in getting through the first Difficulties of the Design, 
and when they thought they could do without me, they laid me aside. I 
wish Success to the Schools nevertheless and am sorry to hear that the 
whole Number of Scholars does not at present exceed an hundred & 

248 Notes and Queries. 

I once thought of advising you to make Trial of your Lectures here, 
and perhaps in the more early Times of Electricity it might have aa- 
swer'd ; but now I much doubt it, so great is the general Negligence of 
every thing in the Way of Science that has not Novelty to recommend 
it. Courses of Experimental Philosophy, formerly so much in Vogue, 
are now disregarded ; so that Mr. Demainbray, who is reputed an excel- 
lent Lecturer, and has an Apparatus that cost nearly 2000, the finest 
perhaps in the World, can hardly make up an audience in this great 
City to attend one Course in a Winter. 

I wonder your roughening the Glass Globe did not succeed. I have 
seen Mr. Canton frequently perform his Experiments with the smooth & 
rough Tubes, and they answered perfectly as he describes them in the 
Transactions. Perhaps you did not use the same Rubbers. 

There are some few new Experiments here in Electricity which at 
present I can only just hint to you. Mr. Symmer has found that a new 
black Silk Stocking worn 8 or 10 Minutes on a new white one, then both 
drawn off together, they have, while together, no great Signs of Elec- 
tricity ; i.e. they do not much attract the small Cork Balls of Mr. Can- 
ton's Box ; but being drawn one out of the other, they puff out to the 
full Shape of the Leg, affect the Cork Balls at the Distance of 6 Feet 
and attract one another at the Distance of 18 inches and will cling to- 
gether ; & either of them against a smooth Wall or a Looking Glass, 
will stick to it some time. Upon Trial, the black Stocking appears to be 
electris'd negatively, the white one positively. He charges Vials with 
them as we us'd to do with a Tube. Mr. Delavall has found that several 
Bodies which conduct when cold, or hot to a certain Degree, will not 
conduct when in a middle State. Portland Freestone, for Instance, when 
cold, conducts ; heated to a certain degree will not conduct ; heated more 
it conducts again ; and as it cools, passes thro' that Degree in which it 
will not conduct till it becomes cooler. 

This with what you mention of your Cedar Cylinder, makes me think, 
that possibly a thin Cedar Board, or Board of other Wood, thoroughly 
dried and heated, might if coated and electrified, yield a Shock as glass 
Planes do. As yet I have not try'd it. 

But the greatest Discovery in this Way is the Virtue of the Tourmalin 
Stone, brought from Ceylon in the Indies which being heated in boiling 
Water, becomes strongly electrical, one side positive, the other negative, 
without the least Rubbing. They are very rare but I have two of them 
& long to show you the Experiments. 

Billy joins with me in Compliments to you & to good Mrs. Kinnersley 
& your promising Children. I am with much Esteem and Affection Dear 

Your most obedient Servant. 



cox, Whereas, Samuel Powell of Philadelphia Carpenter, and Abigail 
Wilcox Daughter of Barnabas and Sarah Wilcox deceased of the same 
place ; Haveing declared their Intentions of taking Each other in Mar- 
riage before several Public Meetings of the People of God called Quakers 
in Philadelphia aforesaid, according to the good Order used among them, 
whose proceedings therein, after a Deliberate consideration thereof, [with 
Regarde unto the Righteous Laws of God,] and Example of his people 
Recorded in the Scriptures of truth in that Case Were approved of by 
the said Meetings, They appearing clear of all others, And haveiug the 

Notes and Queries. 


Consent of Partyes and Eelations concerned ; Now These are to Certifie 
All whom it may Concerne, that for the full accomplishing of their said 
Intentions, this Nineteenth Day of the Twelvth Month called February, 
In the Year, according to the English account, one Thousand Seaven 
hundred, They the said Samuel Powell and Abigail Wilcox, appeared 
in a Public Assembly of the aforesaid People, and others Mett together, 
for that End and Purpose in their Public Meeting Place in Philadelphia 
aforesaid, and in a Solemne Manner, he the said Samuel Powell, takeing 
the said Abigail Wilcox by the hand Did openly Declare as Followeth : 

Friends in the fear of the Lord, & before this Assembly, I take this 
my friend Abigail Wilcox to be my wife Promissing to be to her a faith- 
ful & Loveing husband, untill it snail please the Lord by Death to Sep- 
arate us ; 

And then and there in the said assembly, the said Abigail Wilcox did 
in Like Manner Declare as Followeth ; Friends in the fear of God, & 
before this assembly, I take my friend Samuel Powell to be my husband, 
promissing to be to him a faithful & Loveing wife, till God by Death shall 
Seperate us; 

And the said Samuel Powell and Abigail Wilcox, as a further Con- 
firmation thereof, did then and there to these Presents Sett their hands ; 
and we whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, being Present among 
others, at the Solemnizing of their said Marriage and Subscription, in 
manner aforesaid, as Wittnesses hereunto, have also to these Presents 
Subscribed our Names, The Day and Year above Written. 


Wm Penn 
Tho Story 
Jonat* Dickinson 
Thomas Willis 
John Lea 
Nicholas Walln 
Griffith Owen 
Edw d Penington 
Joseph Shippen 
Griffith Jones 
W m Southebe 
George Claypoole 
John Guest 
George Gray 
Sam : Carpenter 
Da d Lloyd 
James Thomson 
Hugh Durborow 
Will Powell 
John Goodsonn 
John Kinsy 
Ealph Jackson 
Philip James 
W m Hudson 

James Keile 
Philip England 
Ricd Peters 
Walter Long 
Sarah Dymock 
Jane Breintnall 
Nathaniel Edgcomb 
Samuel Bradshaw 
William Woodmansea 
Thomas Griffith 
Nicho. Fairlarab 
Joseph Paull 
Phill : Taylor 
John Hurford 
Edw 8 Fowes 
Arthur Starr 
Joseph Paull 
William Fishbourn 
Joan ffowes 
Hannah Penn 
Eebekah Shippen 
Sarah Clements 
Ann Dilworth 
Joan Jones 

Margret Cooke 
Eudth Duckitt 
Elizabeth Fox 
Mary Williss 
Margrett Peters 
Margrett Jones 
Hannah Carpenter 
Ann Webb 
Elizabeth Maccomb 
Mary Moultby 
Joseph Willcox 
Esther ffreeland 
Eachell Willcox 
Ann Willcox 
Jh. Psons (Sic) 
Ann Parsons 
John Eoades 
Edwd : Shippen 
Joseph Jones 
Eebecca Willcox 
Eebecah Budd 
Marg*. Mecomb 
Sarah Goodsonu 

Eudolphus Varick, settled minister of the Dutch Eeformed Church on 
Long Island, and occasionally supplying New Amstel (now New Castle), 
Delaware, found it convenient, if not absolutely necessary, to visit his 

250 Notes and Queries. 

flock in Delaware during the Leisler troubles in New York. Writing 
of this journey to his ecclesiastical superiors, the Classis of Amsterdam, 
he says, 

" Before closing, I shall add something in regard to my journey or 
rather my flight to the South river on the 7 th of June 1690 : I found in the 
whole of Pennsylvania only one Protestant Lutheran pastor, an old blind 
man : in passing I came to a Swede, called Captain Israel, who received 
me well, and hearing that I was a preacher, he said, they would make a 
contract with me to be their pastor, as their own had died the year before. 
I said, ' But you are Lutherans' and he replied ' Yes, there is some differ- 
ence about the communion, but we shall not trouble ourselves about 
that.' Then I told him I had not come for such a purpose. I came to 
a German village near Philadelphia, where among others I heard Jacob 
Telner, a German Quaker, preaching ; later I lodged at his house in 
Philadelphia. This village consists of 44 families, 28 of whom are 
Quakers, the other 16 of the Reformed Church, among whom I spoke to 

those, who had been received as members by the , the Lutherans, the 

Mennists and the Papists, who are very much opposed to Quakerism and 
therefore lovingly meet every Sunday, when a Mennist, Dirck Keyser 
from Amsterdam, reads a sermon from a book by Jobst Harmensen. I 
was also en passant at Sluyter's, alias Vosman's in New Bohemia. They 
received me civilly and were about 16 in number at their cloister, attend- 
ing to agriculture. 

" Coming at last to New Castle, I preached there on three Sundays 
and administered the communion ; I had there a little church, full of 
people, Dutch, Swedes and Fins." 

DomineVarick is an example that clergymen of other denominations 
than the Roman Catholic, who were made martyrs by the Indians, had 
also to suffer in colonial days. After his return from Delaware, he says, 
in the same letter, describing the treatment by the Leisler party, " I 
have been in prison for about five months, but not like my fellow-prison- 
ers, with nailed-up windows or underground or with irons on the legs, 
but in a lighter chamber with a captured French Captain, from whom I 
thankfully learned French : I had done nothing else than to warn my 
nearest neighbor, an Elder, who is still under sentence of death, that he 
should desist from acting so cruelly against all decent people; ten 
months later I was imprisoned and declared guilty of high treason . . . ; 
my greatest fear was, of being murdered while in prison, as I was told to 
my face, whenever a shot was fired in the fort, that all the prisoners would 
be cut down on the spot. My wife had to fly with everything, because 
she was constantly threatened with pillage." (Amsterdam Correspond- 
ence of the Dutch Reformed Church.) B. FERNOW. 

FAMILY ? In a Loan Collection at the Academy of Fine Arts in 1876 

a handsome tankard was exhibited by Mrs. Merideth, stated to have be- 


longed to William Penn, having T_._JJ engraved on the handle, and these 

arms emblazoned on the side, which, though somewhat similar to that of 
Penn, are those of Claypoole, impaling unknown. They are as follows : A 
chevron between three torteaux impaling three fusils in fess, over all a 
bend. Crest on the first a fleur-de-lis. On the second a Pegasus issuing 
out of a ducal crown. This was the blazon taken by me in 1876, which 
is, however, sufficient for identification. See the following notes made re- 
cently. I believe I am correct in stating this to be an unusual instance 
of the use of two crests at an early date in English heraldry, for as Clay- 

Notes and Queries. 251 

poole died in the year 1687, and it is probable the engraving was made 
some years before, this example is above two centuries old, while the 
usage of two crests in this manner is supposed to be a very recent 

In the tenth volume of the PENNA. MAGAZINE, pp. 354, 355, will be 
found an interesting letter entitled " A true copy of a letter from Ben- 
jamin Claypoole of the city of London, to George Claypoole of the city 
of Philadelphia, Merchant, in Market Street, in the year 1706-7." This 
most valuable record of the genealogy of the Claypoole family was written 
by the youngest brother of James Claypoole, the ancestor of the Philadel- 
phia line. It gave me a clue to the unknown arms impaling Claypoole on 
the Penn tankard, as " Benj. Claypool" says, "My father married Mary 
Angell. Her father was Fishmonger to King Charles the First." 
" Benj. Claypool" also mentions " Our predecessors coat of Arms, the 
creast a fleur de luce." In Edmondson's Heraldry, Vol. II., London, 1780, 
the arms of several families of Angell are given. The following comes 
nearest to that impaled on the tankard, " Angell [London, who came 
from Pekirk, in Lancashire] Or, three fusils in fesse az. over all a baston 
gu. Crest out of a ducal crown or, a demi-pegasus ar. crined gu." Arms 
of Claypoole, as given by Edmondson, are "Clepole [Northborough, in 
Northamptonshire] Or; a Chevron Azure between three hurts Crest a 
fleur-de-lis enfiled with a ducal coronet or." 

James Claypoole, who died in 1687, left an interesting will and inventory 
containing many details of plate worthy of being published entire, es- 
pecially as so many Philadelphia families claim descent from and alli- 
ance with his family. His personal friendship and intimacy with Wil- 
liam Penn are well known. Among other things he leaves to his wife 
" In Silver my Largest and Least Tankard, my Least and biggest por- 
ringers and six spoons." . . . " To Mary my Eldest Daughter" ..." My 
Old Silver Tankard which was my mother's and two Silver Spoons." 
There is mention of other bequests of plate which, having no connection 
with the tankard, I omit. Helena, wife of James Claypoole, died shortly 
after her husband. His will was dated 5th 12mo., 1686, and proved 12th 
8th mo., 1687. The " Appraisement of the Goods of James Claypoole & 
Helena his Wife both of Philadelphia Deceased taken about the Middle 
of the Seventh Month 1688 by Humphrey Murray & Thomas Hooten," 
mentions two tankards of which the weight and valuation are given as 
follows : 

. s. d. 

59 oz. 1 a wt. great Silver Tankard [value] 189 f 
17 oz. 1 d wt. least Tankard 5 9 4| 

In view of the intimacy of the Claypoole family with Penn and the 
particular mention of him in the will in these words, " And I doe Intreate 
and desire my Dear ffriends William Penn our Governor and Thomas 
Lloyd keeper of the Broad Seal to be overseers of this my Last Will and 
to Counsell and Assist my Dear Wife and Children in all their Con- 
cernes," I am of the opinion that this is the " great Silver Tankard" left 
by James Claypoole to his wife Helena, which was most likely given to 
Penn as a present for his services to the estate. It can be easily proved 
if the weight should be nearly " 59 oz. 1 d wt," allowing for a slight loss 
in its two centuries of existence. 


KATES OF BOAKDING IN PHILADELPHIA, 1779-1780. From the diary 
of the Hon. William Ellery, who left Cranston November 10, 1779, to 

252 Notes and Queries. 

attend Congress, in Philadelphia, where he arrived nineteen days later, 
we extract rates of board and wages of servants at that period. 

" My journey though long was tolerable. If I had not taken cold on 
the road, it would have been more than tolerable it would have been 
comfortable. I went to board with Mrs. Miller on Arch, between Fourth 
and Fifth Streets, 3 December, at $300. per week for myself and servant. 
Paid her 18 Jan. 1780, $1850. At the expiration of seven weeks the 
board was raised. On 16 Feb. I paid Mrs. Miller $370. and she informed 
me that she must have $300. per week. April 2d paid Mrs. Miller $1560. 
April 15th $760. 

" Went to board with the Eev. W. Marshall 23 April 1780. 

Paid Mr. Marshall, May 10th $560 

" 16 410 

June 6 408 

June 16 425 

June 30 420 


" Sold my sorrel mare to Mr. Mitchell D. Q. M. G. for $300., for which 
I received his certificate. 

" Thomas Fisher entered my service as a Waiter Oct 28, 1779 paid him 
April 10th, in all $500." 

AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. The Council of this Society has 
decided that the annual meeting shall be held in this city during the 
ensuing autumn. The Journal, which is issued quarterly, is designed 
for the collection and publication of the folk-lore and mythology of the 
American continent, and numbers among its contributors Professor 
Horatio Hale, Dr. D. G. Brinton, C. Godfrey Leland, Rev. W.M. Beau- 
champ, Alice C. Fletcher, and other well-known writers. It is desired 
to increase the Society to a strength commensurate with the width of 
the field which it is called on to occupy, and we are pleased to recognize 
among its members well-known names of this city and State. The 
membership fee is three dollars per annum, entitling members to a copy 
of the Journal. The address of the Secretary, William Wells Newell, is 
Cambridge, Massachusetts. 

Information is wanted concerning the following graduates and matricu- 
lates of the College Department, and honorary graduates of the Uni- 
versity. The most important facts wanted of these men are : full name ; 
father's name with mother's maiden name ; date and place of birth and 
of death ; if married, the maiden name of wife and name of her father; 
any honorary degrees received; occupations; any public offices held; 
any publications or original researches made ; if ever in military or naval 

CLASS 1813. Eev. John E. Goodman, Coulter Goodwin, James B. 
Steele, Hon. John Nebit Steele, George W. Warder, Dr. Samuel J. 
Withy (where did he get his medical degree?). 

CLASS 1815. George Buchanan, James S. Davidson, John J. Eichards. 

CLASS 1816. William N. Anderson, Samuel N. Davis, Isaac Willis. 

CLASS 1817. Eev. Washington Harris, William B. Lardner, Alex- 

Notes and Queries. 253 

ander Magnus Murray, Jacob L. Sharpe, Charles A. Walker, of Mary- 
land, William C. Walker. 

CLASS 1818. Dr. James M. Staughton. 

CLASS 1819. William Underbill Purnell, of Maryland, John Selby 
Purnell, of Maryland, Thomas B. Turner, of Virginia, Garrett van 
Gelder, Henry Franklin, of Maryland, Dr. John R. Knox (where did 
he receive his medical degree?). 

CLASS 1820. Dr. John F. D. Heineken, John Norcom, of North Caro- 
lina, Dr. Samuel Jones, Alexander Neil. 

CLASS 1821. George W. Heyberger, Dr. Rowland B. Heylin, John H. 

CLASS 1822. Ferdinand Farmer Carrell, John Chamberlain, William 
Frazier, William R. Price, of Maryland, Dr. Charles E. Smith (where 
did he get his medical degree?), Robert J. Thompson, of Kentucky. 

CLASS 1823. John M. Marshall, William Morton, George Sharpe. 

CLASS 1824. Henry Helmuth Krebs, Rev. Thos. Bartow Sargent, 

CLASS 1825. David C. Harker, of New Jersey, Rev. Wm. H. Rees, 
D.D., Levis P. Thompson. 

CLASS 1826. Rev. Joseph M. Abbott, Jr., Thomas McKinley. 


CLASS 1757. Josiah Martin, A.B., A.M., 1760, "the son of Col. 
Josiah Martin, of Long Island, in the Province of New York ;" Solomon 
Southwick, A.B., of Rhode Island. 

CLASS 1759. Rev. Hector Alison, A.M. 

CLASS 1760. Rev. Samuel Cooke, A.M., " of ye province of New 
Jersey;" Rev. Philip Reading, A.M., "of the county of New Castle;" 
Rev. Samson Smith, A.M. 

CLASS 1762. Rev. Joseph Mather, A.M., of Maryland ; Thomas Pol- 
lock, A.B., "Tutor in the College;" Rev. John Simonton, A.M., "of 
Chester Co. in this Province ;" " Mr. Isaac Smith, Doctor of Physick, of 
this City." 

CLASS 1775. James Ross, A.M., Prof. Gr. and Lat. Lang., Dickinson 

CLASS 1781. William Barton, A.M. 

CLASS 1786. Rev. David Griffith, M.D., D.D. (where did he get his 
medical degree ?). 

CLASS 1789. Samuel Keen, A.M., "Tutor in the College;" Rev. Philip 
Paul, A.M. 

CLASS 1790. Rev. Lawrence Girelius, A.M. 

CLASS 1795. Rev. George Ralsh, A.M. 

CLASS 1797. Cunningham Semple Rumsey, A.M. 

CLASS 1823. Eugenius Nulty, A.M., Prof. Math., Dickinson Coll. 

CLASS 1824. Rev. Joseph Spencer, A.M., D.D., 1831. Prof. Lat. and 
Gr. Lang, and Lit., Dickinson Coll. 

CLASS 1826. Rt. Rev. Patrick Tony, D.D., Bishop of Dunkeld. 

CLASS 1829. Rev. Chas. Williams, D.D., Pres. Baltimore Coll. 

CLASS 1830. Rev. James Homer, D.D. 

CLASS 1839. Rev. Jacob Miller, D.D. 

CLASS 1841. Rev. Jehu Curtis Clay, D.D. 

CLASS 1844. Joseph Saxton, A.M. 

NOYES. Information is wanted concerning (1) name of wife and date 
and place of death of Moses Noyes, born in Newbury, Mass., 12th May, 

254 Notes and Queries. 

1744, son of Moses and Susannah (Jamies) Noyes. ^ (2) Name of wife 
and date and place of death of Moses Noyes, born in Newbury, Mass., 
16th December, 1743, son of Moses and Hannah (Smith) Noyes. (3) 
Bev. William Noyes, Rector of Cholderton, County Wilts, England, 
1602 till 1616, when he died. When and where was he born, and what 
were his parents' names ? 
Box 950, New York. J. ATKINS NOTES. 

that would throw light upon the origin of the name of the Township of 
Philadelphia, in the Province of Nova Scotia. A deed from Nathan 
Sheppard, of Philadelphia, dated 4th November, 1768, conveys about 200 
acres of land, in this township, to Benjamin Armitage, Alexander Bartram, 
Walter Shee, and William Ball, in fee simple. Sheppard conveys by 
virtue of a grant of 20,000 acres to himself and associates from Lord 
William Campbell, dated 30th September, 1767, " and by virtue of a power 
from . . . Benjamin Armitage, John Lukins for John Jones, William 
Ball, John Lukins, Joseph Jacobs, William Sitgreeves, David Hall, 
Samuel Jackson, John Wright, Edward Bonsall, Paul Isaac Voto, 
Alexander Bartram, Walter Shee, James Loughead, Hugh Lennox, 
James Halden, and James James" dated 30th April, in the eighth year 
of his Majesty's reign, A.D. 1768. 

The tract of 200 acres lies on the north side of the Bason of Minass, 
near the mouth of Hall's Hollow, adjoining land of Noah Miller. 

The conveyance is registered in Kings County, " Township of Hor- 
ton," Nova Scotia, " on the oath of Noah Bowen," one of the witnesses 
to its execution, the others being Noah Miller and Samuel Knox. In 
1769, Alexander Bartram and Jane his wife conveyed an undivided fourth 
of the land and of " the Store and Buildings" thereon erected, to Walter 
Sbee. This conveyance, witnessed by Barnaby Barnes and Jas Delaplain, 
and acknowledged before Isaac Jones, Mayor of Philadelphia, is also 
registered in the Township of Horton. T. S. 

JONES. -- Jones, son of G. Jones, married Catherine Evans about 
1767. The notice of their marriage should appear on Friends' records. 
When did it occur ? What was the given name of the above - Jones ? 
What was the full name of G. Jones, and that of his wife ? and where 
were they born ? Who were the parents of Catherine Evans, and the 
place of their birth ? B. 

BELIEF ALLEY. Information is requested as to the origin of the 
name of Belief Alley, running east from Second Street, between Lom- 
bard and South Streets. Who remembers the name of the old inn 
located on the corner of Second Street and Belief Alley ? B. 

SITGREAVES. Sarah Sitgreaves was born in England in 1667/8, and 
died the 13th of the 1st month, 1727/8. 

William Sitgreaves, son of said Sarah, was born near Preston, in 
Lancashire, England, 17th of 2d month, 1704. He married Mary Cook 
in England, 26th of 4th month, 1728, and embarked with his wife for 
America, in the " Watts Galley," William Wallis, master, 7th of 7th 
month, 1729 ; arrived in Philadelphia 27th of 9th month, 1729. He 
died 1st of 12th month, 1747/8, and was buried at John Shaw's, Core 
Sound, North Carolina. 

Notes and Queries. 255 

Mary Cook was born in London 24th of llth month, 1707/8, and died 
at Georgetown, in Winyaw, in South Carolina, the 13th of 9th month, 

Their first child died in England and was buried in Wapping Meeting- 
house yard, London, in 1728/9. 

Their second child, William Sitgreaves, was born 14th of 12th month, 
1729/30, in Philadelphia. He married Susannah Deshon, in Boston, 
September, 1756, and died in Philadelphia, the 20th December, 1800. 

Thomas Sitgreaves, son of said William and Mary, was born 25th of 
9th month, 1731, in Philadelphia. 

Sarah Ann Sitgreaves, daughter of said William and Mary, was born 
the 4th of 4th month, 1733, in Philadelphia, and died in 1734. 

William, the first child of W illiam an(i Susannah Sitgreaves, was 
born in New-Berne, North Carolina, 1757, and died an infant. 

Their second child, William Deshon Sitgreaves, was born in Philadel- 
phia, 1759, and died the same year. 

John Sitgreaves, their third child, was born in Philadelphia, Febru- 
ary 11, 1763, and died September 3, 1798, at Germantown. He lies 
buried in the burial-ground of the German Baptist congregation of that 

Samuel Sitgreaves, their fourth child, was born in Philadelphia, 16th 
March, 1764, and died at Easton, April 4, 1827. 

Juliana Sitgreaves, their fifth child, was born in Philadelphia, May 
15, 1765. 

Kitty (sic, should be Hitty) Sitgreaves, their sixth child, born in Phila- 
delphia, September 16, 1766. 

Charlotte Sitgreaves, seventh child, born in Philadelphia, January 8, 

Clement, eighth child, born in Philadelphia, August 21, 1770; died 
July 31, 1771. 

William, ninth child, born in Philadelphia, December 23, 1772. 

Harriet, tenth child, born in Philadelphia, January 10, 1774 ; died 
February 19, 1778. 

Moise Yats (orde Jats) was born in Clerac,in Agenois, in France, the 
12th March, 1649. He came from England to Virginia with Lord Cul- 
pepper in 1680, having left France on account of the persecution of the 

Susanna Horrian Maviniere, wife of the said Moise de Jats (or 
Deshon), was born in France, September 27, 1668, at Marennes, and 
died at Boston, July 6, 1756. 

Moses Deshon, seventh child of the said Moise and Susanna, was 
born in Boston, April 28, 1710 ; he married Persis Stevens, daughter of 
Erasmus Stevens, June 3, 1731, and died in Boston, September 22, 1779. 

Persis Deshon died in Boston, 21st July, 1738, aged about twenty-six 

Susanna Deshon, daughter of said Moses and Persis, was born in 
Boston, June 22, 1735, and died in Philadelphia, June 30, 1808. 

L. A. S. 

"THE CABINET" NEWSPAPER (Vol. XIII. No. 1, p. 126). I find a 
reference to Matthew Lyon, the father of the Mr. Lyon spoken of as the 
publisher of this newspaper, in " Poems by St. John Honeywood, A.M.," 
New York, 1801. He was a member of Congress, and on one occasion 
declared " his resolution to abide with the Sergeant-at-Arms while the 
House should wait on the President" (Adams). A foot-note adds, " See 
Journals and Debates of Congress." Honeywood makes him say, " I'm 

256 Notes and Queries. 

rugged Mat, the democrat," and other allusions in these doggerel verses 
would seem to identify him beyond doubt with the "spitler" of J. N. P.'s 
query. The refrain, by the way, of each stanza, contains the words, if 
words they can be called, "Spittam, spattam, squirto." J. N. P.'s ex- 
tract speaks of him (the father) "as an old and experienced Democrat," 
and as having " made trial of the virtues of the gaol in Vermont," and 
Honey wood's parody, entitled " Speech of a Democratic Lion" has 

" We Lions bold abominate 
To court tbe great and wealthy ; 
I did it not in Vermont State, 
I sha'n't in Philadelphia." 

In one line the true spelling of the name, Lyon, is given. According to 
" Lippincott's Biographical Dictionary" he was born in County Wicklow, 
Ireland, in 1746, came to America, " where he served in the Revolu- 
tionary War," and died in 1822. 

Quite a full account of his political career will be found in the " Life of 
Josiah Quincy," Boston, 1867, pp. 327-329. He is there spoken of as 
"first of Vermont and afterwards of Kentucky," and here too appears 
the explanation of the term " spitler." He had distinguished himself by 
"spitting in the face of Mr. Griswold, of Connecticut." Mr. Quincy, 
nevertheless, bears testimony to his "energy of character and sound 
common sense," and adds " these qualities could not be wanting in one 
who carried his first election to Congress by means of a newspaper of 
which he was not merely the editor, but for which he cast the types, and 
made the paper out of basswood himself." 

If this newspaper was The Cabinet, as it probably was, the son would 
appear to have been merely the associate of the father in its publication. 
But some one better informed than I in this sort of literature can doubt- 
less give all the particulars desired. T. S. 

Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. 

MARKOE. After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Abraham 
Markoe's ancestors decided to leave France and embarked for the West 
Indies, where they lived and died. Their descendants settled on the 
island of Santa Cruz, and became possessed of several plantations. 
Abraham Markoe married there, and soon losing his wife, was left with 
the care of two sons, who were subsequently sent to Dublin to be edu- 
cated. One became a member of the Danish cabinet, the other died in 
middle life. The climate of Santa Cruz not agreeing with my grand- 
father, Abraham Markoe, brought him to America, where he made the 
acquaintance of Miss Elizabeth Baynton, who, although much younger, 
became his second wife. She died, leaving him three children. The 
eldest, Isaac, was lost on the packet " St. Domingo," returning to the 
West Indies, and John married Miss Cox, of Philadelphia. My mother, 
Elizabeth B., became the wife of Isaac Hazlehurst. 


Mount Holly. 

E. S. S. William Richardson Atlee, eldest son of Samuel John and 
Sarah Richardson Atlee, born 27th May, 1765. He married Margaretta, 
daughter of Gen. Anthony Wayne. For a number of years he was Pro- 
thonotary of the Supreme Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, 
and subsequently followed the calling of a conveyancer. He died 24th 
November, 1844, at Winfield, Carroll County, Maryland. Address of 
Samuel Yorke Atlee is 1424 New York Avenue, Washington D.C. 



WMmtw 1 f 

rty _ , 





VOL. XIII. 1889. No. 3. 


[Read by William S. Baker before the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, May 6, 1889.] 

In the winter of 1778-79, General "Washington visited 
Philadelphia, in order to confer with Congress on the oper- 
ations of the next campaign, a comprehensive plan proposed 
by that body for the invasion of Canada, in co-operation 
with an army from France, being the principal subject to be 
considered. To this the commander-in-chief was strongly 
opposed, and the result of the conference was the abandon- 
ment of the design. 

During his stay, which was brief (December 22 to Feb- 
ruary 2), the Supreme Executive Council of the State, in 
furtherance of a desire to have a portrait of him for the 
Council chamber, at a meeting held on the evening of Jan- 
uary 18, 1779, passed the following resolution : 

" WHEREAS : The wisest, freest and bravest nations in the 
most virtuous times, have endeavored to perpetuate the 
memory of those who have rendered their Country distin- 
guished services, by preserving their resemblances in Statues 
and Paintings: This Council, deeply sensible how much 
VOL. xiir. 17 (257) 

258 The History of a Rare Washington Print. 

the liberty, safety and happiness of America in general 
and Pennsylvania in particular, is owing to His Excellency 
General Washington, and the hrave men under his com- 
mand, do resolve. That His Excellency General Washing- 
ton be requested to permit this Council to place his Portrait 
in the Council Chamber, not only as a mark of the great 
respect which they bear to His Excellency, but that the con- 
templation of it may excite others to tread in the same 
glorious and disinterested steps, which lead to public happi- 
ness and private honor. And that the President 1 be desired 
to wait on His Excellency the General, with the above re- 
quest, and if granted, to enquire when and where it will be 
most agreeable to him, for Mr. Peale to attend him." 2 

To this the commander-in-chief made the following re- 
sponse : 

" GENTLEMEN : The liberal testimony of approbation which 
you did me the honor of transmitting by the hands of his 
Excellency the President, coming from so respectable an as- 
sembly, cannot but make the deepest impression on my 
mind. However conscious I am that your generous sensi- 
bility attributes infinitely too much to me, my respect for 
you leads me to acquiesce in your request and gratefully to 
subscribe myself, Gentlemen, Your much obliged and most 
obedient servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

"Head-Quarters Philadelphia, Jany. 20, 1779." 3 

Shortly after sitting for this portrait, Washington left 
Philadelphia, his departure being chronicled in the Pennsyl- 
vania Packet of February 4 : " Tuesday Morning (February 
2,) His Excellency General Washington set off from Phila- 
delphia to join the army in New Jersey. During the course 
of his short stay (the only relief he has enjoyed from service 
since he first entered into it), he has been honored with 

1 Joseph Reed. 

2 Minutes of the Supreme Executive Council of the Commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania, Vol. XI. p. 671. 

8 Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. VII. p. 161. 

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 259 

every mark of esteem which his accomplished fortitude as a 
soldier, and his exalted qualities as a gentleman and a citi- 
zen entitle him to. Among other instances he was wel- 
comed at his first coming, by an address from the Supreme 
Executive Council and the Magistrates of the City, and po- 
litely entertained by the President of Congress, the Presi- 
dent of the State, his Excellency the Minister of France, 
Don Juan Marailles a Spanish gentleman of distinction and 
amiable character, besides the numerous testimonials of 
regard shown him by private gentlemen. 

" The Council of this State being desirous of having his 
picture, a full length, requested his sitting for that purpose, 
which he politely complied with, and a striking likeness 
was taken by Mr. Peale, of Philadelphia. The portrait is 
to be placed in the Council Chamber. Don Juan Marailles 
has ordered five copies, four of which, we hear, are to be 
sent abroad. 1 His Excellency's stay was rendered the more 
agreeable by the company of his lady, and the domestic re- 
tirement which he enjoyed at the house of the Honorable 
Henry Laurens, Esquire, with whom he resided." 2 

Charles Willson Peale, the painter of this striJdng likeness, 
was a man of marked ability and ingenuity. At this time 

1 While in all probability some, if not all, of these copies must have 
been made and the pictures in existence, yet we are unable to indicate 
the whereabouts of any one of them. 

2 It was during this visit to Philadelphia that the profile by Pierre Eu- 
gene du Simitiere was drawn. The following entry in the diary of M. 
du Simitiere, furnished by William John Potts, Esq., of Camden, N. J M 
from the original manuscript, is of interest, inasmuch as the fact that 
Washington sat to him has not heretofore been positively known : 
" Paintings & Drawings done. 1779 Feby 1 st , a drawing in black lead 
of a likeness in profile of his Excellency general Washington form of a 
medal, for my collection. N. B. The General at the request of the 
Hon. Mr. Jay President of Congress came with him to ray house this 
morning & condescended with great good nature to sit about f of an 
hour for the above likeness, having but little time to spare being the last 
day of his stay in town." The drawing is not in existence, but the por- 
trait is well known through engravings, the first of which was published 
at Madrid in 1781. Vide Baker's " Engraved Portraits of Washington," 
pp. 39, 41. 

260 The History of a Rare Washington Print. 

he was in his thirty-eighth year, widely knc-wn as an excel- 
lent portrait-painter, and, indeed, for some time, both before 
and after the Revolution, was the only painter in this coun- 
try of any reputation. His first portrait of "Washington 
(the first authentic portrait) was painted at Mount Yernon 
in 1772. 1 This portrait is directly referred to by Washing- 
ton in a recently-published letter, 2 dated Mount Yernon, 
May 21, of that year : " Inclination having yielded to Im- 
portunity, I am now contrary to all expectation under the 
hands of Mr. Peale ; but in so grave so sullen a mood 
and now and then under the influence of Morpheus, when 
some critical strokes are making, that I fancy the skill of 
this Gentleman's Pencil, will be put to it, in describing to 
the "World what manner of man I am." 

A second was painted in the summer of 1776, when the 
artist was in the army as a captain of militia, 3 and a third in 
the spring of 1778, commenced at Yalley Forge, but not 
finished until later in the year. 4 The portrait ordered by 
the Executive Council for the Council chamber, was prob- 
ably the next, it being understood that in this enumeration 
oil-paintings only are included. 

1 A three-quarter length, in the costume of a Virginia colonel, blue 
coat, faced with red, and dark-red waistcoat and breeches. 

2 Written to Kev. Jonathan Boucher, and published in Lippincott's 
Magazine, May number, 1889, p. 731. See also " The Writings of George 
Washington," collected and edited by Worthington Chauncey Ford. 
Vol. II. p. 349. 

3 A half-length, painted for John Hancock. 

4 A full-length, said to have been painted to the order of Congress, 
but that body having made no appropriation for payment, the picture 
remained in the hands of the artist. It is now owned by Mr. H. Pratt Mc- 
Kean, of Philadelphia, having been purchased by him at the time of the 
dispersion of the Peale Gallery. 'Mr. Peale made several copies of this 
picture. One of these copies, captured by Captain Keppel of the British 
navy, in 1780, when on its way to Holland, has from that time been in 
possession of the Keppel family, Quiddenham Hall, Norfolk, England ; 
a second, formerly the property of the Count de Menou, is now owned 
by the United States government ; and a third, known through the en- 
graving by Wolff, is in the gallery at Versailles. In all of these pictures 
Washington is resting by the left hand on a cannon. 

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 261 

His miniatures of Washington, of which quite a number 
are in existence, are beautifully executed ; the earliest was 
painted at Mount Yernon in 1772, at the same time of the 
production of the first oil portrait. Peale is said to have 
painted fourteen portraits of Washington from life, the last 
in 1795, and of these he seems to have made many copies or 

The portrait now under consideration, a full-length, rep- 
resenting Washington at Princeton, the college buildings 
being given in the distance to the right, was placed in the 
Council chamber in the State-House at Philadelphia, where 
it remained until September, 1781, when it was totally de- 
faced by some persons who broke into the building, whether 
from malice or a mere spirit of destruction does not appear. 

The account of this act of vandalism in the Freeman's 
Journal of September 12, is decidedly original : " On Sun- 
day the 9th. instant, at night, a fit time for the Sons of Luci- 
fer to perpetrate the deeds of darkness, one or more volun- 
teers in the service of hell, broke into the State House in 
Philadelphia, and totally defaced the picture of His Excel- 
lency General Washington, and a curious engraving of the 
monument of the patriotic General Montgomery, done in 
France in the most elegant manner. Every generous bosom 
must swell with indignation at such atrocious proceedings. 
It is a matter of grief and sorrowful reflection that any of 
the human race can be so abandoned, as to offer such an 
insult to men who are and have been an honor to human 
nature, who venture and have ventured their lives for the 
liberties of their fellow-men. A being who carries such 
malice in his breast must be miserable beyond conception. 
We need wish him no other punishment than his own 


" * The motions of his spirit are black as night, 
And his affections dark as Erebus.' " 

And so runs the story. The portrait was painted, it was 
placed in the Council chamber, and it was destroyed. This 
would seem to be the end. But, fortunately the art and 
mystery of engraving in mezzotinto had been acquired by 

262 The History of a Rare Washington Print. 

the painter, and in this case had been utilized in transferring 
the portrait to copper the year previous to its destruction, 
thus transmitting to us, through the intervention of printing, 
all the essential qualities of the original. 

Impressions from this plate, taken by himself, were pub- 
lished in the latter part of 1780, but although many must 
have been printed and widely distributed, only three have 
as yet come to our notice. One of these impressions is in 
the collection of the writer, another is owned by the family 
of Robert B. Cabeen, of Philadelphia, and a third is in the 
" Huntington Collection," in the Metropolitan Museum of 
Art, New York. The illustration accompanying this paper 
is a reproduction from the first-named impression. 

Mr. Peale was a practical man, and believed in letting 
the public know what he was doing, so we find the following 
advertisement of this print in the Pennsylvania Packet of 
August 26, 1780 : 

" The subscriber takes this method of informing the pub- 
lic, that he has just finished a metzotinto print in poster 
size (14 inches by 10 inches besides the margin), of His Ex- 
cellency General Washington, from the original picture be- 
longing to the State of Pennsylvania. Shopkeepers, and 
persons going to the West Indies, may be supplied at such 
a price as will afford a considerable profit to them, by ap- 
plying at the South West corner of Lombard and Third 
Street, Philadelphia. CHAKLES WILLSON PEALE." 

This advertisement was repeated in September and De- 
cember, when the price, two dollars, was given. 

We imagine that the collector of the present day would 
willingly go as far as Lombard and Third Streets, Philadel- 
phia, could he secure a copy at that price. 

The print, which is dedicated to the " Honorable the Con- 
gress of the United States of America, By their obedient 
servant, Cha 8 Willson Peale," does not give the entire figure 
of the painting, but with that exception it is doubtless a 
faithful reproduction of the original, which must have been 
one of Mr. Peale's best efforts. The picture, representing 

The History of a Rare Washington Print. 263 

the commander-in-chief in full uniform, standing and resting 
by the right hand on a cannon, is good in composition, the 
drawing excellent, the figure well posed, easy, and graceful, 
and the general effect pleasing. The face is rather longer 
than we are accustomed to seeing in other paintings and 
prints, but it has every appearance of being a likeness. 1 

A description of the personal appearance of Washington, 
written about three months after the picture was painted, 
will be of interest in this connection. 

" General Washington is now in the forty-seventh year of 
his age ; he is a tall, well-made man, rather large boned, 
and has a tolerably genteel address : his features are manly 
and bold, his eyes of a blueish cast and very lively ; his hair 
a deep brown, his face rather long and marked with the 
small pox; his complexion sun-burnt and without much 
color, and his countenance sensible, composed and thought- 
ful ; there is a remarkable air of dignity about him, with a 
striking degree of gracefulness." 2 

This is the second engraved portrait of Washington pro- 
duced by Mr. Peale, the first having been executed in 1778, 
two years earlier. From this plate, however, no impressions 
are known, the information as to its production being ob- 
tained from his manuscript note-book, as follows : " Oct. 16. 
1778. Began a drawing in order to make a metzotiuto of 
Gen 1 Washington. Got a plate of Mr. Brooks and in pay 
I am to give him 20 of the prints in the first 100 struck 
off. Nov. 15. Began to print off the small plate of Gen 1 
Washington. 16 th . Continued the same business all day; 

1 In this picture, as stated, Washington is resting by the right hand on 
a cannon ; in the picture painted to the order of Congress, referred to in 
the note on page 260, the pose is reversed, the left hand being placed on 
the piece. 

2 From " A Sketch of Mr. Washington's Life and Character," forming 
the contents of an anonymous letter dated Maryland, May 3, 1779, and 
published at London the following year. The letter was written by John 
Bell, Esq., of Maryland, to a friend in England, and the sketch is the 
first biographical notice of Washington of any consequence which has 
come to our knowledge. It was reprinted at Philadelphia, in the Penn- 
sylvania Gazette of November 28, 1781. 

264 The History of a Rare Washington Print. 

of prints gave one dozen to those I wish to compliment, 1 
and sold 11 Doz. at Five Dolls." 

A third plate was executed in 1787, from a bust portrait 
painted at Philadelphia in July of that year, during the 
sitting of the Constitutional Convention. Impressions 
from this plate have now become extremely rare. The print 
is well known, however, through a copy made in 1865 by 
John Sartain, mezzotinto engraver. 

Besides the Washington plates, Mr. Peale engraved a bust 
portrait of Franklin, one of Lafayette, another of the Rev. 
Joseph Pilmore, and a full-length of William Pitt, Earl of 
Chatham. The latter, his first plate, was probably engraved 
in London in 1770. All of the Peale plates are creditable 
examples of engraving, the Washington of 1780 being one 
of the best and most important. 

Charles Willson Peale has the enviable distinction of 
having painted the first authentic portrait of Washington ; 
to this may now be added the honor of having produced the 
first engraved portrait of Washington from an authentic 

1 From the following entry in the diary of M. du Simitiere, referred 
to in a preceding note, p. 259, that artist was the recipient of one of 
these complimentary prints : " Curiosities and Books by whom given. 
Feby. 1779. A small mezzotinto of the head of Gen. Washington done 
by Mr. Peale painter of this city, given by him." Mr. Peale also gave 
him a copy of the print of 1780 : " Curiosities natural & artificial by 
whom given. May 1781, a mezzotinto print of General Washington, 
poster size done by Mr. Ch. Wilson Peale from a painting of his own, 
the gift of the author." 

The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 265 


[Among the numerous revelations for which we are indebted to the 
zeal and ability of MR. CHARLES R. HILDEBURN, in the prosecution of 
his admirable bibliographical researches, his discovery of George Keith's 
early testimony against slavery among the Bradford imprints is pecu- 
liarly interesting. The publication is referred to in Gabriel Thomas's 
" History of Pennsylvania," etc., 1698, pp. 53, 54, and nearly a century 
later by Dr. Franklin, in his letter to John Wright, 4th November, 1789, 
" Works" X. 403, but none of the moderns seemed to have been able to 
discover the tract until MR. HILDEBURN found a copy, and pointed out 
the fact that this first protest against slavery printed in America was 
from the press of William Bradford, and among the earliest of his New 
York imprints. 

Singularly enough, there was a contemporaneous " testimony" from 
the New England school of divines, showing a commendable interest in 
the condition and welfare of their negro slaves. Cotton Mather, in Oc- 
tober, 1693, prepared a set of " Rules for the Society of Negroes," which 
was printed in a broadside sheet. It had long been among the things 
that were not only lost, but forgotten, until recently, when I reproduced 
it in a few copies privately printed. It is a remarkable circumstance 
that two such performances by two such old-time antagonists should come 
to light together after being hidden for nearly two centuries. They are 
vastly more interesting and creditable to the memories of both than any 
or all their weary theological discussions. Humanity survives the doc- 
trines of the schools ; its service is perennial. GEORGE H. MOORE. 

Lenox Library, May 19, 1889.] 






Seing our Lord Jesus Christ hath tasted Death for every 
Man, and given himself a Ransom for all, to be testified in 
due time, and that his Gospel of Peace, Liberty and Re- 

266 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 

deraption from Sin, Bondage and all Oppression, is freely to 
be preached unto all, without Exception, and that Negroes, 
Slacks and Taunies are a real part of Mankind, for whom 
Christ hath shed his precious Blood, and are capable of 
Salvation, as well as White Men ; and Christ the Light of 
the "World hath (in measure) enlightened them, and every 
Man that cometh into the World; and that all such who are 
sincere Christians and true Believers in Christ Jesus, and 
Followers of him, bear his Image, and are made conforma- 
ble unto him in Love, Mercy, Goodness and Compassion, 
who came not to destroy men's Lives, but to save them, nor 
to bring any part of Mankind into outward Bondage, Slavery 
or Misery, nor yet to detain them, or hold them therein, but 
to ease and deliver the Oppressed and Distressed, and bring 
into Liberty both inward and outward. 

Therefore we judge it necessary that all faithful Friends 
should discover themselves to be true Christians by having 
the Fruits of the Spirit of Christ, which are Love, Mercy, 
Goodness, and Compassion towards all in Misery, and that 
suffer Oppression and severe Usage, so far as in them is pos- 
sible to ease and relieve them, and set them free of their 
hard Bondage, whereby it may be hoped, that many of them 
will be gained by their beholding these good Works of sin- 
cere Christians, and prepared thereby, through the Preaching 
the Gospel of Christ, to imbrace the true Faith of Christ. 
And for this cause it is, as we judge, that in some places in 
Europe Negroes cannot be bought and sold for Money, or 
detained to be Slaves, because it suits not with the Mercy, 
Love & Clemency that is essential to Christianity, nor to the 
Doctrine of Christ, nor to the Liberty the Gospel calleth all 
men unto, to whom it is preached. And to buy Souls and 
Bodies of men for Money, to enslave them and their Pos- 
terity to the end of the World, we judge is a great hinder- 
ance to the spreading of the Gospel, and is occasion of much 
War, Violence, Cruelty and Oppression, and Theft & Rob- 
ery of the highest Nature ; for commonly the Negroes that 
are sold to white Men, are either stollen away or robbed 
from their Kindred, and to buy such is the way to continue 

The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 267 

these evil Practices of Man-stealing, and transgresseth that 
Golden Rule and Law, To do to others what we would have 
others do to us. 

Therefore, in true Christian Love, we earnestly recommend 
it to all our Friends and Brethren, Not to buy any Negroes, 
unless it were on purpose to set them free, and that such 
who have bought any, and have them at present, after some 
reasonable time of moderate Service they have had of them, 
or may have of them, that may reasonably answer to the 
Charge of what they have laid out, especially in keeping 
Negroes Children born in their House, or taken into their 
House, when under Age, that after a reasonable time of ser- 
vice to answer that Charge, they may set them at Liberty, 
and during the time they have them, to teach them to read, 
and give them a Christian Education. 

Some Reasons and Causes of our being against keeping of Negroes 
for Term of Life. 

First, Because it is contrary to the Principles and Practice 
of the Christian Quakers to buy Prize or stollen Goods, which 
we bore a faithful Testimony against in our Native Country ; 
and therefore it is our Duty to come forth in a Testimony 
against stollen Slaves, it being accounted a far greater Crime 
under Moses's Law than the stealing of Goods: for such 
were only to restore four fold, but he that stealeth a Man and 
selleth him, if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put 
to Death, JExod. 21. 16. Therefore as we are not to buy 
stollen Goods, (but if at unawares it should happen through 
Ignorance, we are to restore them to the Owners, and seek 
our Remedy of the Thief) no more are we to buy stollen 
Slaves ; neither should such as have them keep them and 
their Posterity in perpetual Bondage and Slavery, as is 
usually done, to the great scandal of the Christian Profession. 

Secondly, Because Christ commanded, saying, All things 
whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so 
to them. Therefore as we and our Children would not be 
kept in perpetual Bondage and Slavery against our Consent, 

268 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in Ameiica. 

neither should we keep them in perpetual Bondage and 
Slavery against their Consent, it being such intolerable 
Punishment to their Bodies and Minds, that none but no- 
torious Criminal Offenders deserve the same. But these 
have done us no harm ; therefore how inhumane is it in 
us so grievously to oppress them and their Children from 
one Generation to another. 

Thirdly, Because the Lord hath commanded, saying, Thou 
shalt not deliver unto his Master the Servant that is escaped from 
his Master unto thee, he shall dwell with thee, even amongst you 
in that place which he shall chuse in one of thy Gates, where it 
liketh him best ; thou shalt oppress him, Deut. 23. 15. 16. By 
which it appeareth, that those which are at Liberty and 
freed from their Bondage, should not by us be delivered 
into Bondage again, neither by us should they be oppressed, 
but being escaped from his Master, should have the liberty 
to dwell amongst us, where it liketh him best. Therefore, 
if God extend such Mercy under the legal Ministration and 
Dispensation to poor Servants, he doth and will extend 
much more of his Grace and Mercy to them under the clear 
Gospel Ministration ; so that instead of punishing them and 
their Posterity with cruel Bondage and perpetual Slavery, 
he will cause the Everlasting Gospel to be preached effectu- 
ally to all Nations, to them as well as others ; And the Lord 
will extend Peace to his People like a River, and the Glory of the 
Gentiles like a flowing Stream; And it shall come to pass, saith 
the Lord, that I will gather all Nations and Tongues, and they 
shall come and see my Glory, and I will set a sign among them, 
and I will send those that escape of them unto the Nations, to 
Tarshish, Pull and Lud that draw the Bow to Tuball and 
Javan, to the Isles afar off that have not heard my Fame, neither 
have seen my Glory, and they shall declare my Glory among the 
Gentiles, Isa. 66. 12-18. 

