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Full text of "The Pennsylvania magazine of history and biography"

REYNOLDS HISTORICAL 
GENEALOGY COLLECTION 



....Jllll. 

3 1833 01749 3641 



GENEALOGY 
974.8 
P3859 
1920 



Digitized by the Internet Arciiive 

in 2010 with funding from 

Allen County Public Library Genealogy Center 



http://www.archive.org/details/pennsylvaniamaga1920hist 




OR 



^^.^ 



Vol XLIV 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLICATION FUND OF 

THE HI.^TORiCAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 

1920 



byisy,<;6 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIV. 



PAGE 

The Political Ideas of Jolm Adams. By Fronds T^CK'ton Thorpe, 

Ph.D., LL.D 1 

Thomas Rodney, By Simon Uratz, Ksq. {Continiieil.) . .il, ITU, 270. 28!> 
Tlie Cock-Fighter. An. unpublished Poem by Francis Hopkinsoii . . 73 

An Early New Jersey Poll List. By Ucnry C. f<hinn 77 

The Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. By James B. Laux ... S2 
Addenda and Corrections to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart, not notiKl 

in Mason's Life of Stuart. By Mantle Fielding 88 

Notes and Queries 02. 192, 285, 3.)7 

Book Notices 95, 358 

Memoir of His Excellency Colonel William Denny, Lieutenant- 
Governor of Pennsylvania, etc. By Rcc. H. L. L. Denny, 
2I.A., F.S.G. (I'ortroit) !>7 

A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. By John Curtis 122 

The Descendants of Sarah Holme, Daughter of Thomas Holme. By 
Richmond C. Holeomb, Comdr. (M.C.) U. S. \arij. (Illus- 
trated. ) ICS 

Lsaao Sliarpless . 190, 2(i4 

Letters of the Four Beatty Brotliers of the Continental Army. 

1774-1794. By Joseph M. Heat ty, Jr., rii.D. {I'urtrait.) ... 1U3 

Items of History of York, Penna., during the Revolution 309 

Selections from the Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters of 

Belmont 325 

Brevet Brigadier General George Mathews 343 

Some Letters from the Dreer Collection of Manuscripts 34fi 

Unveiling J. C. Bro\\ n tablet 353 

Balancf Sheet of the Treasurer. Hi>;torical Society of Penn^vlvania. 

December 31. 191!) ;;54 

List of Officers 365 

Index 369 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



OP 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XLIY. 1920. No. 1. 



THE POLITICAL IDEAS OF JOHX ADAMS. 

BY FRANCIS NEWTOX THORPE, Ph.D., LL.D. 
Professor of Political Science and* Constitutional Law, University of 

Pittsburgh. 

John Adams 
(1735-1826) 

"The body politic is formed by a voluntary association of individuals: 
it is a social compact, by which the whole people covenants with each 
citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be 
governed by certain laws, for the common good. It is the duty of the 
people, therefore, in framing a Constitution of Government, to provide 
for an equitable mode of making laws, as well as for an impartial 
interpretation, and a faithful execution of them; that every man may, at 
all times, find his security in them. . . . 

"In the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department 
shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of 
them; the executi-v« shall never exercise the legislative and judicial 
powers, or either of tliem; the judicial shall never exercise the legis- 
lative and executiAe powers, or either of them; to the end it may 
be a government of laws and not of men." 

Constitution of Massachusetts, 1780. 
(Written by Adams.) 

I 

Jolm Adams, in his life and in his writings, exempli- 
fied the principles of representative government and 
American institutions: he is the man of affairs, the 
patriot and the sage. The fig-ure of the man, which 

Vol. XLIV.— 1 1 



2 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

lingers perhaps faintly in the popular mind, is that 
figure which Webster has drawn in one of the most 
imaginative of speeches, — the picture of the Colossus 
on the floor in that memorable debate on the Declara- 
tion of Independence ; he is the expositor of the times, 
the voice of America crying out for freedom and 
nationality. Yet, in the voluminous writings of Adams, 
scarcely a dozen lines may be found of what he said 
on that occasion, while he has left thousands of pages 
which record his other services to his country in help- 
ing make American independence a benefaction for the 
whole world. 

Adams belongs to the heroic age of American states- 
^manship. His sei*\^ices in the old Congress are not 
surpassed in civic value by those of any of his peers 
and as representative of the infant nation in Holland, 
France and England, his services long since became a 
standard and gauge for ministers and embassadors, — 
a unit of measure in diplomatic affairs. For ten years 
he won diplomatic victories for his country amidst ob- 
stacles before which old and established embassies had 
faltered. Not merely did he negotiate treaties which 
allied Holland and France, and ultimately Prussia, in 
bonds of peace with America, but he applied new prin- 
ciples of international law and opened a new era in 
commerce and the welfare of nations. The indebted- 
ness to him is international. Without the support of 
armies, fleets, courts, alliances, or national traditions 
he, standing quite alone, met the foremost diplomats 
of European states, compelled their confidence and re- 
spect, persuaded them, almost against their wills, to 
enter into advantageous relations with the new Repub- 
lic in the West, and began that democratization of 
Europe which has been going on, now, for more than a 
century. 

Franklin had not labored alone, in Europe, to win 
allies to the cause. As a diplomat, John Adams, among 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 3 

early American statesmen, is second only to Franklin, 
yet the two statesmen were so unlike that they may be 
said to have had only patriotism in common. John 
Adams was a Puritan of the Puritans and, like his kind, 
was admired and respected rather than loved. At 
least one is led to this conclusion by the testimony of 
his contemporaries. How many, of the many who have 
passed judgment on John Adams as an historical per- 
sonage, have made themselves familiar with his writ- 
ings? Yet no other equal source of knowledge of the 
first principles of American government remains. 
Adams was conscious of the mag-nitude of the events 
amidst which he moved and acted. His insight was 
penetrating and, despite his powerful prejudices, was 
usually correct. Posterity is discovering, — perhaps 
slowly, — that Adams rarely erred in judgment in a 
matter of public concern; his political sense was na- 
tional; his courage unbounded, his devotion to duty 
the grand passion of his life. It is in the writings of 
John Adams one finds the most coherent account of the 
whole course of American affairs from the Stamp Act, 
in 1765, to the accession of Jefferson to the Presidency, 
thirty-five years later. And then follows all that no- 
table correspondence and comment, between the two 
statesmen for a quarter of a centuiy longer. Adams's 
long experience in Congress, and in the diplomatic ser- 
vice before his election as Vice-President and as Presi- 
dent, led him, as it were unconsciously, by his volumi- 
nous reports and yet more voluminous correspondence, 
to touch on every principle of American govern- 
ment, and his profound and varied learning equipped 
him to expound where the ordinary public man would 
have merely, and doubtless inadequately, recorded. 
He had convictions concerning government; he was a 
statesman with ideas and a policy, and he was rarely 
inclined to yield first place. One may reject his theory 
of government and administration but cannot deny to 



4 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

his writings extra ordinaiy clearness, force, and inter- 
est. There is a striking likeness between his adminis- 
tration and that of Martin Van Buren, — though the two 
men are comparable only by their contrasting charac- 
teristics, — each inlierited a policy from his predeces- 
sor; each came to the Presidency at the end of an era; 
each was bitterly attacked by the rising powers of a 
new time, and the one, not unlike the other, is remem- 
bered as the associate of a greater man: it is Wash- 
ington and Adams; Jackson and Van Buren. But the 
parallel is brief and feeble and does not nin to the 
root of affairs. 

Adams remains the classic expositor of extreme Fed- 
eralism,- -a wing of early American politics to which 
Washington was accused, at times, of belonging. High 
Federalism has never enrolled the majority of Amer- 
icans, but its essential, conserving ideas doubtless gave 
form and stability to the govenmient during the ad- 
ministration of Washington and Adams, and its lofty 
conception of the functions of goveniment were em- 
bodied in that statesman whom Adams appointed 
Chief-Justice of the United States, — John Marshall. 