Fourthly, Because the Lord hath commanded, saying, Thou 
shalt not oppress an hired Servant that is poor and needy, whether he 
be of thy Brethren, or of the Strangers that are in thy Land within 

The First Printed Protest Against Slavey in America. 269 

thy Gates, least he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it be sin unto 
thee ; Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him, for ye were 
strangers in the Land of ^Egypt, Deut. 24. 14, 15. Exod. 12. 21. 
But what greater Oppression can there be inflicted upon our 
Fellow Creatures, than is inflicted on the poor Negroes ! they 
being brought from their own Country against their Wills, 
some of them being stollen, others taken for payment of 
Debt owing by their Parents, and others taken Captive in 
War, and sold to Merchants, who bring them to the Ameri- 
can Plantations, and sell them for Bond Slaves to them that 
will give most for them ; the Husband from the Wife, and 
the Children from. the Parents; and many that buy them 
do exceedingly aiflict them and oppress them, not only by 
continual hard Labour, but by cruel Whippings, and other 
cruel Punishments, and by short allowance of Food, some 
Planters in Barbadoes and Jamaica, 'tis said, keeping one 
hundred of them, and some more, and some less, and giving 
them hardly any thing more than they raise on a little piece 
of Ground appointed them, on which they work for them- 
selves the seventh days of the Week in the after-noon, and 
on the first days, to raise their own Provisions, to wit, Corn 
and Potatoes, and other Roots, &c. the remainder of their 
time being spent in their Masters service ; which doubtless 
is far worse usage than is practised by the Turks and Moors 
upon their Slaves. Which tends to the great Reproach of 
the Christian Profession ; therefore it would be better for all 
such as fall short of the Practice of those Infidels, to refuse 
the name of a Christian, that those Heathen and Infidels may 
not be provoked to blaspheme against the blessed Name of 
Christ, by reason of the unparallel'd Cruelty of these cruel 
and hard hearted pretended Christians : Surely the Lord 
doth behold their Oppressions & Afflictions, and will further 
visit for the same by his righteous and just Judgments, 
except they break off their sins by Repentance, and their 
Iniquity by shewing Mercy to these poor afflicted, tormented 
miserable Slaves ! 

Fifthly, Because Slaves and Souls of Men are some of the 

270 The First Printed Protest Against Slavery in America. 

Merchandize of Babylon by which the Merchants of the Earth 
are made Eich ; but those Riches which they have heaped 
together, through the cruel Oppression of these miserable 
Creatures, will be a means to draw Gods Judgments upon 
them ; therefore, Brethren, let us hearken to the Voice of 
the Lord, who saith, Come out of Babylon, my People, that ye 
be not partakers of her Sins, and that ye receive not her Plagues ; 
for her Sins have reached unto Heaven, and God hath remembered 
her Iniquities ; for he that leads into Captivity shall go into Cap- 
tivity, Eev. 18. 4, 5. & 13. 10. 

Given forth by our Monthly Meeting in Philadelphia, the 13th 
day of the 8th Moneth, 1693. and recommended to all our 
Friends and Brethren, who are one with us in our Testi- 
mony for the Lord Jesus Christ, and to all others professing 


An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 271 



Jean Paul Jaquet, a French Protestant, belonged to one 
of the many Huguenot families that were obliged to leave 
their native land to escape religious persecution during the 
seventeenth century. Our subject was a native of Neufchatel, 
from which place he fled to Holland, and soon became con- 
nected with the Dutch West India Company, in the service 
of which he spent many years in Brazil, and upon his return 
to Holland, decided to come to this country. He sailed from 
Holland, November 23, 1654, in the ship " De Grote Chris- 
toffel," and a letter written from the directors in Holland to 
Peter Stuyvesant recommended him to the latter's care, and 
requested him to allot certain land to Jaquet upon his 

At this time that part of the country known as New 
Sweden was in the full power of the Dutch, and was called 
by them New Netherland. Peter Stuyvesant was Governor- 
General ; he resided at New Amsterdam, and his authority 
extended over all matters military, commercial, and judicial. 
As there was great need, for the advancement and direction 
of the company on the South River, as the Delaware was 
then called, of a proper and qualified person to command 
there in the absence of the Governor-General and manage 
everything, Stuyvesant commissioned and appointed " Jean 
Paul Jaquet, Vice-Director and Chief Magistrate on the 
South River of New Netherland as well as for the forts, ter- 
ritories and other places situate upon said river." The date 
of this appointment was November 29, 1655. He was to 
keep good order for the security of Fort Casimir and other 
places, to give orders and have them observed in all matters 
concerning trade, policy, justice, and military; also in re- 
gard to the soldiers, the ships' crews, free persons, high and 

272 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 

subaltern officers, of whatever position and rank they might 
be; to assist in his position of vice-director in the manage- 
ment and command of the places, and to keep everything 
in good order for the service and welfare of the General 
Privileged West India Company. 

Jaquet's appointment was subsequently approved by the 
directors in Holland in a letter from them to Stuyvesant, 
dated June 14, 1656. He took the office December 8, 1655, 
and fixed his residence at Fort Casimir. His council was 
composed of Au dries Huddo, who was secretary and sur- 
veyor, Elmerhuysen Cleyn, and two sergeants. 

In the instructions given to him he was to have supreme 
command and authority during the absence of the Governor- 
General ; he was to forbid selling liquor to the savages, and 
prevent them and the Swedes from frequenting Fort Casi- 
mir too often, especially upon the arrival of strange ships 
and vessels ; he was by no means to allow ships to go beyond 
the fort to carry on trade, but compel them to remain before 
or near Fort Casimir and trade there to prevent disturbances. 
In distributing land he was to take care that villages be 
formed of at least sixteen or twenty persons or families to- 
gether, and in order to prevent the immoderate desire for 
land he was, in place of tithes, to exact from each morgen 
of land provisionally twelve stivers (twenty-four cents in 
gold) annually. To provide for the expense incurred at 
Fort Casimir he was to demand a tavern-keeper's excise. 
He was also to lay out roads and building-lots. 

There seems to have been feared trouble from the Swedes, 
as he was continually cautioned to watch them carefully, 
and, should any of them become troublesome, request them 
to leave, and, if possible, send them to Fort Amsterdam. 

He was to have intercourse with the savages, but be on 
his guard, and not suffer them to come into the fort armed 
or in great numbers, and in no case allow them to remain 
over night within the precincts of the fort. There seems, 
however, to have been a desire to appear friendly to the 
Indians, for it was suggested to build a house outside of the 
fort as a lodging for those who were not great sachems. 

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 273 

On the 24th of March, 1656, it was announced by the 
commandant on the South River that a Swedish ship, called 
the " Mercurius," having on board one hundred and thirty 
souls, had arrived. Orders were given that they were not 
to land, but to go back to Sweden ; but as they had been 
long on the voyage it was decided to allow them to go to 
New Amsterdam and get afresh supply of provisions before 
returning. The captain of the vessel, Hendrick Huygen, 
wishing to make some arrangement and ascertain the true 
state of affairs, went ashore to see Jaquet, who had him 
arrested ; whereupon he wrote to Stuyvesant complaining 
of his treatment, and declaring that those on board the 
" Mercurius" were not only in distress, but also separated 
from their friends and relatives on shore, who had arrived 
here before them. 

The Governor-General and Council at New Amsterdam 
replied, that if he did not withdraw with his ship at once, 
means would be taken to make him. Huygen appeared 
before the Council at New Amsterdam, and whilst there an 
order was sent to Jaquet requesting a true statement of 
affairs at Fort Casimir. During these proceedings word 
reached New Amsterdam that the ship had passed Fort 
Casimir and landed her passengers and goods near Matin- 
nekonk. Upon the arrival of this news the man-of-war 
" De "Waagh" was despatched to the South River, with 
Huygen, having given oath to conduct himself well, and 
two members of the Council, Nicasius de Sille and Cornelis 
van Tienhoven, as well as some soldiers, to inquire and reg- 
ulate matters. Huygen afterwards arrived with the " Mer- 
curius" at New Amsterdam, and was allowed to land his 
passengers and goods upon paying the required duties, 
allowance being made for those that had been damaged. 

Jaquet seems to have been a man of firmness, and to have 
been very strict about matters pertaining to the interests of 
the company, as appears from the following incident : Soon 
after his entering upon the duties of his office, he was in- 
formed by a Corporal Hendrick, of Bielefeld, that he had 
heard another, Swen Schoete, say that as soon as the com- 
VOL. xni. 18 

274 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 

mander came he would reveal where some things were con- 
cealed and buried in the fort, providing the commander was 
a man of his liking, and with whom he could make an ar- 
rangement concerning the treasures. This report was con- 
firmed by the oaths of witnesses who were present and 
heard the declaration of Schoete. Schoete appearing, said 
he had only spoken in jest. Thereupon, whether from dis- 
appointment or the prompting of duty, Jaquet ordered the 
accused to be arrested and sent by the first vessel to New 
Amsterdam to be tried before the Council at that place. 
Nothing further appears, and probably the accused, after 
being imprisoned several days, and thoroughly impressed 
that the commander had arrived, was set at liberty. 

Barter was prevalent at this period in New Netherland, 
and seems to have been the chief means of exchange, es- 
pecially with the Indians. On the 28th of December, 1655, 
several sachems arrived at Fort Casimir, and requested a 
hearing, which was granted, and thereupon several sugges- 
tions were made by them regarding trade in furs ; they also 
announced it had been customary to make presents to the 
chiefs in confirmation of the treaty. Jaquet replied that it 
was his wish to have as friendly relations with them as pos- 
sible, and raised a subscription among the inhabitants for 
their benefit. 

Marriage was subject to the consent of the commander, 
and many cases occur of the inhabitants requesting his per- 
mission, in order, I suppose, to prevent illicit cohabitation, 
for, as there were no ministers, it was highly important to 
require strict observance of the marriage rites. 

Tobacco was grown in great abundance; horses, cows, 
oxen, goats, and other domestic animals were owned by the 
people, though it does not appear whether they were brought 
over by the Swedes or the Dutch, probably by both. The 
people seem to have been very shrewd and energetic ; they 
built houses, laid out roads, cultivated the soil, and raised 
whatever the ground and themselves were capable of. 

The administration of Jaquet was spent mostly in settling 
the difficulties between the Dutch, Swedes, and Indians. 

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 275 

The demand for law required but little supply, as matters 
were settled rather by a common-sense system than strict 
rules of law. 

Drinking seems to have been the greatest evil of the time, 
as numerous instances occur throughout the minutes of 
Jaquet's administration of actions in which liquor was the 
cause. The Governor may have been a very temperate man 
himself and punished strictly the over-indulgence of others. 
Though strictly forbidden, the natives continually sold drink 
to the Indians, which often caused broils and disturbances. 
Jaquet seems to have done all in his power to suppress the 
abuse of intoxicating spirits, and it may have been his per- 
sistence in this respect that tended to make him unpopular 
in the latter part of his administration. He, at any rate, must 
have been a harsh officer, for about this time complaints 
were made against him to the Governor-General, alleging 
that he was endeavoring to acquire too much land, and was 
converting the property of others to his own use. Acrelius 
says, in his " History of New Sweden," that many com- 
plaints were made against him, which, however, his suc- 
cessor declared to have proceeded rather from hatred than 
from truth. Notwithstanding this, the Governor-General 
recalled him in a letter of the 20th of April, 1657, in which 
he is accused of unlawful arrests, of collecting and exe- 
cuting on his own authority, without previous legal pro- 
ceedings, his own pretended claims, of obstructing posses- 
sion, cultivation, and occupation of lands, and other charges 
of a similar nature. 

May 23, 1657, Jaquet was placed under arrest in the com- 
missary's office, and requested to make up his accounts. 
May 24, he wrote to Stuyvesant, petitioning that gentleman 
to send him a written copy of the charges alleged against 
him, in order that he might prepare a defence. This was 
granted, and the fiscal was ordered to prepare a copy of the 
complaints and examine the accounts of his administration. 
He denied the accusations, and asserted that they were mostly 
gotten up by party spirit, which was presumed in his favor. 
He was discharged from arrest and given permission to 

276 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 

depart from New Amsterdam, to which place he had been 
brought for trial, for the South River, after having given an 
account of his administration and delivered the records and 
other documents concerning the company or his service. 
He was to make defence upon further proofs before the 
fiscal, who in the mean time was directed to examine more 
closely the charges regarding Jaquet. This was the 19th of 
June, 1657. 

His accounts were thoroughly investigated, and in a letter 
from Jacob Al ricks, the successor of Jaquet, to Stuyvesant, 
reporting the state of affairs, it is mentioned by the writer 
that he had inquired concerning the complaints against 
Jaquet and found there was more passion than reason at the 
bottom, which is confirmed by Acrelius, as mentioned above. 
Therefore, we may briefly state that Jaquet was a tyrannical 
ruler, and many complaints were alleged against him, but 
none seem to have been thoroughly established, and though 
upon these charges he was arrested and brought to trial, yet 
he was acquitted, and all was said by his successor to have 
been caused by unpopularity rather than truth. It is very 
probable that the facts relating to his arrest have been ex- 
aggerated by historians, for most all the Governors ruled 
but a short time, and were continually accused of tyranny 
and attempting to seize the land of others. 

We know nothing more of Jaquet during the following 
years until September 23, 1676, when he was commissioned 
a justice of the peace by Lord Andros, who was then 
Governor-General under the English. This original com- 
mission is in the possession of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, bound with other documents, entitled " Mis- 
cellaneous Papers, 1655-1805 Three Lower Counties of 
Delaware." Five others were commissioned at the same 
time, and any three of them were to be a court of judicature. 

November 8, 1676, the justices sent a memorial to Andros 
relating to municipal affairs, in which they requested him 
to send them " the law booke of his Eoyal Highnesse, cor- 
rected of all such Lawes and orders, as do not properly con- 
cerne this River." They desired also that a body of soldiers 

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 277 

might be sent to remain at the fort ; they requested a " Lesser 
Seale for y e office." They suggested the advisability of 
building a prison for securing debtors, fugitives, and male- 
factors, who often made their escape for want of the same. 
They reported that they had decided to allow forty guilders 
for every wolf's head, and desired his approbation of the 
same. It was thought desirable, they said, to erect a ware- 
house for the loading and unloading of vessels, and it was 
thought by so doing, merchants and those trading would be 
induced to come to that place. 

At a council held at New York, November 20, 1676, com- 
plaint was made by Jaquet that he had been dispossessed 
by Major Fenwick of land on the east side of the Delaware 
River, which he had been in possession of at the coming in 
of the English. The land was called Steen Hooke, and had 
been given by Fenwick to John Erickson. Governor 
Andros ordered the land to be restored to Jaquet, and on 
the 20th of July, 1677, John Colier, the commander in 
Delaware, placed him in the lawful possession of it. Jaquet 
was a large land-owner, and at the recorder's office at Wil- 
mington may be seen several deeds relating to grants of 
land to him. 

From the abandonment of the town of Christianaham, 
about 1664 until 1731, no attempt was made to found a set- 
tlement or lay out a town on the river north of New Castle, 
within the limits of Delaware, and the territory now em- 
braced in Wilmington was mostly in five large tracts, that 
about 1671 came into possession of John [Anderson] Stal- 
cop, Dr. Tymen Stidham, Jacob Van der Weer, Jean Paul 
Jaquet, and Peter Alrich, who were all residents under the 
Dutch, either at New Amstel (New Castle) or at Fort 

After the capture by the English, in 1664, Jaquet became 
a subject of Great Britain, was appointed a justice of the 
peace, as already said, and served until the delivery of the 
territory to William Penn, in October, 1682. He took up 
a tract of land containing two hundred and ninety acres, on 
the south side of Christiana Creek, the warrant for which 

278 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 

was granted " 22nd of 12th. mo., 1684," and lived here 
many years. This tract was known as Long Hook, and lay 
south from Wilmington. 

This land remained in possession of his descendants until 
the death of Major Peter Jaquett, September 13, 1834. The 
place at present is the property of Mrs. Theodore Eogers. 
The old house is still standing, and is often visited by the 
curious, on account of the Colonial and Revolutionary 
memories it recalls. 

Washington, Lafayette, and Bishop White were among 
those who visited there, and many nooks and corners are 
full of traditions. A beautiful ivy-vine covered one end of 
the house ; it was gathered from the castle where Mary, 
Queen of Scots, was imprisoned, and presented to Major 
Jaquett's wife. 

Though the dates of Governor Jaquet's birth and death 
are unknown, yet it is quite certain he must have died at a 
very advanced age. His life, though marked with little of 
much interest, is characteristic and descriptive of the time 
and customs in which he lived. 

It might not be amiss to say a few words of some of his de- 
scendants. A grand-daughter, Maria, married Baron Isaac 
Baner, who had been for some time in the service of Wil- 
liam III. of England, and who came to Pennsylvania about 
1695. His death occurred on the llth of November, 1713, 
and his burial was performed in the Presbyterian graveyard 
at Wilmington. He left a widow and four children. Upon 
the return home of Mr. Lidenius, a clergyman, he repre- 
sented to the lieutenant-general, Baron John Baner, and 
also to the royal counsellor, Count Axel Baner, the unfor- 
tunate condition of the children of Baron Isaac Baner, and 
excited their active sympathy. Means of travel were there- 
fore sent over to them, and they were brought to Sweden in 
the year 1727. Baron Isaac Baner was a grandson of the 
celebrated General John Baner, who succeeded Gustavus 
Adolphus in the command of the Swedish armies, one of 
the most illustrious of that brilliant school of commanders 
trained under the eye of the great Swedish king. 

An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 279 

Major Peter Jaquett, to whom we have already alluded, 
was another descendant of the Governor. He was the last 
surviving officer of the Delaware line in the Revolution. 
He served all through the war with much distinction, and 
was present at the surrender of Cornwallis. When Baron 
de Kalb was fatally wounded at the battle of Camden he 
fell into the major's arms. He was a member of the Society 
of the Cincinnati, and at one time vice-president. He is 
buried at the Old Swedes' Church at Wilmington, and on 
his slab are engraved the battles and sieges in which he par- 
ticipated. Lieutenant Joseph Jaquett, who was killed at 
the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776, was also a 

Not an uninteresting member of this family was Peter 
Jaquett, known as the Indian chief. Tradition says that, 
when a boy, he was stolen by the Indians, and when he 
became older returned to his people, but preferring the wild 
life of the Indian, went back to the tribe in which he had 
grown up. He became one of the principal sachems of the 
Oneidas. He had been taken to France by Lafayette, at the 
close of the Revolution, where he received an education. 
His death occurred in Philadelphia, March 19, 1792. His 
funeral was attended from Oder's Hotel to the Presbyterian 
burying-ground in Mulberry Street. The body was pre- 
ceded by a detachment of light-infantry of the city with 
arms reversed, drums muffled, and music playing a solemn 
dirge. Six of the chiefs followed as mourners, succeeded 
by all the warriors, the reverend clergy of all denominations, 
the Secretary of War and the gentlemen of the War De- 
partment, officers of the Federal army and militia, and a 
number of citizens. The concourse assembled on this occa- 
sion is supposed to have amounted to more than ten thousand 

Another descendant of Governor Jean Paul Jaquet was 
the late Rev. Joseph Jaquett, who was born in Philadelphia, 
March 9, 1794, and died May 24, 1869. In The Episcopalian 
of June 2, 1869, appeared the following obituary notice, 
written by the Rev. Dr. Van Pelt : 

280 An Account of Jean Paul Jaquet. 

" The Eev. Mr. Jaquett, whose departure from this life 
was announced in the last issue of The Episcopalian, was a 
native of this city, and a grandson of Dr. Joseph Pfeiffer, 
an eminent physician, well known to the inhabitants of 
Philadelphia of the last generation. He was ordained both 
Deacon and Presbyter by Bishop White, and was, by him, 
much respected for his learning and piety. At an early 
period of his ministry he became rector of St. James the 
Greater, Bristol, Pa., and subsequently of St. Matthew's, 
Francisville, Philadelphia. Being thoroughly acquainted 
with the original languages of the Scripture, he devoted a 
large portion of his time to the instruction of the theological 
students in Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic, and not a 
few are there of our bishops and Presbyters who are in- 
debted to him for much that they know of these important 

" In connection with the late Isaac Leeser, Y.D.M., Syna- 
gogue Mikhve Israel, Philadelphia, he edited the First 
American copy of the Hebrew Bible, and in the Latin in- 
troduction of that work, by Mr. Leeser, the literary and 
linguistic attainments of Mr. Jaquett are most gracefully 
acknowledged. With the Chinese, Japanese, Persian, 
Turkish, Sanscrit, Gaelic, Welsh, Irish, and Manx he had 
made himself more or less familiar. In reality, it may be 
asserted that there was scarcely a tongue spoken among the 
nations of the earth of which he had not some knowledge." 

His death was adverted to with terms of respect to his 
memory by Bishop Stevens in his Episcopal address to the 
Eighty-sixth Diocesan Convention of this State. In a letter 
from Chief-Justice Sharswood, who had been a student of 
Mr. Jaquett of the Syriac language, to the late Townsend 
Ward, Esq., secretary of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, dated September 29, 1874, he is spoken of in very 
high terms. His library, containing many rare books, is 
now in possession of his grandson, the writer. 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 281 


(Continued from page 167.) 

I was no sooner free, than I was highly solicitous to be 
employed in the mode most likely to render service. I had 
observed that Lord Cornwallis, now advancing from the 
southward, was often retarded by the temporary junction 
of the Militia with the Congressional troops. I knew the 
country, the capacity and genius of these men, and the 
necessity of obliging them to attend to desultory operations 
in their rear, to facilitate his Lordship's gallant endeavours. 
I, therefore, submitted a plan to the consideration of Sir 
Henry Clinton, wherein I proposed attacking some out-posts 
on the frontiers of the Middle Colonies, to possess myself 
of Pittsburgh, fortify the passes of the Allegeheney Moun- 
tains, and with Provincial troops, and Indian auxiliaries, 
act as emergencies might require. His Excellency was 
pleased to approve of this measure ; but as the season was 
too far advanced to arrive in proper time on the proposed 
field of action, by the circuitous route of the river St. Law- 
rence and the lakes, it was laid aside. 

In the month of April, 1781, I found myself very ill; 
but as his Excellency intimated early in June a wish that 
I should join the army under Lord Cornwallis, though I 
knew the danger of the hot climates to my constitution at 
that time, I did not suffer myself to hesitate a moment, but 
obeyed. I had hope, too, of here effecting another purpose ; 
about which I was extremely anxious. I was without a 
regiment, and was endeavouring to raise one at New- York ; 
but as the recruiting there went on very slowly, I flattered 

282 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

myself I might be enabled to compleat my corps to the 
southward; and before my departure, his Excellency was 
pleased to confirm my rank as Lieutenant Colonel in the 
Provincial line. 

Having joined Lord Cornwallis, and following him to 
York-Town, an enemy's fleet being daily expected on the 
coast, his Lordship appointed me to the command of the 
Virginia and North Carolina Loyalists, with a detachment 
of the York Volunteers. I was directed to move down to 
Back River, to protect the inhabitants of the Peninsula, 
lying between the Chesapeak-Bay and James River, who 
were exposed to the ravages of armed boats from the east- 
ern shore of Virginia. I had not marched above five miles 
on this expedition, before I was obliged to halt, being in- 
formed the French fleet had arrived, and that two seventy- 
four gun ships were actually at the entrance of York-River. 
I was, therefore, ordered to return to the vicinity of York- 

The men had underwent excessive fatigue in an inclement 
climate; had been obliged to drink noxious water; the 
horses in the legionary camp were lying dead in numbers ; 
the negroes that followed the army could hardly be buried 
fast enough ; and the putrescent eifluvia, that consequently 
followed, made the air too unwholesome for the small remains 
of vigour in my constitution to resist its effects. Lying in 
the field brought on a dysentery ; I was obliged to go into 
sick quarters ; and the disorder turned to a debilitating diar- 
rhoea, that reduced me to almost the last extremity. Re- 
maining in the town was certain death ; and the only remedy 
was a change of air. I had been invited by some loyal 
gentlemen to their houses, and as the inhabitants of the 
Peninsula had either been admitted to parole, or had taken 
the oath of allegiance, there seemed little danger in accept- 
ing the invitation ; yet, as it was possible, though, as I sup- 
posed, very improbable, I might again fall into the hands of 
the enemy, desperate as my state of health then certainly 
was, I would not venture into the country till I had first 
informed Lord Cornwallis of my wishes, and obtained leave ; 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 283 

which his Lordship, as humane as he is brave, instantly 
granted by the following note : 

HEAD-QUARTERS, 21st Sept. 1781. 

I am directed by Lord Cornwallis to inform you, that he 
most readily consents to your going to the country, or taking 
any other step that you think will contribute to the estab- 
lishment of your health ; his Lordship wishes you a speedy 
and perfect recovery ; and I am with great regard, 
your most obedient 

most humble Servant, 

A. Ross, Aid du Camp. 

Incapable of riding on horseback, I set out in a small 
sulkey, attended by two servants; and on the road, met the 
gentleman to whose house I was going, who informed me 
there was no danger ; and perceiving me to be very weak 
and exhausted, went with me to a contiguous gentleman's 
house, and introduced me to the family, advising me to 
repose till the sun declined, by which time he would return 
from York-Town, whither he was going, and accompany 
me home. My friend not returning so soon as I expected, I 
set forward without him, but had not proceeded far before 
three men, with fixed bayonets, rushed out of a thicket and 
made me and one of my servants prisoners. 

They drove my carriage into a forest of pines, and detained 
me till night for fear of a rescue, and then, by secret roads, 
conducted me to a place called New-Port-News, where I first 
learnt that General Washington was arrived at Williams- 
burgh, before whom, they insisted I must be taken, having 
no respect for my illness, nor any conception of admitting 
a prisoner, in such a predicament, to his parole. It perhaps, 
was happy for me, that they did not ; for the air, or exercise, 
or both, had such an effect upon me, that when I was put 
to bed, I slept upwards of three hours ; a refreshment to 

284 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

which I had been long a stranger. In fact, I have reason 
to believe, that though the misfortune of captivity seemed 
to haunt me, yet, in this instance it saved my life. 

From hence I was embarqued in a whale boat, and put on 
board a French ship Armee en Flute, when I had the good 
fortune to meet with Admiral Barras, with the Artillery 
officers of the French army, who treated me with all the 
tenderness and humanity, which the feelings and politeness 
of gentlemen could dictate. The next day I was sent on 
shore to General Lincoln, who behaved to me with every 
respect, sent one of his Aids to accompany me, and very 
obligingly furnished me with his own horse, as he was 
remarkably gentle and safe and no carriage to be had, to 
carry me to General Washington. 

I was now to see a man with whom I had formerly been 
upon a footing of intimacy, I may say of friendship. Poli- 
tics might induce us to meet like enemies in the field, but 
should not have made us personally so. I had small time 
for reflection ; we met him on horseback coming to view 
the camp. I can only say the friendly sentiments he once 
publicly professed for me, no longer existed. He ordered 
me to be conducted to the Marquis de la Fayette's quarters. 

From the Marquis I received every civility and attention ; 
and on account of my health, was entertained by him for 
three days, when being solicitous to avoid giving trouble, I 
was sent on parole by General Washington's orders, about 
sixty miles back into the country. Here I remained till I 
heard of the catastrophe at York-Town, and that the British 
officers were generally allowed to go into j^Tew-York. I 
thereupon wrote to the American Commissary General for 
passports, but could obtain no satisfactory answer. I applied 
to General Washington, and was equally disappointed. 
Being left alone, as it were, in an enemy's country, and 
no authority capable of granting my request remaining, 
except the Govenor's of Virginia, to him I had recourse. 
From this gentleman, I obtained permission to go to Phila- 
delphia, on receiving a written assurance from me, of sub- 
mitting myself there to those who had the supreme direction 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 285 

of prisoners. I did not reach this city till the 12th of 
December, when I applied to the Secretary of War, for 
leave to proceed to New-York, but soon found I had un- 
expected difficulties to encounter. I was detained at a 
public house above a fortnight, and then committed to prison 
by the following warrant, under the Seal of the Common 
Wealth, issued by the Executive Council, and signed by the 
President, a copy of which I demanded from the gaoler. 

You are hereby authorized and directed to receive into 
your custody, a certain John Connolly, an officer in the 
British service, charged with having broke his parole, given 
in the State of Virginia, and him safely keep until he be 
delivered in due course of law. 

Given under my hand and seal, in the Council Chamber, 
this twenty eighth of December, Anno Domini, 1782. 

W. MOORE, President. 

To the keeper of the gaol of the city 
and county of Philadelphia. 

The above is a true copy of the original remaining in my 


The pretence of a breach of parole was preposterous, and 
to be delivered from confinement for such an offence, by 
due course of law, was more so. I wrote to General Wash- 
ington on the occasion, but soon discovered he did not 
intend I should have left Virginia, and appeared determined, 
at first, that I should return. To this I could not volun- 
tarily accede, and I remained in prison till the 1st of March ; 
when, by the interposition of friends, I was at length per- 
mitted to go to New- York, provided I went from thence to 
Europe, where (at New-York) I arrived on the llth of the 
same month. 

I must here take notice, that the raising of my intended 
regiment became no longer practicable, as the officers whom 

286 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

I had warranted for that service, with the recruits raised in 
Virginia, had shared a common fate with the army at York- 
Town ; and those that remained at New- York, as soon as 
the war became merely defensive, were drafted into another 

When the fleet sailed, Sir Guy Carleton gave me permis- 
sion to come to England, for the recovery of my health, 
where I yet continue to receive my subsistence, as Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel in the Provincial service, as will appear by 
the annexed letter from the Secretary of State to his Ex- 
cellency Sir Guy Carleton. 

WHITEHALL, Feb. 24, 1783. 

Having laid before the king a letter from Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Delancey, Adjutant-General of the forces under your 
command, to Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly, acquainting him 
that some difficulties have arisen with regard to the pro- 
priety of issuing his pay in North- America, on account of 
his absence upon leave. lam, in obedience to his Majesty's 
commands, to acquaint you, that he is pleased to approve of 
your causing the pay due to Lieutenant Connolly to be 
issued to him, and of its being continued, from time to 
time, during his absence on leave. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient, 

humble servant, 



It is a duty incumbent on me to shew, that the truth of 
the foregoing narrative need not rest solely on my asser- 
tions, the following papers are authentic testimonials of its 
veracity : 

6 1 hereby certify, that Major John Connolly was appointed 
by me to the command of the militia of West Augusta 
County, in his Majesty's colony of Virginia; and that he 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 287 

exerted himself as a faithful officer, in the discharge of that 
duty, until the commencement of the rebellion, when the 
good of the King's service, and my own personal security, 
obliging me to withdraw from the seat of government, I 
authorized Major Connolly to adjust all differences with the 
adjacent Indian tribes, and to incline them towards his 
Majesty's interest. This service appeard to me to have been 
well performed, from the belts and speeches transmitted by 
their Chiefs through him to me, notwithstanding that Com- 
missioners from the Assembly (at that time resolved into an 
illegal convention), attended the treaty at Pittsburgh, in 
order to influence them to assist in their meditated opposi- 
tion, to the constitutional authority of this kingdom. 

Upon the performance of this service, in conformity to 
my direction, the troops under the command of Major Con- 
nolly at Fort Pitt, were discharged agreeable to the pro- 
vision made by the Act of Assembly ; and he repaired to 
me, through much difficulty, with a zeal and alacrity that 
bespoke the firmest loyalty. I immediately dispatched 
Major Connolly to Boston, informing General Gage of the 
situation of the colony at that period; and as Major Con- 
nolly had a formidable interest in the frontiers, I proposed 
his raising a body of men for his Majesty's service there, 
and in the contiguous parts of Quebec government, and to 
command an expedition, so as to co-operate w r ith me, for the 
reduction of the King's enemies, for which purpose he was 
invested with a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel Com- 
mandant, bearing date the 5th of November, 1775, with full 
powers to act as emergencies might require. In the exe- 
cution of this duty, Lieutenant- Colonel Connolly was un- 
fortunately made a prisoner, and continued as such, under 
the immediate direction of Congress, near five years, suffer- 
ing a constant state of confinement. I further certify, that 
Lieutenant-Colonel Connolly, from his loyalty and attach- 
ment to government, forfeited a very considerable sum of 
money due to him from the Assembly of Virginia, for his 
public services as an officer ; and that his estate was also 
confiscated; four thousand acres of his landed property 

288 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

having been patented by me, whilst I had the honour to 
preside as his Majesty's representative in Virginia/ 
Given under my hand the 25th day of October, 1782. 
(Signed) DUNMORE. 

1 1 certify, that Lieutenant- Colonel Connolly, came from 
his Excellency the Earl of Dunmore to Boston, in the year 
1775, and laid before me certain propositions for the sup- 
pression of his Majesty's enemies in the colony of Virginia; 
to promote which, I gave orders to a detachment of the 
King's troops, then in the Illinois, to receive the directions 
of Lord Dunmore ; and I further certify, that in the execu- 
tion of this duty, it was reported to me, that Lieutenant- 
Colonel Connolly was made a prisoner by the enemy, and 
that from every appearance, he manifested the greatest 
loyalty and attachment to the constitutional authority of 

Given under my hand, this 30th day of October, 1782. 
(Signed) THOMAS GAGE. 

"What I have said in this recapitulation will meet, I hope, 
on every hand, with a candid construction. It is a cutting 
reflection to find, on looking it through, that it is a tale of 
sickness and misfortunes, instead of a history of glorious 
actions and essential services ; but the assigned causes are 
surely a sufficient apology. The contemplative and humane 
must commiserate the infirmities of nature, whilst the mag- 
nanimous and enterprizing must dread similar impediments 
in the pursuit of glory. In my own vindication I have been 
obliged to speak of persons and things as they were, but I 
hope this has been done without exaggeration or malignity. 
I wish not to revive animosities had I the power, nor to 
complain of men who, whatever were their motives then 
for inflicting severities upon me in particular, are never 
likely to have the same cause, or the same opportunity. 
They, doubtless, thought themselves acting virtuously, and 
would plead the love of their country, in extenuation of 
errors ; I must do the same, with this addition, my virtues, 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 289 

in their eyes, became my crimes ; let not my misfortunes, 
in the eye of government, become my faults. I shall con- 
clude, with a few reflections on the nature of the Provincial 
service, before and during the Civil Wars, and of what I 
deem my consequent and reasonable claims on this country. 

Before the dismemberment of the British empire, the 
provincial officer in North America knew, with precision, 
upon what footing he took the field, to co-operate with 
British troops, to prevent incursion, or effect conquest. His 
rank was determined by the King, and wherever he acted 
in conjunction with his fellow-subjects of this country, either 
within his own province, or in another colony, every difficulty 
was obviated. He was considered as the junior officer : this 
was evidently an equitable and a sufficiently honourable 
mark of Royal favour. The loyalty that induced him to 
espouse the quarrels of Britain in America, promoted, like- 
wise, the security of his own property, and restored the 
blessings of peace and affluence to himself, his friends, and 
countrymen. Few reflected that it was as British colonists 
they were involved in the wars of Britain, or that a separate 
sj^stem of government could withhold them from seconding 
the interest of the parent state. As Englishmen they felt, 
and as Englishmen they were ready to act ; but as the entire 
professional soldier, select from the body of his fellow-sub- 
jects, was but of a temporary nature, and the return of peace 
replaced him in his former happy station, it would have been 
unjust to have expected the permanent rank and emoluments 
of him, who devoted himself wholly to the possession of the 
sword. It is the immunities of a member of this empire, 
founded upon the broad basis of equity and justice, that 
must give efficacy to reasonable pretensions. 

In former wars, when American subjects acted in con- 
formity to the orders of their sovereign, and were commis- 
sioned by the royal representative to military command, the 
pecuniary advantages annexed to the respective stations in 
which they appeared, arose from the acts of general as- 
sembly of the governments wherein they resided; and this 
provision more ample, or circumscribed, depended upon the 
VOL. xiii. 19 

290 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

temper or generosity of the different legislatures. The late 
unfortunate dispute, wherein not only the prerogative of 
the King, but the supremacy of the Parliament of his 
Kingdom, was the litigated cause hetween Britain and her 
colonies, and in the maintenance of which, the American 
loyalist who attempted to support this system as constitu- 
tional, took an active part, changed totally the nature of his 
political connexions. Cut off from his former dependance 
by the issue of the war, excluded from the privileges of the 
community to which he belonged, and deprived of his prop- 
erty as a mark of its displeasure and disapprobation of his 
conduct, to whom can he apply for retribution, but to that 
power which has been the source of his misfortunes ? Or 
how can he be more honourably or equitably treated in the 
society to which he is now attached, than by a provision in 
that line by which he became a sufferer. Congress have 
asserted, that we were destined by Britain to be hewers of 
wood, and drawers of water. The time is now arrived, 
when ample opportunity is allowed to contradict this un- 
generous aspersion, and full scope given to the exercise of 
that generosity of disposition and liberality of sentiment, 
for which I hope this nation will forever appear as the 
fairest candidate. The peculiarity of my case is without 
parallel, and my pretensions, if as successful as just can 
afford no precedent. The troops to be raised under my 
orders, both from Canada and Virginia, must illustrate the 
conditions upon which I entered the service, and plainly 
shew that my intended operations were not merely Colonial, 
as an inhabitant of Virginia, but that from the St Lawrence 
to the Mississippi, I was equally ready to obey the royal 
mandate. Commissioned as Lieutenant-Colonel, uncondi- 
tionally by the King's representative, at the commencement 
of the rebellion, and taken in the execution of my duty as 
a faithful servant of the Crown, held in captivity five years 
by the enemy, to prevent the efforts of my capacity, to dis- 
regard my claim, as the consequence of such misfortunes, 
my sufferings, my zeal, and loyalty, must then operate as 
my greatest faults ; and what I ever flattered myself, must 

Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 291 

argue in my favour, would unexpectly complete the measure 
of my disappointment from captivity. 

Upon my releasement, as the war was changed from an 
offensive to defensive one, in the Northern Colonies, and 
the prospect of raising a corps in circumscribed limits 
where I had no particular interest, hut faint and unprom- 
ising, the Commander in Chief, sensible of the hardness of 
my case, was pleased to confirm my rank in the provincial 
line. And I must beg leave to offer my being fully sub- 
sisted as Lieut. Col. and which I yet continue to receive, as 
a corroborating proof of my merits, and the propriety of 
my present requisition. 

In fact, feeling as I do, the cause of exultation the dis- 
appointment would afford my political enemies, and the 
oblique implied reflection upon my character, from a treat- 
ment less distinguishing than my loyal countrymen of the 
same rank, I must beg leave to insinuate, that I can receive 
no adequate recompence through any other channel. A 
compensation for my loss of estate is, in that case, all I 
require; and I shall endeavour to support this unmerited 
adversity, with that conscious dignity of mind, which I 
hope will never forsake me, and in a manner the least excep- 


292 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 



Rees Thomas and Martha Awhrey seem to have arrived 
in America late in the year 1691, both being passengers in 
the same vessel with a large number of other persons, mem- 
bers of the Society of Friends. They were engaged to be 
married prior to their departure from England. Rees 
Thomas appears to have been a native of Monmouthshire, 
a district closely bordering on Wales. The certificate fur- 
nished him by the Friends of Chepstow (a town not far 
from Bristol, from which emigrant vessels frequently sailed) 
testifies that he " had been very serviceable upon the ac- 
count of truth in all honest designs," and " one that walked 
according to the order of truth from his first convincement." 
And also that he was " of a meek and quiet disposition and 
well beloved of all sort, [and] descended of a good family." 

Martha Awbrey was descended from an ancient Welsh 
family, which, for many generations, had been seated in 
Brecknockshire. The pedigree of the family is preserved in 
an ancient roll or chart, dated 1633, in the hands of an English 
descendant. The chart also contains pedigrees of various 
families allied by marriage to the Awbreys, together with 
designs of coats of arms, about sixty in all. The Awbrey 
pedigree traces descent from Saunders de St. Awbrey, brother 
of Lord St. Awbrey, Lord Marshall of France and Earl of 
Boulogne, who came into England in 1066. The name 
seems to have been Teutonic, and was formerly Alberic or 
The White King. Sir Reginald Awbrey, knight, son of 
the former, " came to the conquest of Brecknockshire with 
Bernard Newmarke in 1092, by whom he was granted the 
manors of Aberkynfrig and Slwch" [Slough], 

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 293 

From Sir Reginald the descent of the family property is 
traced through twelve names, most of which represent gen- 
erations, to Richard Awbrey, of Aberkynfrig, who died in 
1580, having previously sold the ancient seat of the family 
at that place. His son, Richard Awbrey, married Anne, 
daughter of William Yaughan, and in right of his wife be- 
came Lord of the Manor of Llanelyw. He died in 1646, 
and was buried under the floor of the chancel of the church 
of Llanelyw. His grave is covered with a flat tombstone, 
forming part of the pavement, which has upon it the fol- 
lowing inscription : 

" Here lyeth the body of Richard Awbrey of Llanelyw 
Gent, who married Anne Yaughan daughter to William 
Yaughan of Llanelyw, who had issue William, Richard, 
Thomas, John, Theophilus and Elizabeth Died the 23 day 
of September 1646." 

The combined arms of the Awbrey and Yaughan families 
are also carved on the stone, and the inscription, as far as it 
precedes the statement of issue, runs around the four sides 
of the tablet, beginning at the top, and terminating at the 
upper end of the left-hand side. 

Richard Awbrey (the second) had several children, as 
above stated, of whom William, the eldest, and Thomas, the 
third son, as well as their father, were Puritans and Parlia- 
mentarians. The second son, Richard (the third), was an ad- 
herent of the king, and a clergyman, being vicar of Bough- 
rod in Radnorshire. William had no son, and the Llanelyw 
estate being entailed, the heir to it was the second brother, 
Richard. In order to keep the property in the hands of the 
descendants of Puritan stock, William, finding his death 
likely to be near, hastily married his only daughter, Eliza- 
beth, to her first cousin, William, the oldest son of his 
brother Thomas, both of them then being under age. This 
was in 1646, about a year before his decease, and by his will 
he sought to place his son-in-law in the position of a son of 
his own. Richard, the clerical brother and heir in tail, in- 
stituted legal proceedings to recover the property, but the 
matter was finally settled by arbitration, apparently in such 

294 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 

a way that the youthful couple, William and Elizabeth Aw- 
brey, were able to retain the Llanelyw estate. 

It is probable that William Awbrey was a member of the 
Society of Friends. It is certain that his sons, Richard and 
William (the latter of whom married Letitia Penn for his 
second wife), and his daughter, Martha, belonged to that 
religious denomination. He had ten children by his wife 
Elizabeth. He died in 1716, aged ninety, and was buried in 
Llanelyw churchyard, where is still to be seen an altar-tomb 
erected over his remains, with the following inscription : 

" Here lyeth the Body of William Awbrey of Llanelyw, 
Son of Thomas Awbrey Gent. Married Elizabeth daughter 
of William Awbrey. Had issue Ten. Richard, William, 
2 Thomas, Theophilus, Anne, Mary 2 Martha & Elizabeth 
Departed this life in Hope of a Joyful Resurrection, the 16 
of December 1716 aged 90." 

The figures 2 before the names Thomas and Martha in- 
dicate that there were two children of these names. There 
are tombstone inscriptions at Llanelyw, showing that the 
first Martha died in 1662, and the first Thomas in 1669. 

Rees Thomas settled in Merion, where he acquired a con- 
siderable body of land, upon parts of which the present vil- 
lages of Bryn Mawr and Rosemont stand. He was married 
to Martha Awbrey at Haverford, on the 18th of the Fourth 
Month, 1692. The phraseology of the marriage certificate 
evidently presents the very words used by the parties when 
taking each other in marriage. The following extract is 
given : 

" The said Rees Thomas solemnly declared, friends I arn 
standing here in the presence of God and before you I do 
take Martha Awbrey to be my wedded wife and by God's 
assistance do promise to be true and loving and faithful 
unto her and to behave myself unto her as becomes a man 
to behave himself towards his wife so as to continue till death 
part us. In like manner the said Martha said I am here 
in the presence of God and before you I also take Rees 
Thomas to be my husband and I do promise to love him 
and make much of him till death part us." 

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merlon. 295 

A few years after their marriage, Rees and Martha Thomas 
wrote jointly to her aged father. The original of this letter 
is still preserved in the hands of a descendant. It is dated, 
" Ye 29th day of y e 2d Mo 1695," and is addressed, " Most 
dear & tender Father." The following extracts will be found 
interesting, the original spelling being preserved : 

" Our dutyfull and harty Respects salute thee hopeing 
these few lines will find thee in good health as I & my 
wife & two children are all this present time my son 
Aubrey was borne y e 30th day of y e llth month and y e 
fourth day of y e weeke 1694 his mother and he now very 
harty praysed be to y e Lord for ye same I doe understand 
y* thou were not well pleased y* my oldest son [Rees] was 
not caled an Aubrey. I will assure thee I was not against 
it, but my neibors wood have him be caled my name, 
being I bought y e Land and I So beloved amongst them. I 
doe admite to what thee sayes in thy Letter y* an Aubrey 
was beter known than I : though I am hear very well 
aquanted with most in those parts, he is y e first Aubrey in 
Pensilvania and a stout boy he is of his age, being now a 
quarter. My unkle John Bevan came over very well and a 
good voyage he had, he tould me he had seen thee twise, 
which we were very glad of thy well keeping in years and 
also hopeing noe vexation nor trouble will come upon thee 
upon either hand which will be a great exercise to us to hear 
of nothing but what will atend to thy goodness : hopeing 
my brother Richard and his wife will make much of thee in 
thy ould age, thy dater & I would wish to see thee hear and 
I hope wood be a nurse to thee in thy ould age I was now 
very sorry to hear of y e death our brother "William his wife, 
where in ther was great commendation of her integrity in 
y e truth by severall hear y* knows her and I will writ to him." 

" I have been very weake in body y e Last winter having 
a great fite of sickness, but y e Lord pleased to recover me 
& bring me up agen blessed be y e Lord for his goodness & 
tender delings to me both outwordly & inwordly : my wife 
had her health very well all a Longe since shee came to y e 

296 Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merlon. 

" I lost much time in going to faires and markets. "Wil- 
liam Fishier of Kose formerly [is] now Living in Phila- 

" Thy dater desires thee to aquaint her of her age in ye 
next letter. My son Rees Remembers his Love to his 
Granfather and also to his nanty Anne, he doth speake 
very Liberally but unkle is a hard word for [him], his Love 
is to Richard, a brave bould boy he is now without a mayd 
servant for they are very scarce hear, upon noe terms an or- 
dinary man of seven or eight pounds att Lest and cannot 
have them upon no account." 

" I had about 16 score busels of wheat this year. I have 
15 heds of cattle, six horses what dyed this winter, for it 
was a hard winter, they say they never saw y e like of." 

In addition to the two children named in the foregoing 
letter, Rees and Martha Thomas had a third son, William. 
Of these, Rees and William left descendants. Awbrey 
visited England and married Gulielma, the only daughter 
of William Penn, Jr., and grand-daughter of the Founder. 
He did not long survive his marriage, and died without 
issue, probably in England. 

Rees Thomas survived his wife a number of years. Martha 
died in 1726. 1 After her death a small book was published 
by S. Keimer, entitled " A collection of Elegiac Poems de- 
voted to the Memory of the late virtuous and excellent 
Matron and worthy Elder in the Church of Christ of the 
Society of Friends Martha Thomas, late wife of Rees 
Thomas of Merion of the County of Philadelphia in the 
Province of Pennsylvania and Daughter of William Awbrey 
of Llanelien in the County of Brecknock in Great Britain 
who departed this life the 7th of 12th Mo. 1726/7." 

A modern edition of the same, bearing the above title, was 
printed by Lydia R. Bailey, Philadelphia, 1837. 2 

1 Martha Thomas was buried in the burial-ground adjoining the 
old Friends' meeting-house in Radnor, the ninth of the Twelfth 
Month, 1726. 

2 Any one knowing where a copy of either edition of the above work 
can be seen will confer a favor by informing the writer. G. V. 

Rees Thomas and Martha Awbrey, Early Settlers in Merion. 297 

[Since the foregoing was in type a copy of the reprint of 1837 of the 
" Elegiac Poems" above referred to has been placed in my hands. These 
poems, three in number, are of a low order, and valuable only as indi- 
cating the character of Martha Thomas, to whose memory they are 
" devoted." 

The compiler has prefixed to the poems an address to the reader, 
which constitutes a fair summary of the points of character brought to 
view. The following extracts from this address are appended : 

" We are told in the sacred oracles, ' that the righteous shall be had 
in everlasting remembrance ;' and there is the highest reason for it ; that 
their virtues might shine, as so many lights, to direct others in the paths 
of truth and holiness." 

" The subject of the following lines was a person who comes under 
the character before mentioned, who as her life was exemplary, so her 
memory is and will be precious to all those who were acquainted with 

" Her whole life was a continual monitor and was as a preacher, 
whether considered as a wife, a mother, an elder in the church, a mis- 
tress, a neighbor or a friend." 

" As her life was righteous, so her death was sweet and the Father of 
mercies was graciously pleased, according to her desire to favor her with 
her [faculties] even to her last moments."] 

298 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

25, 1777, TO JULY 4, 1778. 

1777, September 25. This has been a day of great con- 
fusion in ye city. Enoch Story was the first to inform us 
that the English were within 4 or 5 miles of us we have 
since heard they were by John Dickinson's place and are 
expected to-night. Most of our warm people have gone off. 
G. Napper brings word that he spoke with Galloway, who 
told him that the inhabitants must take care of the city to- 
night, and they would be in in the morning. As it rained, 
they fixed their camp within 2 miles of the city. Numbers 
met at the State House since 9 o'clock to form themselves 
into different companies to watch the city. 

Sept. 26. Well ! here are the English in earnest ! About 
2 or 3000 came in through Second Street, without opposi- 
tion. Cornwallis came with the troops Gen. Howe has 
not arrived. 

Sept. 27. About 9 o'clock this morning the Province and 
Delaware frigates, with several gondollas came up the river 
with a design to fire on the city, but they were attacked by 
a battery which the English had erected at the lower end of 
the city. The engagement lasted about half an hour many 
shots were exchanged ; one house struck, but not much 
damaged, and no body that I have heard, hurt on shore. 
The cook on the Delaware 'tis said had his head shot off, 
and a man wounded. She ran aground, and by some means 
took fire, which occasioned her to strike her colors. The 
English boarded her and the others drew off. Admiral 
Alexander and his men were taken prisoners. Part of this 
scene we witnessed from the little window in our loft. 

Sept. 29. Some officers are going about this day number- 
ing the houses with chalk on the doors. A number of the 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 299 

citizens taken up and imprisoned, among them are John 
Hall, Jacob Bright, Tom Leech, Jacob Douche and William 

October 1. Several fire-rafts which were sent down the 
river in order to annoy the fleet, ran ashore and were burnt. 

Oct. 4. Before I arose this morning I heard cannon firing ; 
understood from inquiry that a part of Washington's army 
had attacked the English picket guards near Chestnut Hill. 
This has been a sorrowful day in Philadelphia, and much 
more so at Germantown and thereabouts. It was reported 
in the forenoon that 1000 of the English were slain, but 
Chalkley James told us that he had been as far as B. Chew's 
place, and could not learn of more than 30 of the English 
being killed, though a great number were wounded and 
brought to the city. He counted 18 of the Americans lying 
dead in the lane from the road to Chew's house, and the 
house is very much damaged as a few of the English troops 
had taken shelter there, and were fired upon from the road. 
The last accounts towards evening was that the English 
were pursuing Washington's troops, who were numerous, 
and that they were flying before them. The Americans are 
divided into three divisions, one over Schuylkill, another 
near Germantown, and the third I know not where, so that 
the army with us are chiefly called off, and a double guard 
this night is thought necessary. Washington is said to be 
wounded in the thigh. 

Oct. 6. The heaviest firing I think I ever heard was this 
evening for upwards of two hours ; supposed to be the Eng- 
lish troops engaged with Mud Island battery. An officer 
called this afternoon to ask if we could take in a sick or 
wounded captain, but I put him off by saying that as my 
husband was from me, I should be pleased if he could obtain 
some other place. 1 Two of the Presbyterian meeting- 
houses are made hospitals of for the wounded soldiers, of 
which there are great numbers. 

1 On September 2 Mrs. Drinker's husband was arrested by Colonel 
William Bradford, and with other Friends, on September 11, exiled to 

300 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

Oct. 8. Sister with Billy, the two Hannah Catherels and 
Molly Pleasants, went to the play-house, the State House, 
and one of the Presbyterian meeting houses, to see the 
wounded soldiers. 

Oct. 9. Firing last night, and heavy firing this morning 
from 5 o'clock 'till between 6 and 7 it was the frigate and 
the gondollas playing upon the English, who were erecting 
a battery on or near the banks of the Schuylkill. 

Oct. 10. Jenny and Harry went to the State House with 
Coffee and Wine "Whey for the wounded Americans they 
are in the long room. Humphrey's paper came out to-day. 

Oct. 11. The battery on Province Island was taken this 
morning from the English, and retaken in half an hour. 

Oct. 18. The troops at German town are coming within 
two or three miles of the city to encamp. Provisions are 
very scarce ; I paid 36 shillings for 24 Ibs Candles ; 2/6 per 
Ib for mutton and 7/6 for butter to-day. 

Oct. 20. There has been a skirmish this morning between 
Germantown and the city ; and this afternoon heavy firing 
below the city. About 18 flat boats came up last evening, 
safely passing the gondollas. Tom Prior taken up to-day on 
suspicion of sending intelligence to Washington's army. 

Oct. 22. From our garret window I saw 2000 Hessians 
carried on flat boats to Jersey. There has been application 
made by the English for blankets, as the fleet is at a distance, 
and they lost a great number in the battle near Germantown. 

Oct. 23. Richard Wain was arrested and sent to New 
York. He had the choice of three things, either to go to jail, 
take the Test or go within the English lines the latter was 
chosen. The Hessians who crossed the river on the 22d 
were driven back in endeavoring to storm the fort at Red 
Bank. The firing this morning was incessant from the 
battery, the goudollas and the Augusta 64. The latter took 
fire and after burning near two hours blew up. The loss of 
this fine vessel is accounted for in different ways some say 
she took fire by accident, others that it was occasioned by 
red-hot shot from Mud Island battery. Another English 
vessel, somewhat smaller, was also burned. Many of the 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 301 

inhabitants are very much affected by the present situation 
and appearance of things, while those of the other side of 
the question are flushed and in spirits. It was near noon 
when the Augusta blew up ; many were not sensible of any 
shock, others were, but it was very plain to all those who 
were at meeting, and felt like an earthquake. 

November 5. A soldier came to demand blankets, which 
I did not in any wise agree to, but notwithstanding my re- 
fusal, he went up stairs and took one, and in seeming good 
nature begged I would excuse his borrowing it, as it was by 
Gen. Howe's orders. We have not bought a pound of but- 
ter for three or four weeks all we get from our cow, is 
about two pounds per week. 

Nov. 7. Sally and Nancy, with Hannah Drinker and 
Nancy Wain went this afternoon to Philips's Rope-walk to 
see the redoubts which are erected thereabouts. 

Nov. 12. Poor beef is now sold for 8/ per Ib. ; Veal, 4/ ; 
Butter, 7/6; Chocolate, 4/6 ; Brown Sugar, 6/; Candles, 2/6; 
Flour, what little there is at 3 per 100 ; Oak wood as it 
stands 17/ to 20/ per cord, and scarcely possible to get it cut 
or hauled. 

Nov. 16. The Mud Island battery is at last taken ; the 
Americans left it about midnight, when it was supposed the 
English were about to storm it. 

Nov. 19. Gen. Cornwallis left the city the day before 
yesterday at 2 o'clock in the morning with 3000 men. 

Nov. 21. I was awakened this morning before 5 o'clock 
by the loud firing of cannon. The Americans had set fire 
to their whole fleet, except one small vessel and some of the 
gondollas, which passed by the city in the night. Billy 
counted eight vessels on fire at once in sight one lay near 
the Jersey shore opposite our house. We heard the ex- 
plosion of four of them, and had a fair sight of them from 
our upper windows. 

Nov. 22. There has been skirmishing several times to-day 
between the Americans and the picket-guards. About 11 
o'clock they drove them off, when some took shelter in 
John Dickinson's house and others thereabouts ; the Eng- 

302 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

lish thereupon set fire to these houses and burned them to the 
ground. The burning of these houses 'tis said is a pre- 
meditated thing, as they serve for skulking places and much 
anoy the guards they talk of burning all houses within 
four miles of the city without the lines. John Dickinson's 
house, that in which C. Tomson lived, Jon. Mifflin's, the 
widow Taylor's, John Bayard's, A. Hodge's and many others 
were burned. 

Nov. 24. It is an agreeable sight to see the wharves 
lined with shipping, and numbers have come up to-day. The 
poor people for sometime have been allowed to go to Frank- 
ford mill and other mills in that direction for flour. 

December 1. There is talk to-day, as if a great part of the 
English army were making ready to depart on some secret 
expedition. The old wind mill on the island, was pulled 
down one day last week. 

Dec. 2. M. Story called to borrow for Joseph Galloway, 
who is going to housekeeping, some bedding, tables, &c. 

Dec. 18. An officer who calls himself Major Cramond 
called this afternoon to look for quarters for some officers of 
distinction. I plead off, but he would persuade me that it 
was a necessary protection at these times to have one in the 
house he will call again in a few days. He behaved with 
much politeness, which has not been the case at many other 

Dec. 19. Lord Cornwallis has sailed for England, which 
occasions various conjectures, and Lord Howe is going to 
New York. Gen. Howe intends 'tis said to winter with us, 
and I hope he is a better man than some people think him. 

Dec. 20. A meeting was held at Mary Pemberton's, as 
the Fourth Street meeting-house is taken for the poor, who 
are turned out of the House of Employment, for the soldiers. 

Dec. 25. Last night an attack was made on the lines, but 
did not succeed a cannon ball came as far as the barracks. 

Dec. 27. A certain something, a piece of clockwork, a 
barrel with gunpowder in it, was found in the river near the 
Roebuck man-of-war, and destroyed a boat near it. Several 
others have been found. [" Battle of the Kegs."] 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 303 

Dec. 29. Major Cramond, 1 we have at last agreed to his 
coming here he stayed to tea. 

Dec. 30. Major Cramond took up his abode with us to- 
day, with one servant (two others he boarded at Wells'). He 
has two horses and a cow. 

Dec. 31. Major Cramond, who is now one of our family, 
appears to be a thoughtful, sober young man, and his ser- 
vant orderly, which is a great favor to us. 

1778, January 1. Major Cramond has three horses, three 
cows, two sheep, two turkeys with several fowls, in our 
stable. He also has three servants, two white and one 
black boy named Damon. 

Jan. 5. Major Cramond had eleven or twelve officers to 
dine with him to-day they made very little noise and left at 
a seasonable hour. Most of our acquaintances seem much 
taken with our Major, and I hope he will continue to de- 
serve their good opinion. A number of those floating bar- 
rels of gunpowder continue coming down the river; there 
has been frequent firing at them to-day. 

Jan. 20. The play house was opened last night for the 
first time. Our Major attended. 

Jan. 27. The troops returned from two days foraging, 
and it is amazing to see the great quantities of hay they 
brought in (70 loads have been taken from Abel James). 
"What will they do when the present supply is gone, large as 
it seems ? I am told it will last but a little time, for 'tis 
said twenty four tons per day are used. 

Jan. 29. Our Major staid out last night 'till between 12 
and 1 o'clock, at a concert at head-quarters, and I fear he will 
do the same to-night, as he is gone to an Assembly. 

March 17. A great crowd of Irish soldiers went by this 
afternoon, with one on horseback representing St. Patrick. 

April 5. I left home after dinner, went to Molly Pleas- 
ants, where a great number of our Friends 'met to take 
leave of us [to go to see her husband]. We (S. Jones, 

1 John Cramond, of the Fourth, or " The King's Own," regiment of 

304 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

Phoebe Pemberton, M. Pleasants and myself) took coach 
about 2 o'clock with four horses and two negroes who rode 
postilion. Owen Jones, Mary and Hannah Pemberton, ac- 
companied us to the Ferry, over which we passed without 
difficulty. "We went no further than John Roberta's mill, 
about 10 miles from home, where we were kindly received 
by the woman of the house and her daughters, the owner 
at this time being a refugee in town. In the evening came 
a scouting party of near 100 men. Two of their officers 
came into the house, saying that they heard there were 
ladies from Philadelphia; asked how far it was to the city ; 
they were strangers, and had recently come from New Eng- 

April 6. Left Roberta's after breakfast, and proceeded to 
the American picket guard, who upon hearing that we were 
going to head-quarters [Valley Forge], sent a guard with us 
to Col. Smith, who gave us a pass. Arrived at head-quar- 
ters about half-past one o'clock ; requested an audience with 
the general; sat with his wife (a sociable, pretty kind of 
woman until he came in) ; a number of officers there, who 
were very complaisant Tench Tilghman among the num- 
ber. It was not long before G. "W. [George Washington] 
came and discoursed with us freely, but not so long as 
we could have wished, as dinner was served, to which he 
had invited us. There were fifteen of the officers, besides 
the General and his wife, Gen. Greene and Gen. Lee. "We 
had an elegant dinner which was soon over, when we went out 
with the General's wife to her chamber and saw no more 
of him. He told us that he could do nothing in our busi- 
ness further than granting us a pass to Lancaster, which he 
did, and gave a letter to Israel Morris for Thomas Wharton. 
After dinner, as we were coming out of the room, who should 
we see but Isaac Penington and Charles Logan, who had 
been captured at Darby. They are to be sent back to the 
city, the general giving them a pass. We all came together 
to James Yaux's, who came over to invite us ; crossed the 
large bridge over the Schuylkill just by his house, and 
lodged there. 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 305 

April 7. Left James Vaux's after breakfast ; changed one 
of our horses for C. Logan's ; found the roads very bad. 
Dined at Randall Mellor's, proceeded to Robert Valentines, 
where we lodged. 

April 8. Left Valentine's after breakfast, and dined at 
Thomas Truman's on the usual fare, Bacon and Eggs. 
Lodged at James Moore's in Sadsbury, Lancaster County. 

April 9. Becky Moore and her husband breakfasted with 
us. Dined at James Gibbons, and while we were at dinner 
several Friends arrived from meeting, from whom we 
learned that our Friends by order of the Council had been 
taken to Shippensburg and there discharged. When we 
reached Lancaster we drove directly to Thomas Wharton's 
door, we were admitted with others, but desired to speak to 
him by himself. We had half an hour conversation with 
him, but not very satisfactory. As they were going to 
Coffee, we drank a cup with his wife and the rest of the 
company. We returned to Webbs by moonlight, where we 
lodged. Timothy Matlack paid us a visit this evening. 

April 10. We arose by times this morning, and after 
breakfast went to Lancaster. Timothy Matlack waited on 
us and undertook to advise us perhaps with sincerity. We 
visited three of the Councillors. After the Council had sat 
sometime Timothy came for our address, which was signed 
by all the women concerned ; he would come for us at the 
proper time. After waiting above an hour he informed us 
that our presence was not necessary, and put us off in that 

April 25. I can recollect nothing of the occurrences of 
this morning. About one o'clock my Henry [Drinker] ar- 
rived at Webb's, just in time to dine with us. All the rest 
of the Friends came this day to Lancaster. 

April 27. We were visited by several Menonists and 
many others. Our Friends applied to the Council this 
morning for a proper discharge, which was not granted, but 
permission to pass to Pottsgrove was all that would be given. 

April 28. About 8 o'clock we took leave of the family, 
and turned our. faces homeward. 
VOL. xiii. 20 

306 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

April 30. We reached the city about 11 o'clock and found 
our families all well. 

May 9. Gen. Clinton arrived here yesterday. 

May 14. Major Cramond had a concert this afternoon, 
seven or eight officers with him ; D r Knowles one of them 
came into our parlor and had some conversation with Henry. 
There are some movements in the army, which we do not un- 
derstand the heavy cannon are ordered on board the ships, 
and some other things look very mysterious. 

May 16. Yesterday Col. Gordon drank tea with us. 
Some of the officers have orders to pack up their baggage. 

May 18. This day may be remembered by many from 
the scenes of folly and vanity, promoted by the officers of 
the army under pretence of showing respect to Gen. Howe, 
now about leaving them. The parade of coaches and other 
carriages, with many horsemen, through the streets towards 
the Northern Liberties, where great numbers of the officers 
and some women embarked in three galleys and a number 
of boats, and passed down the river before the city, with 
colors displayed, a large band of music, and the ships in 
the harbor decorated with colors, saluted by the cannon of 
some of them. It is said they landed in South wark and 
proceeded from the waterside to Joseph Wharton's late 
dwelling, which has been decorated and fitted for the occa- 
sion in an expensive way for this company to feast, dance 
and revel in. On the river sky rockets and other fireworks 
were exhibited after night. How insensible do these people 
appear, while our land is so greatly desolated, and death and 
sore destruction has overtaken and impends over so many. 

May 19. De Demar, an Anspach officer took tea with 
sister he quarters at Folwells. A large number of the 
British troops marched out this evening, the light-horse 
and cannon also. 

May 20. The troops which left the city last evening 
returned to-day, having accomplished nothing. 

May 22. The officers have orders to put their baggage 
on board the vessels. Our Major [Cramond] packed up his 
matters to-day for that purpose. 

Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 307 

May 23. The army 'tis thought are going in reality to 
leave us to evacuate the city. Some hope 'tis not the 
case, though things look like it, and many of the inhabitants 
are preparing to go with them. 

May 24. The baggage of the officers going on board all 

June 6. The Commissioners arrived to-day from Eng- 
land, also Lord Cornwallis. A visit from Gen. Washington 
is not so soon expected, as a day or two past, nor does it 
look so likely that the British troops will so soon leave us. 

June 8. Orders this day for the two regiments of An- 
spachers to embark; our Major goes with them. The 
troops appear to be all in motion. J. C.[ramond] sup'd 
with us and has gone to bed, to be called at one o'clock to 
go off with his company. I intend to sit up until he goes. 

June 9. Our Major left us a little past one this morning, 
and was very dull at taking leave. Sister and self remained 
at the door until the two regiments (which were quartered 
up town) had passed. J. C. bid us adieu as they went by. 
It was a fine moonlight morning. 

June 15. Three regiments of Hessians passed our door, 
to take boat up town. 

June 16. The troops moving all day. Enoch Story took 
leave of us ; he and his family are going with the fleet. 

June 17. Troops still crossing the river. Capt. Ford 
and Richard Wain took leave of us to-day, as did our John 
Burket; Sammy Shoemaker has gone on board one of the 
vessels and many others of the inhabitants. 

June 18. Last night it was said there was 9000 of the 
British troops left in town, 11,000 in Jersey. This morn- 
ing when we arose, there was not one red-coat to be seen 
in town, and the encampment in Jersey had vanished. Col. 
Gordon and some others had not been gone a quarter of an 
hour, before the American light-horse entered the city, not 
many of them they were in and out all day. " A bellman 
went about this evening by order of one Col. Morgan, to 
desire the inhabitants to stay within doors after night, that if 
any were found on the streets by the patrol, they would be 

308 Extracts from the Journal of Mrs. Henry Drinker. 

punished. The few that came in to-day had drawn swords in 
their hands, galloped about the streets, and frightened many 
by their appearance. 

June 19. The English have in reality left us, and the 
other party took possession again they have been coming 
in all day, part of the artillery, some soldiers and the old 
inhabitants. Washington and his army have not come, 'tis 
said they have gone otherways. 

June 22. The store and shopkeepers ordered to shut up 
and render an account of their goods. 

July 2. The Congress came in to-day, and cannon were 

July 4. A great fuss this evening, it being the anniver- 
sary of Independence firing of guns, sky rockets, &c. 
Candles were too scarce and high for illuminations. 

The Ordinance of 1787. 309 



In the April number of this magazine for the year 1888 
we printed some extracts from the "Life, Journals, and 
Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler," describing his visit to 
New York and Philadelphia in the year 1787, and took 
occasion to say that we could not agree with the views ex- 
pressed elsewhere in the volumes, that in the formation of 
the Ordinance of 1787 for the government of the North- 
west territory Dr. Cutler rendered an all-important influ- 
ence. It was our intention to have returned to the subject 
long before this, and, now that it is again taken up, we find 
that it has been the theme of a number of essays and ad- 
dresses called forth by the celebration in 1888 of the cen- 
tennial anniversary of the settlement at Marietta under the 
auspices of the Ohio Company. These investigations have 
been so numerous that any further consideration of the 
matter may look like a work of supererogation ; but in all 
that has appeared, that we have met with, the same conclu- 
sion has been reached, that when Dr. Cutler visited New 
York in July, 1787, to negotiate for the purchase of a tract 
of land for the Ohio Company, he shaped the Ordinance 
adopted by Congress on July 13, 1787, for the government 
of the Northwest territory. Some indeed go so far as to 
argue that Dr. Cutler brought the Ordinance with him from 
New England and made the adoption of certain provisions 
found in it a sine qua non in the purchase of land. 

The most thorough piece of work called forth in this 
discussion is the address by John M. Merriam, Esq., before 
the American Antiquarian Society, entitled " The Legisla- 
tive History of the Ordinance of 1787," in which he shows 
that nearly every distinctive feature of the Ordinance was 

310 The Ordinance of 1787. 

before Congress, at one time or another before it was framed. 
Towards the close of his argument, however, Mr. Merriam 
falls in line with the other investigators, and after quoting 
from the diary of Dr. Cutler, describing a visit he paid to 
General Rufus Putnam previous to his journey to New 
York, Mr. Merriam says, " These passages from Cutler's 
diary show conclusively that he went to New York armed 
with great power, and for definite purposes which had been 
discussed and agreed upon with Rufus Putnam before he 
started. The precise articles in the final Ordinance which 
were due to the foresight and wisdom of Putnam and Cutler 
cannot now be precisely pointed out. It seems probable, 
however, in view of the earlier stand taken by Putnam and 
Pickering and their associates, that provisions for the support 
of religion and education, and the prohibition of slavery, 
were among the terms of the negotiation. It is only upon 
this supposition that the readiness of Congress to agree 
upon the sixth article (that prohibiting slavery) can be ex- 

The Hon. George F. Hoar, in his oration delivered at 
Marietta, April 7, 1888, after reviewing the whole subject, 
said : " From this narrative I think it must be clear that the 
plan which Rufus Putnam and Manasseh Cutler settled in 
Boston was the substance of the Ordinance of 1787. I do not 
mean to imply that the detail or the language of the great 
statute was theirs. But I cannot doubt that they demanded 
a constitution, with its unassailable guarantees for civil 
liberty, such as Massachusetts had enjoyed since 1780, and 
such as Virginia had enjoyed since 1776, instead of the 
meagre provisions for a government to be changed at the 
will of Congress or of temporary popular majorities, which 
was all Congress had hitherto proposed, and this constitu- 
tion secured by an irrevocable compact, and that this de- 
mand was an inflexible condition of their dealing with 
Congress at all." 

Dr. William F. Poole, in his address delivered as presi- 
dent of the American Historical Association, at a meeting 
of that body at Washington, December 26, 1888, after re- 

The Ordinance of 1787. 311 

viewing the history of the Ordinance of 1787, summed the 
matter up in the following language : 

" In view of its sagacity and foresight, its adaptation for 
the purpose it was to accomplish and the rapidity with which 
it was carried through Congress, the most reasonable expla- 
nation, as it seems to me, of the origin of the Ordinance is, 
that it was brought from Massachusetts by Dr. Cutler, with 
its principal and main features developed ; that it was laid 
before the land committee of Congress on July 9 as a sine 
qua non in the proposed land purchase, and that the only 
work of the Ordinance Committee was to put it in a form 
suitable for enactment. The original draft may have been 
made by either of the eminent men who were the directors 
of the Ohio Company, Rufus Putnam, Manasseh Cutler, 
or Samuel Holden Parsons, but more likely was their joint 
production. Dr. Cutler says that on the day he left Boston 
he met General Putnam and * settled the principles on which 
I am to contract with Congress for lands, on account of the 
Ohio Company.' In passing through Middletown, Conn., 
on his way to New York, he spent one day with General 
Parsons, and says, in his journal, < It was nine o'clock this 
morning before General Parsons and I had settled all our 
matters with respect to my business with Congress.' They 
were the persons most interested in the enactment of such 
an Ordinance ; and without it their scheme of Western set- 
tlement would have failed. The New England emigrants 
must feel that they were taking with them to the North- 
west their own laws and institutions. Hence the draft was 
made largely from the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, 
which these settlers had helped to frame. By this consti- 
tution slavery was abolished, personal rights secured, insti- 
tutions of religion and education fostered, and the most 
advanced principles in the settlement of estates and the 
administration of justice established. Mr. Dane, as the 
Massachusetts member of the committee, and most familiar 
with its laws, was the person to whom the duty of writing 
the final draft and reporting it to Congress would naturally 
be assigned." Mr. Dane, Dr. Poole says, in another part 

312 The Ordinance of 1787. 

of his address, was the " scribe of the committee," and 
again, " Mr. Dane's record does not favor the theory that 
the Ordinance was his." 

The editor of the life of Cutler, while treating the matter 
more generally, and endeavoring to trace the idea of the erec- 
tion of a State in the Western territory and its government 
from its earliest inception, is scarcely less positive in the 
opinion he expresses that nearly every distinctive feature in 
the Ordinance was so in accord with the known sentiments of 
Cutler and his associates that it is obvious that these features 
were the result of their influence, and that the Ohio Com- 
pany of Associates was organized " for the purpose of carry- 
ing into effect the long-cherished objects connected with 
their future homes." Dr. Cutler, he continues, in dealing 
with Congress, " kept steadily in view the two great objects 
of his mission : one was to procure land upon terms that 
would be acceptable to the Associates ; the other to secure 
such organic law as would make the new State a congenial 
home for himself and his neighbors." And again, " It was 
just as necessary to yield to the wishes and plans of the As- 
sociates in the governmental system that was to be imposed 
upon their future homes as it was to meet their views in 
regard to land purchase." And "When Dr. Cutler placed 
this scheme before Congress he could appeal honestly and 
urgently for the establishment there of such civil and social 
institutions as would meet his own wants and those of his 
neighbors as pioneer settlers." 

The Rev. Edward Everett Hale, in an address at Marietta, 
after asserting that Dr. Cutler " succeeded in doing in four 
days what had not been done in four years before," said, 
" What was the weight which Manasseh Cutler threw into 
the scale ? It was not wealth ; it was not the armor of the 
old time. It was simply the fact, known to all men, that the 
men of New England would not emigrate into any region 
where labor and its honest recompense is dishonorable. 

" The New England men will not go where it is not hon- 
orable to do an honest day's work, and for that honest day's 
work to claim an honest recompense. They never have 

The Ordinance of 1787. 313 

done it, and they never will do it; and it was that potent 
fact, known to all men, that Manasseh Cutler had to urge in 
his private conversation and in his diplomatic work. When 
he said, ' I am going away from New York, and my con- 
stituents are not going to do this thing,' he meant exactly 
what he said. They were not going to any place where 
labor was dishonorable, and where workmen were not 
recognized as freemen." 

Before entering into any argument or expressing any dis- 
sent to the above views we will endeavor, for the benefit of 
those unacquainted with the facts of the case, to give briefly 
and impartially the essential portions of the evidence con- 
nected with the history of the " great Ordinance." 

As early as 1783, when the army of the Revolution was 
about to be disbanded, a number of officers from Massa- 
chusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, and 
Maryland petitioned Congress for a grant of land on the 
Ohio, on which they proposed to settle. It was their inten- 
tion to establish a " new State," and for this object an agree- 
ment was drawn up, one clause of which provided for the 
exclusion of slavery from the State to form an essential and 
irrevocable part of the constitution. This, it is believed, 
was the work of Timothy Pickering, who, with Rufus Put- 
nam, was active in forwarding the proposed settlement. 
The company also hoped to obtain a grant of land for the 
support of the ministry and schools. The Western terri- 
tory, however, had not at that time been ceded to Congress 
by the several States claiming it, and nothing was done in 
the matter. 

In 1784, after Virginia had ceded her right to the Western 
territories to the United States, a report was presented to 
Congress by a committee appointed to prepare a plan for 
the temporary government of the Western territory. This 
is known as Jefferson's plan, as it was drafted by him. It 
provided for the government of the territory ceded or to 
be ceded by the individual States, whensoever the same 
shall have been purchased of the Indian inhabitants and 

314 The Ordinance of 1787. 

offered for sale by the United States. By it the territory 
ceded was divided into ten States, and each one was enabled 
to adopt the constitution of any of the original States for its 
temporary government, subject to such amendments as a 
Legislature might suggest. Each State, thus organized, 
could send a member to Congress, with the right of de- 
bating, but not of voting, and upon gaining a population of 
twenty thousand was to be admitted into the Union under 
a permanent constitution, and to full representation in Con- 
gress when its population should equal that of the least 
numerous of the original States. It provided that both the 
temporary and permanent constitutions of the States be es- 
tablished on the principles that they should forever remain a 
part of the United States, and that their governments should 
be republican in form ; that they should be subject to the 
Articles of Confederation the same as the original States 
were, and obliged to pay their share of the Federal debt as 
apportioned by Congress. They were not to interfere with 
the primary disposal of the soil by the United States, and 
under the temporary government the lands of non-residents 
were not to be taxed higher than those of residents. 

The articles of this Ordinance were made a compact 
between the original States and the States it was proposed 
to form. In Jefferson's original report the following clause 
was made one of the principles on which the State consti- 
tutions should be formed, and a part of the compact : 
" That after the year 1800 of the Christian era there shall 
be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the 
said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted to have been per- 
sonally guilty." It was, however, stricken out by Congress, 
and the Ordinance as amended remained in force until it 
was repealed by the final clause of that of 1787. 

On March 8, 1785, Timothy Pickering wrote to Rufus 
King, then in Congress, earnestly protesting against the ad- 
mission of slavery into the Western territory. " For God's 
sake, then," he wrote, " let one more effort be made to pre- 
vent so terrible a calamity ! The fundamental constitutions 

The Ordinance of 1787. 315 

of those States are yet liable to alterations, and this is prob- 
ably the only time when the evil can certainly be prevented." 
In the same letter he said, " I observe there is no provision 
made for ministers of the Gospel, nor even for schools and 
academies, though after the admission of slavery it was 
right to say nothing about Christianity." 

Eight days after this letter was written, King offered the 
following resolution in Congress : " That there shall be 
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the States 
described in the resolves of Congress of the 23d of April, 
1784, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the 
party shall have been personally guilty ; and that this reg- 
ulation shall be an article of compact, and remain a fun- 
damental principle of the constitutions between the thirteen 
original States, and each of the States described in the said 
resolve of the 23d of April, 1784." 

The resolution was referred to a committee of three, of 
which King was chairman, his colleagues being Howell and 
Ellery, of Rhode Island. Their report was presented on 
April 6. It went back to Jefferson's proposition of 1784, 
prohibiting slavery after the year 1800, and coupled with 
it the fugitive slave clause as subsequently incorporated in 
the Ordinance of 1787. Its operation was confined to the 
proposed States. It was to be considered on the 14th of 
April, but a land ordinance was then being formed by Gray- 
son, who on May 1 wrote to Madison that King would re- 
serve his resolution prohibiting slavery in the new States 
until the laud ordinance was passed. King's resolution does 
not appear to have received further attention. The land 
ordinance, that Grayson spoke of, as first framed reserved 
the central section of each township for the support of 
schools, and the one north of it for the support of religion, 
but as the act passed on May 20, the provision for the sup- 
port of religion was omitted. 

In 1786 a committee was appointed to report a temporary 
government for the " Western States." The object was to 
supply a uniform temporary government for the new States, 
in which the persons and rights of settlers would be pro- 

316 The Ordinance of 1787. 

tected, in place of permitting the citizens to select the con- 
stitution and laws of one of the older States and adapting 
it to their purposes by amendments. Monroe was chairman 
of the committee, and its report bears his name. It recom- 
mended a redivision of the territory as soon as the consent 
of the individual States that ceded it had been obtained. 
It proposed that Congress should appoint a governor, a 
council of five members, and a secretary for the territory or 
States. The duties of these officers were defined. It also 
provided for a court of five members, who should have 
common-law and chancery jurisdiction, and an existing code 
of laws was to be adopted to suit the occasion. "When a 
population of a certain size was reached by a State, a House 
of Representatives was to be chosen to act with the gover- 
nor and council, and from that time until the State was 
fully represented in Congress it could maintain a sitting 
member. The limit of the temporary government was 
fixed as in Jefferson's plan. Nearly all of its provisions 
were adopted, but the clause making it a compact binding 
on both the old and new States was omitted. The plan as 
presented to Congress on May 10 was a mere outline, and 
it was recommitted. Before it was completed, petitions 
were received from the inhabitants of the Western territory, 
praying for the establishment of a government that would 
make some provisions for both criminal and civil justice. 
Monroe's colleagues were Johnson, of Connecticut ; King, 
of Massachusetts ; and Kean and (Charles) Pinckney, of 
South Carolina. Before the committee had completed its 
report, Monroe, King, and Kean were succeeded by Me- 
lancthon Smith, of New York ; Henry, of Maryland ; and 
Dane, of Massachusetts. The committee thus formed, of 
which Johnson was chairman, presented its report on the 
21st of September. It was an elaboration of Monroe's plan. 
It provided for a governor, council, secretary, a court, and 
the adoption of a code of laws. The duties of the officers 
were defined, and were about the same as Monroe proposed. 
The court was to consist of three members. A House of 
Representatives was to be elected as soon as five thousand 

The Ordinance of 1787. 317 

free male adults resided within a district. The qualifications 
for a representative were based on Monroe's report. The 
inhabitants were to pay part of the Federal debts, con- 
tracted, or to be contracted, as the citizens of the other 
States, and were entitled to the benefits of the act of habeas 
corpus and of the trial by jury. No provision was made 
for a non-voting member in Congress, and the States could 
not be admitted to full representation until their population 
was equal to one-thirteenth part of the citizens of the origi- 
nal States and the consent of Congress. Like Monroe's 
plan, it contained no clause making it a joint compact 
between the States, as proposed by Jefferson. 

It was discussed on the 29th, and then all sight is lost 
of it until the 26th of April, 1787, when it was presented 
by the same committee to the new Congress. It reached 
a second reading on May 9, and was made the order of 
business for the 10th. On that day its consideration was 
postponed, and on the 12th it was found that so many mem- 
bers had left New York to attend the Federal Convention 
in Philadelphia that a quorum did not attend. No business 
was transacted after that until July 4. 

While the attention of Congress was thus directed to the 
importance of furnishing a more efficient form of govern- 
ment for the Western territory, than the Ordinance of 1784, 
events elsewhere show that the subject of Western emigra- 
tion was being seriously considered. 

In January, 1786, Rufus Putnam and Benjamin Tupper, 
two of the signers of the petition to Congress asking for a 
grant of land in 1783, issued a card in a newspaper of the 
day, inviting the Massachusetts soldiers who were entitled 
to land in the Western territory, under an act of Congress, 
to meet together and organize an association to be known 
as The Ohio Company, to form a settlement in the Ohio 
country. The meeting was held on March 1, and articles 
of agreement were entered into, one of which provided for 
" the purchase of lands in some one of the proposed States 
northwesterly of the river Ohio, as soon as those lands are 
surveyed and exposed for sale by the commissioners of Con- 

318 The Ordinance of 1787. 

gress, according to the ordinance of that honorable body, 
passed the 20th of May, 1785, or on any other plan that 
may be adopted by Congress not less advantageous to the 
company." The scheme was well received, and attracted 
wide attention; but it was found that under the land ordi- 
nance of May 20, 1785, it would not be possible for the 
company to purchase a compact body of land, and the price 
asked by Congress was considered too high. To overcome 
these difficulties, on March 8, 1787, a committee composed 
of General Samuel Holden Parsons, General Eufus Putnam, 
and the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, was appointed to make ap- 
plication to Congress " for a private purchase of land," or, 
in other words, for a purchase on terms different from those 
proposed in the ordinance. 

Parsons was selected to bring the matter before Congress, 
and on the 9th of May he presented his memorial to that 
body. Before it was acted upon, however, so many mem- 
bers of Congress absented themselves to attend the Federal 
Convention in Philadelphia that it was impossible to obtain 
a quorum, and he returned to his home in Connecticut. 
The proposition he made to Congress did not, it appears 
from a letter of Cutler, meet with the approval of the com- 
pany, as they did not think well of the location which he 
proposed. Suspicions were indeed excited that General 
Parsons might have views separate from the interest of the 
company, and it was decided that as soon as Cutler learned 
that a quorum of Congress had assembled he should attend 
as agent of the company in place of Parsons. In the latter 
part of June he prepared to visit New York. On June 25 
he was at Cambridge, and records in his journal that he rode 
to Boston, " conversed with General Putnam. Received let- 
ters. Settled the principles on which I am to contract for 
lands on account of the Ohio Company. . . . Left Boston 
for Dedham half-after six." 

On the evening of the 30th he reached the home of Gen- 
ral Parsons. The next day being Sunday, he preached for 
Mr. Huntington, and spent the afternoon with him, and on 
July 2 he recorded : " It was 9 o'clock this morning before 

The Ordinance of 1787. 319 

General Parsons and I had settled all our matters with 
respect to my business with Congress." 

On July 5 he arrived in New York, and on the 6th he 
says : " At 11 o'clock I was introduced to a number of mem- 
bers on the floor of Congress chamber in the City Hall by 
Colonel Carrington, member from Virginia. Delivered my 
petition for purchasing lands for the Ohio Company, and 
proposed terms and conditions of purchase. A committee 
was appointed to agree on terms of negotiation and report 
to Congress. 

Monday, July 9, " Attended the Committee before Con- 
gress opened." The same day he dined with some clergy- 
men at Dr. Rodgers's. " It was with reluctance," he says, 
" that I took my leave of this agreeable and sociable company 
of clergymen, but my business rendered it necessary. At- 
tended the committee at Congress Chamber. Debated on 
terms, but were so wide apart that there appears little pros- 
pect of closing a contract." On the same day Congress 
referred the report, that had been interrupted on its third 
reading on May 10, to a new committee, consisting of Car- 
rington, Dane, Richard Henry Lee, Kean, and Smith. 

July 10. " This morning," writes Cutler, " another confer- 
ence with the committee. . . . As Congress was now engaged 
in settling the form of government for the Federal territory, 
for which a bill had been prepared and a copy sent to me, 
with leave to make remarks and propose amendments, and 
which I had taken the liberty to remark upon, and to pro- 
pose several amendments, I thought this the most favorable 
opportunity to go on to Philadelphia. Accordingly, after I 
had returned the bill with my observations, I set out at 7 
o'clock, and crossed North River to Paulus Hook." 

The Ordinance Committee made its report on July 11. 
It was read a second time on the 12th and a third time on 
the 13th, when it finally passed. This was the great Ordi- 
nance. It provided that the territory northwest of the Ohio 
River, while under temporary government, should be one 
district, to be divided into two when found necessary. It 
provided for the distribution of estates of residents and non- 

320 The Ordinance of 1787. 

residents dying intestate, a widow to receive one-third of the 
personal estate and a life-interest of one-third of the real 
estate, the remainder being equally divided between the chil- 
dren or their heirs. From Johnson's report was taken the 
proposition of appointing a governor, council, secretary, and 
court, nearly the same language being used in defining their 
duties. A House of Representatives was also to be chosen 
when the population of a district reached five thousand. A 
delegate to Congress, with the right of debating but not of 
voting, as proposed by Jefferson and Monroe, was conceded 
to the States until admitted to full representation. 

That portion of the Ordinance which related to the time 
when the States would be under a temporary form of gov- 
ernment was followed by six articles which it declared 
should be considered as a compact between the original 
States and the people and States in the territory, and to 
forever remain unalterable unless by common consent. 
This idea was taken from Jefferson's report of 1784. 

The first and second articles were evidently copied from 
the Bill of Rights of one or more of the original States. 
They secured to the people civil and religious liberty, trial 
by jury, and the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus. Here 
it was also said that no law ought ever to be made or have 
force in the territory that should interfere or affect private 
contracts or engagements previously formed. 

The third declared that religion, morality, and knowledge 
are necessary for good government and the happiness of 
mankind, and schools and the means of education should 
forever be encouraged. It also provided that good faith be 
observed towards the Indians. 

The fourth article contained, in substance, the six pro- 
visions in Jefferson's report, together with that securing 
navigation of the waters leading into the Mississippi and 
the St. Lawrence. 

The fifth provided for the division of the territory into 
not less than three nor more than five States. When a 
State contained sixty thousand free inhabitants its delegates 
were to be admitted into Congress on an equal footing with 

The Ordinance of 1787. 321 

those of the original States. Its permanent constitution 
was then to be formed, which was to be republican, and in 
conformity with the principles of the Ordinance. 

The sixth article was that which forever prohibited slavery 
in the territory. The language used was that of King's 
original resolution, coupled with the fugitive slave clause, 
taken from the report of the committee to which his reso- 
lution had been referred. This article was added on the 
second reading of the bill. 

The most minute contemporaneous account we have of 
what was done in Congress while the Ordinance was being 
considered is in a letter from Nathan Dane to Rufus King, 
then in Philadelphia, dated July 16, 1787. In it he enclosed 
him a copy of the act, and said, " We have been employed 
about several objects, the principal of which have been the 
government enclosed and the Ohio purchase ; the former, 
you will see, is completed and the latter will probably be 
completed to-morrow. We tried one day to patch up M.'s 
p system of W. government, started new ideas and com- 
mitted the whole to Carrington, Dane, R. H. Lee, Smith, 
and Kean. We met several times, and at last agreed on 
some principles ; at least Lee, Smith, and myself. We found 
ourselves rather pressed. The Ohio Company appeared to 
purchase a large tract of the federal lands about six or seven 
millions of acres and we wanted to abolish the old system 
and get a better one for the government of the country, 
and we finally found it necessary to adopt the best system 
we could get. All agreed finally to the enclosed plan except 
A. Yates. He appeared in this case, as in most others, not 
to understand the subject at all." [Mr. Dane then gives his 
views on the division of the territory and the population 
necessary for the admission of a State, and continues], 
" When I drew the Ordinance (which passed a few words 
excepted as I originally formed it), I had no idea the States 
would agree to the sixth article prohibiting slavery, as only 
Massachusetts, of the Eastern States, was present, and there- 
fore omitted it in the draft ; but finding the house favorably 
disposed on this subject, after we had completed the other 
VOL. xiii. 21 

322 The Ordinance of 1787. 

parts I moved the article, which was agreed to without op- 
position. "We are in a fair way to fix the terms of our Ohio 
sale, etc. We have been upon it three days steadily. The 
magnitude of the purchase makes us very cautious about 
the terms of it, and the security necessary to insure the 
performance of it." l 

The day after the letter was written, Dr. Cutler returned to 
New York from Philadelphia, and renewed his negotiations 
with Congress, and it was not until the 19th that he was fur- 
nished with a copy of the Ordinance. " It is," he wrote, " in 
a degree new modeled. The amendments I proposed have 
all been made except one, and that is better qualified." It 
was regarding Congressional taxation and representation. 

This in brief is all the contemporaneous evidence there 
is, and the reader has before him an epitome of everything 
of that character on which the conclusion is based that Dr. 
Cutler and his colleagues were virtually the authors of the 
Ordinance of 1787. In reviewing it, we wish it distinctly 
understood that we would gladly accord to Dr. Cutler all 
the honor that has been claimed for him were it not that we 
consider such a verdict at variance with the truth of history 
and unjust to many others who did much to create the 

The Ohio Company was without doubt the outcome of 
the proposition that was made by the officers of the army 
in 1783 to establish a new State in which slavery should be 
unknown and in which religion and education should be 
encouraged, as some of the men prominent in the old 
scheme were prominent in the new. The circumstances, 
however, under which the Ohio Company was formed were 
very different from those that existed in 1783. Then there 
were no provisions for the government of the territory or 
for the sale of land, but in 1784 a resolution for the former 
passed Congress, and in 1785 an ordinance for the latter 
was adopted. Consequently, when the Ohio Company was 
formed it did not propose to establish a new State, but to 
1 Bancroft's " History of the Constitution," Vol. II. p. 430. 

The Ordinance of 1787. 323 

purchase land in one of those that it was proposed to erect 
under the resolution of April 23, 1784, and their purchase 
was to be made in accordance with the land ordinance of 
May 20, 1785. 

There is nothing but argument to support the assertion 
that the government of the territory was the subject of con- 
versation between Cutler and Putnam and Cutler and Par- 
sons when the good doctor was on his way to seek an inter- 
view with Congress. This argument is based on the entries 
in Cutlers's diary that with Putuam he settled the principles 
on which he was to contract for lands, and that it was nine 
o'clock on the morning of July 2, before General Parsons 
and he had settled all matters with respect to his business 
with Congress. We do not see that the language here used 
indicates that anything but pecuniary matters were the sub- 
ject of discussion, and to assert otherwise is, we think, going 
beyond safe historical conclusions. The interviews, it will 
be noticed, were brief. "With Putnam Cutler spent but the 
portion of a day ; with Parsons he remained longer, but the 
greater part of the time being Sunday was occupied in 
preaching for and visiting Mr. Huntington. And here let 
us ask, Which is the most probable, that this instrument, so 
admirably suited for the work it was to perform, whose 
* wisdom has called forth such unstinted praise, and which, 
exercised so powerful an influence in shaping the destinies 
of the country, which is the most probable, that this should 
have been the result of the hasty visits that Cutler paid to 
Putnam and Parsons, or the work of a deliberative body, 
appointed for the purpose, composed of men some of whom 
had already given the matter serious attention, and all more 
or less familiar with the character of the work required, 
having at their command the archives of Congress contain- 
ing the record of all that Congress, or the committees of 
Congress, had ever done in the matter ? 

There is not a scintilla of evidence that Dr. Cutler ever 
made the adoption of what are claimed as his views in the 
ordinance of 1787 a sine qua non in the purchase of land. 
Great stress has been laid upon the frequent mention made 

324 The Ordinance of 1787. 

in his diary of his conferences with the committee, hut the 
committee thus alluded to was the one to which his memo- 
rial for the purchase of land had been referred. He makes 
no mention of the committee having the ordinance for the 
government of the territory in charge. He merely says Con- 
gress was now engaged in settling the form of government 
for the Federal territory. 

"When Dr. Cutler returned to Few York after visiting 
Philadelphia he renewed his negotiations for the purchase 
of land. On several occasions he despaired of bringing 
them to a successful conclusion, and threatened to withdraw 
his offer and purchase of some of the States having unoc- 
cupied land for sale. These threats the Doctor confessed 
were only " bluff," but it has been argued that they were to 
induce Congress to incorporate his views in the Ordinance 
for the government of the territory. Nothing can be farther 
from the truth. When Dr. Cutler returned to New York 
on the 17th of July the Ordinance was a law, and after its 
final passage no attempt was made for years to alter it in 
any way whatever. 

The strongest evidence there is to show that Dr. Cutler 
exercised any influence in the formation of the Ordinance 
of 1787 are the entries in his diary that a draft of the plan 
proposed for the government of the territory was sent to 
him and he was invited to make remarks on it and propose 
amendments ; that he did so, and after the final passage of 
the Ordinance found that with one exception all that he had 
suggested had been incorporated in it. Sixty-five years 
after the Ordinance had passed, Dr. Cutler's son said that his 
father had told him in the winter of 1804-5 that that por- 
tion relating to the prohibition of slavery had been prepared 
by him. A copy of the Ordinance is also said to have been 
seen in the papers of the Ohio Company, with a memoran- 
dum on it that the provisions relating to religion, education, 
and slavery were inserted at Dr. Cutler's instance. This is 
not good historical evidence ; but suppose it all true, does it 
show anything but that he suggested what had been again 
and again before Congress for its consideration ? 

The Ordinance of 1787. 325 

It is also claimed that it was absolutely necessary for the 
success of the undertaking that the law for the government 
of the territories should be in perfect accord with New 
England ideas, and that New England men would not have 
gone there if slavery had not been prohibited and civil and 
religious liberty secured as they were under the Massachu- 
setts constitution of 1780. Unfortunately for the argument, 
the Association entered into by the members of the Ohio 
Company contradict it. The company was formed March 
3, 1786, to purchase land mthe Ohio country under the land 
ordinance of May 20, 1785. No provision was made for the 
purchase of land anywhere else, and at that time the terri- 
tory was under the government of Jefferson's resolution of 
1784, and by it (as passed) slavery was not prohibited or 
civil and religious liberty secured. 1 On May 30, 1787, Put- 
nam and Cutler, writing to Sargent, said, if they could not 
secure the land they had in view, " we think of giving up 
the idea of making a purchase as a company." Nowhere 
in their correspondence, or in the journal of Cutler, is there 
the slightest hint that the government of the territory, or 
the admission of slavery into it, would influence their action, 
nor in the pamphlets issued by the Ohio and Scioto Compa- 
nies do we find this feature of the Ordinance dwelt upon 
as one that would encourage emigration. 

So far from Dr. Cutler's considering the prohibition of 
slavery in the territory an essential matter that would in- 
fluence him in purchasing land of Congress, it does not 
appear to us that it had any weight with him whatever. If 
it had been otherwise we do not believe he would have 

1 It was well, indeed, for the future of the Northwest territory that the 
question of admitting slavery into it was not allowed to rest on the un- 
certain language of the Massachusetts constitution of 1780. The only 
clause in it touching on slavery is the first article of the Declaration of 
Bights, declaring that " all men are born free and equal, and have cer- 
tain natural essential and inalienable rights." The same clause is to be 
found in the constitutions of several of the other States and in the Dec- 
laration of Independence. But nowhere else was the construction 
placed on it that it abolished slavery, and it was not until 1783 that that 
conclusion was reached in Massachusetts. 

326 The Ordinance of 1787. 

chosen the very time the question was coming up before 
Congress for consideration to have left New York and 
visited Philadelphia. Dr. Poole acknowledges this, but 
thinks that Dr. Cutler knew the disposition of the commit- 
tee and of Congress, and was confident that the Ordinance 
would contain the article prohibiting slavery. Setting aside 
the improbability of Dr. Cutler being able to obtain the 
sense of Congress on a bill that had not been framed, or of 
his attempting such a piece of lobbyism, we have incontro- 
vertible evidence that when the Ordinance was presented to 
Congress the article prohibiting slavery was not in it. Dr. 
Poole thinks that the article was agreed upon in the com- 
mittee, and was omitted by Dane, who restored it when on 
the second reading he found the House would consider it 
favorably. This is supported by the language of Dane's 
letter to King of July 16, which reads : " When I drew the 
Ordinance (which passed a few words excepted as I origi- 
nally formed it), I had no idea the States would agree to the 
sixth article prohibiting slavery, as only Massachusetts, of 
the Eastern States, was present, and therefore omitted it in 
the draft ; but finding the house favorably disposed on this 
subject, after we had completed the other parts I moved the 
article, which was agreed to without opposition." Before 
writing this, however, Dane said that the subject of the 
government of the Western territory had been discussed 
by Congress, that new ideas had been started and the 
whole sent to a committee. That the members met several 
times, " and at last agreed upon some principles." Now, 
if it had been decided in the committee to report the article 
on slavery, is it probable that Dane would have taken the 
responsibility of omitting so important a feature ? Taking 
Dane's entire letter into consideration, it conveys the idea to 
our mind that the matter was called to the attention of the 
committee, and that it was either decided to omit it, or it was 
left an open question, and that Dane acted on his own re- 

With regard to the willingness of Congress to exclude 
slavery from the Northwest territory in 1787, after having 

The Ordinance of 1787. 327 

voted down Jefferson's resolution in 1784, the reason is 
clear so far as the earlier vote is concerned. Jefferson's 
ordinance was for the government of territory ceded, or to 
be ceded, to the United States by the individual States. 
His first draft provided for the division of territory as far 
south as the thirty-first degree of latitude, which would 
have included all of the present States of Kentucky, Ten- 
nessee, Alabama, and Mississippi. As enacted, only the 
territory north of the Ohio was divided into States, but the 
words " ceded or to be ceded" were allowed to remain. 
The Ordinance of 1787 was only for the government of the 
territory northwest of the Ohio River. 1 

From this it is obvious that the Southern States would not 
vote for Jefferson's proposition because it would have pro- 
hibited slavery in the Southwest when that country should 
be ceded to the general government, but when and why 
they were willing to accept the Ohio River as the division 
between slave and free territory is not so clear. That they 
would have done so in 1784 is doubtful. The next year, 
when King proposed to at once prohibit slavery north of 
the Ohio, the delegates of every State south of Maryland in 
Congress voted against it with the exception of Gray son of 
Virginia. Maryland gave two votes in its favor and one 
opposing it. Every State from there north (with the excep- 
tion of Delaware, which was not represented) voted unani- 
mously in favor of the proposition. From this it will be 
seen that at that time party lines were in accord with geo- 

1 Its title was copied from the amended title of Johnson's ordinance, 
which at first read, " For the Temporary government of the Western 
Territory of the United States." Amended, it read, "For the Tem- 
porary Government of the United States Territory North West of the 
Ohio River," and so read the Ordinance of 1787 with the exception of 
the word temporary. Jefferson's proposition has been criticised by 
writers when considering the Ordinance of 1787, because it permitted 
slavery to exist in the Northwest until 1800, and it has been argued 
that to have allowed the institution to take root in the territory would 
have been a fatal mistake. The fact appears to have been overlooked 
that it was intended to have had effect over the Southern territory, 
where slavery did exist, and it is probable the sixteen years were al- 
lowed to permit the citizens to prepare for the change. 