AMien John Adams returned to America,* to become 
Vice-President of the United States, no man living had 
done more than he to explain and to exploit the prin- 
ciples, — or, as he at the time entitled them, — the 'Con- 
stitutions of Government' of the United'States. He was 
the chief apostle of the new doctrines, devotion to which 
was building up a new nation in the New World. It 
was inevitable that his writings should provoke both 
applause and condemnation. The closing years of the 
eighteenth century experienced many extremes in 
political theory. His formal works on 'government,' 
read now in the twentieth century, may strike one as 
merely academic comparisons of all ancient systems of 

•He sailed for America April 20, 1788. 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 5 

applied politics, and, as a final apology, not entrancing 
in style or exhaustive in content, for the theories and 
concepts of representative government develor)ed and 
were formulated in America. 

These political studies are now quite forgotten. 
AYho, it may be asked, now reads John Adams's, ^Yor'ks 
on Government? Who concerns himself about his 
analyses of Republics, as Democratic, Aristocratic, or 
Monarchical? AMio, the questioner may continue, takes 
the trouble to follow John Adams among the mazes of 
Thebes and Locris, of Eome or Crotona? Might we 
not also ask, AYho giving his nights and his days to 
Addison, like the young Franklin, writes and re-writes 
his own effusions lialf a dozen times in order to attain 
the clarity and elegance of the Spectator? AYho in the 
twentieth century projects himself into the thought of 
the eighteenth for any purpose, other than to become 
a purveyor of foot-notes and comments? Nevertheless, 
who would venture to deny the indebtedness of pos- 
terity to Addison or, if the questioner has respect for 
safety, would deny that posterity has gained no benefit 
from any and all efforts of men of yesterday, — however 
far away that day, — who examined the foundations of 
government and set their conclusions for the general 
welfare? The world knows its Montesquieu and its 
Machiavelli, its Grrotius and its Harrington, its Locke 
and its Bentham: and the world also knows its humbler 
expounders of political institutions, of whom, among 
Americans, John Adams as yet holds quite the foremost 
place; for as yet, America has not given to the world 
a political i^hilosopher of the first rank. 

Since Adams wrote his treatises, the United States 
has become the mighty precedent in a fonn of civil 
l>ractice called representative government, which its 
enthusiastic advocates make no hesitation in affirming 
is adapted to the whole world. John Adams wrote 
while yet that precedent was an experiment in its 



6 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

initial stage. All Europe was astonished and delighted 
by the exjDeriments of Franklin in electricity, nor were 
sciolists of that day lacking who believed that they saw 
in these experiments the key to all mysteries, the foun- 
dations of all philosophy, the ultimate laws of being 
and conduct. 

Europe was swept by a so-called*cientific revival, as 
witness the rise and progress of the physiocrats, 
Quesnay, of agile mind, seeking, and as they would have 
us believe, finding a universal exposition of the wants 
of man and the satisfaction of these wants in the nat- 
ural constitution and order of human society ; that gov- 
ernment should accord with the nature of things, the 
world itself being governed by immutable physical and 
moral laws ; that it is for man to discover and to obey 
them, for his own good, or, disobeying, — for his own 
evil. The end assigned to the exercise of his intellectual 
and physical powers is the appropriation of matter 
for the satisfaction of his wants, and the improvement 
of his condition, and the general accomplishment of 
this task conformably to the idea of the just, which is 
the correlative of the idea of the useful. Man forms 
an idea of justice and utility, both individual and social, 
through the notions of duty and right, which his own 
nature reveals to him, and which teach him that it is 
contrary to his good and the general welfare to seek 
his own advantage in a damage to others. This idea, 
entering the minds of individauls and peoples in pro- 
portion to the increase of enlightenment and the ad- 
vance of civilization, naturally produces feelings of 
fraternity among men and peace among peoples. The 
chief manifestations of justice are liberty and prop- 
erty; that is to say, the right of each person to do that 
which shall in no way concern the general welfare and 
to. use at his pleasure the things which he possesses, 
the acquirement of which has been conformable to the 
nature of things and to the general utility, since with- 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 7 

out liberty and property there would have been no 
civilization. Liberty and property spring, then, from 
the nature of man and are rights so essential that laws 
or agreements among men should be limited to recog- 
nizing them, to fonnulating them, and to saving them. 
Governments have no mission other than to protect 
these two rights which, when things are correctly 
understood, embrace all the material and moral wants 
of society. To say that liberty and property are essen- 
tial rights is to say that they are in harmony with the 
general interests of the species ; that is, with them, land 
is made more fertile, and the industry of man, in its 
manifestations, is made more productive ; the develop- 
ment of all his aptitudes — moral, intellectual, scientific, 
and artistic — is swifter. They are in the field of the 
good and beautiful, the just and the useful. Through 
them man best gathers the fruit of his own efforts and 
is not, at least, the victims of the arbitrary laws of his 
fellow men. So the savants of Europe taught, toward 
the close of the eighteenth century, and Adams could 
not escape the influence of these doctrines ; they were 
much in the air of the New World. Their meaning and 
purpose seem to be formulated in the Constitution of 
Massachusetts of 1780, — "a child, (writes Adams) of 
which I was, right or wrong, the putative father," — 
*Ho the end," (says that constitution,) ''that it may be 
a government of laws and not of men. ' ' 

But Adams's concept of the purpose and functions 
of government are more completely expressed else- 
where in that constitution, as in its provision, — the 
earliest of the kind on record, for universal education 
at the expense of the State, — the celebrated provision 
for public schools, grammar schools, the University at 
Cambridge, private societies and public institutions, 
the promotion of the arts and sciences, commerce, 
trades, manufactures, and a natural history of the 
country', and ''to countenance and inculcate the prin- 



8 * The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

ciples of humanity and general benevolence, public and 
private charity, industiy and fnigality, honesty and 
punctuality in their dealings, sincerity, good humor, 
and all social affections and generous sentiments 
among the people." Whatever may be read into other 
constitutions of government among men, this was the 
first to include such purposes and to express them in 
such lang-uage. ''I was somewhat apprehensive, 
(writes. Adams, some thirty years later,) "that criti- 
cism and objections would be ma^e to the section, and 
particularly that the "natural history", and "the good 
humor", would be stricken out; but the whole was re- 
ceived very kindly and passed the convention unani- 
mously without amendment." He at the same time 
remarks that with one exception, the chief offices of the 
state had been filled by persons not noted among their 
fellow-citizens for any superior acquisitions of learning 
or culture, and that a considerable number had not 
gone through the higher grades of education in Massa- 
chusetts at all, — an assertion doubtless true as yet not 
merely throughout America but throughout the world. 
If this be confession of failure to realize the time ends 
of government, one may find consolation in the reflec- 
tion that, tested by fullness of realization, not educa- 
tion alone, but, every effort of man for betterment, 
whatsoever the sphere of activity, that Christianity 
itself, has failed. And there remains the larger con- 
solation that man is ever on the way to civilization. 