328 The Ordinance of 1787. 

graphical lines. When King's resolutions had been altered 
so as to permit slavery in the Northwest until the close of 
the century, Grayson wrote, " I expect seven States may be 
found liberal enough to adopt it." About the same time, 
however, Charles Thomson, the secretary of Congress, said 
in a letter to Richard Peters that there was great dissatisfac- 
tion " on account of the backwardness in the Southern States 
to cede to the United States their claim to Western lands. 
And now it seems the measures necessary to be taken to 
render useful the cession and purchases made, are to be ob- 
structed by men of the South, because the East and North 
wish to keep slavery out of the new States." 

From the first agitation of the question, there were men 
in the South like Jefferson and Grayson, who would gladly 
have prohibited slavery, not only in the Northwest territory 
but in any territory that should ever come under the control 
of Congress. So also, there were Southerners like Carring- 
ton who with wonderful foresight saw, in the sale to the 
Ohio Company, the " means of introducing into the country, 
in the first instance, a description of men who will fix the 
character and politics throughout the whole territory and 
which will probably endure to the latest period of time." 
But these men were men of fixed principles. They did not 
join a majority, but a majority joined them, and it is for the 
causes that brought this about that we must look. 

The wonderful unanimity shown by the Southern members 
on July 13, 1787, in favor of the Ordinance is pretty good 
evidence that they thought Southern interests would be 
served by its passage. Grayson writing to Monroe twenty- 
six days after its passage said, " The clause respecting 
slavery was agreed to by Southern members for the purpose 
of preventing tobacco and indigo being made on the north- 
west side of the Ohio as well as for several other political 
reasons." Grayson's opinion on this point is worthy of 
great consideration. A Virginian himself, and at the time 
acting president of Congress, no one could have known 
better than he did the arguments that moved the Southern 
members. Nevertheless we think it must have been the 

The Ordinance of 1787. 329 

political reasons not specified that had the greatest weight. 
What they were we can only surmise. The financial condi- 
tion of the country made it important that no reasonable op- 
portunity should be lost to dispose of public lands, and it is 
certain that the final consideration of the Ordinance of 1787 
was precipitated by the offer of the Ohio Company to pur- 
chase a large tract. Grayson also thought that the settle- 
ments on the Ohio would shortly extend to the Mississippi, 
thus forming a barrier between the Indians and Kentucky, 
" greatly validating the lands on the" south of the Ohio. 

There was another political reason that undoubtedly had 
weight with Grayson, and may have influenced some of his 
followers, as it could not but affect a question of all-absorb- 
ing interest to the South. Between 1784 and 1787 the 
Southern States were greatly excited over the refusal of 
Spain to permit of a free navigation of the Mississippi. 
Their territory extended to that river, and they feared that 
unless their back settlements were allowed free access to 
the Gulf of Mexico they would cut loose from the Confed- 
eration and seek an alliance with Spain. It was evident 
that the North and the East would sacrifice the right to 
navigate the Mississippi for commercial privileges that 
would only benefit themselves. To overcome their pre- 
ponderance in Congress the South " neglected no opportu- 
tunity of increasing the population and importance of the 
"Western territory," and hoped to draw there the inhabitants 
of New England " whose ungrateful soil . . . favored emi- 
gration." By this means they expected in a short time to 
increase the Southern vote in Congress. That these were 
their aims in 1786 is asserted by Otto, the French charge at 
New York, in a letter to Yergennes. 1 Otto came into con- 

1 " The Southern States," wrote Otto, " are not in earnest when they 
assert that without the navigation of the Mississippi the inhabitants of 
the interior will seek an outlet by way of the lakes and will throw them- 
selves into the arms of England. They know too well the aversion of 
their compatriots to that power, and the difficulty of conveying heavy 
cargoes through the rivers which lead to Canada. But the true motive 
of this vigorous opposition is to be found in the great preponderance of 
the Northern States, eager to incline the balance toward their side ; the 

330 The Ordinance of 1787. 

stant contact with the Southern members, and watched with 
jealous interest everything touching the relationship of 
Spain with the United States and reported it to his master. 
"When he wrote of the South endeavoring to increase the 
population of the Western territory he evidently spoke of 
the Southwest territory, as no settlements of importance 
had been made north of the Ohio. If the South was actu- 
ated by these motives in 1786 in order to secure the freedom 
of the Mississippi, and quiet the dissatisfaction in its West- 
ern territory, is it not highly probable that it would have 
followed the same course towards the Northwest in 1787, 
under the supposition that when that country, watered by 
the tributaries of the Mississippi, was settled, the inhabi- 
tants, no matter where from, would affiliate with them in 
demanding the right to float with the current of the Missis- 
sippi to the sea ? 

That these reasons influenced Grayson are evident from 
his speeches made in the Virginia Convention to consider 
the Federal Constitution, just one year after the passage of 
the Ordinance of 1787. In them he so clearly echoes the 

Southern neglect no opportunity of increasing the population and im- 
portance of the Western territory and of drawing thither by degrees the 
inhabitants of New England, whose ungrateful soil only too much favors 
emigration. Ehode Island has already suffered considerably from the 
new establishments of Ohio, and a great number of families daily leave 
their homes to seek lands more fertile and a less rigorous climate. This 
emigration doubly enfeebles New England, since on the one hand it 
deprives her of industrious citizens, and on the other it adds to the pop- 
ulation of Southern States. These new territories will gradually form 
themselves into separate governments ; they will have their representa- 
tives in Congress, and will augment greatly the mass of the Southern 

" All these considerations make evident to the South the necessity of 
promoting by all sorts of means their establishment in the West, and 
from this point of view a treaty with Spain appears to them most de- 
sirable. But if this treaty contains only stipulations in favor of Northern 
fisheries, far from strengthening themselves against the too great prepon- 
derance of the Northern States, they would furnish them with new arms, 
by increasing their prosperity and the extension of their commerce." 
Otto to Vergennes, September 10, 1786, Bancroft's "History of the 
Constitution," Vol. II., p. 392. 

The Ordinance of 1787. 331 

sentiments expressed in Otto's letter that the conclusion is 
irresistible that he was Otto's authority. His remarks in 
the convention were called forth by the fear that under the 
provision in the Federal Constitution for making treaties 
the Mississippi would not be as safe as under the Arti- 
cles of Confederation. " If the Mississippi was yielded to 
Spain," he said, "the migration to the western country 
would be stopped and the Northern States would not only 
retain their inhabitants, but preserve their superiority and 
influence over those of the South. If matters go on in 
their present direction there will be a number of new States 
to the westward population may become greater in the 
Southern States the ten miles square may approach us ! 
This they [the Northern States] must naturally wish to 
prevent." 1 

"Their language [the Eastern States] has been let us 
prevent any new States from rising in the western world, 
or they will outvote us. ... If we do not prevent it, our 
countrymen will remove to those places instead of going to 
sea, and we shall receive no particular tribute or advantage 
from them." 2 

" If things continue as they now are," he argued, " emi- 
gration will continue to that country. The hope that this 
great national right will be retained, will induce them to go 
thither. But take away that hope by giving up the Missis- 
sippi for twenty-five years and the emigration will cease." 3 

" When the act of Congress passed respecting the settle- 
ment of the western country, and establishing a State there, 
it passed in a lucky moment. 4 I was told that that State 
[Massachusetts] was extremely uneasy about it ; and that in 
order to retain her inhabitants lands in the province of 
Maine were lowered to the price of one dollar per acre." 5 

" If the Mississippi be shut up emigration will be stopped 
entirely. There will be no new States formed on the western 

1 Elliot, III., 292. 3 Ibid., 343. 8 Ibid., 349. 

4 But one Eastern State was represented. Dane could not understand 
why, when such was the case, the anti-slavery clause passed. 
6 Elliot, III., 350. 

332 The Ordinance of 1787. 

waters. This will be a government of seven States. This 
contest of the Mississippi involves this great national contest; 
that is whether one part of the continent shall govern the 
other. The Northern States have the majority and will en- 
deavor to retain it. This is, therefore, a contest for dominion 
for empire." 1 

Arguing on the other side that the Mississippi would be 
safe under the Federal Constitution, George Nicholas said, 
and in these views Madison coincided : " The people of New 
England have lately purchased great quantities of land in 
the western country. Great numbers of them have moved 
thither. Every one has left his friends, relations, and ac- 
quaintances behind him. This will prevent those States 
from adopting a measure that would so greatly tend to the 
injury of their friends." 2 

Madison's language was : " Emigrations from some of the 
Northern States have been lately increased. We may con- 
clude, as has been said by the gentleman on the same side 
(Mr. Nicholas), that those who emigrate to that country will 
leave behind them all their friends and connections as advo- 
cates for this right. . . . The Western country will be settled 
from the North as well as the South, and its prosperity will 
add to the strength and security of the Union." 3 

Dr. Cutler says in his journal, under date of July 27, 
1787 : " The uneasiness of the Kentucky people with respect 
to the Mississippi was notorious. A revolt of that country 
from the Union if a war with Spain took place, was univer- 
sally acknowledged to he highly probable. And most cer- 
tainly a systematic settlement of that country, conducted by 
men strongly attached to the Federal government, and com- 
posed of young, robust, and hearty laborers, who had no 
idea of any other than the Federal government, I conceived 
to be objects worthy of some attention." This and the 
effect that settlements north of the Ohio would have on 
the Indian question were the arguments he used in urging 
Congress to accede to his terms for the purchase of land. 

Now, when we find that in 1786 the South was endeavoring 

1 Elliot, III., 365. 2 Ibid., 240, 312. 8 Ibid., 312. 

The Ordinance of 1787. 333 

to draw New England men to the Southwest with a view of 
increasing Southern influence in the confederation and ren- 
dering their back settlements more secure ; when we find 
that in 1787 Dr. Cutler was arguing that the settlement of 
the Northwest would strengthen the bonds that bound the 
Kentucky settlements to the Union ; when we find that in 
1788 Gray son, of Virginia, was strenuously arguing that if 
the Mississippi was closed emigration to the Northwest 
would cease, and the South would sink into a hopeless 
minority in Congress ; when we remember that Grayson 
was the moving spirit on the floor of Congress when 
the Ordinance of 1787 was passed, is it not obvious that 
the South voted for the Ordinance containing the anti- 
slavery clause to bring about a settlement of the Missis- 
sippi question in accordance with their interests ? That this 
was a concession to Northern and Eastern sentiments is 
shown by a comparison of the vote on King's motion with 
that on the Ordinance, but there is no evidence to show that 
it was the result of a demand. Indeed, as far as the evi- 
dence goes, it indicates that the South voluntarily aban- 
doned its position. Dane's letter to King shows that the 
Ordinance committee did not entertain positive opinions re- 
garding the anti-slavery clause, or it would have been in its 
report. It was not until the report had reached a second 
reading that Dane discovered that the House was " favor- 
ably disposed on the subject." The House at that time was 
composed of the representatives of five Southern and three 
Northern States, and it does not seem likely that Dane 
would have drawn such an inference from the opinions 
of a powerless minority. 

The general impression we believe is that the ordinance 
fostered religion and education in the same effective manner 
in which it protected the soil from slavery. An examina- 
tion of the document will show that it contains nothing that 
would have either encouraged or developed the one or the 
other without additional legislation. All that is found in it 
is that " Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary 
to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools 

334 The Ordinance of 1787. 

and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." 
It also declared that the laws and constitutions of the States 
rested on the fundamental principles of civil and religious 
liberty, and to fix these principles as the bases of the laws 
and constitutions of the proposed States was one of the 
objects of the Ordinance. The legislative provision for the 
encouragement of education is found in the Land Ordinance 
of 1785, and when we remember that in framing it, Con- 
gress refused to reserve land for the encouragement of 
religion, is it not evident that it intentionally omitted to 
provide for its encouragement in the Ordinance for the gov- 
ernment of the entire Northwest territory, and contented 
itself with the expression of the abstract idea that religion 
was essential for the good government and happiness of 
mankind, thus leaving what Dr. SchaiF calls " a free church 
in a free state, or a self-supporting and self-governing 
Christianity in independent but friendly relations to the 
civil government ?" 

The Land Ordinance of 1785 and the record of its forma- 
tion show that the encouragement of education and religion 
in the territory by government aid were subjects that had 
been discussed two years before the Ordinance of 1787 was 

The expression of these abstract ideas, however, was made 
good use^of by Dr. Cutler, who succeeded in inducing Con- 
gress to extend to the Ohio Company the same provision 
for the support of schools to which the purchasers under 
the Ordinance of 1785 were entitled. He also obtained a 
grant of two townships for the establishment of a university 
and one lot in each township purchased by the company 
for the encouragement of religion. These provisions are 
found in the agreement with the Ohio Company. They 
formed no part of the organic law and were only extended 
to one or two other purchasers. 

How generally the principles expressed in the Ordinance 
regarding education, religion, and slavery were entertained 
by men prominent in Congress is shown by the fragments of 
their correspondence that has been preserved. " It is cer- 

The Ordinance of 1787. 335 

tainly true," wrote Richard Henry Lee in 1784 (a mem- 
ber of the Ordinance Committee of 1787), " that a popular 
government cannot flourish without virtue in the people, 
and it is true that knowledge is a principal source of virtue ; 
these facts render the establishment of schools for the 
instruction of youth a fundamental concern in all free 

In 1785, Charles Thomson, the secretary of Congress, said, 
" If it is or ought to be the object of government not merely 
to provide for the necessities of the people, but to promote 
and secure their happiness, and if the felicity or happiness 
of a people can only be promoted and secured by the exer- 
cise of humanity, virtue, justice, and piety, it would be 
unpardonable in Congress in creating new States, not to 
guard against the introduction of slavery, which has a direct 
tendency to the corruption of manners, and every principle 
of morality or piety." 

That Dr. Cutler, in dealing with Congress, made use of 
the argument that the men he expected to settle in the ter- 
ritory were a class whose education and moral training was 
such as to entitle them to consideration is hypothetical. 
His friend Richard Henry Lee, who advocated his proposed 
purchase in Congress, and who was a member of the Or- 
dinance Committee, wrote to Washington two days after 
it had passed, "It seemed necessary for the security of 
property among uninformed and perhaps licentious people, 
as the greater part who go there are, that a strong-toned 
government should exist." Lee's information regarding the 
character of the members of the Ohio Company was without 
doubt less accurate than Carrington's, but his letter shows 
that the argument attributed to Dr. Cutler did not convince 
all of the members of the committee, and justifies the doubt 
if he ever made it. 

With all of this evidence before us it is no easy matter to 
award to each one who participated in the formation of the 
Ordinance their share of credit, nor is it likely that the 
result of any effort made in that direction will be considered 
as final. 

336 The Ordinance of 1787. 

Pickering's proposition in 1783 to erect a new State in 
the Western territory in which slavery should be unknown, 
Jefferson's effort to prohibit slavery in any portion of the 
territory after the year 1800, King's resolution in 1785 to im- 
mediately forbid its existence in any of the proposed States 
show that they voiced a general anti-slavery sentiment that 
doubtless had gained strength by the discussion of the spirit 
of liberty that the struggle for independence had called 
forth* The idea, however, of applying this sentiment to 
limit slavery to the original States appears to have origi- 
nated with Pickering and Jefferson, and in view of the 
results their services should not be forgotten. 

To Nathan Dane we would accord a much higher place 
than that of a scribe. He appears to us to have been rather 
the intelligent compiler. He was familiar with the action 
of Congress on territorial affairs. It was on his motion 
that the committee appointed in 1786, of which Monroe 
was chairman, for reporting a government for the Western 
States, and in September he was made a member of that 
committee. He was also a member of Johnson's com- 
mittee, and while on it, with the assistance of Pinckney, 
drafted the report presented on May 9, 1787. In his letter 
to King, written three days after the passage of the Ordi- 
nance, he says he drew it, and that it passed, a few words 
excepted, as he originally formed it. This would be con- 
clusive regarding authorship were it not for his subsequent 
statements and the proof we have that much of it was the 
work of others, which leads to the supposition that he did 
not intend to claim originality, but construction. 

In the seventh volume of his " Abridgment of American 
Laws," he wrote : " This Ordinance, formed by the author 
of this work, was framed mainly from the laws of Massa- 
chusetts, especially in regard to land titles," etc. 

In a note to the ninth volume, 1829, he says, " On the 
whole, if there be any praise or any blame in the Ordinance, 
especially in the titles of property and in the permanent 
parts," those that would not be changed by the admission of 
a State into the confederation, " it belongs to Massachusetts, 

The Ordinance of 1787. 337 

as one of her members formed it." He says he took from 
Jefferson's resolves in substance the six provisions in the 
fourth article of compact, and the words of the slave article 
from Mr. King's motion of 1785. " As to matter, his in- 
vention," he says, " furnished the provision respecting im- 
pairing of contracts and the Indian security, and some other 
smaller matters; the residue, no doubt, he selected from 
existing laws." 

In 1830, in a letter to Daniel Webster, he said, " I have 
never claimed originality, except in regard to the clause 
against impairing contracts, and perhaps the Indian article, 
part of the third article, including also, religion, morality, 
knowledge, schools, etc." 

In 1831, in writing to John H. Farnham, he endeavored 
to establish his claim to having first thought, in 1787, of re- 
newing the effort to exclude slavery from the Western ter- 
ritory. He spoke disparagingly of the attempts of Jeffer- 
son and King, and said, " When the Ordinance of 1787 was 
reported to Congress, and under consideration, from what 
I heard I concluded that a slave article might be adopted, 
and I moved the article as it is in the Ordinance." Indeed, 
Dane does not appear to have remembered how much he 
was indebted to the circumstances and men that surrounded 
him for what he put in the Ordinance. His claim to some 
of the very parts tfyat he said were original are easily 

The Indian article had really nothing new in it. The 
land ordinance provided for the sale of lands only after 
they had been purchased from the Indians, and, more than 
a century before, William Penn had proposed to enact laws 
for the protection of the Indians. Pelatiah Webster, in 
1781, writing regarding the Western lands, pointed out the 
importance of cultivating a " good and friendly correspond- 
ence with the Indian natives, by a careful practice of justice 
and benevolence towards them." 

It has been customary to attribute to Dane the clause against 
impairing contracts, and it has been suggested that its ne- 
cessity was made evident to him by Shay's Rebellion in 
VOL. xiii. 22 

338 The Ordinance of 1787. 

Massachusetts ; but Mr. Bancroft calls attention to the fact 
that views similar to his were held by his colleague, Richard 
Henry Lee, and it is probable that the honor should be 
divided. It is a very serious obstacle to the acceptance of 
Dane's statements that he should have said that he origi- 
nated the clauses relating to religion, morality, knowledge, 
schools, etc., while we know that these suggestions had 
already been considered by Congress. Nevertheless, as we 
have said, we believe him to be entitled to a higher place 
than that of a scribe. He does not seem to have originated, 
but to have written with a well-stored mind, and to have 
drawn from his surroundings what was best suited to the 
purpose. To us it appears that he had more to do with the 
framing of the Ordinance than any other man. 

In speaking of the passage of the amendment prohibiting 
slavery, Mr. Bancroft says, " Everything points to Grayson 
as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of disinterested 
statesmanship which took possession of every Southern man 
in the Assembly." That he possessed great influence in 
Congress, and exerted it to the utmost in favor of the Ohio 
purchase, is attested by Cutler's diary. Knowing his senti- 
ments, we believe that he favored the Ordinance also, as 
by doing so he would have advanced two cherished objects, 
the limitation of slavery and the freedom of the Missis- 
sippi River. In 1819, Taylor, of New York, in a debate 
on the admission of Missouri, quoted Hugh Nelson, of Vir- 
ginia, as having said that in the convention of 1787 Grayson 
drew the Ordinance excluding slavery from the Northwest 
territory. While it is probable that the use of the word con- 
vention in place of Congress was a lapsus linguce on the part of 
either Nelson or Taylor, the statement was evidently a loose 
one that cannot be considered when it is confronted with 
the facts that Grayson was not on the Ordinance committee, 
and that Dane, three days after it passed, said that he drew 
it. That Grayson was in any sense of the word the author 
of the clause prohibiting slavery seems impossible. The 
language is that of King's motion of 1785. Dane says he 
copied it from there, and the original is in Dane's hand- 

The Ordinance of 1787. 339 

writing. The tradition, however, is of interest, as it connects 
Grayson's name with the clause, and may have grown out of 
the zeal he took in securing the passage of the Ordinance. 

Manasseh Cutler undoubtedly suggested, at an opportune 
moment, that certain features be added to the Ordinance 
that he failed to find in it when it was submitted to him 
for criticism. What they were there is no contemporaneous 
evidence to show, but the entry in his diary that after the Or- 
dinance had passed he found all of his amendments, but one, 
had been adopted is proof that they are there. Heresay 
and after-evidence affirm positively that these were the 
parts relating to religion, education, and slavery, and Dr. 
Cutler's successful efforts to obtain from Congress land 
grants for the support of the first two uphold the assertion. 
That he suggested the anti-slavery clause rests on tradition 
alone. There was certainly nothing original regarding the 
suggestions, in connection with Territorial government, 
and the credit of having recalled them at a critical time 
is all that can be awarded to him. With the suggestions 
that his diary says he made, we believe the services of 
Dr. Cutler in the formation of the Ordinance began and 
ended. There is nothing to show that when he came to 
New York he expected to have the Ordinance submitted 
to him, or that he had prepared anything to insert in it ; 
nothing to show that having made the suggestions he ever 
attempted to force their adoption on Congress. The entry 
in his diary appears to cover all of his transactions in the 
matter with Congress, namely, that a copy of the Ordi- 
nance was submitted to him with permission to make re- 
marks and propose amendments ; that he did so, returned 
it, and left New York for Philadelphia. 

The fact is, the Ordinance was a political growth. Step 
by step its development can be traced in the proceedings of 
Congress. Monroe's plan, imperfect as it was in form when 
reported, provided for a more advanced state of civilization 
than Jefferson's, and in some respects was an improvement 
on it. Johnson's ordinance was an elaboration of Monroe's 
plan. The Ordinance of 1787 contained the most important 

340 The Ordinance of 1787. 

features of each, together with suggestions that had been 
made from time to time, and what could be found in the 
constitutions and laws of the States. There is no necessity 
of going outside of Congressional circles to account for its 
production or passage. It was formed in an era of con- 
stitution-making. The separation of the colonies from the 
mother-country had made the people familiar with the prin- 
ciples of civil liberty. Between 1776 and 1787 every one 
of the States, with the exception of Connecticut and Rhode 
Island, had formed new constitutions for their government. 
There was hardly a man in public life who had not assisted 
in some way in their adoption, and who was not familiar 
with their principles. Hundreds of essays on government 
were made public by the newspapers or in pamphlet form. 
The political atmosphere was impregnated with the subject, 
and it is doubtful if there ever was a time when the people 
of a country were more familiar with the principles of a 
government than were the inhabitants of the United States 
in 1787. To announce what at any other time might be 
looked upon as an original thought appeared only to echo 
an axiom. The discussion brought forth legitimate results, 
and while Congress was creating the Ordinance of 1787, 
the representatives of the States, assembled in another city, 
were engaged in the formation of the Federal Constitution. 

[For copies of original papers and letters consulted in preparing the 
above, the writer is indebted to Dr. Austin Scott, of Rutgers College, 
Mr. Theodore Dwight, Mr. Frederick Bancroft, and Mr. S. M. Hamilton, 
of the Department of State.] 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 341 



" Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere, 1 whose last resting-place in 
St. Peter's church-yard [Philadelphia], is unmarked and for- 
gotten, may fairly claim our attention for a moment. 

" Born in Geneva, in the first quarter of the eighteenth 
century, and endowed with considerable artistic talent, he 
became a painter, and by the practice of his profession 
gained a livelihood in the many foreign countries to which 
his wandering spirit led him. He appears to have arrived 
in the West Indies about 1750, and for the next ten years 
travelled about from one island to another, making water- 
color drawings, collecting coins, shells, and botanical speci- 
mens, and gathering material for the history of the European 
settlement of the islands. During this period, the greater 
part of which was spent on the islands belonging to Great 
Britain, he thoroughly mastered the English language, 
which, on his arrival in New York in 1764 or 1765, he was 
able to speak and write with great fluency. After leaving 
New York, he spent some time in Burlington, and then, in 
the early part of 1766, came to Philadelphia. 

" In 1768 he was elected a member of the American Philo- 
sophical Society, and in [1776] 1777 [the latter part of 1779, 
from March, and 1781], one of the curators of the society. 
In [1777] he was drafted into the Pennsylvania militia, and a 
heavy fine was imposed upon him for not supplying a sub- 
stitute. His petition to the Supreme Executive Council for 

1 By Mr. Charles R. Hildeburn. BroDson and Hildeburn, " The In- 
scriptions in St. Peter's Church-yard, Philadelphia," 1879. 

342 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

the remission of his fine contains this passage in regard to 
himself and the object of his residence in America : 

' Your memorialist begs leave upon this occasion to rep- 
resent to this Honorable Council that he is a foreigner and 
a native of the Republic of Geneva, that he has for many 
years travelled through various parts of this Continent and 
the West Indies, not without great expense and fatigue to 
himself, in pursuit of the natural and civil History of 
America, unsupported by any public or private encourage- 
ment. That your memorialist is in no public way of busi- 
ness whatever, nor settled in any part of the Continent 
that he lives in lodgings wherever he is, and at considerable 
expense, for the defraying of which he now and then makes 
use of a little talent he has for painting among his acquaint- 
ance, and altho' he has resided for some time past in this 
City, it has been entirely owing to the critical situation of 
public affairs, which did not admit of his removal elsewhere 
without great expense and the hazard of losing what he had 
collected at considerable cost and with much pains that his 
long continuance here has also been extremely detrimental to 
his general pursuit of natural knowledge, the only object of 
his travel.' * 

[He appears judiciously silent as to his having become a 
naturalized citizen of New York on May 20, 1769. 2 ] 

" He designed the vignette for the title-page of Aitkin's 
Pennsylvania Magazine in 1775, and the frontispiece for the 
United States Magazine in 1779,. and drew for the third 
number of the former a picture of a New Electrical machine. 
In 1776 the committee appointed by Congress to prepare 
designs for a medal to commemorate the Declaration and a 
national seal engaged his assistance. John Adams, one of 
the committee, in a letter to his wife, August 14, 1776, 
writes as follows : 

' There is a gentleman here of French extraction whose 
name is Du Simitiere, a painter by profession, whose de- 

1 Pennsylvania Archives, 2d Series, III., 121. 

2 Journals of the Legislative Council of New York, published at 
Albany, 1861, p. 1708. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 343 

signs are very ingenious, and his drawings well executed. 
For the medal he proposes, Liberty, with her spear and 
pileus, leaning on General Washington. The British fleet 
in Boston harbor with all their sterns towards the town ; 
the American troops marching in. For the seal, he pro- 
poses, the arms of the several nations from whence America 
has been peopled, as English, Irish, Dutch, German, &c. 
each in a shield. On one side of them, Liberty with her 
pileus, on the other, a rifler in his uniform, with his rifle 
gun in one hand, and his tomahawk in the other.' 1 

"The committee's report was not acted upon by Congress, 
nor was that of a committee appointed for the same pur- 
pose in 1779, which, it is said, also employed Du Simitiere. 

" In the same letter Adams says : ' This M. Du Simitiere is 
a very curious man. He has begun a collection of materials 
for a history of this revolution. He begins with the first ad- 
vises of the tea ships. He cuts out of the newspapers every 
scrap of intelligence, and every piece of speculation, and 
pastes it upon clean paper, arranging them under the head 
of that State to which they belong, and intends to bind 
them in volumes. He has a list of every speculation and 
pamphlet concerning independence, and another concerning 
forms of government.' 

" During the Revolution he drew portraits of many 
prominent men of the period. A series of thirteen portraits, 
comprising Washington, Steuben, Silas Deane, Joseph Reed, 
Gouverneur Morris, General Gates, John Jay, William H. 
Drayton, Henry Laurens, Charles Thomson, Samuel Hunt- 
ington, John Dickinson, and Benedict Arnold, all engraved 
by B. Reading, were published May, 1783, in a quarto 
volume, now very rare, by W. Richardson, of London. 

" The College of New Jersey conferred upon him, in 1781, 
an honorary degree of Master of Arts. 

"He died in October, 1784, and was buried on the 10th of 
that month at St. Peter's. In March following his admin- 
istrators announced the sale of ' The American Museum, 
collected by the late Pierre Eugene Du Simitiere, Esq.' 

1 Letters of John Adams, addressed to his wife, Vol. I. p. 151. 

344 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

The Philadelphia Library Company became the purchasers 
of his manuscript and broadsides, and the twelve volumes 
thus obtained are among its greatest treasures." 

The following sprightly introduction to an interesting 
letter was probably written by Colonel Bailey Myers, of 
New York, whose generosity was such the writer of this 
article knows from personal experience that he could not 
overlook what appeared to be meanness in others : 

" If it were doubted that collectors are monomaniacs, 
the reading of the following letter would go far to remove 
the uncertainty. The portraits by Du Simitiere (of whose 
name the Marquis de Chastellux said it was more appro- 
priate for a graveyard than an artist), consisting of those 
of Washington, Gates, Steuben, G. Morris, H. Laurens, 
Deane, Charles Thomson, Drayton, Dickinson, Huntirigton, 
Jay, and Joseph Reed, are still in great request, and the 
memory of the artist green among collectors ; but this letter 
has withstood the vicissitudes of time to afford a closer view 
of his character, and to enable us to appreciate the suffer- 
ings of his sitters, and of all who gave ear to his innumer- 
able Wants. That Colonel Lamb, < who was my chiefest de- 
pendence,' * forgot our old acquaintance,' and did not answer 
his letter, is a monument to the wisdom of that gallant 
officer, and, if we are not mistaken, the active, hard- worked 
patriot to whom this was addressed found himself too much 
occupied in the midst of his duties, civil and military, in the 
heat of a mighty struggle, to devote himself to picking up 
old books and pictures for this garrulous virtuoso. It is 
fortunate that postage stamps ' were not,' or they would have 
been included, all else he wanted. That any man capable 
of engraving a good picture should be so wanting in good 
taste as to address such a letter to so important a character 
seems inconceivable. We will wager that his collection 
was one of those of which the owner boasts that it never 

1 American Antiquarian, New York, by Charles de F. Burns, Vol. II., 
September, 1871, pp. 103, 104. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 345 

cost him a dollar, however many it may have cost his vic- 
tims. But the letter speaks for itself." 


' SIR : The very obliging letter with which your Excel- 
lency honored me, in date of the 27th ult. I have to ac- 
knowledge the reception of, and to return you my grateful 
thanks for the favour you bestow on me by the continuation 
of your valuable correspondence. I am really happy to 
think the papers I did myself the honour to send you have 
been acceptable, and I beg to assure your Excellency that I 
shall take an uncommon pleasure to communicate every- 
thing of the kind that shall come within my reach, indeed 
it is well the least I can do in return for what your Excel- 
lency is pleased to inform me of your endeavors to procure 
some of the valuable curiosities of the late Sir William 
Johnson of whom I have formerly heard much, and that 
they will be very acceptable you can have no doubt of, as 
my extensive collection is very defective in that particular 
branch of Indian curiosities which has never been in my 
power to procure, and as no person is so well qualified as 
your Excellency for that purpose I make no doubt but your 
reserches will be attended with success. When I reflect on 
the great loss which your Excellency must have sustained in 
the conflagration at Kingston I have not in my power to 
lament what I may have lost in what you have been so kind 
as to collect for me, as my grief on that account is but trifling 
when compared to what I sincerely feel for your own loss, 
the fatal consequences of a war carried on by an ungenerous 
and cruel enemy. That your Excellency may never expe- 
rience such disaster any more is my most sincere wish. 

4 1 shall take the liberty to mention some articles for 
your Excellency's information which are within the compass 
of my cabinet under the denomination of 'curiosities and 
may perhaps by means of this hint fall under your future 

* It is a fact attested by the earliest historians that the 

346 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

first settlers in the several parts of this continent made use 
and wore defensive armor in their wars with the natives 
and others, and yet as far as my inquiries have reached 
nothing of the kind has heen discovered lately, hut it seems 
to me that these weapons such as helmets and hreast plates 
"being made of lasting materials must have resisted in a great 
measure the injuries of time and that some such piece of 
antiquity might still he found among some of those families 
who came early and have formed lasting settlements which 
their posterity enjoys to this day, it is only by personal ac- 
quaintance with the local of the ancient settlements dis- 
persed in various parts of the country that one could he 
able to meet with those remnants precious to antiquarians, 
and perhaps in the beginning of this war when every kind 
of old weapons were mustered up some such piece might 
have come to light. 

* Altho there were in the last century many capital en- 
gravers of prints all over Europe but especially in Flanders 
and Holland, yet the fashion of decorating appartments 
with prints, framed and glazed did not then exist, nor indeed 
has it become universal till very lately, the taste was then, 
particularly in the Netherlands to cover the walls with 
pictures chiefly painted in oyl, on boards in black ebony 
frames highly polished, of these kinds the Dutch settlers 
brought a great many with their other furniture, and the 
saving economical turn, the peculiar genius of that nation, 
has rescued that kind of ornamental furniture from the 
decay which will in a long course of years attend moveables. 
I have some of those pictures myself which your Excellency 
may perhaps recollect. I pickt them up in New York, in 
garrets, where they had been confined as unfashionable 
when that city became modernized, and no store was any 
more set by them. I shall leave entirely to your Excel- 
lency's judgment when you should be able to procure any 
such, only adding that the good paintings were always in 
Ebony or Pear Tree frames highly polished, and sometimes 
the inner border near the picture covered with waved lines. 

'I have very considerably increased my collection of 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 347 

American Books and Papers, since your Excellency was 
here last, for notwithstanding that I have not traveled out 
of this city for this four years and a half, yet I have pro- 
cured several valuable materials from abroad by means of 
some acquaintances in different parts of the country, but 
from your state I have received nothing at all, tho I had at 
once great expectations, in particular from Col. John Lamb 
who was my chiefest dependence, but it seems he has forgot 
our old acquaintance as I have never received any answer 
to the letter I wrote him last November, which induce me 
to mention how acceptable it would be to me such books 
and papers both old and new, in Dutch or English, relating 
to the history, geography, Politics, Indian affairs, &c., of 
your State. I beg leave to add as a memorandum the titles 
of the books I have met with wrote by Dutch authors as 
very probably some of them might fall in your Excellency's 
possession ; and I have none of them in my library. 

1 Beschrivinge van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, Nieuw 
Engelandt, en d'Eylanden Bermudes, Barbados en S. Chris- 
toffel &c. 

Amsterdam by Joost Hartgers, 1651. 4to. 

' Beschrevinge van Nieuw Nederlandt. Ghelijck het 
tegenwoordigh in Stat is, &c beschreeven door Adrian 
Vander Donck. 

Amsterdam by Evert Nieuwenoff, 1656. 4to. 

* Korte Historiael ende Jouruaels aenteyckeninge van 
verscheyden Yoyagiens in de vier deeteen des weereldts 
ronde &c. door David Pieterz De Yriez. 

Alckmaer 1655. 4to. 

' N.B. the voyages of this writer in the New Netherlands 
are extremely curious, and give more insight into the his- 
tory of that country than any other writer I have met with. 

4 Korte Yerhael van Nieuw Nederlandts. Ghedruckt in 
t'Jaar 1662. this I have never seen. 

1 There are many other books and pamphlets published 
relating to the history of New York. I have a catalogue of 
all these that have come to my knowledge and if your Ex- 
cellency should think it of use I would do myself the honor 

348 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

to send you a copy. Of the modern political publications 
of your State I have little or nothing since the year 1772. 
I believe it might be in your Excellency's power to procure 
me the laws and votes of your Assembly since the revolu- 
tion : they would be a valuable acquisition (when convenient 
should be glad also of your newspapers which I seldom sees) 
I am favoured here with the publications of Congress, by 
the Secretary, with the votes and laws of our Assembly by 
their clerk, the Secretary of the Council gives me what is 
published by that Board and I have also from some of our 
printers, copies of what they print also. Unwilling to 
engross the time of your Excellency to my tediousness I 
shall only add that another branch of my collection on 
which I lay great stress is the indian antiquities, it is a new 
subject and not touched upon by authors. I have many 
but I find every new specimen I get is different from the 
former ones, so that where there is such variety one cannot 
increase the number too much, those curiosities consists of 
stone hatchets, pestles, tomahaws, hammers, arrow heads 
and points of darts, cups, bowls of pipes, idols figures cut 
on clam shells and many other things found in the old 
burying places, for which there is no name. I should not 
forget their earthenware of which I have as yet but small 
fragments brought me from the western part of this state 
and from Virginia. 

1 The highlands and mountains of your State must be 
productive of curious fossils such as ores, minerals, agaths, 
chrystals, marbles, petrifactions, &c. I will only beg to add 
that the fossils enter into my collection and form a consid- 
erable part thereof. 

* Coins and medals ancient and modern I have a collec- 
tion of, but now a days these are become scarce, notwith- 
standing I meet with some now and then. 

4 1 have gone through the principal articles I am in quest 
of and I now beg your Excellency's forgiveness for having 
taken so much liberty but I flatter myself to possess some 
share of your regard. I hope you will favorably receive 
my apology. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 349 

' 1 beg your Excellency's acceptance of the enclosed 
picture 1 as from the knowledge you have had of the origi- 
nal I make no doubt but it will be acceptable. 

< 1 have the honor to subscribe myself with great respect 
* Your Excellency's Most Obedient and 

* Most Humble Servant 

6 Philadelphia, April 26, 1779. 

1 His Excellency GOVERNOR CLINTON." 

The note-book of Du Simitiere gives a synopsis of this 
letter and others which he wrote to Governor George 
Clinton without receiving an answer. Under October 8 we 
find him complaining of not hearing from him, having 
written four letters. I have given these synopses in an- 
other part of this article. The remarks which precede the 
letter above printed seem to be just as regards its garrulity. 
While agreeing with the commentator in this particular, we 
disagree as to the estimate of the character of his collection. 
Du Simitiere was a man far ahead of his time ; it is well 
for posterity that he could take a few rebuffs in a good 
cause. His enthusiasm was ably seconded by scientific 
men, as well as antiquaries, half a century later. Especially 
is this the case with the " indian antiquities," of which he 
justly says, " it is a new subject and not touched upon by 
authors;" but what is the public taste to-day? "We call 
special attention to the character of his " Indian relics" in 
the few extracts we shall give from his note-book to show 
how he anticipated the value of such things by about three- 
quarters of a century. Though his extracts from books are 
sources now known to the scholar, there is very little else that 

1 The note-book shows this was a portrait of Philip Livingston. In 
his letter to General John Lamb, Philadelphia, November 24, 1778, Du 
Simitiere says, " While I lived with the worthy Mr Ph. Livingston he 
always gave me the papers [newspapers, handbills,- and all kinds of 
political publications] he received from thence [New York]. He died 
much regretted at Yorktown, last spring, in the faithful discharge of his 
trust to his injured country; and I have much lamented his loss; he 
was a good patron of mine" (" Life of John Lamb"). 

350 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

is valueless in the collections. At the time they were made 
they were the result of original research. We have no 
hesitancy in claiming for him the title of the first and ablest 
general collector of judicious materials for North American 
history, collected and arranged in a systematic and methodi- 
cal manner. Unfortunately his epistolary style, of which we 
have seen two other examples, does not indicate the superi- 
ority of his foresight and judgment as a collector. A criti- 
cal examination of his manuscripts would have led his critics 
to another conclusion, and their hasty opinion would have 
given way to admiration and respect. The manuscripts 
show him to have been also a bibliographer of wide reading 
and research. The period of his residence in America, in 
which he resided for a short time in Boston in 1767 * and 
1768, about eight months, as well as in IsTew York and Phil- 
adelphia in other years, comprises that portion of the last 
century of the deepest interest to the American of to-day. 
From the repeal of the Stamp Act to the Peace, 1765 to 
1783, he died one year after, is the portion of the history 
of this country from its approaching birth to its recognition 
as a new infant Hercules among the nations. Du Simitiere 
was fully aware of what was passing before his eyes. There 
were many then who were doubtless unable to appreciate 
his knowledge of the wants and desires of posterity. He 
had to struggle with poverty and lack of interest when he 
gathered the materials which have been most serviceable to 
those of the present day. "VVe sympathize with the scholar 
when, forced by poverty, we find him obliged to offer for sale a 
few of his books, which seemed to have found no buyers. 
The world has been tardy in recognizing the usefulness to 
mankind of botanists, entomologists, and antiquaries. Even 
in our day we have heard these studies sneered at by those 
who could not be ranked among the illiterate. In this 
youthful country perhaps the antiquary has been the last 
to be recognized as serviceable to his fellow-men ; but we 
agree with Smithson, who says, " Every man is a valuable 
member of society who, by his observations, researches, and 

1 Manuscript Collections, Eidgway Library. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 351 

experiments procures knowledge for men." Du Simitiere's 
almost unique collection of newspapers and rare pamphlets 
are in the Philadelphia Library. The author of the " Life 
of General Lamb" erroneously states his collection belongs 
now to the Historical Society. "We believe the statement 
made in that biography that " it is even said his cabinet 
formed the basis of Peale's Museum" to be correct. This, 
in our opinion, probably included the pictures, Indian and 
other relics, and natural history specimens. Peale's Museum 
was on exhibition at least as early as 1785, the year after 
Du Simitiere's death ; probably a year or two earlier. His 
acquaintance numbered many among the best men of the 
day, not only in Congress and the Revolutionary army, but 
also the officers of the French army, and among the British. 
During the occupation of Philadelphia he had some earnest 
friends who caused his release when imprisoned, after a 
confinement of three weeks, which he mentions in his letter 
to General Lamb. We regret that space does not allow us 
to print this letter, much the best of those we have seen, 
and greatly superior to the rambling letter to Governor 
Clinton, given above. It is noteworthy that he expresses in 
it " his unaccountable aversion to letter writing." His as- 
sociates in the American Philosophical Society during the 
years of his membership were those who figure among the 
scientific names of the day. His duties as a curator of this 
society he appears to have carried beyond the precincts of 
the hall. An interesting anecdote is narrated by Mrs. 
Deborah Logan, who had it from Charles Thomson. 1 Du 
Simitiere, being well acquainted with Major Andre, who 
was quartered in Benjamin Franklin's house, where there 
was much furniture and a fine library, as the British army 
were about to leave waited on him, desirous to solicit his 
protecting care in preventing any irregularities. He was 
very much shocked to find the major in the library, packing 
up some books and placing them among his own baggage, 
particularly a very scarce and valuable work in French of 
many volumes, a present, " if I rightly remember," says the 

1 PENNA. MAG., Vol. VIII., p. 430. 

352 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

narrator, " from Louis XIV., King of France, to the Philo- 
sophical Society," in Franklin's care as president of the 
society. As a hint, in order that Andre might make the 
inference, he spoke of the honorable conduct of General 
Knyphausen, quartered in General Cadwalader's house, who, 
having himself caused an inventory to be made, had ren- 
dered an exact account of everything, leaving it as he found 
it, even to a bottle of wine ; also paid Cadwalader's agent 
rent during his occupation. Among other things carried off 
by Andre, which is not stated in this anecdote, was a valua- 
ble portrait of Franklin. 

The following extracts from the advertisement of his 
American Museum, coupled with the very wide-spread in- 
terest manifested in his collection, as shown by the numerous 
gifts of valuable books, engravings, water-color sketches, 
coins, fossils, Indian relics, and general antiquities, show 
that the museum antedating Peale's was a useful aid in 
forming public taste for the advent of the Historical Society, 
the Academies of Fine Arts and Natural Sciences. The 
American Museum, in Arch Street, above Fourth, was open 
to the public, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. The hours 
of admittance for each company, " Ten, Eleven and Twelve 
o'clock in the forenoon, and at Three and Four o'clock in 
the afternoon allowing an hour for each company," which 
he hopes will not exceed six in one set. Hours arranged 
beforehand. " "Want of room prevents giving a syllabus of 
his collection for the present." He desires contributions of 
curiosities, " more particularly as he intends his cabinet to 
be hereafter the foundation of the first American Museum." 
Tickets to be had every morning, Sundays excepted, at his 
house in Arch Street, above Fourth, at half a dollar each. 1 

If he did not keep a circulating library, his note-book 
shows he endeavored to create a taste for literature by lend- 
ing his books, the borrowers being many members of Con- 
gress, the officers of the army, and other distinguished 
visitors. Rarely does he appear as a borrower himself, but 
as an inveterate lender. Occasionally we find Dr. Benjamin 

1 See Penna. Journal and Weekly Advertiser, June 12, 1782. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 353 

Duffield lent him a few chairs, probably for a larger party 
than six, and they were promptly returned. The circula- 
tion of Du Simitiere's books was almost a daily event. 
Though many of them were most valuable, they were not 
always returned. "We do not often find anything common- 
place lent to his numerous friends. " Feb. 9 1782," this 
amusing abuse of confidence is recorded, " lent to Mrs. 
Rakestraw an old brown coat returned the lining !" One 
of the incidental references to the collection in works of the 
day is that of the Marquis de Chastellux mentioned above 
in the letter from the American Antiquarian. He was here 
in 1780-'81 and '82. It will be seen that he did not say Du 
Simitiere's name " was more appropriate for a graveyard 
than for an artist." The pun has been somewhat assisted 
by the American writer. 

" The morning was not far spent, and I had enough to 
employ it ; I was expected in three places ; by a lover of 
natural history, by an anatomist, and at the college, or 
rather university of Philadelphia. I began by the cabinet 
of natural history. This small and scanty collection is 
greatly celebrated in America, where it is unrivalled; it 
was formed by a painter of Geneva, called Cimetiere, a 
name better suited to a physician, than a painter. This 
worthy man came to Philadelphia twenty years ago to 
take portraits, and has continued there ever since; he 
lives there still as a bachelor, and a foreigner, a very un- 
common instance in America, where men do not long remain 
without acquiring the titles of husband and citizen. What 
I saw most curious in this cabinet, was a large quantity of 
the vice, or screw, a sort of shell pretty common, within which 
a very hard stone, like jade, is exactly moulded. It appears 
clear to me, that these petrefactions are formed by the suc- 
cessive accumulation of lapidific molecules conveyed by the 
waters, and assimilated by the assistance of fixed air." 

Grieve, the accomplished translator of de Chastellux's 

Travels, who had himself travelled in America during the 

same period, says, " It is certain that any person educated in 

Europe, and accustomed to the luxury of music and the 

VOL. xiii. 23 

354 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

fine arts, and to their enjoyment in the two capitals of 
France and England, must find a great void in these par- 
ticulars in America." . . . "After a long absence," . . . 
" he heard scarcely any other music than church hymns, the 
cannon and the drum; or viewed any paintings hut the 
little sketches of Cimetiere, or the portraits of Peele, at 

It would seem, therefore, that Du Simitiere had exhibited 
these portraits of Revolutionary generals and statesmen 
before he sent them to be engraved in England and France. 
General Charles Lee, in a jealous rage at General Washington, 
published a set of " Queries " in the Maryland Journal and 
Baltimore Advertiser, July 6, 1779, reflecting on his character. 
In those and two other copies, the following lines are almost 
alike, except in a few unimportant words. He says i 1 " 4th 
"Whether, when Mons r . Gerard and Don Juan de Morrelles 
sent those magnificent pictures of his Excellency General 
Washington at full length by M r . Peal, there would have 
been any impropriety in sending over at the same time to 
their respective Courts, at least two little heads of Gates and 
Arnold by M r . de Ciemetiere ?" 

The first portrait of which there is any account is the fol- 
lowing engraving of William Penn : " Drawn by Du Simi- 
tiere from a Bust in Alto Relievo done by Sylvanus Bevan, 
said to be a good likeness, Philadelphia October 1770. 
Engraved by John Hall, London, 1773." 

Just at this time the subject of this sketch is best known 
by his portrait of Washington. Mr. William S. Baker, the 
highest authority on Washington portraits, states it to be 
the first profile portrait known, and with his usual accuracy 
gives the probable date of the original sketch, which he 
supposes to have been in lead-pencil or water-colors taken 
from life, in the winter of 1778-1779. The interesting entry 
in the extracts which we give from Du Simitiere's note-book 
fully confirm Mr. Baker's conjecture showing the date to 
have been February 1, 1779. The next day the artist writes 

1 Collections of the New York Hist. Society for 1873, New York, 1874, 
p. 336, " printed from a copy in Gen. Lee's own handwriting." 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 355 

to Governor Clinton, of New York, at Poughkeepsie, and 
informs him of his good fortune, as he says in his brief 
record of this letter, " acquaint him of my having drawn 
General Washington in black lead for my collection." On 
March 6, he writes to Colonel Isaac Zane, of Marlboro' Iron- 
Works, Winchester, Virginia, and gives him an account 
"of the pictures Generals & other great men in America 
I have drawn for my collection." As these two letters 
probably contain some details of the illustrious sitter, we 
hope they have been preserved. 