John Adams discloses an enormous capacity for 
business, a genius for work, a patience in analysis and 
examination of conditions, an accuracy of statement, 
a forcefulness in expression and a persuasion of jus- 
tice. Accustomed to doing his own thinking, he easily, 
— one may say he temperamentally — fell into the habit 
of doing much of the thinking for those about him. 
Early in life he discovered with how little wisdom the 
world is run. The varied, the accumulative, the 



The Political Ideas, of John Adams. 9 

accumulated leariiiug of Adams ; his vast and acknowl- 
edged services to his countiy; his integrity, his cour- 
age, — all his virtues, — and they shone bright in that 
naughty world through which he moved, — would have 
shone with less fading lustre had he possessed what 
the world calls — tact. But nature seldom bestows on 
one man all the graces ; she denied the same rare qual- 
ity to Adams's chief political enemy, — Alexander 
Hamilton; she showered the gift on Franklin and Jef- 
ferson, — yet, with seeming caprice, their whole lives 
denjT-ng them notable qualities which she so generously 
bestowed on Hamilton and Adams. Had Adams pos- 
sessed the tact of Abraham Lincoln, the two statesmen 
would be con^irlered by the world as more alike than 
any other two in American history. But it is idle, — 
not to say wrong, to condemn a man, even a very great 
man, for not having what he lacks by nature; rather 
should we render homage for the seiwices he performs 
with that which he has. Time brings statesmen into 
the true perspective, and time shows ever more clearly 
the true statesmanship of Adams. Of what that states- 
manship was he never for a moment leaves the world 
in doubt: the sovereignty, the freedom, the indepen- 
dence, the welfare of his country: "Independence For- 
ever I", as he tersely expressed it, almost with his last 
breath, — the words of the toast which he proposed for 
the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the great 
Declaration, — the anniversaiy which was to be the day 
of his death. 

Time has proved that John Adams was seldom wrong 
and that his detractors, during his lifetime, were sel- 
dom right. His was from first to last a noble con- 
sistency which the years were to illumine and to explain 
to mankind. He saw his country in possibility as pos- 
terity sees it in fact : the power of the New World ; and 
he saw in its fundamental principles of government the 
hope of mankind; and if it was not vouschafed to him 



10 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

to see with vision unimpaired, compelling cause for ' ' a 
patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the 
people", he saw, quite as clearly as did Lincoln that 
*'a majority held in restraint by constitutional checks 
and limitations, and always changing easily with de- 
liberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, 
is the only true sovereig-n of a free people", and that 
''whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy 
or to despotism." 

It is well, in these days of unrest, to know the 
thoughts of our great statesmen, to drink afresh at the 
fountains of their inspiration, to look forth upon the 
world through their eyes, to attempt to measure again 
the meaning, the possibilities of civil and religious 
liberty. These possibilities, heavy with fate for us all, 
are in peril of becoming trite, not to say of abandon- 
ment, in the eyes of modem America; for the children 
cannot understand the fathers, nor feel their sufferings 
and anxieties. And to him to whom the possibilities 
of American life are mere darkness and void, the next 
scene is 'the deluge.' It is a program of reason, led by 
whitehanded hope, which we must follow. There are 
principles of action which we must obey. No govern- 
ment ever yet devised by man is automatic; it is voca- 
tional service, endless, universal, beneficent, — upon 
which we were entered by the patriots who long ago 
gave shape and form to our institutions. "We must 
know from whence we came would we understand where 
we are, and have worthy conceptions of whither we are 
going. If we would see quite through the deeds of men 
we must fathom their motives and reach the very bed- 
rock of their theories of the state. 

Europe has twice found America, — ^first when 
Columbus came to the New World; and again when 
Franklin and Adams came to the Old World. It was a 
remarkable experience, this introduction of the United 
States to the older nations; the time seems far, far 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 11 

removed from the present, when wealth and power have 
come to dwell with us, and shallow minds in America 
look with contempt on Europe, and shallow minds in 
Europe look with contempt on America. Some one was 
to be the expounder of America to Europe, — and he was 
John Adams. Not Franklin, you ask? No, not Frank- 
lin, of whom John Adams himself pronounced the lofti- 
est panegyric yet uttered. Franklin was "a citizen of 
the world"; Adams, of America. Franklin had lived 
contentedly under any government which disturbed not 
his large activities and even suffered him, as he would 
say, "to do good". Not so Adams. To the horizon of 
his activities a republic was essential ; a government of 
laws and not of men; a political system founded on 
truly conceived and duly guarded functions of activity, 
— threefold, — executive, legislative, judicial, each mov- 
ing along its appointed course, all co-ordinated as a 
civil system, harmonious as the vast universe of which 
it forms an essential, however slight, a part. 

This splendid political mechanics formed no part of 
Franklin's understanding of government, but formed 
the essential part of that of John Adams. It formed 
Washington's political world, — it was that conception, 
and it remains that conception of government which is 
based upon law. It is essentially the contractual theory 
of the state. ''The body politic", so the constitution 
of Massachusetts declares, "is formed by a voluntary 
assocfation of individuals: it is a social compact, by 
which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and 
each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be 
governed by certain laws, for the common good". 

This is the fundamental in John Adams's political 
creed.* Rousseau and Adams were contemporaries for 

• While I was living in Geneva, Switzerland, Professor Charles Bor- 
geaud, well kno\\Ti to American scholars, told me of a tradition, at 
the University of Geneva, that Burlamaqui's interpretation of "Natural 
right" had been conveyed to Harvard College by some disciple of 



12 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

more than forty years. It does not appear that they 
ever met or were in correspondence. Xor does Adams 
disclose in his writings discipleshij) of the great agita- 
tor. Yet the passage in the constitution of Massa- 
chusetts, basing all on the ^'social compact", a passage 
written jDossibly in the very year of Eousseau's death 
and embodied in the fundamental law of the Common- 
wealth within two years of that event, seems a startling 
echo of Eousseau's utterance of the 'social pact': "To 
find a form of association which may defend and pro- 
tect against the community the person and property of 
every associate, and by means of which each, coalescing 
with all, may nevertheless obey only himself, and re- 
main as free as before', — such is the fundamental prob- 
lem of which the social contract furnishes the solu- 
tion ' '. Running through John Adams 's voluminous ex- 
position of government, Rousseau's solution may be 
found; nor is that solution limited to these writings; 
it may be found set forth in all the American constitu- 
tions of government of the eighteenth century, and 
in their successors of the nineteenth down to an en- 
tirely new group of constitutions, beginning in 
1889-90, notably among new western States, in which 
the doctrine of the social contract is either omitted, or 
subordinated to an economic interpretation which quite 
eliminates the original theory. Nor, meanwhile, have 
powerful minds been lacking who have repudiated the 
social contract theoiy of the state as false to all social 
facts and conditions. 

Burlaniaqui, and that John Adams, then a student at Harvard, had 
imbibed the notion from this disciple (•possibly an instructor). Presi- 
dent Lowell has been kind enough to have a search made into the 
matter ^v^th result of no revelation as to special instructor or course 
of study in x\dams's time which would seem to support the tradition. 
An examination of the Constitution of Massachusetts (17S0) written 
by Adams discloses the doctrine of "social compact," and possibly of 
''natural rights." Whatever the source of Adams's ideas on the subject, 
the constitution which took form under his hand reflects the dominant 
political concept of the eighteenth century. 



The Political Ideas of Jolin Adams. 13 

Expounders of goverument abound, at present, who 
proclaim Adams's basic conception of politics as un- 
scientific, unfounded in human experience, and pre- 
ventive of the natural operation of civil forces in so- 
ciety. Adams himself is directly assailed as a false 
interpreter of civic elements, and his advocacy of the 
tripartite division of government ; of the separation of 
powers, — as legislative, executive and judicial, — and, 
in a word, — his merely legal concept of government, 
have been vigorously denied as having any just founda- 
tion. This means that whatsoever concept of govern- 
ment may prevail in any age may not prevail in a later. 
And yet, it is common knowledge that the compact 
theor\^ of government, as expounded by John Adams, 
is the working basis of the entire American system. 
The law of contract includes quite all the activities, the 
conduct, the interests of men, — and the state is com- 
monly conceived as the supreme power which in final 
resort compels performance of the contract. Adams 
was not a mere legalist but he viewed the world as a 
world governed by law. His mind was juridicial in its 
processes. He could not conceive of government as 
other than of law. Hence the advocacy he made of the 
'social compact' as a working device. Never, — so it 
appears, — did Washing-ton enter upon an analysis of 
civil principles: he took the world as he believed he 
found it, — authority, on the one hand, obedience on the 
other: security of life, liberty and property the su- 
preme end. Adams went deeper into the principles of 
government, — into the laws of political well-being, the 
metes and bounds of the state as a voluntary associa- 
tion of individuals covenanting under the social com- 
pact. 

It would be highly interesting could there be traced 
in John Adams the immediate influence of Burlama- 
qui's teachings on and in America. It is known that 
Adams, at Harvard, heard lectures on the principles of 



14 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

natural law, from the lips of a disciple of Burlamaqui, 
and the teachings of the master are well known. The 
influence of Geneva at Hai-vard shows itself through- 
out Adams's political convictions, — and that influence 
meant the supremacy of the social contract. One needs 
but turn to the pages of Principcs du Droit Naturcl to 
discover much of John Adams's interpretation of what 
Eousseau calls "the fundamental problem". The 
teachings of Burlamaqui at Geneva and at Leyden, car- 
ried over to Hansard, helped, — somewhat curiously, — 
later, in the person of John xldams, — to make clearer 
to France and Holland, and Europe generally, the prin- 
ciples on which American institutions were declared to 
rest. Undoubtedly Adams's Defense of the American 
Constitutions as based upon and exemplifying the 
theory of the social compact was the more willingly 
received and the more influential throughout Europe 
because it added new and persuasive examples of the 
validity of the theory. That which revolutionary 
Europe was teaching, the new Eepublic in far-away 
America was establishing as its fundamental concep- 
tion of politics. Europe was eager to receive what 
John Adams was as eager to give. 

This service of educating Europe concerning Amer- 
ica engaged John Adams for ten years when, the ser- 
vice done, he returned to America. The period remains 
the most productive period of his life. It was necessary 
that Europe be so taught, and no expositor could have 
surpassed Adams in the fidelity and efficiency of the 
service. Franklin was the man, the individual, exem- 
plifying in himself the choice, the rare, perhaps the 
rarest product of the New World. But a nation cannot 
be judged, for all purposes, even by its most famed 
individuals. Institutions must excel as well as indi- 
viduals. Society must exist as well as the man. What 
Franklin sought to do, consciously or unconsciously, as 
an individual, in defense of the claims of America, 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 15 

Adams sought to do consciously, in defense of America 
as a nation, as the embodiment of civil institutions. It 
is true that Franklin first published abroad the texts 
of the xVmerican State Constitutions, and these outlines 
of American civil ideas undoubtedly carried instruc- 
tion, if they did not Tvork conviction. But Adams went 
further: he would compare all liberal governments, of 
all time, and demonstrate to Europe the superior claims 
of America to the decent respect of the whole world. 
The services differ in degree rather than in kind. 
Neither of these men could have done the other's work. 
Adams's books on comparative government are for- 
gotten. The field is a favorite with all writers on 
politics. ]\radison entered it a short way when he com- 
piled a brief View of republican governments before 
he took his seat in the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. 
In our own day it continues to be the practice, when- 
ever a state would frame a new constitution, for the 
delegates to assign to some group of men the task of 
collecting, and possibly of collating, the fundamental 
laws of all the states throughout their history; and 
New York, in 1894, went even further, by collecting and 
printing for the use of the delegates, all the constitu- 
tions at the time in force in foreign nations. The pur- 
pose of such a labor was the precise ])urpose of John 
Adams during his long residence in Europe as Amer- 
ican minister, — to collect the serious records of civil 
experience, in order to secure the essential ends of gov- 
ernment. The fruits of this sel•^dce of Adams were 
immemate and important : commercial treaties between 
America, France, Holland, Prussia, and England, — and 
not least, — j3erhaps most important of all, — a contri- 
bution to that movement which culminated directly in 
the French Kevolution, and, — as the seething elements 
of the time subsided, — an aid to democracy in Europe, 
■ — a transforaiation still going on. 

Called to the vice-presidency, — a small ofBce for a 



16 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

great statesman, — an office wliich may be described as 
a contingent political estate in expectancy, for four 
years John Adams complimented and supplemented 
and aided in rounding out and completing the work 
which Washington sought to do. It was a period 
creative of precedents, when Fortune was scattering 
germens of discontent which later, and soon, should 
grow into counter-revolution in a thousand forms. 
Called to the presidency,— a great office for a great 
statesman, — an office which may be described as a 
political estate of unlmown metes and bounds, and of 
unknown resources, the storm broke; an era of be- 
ginnings came to an end, a counter-revolution ushered 
in, seemingly without ceremony, the reign of democ- 
racy. What hope for fame,— or even for remembrance, 
for the man who should be President amidst such 
changes as occurred between the administrations of 
Washington and those of Jefferson! And yet, it is 
clear to posterity that the one moment when John 
Adams could be elected President of the United States 
was the moment of his election, and there was no rea- 
sonable hope that Opportunity would thus cross his 
path twice. To the curious the times and the man seem 
to come again when another Vice-President followed 
a President of immense popularity and seiwed amidst 
a political revolution, every process of which was pre- 
paring his o^Ti downfall. But it is impossible, as it 
has been said, to make a figure of speech walk on all 
fours. Jackson was not Washington, though he may 
have persuaded himself that he was the savior of his 
country; Van Buren was not John Adams, though he 
too seiwed as legislator, as minister, as Vice-President, 
and as President. Nor was the 'reign of Andrew 
Jackson', as the more radical ^Yhigs denominated his 
administrations, a transcript of what the Jacobins were 
pleased to call the 'reigii of King George'. Times 
change. Men may not lose their reason : they only think 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 17 

differently. The America of Jackson's time was 
another America, interpreting fundamentals of gov- 
ernment wholly different from that interpretation set 
forth by AVashington and John Adams. Yet, though 
Adams was caught up by the very torrent of change 
such as at times sweeps over republics and seems to 
overwhelm and destroy the ancient landmarks, the 
waters at last receded and it was discovered that the 
foundations of the state which Adams had helped lay 
were not moved. 

To the political overthrow of Adams, Alexander 
Hamilton was chief contributor, and the fatally bril- 
liant impolicy of that contribution remains one of the 
astonishing events of the time. So overpowering has 
been the influence of Hamilton's genius, historians, as 
yet, seem hardly to dare record the unwisdom (to use 
a mild term) of his course. Hildreth, the great Fed- 
eralist historian, does not hesitate to condemn Adams 
and to laud Hamilton, and this early interpretation of 
their conduct seems to be a sufficient precedent for most 
later writers. Even had Hamilton never written, or 
had he never privately printed his attack on Adams; 
had Burr never obtained the fatal, secret sheets and 
published them, Jefferson must soon have come into 
the presidency and democracy have instituted its new 
regime. But Hamilton, by his hostile attitude toward 
the official chief of the Federalist party, by his acts 
both secret and public, seriously, possibly irreparably, 
damaged his claim to enrollment as a great political 
leader. It is the old story of party schism, jealousy, 
rage, dissolution. Charles Francis Adams remarks 
that the breach of faith in the Cabinet which made 
Hamilton's pamphlet possible, is the solitaiy instance 
of its kind in American history; and yet, as Duane, 
most scandalous of the numerous tribe who libelled 
Adams, wrote later, — "This pamphlet has done more 
mischief to the parties concerned than all the labors 

Vol. XLIV.— 2 



18 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

of the ''Aurora". That pamphlet sowed the dragon's 
teeth. That pamphlet was the political death of Adams, 
killed the Federalist party, and was the immediate 
cause of the untimely death of Hamilton himself. 