Of the engraving first executed by Brandi, in Madrid, in 
1781, of which only two impressions are known, a second 
impression having come to the notice of Mr. Baker since 
his work was issued, then in London in 1783, and in Paris 
by Prevost, at the same date, Washington is represented " in 
a military coat with his hair carefully dressed and tied by a 
ribbon into a queue . . . while it may not strictly be termed 
an ordinary head, yet it reveals no particular force or ability, 
and represents rather a well-bred, courteous gentleman, neat 
in person, mindful of all the amenities of life, an officer 
probably but not a commander." For a further description 
we refer the reader to Mr. Baker's works, " Engraved Por- 
traits of Washington . . . Phila., 1880." 

What is known as Du Simitiere's profile head of Wash- 
ington appears to special advantage on the "Washington 
cent of 1791." In Baker's " Medallic Portraits of Wash- 
ington " several other coins and medals are given on which 
this portrait has been perpetuated. 

Without further comment we shall introduce these extracts 
from the note-book of Du Simitiere, which have never be- 
fore been published, cordially acknowledging our indebted- 
ness to Mr. Spofford, the learned librarian of Congress, 
having it in charge as part of the collection of Peter Force. 
We have omitted nothing whatever in regard to " Paintings 
& Drawings done," among which are one hundred and eight 
portraits, several State seals and important sketches, collating 
them more than once, but want of space has occasioned 
brevity in other things. To Mr. Cecil Clay, of Washington, 

356 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist 

who at our request has kindly copied a portion of these 
notes, under this head, we also make our acknowledgment 

1774 Drawings and Paintings done by me 

9ber a drawing in Indian ink for the frontis piece of M r Aitken's new 


a miniature of a Daughter of M r Burke of St. Croix 

xber a Drawing in Indian ink of Ebenezer Robinson's new invented 

fire place and Stove for Mr. Aitken's new magazine 
a crayon picture of Cap* James Miller lately dead, done from 

a miniature of the late M r Jenifer of maryland from a crayon 

picture done by Mr. Hopkinson. 

1775 January a drawing in Indian ink for the Seal of the corporation 

of the Wilmington grammar School. 
a miniature of a Son of M r Burke of S* Croix 
a drawing in Indian ink of a new Electrical machine for Mr Aitken's 

February, a crayon picture of an old man's head copied from an oyl 

painting belonging to Dr Morgan. 

a drawing in Indian ink of a machine for threshing of corn, 
a sketch in Indian ink of a horse in perspective 
March a crayon picture of the great horned owl of Pennsylvania, from 

the living animal. 

April a Drawing in Indian ink of the arms of Maryland for a news- 
paper for Mr. J. Dunlap. 
May a crayon picture of Miss Polly Eiche begun the latter end of 

January last. 

a miniature of Miss grace Eiche begun last month 

a drawing in India ink of a machine for cleansing docks & harbour 

done for arthur donaldson the Inventor for the Pennsylvania 


July a miniature of Mr Alston of S Carolina 
August a copy of our Saviour holding a [mound?] in crayons from a 

Small bust done in oyl, begun some time ago. 
October a miniature of Mr. Wilshire of Barbadoes begun in June last. 

a miniature of D r W m Drewer Smith's Lady 

November a miniature of Mr Cunningham of Virginia 

1776 January a Picture in crayons of Miss C. Amiel, begun last month 
February an allegorical drawing in Indian ink for the title page of Mr 

Aitken's last year's magazine 

a miniature picture of Mrs. Hawkins. 

April a map of the maratime parts of Virginia for the Pennsylv. 

a picture in crayons of John Jay Esq r of New York 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 357 

May a Picture in crayons of Capt Charles Biddle of this City. 

June a caricat. fig. with the Pen in Indian ink of G. V. carver & gilder 

B. given one of the same to M r Brown. 
August, a drawing in Indian ink for the great Seal of the State of 

Virginia in two sides of 4 inches diameter. See Ev. Post 

July 18. 

a miniature in black lead of Philip Livingston of New York mem- 

ber of congress in the form of a medal 
7ber a drawing in Indian ink for a medal to be given gen 1 Washington 

on the english evacuation of Boston, begun some time ago. 
October, a drawing in Indian ink for the great seal of the State of New 

Nov r a drawing in Indian ink of the broad Seal of the State of Georgia 

a picture of Mr James Potts in crayons begun in July last. 

decemb. a Picture of Capt. Nicholas Biddle in crayons. 

Paintings and Drawings done 1777 

[1777] January a drawing in Indian ink of the great Seal of the State 
of Delaware. 

a profile in black lead of Gl Thomas Mifflin form of a medal 

Feby. the picture in crayons of M r Stacy hepburn 
March the picture in crayons of Mr John Schenck 

a profile in black lead of Gl Horatio Gates form of a medal 

a miniature from the crayon picture of Mr Sckenck [sic] 

April a crayon picture of Col. George Noarth, the largest I have done. 
a miniature of Mr Wm Semple 

a miniature of col adam Hubley 

a crayon picture of Major John Keppele 

May a miniature of Cap 4 Hubley 

a dto of Mr Wm aldricks 

a crayon picture of M r Benj n Davies 

July 1777 the picture in black lead of General Benedict arnold form of 

a medal 

the picture of Madam Derricks in miniature begun last month 

a copy in crayons of a head in Oyl done for princess Sophia mother to 

George I. a fine painting belonging to Dr F. I begun it last 

a miniature of Capt. Bartold of the Hessian grenadiers 

January 1778 

a miniature of W. Br. Hockley of this city, 
a miniature of Capt De Stamford of the hessian grenadiers 
a miniature of Mr Frazer late of the 71 st regt. 

358 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 


a miniature of Capt Harcup of the Engineers begun last month 
a miniature of M r Montresor of the 48 th begun last month 
a miniature of M r Mason purser of the Roebuck 


a miniature for a ring of M r Mason copied from the other 
a miniature of Capt Peebles of the highlanders begun last month 
a miniature of Capt Faucit of the 44 th begun last month 
a miniature of M r Eoberts of the 63 d light inf. 


a miniature of Cap* Needham's Lady begun last month 
a miniature of Cap* Faucett of the 44 th his Lady begun last february 
a miniature of Mrs. Lee Coll Birch's Lady begun last month 


a miniature copy Size of a ring of M r Frazer begun last month 
a miniature of M r Commissary Knecht of Glaris Switzerland 
a miniature of Capt adye Koy. art Judge advocate of the army 
a miniature of M r andre of the 7 th Capt andre's brother 


1778 the picture of Capt Montresor in black lead form of a medal 
a plan of the progress of the british army from their landing in Elk 

river to their taken possession of Philadelphia 26th Sept 1777 

copied from an original done by Capt andre 

a miniature of Capt Montressor Chief Engineer to the british army 
the picture of Gen S. W. Howe in black lead form of a medal copied 

from an original by Capt Andr& 


a miniature of Major Tiler of Col. Jackson's battalion of Boston 
a view of Fort Mifflin on Mud Island, copied from an original of Capt 
Montressors' begun last month 


the Picture in crayons of Col Isaac Melcher B. M. G. begun last month 
the Picture in crayons of Miss Suckey Bead 


a Picture full length in water colours & miniature on paper, represent- 
ing Miss Willy Smith daughter of Eev. D r Smith of this city, 
drawn in the Dress she appeared in as Lady to one of the Knights 
of the burning mountain at the great entertainment given by the 
principal officers of the british army to Gen. Howe on the 18 th of 
May last which they calld meschianza, her dress is a high turban 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 359 

and veil ornamented with a black feather Jewells, gold lace & 
Spangles a white Silk gown and waist flounced & Spangled and a 
Sash round her waist of white silk also tied with gold strings and 
tassels, She is in a Standing posture in the manner she received 
her Knight after the Tournament at her feet lay the broken lance 
& sword and on her Side his Shield against the Stump of a tree, 
the device of which is a Knight armed cap a pee with his sword 
lifted up riding on a black horse caparasoned red, and the whole 
on a gold ground the motto swift vigilant & bold behind on the 
other side is a distant view of the house near Philad a (late Joseph 
Wharton[s]) where the entertainment was given with one of the 
triumphal arches erected before it and the line formed by the 
troops and all the colours of the army thro' which the proces- 
sion passed towards the house this picture was begun the 4 th of 
June last the young lady Sat two days for it about 5 hours in all 
& after working a little more at the dress, it was discontinued till 
the beginning of this month when it was in hand almost every 
day to the end of it the figure is ten inches high and the whole 
picture 13 high by 9J broad. N.B. it is the first picture of the 
kind I have ever done. 

a miniature of Mons r Ducasse a french gentleman living in Connecticut. 

Paintings & Drawings done 

feb* I 1 * a drawing in black lead of a likeness in profil of his Excellency 
general Washington, form of a medal, for my collection. 

NB the general at the request of the Hon. M r Jay President of congress, 
came with him to my house this morning & condescended with 
great good nature to Sit about f of an hour for the above like- 
ness, having but little time to Spare being the last day of his stay 
in town 

a picture of W m Henry Drayton Esq member of Congress for S Caro- 
lina, in black lead form of a medal for my collection begun last 

Paintings & Drawings done 

a picture of Silas Deane Esq r late commissioner at the court of france 
in black lead, form of a medal for my collection. 

a picture of John Jay Esq r President of Congress, in the same 


March a copy of Mr Phillip Livingston's picture in bl. lead 

a picture of his Excellency Monsieur Gerard minister of France 

Same manner. 

April a drawing in Indian ink for the title page of M" Steiner & 
Cist's Dutch Almanac 

360 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

another picture of his Excell. Mon 8 Gerard in black lead for my 

another picture of his Excell. Mons. Gerard for himself same as 

a drawing in Indian ink for a Seal for the county of Eockingham 

May 3d a miniature of Col. Alex. McNutt of Nova Scotia, begun last 


a miniature copy of Sir Wm Howe's pict. in bl. lead 

done in purple [sic] 
Camayeaux [cameo] on Ivory 

for Miss W. S. [probably Willy Smith] 
a miniature of M ra Jay, the Lady of the president of Congress, 

larger than usual 
a miniature of Col. Geo. Noarth, begun June 1777 copied from his 

picture in crayons. 
June, a picture in black lead of his Ex ojr Joseph Reed Esq., President of 

Pennsylvania for my collection. 

1779 Letters Wrote 

feby 2 to his Excellency George Clinton, Esq Governor of the State 
of New York at Poughkeepsie Sent three London magazines for 
Jan y Feb T March 1778 Acquaint him of my having drawn gen- 
eral Washington' [s] likeness in black lead for my collection 


feby 22 a letter to Col. B. Flower E. G. M. S. in this town, requesting 
him to write to his deputies at Fishkill Ridgefield or 'Danbury to 
inquire of them about the fragments of the King's Statue which 
was removed from New York under the care of a Col. Hugh 
Hughes, who resides now at Fishkill. 

March 2d to his Excell. Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie Sent 

observations on the american revolution, & considerations on the 
mode & terms of Peace with an extract of a catalogue of books 

March 6 to Isaac Zane Esq r Marlboro' Iron works Virginia, answered 
his letter of the 24 th ult return'd thanks for the collection of 
fossils &c. he proposes sending to me & of the drawing sent 
of Charles IPs medal to the Queen of Pamunkey, recommend 
him to purchase it at any rate & that I shall be satisfied to take 
an exact drawing of it, that there is no glass to be had here for 
the print of Kegulus after M r West & that even in England they 
import plate glass from Holland to frame that print, that I am so 
circumstanced about my house where I have lived alone all the 
winter that I can not think as yet of going down to see him 
according to his invitation, given an account of the Indian stone 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 361 

instrument found at Egg harbour & of the pictures Generals & 
other great men in america I have drawn for my collection. 
April 26 to Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie sent May 4, return 
thanks for his letters & the curiosities he endeavour [ed] to pro- 
cure for me. Sorry [to hear] of his loss at Kingston, mention 
the articles I want such as old armour, helmets & breast plates, 
brought over by the first Settlers, pictures of the dutch Settlers, 
books in dutch & English. Sent the title of four in dutch, 
request the laws and votes of the Assembly of N. Y. Since the 
revolution & the newspapers, the indian antiquities particularly 
the earthenware, fossils, coins &c. Sent him a picture in black 
lead of M r Phillip Livingston & also the pamphlet Echo from the 
temple of wisdom, & the piece of R. B. about the price of the 
spelling book & the grocers, request for a mohawk prayer book 
printed at N. York of which sent him a leaf. 

Letters written to 

June 1 to D r William Bryant at Kingsbury near Trenton, Sent him a 
map of the coast of Virginia done for the magazine 

1776 Books & other things lent 

July 26 delivered to Capt. Biddle's sisters' servant his picture in crayon 
oct. 26 to M r Livingston his picture in black lead 
Nov. 29 to young M r Lloyd at D r Moon['s] a drawing in Indian ink 
Dec. 12 delivered to A Robeson M r Potts' picture with the picture & 

1776 Books & Curiosities [in my possession] 

1777 a plan Mss. of attack of the English & Hessian army on Fort 

Washinton done by a Hessian captain 

[Given by] Mr. Dorre 

1777 Books & other things lent 

Jan y 1 st to master Lloyd at D r Moon['s] a drawing in Indian ink frontis 

piece of the magazine, returned April 3 
feb y 14. delivered to a genteman from New castle the drawing of the 

seal of the delaware state. 
April 3 to Master Tom Lloyd a view of Edinburgh in Indian ink 

1777 Books & other things lent . 

Sent to Miss patty Lynn the picture of major Kepple June, 4 

June 16 Sent to M r Ben Davies his picture in crayons by a negro man. 

Aug. 7 Sent to M r Jay at M Gibbons his picture in crayon 

7ber 13 to master Tom Lloyd two drawings in black chalk returned one 

362 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

1777 Books & curiosities by whom given 

November a landskip in Indian ink done & given to me by master Tom 

December a view of Passaick fall in New Jersey done in india ink & 

given by master Eawle of this city. 


Books, curiosities &c. by whom given 

a cast of plaister representing in basso relievo the model of the eques- 
trian statue of the King that was erected in New York in August 
1770 & destroyed in July 1776, the statue in gilt on a [lost] 


a lance painted crimson & white 

with its pennant of white & 

red silk with silvered tassels 

& silvered paint 
a Shield of Tin with two cocks 

fighting for device motto No 

a large antiqued Sword of Tin in a 

white leather scabbard with 

Silverd hilt 

made use of at the Tournament 
given by the officers of the 
british army to Gen How on 
monday 18 May at Phil a & 
they were given to me by 
Capt Andre aide de camp to 
Gen. Gray & one of the 
white Knights of the tour- 

a drawing in colours representing a farm house. 

a d in black lead a naked figure sitting from a bas relief on the lanthorn 

of Demosthenes at Athens drawn & given by Capt Andre 
June two drawings in black lead one the Conk shells of the coast of this 

continent, the other the chain of bladders, containing the young 

Conks, drawn & given me by Capt Andre" 


the almanacks printed at New York by William Bradford for the years 
1694, 95, 96, 97, 98, & part of 1700 D r W m Bryant. 

Books & things lent 

Oct 18 delivered Col Melcher's picture to his negro man Mug. 
decemb 14 To M r Charles Thomson general Du Coudray's memoir 

22 delivered Col. Noarth's picture to a mulatto man sent by him. 

1779 January 2. Sent to M r Aitken to be sold for eighty dollars the year 

1775 of the Pennsylvania Gazette Journal Packet & Evening Post 

return'd unsold the 28 July 
1778 June 11 
John Montresor Esq r Ingenier in chief of the British Armies in America 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 363 

made me present this day of the following collection of medals of 
Small bronze the work of Jean Dassier of Geneva 
Hugo Grotius m 1645 Madame des Heulieres m 1694 

le President de Thou m. 1617 Jean Racine m 1699 

le Cardinal de Richelieu m. 1642 Pierre Bayle m 1706 
Rene* Descartes m. 1650 N. Boileau Despreaux m 1711 

Le cardinal Mazarin m 1661 Nicholas Malebranche m 1715 

Blaise Pascal m. 1662 De Fenelon arch de Cambray 1715 

Nicholas Poussin m 1665 Phillipe Due d'orleans m 1723 

J. Bap. De Moliere m 1673 Andre" Dacier m 1722 

Pierre Corneille m. 1684 

1779 May 23 a letter to Jacob Rush Esq r informing him that my Land- 
lord Mr Davison wants to raise my rent from 10 to 20 a month 
altho' the bargain made so lately as the 15th instant & my diffi- 
culties about it. 

June 17 to governor Clinton at Poughkepsie. acquaint [him] of the time 
my last letter to him was sent give him the news of this place, 
added to my collection of pict. that of the minister of France also 
done a miniature of M re Jay. Sent him the pamphlet anticipa- 
tion & the address of Congress to the citizens of the united States 
beg when his leisure permits to let me hear from him. given this 
letter to M r Curtenius going to the State of New York. 

to D r William Bryant Trenton request to hear from him & about 

his lady's misfortune of losing her eye sight inclosed a few line[s] 
for M r collin[sj the printer & desire he will Send me what paper 
he shall give him by first opportunity 

July 6 given Col. Palfrey P.M. G. a catalogue of twenty five Political 
tracts published in Boston Since the year 1770 for him to procure 
for my collection 

Books and other things lent 

1779 feby 4 return'd Mrs. Head's picture to her Sister's 

March 17 Sent to M r Henry Miller a dutch folio bible to be sold for 100 

dollars returned unsold [another entry shows this bible belonged 

to Madame Derricks] 
29 given Mon 8 Gerard the minister of France two prints of W m 

April 3. to Mr. Ben. Shoemaker the picture of the Lady of the Meschi- 

April 8. given to Mon* Gerard the french minister, his picture in black 

26 given to Mon" Gerard his picture in black lead [see under date April 

Paintings & Drawings done] 
May 1. delivered to Mons. Coulleaux's servant his three vols of Monde 


364 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

21 Sent to M r Cist six prints of William Penn to be sold at 


Curiosities, Books, Paintings &c 
by whom given 

1779 September 

a small profile bust in basso relievo representing Dr Franklin made of 
the french porcelain of seves [sic] near Paris (M r Joseph Wharton) 

N.B. I have fixed on a ground of black velvet in a round black frame 
with the inner moulding gilt & cover'd with a glass & for its fel- 
low, a frame & glass of the Sort & Size with a likeness in black 
lead of Mons. Gerard form of a medal. 

Books & Pamphlets relating to american affairs 


1779 Considerations on the Subject of finance in which the cause of the 
depreciation of the bills of credit emitted by Congress are briefly 
stated and examined, and a plan proposed for restoring money to 
a certain known value 16 p[p] Dunlap Phild a 8 

This esssay had no title page nor printer's name, and was given away at 
M r Dunlap's printing office octob 25 

[Hildeburn records a copy with the same title and number of pages as 
being printed in Philadelphia : 1781. See No. 4089.] 

[Du Simitiere, after giving a List of Laws, under " December 1779. Laws 
of Pennsylvania enacted in October & november 1779 folio," makes 
these remarks in his neat hand in red ink which shows that his 
collection met with the highest official patronage. It will be 
noticed that the same statement is made in his letter to Governor 
Clinton, printed above, April 26, 1779.] 

" N.B. altho' this is the first time I have entered the Laws & minutes 
under this head, I have been Supplied with [them] constantly 
from the beginning of the war to the present times by M r John 
Morris late clerk of the house, M r Secretary Matlack & the pres- 
ent Clerk M r T. Payne, as also with other papers relating to Gov- 

Letters wrote 

1779 Aug 1[2] ? to his Excellency Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie 
mention that I have no answer to the last two letters I wrote 
him. I suppose owing to the seat of war and his great occupa- 
tions, will be glad to hear from him, request he will order his 
messengers to congress to call on me to take what letters and 
papers I may have for him refer for news to our papers request 
him to assist me in my collection of american papers for my me- 
moirs of which I shall say further in my next, added to my col- 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 365 

lection of pictures President Reed & Col. Laurens, Sent the 
Eulogium of Brackenridge & the essay on free trade & finance. 

Septemb. 14 a letter to President Jay here, inclosing my collection of 
heads for Governor Livingston's inspection, requesting to know 
how long the Governor proposes staying in town wishing I might 
have an opportunity to take his likeness 

16 delivered this day to monsieur Gerard minister of france fourteen 

drawings in black lead being portraits in profile in the form of a 
medallion of eminent Persons engaged in the American war and 
the next day delivered to him a memoir how I should wish the 
Subscription might be set on foot, as also instructions drawn up 
in french for the engravers of which I have copies and a list of 
the pictures, delivered. N.B. his own picture is to be added to it, 
and will make fifteen, he had it already before. 

22 sent to Mons Gerard a new picture of Gen. Mifflin requesting 

him to return the first which is not fit to be engraven 

Oct. 8 To his Excell 07 Governor Clinton at Poughkeepsie that I have 
now wrote four letters to him without receiving answer hope he 
has received them and found the contents agreeable his messen- 
gers to Congress have not called on me as I desired mention that 
I have given my collection of heads to Mons. Gerard to have them 
engraved in france by subscription Mention the rifle gun I have 
had lately from Virginia, given the news of last night that the 
enemy in Georgia had surrendered to Gen. Lincoln burnt their 
shipping and that count D'estaing had taken Wallace, mention 
the unfortunate accident that happened in this city last monday. 
Sent Gov. Reed's proclamation on the occasion also two pam- 
phlets, the School for Scandal and the Second Essay on finance 
with the principles of the constit. Society. [This letter] did not 
go till the 18 th by M r Jay's brother 

18 to Col. Isaac Zane Marlboro Iron Work Virginia return thanks for his 
present of curiosities regret not having finish [edj the picture 
remind him of the things he said he had viz the stone ring of 
white marble broken asunder [an indian relic it appears from an- 
other note prob. a chunkie stone] a small green stone cup, a crow- 
bar incrust with stone, amber grease, petrifac. of shells, stalactites, 
antique Sword Indian medal Thomas Harriot's Treatise, curious 
birds with long feathers growing betwixt the pinion of his wings. 
Mr. Jay and Mons Gerard going on board to-day added to my 
collection M r Huntingdon presid. of Con. & M r Governeur Morris 

Letters memoirs &c wrote 

1779 oct. 27 to Col. Proctor of the cont 1 artillery at Easton requesting 
him to send me aline of recommendation for his lady or daughter 
to procure from them an Indian curiosity called a manitoe which 

366 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

he said he had brought from the western expedition and intended 
for my collection. 

Nov. 30. To Isaac Zane Esq. . . . Williamsburg Viginia given an ac- 
count of my affair before congress that the report was read last 
Saturday & left for consideration 

Dec. 24 to the president of Congress requesting that congress would 
come to some resolution about my affair. I have a copy of it . . 
this letter was read in congress Monday 27 th and after some 
debate the further consideration was put off till fryday 31 st 

Curiosities Books Paintings &c by whom given 


1779 a vizor or mask of wood representing a ghastly human face, the 
color of an Indian with a mouth painted red the eyes of yellow 
copper with a round hole in the middle to peep thro' the forehead 
covered with a piece of bear skin by way of a cap, found with 
several more to the number of about 40 in an Indian town called 
Chemung which was burnt by the Cont 1 army under Gen Sullivan 
in his expedition last Summer into the country of the Six nations, 
these visors are commonly called manitoe faces and serve for the 
Indian conjurors or Pawaws, in their dances and other ceremonies 
there is also a long horse tail that belonged to it with a coat of 
bear skins but this was destroyed by the soldiery N.B. all these 
masks were different from each other 

Paintings & Drawings done 

1779 August a likeness of Gen. Whipple member of Congress for N. 
Hampshire done in black lead form of a medal, for Col. Henry 

a likeness of Col. Henry Laurens late president of Congress done 

in black lead form of a medal for my collection. 

a likeness of John Dickinson, Esq r member of Congress for Dela- 
ware done in black lead form of a medal for my collection. 

September. a likeness of William Fleming, Esq r of Virginia delegate 
in Congress the fifth in descent from Pocahontus daughter of 
Powhatan Emperor of Virginia who was married to Mr. John 
Eolfe an Englishman in 1617 See Stith's Hist, of Virginia 

a likeness of Thomas Mifflin, Esq r late Major gen. in the American 

Army and quarter master gen. done in black lead form of a medal 
for my collection as well as the former. 

October a likeness of Gouverneur Morris, Esq. member of congress for 
N. York done in black lead form of a medal for my collection. 

a picture in crayons of his Excell y John Jay Esq nominated 

minister from the United States to the court of Spain. 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 367 

a likeness of Samuel Huntington Esq. of Connecticut President of 

Congress in black lead form of a medal for my collection. 

a miniature of Gouverneur Morris, Esq r . 

November a miniature of Col. James Boss of Lancaster. 
1779 Books and other things lent or given 

August 23 to Ch. Smith my butterfly net 

27 given Mon 8 Gerard a list of the members of the Philos. Society 

Delivered to M r James Potts's negro his picture 

Sept. 28 delivered Col. Noarth's pict. to M rs Gibbs' negro woman. 

30 Lent to M rs Williams the pict. of the Meschianza. 

October 23 Sent to M r Bache the picture of the Princess Sophia belong- 
ing D r Franklin which he lent me in July 1777 

Deceinb. 29 Sent the minister of france a paper mss. of a chronology of 
events since the war. 

Paintings & Drawings done 

1781 January 

a miniature of M r Kirkpatrick of Lancaster County 

a picture in crayons 19 inches high & 15J inch broad representing the 
virgin Mary sitting by a table on which sets the child asleep 
against her breast holding in his hands a small cross and an 
apple. The virgin reading in a book and a candle burning on ye 
table. Copied from an oil painting done in Italy belonging -to 
W m Bingham, Esq. of this city 

a profile in black lead of Maj gen John Sullivan form of a medal 

a miniature of M r Stacy Hepburn of this city began last February 


a drawing in Indian ink of a silver plate chased & engraved given by 
King Charles II to the Queen of Pamunkey in Virginia 


a profile in black lead of M r Benjamin Shoemaker. 
a miniature of M r James Seagrove of this city began last month 


a profile in black lead of Robt Morris Esq. form of a medal for my 


a profile in black lead of the pres. of Congress Thos. McKean form of a 

a ditto of James Duane member of Congress for y e State of New Jersey 

368 I>u Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 


a ditto of Major gen Arthur S* Glair form of a medal 
a ditto of Lieut Al. Frazer of South Carolina for himself. 

a ditto of Chancellor Livingston Sec y for n affairs for my collection 


a miniature of M r Eich d Wistar Mercht of this city 
a map of part of the state of New York comprehending the great Har- 

denburg patent done for Rob 1 R. Livingston Secretary for foreign 

a picture in Crayons of Suckey Bead granddaughter of James Kead 

a miniature of the lady of Ralph Izzard, Esq of S Carolina copied 

from a beautiful miniature done by Jeremiah Miers in London 

began last summer but could not finish it the owner going away. 

Books and other things lent or given 

1780 Octob 14 to Miss Emilia Walker of Virginia the pict. in bl. lead of 
her uncle W m Fleming, Esq r . 

Nov 18 delivered Col. Du Buisson's Servant, Baron de Kalb's armour 

Feb 7 1 to Gen. Sullivan, a ms map of y e Indian Country & y e map of 
his march. 

March 30 to D r B. Duffield, the times a mss. 

Sept. 6. delivered to M r Constable, the miniature Set in gold of M r Sea- 

7 delivered to Robert Morris, Esq the miniature of Miss Living- 
ston for M r Jay. 

Oct. 2. delivered to Mr Ralph Izzard the beautiful miniature he had 
lent me to copy 

3 lent to Mons L' enfant a plan of Charleston Mss. 

1782 Curiosities Natural and Artificial, Pictures &c by whom given 


a Stone chisel of a blackish Stone the edge well polished the middle 
rough, and terminate to a point about 6 inches long, found on the 
plantation of Mr Joseph Cooper, on the Jersey Side of the Delaware 
opposite Philad* 

a Picture about four inches Square painted on paper in water colours, 
it represents a young militia-man from the back parts of North 
Carolina, just return'd home from his first Campaign after the 
battle of Camden, he is represented Sitting on a Stool holding a 
bowl of grog, his clothes torn and ragged, facing him sits his old 
mother and behind her chair his Sister leans to hear the lute and 

Du Simitiere, Artwt, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 369 

next to her sits another Sister with a sucking child at her breast 
listening also attentively, the expressions of the different passions 
that agitate their minds extremely well expressed in their coun- 
tenance behind [?] the young man, a little boy has laid hold of 
his gun and acoutrements as if going to be a Soldier, two negroes 
in the back ground are laying the cloth whilst another is cooking 
something in the chimney the Scene is in a log house built and 
furnished in the manner that they are in that part of the country, 
the picture is inlaid in Sea-green border above an inch broad 
and set in a broad black and gold frame under glass invented 
and painted by Monsieur L'enfant ingeneer in the Service of the 
United States. 

Curiosities natural & artificial Pictures &c by whom given. 
1782 February 

a very compleat and curious vocabulary of the Shawnoe Language drawn 

at my request by Col. Eichard Butler of the 5 th P a Kegt. 


a fine miniature picture on vellum, representing a young gentleman 
with a large flowing wig, a laced cravat, and scarlet cloak turned 
over the Shoulder Supposed by the dress to have been done in 
franco in the begining of this century [The donor's name is 
added in red ink] by Mons r De Meaux officer in the artillery of the 
french army of Count De Kochambeau who died in Phil a . from 
the hurt received by the lightning that struckt the minister of 
France's house March 1782. 


The Original engraved copper-plate of the Picture of Benjamin Lay a 
kind of Enthusiast in his way, who lived many years in Phila- 
delphia and its environs, and was very remarkable for many 
peculiarities. I have had it varnished and put in a black and 
gold frame Mr. John Dunlap 


Muscles-Shells in which pearls are often found, from mill stone river in 
East Jersey. Mr. J. Sckenck of Green-brook N. Jersey 


a Scalp taken from an Indian killed in September 1781, in Washington 
County near the Ohio in this State by Adam Poe, who fought with 
two Indians, and at last kill'd them both, it has as an ornament a 
white wampum bead a finger long with a Silver Knob at the end 
the rest of the hair plaited and tyed with deer skin. Sent me by 
the President and the Supreme executive Council of this state 
with a written account of the affair. 
Vol.. XIII. 24 

370 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

17g2 Paintings & Drawings Done 


a miniature of Col. Marberry of Georgia 
a miniature of Col. Rich. Butler of y e 5 th Penn^ Reg*. 


a miniature of Dr. Rush's Lady 
a picture of Mons* L' enfant french Ingeneer in water colours on paper. 


a miniature of M r James Bayard of this city 


a likeness in black lead of Maj. gen. Benj n Lincoln Seer 7 at War form 
of a medal, for my collection 


a picture in crayons of an uncommon Species of Owl, from life, described 
in my memorandums of nat. & art. curiosities. 

a miniature of M r Isaac Connely [query Commely ?] begun last month. 


finished the fine miniature copied from the original done by Jeremiah 
Miers in London for the Lady of Ralph Izzard Esq r of South 
Carolina that I had in part done last year. 

Books & other things lent or given 

1782 feby 18 Mss Journals of Indian affairs & maps to M rs Dickinson 
March 12 lent to M rs Dickinson mss. Poems of her uncle Jos. Norris 

17 given to M r Secretary Livingston, four pasteboards, with square holes 

in them to write in cyphers 

18 delivered to M r Sam 1 Wallace his draught of the frontiers of Penns*. 
Octob. 7 left with M r Tho" Bradford for Sale one print of Gouv r Morris 

at 10" 
Octob. 7 left with M p Ja 8 Reynolds for Sale 6 prints of Gouv r Morris at 

10 each 

30 left with M r Reynolds for sale 6 prints of W m Penn at 8, 4y each 
Decb. 13. delivd to D r Hutchinson a letter from General Wayne to 

Pread 1 Reed dat d Ja^. 4, 1781 
14 left with M r Bradford for Sale two prints of Baron de Steuben at 10 s 


Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 371 

left with M r Reynolds for Sale four prints of Baron de Steuben at 

10 s each 

1783 Paintings & drawings done 

a likeness profil in black lead of John Holker, Esq. 

a likeness profil in black lead of Mons r De Roquebrunne 

a likeness profil in black lead of M r Manigault of South Carolina 


a miniature of Major Augustine Prevost of the 60 th reg* British 
a drawing in black & white chalk on brown paper of a scroll and small 

flowers for teaching a pupill of mine 
a Tulip in crayons on brown paper for the same purpose as above 

Books & other things lent or given 

1783 Jany 8 left with M r Reynolds for Sale the print of Gen. Washing- 
ton at two dollars Ch. Thomson, M r Jo. Reed, Gov. Dickinson 
at 10' each 

27 Sold a print of W. Penn to Mon 8 * Petry at the minister of France 
Feb* 14 left with M r Reynolds for Sale a print of Gen 1 Read 
18 lent to M r John White a drawing in bl. lead Am. convs on . 

delivered to M r Holker his picture in bl. lead fram'd and glazed. 

27 given to M r Aitken upwards of an hundred Sermons 

March 6. given to M r Hazard 8 prints N 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12 & arnold. 

8 given to M r W m Henry of Lancaster a Print of William Penn 

April 20 given to M r Restif going to France two prints of W m Penn viz. 

one for the Biblioteque du Roi at Paris & one for himself 
27 given to Mon 8 De Roquebrune a print of W m Penn 
29 given to Mon 8 Restif to deliver to Mou 8 Court de Gebelin at Paris 
Parsons Beaty and Jones Journals among the Indians the vocab- 
ulary of the Delaware language. 

May 26 Sent to M r Reynolds a compleat Sett of 14 of my prints paid 
[From another part of the note-book] " May 83 Print of Parson Duche" 

M r W m Rawle" 

July 10 lent to major L'enfant 3 drawings of Saratogha and a plan of 
Crown point 

Indian antiquities 

New Jersey at Delaware falls near Trenton opposite an Island there 
is a field on the Jersey Shore that has formerly been an Indian 
burying ground where the freshes having washed the bank there 

372 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

have been found a variety of Indian utensils &c, the place is just 
above y e mouth of y e creek that Trenton mill is built on 
from M r John Zane 

in the fields of the Seat formerly Kob. Lettis hooper afterward D r 
W m Briant now Col John Cox near the place mentioned above 
on the Jersey side, a little to the west of Trenton ferry have been 
plough'd up at different times in 1777, 78, 79, 80 Indians Stone 
hatchets or chissels of various Sizes and forms, Stone pestles of 
several size, a oval cup of a stone resembling asbestos, and arrow 
heads of various kinds of Stones and forms in abundance, all of 
which I have in my collection 

On M r Joseph Cooper's plantation to the North of Samuel Cooper's 
farm opposite to Philadelphia runs a high bank along the shore of 
the river on the spot of which was formerly a large indian vil- 
lage, as we are informed by tradition and confirmed by an im- 
mense quantity of muscle shells, mixt with the earth for about a 
foot thick toward the surface of the ground, and also several 
fragments of indian earthenware and Stone arrow heads are found. 

[Pennsylvania] at Kensington opposite to the above mentioned Spot it 
is said there stood also formerly an indian village the inhabitants 
of which were frequently at war with those of Cooper's Ferry 

at the falls of Schuylkill miles, from Phil* have been dug 

and been found abroad in the fields near that river several stone 
hatchets of various sizes, with a variety of forms of Stone arrow 
heads, At the plantation late D r John Kearsley's 4 miles from. 
Philad* on the right hand of the Frankfort road was plought out 
of a field the largest Stone hatchet I ever saw, very intire and well 
finished it was found in May 1775 and given me by the owner for 
my collection 

Curiosities natural & artificial &c by whom given 
1781 October 

a maneto-face or Mask of an Indian conjurer with a border of bear skin 

round the forehead and a tuft of feathers in the centre Sent me 

by his Excell y George Clinton 

1781 May 

a mezzotinto print of General Washington, posture Size by M r Ch. Wil- 
son Peale from a painting of his own the gift of the author. 

an engraved print of General Washington, a bust done in Paris 

by Aug. de S*. aubin graveur du Hoi &c. 
an engraved print representing the marble monument invented 
and executed at Paris in 1777 for General Montgomery 
engraved by the same 



Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 373 

an indian Spear head of a grey Stone about 5 inches long 2 broad at the 
basis & but ill shaped from M r Joseph Cooper oppos. Kensington, 

an indian face carved in a red stone, the same that the Indian chiefs 
pipes are made it is about an inch high and broad in proportion, 
it has behind the ears two Small holes thro' which Leather 
[thongs] were passed, and it was suspended to the neck of an 
Indian chief called the king of Kanadasego that was kill'd in the 
action between Gen. Sullivan's army and the indians & Tories 
near New Town August 29th 1779 the gift of General Sullivan 

1781 April 

a Stone shaped in the form of a large Shoemaker's last the heel part broke 
off, found in a meadow near the falls of Schuylkill supposed to 
be of Indian workmanship Gen Mifflin 

1778 Letters wrote 

Sept 1 [1 ?] To Adam Foulke, Capt of militia in this City, in answer to 
a notice of his for me to appear &c. 

To W m Henry Lieut of this city inclosing the above letter as Capt. 

Foulke is out of town. 

25 a memorandum to Col Isaac Zane of Virginia to send me 

curiosities Such as books, pamphlets, laws, Seal, maps &c of Vir- 
ginia, the title of Tho 8 Harriots' treatise, Indian antiquities, Fos- 
sils of all kind and some ancient weapons out of his collection. 
Nov r 24 to his Excellency George Clinton Esq r Governor of the State of 
New York at Poukepsie 

to Col. John Lamb, under cover of Gov. Clinton apology for my 

not writing heard he was wounded at Danbury, Sent the epitaph 
of marsh. Eantzau, given an account of my imprisonment & 
what follows, a?ked about the fragment of the statue & the N. 
York MSB. some Stamp Act, also News papers &c 

1778 Curiosities & Books by whom given 


N.B. these five volumes are given me by Mr. Henry Miller printer of 
this city as a compliment in return for a chronology of the most 
remarkable events of the present war, which I drew up for his 
german almanac. 

a map of Nova Scotia or Acadia with the Islands of .Cape Breton and 
St John from actual Surveys by Capt Montresor, Engineer dedi- 
cated to the Marquis of Granby, in four very large folio sheets 
1768 bought at M r Aitken's for forty shillings 

1778 Pamphlets relating to American affairs 

374 Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 

1779 January, 

A Sermon preached at Christ church Philad* (for the benefit of 
the poor) by appointment of and before the general communi- 
cation of free and accepted Masons of the State of Pennsylvania 
on Monday December 28, 1778 celebrated agreeable to their con- 
stitution as the anniversary of S* John the Evangelist by William 
Smith D.D. Provost of the college & Academy of Phila d * Dun- 
lap 1779 dedicated to his Excellency General Washington. 

[The foregoing is not in Hildeburn's Issues of the Press in Pennsylvania.] 

Books, Prints, Maps & Curiosities & by whom given 

3779 feb y a small mezzotinto of a head of Gen. Washington done by M r 
Peale, painter of this city, given by him 


A Mystical Book without title, set forth by one Ingham of 

Bucks county & published in Phila d about years ago, it is 

an unintelligible jargon of mystical notions about the revelations 
& a copper plate of the planets &c unintelligible it is printed 
with several sorts of Types & contains 282 pag. 8 besides the 
introduction of 52 pages, given by M r Ch. Cist 
[See Hildeburn. No. 1904.] 

Books, natural & artificial Curiosities & by whom given. 

1779 May a view of the house of Employment, Alms House, Pennsyl- 
vania Hospital & part of the city of Phila d 

Nic. Garrison delin. 

P. Kulett Sculp. 

Mr. Cist 

June The minutes of the Committee of inspection and observation 

at Philadelphia from June 18 to July 11, 1774 inclusive 
Mss folio given by his Excell cy the President of y e State. 

7be 1775 

A copper medal of the size of a Dollar, the bust of the king on one 
side and round it George, king of great britain, on the reverse an 
Indian shooting an arrow at a deer under a tree and the sun 
shining above, no inscription, nor date it has a string to hang it 
about one 


1781 May 

a Silver medal 2 inches diameter weighs 2 Dollar[s] representing on 
one side the bust of the King of England and arms [or in arms?] 
& round it Georgius III Dei Gratia on the reverse a lean wolf 
coming out of a wood to attack a Lion that sits and behind which 
is a church &c. This medal with several others were sent from 

Du Simitiere, Artist, Antiquary, and Naturalist. 375 

England to be distributed among the Indians during this war 
and were found among the plunder of Post St Vincent by Col. 
Clark of Virginia in 1779 

A Cast in Copper of a Medal made in Virginia last year to be given to 
the Indians having on one side Liberty trampling down a Tyrant 
round it, Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God, On the top Vir- 
ginia. On the reverse a white man and an Indian sitting on a 
bench under a tree with a pipe in the hand, round happy while 
united, in the exerque 1780, a pipe, an eagle's wing, on the top 
of the medal with an opening to suspend it by, the gift of Isaac 
Zane, Esq. 

As this number of the MAGAZINE is going through the press, we have 
received intelligence of, and regret to announce, the death of 


a Vice-President of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Mr. Dar- 
lington was born in Pittsburg, Pa., May 1, 1815, and died there Sep- 
tember 28, 1889. He was elected a member of the society April 10, 
1854, and since 1875 has served as one of its Vice-Presidents. 

376 Notes and Queries. 


NEW YORK IN THE AUTUMN OF 1776. The following letter, ad- 
dressed to Bishop Nathaniel Seidel, of Bethlehem, Penna., by Rev. E. 
G. Shewkirk, pastor of the Moravian congregation in the city of New 
York, gives interesting details of events following the occupation of 
that city by the British army in 1776 : 


" I will begin this to you tho' I don't know when and how I shall get 
it to you as all our communication with the Jerseys and consequently 
Pennsylvania is stop'd, and Letters are watch'd particularly. . . . My last 
I wrote to you was shortly before matters here took a Turn. I don't 
doubt by one and the other Way you have heard at least in general how 
things have gone here. The city was summon'd time after time and the 
answer was as one hears to dispute it to the last, so that the King's 
Generals were embarassed what to do, wondering at the stupidity of the 
Rebels to have the Place and themselves destroyed ; yet all the while 
they took every thing away of ammunition, Provisions, sick &c, and also 
all the Bells, which show'd plainly that they intended to leave the Town. 
However the King's army form'd another Plan, unwilling to destroy the 
Place. They sent up men-of-war both to the North and East River 
with troops to land a couple of miles above the City. These Ships 
went up Friday in the afternoon, Saturday about the same time and 
Sunday morning (Sept. 15) ; each time they were fired at with a few 
paltry cannon that had been left on the Batteries, which was answered 
from the forts on Long and Govern our's Islands, and brought on a smart 
cannonading which made the houses shake, Brick flying about here and 
there and the Balls hiss thro' the streets, especially on Sunday morning ; 
Some took their refuge to our house; a large Ball struck against the 
North Church opposite us, broke, flew back into a cellar, the woman of 
which came running into our cellar. This was about Breakfast Time. 
It grew still again ; all the Rebel troops hastened away ; we had Preaching 
as usual, but I believe were the only ones that had service. About this 
Time the King's Troops had landed, drove the Rebels before them 
towards Harlem and Kings Bridge, and there was a good deal of 
slaughter. Towards evening some of the King's officers from the ships 
came on, shore and were received with Joy. His Majesty's Standard 
was put up again. The next day, Sept. 16th, the first English Troops 
came in in all stillness; they were drawn up in two lines in the Broad- 
way ; our dear Governor was also there. There were a great many of 
spectators ; for it was a holyday for young and old, none worked. An 
universal Joy was spread over all countenances. Persons that never 
had taken notice of one another shook hands together and were quite 
loving. I myself met with several such Instances. The first that was 
done was that a great many, and many of the finest houses were marked 
as forfeited. To my Grief I found that also some of our People's were 
marked: H. Waldrons, Kilbruns, Isaac Van Vlecks, Bouquets and 
Kings ; the two latter doubtless on account their Husbands. 'Tis true 

Notes and Queries. 377 

some had been marked by Persons that had no authority to do it, 
because it was publickly desired that the houses of all those that had 
been on the side of the Rebels might be marked. Waldron's and Kil- 
brun's was rubbed off again, by whom I don't know ; I had made also 
application in their Behalf. It had been frequently talked of, that they 
would rather burn the town, than that the King's Troops should be in 
possession of it; and the removal of the inhabitants of the poor-house 
and other poor at public expense ; the warning by the Cryer in the 
Streets, that all women, children and Infirm should leave the Town 
looked suspicious, (it is now clear they did it only with an Intention to 
frighten as many People away as they could) however it was now 
thought, that one had nothing to fear of that kind. But alas I on the 
21st of Sept. soon after midnight a terrible fire broke out and raged ten 
or eleven hours with the greatest fury. It begun somewhere about the 
White Hall and swept away all that part of the Town along the North 
River as far as the College, a part of Broad Street, New Street, Beaver 
Street, several cross streets going to Broadway and the lower part and 
some of the upper part of the Broadway as far as St. Paul's, which was 
sav'd with the greatest Difficulty ; but the old Lutheran Church, Trinity 
Church &c. were entirely destroyed. I was about the fire from the Be- 
ginning to the end helped what I could, 'till I could hardly walk any 
more my feet being so sore. At last it caught already the corner house 
of our street and if it had not been put out, our part of the City would 
have been in danger and consequently also our chapel and house. . . . 
I got them our Ladders, which they put to the roof of that corner-house, 
carried up Buckets with water and thus got it out. I had the pleasure 
to be of some comfort to our Neighbours, who cried for fear, especially 
the Women, and asked me frequently whether I thought the fire would 
come to our street too. Some of our People had retreated to our house 
and several brought of their effects, so that it was quite full below. 
When the fire was cried, I was quite alone in the house, for our Servant 
Girl went also into the country that Sunday morning when the King's 
Troops landed. Kilbrun's lost two handsome houses, worth about 
1000, if not more. Pell's, three houses, what they were I don't know, 
(but one did let for 30. per year), Mrs Zoller, her Cottage and Mr 
Jacobsen, one. Others of our People lost of their Effects more or less 
either destroyed by the fire or stolen. There is great reason to think that 
the fire was caused or promoted by some men lost to humanity and hired 
perhaps for such a hellish design. Some were taken up furnished with 
large matches and other combustibles ; they said they found upon a New 
Englandman 500. and the commission of an officer, who was endeavour- 
ing to promote the fire. A carpenter of this place was killed on the spot 
and hung up by the Heels, because he cut the handles of Buckets &c. 
Those that knew the man say he was always against the Kebellion and 
therefore cannot account for his doing so, unless he was drunk, as they 
suppose he was. 

" This dreadful affair of the fire threw a great damp upon the former 
Joy and has been a source of complicated misery and Distress. A gen- 
eral distrust took seemingly place. More than a hundred, some say above 
200 were taken up on suspicion to have had a hand in the fire, among 
whom was our old Conrad, or else to have been aiding the Rebellion. 
However the most were discharged soon. All House keepers were to 
give in their names and of those with them, to General Robertson com- 
manding in New York. All Houses were searched, if there were some 
forbidden materials hidden. When they were in our Neighbourhood I 
opened the door for them, but they would not come in and said, they 

378 Notes and Queries. 

knew I was no Congressman ! After 8 o'CIock no man was to be in the 
Streets unless he knew the Counter-Sign. Many of the Inhabitants, 
some of whom had suffer'd much in the Woods, hills and the beach, 
came now to Town again, tho' some with much danger. But the women 
could not come, and this is the case with my own dear Ann who is still 
in the Jerseys. . . . 

" In October a Petition was agreed to by the Inhabitants to the King's 
Commissioners to be taken again under the King's Protection and re- 
stored to peace &c. ; it was signed by more than 900 ; another petition 
was put up, to the Governor to deliver the said petition to the Commis- 
sioners, which was also done by him. The most part of the month of 
October, I was sick and fell away very much, and so weak that I hardly 
could walk, yet I made shift to Preach on Sunday, tho' one time I was 
near fainted away before I could say the Blessing. My first walk was to 
go and sign the said Petition. 

" As to the operations of the war, the Rebel army settled themselves 
between Harlem and King's Bridge, had an advantageous situation of 
Ground, many Intrenchments, and some strong Forts, and must have been 
reinforced too, for it seems there was there a great number together. 
More Troops arrived likewise from Europe and mostly all went that 
way, to drive the Rebels away. There were engagements from time to 
time and it seems a good many killed on both sides, tho' the Rebels 
would never face rightly the King's army. Many Prisoners were brought 
in, and it is not known where to put them. The new low Dutch church ; 
the French church ; Quaker new meeting, full of them ; the new brick 
Presbyterian meeting a Hospital ; the Baptist meeting, a storehouse ; 
and thus all them used in one or the other way. As the troops were 
mostly drawn from Staten Island, the Rebels made now and then in- 
roads, and plagued the People there. Thus it went on (on the Jersey 
side the King's troops had only Fowl's Hook. Bergen, Hackensack, 
Newark, Elizabethtown &c. were in possession of the Rebels), 'till Nov. 
16, when the King's troops attacked the lines and the strong Fort 
Washington, and carried it, and thus clear'd New York island. Before 
this they had taken King's Bridge, were masters of East and West 
Chester, and White Plains, where there had been a smart engagement, 
and the main body of the Rebel army retreated along the North River, 
and then as it is reported took into Connecticut Province. Those that 
were about and in Fort Washington were mostly either killed or taken 
prisoners, tho' many, especially of the Hessians fell that forenoon. The 
cannonading was so vehement that we heard it plainly. Those in the 
Fort surrendered and above 2000 were made prisoners that day. On 
Monday they were brought to Town. In the forenoon two officers, and 
two other gentlemen came to our house and chapel, and I showed it 
them. One of the officers ran from top to bottom and everywhere on 
the premises ; the other officer hearing that the chapel was in use, said 
it is a pity to take it. It alarmed me not a little. I sat down and 
wrote a Petition to Gen. Robertson, commandant of the city, and an- 
other to Governor Tryon. I went first to the General and being not at 
home I left it there ; I then went to the latter who was at home. I was 
shown into a Parlour and after a little while called in ; he was friendly 
and desired me to sit down. He told me he could do nothing in the 
affair, as now all Power was in the Army ; but he added a few lines to 
the General, viz. this Petition is referred to the favourable consideration 
of ^Gen. Robertson &c. . . . 