The dramatic course of events during these times 
has attracted the student of public affairs both at home 
and abroad. No other portion of our national history 
has been more variously recounted nor so frequently. 
And in the story John Adams usually seems but an 
after-piece to Washington, — a political echo, a scrap 
and remnant which decency demands should receive at 
least passing notice. Eadical Jeffersonians have gone 
so far as to assert that John Adams (as Henry Clay 
said of President Polk) like a parenthetical expression, 
could be wholly omitted without injuring the sense. 
Back to Quincy goes the last Federalist President; back 
to his quiet estate, thenceforth to live in seclusion and 
retirement, never again accepting office; no longer 
vexed by the defeasance wrought by false friends, nor 
held prisoner in the cheerless anterooms of secretly 
hostile embassies. It was a quiet life to which he came 
after a long, a trying, a dangerous voyage. And there 
amidst his fields, which yielded him independence, the 
principle of his life became the fruitful philosophy of 
old age. No other American statesman has attained 
the length of years and few the honors of John Adanis. 

A few years after the retirement of Adams, Jeffer- 
son also retired to his estate at Monticello, and all 
rivalries forgotten, the venerable statesmen entered 
into that remarkable correspondence which remains 
one of the delightful chapters in our annals. The heat 
and turmoil of life are over and these two minds, rich 
in memories and experience, courageous in thought and 
spirit, correspond familiarly on great themes and re- 
cord conclusions which yet provoke debate. The death 
of Adams and Jefferson on the fiftieth anniversaiy of 
the day of American independence was an extraor- 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 19 

dinary coinciden-ce which, in the memory of all Amer- 
icans has associated their names even more closely than 
their long and splendid services to their country. 

Interesting as must always be the large and bold out- 
line of a statesman's life, it is to the particular acts in 
his career one must look in order to understand the 
principles to which he was devoted, — the service for 
which he stands. John Adams was in middle life when 
the Eevolution transfoiTaed Colonies to States and 
thirteen communities into a new nation. Consistency 
is the word and the one word which can be applied to 
his entire conduct as a public man. Convinced of the 
truth of "the social compact", years before the affair 
at Concord, he stood in waiting, as it were, to apply 
political principles to events in America, whether 
social, political or economic. He embodied the newest 
teachings of the age, — all those teachings which are 
latent in the social compact theory, and quickly dis- 
cerned in the Writs of Assistance and the Stamp Act 
a violation of that compact which could have but one 
result, — American independence. Born eloquent, he 
became as did no other American the voice of liberty, 
the expounder of independence and nationality. It was 
the most perilous position any American could take, 
and from such peril he never shrank. And he was more 
than mere "legal advisor" to a body of conspirators 
and revolutionists. He not merely appealed to first 
principles, he demonstrated their just empire over the 
conduct of a whole people. Hunself a man of 'firm 
resolve and unfaltering trust', he demanded a like de- 
votion in others. "Politics", (so he wrote to Mrs. 
Adams,)" are an ideal path among red-hot plough- 
shares. Who then would be a politician, for the pleas- 
ure of running about barefoot among them; yet some- 
body must." Parliamentary taxation had no other 
meaning to him than trespass upon colonial rights, and 



20 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

once that trespass was halted, there could be no retreat 
for those who halted it. 

Thus he arrived early at the idea of union, — xVmer- 
ican union, and boldly founded the idea on 'natural 
right'. It must be admitted that this pragmatic con- 
ception of human relations fails to satisfy many polit- 
ical thinkers, — but it must also be admitted that it was 
this conception which possessed the minds of the states- 
man who brought the American Kevolution to a suc- 
cessful close. The several States easily, perhaps nat- 
urally, considered themselves as free, sovereign and 
independent nations,— a conception of tremendous vi- 
tality and fated to test by the most fearful ideal of civil 
war, whether a nation "conceived in liberty, and dedi- 
cated to the proposition that all men are created equal" 
can endure, No American contemporaiy of Adams 
surpassed him as a man of profound speculation, for 
he had the eye of the seer, the vision of the prophet. 
Yet at no time throughout his long life was he a mere 
visionary. Even when supporting and securing the 
adoption of the most visionary of all American state 
papers, the Decla,ration of Independence, — and Jeffer- 
son assures us that Adams was the 'Colossus' in that 
debate, — there is not a trace of the dreamer, the wild 
enthusiast. 

It was a veiy sober business thus to defy an empire 
in hope of winning national independence. Amidst 
portentous changes, the public business was done de- 
cently and in good order. So Dr. Gordon, an energetic 
contemporary, the first of many to write the history 
of the Ecvolution,- describes Adams as having "the 
clearest head and the finest heart in Congress." This 
clarity of understanding explains, in no mean way, 
Adams's reasonable urgency upon the several Colonies 
to transform themselves into States, — or, as he ex- 
pressed the change, — "to take up civil government". 
Nor did he lack a foremost part in that transformation, 



The Political Ideas of John Ada)ns. 21 

the author, as he became by the will of his colleagues, of 
the constitution of Massachusetts, the oldest written 
constitution of government now in force in the world, 
and in many respects, the mold and type of all which 
have followed it. This instrument, it is true, breathes 
the political jDhilosophy of the eighteenth century. All 
rests upon "the social compact". It is the lawyer's 
view of human relations, but it is the view according 
to which quite all our interests and relations are con- 
strued. He who would epitomize government in Amer- 
ica will make use with John Marshall, of two words in 
our supreme law, — the "obligation of a contract". 
Adams's conception of the fundamentals of the social 
compact was of the "passions" and "interests" of 
men, — a conception years afterward elaborated by 
Hamilton and his associates in the Federalist. Once 
these basic elements were identified with government 
in America, Adams believed that both the States and 
the Nation were secure. And it may justly be said 
that John Adams had fomiulated these fundamentals 
"of government before Alexander Hamilton was born. 
Yet in the early days of the Eevolution Adams was not 
recognized by the i^eople as the leader of the movement. 
So imperfect were the means of interchange of ideas 
at that time, doubt may well be expressed whether any 
man, save AVashington, stood out in the American mind 
as the leader, and he, chiefly, because at the head of the 
army. The South had Patrick Henry, the Pinckneys, 
Eutledge, the Lees, and Jefferson; the Middle States 
had Franklin, Morris, Dickinson, Clinton, Schuyler, 
and Hamilton; New England had Sherman, Samuel 
Adams, Hancock, Robert Treat, Paine, and John 
Adams; the Continent had Washington. It was a 
scattered fire, this attack on "British tyranny". Time 
has tried all these names by the fiercest of tests and 
accords to a few of them an understanding of i^rin- 
ciples, an advocacy of them, a sei"vice to the country, 



22 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

which sets John Adams apart, with others, as founders 
of our institutions. 

For ten years, the period of his ministry abroad, be- 
ginning with the year 1778, Jolm Adams's public ser- 
vices are not surpassed by those of any other man. He 
always looked back upon these years as the great years 
of his life. It was a bold mission, — to assume among 
the nations of the earth an equal rank, and this America 
did in John Adams. He told Europe that with Bur- 
goyne's surrender the war should have ceased, and 
that after the embarassing event only the King's 'stub- 
bornness' kept up the struggle. It was a startling 
declaration to all monarchists. It meant, — if true, — 
the spread of democracy over Europe. xVnd no form 
of government contemplates its own destruction with 
pleasure. But a new order of the ages had begun, nor 
did Adams for an instant cease proclaiming the change. 
The service he rendered caunot be misunderstood. 
America must not only be 'free and independent', but 
'neutral'. Now nothing is clearer than that -France 
loved us in lively expectation of favors to come and 
with calm resolution that America, subservient, should 
aid her in prostrating the British Empire. It was a 
grand game of the "passions" and "interests" played 
by the first nations of Europe. 

Adams understood the game and patiently played it 
according to the rules. But with him "neutrality", 
"independence", "national sovereignty" were the 
words. He, and they who saw as he saw, saved America 
from becoming a mere province of France, — a mere 
appanage of Europe. He never shirked responsibility. 
Very clearly did he see that the interests of France 
were not always the interests of the United States. In 
his troubled intercourse with ministers of state he 
learned that first rule of diplomacy : Advance your own 
country at the cost of others. For America it was a 
hard rule to follow, in lack of arms and men. Choiseul, 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 23 

de Vergennes, Maurepas, Turgot, Necker, bred to pol- 
itics and the successful xiursuit of the labyrinths of 
diplomacy, resented the brusque, the direct, the simple 
demands of Adams. AVith Franklin they would deal 
but not with Adams. And here may the world easily 
discover the essential difference between the two great 
Americans. "Honesty", (so Franklin would say,) ''is 
the best policy"; "Honesty", (so Adams would say,) 
"is the best jDrinciple ' '. It was the policy of all Europe 
to exploit America, not for America but for Europe. 
Louis XVI had no love for America. "My trade", 
said Joseph of Austria to his sister, the unfortunate 
French queen, "my trade is to rule". Turgot plainly 
saw that the Revolution, if successful, would transform 
America into nations wholly independent of Europe. 
So the true policy for France was to exhaust the Col- 
onies; to exhaust England; to bring America into a 
state of perj^etual purveyorship to France. Nor did 
Louis hesitate to declare, — possibly as a hint to Frank- 
lin and Adams, — that the ' ' promise of Republics ' ' may 
not be trusted like the "honor of monarchs". Adams 
went deeper than his most Christian Majesty and 
asserted that the hopes of the Republic in the "West 
were the hopes of mankind. 

Like Franklin Adams defended a paper currency 
and chiefly on the ground that such a currency is worth 
whatever the people of the nation that utters it may 
assign to it. If it depreciated, it was because (so they 
claimed) the insidious love of gain led buyer and seller 
to place self-interest above the public welfare. Frank- 
lin put the whole matter pithily when he claimed that 
a depreciating currency "pays itself off". Count de 
Vergennes insisted that however low the American 
paper might fall, the French should be preferred 
creditors. Adams replied, in one of the longest and, 
if we accept his premises, one of the ablest of letters. 
The reply doubtless satisfied Adams but it cannot sat- 



24 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

isfy a modem sound-money man. The real question 
was of the use or abuse of credit. To what length that 
resource may be utilized remains doubtless measurable 
by the bnital facts of nationality. No nation is richer 
than its credit but the laws of credit remain to be fully 
explored. 

n 

Adams was first of American ministers to discrim- 
inate between diplomatic and consular functions and to 
urge upon Congress the recognition of them. His mind 
turned to industrial rather than to mere political in- 
dependence for his country, recognizing clearly the 
basic character of labor. In his day Europe was the 
manufacturing world and America the producer of raw 
materials. Accepting this condition, he urged commer- 
cial treaties uj^on Europe, ever arguing to embassies 
and chancellaries the mutual advantages accruing from 
amicable relations between their own country and the 
United States. Possibly his emphasis of economic 
values may be explained by his belief that property is 
the basis of government. Eight or wrong as this theory 
may be, Adams never departed from it. The last public 
act of his life, of moment, was to accept the presidency 
of the Massachusetts Convention of 1820, met to amend 
the instrument he had framed, forty years earlier. He 
had not changed his con\^ctions and now, after the 
ripened experience of four score years, he advocated the 
property basis. Nor was he alone ; Webster supported 
him in one of the most famed of his speeches. Here 
lie the very root and cause of difference between Adams 
and Jefferson as statesmen, — their irreconcilable in- 
terpretations of the foundations on which the state 
rest : proi^erty, or men. Adams, during his ministerial 
career, saw in America a "balance to Europe"; yet it 
was not an America essentially agricultural, for the 
provision in the Massachusetts constitution concerning 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 25 

manufactures, — which he wrote, — and which he records 
with surprise was quite unanimously approved, pointed 
the way America was going. The "balance" which the 
New World should maintain was one which could not 
be measured by pounds of iron or fathoms of cloth. It 
was an intellectual, a moral, a spintual balance and 
above all, a political, for he saw in America all that 
future of population, prosperity and peace which time 
has granted. This notion of large things helps explain 
his prophecy of the domination of the English language 
because of America, — that the time would come when 
that language would most closely approach the service 
of a vehicle of understanding the world over : a proph- 
ecy which hns been quite fulfilled in our own day. 

His diplomatic victory was won in Holland. Con- 
federated as were the States of Holland in his time, a 
treaty of any kind between them and America seemed 
impossible of realization and yet such a treaty Adams 
secured. And more than a treaty of recognition of 
nationality, or one of mere commercial exchange : he 
secured a large loan which carried the United States 
through what has come to be known as the "critical 
period", — the years from the ratification of the Ar- 
ticles of Confederation to the adoption of the Consti- 
tution, And Adams accomplished this extraordinary^ 
result in the ver^^ teeth of French oppositon, and alone. 
Dr. Franklin expressed slight confidence in the success 
of the effort; England, at the time dominant in Hol- 
land, interposed in a warlike way. But Holland came 
to the aid of America, quite saved the day, and re- 
mained close to the head of the list of European powers 
who gave us aid and comfort in the days of small 
things. This help we owe to John Adams. He con- 
sidered it the triumph of his life. The unsurpassed 
service has been almost forgotten by his countrymen. 
It was the victory of "watchful waiting", of persistent, 
personal activity. 



26 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

France early became weary of her alliance with the 
United States, weary of the war, and desirous of with- 
drawing. Necker, Minister of Finance, saw the pit 
opening at his feet and, alaiTaed, sought, in fidelity to 
his master, to stop all aid. It was a critical moment. 
Franklin proved stronger than the great Genevese. 
Adams calmly advised de Vergennes to strengthen the 
French nsivj in American waters as the only means of 
defeating England. Nor did Adams ever cease his 
efforts to protect America by a powerful navy. His 
insistence on the superiority of a nav^- when President 
was no small cause of the oj^position of Hamilton who 
insisted on the superiority of an aiTQj". But Adams 
was right in his counsel to the French minister, — how- 
ever impolitic the counsel, — for without the fleet of 
de Grasse, Yorktown could not have been taken or the 
war brought to so speedy a close. Adams saw clearly 
that Great Britain was mistress of the seas ; he knew 
well the meaning of sea power in history, and quite at 
the first opportunity he moved straight to the point of 
insistence on the bulwark of American protection. 

"The events of the war" wrote Lincoln, in his Mes- 
sage to Congress, in 1863, "give an increased interest 
and importance to the navy, which will probably extend 
beyond the war itself". This was Adams's position 
eighty years earlier. AVhile Adams was worrying over 
possible Dutch loans, and actual bills of exchange which 
Congress showered down upon him to honor, Franklin 
calmly advised acceptance of the bills, but Adams hesi- 
tated because he saw no possible resource from which 
to meet them. He appealed to Franklin. That genial 
soul, unmoved by the very front of catastrophe replied : 
"I shall use my best endeavors to procure money for 
their honorable discharge against they become due, if 
you should not, in the meantime, be provided. And if 
those endeavors fail, I shall be ready to break, run 
away, or go to prison with you, as it shall please God." 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 27 

It may well be doubted whether Adams smiled, as we 
do now, at the reply. The awful seriousness of the 
situation quite overcame his spirits and doubtless he 
bethought him of what he had fomially reported to 
Congress on "the artificial character of Dr. Franklin". 
Adams was a Puritan; Franklin, a man of the world. 
Franklin at this time managed to get the needed money 
from de Vergennes, and so neither Puritan nor man of 
the world had to rim away or go to prison. "In the 
arts of indirection, the mere management and maneuv- 
ring of politics or diplomacy, (John Adams) never had 
the smallest skill; but in the faculty of combining 
means with judgment and energy so as to attain the 
public end he had in view, down to the close of his 
public life, he showed himself a master. It is this 
quality which marks (his) career as a statesman 
through all its various phases with the stamp of great- 
ness". With the millions borrowed from Holland, 
through Adams's "judgment and energy", Congress 
was enabled to meet its obligations, and never again 
was our national credit to fall to so low an ebb. 