" In the afternoon about four o'clock I saw a multitude before our 
house and one of the Guards knocked at the door and asked whether 

Notes and Queries. 379 

this was the Moravian meeting ; I told him yes. He reply'd I have 
been ordered to bring these 400 prisoners here. To the question on 
whose order, he answered Gen. Smith's and Robertson's . . . The 
Major and another came in ; I opened the chapel ; they said the place 
would not hold them, which was much urged by the other officer-like 
man, saying he had told it before, for he had been in the place before at 
a service. In short they began to doubt whether it was not a mistake, 
and that the North Church was meant. A young man of the Town who 
is always friendly to me, tho' I am not acquainted with him further, and 
who now hath the care of the Provisions for the Prisoners, had a key 
saying it was the key to our meeting ; I told him it was not, for none 
had the key but myself. This seemed to confirm it that it was a mis- 
take, and moreover this young man was sorry that the Prisoners should 
come into our place. There were many spectators gathered together by 
this time ; I looked for a person to send for one of our Brethren, but 
could see none I knew ; but after a little while Philip Sykes came of 
his own accord and glad I was to have one with me in the house. In 
the meantime the Major and the other two went to make new inquiry; 
one came back and said he had met with the Deputy Quarter Master 
who told him they must be here, for there were designed 800 for the 
North Church, and 400 for ours. Well ! the gates were opened, for they 
would not that they should come thro' the house ; the Sergeant of the 
Guard, a civil man, desired me to have everything that was loose taken 
away before they came in. This was done, which caused another delay 
and before it was ended the Major came again inquiring after the com- 
mandant ; he was told there was none but the Sergeant, who was then 
in the chapel. ' Well,' says he to him, ' stop yet before they come in, I 
will go once more to the General.' When he returned he accosted me: 
'Sir, if it is more agreeable to you, I will take them to another Place;' 
I thanked him heartily ; ' Well,' said he, ' I believe they would be a dis- 
agreeable company to you,' and then he took them to the North Church. 
They were standing in the street before our door, I believe near an 
hour. . . . How it will go further I cannot tell ; I am not without all 
apprehensions when the Troops come into Winter Quarters, that there 
may not be a new attempt. A creditable neighbor told me some days 
ago, that he believed there was none that wished it out of spite; that 
my character was known, but ours was a spacious building, and they 
did not know where to put all the People, especially since the fire 
destroyed so many houses. 

" After Fort Washington was taken some thousands of the King's 
troops went over into the Jerseys ; Fort Constitution or Lee was taken 
without a blow, leaving their canon, 400 000 cartridges &c. The Rebels 
would burn Hackensack but the inhabitants opposed them, and four 
hours after came the King's troops whom they received with joy. Last 
Sunday, Nov 24th., the Head Quarters of the Rebels were in Newark ; 
today (Nov 27th) the report is that the King's troops are in Newark; 
and it is thought they will proceed straightway to Philadelphia. Fear 
seizes the Rebels, they flee or fall and the eyes of many are opened, and 
it is time ; for often they have been deluded, they are left unprovided in 
most miserable condition. 

" The most what concerns me now is, that my poor wife might come 
home, and I hope it will not be long. It was so difficult to get a Letter 
there, that a man asked two Dollars for getting one thither. Among the 
couple of hundred of officers that were brought in from Fort Washing- 
ton, who were first put into the Methodist Meeting house, but now are 
in other houses and on their Parole walk about, is also Helm from Phil- 

380 Notes and Queries. 

adelphia, who has been with me twice. What is become of Joseph 
Frohlich, the three sons of Reed, Allen, Zoller, I can't hear ; John 
Cargyle's son was brought in a Prisoner, soon in the beginning, at last 
he enlisted in the King's service and is now on Long Island. Peter 
Conrjid was also a prisoner for sometime, but was discharged. They 
say there were 5000 prisoners in town. Many die, I hear four to five are 
buried sometimes in one day, yea lately fifteen in two days. They get 
no coffins, but are laid in their clothes. 

" It is but seldom at Night, I get a regular rest, because of the noise and 
racket in the street, especially as many prisoners are opposite our house. 
This Winter will doubtless be a hard one. Wood is not to be had; 
they give $3 to $4. for one load of Oak wood, for which and less a whole 
cord used to be bought. The case is much the same with bread, often 
people can get none ; in general most things are as dear again as they 
were and some more : a pound of butter 3 to 4 shillings ; 3 eggs one 
shilling; the riding of a load of wood which was formerly one shilling 
is now two or more. Fences, wooden buildings &c., are pulled down 
surprisingly and burnt by the army. It was a good luck and kind 
Providence that in July, shortly before the last troubles began I ventured 
it and bought a couple of cords of wood, which now is of great service 
to me ; many had not a stick when the Winter came in. How else we 
shall get thro' I don't know, for the Quarter from Michaelmas to Christ- 
mas we have but got as yet between 4 and 5. for our maintenance, for 
the most of our people are absent. You may perhaps, Dear Brother, 
think we might have escaped many of these troublesome scenes, if we 
had embraced your kind invitation of coming to you, but I believe 
when you weigh all circumstances, that you will see it was well that I 
stayed, at least it appears so to me. If I had been gone and our place 
shut up, very likely I had been reckoned to the number of the other 
ministers that are gone and we had got the name of Kebel ; but this I 
know is not the case now, and it has pleased many people that I stood 
my ground, and they have said, that it is good there is one place where 
one may hear the Word. Besides this, I apprehend our Chapel and 
house would have been taken long before now for one and the other use. 

" Yesterday Dec. 1st., Sunday, a number of officers came into the 
house and would have quarters there. They looked about, some talked 
of having the chapel, some of but some rooms, others my whole house, 
and one Cornet of Light horse marked one room on the second floor for 
himself, and desired me to move the things out of it this afternoon, and 
let him have a table and a couple of chairs, for which he would pay. 
After they left I went to Gen. Eobertson ; he told me he had given them 
no order for it; we should have asked them for their order. He took 
my name and the matter down, and then offered of his own accord to 
go himself to Alderman Waddel and inquire into the matter. On the 
way we met with one of the officers who said he would put people into 
the chapel, going to the General, upon which the latter returned with 
us. This officer talked quite in another strain in the presence of the 
General, who is a very clever old gentleman he said he would not 
have any place disturbed where service was kept, and dismissed us. 
Well, I have wrote so much that I fear you will be tired to read it, and 
yet much more might be said. The people that have stay'd in the Town 
and are come back are certainly the best off. A new Proclamation has 
been published and a full Pardon offered to all that return to their alle- 
giance within sixty days ; certainly more cannot be done, and whosoever 
does not avail himself of it cannot be pitied afterwards. . . 

Dec. 2, 1776. E. G. SHEWKIRK" 

Notes and Queries. 381 

The following letter from John Ross, Esq., a member of the Philadel- 
phia Bar, to his friend Dr. Cadwalader Evans, at the date residing in 
Jamaica, West Indies, giving an account of the accidental death of John 
Kiusey, Jr., son of John Kinsey, formerly chief-justice of the Supreme 
Court of Pennsylvania, is contributed by Henry D. Biddle, Esq. : 


" I am going for New Castle early in the morning I just heard of a 
vessel going to Jamaica before my return, so in haste determined to give 
you one scrawl, least you should think the neighbourhood forgot you 
but you may depend that will never happen we gratefully and cordially 
remember you often ; even at the widow Jones's I would tell you all 
the news in a word if possible with all haste. to begin Our neighbour- 
hood just as you left us, only B. Franklin lives in your house. The 
Col. Hollier not yet gone to sea. I think all your acquaintance continue 
well, save poor Johnny Kinsey jnnior on tuesday the 8 th inst. by acci- 
dent shot himself dead coming over Gray's ferry by Schuylkill falls 
while in the boat. He had loaded his gun, and as is supposed, let the 
butt drop on the bottom of the flat, the gun erect, in a line with his 
body by his side went off, when half cock'd The whole load of shot 
struck his left cheek, and went up directly into his brain he dropt and 
was dead in an instant never groaned Great sorrow attended his 
father and all his friends for the accident. He had strange apparitions 
of his death the night before, which he informed his aunt Bowene of at 
breakfast that morning of the accident, which I must relate you, as it is 
as true as surprising He talking with his aunt at breakfast concerning 
his being admitted as an attorney and going into business, said, he be- 
lieved he had nothing to do with business, for his time he thought was 
not long in this world He said that last night he was strangely dis- 
turbed in his sleep with dreams and apparitions that his cousin 
Charles Pemberton who died last Spring appeared to him wrapped in a 
sheet and said to him, " Kinsey your hour is come you must go with 
me" and he disappeared. Soon after appeared a person before him in 
the form of an angel (according to the idea he had of an angel) and said 
to him, " Kinsey, your hour is come you must go with me" and in- 
stantly he thought a flash of lightning struck him on the cheek and 
he instantly died : this was followed with a severe clap of thunder and 
lightning that awaked him from his sleep, and all these particulars came 
fresh to his memory, and gave him great uneasiness (Note, no thunder 
or lightning that night) Upon this he endeavoured to get to sleep 
again and after dosing a short time he was awaked again by the noise of 
a person walking across the room, giving one heavy groan he heard or 
saw no more, but got out of bed, went into the other room cnlled the 
Scotch boy to bring in his bed and lay by him the remainder of the 
night In the morning at breakfast, tuesday last, he communicated all 
the before related to his aunt Bowene and Hannah Kearney He seemed 
much dejected upon it. was confident he was near his end: but to divert 
himself for that day he determined to take his gun and go fowling with 
young J. Desborow young Oxley and two or three more They walked 
to Coulter's ferry and crossed Schuylkill, and up to the Falls ferry he 
told the company several times as they walked, he wished no accident 
might befall him before he got home. On their return, crossing the 
ferry, in the boat, the unhappy accident happened him Thus you 
have the particulars of this melancholy affair as fully as I could relate 
it, if with you. And I chose to be particular in it, because I have met 

382 Notes and Queries. 

with no story in history so well attested as this concerning the premo- 
nitions from Heaven of our dissolution. The flash that struck his cheek 
when asleep clearly answered by the flash of the gun, and the shot 
thereof first striking His aunts laboured to persuade him not to go a 
gunning that day, and he agreed ; but afterwards meeting his company 
they prevailed with him as they had all agreed to go the night before. 

" Our President Palmer is married to the young widow that lived at 
Harriet Clay. Old Doctor Kearsley is to be married this week to M 
Bland M rs Usher's niece that lives near the Burying ground Doctor 
Bond is gone to spend the winter at Barbadoes in a low state of health ; 
it is thought he will continue there if the climate agrees with him Last 
week Judah Foulke had a son born no small joy About 20 of us bap- 
tized it last monday at John Biddle's in hot arrack punch and his 
name is called Cadwalader John Smith has passed one meeting with 
Miss Hannah Logan I would give you more, now my hand is in, if I 
could recollect ; but I have wrote by this conveyance to my relation 
Doctor Ross, as duplicate of my letter by you, I pray you will say from 
me to him And let me hear from you as often as possible and how you 
are like to succeed. 

" I shall write per next to Doct r Curnesby concerning Noxon's estate 
Your father and all friends are well. 

" I sincerely wish you all imaginable felicity and with all the haste I 
began I cannot help now concluding that I am 

" your very affectionate Friend 

" and Humble Servant 

"JOHN Ross 

" Philad a , Sunday Evening 

" 13 th November 1748 

S* Anns Jamaica " 

" History of the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna" is now com- 
pleted, and makes a compact volume of 702 pages, with full index. It 
brings the history down from the advent of the whites to the close of 
1799. All the Indian deeds for the purchase of the Susquehanna lands 
are given, together with full accounts of all the invasions and bloody 
massacres. The " Big Runaway" in 1778 is described, together with 
many thrilling accounts of captivities. The Journal of Colonel Burd, 
while stationed at Fort Augusta, is printed in full, together with that of 
Fithian, who made a trip up the valley in the summer of 1775, and tells 
what he saw and whom he met. The work has been entirely rewritten, 
and a large amount of new material introduced, making it practically a 
new book, and double the value of the old one of thirty-three years 
ago. There are illustrations of Indian antiquities, forts, historic build- 
ings, portraits of Van Campen and Covenhoven, the celebrated scouts, 
diagrams of manors, a plan of the survey of Sunbury, in 1772, showing 
the name of all the original lot-holders, map of the Indian purchases, 
and one of the valley from Sunbury to Lock Haven, showing the tribu- 
tary streams and the islands of the river, the locations of forts, and 
where many of the pioneers settled. Price $5, in half morocco. 

SAMUEL CARPENTER. The following gives an indirect clue to Sam- 
uel Carpenter's place of emigration in England : From a manuscript 
lolio vellum-bound book in the Ridgway Library " Logan's Letters" is 
a letter addressed " To Coll Ez u Somersall in Jam a " (Jamaica), signed 

Notes and Queries. 383 

"Thy affectionate Brother Jonath n Dickinson," written probably in 
1715. " Cap* Richmond Saith hee will take all the Care hee Cann There 
goes w th this Ship a pson wee have Great Regards for on [el John Car- 
penter y e Son of old Sam 11 Carpenter I cannot but Recomend him to thy 
Notice as well as to Some others of my friends his father was an Inti- 
mate acquaintance in Our ffamily before wee left England & [a] pson of 
Great Esteem in this Province who Dyed Last Summer." The next 
letter to Caleb Dickinson, J. Dickinson's brother, in Wiltshire, April 18, 
1715, would give the impression the Dickinsons may have come from 
that place. W. J. P. 

JOHN ADAMS ON TITLES. The following letter is in the autograph 
collection of Mr. Charles Roberts of Philadelphia : 

g IR PARIS April 16, 1783. 

In answer to the Inquiry of Mr. Fagel you will please to inform him 
that the Letters of Credence of Mr. Van Berckell should be addressed 
" To the United States of America in Congress assembled." 

"Friends and Allies." 

The King of France indeed has added the word " great." " Great Friends 
and Allies." But I think it would be much better to leave out the word 
great and all other Epithets. Congress have never assumed any other 
Style, and I hope they never will assume or receive any other. 

I have the honor to be sir, your respectfull and obedient Servant, 



Just Published, 



No. 51, Market street, 

Mr. William M. Biddle, No. 30 Walnut street, 
and by the subscriber, No. 125 Race street, 

Price 5 Dollars, 



With an Appendix, 

/CONTAINING a great variety of Precedents for the use of Justices 
Vy of the Peace, Sheriffs, Attornies, and Conveyancers. 

All the public Laws of this State now in force are arranged under 
their proper heads and placed in alphabetical order with a compleat 
Index to the whole. 

The above work having received the approbation of the Judges of the 
Supreme Court, and being allowed by act of Assembly to be read in evi- 
dence in the several courts of justice in this common-wealth, the Editor 
flatters himself that it will not only be of service to gentlemen of the law 
and public officers, but will also be found very useful'to his fellow citi- 
zens in general. 


Philadelphia, March 21, 1801. 

N. B. A considerable discount will be allowed those who buy to sell 

384 Notes and Queries. 

BOOK LOST. I am minded to try the chances of recovering a book 
lent one hundred and nine years ago, and not yet returned. A copy, in 
perfect condition, of the first volume of Bishop Burnet's "History of his 
Own Time, London, printed for Thomas Ward in the Inner-Temple Lane 
1724," folio (being the first edition), is in the possession of a descendant 
of Christopher Marshall, whose signature, with the mem. " 2 vols.," ap- 
pears on the margin of the title-page. 

On page 236 of " Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall," 
edited by William Duane, Albany, 1877, occurs the following entry, 
under date of February 2, 1780, when Mr. Marshall was living at Lan- 
caster, Penna. 

" Dined with us, William Bispham ; bought of him three and a half 
yards yard-wide tow linen ; Paid him thirty-eight continental dollars ; 
lent him the second volume in folio of Bishop Burnet's History of hi* own 
time." T. S. 

HITCHCOCK'S SCHOOL. Can any of the readers of the PENNSYLVA- 
NIA MAGAZINE give me the location of Hitchcock's school in 1825 ? 
Germantown. B. S. W. 

HITCHCOCK'S SCHOOL. Ira Irvine Hitchcock's " Hill of Science 
Seminary" was located on Cherry near Fourth Street, and was a mixed 
school of boys and girls. ED. PENNA. MAG. 

ELTON. Referring to the inquiry, PENNA. MAG., Vol. IX., p. 119, for 
maiden name of Hannah, wife of William Elton, it appears from records 
in an old family Bible in possession of Elizabeth Bromley, of Moores- 
town, N. J., that she was the daughter of Arthur and Margery Borra- 
daile, born 8th of Twelfth Month, 1731, and died 25th of Fourth Month, 
1799. She is thought to have been the daughter of Arthur Borradaile, 
who was the third child of John and Sarah (Frampton) Borradaile. 
Said Arthur was born 3d of November, 1706. The Borradaile record is 
taken from a family Bible in the possession of George Wolf Holstein, 
Belvidere, N. J. R. J. D. 

Burlington, N. J. 

CLASS 1762. (Honorary Graduates). Isaac Smith, refer "Port 
Folio," Vol. I., February, 1809; to which may be added, that he was 
elected a member of the American Philosophical Society, 4th Novem- 
ber, 1768 ; Dr. Hall's " History of the Presbyterian Church of Trenton, 
N. J.," p. 243, and General William S. Stryker's monographs, " Trenton 
One Hundred Years Ago," and " Washington's Reception by the People 
of New Jersey in 1789." 

CLASS 1815. George Buchanan. Information can be furnished by 
Roberdeau Buchanan, Washington, D.C., but a full biography will ap- 
pear in his forthcoming " McKeau Genealogy." 

CLASS 1841. (Honorary Graduates). Rev. Jehu Curtis Clay, D.D., 
some time rector of Gloria Dei Church, Philadelphia, was the son of 
Rev Slator Clay. He married first Jeanette Schuyler, daughter of Dr. 
Annan, who died of yellow fever in 1798 ; his second wife was Syinons 
Eadie (daughter of a merchant from Barbadoes. West Indies), who died 
in 1888. 





VOL. XIII. 1889. No. 4. 



It is well known that when the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence was adopted, there was a large party in Pennsylvania, 
led by some of its most distinguished public men, who 
thought the time decided upon for that purpose premature. 
It is worth while to consider the reasons which led them to 
this conclusion. Ever since the close of the Revolutionary 
War the independence of the country has always been 
looked upon as so unmixed a blessing that we are sometimes 
at a loss to understand how men who gained so high a repu- 
tation for statesman-like ability should have fallen into the 
error of thinking that it was their duty in July, 1776, to 
oppose an act of separation from the mother-country. 

On the 4th of November, 1775, the Assembly of Penn- 
sylvania chose as its Delegates to the Continental Congress 
John Dickinson, Eobert Morris, Benjamin Franklin, Charles 
Humphreys, Edward Biddle, Thomas Willing, Andrew 
Allen, and James Wilson, the very flower of the moneyed 
and intellectual aristocracy of the Province. 

VOL. xiii. 25 (385) 

386 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

On the 9th of November, 1775, the Assembly gave these 
Delegates instructions in regard to the policy they were 
to pursue in Congress as representatives of Pennsylvania. 
They were told, " You should use your utmost endeavors to 
agree upon and recommend the adoption of such measures 
as you shall judge to afford the best prospect of obtaining 
the redress of American grievances, and utterly reject any 
proposition (should such be made) that may cause or lead to 
a separation from the mother-country, or a change in the 
form of this government" (that is, the charter government 
of the Province). 

From November, 1775, to June, 1776, a large and con- 
stantly-increasing party grew up which advocated a policy 
directly the reverse of that laid down in these instructions. 
This party, calling itself "Whig, insisted not merely upon a 
speedy declaration of independence, but also upon a sub- 
version of the charter government of the Province and a 
substitution for it of one of a more popular form, to be 
framed by a Convention to be chosen by the people. Thus 
early was the question of national independence presented 
to the people of Pennsylvania inseparably linked with the 
proposition to abandon their own long-tried home govern- 
ment, under which the Province had for a century grown 
and prospered, and adopt a new and untried scheme. 

On the 10th of May, 1776, Congress resolved " that it be 
recommended to the different Colonies where no govern- 
ment sufficient to < the exigencies of their affairs' has been 
established, to adopt such a government as would answer 
the purpose." 

The Whig party in Pennsylvania insisted that the gov- 
ernment under Penn's charter was not suited to "the 
exigencies of their affairs," and should be abolished in 
order that a popular Convention might frame a new one. 
The majority of the Assembly denied both propositions. 

On the 8th of June, 1776, the Assembly, after much 
heated discussion out of doors and several days' debate 
within, rescinded the instructions to the Delegates adopted 
on the 9th of November, 1775, and authorized them by new 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 387 

instructions to concur with the other Delegates in Congress 
in forming contracts with " the united Colonies, concluding 
treaties with foreign kingdoms, and such measures as they 
shall judge necessary for promoting the liberty, etc., of the 
people of this Province, reserving to said people the sole and 
exclusive right of regulating the internal government of the same.' 9 

The new instructions were generally approved, and laid 
aside in order to be transcribed for their final passage on 
the 14th of June. When that day arrived, it appeared that 
there was not a quorum of members, the rules requiring 
that two-thirds of the whole number should be present for 
the transaction of business. The Whigs in the Assembly, 
by a secret understanding, had withdrawn, and never again 
took their seats in that body, either because they regarded 
the Assembly as without any legal power since the vote 
of Congress of May 10-15, 1776, or because the Assembly 
had by the new instructions protested against any attempt 
to change the home government, or because the Whigs 
felt, that, if by their withdrawal they could for a short time 
paralyze the action of the Assembly, the progress of the 
Revolution would do the rest. At any rate, thus fell the 
Provincial Assembly, keeping up its shadowy existence 
until the close of August, 1776, by constant adjournments, 
a quorum for business being at no time present. Its fall 
raises many interesting questions, -among others, where 
and in whom was vested the legal authority when the assent 
of Pennsylvania was supposed to have been given to the 
Declaration of Independence on the 4th of July, 1776. 1 

It seems as if the time had come when we should make 
an effort to understand these curious transactions by which 
Pennsylvania became a State, and especially that we should 
examine the relation to these events borne by the ablest 
body of men ever sent by Pennsylvania to represent her in 
a legislative body. 

1 The Delegates from Pennsylvania who signed the Declaration of 
Independence of July 4, 1776, were chosen by a Convention which was 
called to frame a new State Constitution, on the 20th of July, 1776, and 
not by the legal Assembly. 

388 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

We are confronted at the outset with a difficulty which has 
embarrassed every Pennsylvanian historian of these times, 
a scarcity of material for their illustration. This is caused 
mainly by the negligence or carelessness of the descendants 
of those who were prominent actors in the early part of the 
Revolution. It is not easy to overestimate the loss of repu- 
tation which Pennsylvania has suffered and still suffers from 
this cause. Long ago Mr. "William B. Reed complained 
that family records were not accessible to the historian, and 
in his preface to the " Life of President Reed" he draws 
attention to the singular indifference which has been mani- 
fested (probably from this cause) by Pennsylvania!! writers in 
preserving the memory of those men of their own State who 
were prominent, either as soldiers or statesmen, during the 
American Revolution. Whether this is due to the fact that 
most of these men embraced that side during the war which 
became unpopular because it was unsuccessful, or whether 
it is regarded as an ungracious task to explain how many 
good reasons may have existed at the time which justified 
patriotic men in doubting whether the Declaration of In- 
dependence was opportune, certain it is that our own leaders 
in those days, men like Wilson and Dickinson and Morris, 
who were among the earliest and most powerful of the ad- 
vacates of resistance to the pretensions of the ministry, have 
had scant justice done them. They are almost forgotten, 
and their services unheeded, as every one feels when the 
story <of the Revolution is told in our day. They have, in- 
deed, as many think, been relegated to unmerited obscurity 
" quia carent vate sacro." 

The lives and services of men in other States who were 
prominent at this time have been commemorated with a 
fulness and minuteness of detail which gives the very natural 
but very erroneous impression that the War of the Revo- 
lution was fought wholly by them, and that victory was at 
last achieved solely by their wisdom and valor. While the 
work of every prominent man during the Revolutionary 
War, and of many claiming, without much reason, to have 
been prominent therein who came from JSTew England or 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 389 

Virginia has been most abundantly worked up and illus- 
trated by their diaries or by their correspondence, which 
has been carefully preserved, we have been reduced in Penn- 
sylvania to the humble position of mere purveyors of ma- 
terial to writers who have used it to build up the fame of 
those not of our own household. We have no widely-known 
and elaborate biography of any of our Revolutionary heroes, 
save that of President Reed. In Graydon's Memoirs and 
Christopher Marshall's Diary we certainly find the most 
authentic material for reconstructing the social life in this 
city during the Revolution ; but to weave this material into 
an account of the personal doings and opinions of those 
whom we know in a vague sort of way to have been most 
active in doing the work without which the Declaration of 
Independence would have proved a mere mockery, is a 
task which has hardly yet been undertaken, much less 

It is not flattering to our pride, to say the least, to find in 
the biographies of those men of the Revolution who were 
not Pennsylvanians striking testimony of the commanding 
influence that was wielded during the struggle by our own 
men, and to observe how this testimony is used to form a 
sort of background to set off the work of others. "We find, 
indeed, in all the contemporary accounts unquestioned 
evidence that John Dickinson held in his hands the desti- 
nies of this country between the date of the Stamp Act and 
that of the Declaration of Independence, that James Wilson 
was universally recognized as the profoundest lawyer not 
only in the Continental Congress, but also in the Convention 
which framed the Constitution of the United States, that 
the modest title of the financier of the Revolution is one 
which feebly describes the inestimable services of Robert 
Morris ; but as to who these men were, how they happened 
to do such great service, what was their origin, education, and 
general environment and characteristics, we know almost 
nothing. We discover, no doubt, that whatever else they 
did in the Revolution they committed the cardinal and irre- 
missible sin of thinking that the proper time for dissolving 

390 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

our connection with England had not come in July, 1776, 
and that, having been mistaken in this opinion, they have 
been rightly excluded from the Valhalla reserved for our 
Revolutionary heroes. The approval of the Declaration of 
Independence nowadays is the sole test of patriotism, and 
very little heed is given to the earnestness of their opinions 
or the energy of their conduct during the war, either before 
or after that event. 

It is certainly not to be wondered at that the descendants 
of those who laid the foundation of the most powerful gov- 
ernment of a popular form in modern times, under every 
possible discouragement, should claim for their ancestors 
the very highest perhaps the exclusive honor. They are 
doubtless entitled to the profoundest gratitude of those who 
now enjoy the fruit of their labors. Still, we have hardly 
adopted that opinion of antiquity which looked upon the 
denial that one's own city was founded by the gods as a 
form of gross impiety, and it may not be out of place to 
recall occasionally the aid which the " Signers" derived, 
in their work of building up the nation, from unconscious 

There is a curious popular tendency observable in the 
history of all revolutions by which the sympathy of the 
victorious party is more freely manifested towards those 
who have been its enemies than towards those friends and 
neighbors who have been moderate or lukewarm in its 
support. We read, for instance, with the deepest interest 
Mr. Sabine's account of the misfortunes of the loyalists of 
the American Revolution. To many it is indeed the 
saddest tale of suffering with which they are acquainted. 
"When they read how the wild regions of Nova Scotia, of 
New Brunswick, and of Upper Canada were settled by 
people whose ancestors had been among the earliest and 
most enlightened of those who first came to these shores, 
and who themselves had been the chief instruments in 
building up the civilization of the Colonies, that these men 
who had been the leaders here were driven forth into the 
wilderness for no other reason than that they were loyal 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 391 

to the king and to the established order, when they read, 
I say, of the prolonged sufferings and miseries of these 
unhappy people, they forget their disloyalty in the sturdy 
devotion which they exhibited to principle, and they are 
inclined to regard the sufferings they endured as an expia- 
tion even of the wrongs of the partisan warfare in which so 
many of them engaged. So it has been elsewhere. Take 
the Jacobites for instance, those especially who were engaged 
in open warfare against the kings of the house of Hanover: 
they are far more attractive and interest us much more than 
men like Harley and Bolingbroke, who had sworn allegiance 
to Queen Anne and who used their position to undermine 
her throne. So posterity, without much regard to party 
feelings, looks with admiration and sympathy upon the 
sufferings and the exploits of the peasants of La Vendee in 
defence of what they claimed to be their religion and their 
country, while the Girondists, to whose counsel and acts 
much of the success of that world-movement, the French 
Revolution, was due, are regarded chiefly as a party whose 
leaders perished by the guillotine, and their special services 
to the Revolution are either ignored or forgotten. Such has 
always been the course of history. The man who does not 
side with the most violent in a revolutionary crisis is not 
only not a patriot in popular estimation ; he is extremely 
fortunate if he is not pointed at as a traitor. To the ex- 
cited imagination of the leaders at such times there is no 
via media. An open enemy is less feared and more re- 
spected than a lukewarm friend. Hence " moderates" at 
such a crisis are never treated fairly, and their reputation 
clings to them in history. 

All kinds of motives, usually without reason, are ascribed 
to such people in order to explain their indifference. They 
are assumed to have been wanting in patriotism, and at 
times to have shown a spirit of cowardly submission. Thus 
it would appear from many accounts of the time that there 
were certain classes of the people in Pennsylvania during the 
Revolution who were bound to the English connection by 
ties which were not felt by people in other parts of the 

392 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

country. It is supposed, for instance, that there was some- 
thing in the religion of the Quakers which forbade them 
to love their country as other people did, or to seek a 
change of government and of rulers when oppression be- 
came intolerable. The kindest view of their conduct is 
supposed to be that which excuses their submission to 
tyranny on the ground that they were passive non-resist- 
ants on principle. It need not be said how the whole 
history of the Quakers is a protest against the use of ar- 
bitrary power, always resisted in their own way. So it is 
said that the friends of the Proprietary government, from 
their love of office and of power, withstood the popular 
claims. Any pretext, however false or unreasonable, is 
seized upon to explain why Pennsylvania statesmen, friends 
as well as enemies to the charter government, did not bow 
submissively to the revolutionary notions of the $"ew Eng- 
land leaders. The obvious fact seems to be forgotten, or 
lost sight of, that John Penn, the Governor, was up to a 
certain point in sympathy with the rebels, and that Penn- 
sylvania, having controlled and directed the opposition to 
the measures of the ministry throughout the country from 
the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, did not think it 
prudent or wise to abandon in 1776 the traditional and 
English course she had pursued in seeking for the redress 
of grievances. 

Again, an impression is conveyed in books claiming to be 
histories of the time that Pennsylvania was dragged reluc- 
tantly into the war, and did not support it earnestly because 
her statesmen had not approved the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and it has sometimes been hinted that she was 
disloyal or disaffected to the American cause when the 
British army was within her borders. The latter charge is 
made principally on the authority of Mr. Galloway, who ac- 
companied as a refugee Sir "William Howe on his march 
from the head of Elk to Philadelphia in 1777. This gentle- 
man stated to a committee of the House of Commons that 
the people along the line of march appeared generally 
loyal to the crown and furnished the army with provisions 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 393 

without difficulty. 1 " But how happens it, Mr. Galloway," 
said one of the members of the committee, " if such were 
the case, that you got no recruits or volunteers for your 
corps during the eight months which the British army 
occupied Philadelphia?" The only answer that he could 
give to such a question was that the inducements held out 
by Sir "William Howe to encourage enlistments were not 
powerful enough. And yet it is perfectly true that the 
farmers in the neighborhood of the city preferred to sell 
their produce for hard money to the British, rather than to 
the Americans for worthless paper. Such has always been 
about the measure of the virtue of non-combatants under 
similar circumstances. 

But the test of the approval of the Declaration is applied 
in all cases by the New England writers to the acts of our 
public men in order to ascertain their patriotism. For this 
purpose it is amusing to trace from year to year the ac- 
count Mr. Bancroft gives of John Dickinson. He is a 
patriot when he agrees with Otis and the two Adamses, but 
something very much the reverse when their revolutionary 
violence has forced him to separate himself from them. Mr. 
Bancroft first speaks of him as the "illustrious farmer" 
(the author of the " Farmer's Letters"), and then as " want- 
ing in vigor of will," and further on as " timid, deficient in 
energy," " apathetic, of a tame spirit," etc., and lastly, and 
chiefly, as " differing from John Adams," who, with charac- 
teristic ill-breeding and bad temper, spoke of him as a 
"piddling genius." Yet this is the man, we may say in 
passing, who had for years consolidated the strength of the 
whole country on legal grounds against the measures of the 
ministry, who, although he refused to sign the Declaration 
in July, yet alone of all the members of the Continental 
Congress is found in arms in August of the same year at 
the head of his regiment of associators at Amboy, ready 
to repel an expected attack of the British a'rmy who had 

1 It is well known that provisions of all kinds were sold at famine 
prices in the markets of Philadelphia while that city was occupied by 
the British. See " Elizabeth Drinker's Journal." 

394 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

landed on Staten Island. One cannot help feeling that a 
few more such lukewarm friends would have been service- 
able to the American cause at that crisis. 1 

In short, it is very clear to any student of our Revolu- 
tionary history that we must seek for some other test of 
devotion to the American cause than a determination to 
support the principles or the conclusions of the Declaration 
of Independence prior to July, 1776. He who opposed it 
may have been as strong an opponent of ministerial tyranny 
as he who made loud professions in favor of independence. 
It would be quite as much in accordance with the truth of 
history to hold that the man who bore arms in the late 
rebellion with the hope of suppressing slavery was a more 
sincere lover of his country than he who fought by his side 
to maintain the national sovereignty. The safest conclu- 
sion to reach seems to be that in different parts of the 
country different men were seeking the same object, the 
redress of grievances, by different means. One party, princi- 
pally representing New England, and some ardent politicians 
in Virginia, thought that we should be in a better position 
to accomplish that object if we claimed to be an independent 
nation, while the leaders in Pennsylvania and the middle 
provinces generally doubted whether such a policy was the 
wiser. Those who decry the course pursued by Pennsyl- 
vania in regard to independence have forgotten the state- 
ment of John Adams himself, made many years after that 
event. " There was not a moment during the Revolution," 
said he, " when I would not have given everything I pos- 
sessed for a restoration to the state of things before the con- 
test began, provided we could have had a sufficient security 
for its continuance." And yet this is the man who abuses in 
his diary and letters every statesman in Pennsylvania who 
entertained similar opinions before the event, and who de- 
nounced men like Dickinson, Wilson, Robert Morris, Wil- 

1 Mr. Dickinson was appointed in 1778 a brigadier-general by the 
State of Delaware. This appointment he declined. He served as a 
private in Captain Lewis's company of Delaware militia at the battle 
of Brandywine. 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 395 

ling, Dr. Smith (the Provost), and a host of others (because 
they did not agree with him at the time), as "timid and 
spiritless creatures." With Adams in his views concerning 
the war agreed Franklin and Jay, Jefferson and even 
Washington himself, all of whom regarded the adoption of 
the Declaration of Independence as a choice of evils, but 
they knew too well what the Colonies owed to the services 
of those who then hesitated to take the irrevocable step of 
plunging the country into a revolution, to look upon them 
with suspicion and distrust. 

The great practical obstacle to declaring our independence 
of Great Britain in July, 1776, was the fear lest such a step 
would hopelessly divide the forces of those who were con- 
tending against ministerial tyranny. To secure success unity 
of opinion and of action was indispensable. 

In order to understand how apparently hopeless was the 
effort of those who sought to secure from the Colonies a 
unanimous declaration in favor not merely of proclaiming 
but also of maintaining independence, we have only to 
recall the utter want of harmony in political opinion which 
prevailed among the people throughout the country at the 
beginning of the Revolution. It is perhaps not too much 
to say that when resistance was first spoken of, up to at least 
the outbreak of the war, no sentiment could have been more 
abhorrent to the mass of the people than that which the 
Declaration afterwards embodied. Even a suggestion that 
the dissolution of our connection with the British Empire 
would in any event be desirable would have been looked 
upon as monstrous. Outside all mere political considerations 
there were feelings the force of which we can now under- 
stand but little, which were then universal and all-powerful. 
There was the sentiment of loyalty, for instance, to the 
king and the Constitution, a sentiment which, notwith- 
standing the shocks it had received in this country, was an 
ever-active principle and had grown stronger and stronger 
every year in the inherited traits of the English character ; 
there was besides that passionate love of country, inflamed 
just then by pride at the recent conquests of England on 

396 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

both Continents ; there was, in addition to all, that inde- 
finable but strong feeling of race which gloried in belonging 
to the foremost nation of modern times. All these things 
may seem insignificant as moulding the opinions of men, 
yet they have been among the most potent agencies as 
stimulants to heroic action in all ages, and with people of 
English blood especially. In difficult times Englishmen 
have never forgotten the days of their proud history, and 
they were not likely to do so in the days of Olive, of Wolfe, 
and the elder Pitt. It cannot be doubted that sentiments, 
the outgrowth of conditions such as these, were far more 
deep-seated among the Colonists previous to the outbreak 
than a spirit of rebellion. There were, of course, many 
enlightened men among the leaders who were not affected 
by such considerations, and who saw from the beginning 
war at a distance, and independence as the probable out- 
come. But with the mass of the people it was not so, and 
the task of those who foresaw the worst consisted princi- 
pally in convincing those who differed from them that no 
other result than a long and bloody war was possible, and in 
preparing them for the struggle. After the war began it 
was found, as is always the case, that the people thought 
and acted under the instruction they had received more 
rapidly than their old leaders had probably expected. 

Practically there were many reasons for a want of union 
when seeking the gift of liberty under a new form of govern- 
ment, such as was foreshadowed by the Declaration, besides 
those of sentiment and habit to which we have referred. 
There was a general conviction that there were grievances 
caused by the ministerial policy, but as to the best method 
of securing the redress of those grievances there was a wide 
difference of opinion. It may be safely said that at the out- 
set no one save a few wild theorists ever thought of inde- 
pendence as a remedy for the evils from which all agreed 
we were suffering. No one could then foresee the length 
to which the stupidity of the ministry would carry them, 
and independence was at last forced upon us by the insane 
stubbornness of the English ministry. As the House of 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 397 

Representatives in Massachusetts wrote to Lord Rockingham 
in 1768, " So sensible are they of their happiness and safety 
in their union with and dependence upon the mother- 
country that they would by no means be inclined to accept 
an independency if offered to them." The obstacles to 
anything like united and effective opposition to the minis- 
terial tyranny were so great and so apparent that we can- 
not wonder that the idea of any prolonged resistance was 
scouted at by the supporters of government. The Colonies 
had then none of those intimate relations with each other 
which now quite as much as the law itself give us union 
and force in what we undertake. The mass of the popu- 
lation was, of course, British by birth or descent, but it 
was, in some of the Colonies at least, as in Pennsylvania, 
composed of different races holding very different opin- 
ions in religion and government. Thus, in this Province, 
induced by the mildness of Penn's government, all nations 
had given each other rendezvous. "We had here English 
mixed up with Irish and Germans, Quakers with Presby- 
terians, and members of the various pietistic German sects 
of the seventeenth century, all enjoying what was promised 
them in Massachusetts, sub libertate quietem. So in New 
York the antagonism between the mass of the population 
and the great land-holders, between the Dutch and Scotch 
Presbyterians and the Church people, was felt more or less 
during the whole war, as it had been throughout the history 
of the Colony. In Virginia the Dissenters, as they were 
called, were ardent supporters of a revolution one of the 
results of which would be the suppression of their greatest 
practical grievance, the established Church of the Colony. 
In short, look where we will throughout the Colonies before 
the commencement of hostilities, we find discontent arising 
from a variety of causes, but no common ground of resist- 
ance. Indeed, this want of union in political and religious 
ideas had always been a characteristic feature of the history 
of the Colonies, and had made it very difficult to enforce 
any common policy. The English government had always 
found it as inconvenient to govern the Colonies, when any 

398 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

great imperial object was to be attained, as did the Conti- 
nental Congress when it declared independence of the 
British crown as the basis of its political action. While 
each Colony had a different charter and government, it 
watched with the most scrutinizing jealousy lest any of its 
chartered rights should be infringed by the agents of the 
crown, and the consequence was that the ministry, finding 
it impossible to induce the Colonies to carry out any common 
line of policy with the united strength of all, made many 
threats to withdraw their charters and to reduce them all 
to immediate subjection to the crown. Even where union 
was most desirable or necessary, the Colonists seemed in- 
disposed to yield the most insignificant chartered right in 
order to secure harmony of action. Thus, when the " Plan 
of Union" was proposed at Albany by Dr. Franklin in 
1754, the object being to obtain more effective protection of 
the Colonies against the Indian invasions, it was found im- 
possible to overcome the objections that were interposed by 
the ministry as well as by the Colonies to its adoption. It 
was said to be too democratic for the one, and to give up 
too much to the royal prerogative for the other. When in 
1755 the ministry, despairing of raising the necessary sup- 
plies for Braddock's expedition, proposed that the governors 
of the different Colonies should meet at Annapolis and there 
agree upon some common plan of aiding the expedition, the 
object being simply the defence of their own frontiers, the 
proposition was regarded by the Colonies as inadmissible, 
and no aid was derived from them. The history of the Colo- 
nies in their relation to the mother-country whenever any de- 
mand was made upon them to fulfil their imperial obligations 
is simply a history of attempts made by each Colony to shift 
off these obligations on the others, or to force the home gov- 
ernment to make use of its own resources to gain its object. 
Of course the secret of the Revolution lies in the inborn 
hatred of the Colonies to the exercise of the royal authority 
here for any purpose. This opposition, however, had no 
common basis of support until that of independence of the 
crown was determined upon, and the ministry relied, as we 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 399 

have said, on the extreme number and variety of causes of 
discontent as likely to embarrass effective resistance. 

Of course the first object of those statesmen who had the 
success of the Revolution at heart was to discover some 
common unity of interest among the Colonies amidst these 
various elements of discord, for until this was done no real 
progress could be made. But, as is evident from the his- 
tory of the time, no men ever undertook a more difficult task 
or one surrounded by more formidable obstacles. Besides 
the many obstacles of which we have spoken, it may be said 
that none of those means which are now employed to secure 
unity of action for a common purpose then existed. The 
problem was how to revolutionize a continent, not merely 
how to combine for the work of destruction, but how to 
put in the place of the existing system one which by com- 
mon consent would be better calculated to provide for the 
common needs. 

The Colonies were separated by differing habits, customs, 
tastes, and opinions, and all sorts of petty jealousies of each 
other and of the crown. Many of these obstacles seemed in- 
superable, and it is well known that the British government 
was perfectly convinced that the Colonies would be helpless 
owing to these differences. These obstacles, as we have al- 
ready hinted, seemed to all at that time to have their origin 
in differences which were fundamental and inalterable in 
the condition and the characteristics of the people inhabit- 
ing different sections of the country. The Puritan and the 
Quaker, for instance, were not only persons of different 
temper, and of totally opposite views concerning the 
lawfulness of war, but they had radically different ideas as 
to the nature of government and the character and extent of 
the obligation which was imposed upon them by their alle- 
giance to the crown. The Puritan, although he was nomi- 
nally the subject of a monarchy, had been in point of fact, 
certainly ever since he had come to New England, and proba- 
bly long before, essentially a republican, always holding 
fast, in spite of kings and charters and mandamuses, to the 
fundamental principle of republicanism, that of self- govern- 

400 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

ment. He was an Independent in religion, which implies 
that he insisted upon a system of self-government in his ec- 
clesiastical as well as in his civil relations. Moreover, he felt 
in its acutest form that jealousy of power which has always 
"been characteristic of the Englishman in history when any 
attempt from any quarter has been made to assert arbitrary 
principles of government. He was not disposed to wait and 
see whether any overt acts would follow the avowal of such 
principles, and especially he did not stop to consider whether 
he himself was likely to suffer from such acts or the prin- 
ciples upon which they were based. Obsta prindpiis was his 

The Quakers, on the contrary, were essentially a law- 
abiding people, patient and long-suffering, and not prone 
to anticipate evil. None had suffered more than they in 
history from the abuse of power, but their religion and their 
experience alike taught them that passive resistance to 
wrong, as they manifested it, was alike their duty and their 
best policy. They believed literally that all things come 
to those who wait. They were, therefore, not restless nor 
noisy nor quarrelsome, and believed fully that the force ot 
time and the influence of reason would bring about a redress 
of the grievances from which they had suffered. They had 
maintained their existence and their peculiar doctrines 
under all forms of tyranny and without relying upon the 
arm of flesh for support. The very first principle of the 
Quakers, indeed, was a loyal submission to the government 
under which they lived, so long as it did not openly in- 
fringe their civil and ecclesiastical rights. With this senti- 
ment was joined another equally strong and powerful as a 
guide to their conduct, and that was a profound conviction 
of the value of liberty of conscience, for the security of 
which they had contended in their own way from the begin- 
ning. To maintain this freedom of conscience they were 
ready to make any sacrifice, and hitherto these sacrifices 
had produced abundant fruit. Still, with this love of 
liberty, civil and religious, fully as strong as that of the 
Puritan, the Quaker was never clamorous in asserting his 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 401 

rights. He was long-suffering, and persistent in his opin- 
ions, but kept his temper even when he was threatened with 
immediate and irreparable injury. There was, indeed, a 
point (as shown in the history of the Province) when he 
could resist. When he found, for instance, that the Pro- 
prietaries in Pennsylvania were unwilling that their lands 
should be taxed for general purposes, he persisted for years, 
and as long as there was any hope of accomplishing his 
object, in a constitutional opposition to such a pretension ; 
and finally he did not hesitate, as a last remedy against this 
flagrant injustice, to petition the king to revoke that charter 
which had been granted to William Penn and which had 
hitherto been priceless to him as a testimony of the king's 
government to the confidence felt in the Quakers, and under 
which the Province had enjoyed such wonderful prosperity. 
So when the Governors under the Proprietaries insisted that 
the Quakers should render compulsory military service, 
they could never be induced to violate their principles by 
serving as soldiers, but they never hesitated, justifying 
themselves by some strange casuistry, to vote money to 
provide for the defence of the Province. They would not 
declare war against the Delawares and Shawanoes, feeling 
that these Indians had been goaded on to the outrages they 
committed on the frontiers by the injustice and rapacity of 
the agents of the Proprietary government, but they did not 
hesitate to defend with arms in their hands the Moravian 
Indian converts who had taken refuge in Philadelphia 
from the fury of the Paxton Boys. In short, Pennsylvania 
for the practical purposes of government that is, for the 
protection of all its subjects was in a chaotic condition 
from the beginning of the French War, in 1755, to the 
end of that of Pontiac, in 1766. The discussions about 
the revocation of the charter, the constant complaints that 
the representation in the Assembly was unequal, and the 
cruel sufferings which had been undergone by the settlers 
on the lands west of the Susquehanna at the hands of the 
Indians, all these evils, which were charged upon the 
party that was dominant when the Revolution began, 
VOL. xiii. 26 

402 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

seemed to render any united action among the people, for 
any purpose, wholly impracticable. In New England no 
such dissensions existed. The force of the people there was 
immeasurably increased by the common recognition of the 
traditions of English liberty as a precious inheritance. With 
the blood of the Puritans they had preserved in full activity 
those political ideas which had led their forefathers to with- 
stand so manfully the tyranny of Strafford and of Laud. 
It is a fact of immense importance, in estimating the force 
of the various Colonies in the War of Independence, that in 
New England there was practically a unity of sentiment not 
only as to the nature of the grievances, but also as to the 
best method of redressing them. As for the Germans of 
Pennsylvania, living in the interior, engaged chiefly in farm- 
ing, and kept by their ignorance of the language of the 
country from any very accurate knowledge of the alleged 
wrongs of which their fellow-subjects complained, or the 
wisdom of the measures proposed to remedy them, their 
influence in the Provinces was not to be measured by their 
numbers. They suffered nothing from Stamp Acts nor 
Smuggling Acts nor Boston Port Bills, and they could not 
understand the earnestness with which the claim to impose 
taxation upon Englishmen was opposed, for in such matters 
they had neither knowledge nor experience. Their pre- 
dominant feeling, if we are to regard the great Patriarch of 
the Lutheran Church in this country, the Rev. Henry Muhlen- 
berg, as their representative, was gratitude to the Quakers 
and their government, by which so many of the blessings 
of liberty and peace unknown in their Fatherland had been 
secured to them. Of course such was their attitude only 
before the outbreak of hostilities, for after the war broke 
out no portion of the population was more ready to defend 
its homes or took up arms more willingly in support of 
the American cause. 

The nature of the resistance to the ministerial measures 
was very much determined also by the character of the 
religious teaching in different sections of the country. At 
this period the Congregational clergy was the recognized 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 403 

'guide of the people of New England in political as well as 
in religious concerns. Of this body only twelve out of five 
hundred and fifty ministers remained loyal to the crown. 
They spoke with no uncertain voice as to the duty of their 
flocks at this crisis, and all the influence which their office 
and the traditional reverence for their opinions had given to 
the pastors was employed to inflame the popular passions 
and to encourage armed resistance to the pretensions of the 
crown. Their fiery zeal was said by some of their enemies 
to have been greatly due to a fear lest the government 
should establish here the Church of England, with its hie- 
rarchy of bishops and other dignitaries, and thus supplant 
them in their influence over the people ; but no such expla- 
nation is needed when it is remembered how far their tra- 
ditional hatred of prelacy, against which their ancestors had 
rebelled in England, was the outgrowth of their republican- 
ism. But in Pennsylvania, among the Quakers at least, 
there were no parsons to rouse the passions of the multitude, 
or to delude them by chimerical fears of a religious revo- 
lution whose results should be more disastrous than those 
by which their civil rights were threatened. The affairs of 
the Friends, civil and ecclesiastical, were then, as they have 
always been, in the hands of the elder and not of the younger 
portion of the Society, and the practice of the elders was 
repression and enforced submission to that strict discipline 
which was the fundamental rule throughout the body. 

It would be hardly fair, however, to judge of the character 
of the opposition in Pennsylvania to the ministerial tyranny 
from the cautious and conservative attitude of the Quakers 
alone. Long before any one dreamed of war as the ultima 
ratio, all classes of people in every Provincial party here, 
Quakers as well as Presbyterians, Germans, and Church-of- 
England people, had joined together in protesting against 
what all conceived to be acts of arbitrary power. The 
measures of opposition which they adopted at that critical 
time were similar to those agreed upon in the other Colonies. 
Thus all classes in Pennsylvania, resistants and non-resist- 
ants alike, under the guidance of men who afterwards 

404 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

became conspicuous, both as loyalists and as patriots, remon- 
strated with one accord against the Stamp Act and the Tea 
Act, the Boston Port Bill, and the other measures intended 
to punish the town of Boston, they all signed the non-impor- 
tation and non-exportation agreements, they all petitioned 
the crown that the right of self-government should be guar- 
anteed, they declared their determination to maintain the 
fundamental rights of the Colonists, they warned the min- 
istry that armed resistance would be made to further en- 
croachments, they did not hesitate to vote for raising more 
money for the defence of the Province after the battle of 
Lexington, and yet with all this they never ceased to hope 
that some peaceful settlement of the dispute might be made, 
and that no separation from the mother-country would take 
place. It is easy to say now that they were mistaken in be- 
lieving that England would at last consent to govern them 
as she had done previous to 1763, but the man who main- 
tained the opposite theory in 1776 would have argued against 
the force of every precedent in English history. At any 
rate, the course that was taken by the dominant party in 
Pennsylvania was not settled by the power of the non- 
resistant Quakers, and still less by the force of an irresist- 
ible popular clamor; it was deliberately taken under the 
guidance of thoroughly enlightened and patriotic men whose 
studies and training had led them to discover in English 
history how and why their race had in the long course of 
that history resisted oppression. 

Nothing contributed more to produce confusion in the 
counsels of the leaders in the beginning of the Revolution 
than the different character and political training of the 
Delegates from different sections of the country. It is, in- 
deed, hard to conceive how the national cause could have been 
successfully promoted at all, when the men who were its 
champions were affected by so totally different an environ- 
ment and had such opposite notions of the remedy. The 
line was drawn so distinctly between the parties that no 
compromise seemed possible, and the only question was 
which should have exclusive control of the destiny of the 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 405 

country. Strange to say, everything seemed to combine to 
keep apart those who professed to have the same object in 
view. Before the Massachusetts Delegates to the Congress 
of 1774 reached Philadelphia, it was the habit of those op- 
posed to the popular cause, both here and in Boston, to speak 
of them as needy adventurers or lawyers seeking for noto- 
riety, or as persons whose reputation and fortune had become 
compromised by attempts to defraud the customs' revenue. 
Whatever truth there may have been in these stories, they 
had, as we shall see, their effect so far as the influence of 
these gentlemen in Congress was concerned. But in Penn- 
sylvania, however lukewarm some may have thought the 
patriotism of her Delegates, no one before the Declaration 
of Independence was adopted supposed for a moment that 
private interests or personal ambition was a motive which 
led any one of them to espouse the popular cause. They 
were all men, as we have said, whose position, reputation, 
and fortune were firmly established at the outset of the 
Revolution, and in these respects they had everything to 
lose and nothing to gain by becoming popular leaders at 
such a crisis. John Dickinson, at their head, was at this 
time a man of mature years, of as high a rank as could then 
be reached by a Colonist, of large fortune, and of a profes- 
sional reputation that made his name known throughout 
the Continent. His private interest, selfishly considered, 
was to support the ministry ; and we cannot doubt that his 
influence on that side would have been purchased by the 
highest rewards which the royal government had to bestow. 
In that path only, as it then appeared to a man like Gal- 
loway, was the prospect of promotion and advancement. 
But the earnestness and depth of Dickinson's convictions 
concerning the ministerial pretensions were such that he did 
not hesitate to obey the dictates of his conscience to sacri- 
fice even his loyalty to his king (which in him had been 
a sentiment of intense earnestness) and to abandon his 
friends who differed from him, many of whom had given 
him their warmest sympathy and support from his early 

406 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

Much the same may be said of James Wilson, the favorite 
pupil and colleague of Dickinson. He was comparatively a 
young man at the outbreak of the war. He had gained a 
certain fame by the publication of what was considered the 
strongest argument which had then appeared in support of 
the favorite thesis of the revolutionary party, " that the 
Colonies and the mother-country had a common king, but 
separate and independent legislatures." He soon became 
recognized as what we should now call a " great constitu- 
tional lawyer." In his character there were no qualities to 
attract popular favor or to enable him to control the pas- 
sions of the multitude. There was nothing of the dema- 
gogue or modern politician about him, and throughout his 
life he, in connection with all his colleagues from Pennsyl- 
vania in Congress, forbore to stimulate the revolutionary 
passions of those whose aid they sought. He was a hard, 
dry, emotionless Scotchman, but he was such a master of 
logical argument, so clear in his statements, and showing so 
profound a knowledge of the legal principles involved in the 
subjects he discussed, that in the Continental Congress, and 
afterwards in the Convention which framed the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, he wielded unbounded influence, 
and held in those bodies, among the ablest men of the 
country, the foremost rank. 

Men of the same masculine type, although they were 
merchants and not lawyers, were Thomas Willing and Eobert 
Morris, partners in business, and colleagues of Dickinson 
and Wilson in the Congress of 1775-6. Although these 
gentlemen were the wealthiest merchants in Philadelphia, 
and among the wealthiest throughout the Colonies, in com- 
mercial relations with widely distant countries, and although, 
of course, the increase, if not the security, of their property 
depended much upon the preservation of peaceful relations 
with Great Britain, our commercial emporium, yet when 
the time of trial came they showed that their interests were 
subordinate to their patriotism, and they were the first to 
set the example of sacrifice by signing the non-importation 
agreement. But the vast services of the mercantile house 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 407 

of Willing and Morris to the American cause during the 
Revolution are too well known to need recapitulation here. 
Whatever may be our standard of patriotism to-day, it is 
very clear that during the war the men in Pennsylvania who 
bore the chief burden of the contest, and who were most 
trusted by their fellow-citizens, were precisely those who 
either refused to sign the Declaration or who signed it, as 
they confessed, against their better judgment, Dickinson, 
Morris, Willing, and Wilson. 

But by far the most serious obstacle to any mutual un- 
derstanding between the opposite factions in the War of 
Independence was due, strange to say, to opposite views 
concerning the legal ground of complaint against the 
mother-country, as well as to the nature of the remedy 
which should be insisted upon. Both parties agreed that 
we had grievances and that they must be redressed, but 
as to the foundation of our claim that the ministry had 
exceeded its authority, or as to the nature of the redress 
which should be sought, there was no agreement. The 
ISTew England creed on this subject, according to Jona- 
than Mayhew in 1749, " recognized no authority but the 
Bible in religion, and what arose from natural reason, and 
the principle of equity, in civil affairs." So James Otis, 
somewhat later, declared, " God made all men naturally 
equal." " By the laws of God and of nature, government 
could not raise money by taxation on the property of the 
people without their consent or that of their deputies;" and 
again, " An Act of Parliament contrary to natural equity 
is void." In one of the resolutions of a town-meeting held 
in Boston in 1768 it was plainly declared that " no law of 
society can be binding upon any individual without his con- 
sent." These illustrations, showing the temper of the time 
in New England, but so utterly inconsistent with the facts 
in our pre-Revolutionary history, might be multiplied, but it 
is unnecessary. The statesmen of Pennsylvania were not 
philosophers after the school of Rousseau, and therefore 
they could not maintain either the natural goodness or the 
natural equality of mankind ; nor were they Puritans, and 

408 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

hence they were unable to perceive " an American empire in 
the Divine decrees." They were only hard-headed English 
lawyers, who, while they traced their grievances to the viola- 
tion of English law as guaranteed to them by their charters, 
turned to English history as their guide for a remedy. 
They had always been and were still satisfied with English 
law when it was not made an instrument of oppression. 
They shuddered at the prospect of a revolution and of war, 
even if a republic was to be reached only through such a 
path. They were honestly genuine monarchists, believing 
in the lessons taught by that teacher of all true wisdom, ex- 
perience. They believed that the evils from which they 
were suffering were in the nature of things transitory, that 
they must soon see the return of " the days before the peace 
of 1763," before any complaint was made of ministerial 
tyranny. They were willing to imitate the example of their 
forefathers, and again and again to come to the foot of the 
throne with petition and remonstrance, refusing even to see 
in dim perspective the shadow of the great empire which 
was promised to them as the reward of a successful re- 
bellion. This was the basis of the argument of Mr. Dick- 
inson in the " Farmer's Letters," and they had satisfied for 
several years at least the most ardent supporters of the 
American claims. But a new era was approaching, when 
his voice would be no longer heard : Diis aliter visum. 

Thus in the great divergency of views which prevailed in 
various parts of the country in regard to the proper method 
of seeking a redress of grievances, and the men of different 
character and of different political education who represented 
the various Colonies, those who strove for the adoption of a 
national policy had a most difficult task to perform. Added 
to all the other difficulties, the utmost delicacy and skill 
in managing men of different opinions were required. In- 
tense earnestness and enthusiasm, combined with a sincere 
spirit of conciliation which sought only the common good, 
were essential if the leaders hoped to overcome that vis 
inertice which is so powerful a check to the revolutionary 
spirit at all times. None of the pretensions of what the 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 409 

Germans call particularism could avail. There seemed to be, 
after the first excitement had passed, but two ways by which 
men of opposite opinions could be brought into active co- 
operation to secure the result, the one by crushing down all 
opposition by force, the other by conciliating those who 
were as yet unwilling or unready, and thus winning over 
the timid and the hesitating to a loyal support of indepen- 
dence. Unfortunately for the desirable union of sentiment 
among the Colonists, the first method (that of force) was 
adopted. The violent and revolutionary men, at least in 
New England, forced themselves to the front, disarming 
their opponents and forcing them into exile, and claiming a 
monopoly of love of country, and thus managed to control 
the revolutionary movement in such a way as to throw sus- 
picion and distrust upon all those who would not co-operate 
with them in their violent measures. The Revolution was 
preceded, at least in Massachusetts, by a total suspension of 
all the functions of regular government. Mob rule was the 
normal condition of things. The " tarring and feathering" 
of obnoxious officials, the destruction of private property 
because its owners were political opponents, the closing of 
the courts by mob force and the vile insults heaped upon the 
judges because they held the king's commission, the expul- 
sion of quiet citizens from their homes, many of whom had 
been revered and honored as among the first characters in 
the Commonwealth, because they were, in their quiet way, 
as sincerely loyal to the king and to the old order as their 
opponents were disloyal to the existing government, all 
these enormities, for which no redress was ever had, al- 
though often referred to now as an illustration that the people 
of New England could be law-abiding and revolutionary 
at the same time, made a very different impression at the 
time upon the conservative masses in the other Colonies, 
especially in Pennsylvania. 1 The proceedings of the early 
leaders of the Revolution in New England convinced the 
law-abiding people of the Middle Colonies that their design 

1 See an article in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1888, entitled 
"Mobs in Boston before the Revolution." 

410 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

was to substitute for an orderly government, under which 
they and their fathers had lived and prospered for so many 
generations, that rule which the average Englishman had 
been taught to regard as embodying all the worst vices of 
despotism, the rule of the mob. Thus it happened, natu- 
rally, that the struggle in New England from the beginning 
was characterized by the intense individuality which has 
always belonged to the people of that part of the country. 
Their conduct, stimulated by the action of the clergy, and 
strongly leavened by a passionate love of equality, was made 
singularly aggressive by the inherited tendencies which were 
so strongly marked in those who were Puritans in their 
religion and true children of the English Commonwealth in 
their political opinions. 

But, however powerful were these motives of action in 
Few England, they did but little to promote the good cause 
among those in the other Colonies, who had not the same 
traditions, habits, and opinions, and possibly not the same 
fiery zeal for independence. In Pennsylvania, at least, men 
looked to English history for guidance when seeking for a 
redress of grievances. There had been tyrants on the Eng- 
lish throne before George III., and the history of their an- 
cestors taught them that all great movements for reform in 
English history had begun by petition and remonstrance, and 
that the line between passive resistance and an appeal to 
force to secure their ends was there clearly marked, as Mr. 
Dickinson had said long before. They remembered how 
the Petition of Eight in 1628 had united men of all parties 
and opinions against the usurpations of Charles I. by its as- 
sertion of English liberties, how men like Hyde and Cole- 
pepper and Falkland, as well as Pym and Eliot, true patriots 
in the beginning, all equally sincere in their loyalty and ear- 
nestness before the civil war broke out, had united in the peti- 
tion and had heartily supported it. Before they plunged into 
war, the statesmen of Pennsylvania were determined to follow 
the example of their ancestors, the English Whigs of 1688, 
who declared in their Bill of Rights the fundamental condi- 
tions on which alone they proposed to submit to the rule of 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 411 

any king, whether he were called James or William. From 
these examples they learned that every expedient must be 
tried before they exposed themselves to the anarchy and 
ruin of civil war. In short, they were Englishmen, and 
their mistake, if mistake it can be called, was in being 
governed too strictly by English precedent and example. 

It must have seemed to many sober and thoughtful 
persons, in the years between 1765 and 1776, as it does to 
many of their descendants now (if our statement of the 
obstacles in the way is a correct one), that there had never 
been a dispute between the governors and the governed 
among English-speaking people more susceptible of a peace- 
ful solution than that concerning taxation in the shape in 
which it was then presented for determination. Our Revo- 
lution was not a sudden outbreak against acts of intolerable 
oppression which could be borne no longer, and therefore 
requiring an immediate remedy. "We had no Star-Chamber 
here working without interruption and constantly condemn- 
ing by its illegal edicts the subject to lose his liberty and 
property ; we had no High Commission Court, with its in- 
tolerable and perpetual tyranny over the consciences of 
Englishmen ; we had no James II. claiming as his preroga- 
tive the right to dispense with the execution of the laws, and 
permitting the free exercise of a religion which was for- 
bidden by those laws. Still less did there exist any of those 
frightful political and social evils which under the sanction 
of law in France made the people slaves, and the removal of 
which could be brought about only by a social convulsion. 
What we suffered from during those ten years which pre- 
ceded the Revolution was not so much the execution of 
obnoxious Acts of Parliament which might have been re- 
pealed by the authority which enacted them, as the claims 
which were made to rule us by the omnipotent power of 
Parliament in all cases, and the perpetual threats to ex- 
ercise that alleged right. What we objected to was not so 
much what was actually done, as what we might suffer in 
the way of vast and irremediable injury if we allowed the 
Parliamentary claim and threats to pass unquestioned. 

412 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

Under the circumstances, it seemed to conservative people 
that this was the time to bring about a redress of grievances 
by a spirit of conciliation, not by threats, violence, and mob 
rule on our part, but by discussion, petition, and remon- 
strance. These people were encouraged to hope that after 
the repeal of the Stamp Act and the Act levying duties on 
paper, glass, etc., owing to the discontent which had been 
manifested in the Colonies, the principle of the right to 
tax us by Parliament might well in time be abandoned 
also. It is very true that these men were sadly mistaken 
and disappointed in their hopes and calculations, that they 
had underestimated the unbending pride of the English 
House of Commons and the pig-headed obstinacy of George 
HE., but to judge them rightly we must put ourselves in 
their places. 

If further justification of the course pursued by Pennsyl- 
vania and the leaders here is needed, it is to be found in the 
peculiar position of the Province during the ten years preced- 
ing the Revolution. The population here, although greater 
than that of any other of the Colonies except Virginia, was, 
as we have seen, of a composite order : one-third were said 
by Dr. Franklin to have been English Quakers, one-third to 
have been Germans, and the other third to have been made 
up of a variety of races, chief among which were the Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterians. This difference in races and religion 
was, as we have shown, the first great obstacle to unity of 
political action. There had been a bitter contest prolonged 
through many years between the friends and the opponents 
of the Proprietary government. On each side of this ques- 
tion were arrayed the most prominent public men of the 
Province. The Quakers as a body had forsaken the Pro- 
prietary party, and, although they returned to the support 
of the charter when they discovered what sort of Constitu- 
tion the popular party proposed to substitute for it, yet they 
soon became divided on other grounds. The Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians, as was to be expected, were most ardent in 
their opposition to the ministry, for they remembered only 
too well the tyranny from which their ancestors had suffered 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 413 

in their native country, which had destroyed the woollen- 
industry in Ireland, and the shocking attempt which was 
made to disqualify them from holding there any office unless 
they had subscribed the religious test of that day. They had 
here, as inhabitants of the frontier settlements, a peculiar 
grievance, a long-standing quarrel with the Quakers who 
controlled the Assembly, and who, they alleged, had refused, 
in consequence of religious scruples, to protect them from 
the attacks of the French and Indians. Hence the sym- 
pathy between these two sections of the population was not 
remarkably warm or active. 

It will be readily seen, from what has been said, that to 
fuse all these discordant elements in Pennsylvania into the 
white-heat of opposition to ministerial tyranny was a well- 
nigh impossible task. The leaders in New England saw 
clearly the absolute necessity of some Plan of Union as 
essential to success, and to secure it they were willing, for a 
time at least, to subordinate their own peculiar views to 
those of others. During the ten years which preceded the 
war they were seeking for a common basis upon which they 
could hope to conduct the agitation successfully, and their 
leaders were overjoyed when at last they found it in the 
Plan proposed by John Dickinson, the most distinguished 
Pennsylvania publicist of the time. This Plan, of which 
we have spoken, was embodied in the celebrated " Farmer's 
Letters," printed in 1768, which upheld doctrines in regard 
to our position as Colonists and our rights and duties in our 
relations with the mother-country which, on the lines of 
strict historical English precedent, served as a chart for the 
guidance of Colonial statesmen for many years. The politi- 
cal doctrines taught in these celebrated letters must have 
been, for instance, distasteful to Mr. Samuel Adams, with his 
early belief in the necessity of working for the independence 
of his country ; and yet he was so fully convinced of their 
wisdom that he repressed his zeal, and said, " After all, the 
Farmer is right. At this time either violence or submission 
would be equally disastrous." So the town of Boston, in the 
midst of her mobs, officially thanked Mr. Dickinson for the 

414 Pennsylvania and ike Declaration of Independence. 

lesson of moderation which he had given them. There 
seems to be a general consensus of opinion among historians 
that throughout the Continent the Pennsylvanian idea and 
system was the dominant one. Certainly no other political 
tract or pamphlet published in America has ever produced 
so deep and permanent an impression, not excepting even 
that of Paine, " Common Sense." 

The doctrine taught in these letters was one designed to 
calm the revolutionary passions which were manifesting 
themselves in such a way in certain parts of the country as 
to disgust the friends of good government, and to alienate, 
what was so essential to our success, the sympathy of our 
friends in England. In them he showed plainly that what 
the Americans were then contending for needed not the 
support of illegal or revolutionary proceedings, but that, on 
the contrary, the great principle of representation founded 
on taxation was as much " an ancient and undoubted right 
and privilege of the Colonists as of the people of this 
realm," that it rested on the same basis as trial by jury, for 
instance, a right which we would be slaves indeed could we 
consent to yield without resistance. Mr. Dickinson then 
insists that the true English mode of redressing any politi- 
cal grievance, and especially one such as this, was in the 
first place by the historical and constitutional method of 
petition and remonstrance, which may be a slow and tedi- 
ous process, but which in history has usually proved effective 
in the end. He does not hesitate to foresee the possi- 
bility that the patience of the people may be exhausted, and 
that the king may be obdurate, and in such an event he 
does not hesitate to warn the ministry that, should " an 
inveterate resolution be formed to destroy the liberties of 
the people," English history affords frequent examples of 
resistance by force. And he adds, significantly, " The first 
act of violence on the part of the administration in America 
will put the whole continent in arms, from Nova Scotia to 

Such were the views held by a large majority of the 
Whigs in Pennsylvania before the war. They continued 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 415 

to hold them when the Congress met here in 1774. By 
that time the fiery patriots of New England had gone very 
far "beyond them, although they did not think it prudent 
openly to avow the change. The execution of the " Boston 
Port Bill," perhaps, was the occasion chosen for a more 
frank avowal of a change of opinion. Be that as it may, it 
was apparent before the Delegates came together in 1774 that 
there were two parties throughout the Colonies, whom for 
want of better names we may call the violent and the mod- 
erate, and that their views of the proper course to be pursued 
differed on fundamental grounds. Pennsylvania occupied a 
commanding position at this crisis. Her course was clearly 
marked out by the Farmer's Letters ; there was no doubt 
nor hesitation in her Assembly, nor in her Delegates to the 
Congress, Messrs. Dickinson, Wilson, Galloway, and Morris. 
With her no doubt agreed at first the larger portion of the 
Congress, as appears from their votes and subsequent pro- 

The obstacles which the New England Delegates found 
to the approval of their theories of independence in 1774 
can hardly be exaggerated. The story is nowhere better told 
than by John Adams himself in a letter to Timothy Picker- 
ing, 6th August, 1822. (See Adams's Life, vol. i. p. 512.) 
He is describing the journey of the Delegates of Massachu- 
setts to the Congress of 1774 at Philadelphia. It appears 
that they all travelled, with the characteristic simplicity of 
those days, in one coach. Arrived at Frankford in the 
suburbs of the city, they were met by Dr. Rush, Mr. (after- 
wards General) Mifflin, Mr. Bayard, and several others of 
the most active " Sons of Liberty" in Philadelphia, who had 
come out not so much to welcome them as to give them a 
timely warning as to their conduct. They were suspected 
(so they were told) of being in favor of independence. 
" Now," said the Philadelphia gentlemen, " you must not 
utter the word independence, nor give the least hint or 
insinuation of the idea, either in Congress or any private 
conversation : if you do, you are undone, for the idea of in- 
dependence is as unpopular in Pennsylvania and in all the 

416 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

Middle and Southern States as the Stamp Act itself. !N"o 
man dares to speak of it." They were also advised to keep 
themselves in the background, and to put forward Virgin- 
ians, as they represented the most populous Colony. To 
this advice (unwelcome as it was, no doubt, to the preten- 
sions of some of them) we owed, according to Mr. Adams, 
the selection of Mr. Peyton Randolph as President of the 
Congress, and of Washington as General-in-Chief, although 
he admits that when he found the " members of Congress, 
Virginians and all, so perfectly convinced that we should be 
able to persuade or terrify Great Britain," he " had some 
misgivings." We may remark that his statement in this 
letter (written when he was eighty-six years old) that on his 
arrival in Philadelphia he was avoided like a " man affected 
with leprosy," and that he walked the streets in solitude, 
"borne down by the weight of care and unpopularity," is 
hardly in accord with the account of his reception given in his 
Diary, written presumably when the events referred to in it 
took place. He tells us there that he dined nearly every day 
he passed in Philadelphia with men of the highest rank and 
distinction, and the impression made upon him by the ex- 
cellence of "the turtle, the madeira, and the flummery" 
was all the more agreeable as it was evidently a novel sen- 
sation for him. The truth is that all the Delegates to the 
Congress, from whatever part of the country they came and 
whatever were their political opinions, were welcomed by 
the gentlemen of Philadelphia with characteristic hospi- 
tality, and Mr. Adams never became an " outcast" until, by 
the betrayal of an intercepted letter, it was discovered that 
he had insulted one of his principal hosts, no less a person 
than the popular idol, John Dickinson. Among the gentle- 
men who at that time composed the society which welcomed 
so warmly the strangers who came as Delegates to the Con- 
gress, such a social offence was, of course, unpardonable. 
It may be that the printing of this intercepted letter, which 
was widely circulated, may have been, in the opinion of its 
author and in that of General Reed (who, by the way, it is 
curious to find cited as an authority on the subject of 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 417 

" intercepted letters*'), of advantage to the American cause; 
but it is undeniably true that it was Mr. Adams's manners, 
and not his politics, that made him an " outcast in the 
streets of Philadelphia." 

The Delegates found on their arrival in the city that the 
gentlemen who had met them at Frankford had not exag- 
gerated the state of feeling there. Wherever they went they 
found little sympathy with their opinions. Not only did 
the Quakers seem cold, but others also conspicuous in public 
life; yet they were politely received by all. Those who 
then composed what was called the society of the place 
formed, it must not be forgotten, an array of men distin- 
guished in public and private life such as could be found at 
that time nowhere else on the Continent. Among the more 
prominent of these were the Pennsylvania members of the 
Congress, Messrs. Dickinson, Wilson, Morris, Willing, and 
Humphreys, the first, as we have said, with a reputation 
as a statesman already continental, the second probably the 
most eminent jurist of his day, and the third, with his part- 
ner Thomas Willing, member of one of the largest mercan- 
tile firms in America at a time when the term "merchant 
prince" had a significance which it has now lost. Besides, 
among the prominent lawyers were the Chief- Justice, Chew, 
Edward Tilghman, William and Andrew Allen, McKean, 
Reed, and Galloway, all bred in the Temple, and all having 
imbibed there the traditional English view of the public 
questions at that time under discussion. There were, too, 
eminent physicians and men of learning who added to the 
social attractions of the place : Morgan, Rush, and Shippen, 
father and son, who had founded the first medical school on 
this Continent, which even then gave promise of its future 
renown ; Provost Smith, regarded by his contemporaries as 
a prodigy of learning, and spoken of even by John Adams 
as "very able;" Rittenhouse, the greatest natural philoso- 
pher of the time, according to Jefferson; and Vice-Provost 
Allison, regarded by President Stiles of Yale College as the 
best classical scholar of his day in this country. These men 
all discussed the burning questions of the hour in a large 
VOL. xiii. 27 

418 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

and comprehensive spirit; and doubtless the society of such 
men, reinforced as it then was by that of the Delegates from 
the other Colonies, must have taught the New England 
Delegates many things which they needed to know, if har- 
mony of sentiment throughout the country was to be reached. 
The impression produced on the minds of the Delegates by 
their intercourse with the enlightened men they met at Phil- 
adelphia was not, if we are to judge by their correspondence 
and their Diaries, a very favorable one. They were quick 
enough to see that their political opinions were associated in 
the minds of those they met not merely with the pretensions 
of a narrow and levelling Puritanism, but also with the en- 
couragement of lawless and disorderly acts. The Committees 
of Safety, the " Sons of Liberty," the caucus, and various 
other devices which New England had invented for rousing 
and organizing the passions of the multitude, although 
shortly to be introduced here, were then regarded by the 
sober, conservative, and law-abiding people of this part of 
the country as forms of mob violence, and as such these 
political manifestations were extremely distasteful to them. 
The truth is, our people had not then been educated in revo- 
lutionary methods, and, Quakers as they were, they could 
not appreciate the value of that " higher law" which was 
invoked as their guide. One of the most curious illustra- 
tions of the failure of this New England mission to convert 
the stubborn Quakers is given by John Adams himself 
(Diary, p. 398). 

It seems that he and his colleagues were invited by Israel 
Pembertori, a prominent citizen of the town, to be present 
at a Quaker meeting. From what we learn of his conduct 
on this and similar occasions Pemberton would appear to 
have taken George Fox before Cromwell as his model. The 
Massachusetts Delegates accepted the invitation gladly, and 
the meeting seems to have been held in the Carpenters' 
Hall, the same place in which Congress met To their utter 
amazement, Friend Israel arose and said that " Friends had 
a concern about the condition of things in Massachusetts ; 
that they had received complaints from some Anabaptists and 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 419 

some Friends against certain laws of that Province restrictive 
of liberty of conscience." Israel said, further, " that the laws 
of New England, and particularly of Massachusetts, were 
inconsistent with this liberty of conscience, for they not 
only compelled men to pay for the building of churches and 
support of ministers, but to go to some known religious 
assembly on first-days, etc. ; and that he and his friends were 
desirous of engaging us to assure them that our State would 
repeal all those laws and place things as they were in Pennsyl- 
vania." It may be imagined what must have been the indig- 
nation of these Delegates of the " Sons of Liberty" to find 
themselves appealed to in favor of the liberty of Quakers 
and of Baptists at home, when they had come so far to teach 
these very benighted Quakers the true meaning of that much- 
abused word. They denied that any particular case of op- 
pression had occurred under these laws in their time, but 
they insisted upon it that the laws themselves were so sacred 
that " they might as well hope to turn the heavenly bodies 
out of their annual and diurnal courses as the people of 
Massachusetts at the present day from their meeting-house 
and Sunday laws." They then began to descant upon the 
compatibility of these laws with liberty of conscience, when 
they were interrupted by Pemberton, who cried out, " Oh, 
sir, don't urge liberty of conscience in favor of such laws." 
No wonder John Adams did not like the Quakers, and that 
he was tempted at times to call them by their old nickname, 

As the day for the meeting of Congress of 1774 drew 
nigh, it became more and more apparent that, in the exist- 
ing state of public feeling throughout the country, no meas- 
ure looking towards independence could pass that body. 
The "Declaration of Rights" prepared by Mr. Dickinson, 
which was finally unanimously adopted as expressing the 
sense of the Congress, embodied simply the views which 
had been always maintained in Pennsylvania by her legisla- 
ture and by her public men since the dispute began. In this 
" Declaration," in the characteristic English way, following 
the example of the Whigs of 1688, they do declare, "as 

420 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

Englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done 
for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties," 
certain fundamental principles, etc. ; and they insist that to 
the grievances, acts, and measures which they enumerate, 
Americans cannot submit, but that "/or the present they are 
resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures only, 
that is, to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, 
and non-exportation agreement, and to send addresses to the 
king and the people of Great Britain." These words "/or the 
present" really constituted the only difference on this subject 
between the majority and the minority of the Delegates. It 
has turned out that the Delegates who favored an imme- 
diate declaration of independence at this time were wiser in 
their generation and more far-seeing than their colleagues. 
The English government, as it proved, was not to be fright- 
ened from its position by threats to destroy its commerce, 
er conciliated by protestations of loyalty and attachment: 
.these seemed, contrary to all expectation, only to harden 
the heart of the king and to confirm Parliament in its deter- 
mination to force us to submission. 

The Assembly of Pennsylvania was the first of the Colo- 
nial Legislatures to meet after the adjournment of Congress. 
On the 10th of December, 1774, it adopted and confirmed 
all the measures of that body, a result apparently unex- 
pected by the governor, and regarded by Mr. Keed in his 
letter to Lord Dartmouth as very significant, as it was " ex- 
pressive of the approbation of a large number of Quakers 
in the House, a body of people who have acted a passive 
part in all the disputes between the mother-country and the 
Colonies." The Assembly also appointed Delegates to the 
next Congress to be held in May, 1775, but declined, from 
the religious scruples of the Quakers, to provide fire-arms 
for those who should be enrolled. A Provincial Conven- 
tion, which was certainly an extra-legal if not a revolution- 
ary body, formed by committees who had been appointed by 
mass meetings in the different counties, was called by this 
" General Committee," the real intention of those who con- 
voked it being to use it as a means of supervising the con- 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 421 

duct of the legal Assembly. This was a scheme violently 
opposed by some of the best Whigs and most ardent patriots 
in the Province, because it proposed to interfere with the 
regular legal action of the Assembly, which up to this time 
had been in harmony with Congress and the other Colonies. 
This body met on the 23d of January, 1775, and adjourned 
on the 28th. The immediate pretext for convening it at 
that time was the encouragement of domestic manufactures, 
but its real object was to familiarize the people with the 
necessity of subverting the old charter and establishing a 
new constitution on a more popular basis, and it managed 
to breed distrust, suspicion, and dissensions among a people 
who had been hitherto practically unanimous in their opin- 
ions and acts concerning the policy to be observed towards 
the mother-country. From that time until June, 1776, there 
was a sort of dual authority in Pennsylvania, the "Whigs 
holding by the General Committee and the Convention, and 
their opponents by the Assembly and the old charter. 
When the Assembly met in May, 1775, the battle of Lex- 
ington had been fought, and that body, although chiefly 
composed of Quakers and of other persons still indisposed 
to take the irrevocable step of independence, and who have 
been represented as unpatriotic, voted at once, in accord- 
ance with the recommendation of Congress, that forty-three 
hundred men should be raised and enrolled, and that the 
commissioners of the different counties should provide them 
with arms and accoutrements. Moreover, they provided 
for the appointment of a Committee of Safety, with John 
Dickinson at its head, which took over to itself the chief 
legal executive power of the Province in the absence of the 
Governor. The Assembly gave this body power to call for 
troops and to issue bills of credit to be used for military 
purposes. During this critical period Pennsylvania was 
represented in Congress with great credit, and her Dele- 
gates, who were all members of the Assembly, and espe- 
cially Mr. Dickinson, had influence enough to secure the 
adoption of her policy, which was resistance to ministerial 
measures, but opposition to separation from the mother- 

422 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

country. This policy will be found in the two petitions to 
the king and the Declaration of the Rights of the Colonies 
and of their reasons for taking up arms, all drafted by Mr. 

The opinions of the advocates of revolution were, how- 
ever, not changed by the proceedings of the Congress, and 
they employed every expedient to accomplish their object, 
which was to induce the other Colonies to adopt measures 
looking towards independence. The most promising method 
which was at last adopted, by which it was hoped that this 
result could be achieved, was so to change the Proprietary 
governments of several of the Colonies, and especially that 
of Pennsylvania, as to place them within the control of the 
popular and revolutionary parties. For more than twenty 
months this party in Pennsylvania, aided by Delegates from 
other Colonies who were in sympathy with them, were un- 
ceasing in their efforts to subvert the ancient charter of 
Penn, under which the Province had grown and prospered 
for nearly a hundred years. Those who had petitioned the 
king in 1764 that the charter might be revoked, because 
its powers had been abused by the Deputies of the Penn 
family, were now unanimous in their desire to preserve it. 
The complaint is not merely that we were forced to sacrifice 
the old charter, but that this object was reached in the end 
by revolutionary means such as have never been used in any 
case since in changing the fundamental law of any of our 
American States. During this period the people of Penn- 
sylvania were forced to contend against two revolutions, 
one against the power of the mother- country, and the other 
against a party within her own borders seeking to over- 
turn by illegal methods the long-established and well-tried 
government of the Province, and to substitute in its place 
a new and untried scheme, which the most experienced 
statesmen of the Commonwealth truly predicted would 
prove, if adopted, absolutely disastrous to her interests. 
How this scheme was regarded by her prominent public 
men is clearly seen by referring to the history of the time ; 
and how much its discussion destroyed all hope of the union 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 423 

of parties here and produced dissensions which destroyed 
the legitimate influence of the Province in the prosecution 
of the war, it needs no argument to prove. It is, of course, 
not to be denied that there were many in the Province 
who desired to abolish the old charter and to establish 
a government founded on universal suffrage; but, as no 
other Colony had ever been governed by such a system, as 
indeed the term "people" in the sense applied to it by 
modern politicians was then an unknown term, what was 
proposed would have been at any time a genuine revolution, 
but attempted in the midst of war, and with the object of 
placing the conduct of that war, as far as Pennsylvania was 
concerned, under the control of the populace, it seems an 
act of almost as insane folly as could have been well under- 
taken. What effect this change had upon the progress of 
the war it is unnecessary to enlarge upon here, but the great 
evils which grew out of this attempt to substitute a new and 
untried system in opposition to a large majority of the legal 
voters, at a crisis of peculiar difficulty, for the charter govern- 
ment of Penn are well known, and have been well described 
by the most discreet, judicious, and experienced man we 
had in public life during the Revolution, Charles Thomson, 
the highly honored Secretary of the Continental Congress. 
" Had the Whigs in the Assembly/' said Mr. Thomson 
many years after, " been left to pursue their own measures, 
there is every reason to believe that they would have ef- 
fected their purpose, prevented the disunion which has un- 
fortunately taken place, and brought the whole Province as 
one man, with all the force and weight of government, into 
the common cause. . . . The original Constitution of Penn- 
sylvania [Penn's charter] was very favorable, and well 
adapted to the present emergency. The Assembly was 
annual. The election was fixed for a certain day, on which 
freemen who were worth fifty pounds met, or had a right to 
meet, without summons, at their respective colinty towns, 
and by ballot chose not only representatives for Assembly, 
but also sheriff', coroner, and commissioners for managing 
the affairs of the county, and assessors to rate the tax im- 

424 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

posed by law upon the estates real and personal of the 
several inhabitants. Members of Assembly, when chosen, 
met according to law on a certain day, and chose their own 
Speaker, Provincial Treasurer, and sundry other officers. 
The House sat on its own adjournments, nor was it in the 
power of the Governor to prorogue or dissolve it. Hence it 
is apparent that Pennsylvania had a great advantage over 
the other Colonies, which, by being deprived by their Gov- 
ernors of their legal Assemblies constitutionally chosen, 
were forced into conventions." 

This charter, it is to be remembered, could at any time 
have been altered or amended by the vote of six parts 
out of seven of the members of the Assembly. It must not 
be forgotten, too, that of all the leading public men in 
Pennsylvania at that time Franklin, Dickinson, Thomson, 
Reed, Mifflin, Morris, McKean, Clymer Dr. Franklin, 
McKean, and Clymer alone thought it necessary for the 
success of the Eevolution and the benefit of the Province 
that the ancient charter of Penn should thus be subverted. 
A good deal was said at the time of the binding force of 
oaths of allegiance, and the supposed obligation of these 
oaths was made the excuse for many lawless acts. But, as 
is well known, test-oaths, as they were called, had been 
administered throughout the Colonies to all those who held 
any office under the crown, and Pennsylvania was in that 
respect in the same position as the others. Besides, it was 
always understood that revolutions which are strong enough 
to withdraw the subject from the protection of a govern- 
ment de jure acquire, from the necessity of the case, a recog- 
nized right to a certain qualified form of allegiance. Both 
in Connecticut and in Rhode Island all public officers were 
required by their charters to take the same oath of alle- 
giance as in Pennsylvania, yet the charters of both States 
were in full force during the Revolution and for many years 
after it, and their inhabitants suffered no inconvenience 
from the provision in regard to test-oaths. After consider- 
ing this change of government at this time carefully, we are 
forced to the conclusion that all these excuses founded on 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 425 

the idea that there was something peculiar in the Penn- 
sylvania allegiance were mere pretexts put forward to 
screen an act the real object of which was to secure the 
support of this Province to an immediate declaration of 
independence, without any regard to the injury to the State 
itself or the opinions of the voters. "We insist upon this 
point, because it is impossible to gain any correct idea of 
the attitude of Pennsylvania towards independence during 
the spring of 1776 without understanding how the question 
was complicated, owing to the action of a supervisory popu- 
lar body called a Provincial Convention, with the vastly 
important question of the preservation of her charter. The 
question always was, in Pennsylvania, not, are you in favor 
of national independence pure and simple? but, are you 
also in favor of a new and untried scheme of state gov- 
ernment? The particular party then in power under the 
charter were opposed to an immediate declaration of inde- 
pendence for many reasons, not the least weighty of which 
was that the adoption of such a measure would necessarily 
destroy their own long-tried home government. Their 
opponents, having failed to outnumber them at the polls, 
proposed by a revolutionary process to accomplish two 
objects, first to get rid entirely of the trouble given by the 
supporters of the charter by abolishing it, and then to estab- 
lish in its place a government which, whatever else it might 
do, would favor independence. There is no reason why we 
should not call the means taken to effect this object by its 
right name, revolutionary and anti -republican. The vast 
results which followed the adhesion of Pennsylvania to the 
cause of independence in giving birth to this nation 
must not blind us to the extra-legal course adopted to 
accomplish the object, and we must see to it at least that 
unmerited reproach is not cast upon the motives of the 
purest body of men who ever represented Pennsylvania in a 
legislative body, her Delegates in Congress when the 
Declaration was adopted. 

We must follow somewhat carefully the steps of this 
intrigue if we wish to know how the Declaration of Inde- 

426 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

pendence was made in July, 1776. The party in Pennsyl- 
vania in the winter and spring of that year whose immediate 
object was the abolition of the old charter, and the party in 
Congress whose only object was to secure the general con- 
Bent of the Colonies to a declaration, had a common basis 
of action, and it was not difficult to reach an understanding 
as to the course which they should pursue. There could be 
no independence while Pennsylvania did not consent, and 
there seemed at that time little prospect that she would 
agree to a separation of any kind while her policy was con- 
trolled by her legal Assembly. From the beginning, as is 
now well understood, there had been a plan in the minds of 
a certain party in Congress (of which the Adamses, Samuel 
and John, were the leaders) to bring about a separation. 
This project had been discreetly veiled because for a long 
time it met with little encouragement. The greatest obsta- 
cle in the way of this party was undoubtedly the Pennsyl- 
vania charter and the Assembly organized under it. How 
to get rid of the charter was a problem of no little difficulty. 
Its supporters would vote for no scheme of national inde- 
pendence which involved its destruction. Mr. Elbridge 
Gerry, who came as a Delegate to Congress from Massachu- 
setts in January, 1776, wrote a letter on this subject shortly 
after his arrival in Philadelphia which is very suggestive. 
" Since my arrival in this city," he says, " the New England 
Delegates have been in continual war with the advocates of 
the Proprietary interest in Congress and in this Colony. 
These are they who are most in the way of the measures we 
have proposed ; but I think the contest is pretty nearly at 
an end," etc. One loses patience at the coolness with which 
men who came here to seek our aid in restoring their 
charter propose as the only means of effecting their object 
the destruction of our own. As time went on, and John 
Adams probably was seen by Dr. Rush " wandering like an 
outcast in the streets of Philadelphia," in despair at the 
conduct of the obstinate Quakers, the crisis was approach- 
ing. The power of the Provincial Convention, intended as 
a means of overawing the Charter Assembly, was first tried 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 427 

in February, 1776, and its intervention, as we have seen, 
was a failure ; then an election was held on the 1st of May, 
1776, for members of the Assembly, which was hotly con- 
tested, but the friends of the charter were all elected, save 
Mr. Clymer. It was then that John Adams determined, 
in despair of success in any other way, to make his final 
assault upon Penn's charter. On the 10th of May he offered 
a resolution in Congress recommending that the Colonies 
should establish a " government sufiicient to the exigencies 
of affairs." But the friends of the charter in the Assembly 
contended at once that they had just such a government in 
Pennsylvania, and therefore, in the opinion of Dickinson 
and Wilson, they needed "for the exigencies of affairs" 
none other. As soon as this movement, which entirely dis- 
concerted Adams's plan, was discovered, he proposed, May 
15, what he called a preamble to his resolution, but what 
was in reality a substitute for it, and was intended to shut 
out all hope of escape and declared that the exercise of every 
authority under the crown should be totally suppressed. 
The preamble, after a violent debate, was passed. This 
measure was, of course, the true Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. From that hour the charter of Pennsylvania and the 
Assembly which it created were doomed, not by its own act, 
but by la force majeure of Congress, which it was unable to 
resist. None saw this more clearly than the patriots who 
formed the majority of the Assembly, with Dickinson at 
their head. They took no factious or revolutionary steps to 
prolong their power. On the contrary, in the early days of 
June they revoked the instructions given to the Pennsyl- 
vania Delegates in Congress on the 9th of November, 1775, 
and permitted them to use their discretion in concurring 
with the Delegates of the other Colonies in a measure of 
separation from the mother-country. This proposition, as we 
have said, they were never permitted to bring to a vote, 
their opponents whose presence was necessary to form a 
quorum for the transaction of business having absented 
themselves. It thus followed that Dr. Franklin was the 
only Delegate who had been chosen in November, 1775, 

428 Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 

who voted for and signed the Declaration of Independence 
voluntarily. Of that Delegation, when the vote was taken on 
the 2d of July, Dickinson and Morris were absent, Wilson 
was much opposed to it, but appended his signature, and 
Willing and Humphreys voted against it. Those whose 
names are now appended to this document, with the ex- 
ception of that of Franklin, were chosen by the Conven- 
tion on the 20th of July and signed it as of July 4, 1776. 
In this way was the Declaration signed in Pennsylvania. 
Those who signed it not only signed the death-warrant of 
royal power on this Continent, but in doing so they blotted 
from existence one of the most admirable codes of con- 
stitutional law that the world has ever seen, the great 
charter of William Penn, under whose benign rule a com- 
munity had grown up where civil and religious liberty 
had been fully maintained, where justice between man and 
man had been fairly administered, and where the prosperity 
and success in the arts of life which always attend on good 
government had made the people who lived under it the 
envy and admiration of the world. It is a consolation to 
feel that the sacrifice was made in order to attain a higher 
good, and that those who were the chief agents in its de- 
struction and the substitution for it of the " unspeakable" 
Constitution of 1776 were not our own sons, but strangers. 

I have thus endeavored to show how a Pennsylvanian 
might have been a genuine patriot in the Revolution and 
yet not have favored the Declaration of Independence in 
July, 1776. It was not because he loved his country less, 
but because he loved his old home more. If he favored 
national independence he was obliged to surrender the 
Provincial charter. Forced to choose between his charter 
and a new and untried scheme of government of which he 
could know nothing, it was natural that he should cling to 
that with which he was most familiar. He had strong mis- 
givings as to the result when he saw into whose hands the 
framing of the new Constitution would fall, and his fears 
were fully justified. Of all the Colonial charters those only 
of Connecticut and Rhode Island survived the Revolution. 

Pennsylvania and the Declaration of Independence. 429 

They were preserved in the affections of their people, and 
made to harmonize with the changes produced by the war. 
All that the people of Pennsylvania asked was that their 
charter, to which so large a portion of her people was at- 
tached, should be treated in the same way. This was denied 
them. Perhaps it was absolutely necessary for the common 
good that such a sacrifice should be made. If such was the 
case, then the terms " timidity,'' " weakness," and " want 
of patriotism" are very much out of place when applied 
to explain the conduct of men who in this crisis had the 
highest of all forms of courage, for it includes them all, 
the courage of their opinions ; and surely America has 
produced no class of citizens whose career during the Revo- 
lution was more constant in its loyalty or more full of 
devoted service of all kinds to the country than those 
much-abused men who defended to the last the chartered 
rights of Pennsylvania. 

430 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 


[On August 16, 1826, Mr. Charles West Thomson read, before the 
Council of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, a paper entitled 
" Notices of the Life and Character of Eobert Proud, author of ' The 
History of Pennsylvania/ " in which he gives some quotations from the 
autobiography of the historian. Through the courtesy of Mr. Henry 
D. Biddle we are enabled to give the autobiography in full. ED. 

COMMENTARIOLUM DE VITA R. PnouDi, or short notes and 
memoranda of the time and place of Robert Proud's 
birth, with his changes of situation or places of abode, 
both in England and America. Written by himself 
anno 1806, in the 78 year of his age : with some brief 
observations and reflections. 

Our early days are best, but quickly gone ; 
Disease with age and sorrow soon come on ; 
Labor and pain soon introduce decay, 
And death relentless hastens all away. E. P. 

The following notes are intended to inform those, whom 
it may concern, or to whom the same shall be agreeable to 
know, That I Robert Proud, having resided in Philadelphia 
now many years, which have seemed to me very short and 
fleeting, tho' attended with much vicissitude, tribulation and 
disappointment, divers ways, was born on the tenth day of 
May, anno 1728, according to best information and memory, 
in the north part of Yorkshire, England, at a farm house, 
called, Low Foxton (long since demolished) which was dis- 
tinguished, by that name, from another next to it, called, 
High Foxton, near one mile distant from a village, or coun- 
try town, named, Crathorn, where I went daily to school, to 
learn my first rudiments of a person named, Baxter; a man 
of some eminence in his line ; likewise a little more than 

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 431 

the same distance from a small market town, called, Yarm, 
situated on the river Tees, where it separates Yorkshire from 
the county of Durham. 

From which place of my birth, my father and mother, 
"William and Ann Proud, removed with their family, when 
I was about five or six years of age, to a place, or farm, near 
fifteen or twenty miles southward, called, Wood-End; which 
my father rented of Roger Talbot Esq r , near two or three 
miles northward from Thirsk, a market-town, about twenty 
miles north from the city of York : On which place was a 
large and pleasant mansion house and gardens, having long 
been the elegant seat and residence of a branch of the ancient 
and noted Talbot family, but now rented to a tenant, with a 
large quantity of land, belonging to the same. Which house 
since that time, has been repaired, improved, and occupied by 
the said owner. 

My residence here was mostly at my father's house, for a 
number of years, before I betook myself, with no small 
difficulty, from my connections, to the distant school of my 
beloved and esteemed friend and master, David Hall, of 
Skipton, Yorkshire aforesaid, to improve myself further in 
learning, or literature, and his good society, and from thence 
to London ; and afterwards to America. 

After having lived about four years with, and under the 
instruction of, my aforesaid friend and master, D. Hall, to 
great and mutual satisfaction, (with whom afterwards I con- 
tinued a friendly and very agreeable correspondence, in the 
Latin language, during the remainder of his life) in the 
latter part of the summer 1750, with a kind literary recom- 
mendation from him to the notice and regard of divers of 
his friends in London, I took shipping from Scarborough, 
for that city ; Where, after a stormy passage, and adverse 
winds, of about two weeks, I arrived, before winter com- 
menced ; residing there, at first, during the winter, with my 
relation, Joseph Taylor, at his house, near Mile-End. While 
there, by the advice and recommendation of my friend and 
relative D r John Fothergill, of London, I applied myself to 
further improvement in some parts of learning and science,. 

432 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 

in that city ; and, being afterwards recommended by the 
same person, I was introduced into the families of Silvanus 
and Timothy Bevan, eminent chemists and druggists and 
much noted in the medical line. Of whom the former, at 
that time, lived mostly retired, in his then advanced age, at 
the pleasant village of Hackney, nigh London ; and the 
latter, in Plow Court, Lombard street, in the city itself. By 
whom being kindly received, and treated with much respect, 
benevolence and friendship, I undertook, at their request, 
the instruction of the sons of the latter, in certain branches 
of learning, who mostly resided at Hackney. In which place 
and employment (having the free use of S. Bevan's large and 
excellent library) I continued to much mutual satisfaction, 
till I removed to Pennsylvania in the latter part of the year 

For considering this situation and employment would not 
long answer to provide for my future support in life, for 
which in my narrow circumstances I was often much thought- 
fully concerned, and as it did not occupy my whole time, so, 
being conversant with divers persons of much noted medical 
knowledge and practice, I applied part of my time, while 
here, diligently to that study, with a view to qualify myself 
for the practice. To which I was the more induced, not 
only by a strong desire of all useful science, in general, and 
best improvement of mind, but also particularly by the ex- 
traordinary opportunity, and best of information, with seeing 
a very extensive practice, in that line; which I then had, or 
might enjoy, in the families, where I lived, and their large 
connections, as being generally persons of much note and 
eminency in different respects. In this pursuit, for several 
years, I made such proficiency as to attract considerable 
notice and respect from many : having then in view the 
practice of physic. 