Amidst these anxious events Adams never for a 
moment ceased insisting on full recognition abroad of 
American sovereignty and American neutrality. Eng- 
land, long before Yorktown, would have been pleased 
to stop the war; France, to bring about a peace, at the 
expense of this sovereignty. The full significance of 
Adams's conception of xlmerica can be had and had 
alone from a true understanding of the Confederation, 
the several States, the American people, and the vast 
problem of Union. England would make separate 
treaties with the several States, in confidence that 
sooner or later some or all of them would return to the 
empire. France cared little for America and less for 
England; a treaty should restore France to primacy 
in the New World. The United States, as Adams tells 
us, was but a pawn on the board. Would England admit 



28 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

America to a level as to rights of fishery off the Grand 
Banks, and the Labrador? Adams insisted on the 
equality of right, — not because of the ancient custom 
of the New England fisherman's taking fish near the 
Banks, or as a pecuniary resource to the United States, 
— but simply as a question of sovereignty. The United 
States, a sovereign ; England, a sovereign : equality of 
rigiit; this was his belief. No treaty could issue from 
inequality of the high contracting parties. To this 
conviction he clung, and it became the ruling principle 
of the preliminary and of the final treaty with England. 
That final treaty of peace, signed by England, France 
and the United States, January 21, 1783, marked the 
triumph of Adams's principles. Possibly the United 
States might have gained more but with John Adams 
as Commissioner it would never accept less. AMien, 
shortly after promulgation of the treaty, Adams, the 
first minister of the United States to England, was pre- 
sented to King George, the sovereig-n, it is said, not 
without emotion, addressed a few words to him, carry- 
ing friendly sentiments, notably friendly when we con- 
sider the character of the King and his stubborn un- 
willingness to lose his colonies. To the royal words, 
expressing hope of American attachment to British 
interests, Adams replied, "I have no attachment but 
for my own country," to which the King answered: 
"An honest man will never have any other". Two 
honest men had met and spoken without reserve. Yet, 
a little later, we learn that at the royal levee, the King 
turned his back on the two American Commissioners, — 
Adams and Jefferson. Aad quite all England straight- 
way did as did the King. 

To no man of the times were the incapacity of the 
Congress and the ineffieiency of the Confederacy 
clearer than to Adams. He knew as could few Amer- 
icans that national weakness means national decay. 
From the moment of his conviction of the necessity 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 29 

of a better governmeut for America his advocacy of a 
more perfect union was ceaseless. His theory of gov- 
ernment cannot be misunderstood, however it may be 
criticized. He indulged in no vain speculations. To 
him, the imperfections of man's nature made plain the 
necessity of authority and power. ''He finds the 
human race impelled by their passions as often as 
guided by their reason, sometimes led to good actions 
by scarcely corresponding motives, and sometimes to 
bad ones rather from inability to resist temptation than 
from natural propensity to evil. This is the corner- 
stone of his system."* A right classification of 
'powers' then is the procedure necessary to arrive at 
practical results. The interests of men give rise to dis- 
tinctions between the rich and the poor, and are meas- 
ured practically by property. The passions of men 
give rise to ambition for place and hunger for fame, 
and are measured, at least in governmental matters, by 
office. The multitude represent numbers and poverty; 
the rich, represent education and property ; the official 
body represent the aspirations of rich and poor. Here 
then exists a means of checks and balances ; of distri- 
bution of powers ; of limitations and restrictions which 
may be made the basis of government. Let power 
therefore be distributed in three parts, — legislative, 
executive and judicial, but impose upon the executive 
such restrictions as shall strip it of danger to legis- 
lative or judicial, and have each department perform 
no functions other than those which appertain to itself. 
Thus a complete separation of the three powers, such 
as Adams set forth in the Constitution of Massachu- 
setts, a nice balancing of each and all; a limitation 
against possible abuses, so that the mechanical oper- 
ation (as it were) of the functions of the state should 

* Life of John Adams, by Charles Francis Adams, in Life and Works 
of John Adams, I., 426. 



30 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

both ejffect the ends of govemment, — * * a government of 
laws and not of men" and, at the same time, neutral- 
ize whatsoever evil forces are beyond elimination be- 
cause of "the imperfection of man's nature". This is 
John Adams's theory of government, — a theory found 
in Jean Jacques Eousseau, and in many lesser men of 
the eighteenth century. 

Filled with this idea, Adams gave to the world his 
Defence of American Constitutions and his voluminous 
ex^DOsitions of government. Here the ruling premise is 
of power limited ; of people protected from themselves. 
Adams 's conviction of the validity of his political prin- 
ciples was never shaken by any conference which he 
had with the ruling minds of Europe. Writing to John 
Jay, at the time Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Adams 
describes Pitt, with whom he had had several inter- 
views, and who, at the time, was Prime Minister. ' * ]Mr. 
Pitt is veiy young. He has discovered abilities and 
firmness upon some occasions; but I have never seen 
in him any evidence of greater talents than I have seen 
in members of Congress, and in other scenes of life in 
America, at his age. I have not yet seen any decided 
proofs of principle, or patriotism, or virtue; on the 
contrary, there are many s}Tnptoms of the want of 
these qualities, without which no statesman ever yet 
appeared uniformly great, or wrought out any memor- 
able salvation for any country." * 

The great, the vital question had meanwhile arisen 
in America, the question Washington and others were 
asking, — "Are we a nation?" John Adams was pre- 
paring to return home. On his arrival he found the 
whole country stirred over the question of ratifpng 
the Constitution which the Federal Convention at 
Philadelphia had prepared. Of his sjnnpathy with 
ratification Adams made no concealment. He con- 

• Adams to Jay, December 3, 1785. 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 31 

stantly urged the more perfect union as he had been 
urging it for many years. Perhaps no equally trust- 
worthy interpretation of the causes which led to the 
adoption of that Constitution, as they would appear to 
the mind of John Adams can be given other than that 
given by his distinguished grandson, Charles Francis 
Adams : 

''Exhausted by the war and the derangement of all 
useful industry, the fonns which executed justice soon 
became equally hateful with those who had labored to 
impose a tyranny. It was the upheaving of the x^oorest 
classes to throw off all law of debtor and creditor, 
which brought about the successful effort to organize 
the federal government anew, as a bridle upon their 
license. They never favored it beforehand, nor cor- 
dially approved it aftei-wards, during their day and 
generation. The Federal Convention was the work of 
the conmiercial people in the seaport towns, of the 
planters of the slave-holchng States, of the officers of 
the revolutionary army, and the property holders 
everywhere. And these parties could never have been 
strong enough of themselves to procure the general 
adoption of the instrument which they matured, had 
it not been that the open insurrection in Massachusetts, 
and the assemblages threatening to shut up the courts 
of justice in other States, had thrown the intermediate 
body of quiet citizens of every shade of opinion, in 
panic, all on their side. It was under the effect of this 
panic, that the delegates had been elected, and that 

they acted The federal constitution was 

the offspring of compromises made under these circum- 
stances." * 

Adams was chosen Vice-President as a geographical 
solution of the necessity of filling the office. The South 
had the presidency, in "Washington ; at the North there 

• Life of John Adams, supra, 441-2. 