This not only exposed me to much variety of company, 
with great intenseness of thought, application and trial, but 
also frequently to such society and communication, in some 
things, as were not always agreeable, but, as I thought, in- 
jurious to my mind ; so that afterwards, for these and other 

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 433 

reasons, declining further pursuit thereof, in regard to a 
medical profession, in the latter part of the year 1758, having 
with much difficulty to my mind, or affection, taken leave 
of divers of my friends, more especially where I lived, I left 
London ; and from Portsmouth, took shipping for Pennsyl- 
vania ; having letters of recommendation from divers of my 
friends, in London to theirs in Philadelphia; among which, 
from D r Fothergill to Israel Pemberton, with certificate, 
drawn by Timothy Bevan and Joseph Phipps, from the 
Monthly Meeting of friends, in Grace Church street, Lon- 
don, to that of Philadelphia, or elsewhere in America. 


1758, 9 mo. 27, and 4 th day of the week, I left London, 
early in the morning, in the flying machine, six horses, 
with Sarah & Eliz. Hyde and other passengers ; and arrived 
at Portsmouth, in the evening, about 73 miles: where I 
abode one day. 

9 mo. 29. Went on board the ship Carolina, Duncan, 
where waited for the sailing of convoy (it being in time of 
war) about three weeks, at Spithead, with my friend, Mor- 
decai Yarnall, of Philadelphia who had joined us, and other 

10 mo. 22, and first day of the week. Sailed with a fair 

1759, 1 mo. 3, After a stormy passage, and much contrary 
winds, arrived at Lewistown, on, or near Delaware Bay, 
where M. Yarnall and myself went on shore, to Samuel 
Rowland's house, with Captain Duncan; and from thence 
by land we two arrived at M. Yarnall's house in Philadelphia 
on the 6 th same month ; the navigation of the river Delaware 
having been obstructed with ice, for about two weeks. 

On the 7 th or 8 th same month, by kind invitation I re- 
moved to the house of Isaac Greenleaf, Market street ; from 
whence 9 mo. 10 th to that of William Brown, Walnut street, 
then kept by Mary Newport, where I first took a few pupils 
or scholars : and from thence on 2 mo. 6 th 1761 to the house 
of James Pemberton, in 2 nd street. 
YOL. xm. 28 

434 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 

1762, 1 mo. 21 from James Pemberton's house to that 
of Israel Morris, both in 2 nd and Walnut streets. 

1763, 9 mo. 19 to Anthony Benezet's, Chestnut street. 

1766, 5 mo. 15 Joseph Marriott's, Walnut street. 

1767, 3 mo. 25 Anthony Benezet's again, returned from 

1771, 2 mo. 8 Tacey Forbes's, N E. corner, Market Str. 
& 4 th Street. 

1772, 10 mo. 3 Benjamin Morgan's, Arch street. 

1776, 5 mo. 25 Roger Bowman's, 2 nd Street. 

1777, 10 mo. 21 Anthony Benezet's 3 rd time. 

1778, 4 mo. 23 Elizabeth and Ruth Roberts, Arch street. 
8 mo. 3 B. Morgan with R. Roberts, New Jersey. 

1779, 9 mo. 9 Samuel Clark's 5 th street Philad*. 

In all 14 removals, between the years 9 mo. 1759, and 9 
mo. 1779, about 20 years. 

Near two years after my arrival in America, in 1 mo. 3 rd 
1759 aforesaid, I undertook, on the 11 th of 9 mo. 1761 the 
Public Latin School of Friends in Philadelphia. In which 
station I continued till 9 mo. 11 th 1770, about 9 years, when 
I resigned it. 

From that time till 4 mo. 24 th 1780, the space of 9 yean 
and 7 months, I was partly employed in trade with my 
brother John Proud from England and partly during the 
distraction of the Country here, engaged, at the particular 
request of some Friends, in compiling and writing the His- 
tory of Pennsylvania, in my retirement, a laborious and 
important work. 

Between the years 1775 and 1780, there being a great 
change from the former happy condition of this country, 
since called, The United States, with a general cessation, at 
that time, from the former usual and useful employments 
among the people, who were then strangely disposed for 
revolution, rebellion and destruction, under the name and 
pretence of Liberty, I endeavoured to divert my mind from 
those popular and disagreeable objects, at times, by such 
meditations and reflections as took my attention ; which, in 
part, I committed to writing, on various subjects, both in 

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 435 

prose and verse, but mostly in the former, during part of 
my retirement, in that afflictive and trying season, besides 
the compilation of the History of Pennsylvania since 

All which literary productions, translations and memo- 
randa, chiefly for my own use and amusement, or to help my 
memory,* still remaining in manuscript, with those, which 
are lost or destroyed, and including some written before, in 
England, and others since more lately here, I suppose, would 
fill several large octavo volumes, if printed. 


forbidden fruit* 'a, in ev'ry state, 

The source of human woe ; 
Forbidden fruit our fathers ate ; 

And sadly found it so : 
Forbidden fruit's rebellion's cause, 

In ev'ry sense and time ; 
Forbidden fruit's the fatal growth 

Of ev'ry age and clime. 
Forbidden fruit's New England's choice, 

She claims it as her due ; 
Forbidden fruit, with heart and voice, 

The Colonies pursue. 
Forbidden fruit our parents chose, 

Instead of life and peace ; 
Forbidden fruit to be the choice 

Of man will never cease. 

E. P. 1775. 


1776. By R. PROUD. 

" Asperius nihil est humili, cum surgit in altum ; 
Cuncta ferit, dum cuncta timet, desavit in omnes, 
Quam servi rabies in libera colla furentes." CLAUDIANU8. 

Of all the plagues, that scourge the human race, 
None can be worse than upstarts, when in place ; 
Their pow'r to shew, no action they forbear; 
They tyrannize o'er all, while all they fear ; 

436 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 

No savage rage, no rav'nous beast of prey, 
Exceeds the cruelty of Servile Sway ! l 

As if the foot to be the head inclin'd, 
Or body should aspire to rule the mind ; 
As when the pow'r of fire, of air and flood, 
In proper bounds, support the common good ; 
But when they break the bound, to them assign'd, 
They most pernicious are to human kind ; 
So are those men, whose duty's to obey, 
When they usurp the rule, and bear the sway. 

In order God has wisely rang'd the whole ; 
And animates that order, as the Soul ; 
In due gradation ev'ry rank must be, 
Some high, some low, but all in their degree : 
This law in ev'ry flock and herd we find, 
In ev'ry living thing of ev'ry kind ; 
Their Chief precedes, as in the fields they stray ; 
The rest in order follow and obey. 

Much more in men, this order ought to dwell, 
As they in rank and reason do excel ; 
A state the nearest to the Bless'd above, 
Where all degrees, in beauteous order move : * 
Which those, who violate, are sure to be 
The tools 3 of woeful infelicity ! 

Ev'n so are men, far worse than beasts of prey 
When those usurp the rule, who should obey : 
In self-security weak mortals find 
The will of God is thus to scourge mankind. &c. 


From the Latin of Matt. Casimirus Sarbievious by R. P. of Philad. anno 
U776 ; On account of the revolutionary conduct, and present prospect of the 
.public affairs, at that time, in this country. 

Oh ! Pow'r supreme, that rulest all, 
In constant change around this ball ; 
As I delight to walk thy ways, 
So condescend to aid my lays. 

1 NOTE. Servile Sway That of servants, slaves, or lower rank of the people, 
when, by violence, they usurp the power over their former masters and rulers, <fcc 
See the history of the Servile Wars, among the Romans : of the Rustic War, since, 
among the Germans, in the 16 th Century: not to mention those of the more late rev- 
olutions in France and S* Domingo. 

2 NOTE. Observe the order of the heavenly bodies. 

8 Id est, devils, or rebels and destroyers; See Milton. 

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 437 

Thy bounteous, and thy various hand 
Spreads gifts and honors round the land ; 
Which mortals catch, with eager strife 
As children, straws, in infant life ; 
Some strive for riches, some for pow'r, 
Which last a day, perhaps an hour ; 
They tott'ring stand, in anxious pain ; 
They rise, and quickly sink again ; 
All worldly empires rise and fall, 
And certain change attends on all ; 
It is a point, the sword divides ; 
And for a moment each presides : 

But I, who am both low and poor, 
This only boon of thee implore ; 
Let me, while others rage and fight ; 
Enjoy thy smiles, with thee delight. 

E. P. 1776. 

But omitting, in this place, further mention of things of 
this nature, I proceed to ohserve that, in the year 1780, 4 
mo. 24 th , after having sustained great losses by the confusion 
and iniquity of the late and present times (when I received 
such a shock, both in body and mind, as I was not well able 
to bear, and never since entirely recovered) I recommenced 
the management of the aforesaid Latin School, then deserted, 
by reason of said times ; in which station I continued till 5 
mo. 31 st 1790, about ten years and one month, when I finally 
and totally declined it. 

Both before and after this time (1790) I was frequently in 
a veryjinfirm state of health, and sometimes dangerously ill ; 
notwithstanding which I revised and published my history 
of Pennsylvania, tho' imperfect and deficient ; the necessary 
and authentic materials being very defective, and my de- 
clining health not permitting me to finish it entirely to my 
mind; and I had reason to apprehend, if it was not then 
published, nothing of the kind so complete, even with all its 
defects, would be likely to be published at all ; which pub- 
lication, tho' the best extant of the kind, or on that subject, 
as a true and faithful record instead of meeting with the ex- 
pected encouragement, first given to the undertaking, as due 
to such a work, has since been strangely and manifestly op- 

438 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 

posed, or discouraged even by many of those, whom it most 
properly concerned to encourage and promote the same ; as 
being the offspring, and lineal successors of the first and 
early settlers of Pennsylvania; for whose sakes, or more 
special and particular service it was undertaken by me ; to 
my great loss and disappointment; and that without any 
reason given to me ! A performance, besides the said more 
particular and special design, intended likewise for a more 
public information, and the general utility of both the pres- 
ent and future times; and to prevent the future publishing 
and spreading of false accounts, or misrepresentation, on the 
subject; which had too long prevailed. 

It may also be here observed, that from similar views of 
utility to others, and a public service, was my first under- 
taking the then too much despised and neglected instruction 
of youth, in my line, among Friends otherwise I should 
never have attempted the troublesome, unprofitable and labo- 
rious charge and employment, at first in this country; having 
formerly had much better offers, in a lucrative, or pecuniary 
sense, both in England and America. 

From what is before observed, it appears, I have been 21 
years instructing youth in Philadelphia, and 17 in trade and 
compiling the History of Pennsylvania, till about the year 
1797 ; and 9 years since that time, during my more infirm, 
and fast declining state of health, till the beginning of the 
present year, 1806, now in the 78 th year of my age : having 
been about 47 years in America, mostly in and near Phila- 
delphia. Of late much in meditation, and sometimes writ- 
ing observations and memoranda, on various subjects, for 
amusement and aiding my memory, still mostly remaining 
by me in manuscript ; my former friends and acquaintances, 
excepting some of my quondam pupils, or disciples, being 
mostly gone, removed, or deceased; and their successors 
become more and more strangers, unacquainted with, and 
alien to, me, renders my final removal or departure, from 
my present state of existence, so much the more welcome 
and desirable, 

Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 439 

" Taught half by reason, half by mere decay, 
To welcome death, and calmly pass away." POPE. 

for which I am now waiting ; and tho', according to the 
expressions before mentioned, I may say, " Few and evil 
have been the years of my life ;" yet, in part, according to 
my desire, I seem not to have so much anxiety and concern 
about the conclusion and consequence thereof, as I have had, 
at times, for the propriety of my conduct and advancement 
in the way of Truth and Eighteousness, in said state, so as 
to ensure the continued favor of a sensible enjoyment of the 
divine presence and preservation, while existing in this world, 
in order for a happy futurity and eternal life. 

Philad. 1806. 


1. God of ray life, whose pow'r divine 
Thro' all creation's works doth shine, 
That ev'ry mental eye may see 

A glorious evidence of thee ; 
Thy inward virtue, life and spring, 
Thou source of ev'ry living thing, 
Be still propitious to my mind, 
Oh I thou Preserver of mankind ! 

2. For tho' we hear no vocal sound, 
Among thy radiant orbs around ; 
Tho' they, in solemn silence, all 
Move round this dark, terrestrial ball, 
In reason's ear they all rejoice, 

And utter a melodious voice, 
Proclaiming loudly, as they shine, 
"The hand, that made us, is divine;" 
And keeps all Being from decay, 
Which else would fail and die away. 

3. But yet a nearer word we have, 
Thy Word of Life, the soul to save ; 
Which is, as it affects the mind, 
The light and life of human-kind, 
That shines in darkness, till its ray 
Increases to the perfect day ; 

440 Autobiography of Robert Proud, the Historian. 

Leads out of all obscurity, 

And guides the mind of man to thee. 

4. In this dark world, where e'er I go, 
Whatever I suffer here below; 

In life, whatever my lot may be, 
Take not thy Holy Sense from me ; 
Nor me abandon ! let me share 
Thy saving presence ever near ; 
Preserve me in each needful hour ; 
For still almighty is thy pow'r. 

5. Since all true science comes from thee, 
My never-failing wisdom be ; 
Protect me from my mental foes, 

The cause of all my griefs and woes ; 
O'er all my ways do thou preside, 
And be my faithful friend and guide ; 
That so my mind may never stray 
From thy pure light, thy living way. 

6. For all my foes, ev'n death, will flee, 
In thy bright presence, far from me, 
As darkness vanishes away," 

At the approach of light and day ; 
And whate'er state in life I know, 
When thro' the vale of death I go, 
If I but know thy presence near, 
I'll dread no harm, no evil fear ; 
But hence, to all eternity, 
Where e'er thou art, my soul shall be. 

K. P. Theophilus. 
Philad- 1801. 

Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 441 


[A paper in the MS. collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 


For declining the Government of Pensilvania, given to the 
Eight Hon ble Mr. Fox, for his royal Highness the Duke of 

M. Pownall having been recommended by his Eoyal 
Highness to M. Penn for the Lieutenancy of Pensilvania as 
a Person proper to forward the service within that Govern- 
ment, at this juncture, was very happy in the honour, and 
very ready to undertake the charge, in hopes and expecta- 
tion, of effecting such service; but upon his having had 
communicated to him by M r . Penn the Particulars of the 
Powers granted to his Lieut. Gov r and the mode of Admin- 
istration within which M r . Penn limits such Gov r by Bond 
of 5000 penalty. M r . Pownall conscious that he cannot 
perform such service with any security or honour to himself, 
nor in any wise with Utility to the Publick, and his Majesty's 
service, with which only view and in chearful obedience to 
the Royal recommendation he undertook it, humbly begs 
leave now to decline it. 

And he further thinks himself bound to give his reasons 
for so Doing. 

I st . As to his own insecurity under such Bonds and high 
Penalties. The Deputy Gov r being bound down under 
great Penalties to execute Instructions, cannot on any ac- 
count, without making a sacrifice of his own security and 
welfare, deviate from the least Title of such did even the 
immediate safety and preservation of y e Province, require 
such temporary deviation : for altho' the Instructions given 
may be neither proper nor practicable in such case, nor just 
in Equity, yet they may be lawful, and the penal Bond & 
it's Fines will be sued according to the legal not the equi- 

442 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 

table performance of it's Conditions ; according to the Letter 
not the Spirit; Whereas in the case of Instructions given by 
his Majesty to his Gov r any Gov r who has the Good of the 
service at heart would in such case as above, venture to 
relax, or wave, or deviate from the strict Letter and throw 
himself on his Majesty's mercy and gracious pardon. This 
is the Case of those Instructions that respect Emergencies 
and unforseen Accidents in Government. 

In the ordinary course of Administration in Government 
those Points (the Matters of dispute & the cause of all the 
Trouble in such Governments) which possibly and probable 
might be settled or accommodated, or kept quite from inter- 
fering with Government by waving, compromising, or other 
Address as Occasions require and Incidents point out, are by 
the Instructions absolutely determined on the part of the 
Proprietor, nor can the Deputy Gov r venture to Engage in 
any practicable Measure of settling such, beyond the Letter 
already determined, without the utmost and absolute Eisk 
of his safety for, the Reasons above. 

This is the case of the Instructions known and already 
given, but if the Deputy Gov r be bound under the above 
high Penalties " At all times and in all things whatsoever 
well and truly to observe perform and fulfill execute & con- 
form himself within and unto all such further and other law- 
ful Powers, Authorities, Directions, and Instructions what- 
soever, from the Proprietor, which already have been or at 
any time or at any times hereafter shall be delivered to him 
in Writing by or from or on the part of the Proprietor, 
whether the same do or shall relate to the Proprietary Affairs 
of the said Province, or to the Government of the same, or 
to any other matter whatsoever." He is under the absolute 
power of the Proprietor; and what makes his Situation 
more than subservient, and servile, even dangerous is, that 
he the Deputy cannot refuse to act under such Instructions 
without quitting the Government, and yet by the same Bond 
and Penalties. He cannot quit the Government, without 
giving a Twelve Month's notice, So that He must inevitable 
act at the will of the Proprietor, or suffer the high Penalties. 

Reasons Jor Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 443 

II dly . As to the Ineffectuality of an Administration under 
such a Mode, and the Inutility that a Deputy Gov r , and M r . 
Pownall in particular would prove to be of, towards restor- 
ing Peace, or forwarding the general service, Administration 
and Administrators being under such Bonds. 

"The particular Powers, Jurisdictions, & Authorities" 
granted to the Proprietor, by Patent to be exercised by Him- 
self or Deputy are such as are fit and equal " to the well 
governing, safety, defence and preservation of the Province, 
and the People therein." And the Proprietor does accord- 
ingly grant all these Powers in his Patent Commission to his 
Deputy: but those Powers being greatly abridged and in 
some measure changed from the Letter of the Charter of 
Government by the mode of Administration prescribed and de- 
fined in the Instructions, the People are always dissatisfied with, 
and discontented under such Administration, as they con- 
ceive the Powers and Modes of Government under such a 
Deputy so circumstanced are not fit and equal to the well 
Governing, Safety, Defence & Preservation of the Province, 
& the People residing therein, nor that they enjoy the full 
Rights and Powers of their Charter. 

The Deputy Gov r being bound under great Penalties to 
execute " from time to time" the will of the Proprietor, and 
in some Cases where & when that cannot be sent to the 
Deputy, he being bound under the same great Penalties to 
act and resolve by the Advice of the Proprietaries Council 
(Who by the Charter of Government are no part of the 
Legislature) the Assembly the only remaining Branch of 
Government reason and act upon this Principle That, the 
full Powers of Government must be somewhere within the 
Province ; But, as such cannot possibly be in the Deputy 
Gov r so circumstanced, they do reason & act as having them- 
selves those Powers which are defective in the Deputy Gov r 
therefore this state of the Deputy Gov r is in effect productive 
of instead of being calculated to remove, these internal 
disorders of Government. 

Should this Reason be not altogether true, yet it is what 
the People there conceive to be true and consequently have 

444 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 

not, nor ever will have any confidence or trust in a Deputy 
under this Mode only. 

M r . Pownall's expectations & hopes of promoting the ser- 
vice & restoring Peace arose from a Confidence & trust which 
the People in that Government, had express'd in him, & an 
opinion of his being detached from all Parties. The sup- 
position of the Deputy Governor's being bound by Bond 
under continual Instructions from the Proprietor has de- 
stroy'd all Trust & Confidence in him, or those appointed by 
him under such Circumstances. 

Should M r . Pownall be so bound, the confidence on which 
his hopes of acting were founded would be entirely lost ; 
and should he be bound down and determined as to certain 
Points all his opinion of Impartiality & Dissengagement 
would be Destroy'd ; The People would not dare to trust 
him, they would lose the inclination to trust him ; and He 
could not be of the least use or utility to his Majesty's ser- 
vice, or to that of the Proprietor, or Province. He there- 
fore humbly begs leave to Decline all Engagements in such 

All the above Cases arise from a Deputy Gov r being bound 
by a Bond of high Penalties to act under Instructions, even 
prior to the consideration whether such Instructions be 
proper or not. But the reasons are still more cogent upon 
a Review of the impropriety of the present Instruction. 

By the 6 th Article the L* Gov r is directed and enjoined not 
to encourage or countenance the coming in of Papists or 
Roman Catholicks, nor to allow them any Privileges not 
allowed by Law. Now the Fact is, that, Papists & Roman 
Catholicks do come into the Province, & do enjoy many 
Liberties and Priviledges not allowed them by Law ; and as 
it is not in the power of the L* Gov r under the mere Au- 
thority of his Commission to prevent it this Instruction is 
as to the Remedy of the evil a mere Nullity & ensnaring 
with respect to the Lieutenant Governor. 

The same observation and objection only to a greater 
extent arises with respect to the 7th Instruction by which the 
Lieu* Gov r is directed to observe & put in execution the Laws 

Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 445 

of Trade, & to prevent Flaggs of Truce from coming in from 
foreign Colonies. Those, which are no doubt, wrong in 
themselves, but which are constantly practised, it is not in 
the L* Gov r ' 8 power to prevent, without the Aids of the Acts 
of the Legislature. 

By the 9th Instruction he is directed to take the advice of 
the Proprietary's Council in matters of Legislature, & in all 
Acts of Government ; which appears to be highly improper, 
as this Council is not by the Charter, & the Constitution of 
the Government a part of the Legislature. And yet if the 
L* Gov r does any act without their advice, He subjects him- 
self to the Penalties of the Bond. 

By the llth Instruction he is directed not to assent to any 
Act for emitting, re-emitting, or continuing any Paper- 
Money, unless it be enacted that the Interest arising there- 
from shall be Disposed of only as the Proprietors, or the L* 
Gov r or the President of the Council, & the House of Rep- 
resentatives shall Direct ; by which the Power & Priviledge 
vested by the Constitution in every Assembly of Appropri- 
ating Money they grant to such Services as they think proper 
is intirely Destroy'd. No such claim as this was ever in- 
sisted on in the King's Governments ; for altho the Crown 
in it's Commission reserves, to the Gov r a power of dispos- 
ing of publick Money. Yet this is meant & intended only 
of Money raised & appropriated by Acts of Assembly, and 
according to such appropriation. 

By the 14th Article it is directed that the Quakers be not 
compell'd to act in any manner in Matters relating to the 
Militia ; which may be construed into an Exemption not only 
against bearing Arms themselves, but in making provision 
for the Pay & Subsistance & other Expenses of such whose 
Consciencies will permit to serve in a Military Capacity; 
Besides, by this Injuntion the Gov r is pinn'd down to a Mi- 
litia, which is highly improper, as it may & probably will be 
found an ineffectual Plan, for the service and a much better 
one may be thought of. 

By the 16th Article he is directed to assist in making 
Settlements to the "Westward of the Mountains on the 

446 Reasons for Declining Government of Pennsylvania, 1758. 

"Waters of the Ohio, which is a Measure highly offensive to 
the Indians and the carrying of which into execution at this 
time, would be attended with fatal Consequences to the ser- 
vice, as the Indians look upon those Lands as of right be- 
longing to them, & have several times lately Declared their 
Resolution not to part with them. 

N" B This to be struck out, but should be re- 
placed by an Instruction directing the L* 
Gov r not to give encouragement or suffer 
any settlement to be made on Lands 
claimed by the Indians, until the Rights 
be settled to their satisfaction. 

By the 21st Article he is directed not to give his assent to 
any Law, by which any of the Proprietor's Manor Lands, 
Quit Rents, ether Estates may be affected, which ties up the 
Gov r?fl Hands from assenting to any Law for raising Money 
by a Tax upon Estates without an Exemption as to the Pro- 
prietary's Estates which is unjust and unreasonable; and 
when upon a late occasion a Law of that sort was proposed 
by the Assembly it was rejected by the Gov* for this very 
Reason : He is likewise directed by his Instruction not to 
assent to any Law for establishing Ferries or, for the estab- 
lishing a Court of Chancery; Points which the Assembly 
have long contested, & which have been allowed of in other 

By the 23d Instruction he is directed not to assent to any 
Laws for laying Duties on Goods imported, which as it re- 
strains the Assembly from availing themselves of this par- 
ticular subject of Taxation ; for raising Money for the Pub- 
lick-Service appears in the present times of Exigency to be 
improper, & may be the occasion of Disputes & Differences 
between them, and the Governor. And whatever the gen- 
eral view of the Instruction may be, it seems improper that 
the Trade of this particular Province, should be exempted 
from those Duties which are laid upon it universally in 
every other Colony. 

This to be altered. 

Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 447 



The Harrison family was settled, towards the close of the 
seventeenth century, in what was then Calvert County, on 
the Western Shore of Maryland. Richard Harrison was a 
member of the religious Society of Friends, of which body 
there had been a considerable settlement in that section long 
before the arrival of William Penn in Pennsylvania. George 
Fox and John Burnyeat, eminent ministers from England, 
visited these parts in 1672 to 1674, and were instrumental 
in increasing the membership. 

Meetings were held at West River, Herring Creek, and 
The Cliffs, and there was a meeting-house at the first- named 
place. 1 Richard Harrison the elder resided near Herring 
Creek, but whether originally in membership with Friends, 
or a convert under the preaching of George Fox and John 
Burnyeat, does not appear. He was, however, an active 
member of the society, and the monthly meetings were held 
at his house. Maryland Friends were early alive to the evils 
of the traffic in intoxicating liquors, and Richard Harrison 
was one of a committee appointed soon after the commence- 
ment of the eighteenth century to take steps for its suppres- 
sion. It is believed that he died about the year 1717. 

Richard Harrison, Jr., son of the former, was a tobacco- 
planter and an extensive slave-holder, residing in the vicinity 
of Herring Creek. He was probably born there, and was 
educated among Friends by religious parents, and bore an 
excellent reputation in the place of his nativity.' After his 

1 The site of this building still remains, being used as a burial-ground, 
though much overgrown with weeds. The building has long since dis- 
appeared, but the place is still known as " The Friends' Meeting." 

448 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

removal to Pennsylvania he was said, on the authority of 
Deborah Logan, to have been a gentleman of great integrity 
and virtue. 

He is supposed to have been twice married. His first wife 
appears to have been Elizabeth Hall, daughter of Elisha 
Hall, of Calvert County, Maryland. The marriage took 
place in the early part of 1707. The time of her death has 
not been ascertained. There does not appear to have been 
any issue of this marriage. 

Richard Harrison's second wife, Hannah Morris, was the 
second daughter of Isaac Norris, and granddaughter of 
Deputy Governor Thomas Lloyd. She was a most affec- 
tionate and pious woman, and a minister in the Society of 

Richard Harrison and Hannah Norris were married in 
Philadelphia in 1717, and soon after he returned with his 
bride to his residence at Herring Creek. He had, however, 
promised Hannah Morris prior to the marriage, that, if after 
residing in Maryland one year she did not like it for a home, 
he would dispose of his property at Herring Creek and re- 
move to Pennsylvania. The year's trial did not prove sat- 
isfactory to Hannah Harrison, and, in accordance with his 
promise, her husband made preparations to remove to the 
vicinity of Philadelphia. In 1719 he purchased, of Rowland 
Ellis, an estate of seven hundred acres in Merion, about ten 
miles from Philadelphia, situated on what was in those early 
times one of the main roads leading out of the city, now 
known as the Old Gulf Road. This road passes diagonally 
through the southern part of the tract, and bounds it on the 
southwest side throughout most of its length. The ancient 
eleven- and twelve-mile-stones, marking the distance from 
the old Court-House at Second and Market Streets, yet re- 
main on the premises. The mansion-house, still standing, 
was erected by the former owner, Rowland Ellis, 1 in 1704. 

1 Rowland Ellis was born in 1650 at Bryn-Mawr, Merionethshire, 
Wales. He became a Friend when about twenty-two years old, and 
suffered several years' imprisonment for his constancy in refusing to 
take an oath. He was a minister and a man of note both in the country 

Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 449 

It is said that all the stone, sand, and other similar materials 
used in its construction were carried on panniers. There 
were no carts or wagons in use in that section of the coun- 
try in those days, and the produce of the farms was carried 
to market on pack-horses. 

This house, afterwards the residence of Kichard Harrison's 
son-in-law Charles Thomson, is built of pointed stone, two 
stories high with dormer windows above. The main door- 
way opens into the principal room on the first floor, used as 
a dining-room in early times, and occupied by Charles 
Thomson as his study. It was here that the principal part 
of the work was done on his translation of the Bible from 
the Septuagint. Until within a few years there was a 
date-stone in the southwest gable of the house marked 

To this plantation Richard Harrison and his wife removed. 
He called it Harriton, after his own name, changing only the 
letter s into L His household goods and slaves (the latter 
said to have been numerous) appear to have been sent to 
Philadelphia in a sailing vessel. When ascending the Dela- 
ware, the vessel was taken by pirates, who appropriated all 
the household goods, but landed the slaves, and allowed 
them to make their way as best they could to their master. 
After the removal to Merion, some of the slaves became 
dissatisfied with their new home, and endeavored to prevail 
upon their master to return to Maryland. Failing in this, 
several of them conspired to destroy him and his family by 
poisoning. This design was, however, providentially frus- 
trated. The poison was put into the chocolate which the 
family were to drink at breakfast. During the season of 

of his birth and in the land of his adoption. In 1686 he visited Penn- 
sylvania to prepare for a settlement of his family, but returned to Wales 
the following spring. In 1697 he finally came to America and settled in 
Merion on the plantation now called Harriton. He continued to reside 
in Merion until about 1719, when he removed to North Wales, Pennsyl- 
vania. He died in 1729 and was buried at Plymouth. During his resi- 
dence in Merion religious meetings after the manner of Friends were 
frequently held at his house, and in some instances marriages were 
solemnized there. 

VOL. xiii. 29 

450 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

silence which precedes partaking of a meal in the families 
of Friends there was a knock at the front door of the house, 
which opened immediately into the hreakfast-room. Richard 
Harrison requested the visitor to enter, but, as his invitation 
apparently was not heard, he rose suddenly to open the door, 
in doing which he overturned the breakfast-table, and the 
chocolate, which had in the mean time been poured into the 
cups, was spilled on the floor. The spilled chocolate was 
licked up by the cat, which soon died from the effects of the 
poison. The conspirators subsequently confessed their crime, 
and admitted that the design was to destroy the whole fam- 
ily, with the hope that they would then be able to return to 
Herring Creek. 

A considerable part of the Harriton plantation was wood- 
land. Upon the portion which had been cleared Richard 
Harrison resumed his business of tobacco-planting. Access 
to the Philadelphia market was difficult, not only because of 
the primitive character of the Old Gulf Road, but also in 
consequence of the route passing over steep hills. The prac- 
tice still in vogue in some parts of the South was adopted 
for taking the tobacco to market. It was packed in hogs- 
heads, through the centre of which an axle was placed, 
and on the projecting parts on either side slabs were fitted 
in which the axle would revolve easily. These slabs suit- 
ably braced answered for shafts, and admitted of one or 
more horses being attached to the hogsheads, by which 
means they were rolled to Philadelphia with comparative 

In 1737 a certain Thomas Lloyd and his wife in some way 
interfered with Richard Harrison's slaves. The character of 
this interference is not apparent, but it was sufficiently seri- 
ous to cause a complaint to be laid before the Monthly Meet- 
ing, which appointed Rees Thomas and five other Friends to 
hear the case. Under date of 8 Mo. 13, 1737, the minutes 
of the Monthly Meeting held at Haverford contain the fol- 
lowing entry in relation to the matter. 

" The friends appointed to hear the complaint of Richard 
Harrison against Thomas Lloyd reports in writing under 

Settlers in Merlon Harriton Plantation. 451 

their hands that the said Richard had just cause of com- 
plaint: Also that there was a paper brought to this meeting 
signed by Thomas Lloyd and his wife, acknowledging that 
they were heartily sorry that they had given the said Richard 
and wife, just cause to be offended in tha,t they had any thing 
to do with their negroes and that they had acted very un- 
advisedly and foolishly and promises to avoid any thing of 
the kind for the time to come, and Richard Harrison 
being present at this meeting accepts thereof for satisfac- 

As has been heretofore intimated, Richard Harrison and 
his wife were both religious persons, the latter being a min- 
ister. To afford to his family and neighbors the opportunity 
for worship after the manner of Friends, he erected a meet- 
ing-house on his land a few hundred yards from his dwelling- 
house. This was built at least as early as 1730, and probably 
some years earlier. It is referred to in the minutes of the 
Monthly Meeting, then held alternately at Merion, Haver- 
ford, and Radnor, as "Richard Harrison's school-house," 
but the family tradition is clear that it was built for a meet- 
ing-house, and there is very little doubt that it was erected 
primarily for that purpose. It was of stone, one story high, 
and appears to have been about thirty by fifteen feet. The 
interior was fitted with a small minister's gallery so ar- 
ranged as to be closed in below and thus keep the occupants 
more free from the cold in winter. 

Meetings for Divine worship appear to have been held in 
this building so long as the Harrison family continued to 
reside at Harriton, it is supposed during a period of about 
thirty years, and probably longer. 

At the Monthly Meeting held in the Eleventh Month, 
1730, action was taken in relation to holding this meeting as 
follows, viz. : 

" It's proposed on behalf of Richard Harrison and some 
other friends that they have liberty to keep a meeting on 
the first days for this winter season at the said Richard's 
School-house, which this meeting allows them until y e next 
spring Yearly Meeting." 

452 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

In the Seventh Month following the Monthly Meeting 
records : 

" Richard Harrison with some other friends proposes to 
have liberty to keep a meeting on first day of the week at 
said Richard's School-house to begin after the Yearly Meet- 
ing and to continue until spring Yearly Meeting which this 
meeting allows of." 

In the First Month, 1732, the matter was again before the 
Monthly Meeting, when 

"Richard Harrison and some other friends signified to 
this meeting in writing that the meeting appointed last 7th 
mo. to be kept at y e s d Richards School-house was duely and 
religiously kept. And further requesting to be admitted to 
keep an afternoon meeting in y e s d place from the Spring 
meeting in this month until y e yearly meeting in y e 7th mo 
next, which is allowed of and to begin at four o'clock." 

After many years, at the Monthly Meeting held on the 
14th of Sixth Month, 1759, a committee was " appointed to 
make inquiry into the circumstance of that meeting at 
Harrisons and know if it is still kept up and report to our 
next meeting." 

At the following Monthly Meeting, held in the Seventh 
Month, report was made that " Some of the friends ap- 
pointed to enquire into the circumstance of that meeting at 
Harrisons reported that they were there, and some friends 
were met there, and that the widow Harrison seemed 
desirous to have it continued some time, which this meeting 
agrees to. And Robert Jones is appointed to inform the 
widow Harrison and those friends who are desirous of 
meeting there, that this meeting desires them to meet at the 
fourth hour in the afternoon." 

After the removal of the family from Harriton, which 
occurred, as will hereafter appear, soon after the death of 
the elder son, Thomas, in 1759, these meetings were dis- 
continued. It is probable that services by other religious 
denominations than Friends may have been held in Harriton 
meeting-house subsequently, as the owners for a long time 
were not members of that religious society. For many 

Settlers in Merion Haniton Plantation. 453 

years it was used as a school-house, and remained in fairly 
.good repair until about 1819, when it was maliciously pulled 
down by a person then residing on the property. The 
stone foundations still remain, and afford the opportunity of 
ascertaining the size and exact location of the building. 

Adjoining the meeting-house a piece of land was appro- 
priated for a family burial-ground. This burial-ground has 
long been known as Harriton Family Cemetery. 

Richard Harrison provided, by his will, that the site of 
the meeting-house and burial-ground should not be sold, 
and his wife left a legacy to be applied to erecting a suitable 
enclosure around them. The first wall was erected with the 
proceeds of this legacy. It had a wooden covering and an 
entrance gate. The wall, which is about four feet high, was 
rebuilt in 1844, and the present stone coping and entrance 
steps were supplied at that time. 

Harriton Family Cemetery is about eighty-five feet long 
and forty-six feet wide. The entrance is by a flight of 
stone steps ascending the wall on one side, and a similar 
flight descending on the other. A grass walk extends across 
the breadth of the enclosure. Immediately on the left-hand 
side of this walk are two rows of family graves, in which 
were interred several generations of the Harrison family. 
Still farther to the left, and entirely apart from these 
interments, are a number of stones marking the graves of 
strangers to the family blood, buried here by permission 
between 1795 and 1828. On the right of the grass walk are 
several other rows of graves, many of which are those 
of slaves employed in the Harrison family. The house 
servants alone were buried here, the slaves generally being 
interred in a selected spot in one of the fields. A block of 
soapstone is built in the front wall of the cemetery, showing 
inscriptions on both sides. On the exterior side are the 
words " Harriton Family Cemetery Anno 1719." On the 
interior side is the following inscription : " This stone is 
opposite the division between two rows of family graves, 
wherein were interred Richard Harrison (died March 2, 
1747) and a number of his descendants. Also Charles 

454 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

Thomson Secretary of Continental Congress (died Aug. 
16, 1824) and Hannah Thomson wife of Chas : Thomson, 
daughter of Kichard Harrison, grand-daughter of Isaac 
Morris, & great-grand-daughter of Governor Thomas Lloyd, 
(died Sept. 6, 1807)." 

In Charles Thomson's time the burial-ground was in full 
view from the windows of the mansion-house, through a 
vista cut in the woodland which surrounds it. Charles 
Thomson particularly requested that after his death his 
remains might repose with those of his wife and her an- 
cestors, in their ancient burying-place, and he was accord- 
ingly interred in Harriton Cemetery. Subsequently, how- 
ever, his desires were entirely ignored, under circumstances 
at once painful and discreditable. 

In 1838 several persons in Philadelphia established 
Laurel Hill Cemetery. It was a new scheme, the first of its 
kind, and its promoters were anxious to give it all the 
prestige possible by having removed there the remains of 
prominent persons. One of the parties interested called 
upon the owners of the Harriton estate, they being the 
nearest family connections of Hannah Thomson (for her 
husband had only a life-estate in the property), and asked 
permission to remove the remains of Charles Thomson 
and his wife from the family burial-ground to the new 

He was courteously informed that other relatives would 
be consulted, and an early reply given. The matter was 
accordingly considered by various members of the family, 
and it was the unanimous judgment of all that, as Charles 
Thomson had been interred in the family burial-ground at 
his own request, and had expressed the strong desire that 
his remains might lie with those of his wife's ancestors in 
their ancient burial-place, it would not be right to grant the 
request. Among those consulted was the venerable Deborah 
Logan, a near relative, whose opposition to the removal was 
perhaps more decided than that of any other person. The 
judgment arrived at was accordingly communicated to the 
individual who had made the application. 

Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 455 

There was, however, a nephew of Charles Thomson who 
was a stranger to the Harrison blood and unfriendly to the 
owners of Harriton. This was John Thomson. He, of 
course, was not consulted by the other relatives. To him 
the individual above referred to applied for permission to 
remove the remains. He undertook to authorize the re- 
moval, claiming that he had the right to do it by virtue of 
the fact that he had been Charles Thomson's executor and 
was his nearest relative. How these circumstances could 
confer a right to authorize any meddling with the remains 
of Hannah Thomson, who was not of his blood and with 
whose affairs he had never had any concern, or to authorize 
an entry upon private property to take either body, has 
never been explained. If such a right really existed, it could 
easily have been established in the proper court of law; 
and the fact that the removal was accomplished by stealth 
at dead of night, seems to be conclusive that the parties 
engaged in it had but little confidence in the legality of 
their proceedings. Those desiring to make the removal 
resolved to carry it out, upon the assent of John Thomson. 
The scheme was carefully planned. On an August evening 
in 1838, the resurrectionists rendezvoused at the residence 
of John Elliot, a stone house still standing in the village 
of Bryn-Mawr, about a quarter of a mile from the burial- 
ground. At dead of night they proceeded to the cemetery, 
expecting to have all the work completed during the dark- 
ness. But the digging was hard, and the early gray of the 
morning appeared by the time that the bodies were reached 
and raised to the surface. At this juncture a laboring man 
employed on one of the farms, having made an early start 
to go to his work, in passing through the woodland which 
surrounds the cemetery was attracted by the lanterns and the 
voices of the resurrectionists. Upon approaching them, 
they, finding themselves discovered, were seized with a 
panic and hastily loaded the bodies in wagons which they 
had in readiness, and drove off rapidly, leaving the graves 
open, a high pile of earth, and other evidences of their 
depredations. The facts were at once reported to the 

456 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

owners, but there seemed nothing to do but to fill up the 
open graves and repair the damage done to the cemetery. 

It has sometimes been asked whether, after all, the resur- 
rectionists really secured the remains of Charles Thomson. 
It is probable that this question will never be satisfactorily 
answered. In explanation of the difficulties of the case it 
may be stated, that none of the early family graves were 
provided with inscribed gravestones, nor were there any 
permanent marks of any kind; and it is only certainly 
known that the two rows of graves immediately to the left 
of the present entrance contained family remains. 

The identity of each cannot be established. The ground 
was overgrown with briers in 1838, and even the mounds were 
to some extent obliterated. The desire expressed by Charles 
Thomson was, that " he wished to be buried in a line with 
his father-in-law Richard Harrison and next above his de- 
ceased wife Hannah Harrison." It is not known whether 
he was buried in this exact spot or not, nor, as above inti- 
mated, can the location of Richard Harrison's grave be 
ascertained. 1 

Those who are familiar with burial-lots where gravestones 
have not been erected immediately after interments know the 
very great difficulty and uncertainty of identifying graves at 
any future time. Disappointments which have arisen in such 
cases are not infrequent, and are rather the rule than the 
exception. When we keep this in view, we can appreciate 
the significance of the statement made by John Thomson in 
his letter defending the removal, when he says, " It was be- 
lieved that but one person knew the exact locality, where 
rested one of the most conspicuous men of the revolution. 
No stone or tablet was erected," etc. 

How easily that one person may have been mistaken, in a 
ground then overgrown with " brush and briers," if indeed 
he possessed the information he claimed to have, will readily 

1 The writer has a plan of the cemetery, copied from one formerly in 
possession of Charles Thomson, which has a part of the graves marked 
on it, but it does not seem to be consistent with what appears on the 

Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 457 

be recognized. And when we consider that all this resur- 
rection work was done at night under fear of discovery, 
and the panic which was upon the perpetrators when they were 
seen, and the haste with which they fled, leaving no time for 
identifying the remains from internal evidence, we cannot 
but feel that a doubtful question still remains to be solved. 
Mounds with rough head-stones and foot-stones now mark 
the sites of the graves from which the bodies were taken in 

Eichard and Hannah Harrison are believed to have had 
eight children. The names of five only are known, and it 
is supposed that the others died in infancy or early childhood. 
Of these five, Isaac and Samuel died unmarried, the former 
in the lifetime of his father. Mary displeased all her friends 
by an improper marriage, which she did not long survive, 
and died without issue. Hannah, born in December, 1728, 
married Charles Thomson in 1775. The remaining son, 
Thomas, married Frances Scull, and died early in 1759, 
leaving three little girls, who subsequent to his death were 
taken into the family of their grandmother and educated by 
their aunt Hannah Harrison. Of these Hannah died in 
childhood. Mary married Jonathan Mifflin, and died soon 
after the birth of twin daughters, both of whom died in 
early childhood. The third, Amelia Sophia, married 
Robert McClenachan, an Irishman from Raphoe, County 
Donegal, and was the ancestor of all the present descendants 
of Richard and Hannah Harrison. There is a table of 
descendants in Keith's Provincial Counsellors. 

As shown on the historical tablet in the wall of Harriton 
Cemetery, Richard Harrison died in 1747. His wife and 
family continued to reside at Harriton for many years after- 
wards, and his son Thomas appears to have died there in 
1759, and was buried in the family cemetery. Ultimately 
the widow and two surviving children, Samuel and Hannah, 
removed to Somerville, another estate owned in the family, 
which was nearer Philadelphia and more convenient to their 

Hannah Harrison survived her husband twenty-eight 

458 Settlers in Merion Harriton Plantation. 

years and died in 1775, and was interred in Friends' burial- 
ground at Arch and Fourth Streets, Philadelphia. Of all 
her numerous children, her daughter Hannah alone survived 

By a partition between the then living heirs of Richard 
Harrison, the Harriton plantation became in 1781 the ex- 
clusive property of Hannah Thomson, the wife of Charles 
Thomson. It was their permanent residence in later life, 
and both of them died there. They had no children. 

Charles McClenachan, one of the grandchildren of Hannah 
Thomson's brother Thomas, was a favorite with both her 
husband and herself: he had been named for Charles Thom- 
son, and was brought up and educated in the family at Har- 
riton. He had also aided his uncle in making the translation 
of the Bible from the Septuagint version. It was but natural 
that his aunt should desire him to have a generous share of 
her property and that this desire should be agreeable to her 
husband. But under the then laws of Pennsylvania a married 
woman could not make a will, and it was necessary to pro- 
vide by deed for the settlement of the real estate. This was 
done in 1798, and, by the conveyances, life estates were re- 
served to both Charles Thomson and his wife, and the whole 
of Harriton plantation, except one hundred acres given to 
another nephew (subject to a further life estate in a small 
portion which was given to Page Cadorus, a faithful negro 
servant), was settled upon Charles McClenachan. Unfortu- 
nately, an unskilful conveyancer was employed, and the 
deeds were drawn in such a loose way that, after the sudden 
death of Charles McClenachan without a will, in 1811, dur- 
ing the lifetime of Charles Thomson, leaving an only child 
but six weeks old, a serious legal contest took place, in 
which the heirs-at-law of Hannah Thomson sought to 
deprive this child of her legitimate inheritance. 

The evidence given by Charles Thomson as to his wife's 
intention was, however, so clear, that, although years of 
litigation ensued, the title was ultimately settled in favor of 
Charles McClenachan's heir, who is still in possession of all 
the plantation settled upon her father, except a few acres 

Settlers in Merlon Harriton Plantation. 459 

added to the burial-ground and church-edifice site of the 
Lower Merion Baptist Church. 1 

1 The site of the Lower Merion Baptist Church edifice at the eastern- 
most corner of the Old Gulf Road (sometimes called Roberts Road) and 
the New Gulf Road was donated in the year 1810 by Charles McClena- 
chan, and was conveyed by him to trustees in trust for the congregation 
"adhering to the Baptist confession of faith adopted by the Philadelphia 
Baptist Association in the year 1742." The life-estate which Charles 
Thomson had in this plot, containing one acre, had been previously re- 
leased. The lot has since been increased in size by purchase. 

The original meeting-house was erected about the time the land was 
given. It was a large oblong structure of stone, roughcast, with high 
sloping roof, its gable facing the New Gulf Road. Charles Thomson 
sometimes worshipped in this building in the later years of his life. It 
remained about as originally erected until within the last three years. 

It has recently been rebuilt, part of the old walls being used, but in 
such a way that not a vestige remains of what this venerable building 
formerly was, as respects either its exterior appearance or its interior 
arrangements. The main window in the southwest side contains a 
stained-glass memorial to Charles Thomson, in which a prominent feat- 
ure is a portrait of that eminent man. This memorial was donated by 
George W. Childs. In the southeast wall in the interior is a marble tablet 
to the memory of Horatio Gates Jones, the first pastor of the congrega- 
tion worshipping in the old building, who died December 12, 1853, in 
his seventy-seventh year. 

460 Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey. 


[We are indebted to the Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker for a copy 
of this letter of William Penn to John Aubrey, which is addressed 
" For my esteem'd Frd John Auberry at Gresham Colledge."] 


I value my selfe much upon y e good opinion of those 
Ingeneous Gentlemen I know of y e Royall Society, and their 
kind wishes for me and my poor Provinces : all I can say is 
that I & It are votarys to y e prosperity of their harmless and 
usefull inquierys. It is even one step to Heaven to returne 
to nature and Though I Love that proportion should be ob- 
served in all things, yett a naturall Knowledge, or y e Science 
of things from sence and a carefull observation and argu- 
mentation thereon, reinstates men, and gives them some 
possession of themselves againe; a thing they have long 
wanted by an ill Tradition, too closely followed and y e 
foolish Credulity so Incident to men. I am a Greshamist 
throughout; I Love Inquiry, not for inquiry's sake, but 
care not to trust my share in either world to other mens 
Judm* 8 , at Least without having a finger in y e Pye for my- 
self; yet I Love That Inquiry should be modest and peace- 
able ; virtues, that have strong charms upon y e wiser and 
honester part of y e mistaken world. Pray give them my sin- 
ceer respects, and in my behalfe sollicite y e continuation of 
their friendship to my undertaking. We are y e wonder of our 
neighbours as in our coming and numbers, so to ourselves 
in o r health, subsistance and success ; all goes well, blessed 
be God, and provision we shall have to spare, considerably, 
in a year or Two, unless very great quantitys of People 
croud upon us. The Aire, heat and Cold Resemble y e 
heart of France ; y e soyle good, y e springs many & delight- 
full, y 6 fruits roots corne and flesh as good as I have com- 

Letter of William Penn to John Aubrey. 461 

monly eaten in Europe, I may say of most of them better. 
Strawberrys ripe in y e woods in Aprill, and in y e Last 
Month, Peas, beans, Cherrys & mulberrys. Much black 
walnut, Chesnutt, Cyprus or white Cedar and mulberry are 
here. The sorts of fish in these parts are excellent and 
numerous. Sturgeon leap day and night that we can hear 
them a bow shot from y e Rivers in our beds, we have 
Roasted and pickeled them, and they eat like veal one way, 
and sturgeon y e other way. Mineral here is great store, I 
shall send some soddainly for Tryall. Vines are here in 
Abundance every where, some may be as bigg in the body 
as a mans Thigh. I have begun a Vineyard by a French- 
man of Languedock, and another of Poicteu, near Santonge, 
severall people from the Colonys are retiring hither, as Vir- 
ginia, Mary-Land, New England, Road Island, New York 
&c : I make it my business to Establish virtuous Economy 
and therefore sett twice in Councell every week with good 
success. I thank God My Reception was with all y e show of 
Kindness y e rude State of y e Country would yield; and after 
holding Two Genrll Assemblys I am not uneasy to y c 
People. They to express their Love and gratitude gave me 
an Impost that might be worth 500 lbs per an, and I returned 
it to Them with as much creditt. This is our p'sent pos- 
ture. I am Debtor to thy Kindness for Two Letters wether 
this be pay or no, but wampum against sterl : mettle, pray 
miss not to Continue to yield that Content And Liberality to 
Thy very True Friend 


13 th of y e 4 th Month 

called June 


Particularly, pray give my Respect to S r "W m Petty, my 
friend Hook, Wood, Lodwick and D r Bernard Though un- 
knowiie whose skill is a great Complem*.