32 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

were several greatly distinguished men, but of these 
available, Hancock and Samuel Adams had aligned 
themselves with the opponents of the new Consti- 
tution, and no northern man had rendered greater 
services to the country than John Adams, long an 
advocate of more power in the federal government 
and a vigorous supporter of the 'new plan.' There 
was the imconscious respect for the older, if not the 
better soldier, in Adams's case, so that none of the 
younger men, — Madison, Hamilton, or Morris, appears 
to have been considered, the exception being John Jay 
who received nine votes, against thirty-four for 
Adams; the ten who stood below him receiving in the 
aggregate but one more vote than he. The office 
cannot be said to offer much to such a man as Adams 
but, as the coming years were to record, it was to take 
unto itself no small significance because of his per- 
formance of what he believed to be its functions. Little 
need is there to attempt to say more of Adams than 
what he has said authoritatively of himself, when he 
assumed the duties of his new office : 

"I congratulate the people of America on the forma- 
tion of a national constitution, and the fair prospect 
of a consistent administration of a government of 
laws". 

From the inception of the new government issues 
sprang up which went to the root of the whole mat- 
ter, — and that, comprehensively, — the existence of the 
Union and the efficiency of its administration. Wash- 
ington attempted the impossible task of harmonizing 
rival schools of political thought when he called Hamil- 
ton and Jefferson into his Cabinet. The ideas for 
which these two statesmen stood, and still stand, are 
irreconcilable. Hamilton undertook to draw "order 
out of the chaos of the finances", and succeeded. In 
doing this he drew to his support all men of property 
throughout the country; they never deserted him, and 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 33 

they to tliis day have formed the powerful party which, 
under one name or another, has supported his theories 
of the organization and administration of government 
in America. To the financial x^lans of Hamilton Adams 
threw his sujDport, and at a moment when had that 
supjDort been given to Jefferson, it might, as has been 
said, ''have turned the scale." Adams was ''never a 
calculating politician", indeed, he cannot be described, 
truly, as a politician at all, for he was totally lacking 
in that art, or grace, or power, or uncanny insight 
which marks the politician, — ^which distinguishes men 
of the class of Amos Kendall and Vrilliam L. Marcy, 
on the one hand, or such men as Thomas Jefferson and 
Abraham Lincoln, on the other. 

John Adams lacked the initial grace of the politician, 
— tact, and as with lesser men, that which he had not 
cost him more than that which he had. He came into 
the Vice-Presidency when America stood at the parting 
of the ways. The President, — ^^Vashington, — had no- 
tions of the importance of ceremony in the conduct of 
his office. That he consulted the House; that he con- 
sulted the Senate; that he consulted the Vice-Presi- 
dent; that he consulted his Cabinet; that he consulted 
his friends as to what that ceremony should be are 
matters, long since, of everj^ school-boy's reading. 
John Adams had long resided near the court of France, 
which seemed to exist for ceremony; he had known the 
exacting and burdensome mode of their High Mighti- 
nesses in Holland, — and it will be remembered that the 
American Congress went on record that "Washington, 
the President should be addressed, officially, as "His 
High Mightiness". Adams's counsel appears to have 
gone no farther than to declare the European rule, — 
"sovereign to sovereign; minister to minister"; but 
this solution of the ominous problem recognized, — so 
the Anti-Federalists quickly pointed out, — that all men 
are not created equal : and so another attack on John 

Vol. XLIV.— 3 



34 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

Adams. Every straw was in the way; every wind blew 
ill. The Vice-President, though presiding officer, ex 
officio, of the Senate is not a senator, and has no vote 
except in case of a tie. There were twelve States in 
the Union in Adams 's vice-presidency, and twenty-four 
Senators in the Senate when all were present. But all 
were rarely, if ever, present, and the vote during the 
first Congress was twenty times a tie. 

John Adams was thus called upon by his casting vote 
to settle large issues, — as the President's power of re- 
moval; the policy of neutrality, and the nation's part 
and place in the trade of the world. lie stood with 
"Washington and for all for which AVashington stood. 
"WliP.t of opposition to AVasliington's policy developed 
among the Democratic Societies throughout the coun- 
trj^, concentrated upon Adams : he became the vic- 
tim of that counter-revolution, led by that j^rince of 
revolutionists, Thomas Jetferson. To us who come 
long after these troublous, these almost anarchistic 
times, it is impossible, doubtless, to weigh all the e\i- 
dence as it was then weighed. To Adams, the French 
Revolution was a 'moral earthquake'. "I know," 
(wrote Adams to Dr. Price, in comment on his expostu- 
lation,) ''I know that encyclopedists and economists, 
Diderot and D'Alembert, Voltaire and Rousseau, have 
contributed to this great event more than Sidney, 
Locke, or Hoadley, perhaps more than the American 
Revolution ; and I ov.m to you, I know not what to make 

of a republic of tliirty million atheists Too 

many French, after the example of too many Ameri- 
cans, pant for equality of persons and property. The 
impracticability of this God Almighty has decreed, and 
the advocates for liberty who attempt it will surely 
suffer for it." And what was the other side? Thomas 
Paine 's, Bights of Man, then recently published in Eng- 
land, an advocacy of political principles for which 
Paine was flung into prison in two countries; but Paine 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 35 

explains, himself, in his speech before the Convention 
of July: "I was not persecnted by the people either of 
England or France. The proceedings in both countries 
were the effects of the despotism existing in their re- 
siDective governments. But even if my persecution had 
originated in the people at large, my principles and 
conduct would still have remained the same." 

John Adams's attitude toward these 'principles' is 
sufficiently clear from his letter, a few years later, to 
John Marshall, at the time Secretary of State: com- 
menting on the proposal submitted by another to "in- 
troduce into this country a company of schoolmasters, 
painters, poets, &q., all of them disciples of Mr. Thomas 
Paine, . . . I had rather countenance the introduc- 
tion of Ariel and Caliban, with a troop of spirits the 
most mischievous from fairy land". To Adams, the 
whole country seemed sinking into Jacobism and 
anarchy; to Jefferson, rising into Democracy and lib- 
erty. Between men of minds so diverse there is a great 
gulf fixed. That America would be a Republic, neither 
may have had a doubt; but to Adams it must be, — if 
long to exist, — a conseiwative, not a democratic Re- 
public. 

Meanwhile both Jefferson and Plamilton had retired 
to private life. It was a day when men confessed them- 
selves old at forty and were wont at that advanced age 
to talk of 'seeking the beneficent shades of retirement'. 
As the French say, 'It was the habit.' In our day no 
man is too old to hold office; none too old to play the 
politician. It is not the game, but the players that 
change. John Adams became President by three votes. 
Jefferson came to second place with sixty-eight. It was 
a sign of the times. Ample evidence reaches us of infi- 
delity to party, or Adams had received a heavier vote. 
The whole story seems to be told when we say that the 
Federalist party had Adams on its hands and could 
not throw him oif, — with decency. Yet there were lead- 



36 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

ers among the party who gladly would have thrown him 
off. It was the alternative which made cowards of 
them all. Hamilton sets out the compulsion of the 
hour: by electing Adams, that other candidate, — Jef- 
ferson, — ''of whose unfitness" he writes "all sincere 
Federalists are convinced", would be excluded; in 
1796, the Federalist cry was 'anything to beat Jeffer- 
son'; and he was beaten by three votes; but he was 
elected Vice>-President. 

That Adams committed a blunder by retaining Wash- 
ington 's Cabinet will hardly be denied. Not one of its 
members was deeply attached to him, personally or 
politically. Though having a Cabinet he was a President 
without one. Sliglit was the confidence and, seemingly, 
merely formal was the intercourse between Cabinet 
and President throughout his administration. John 
Adams had never worked in close harmony with politi- 
cal associates. He was incapable of intimate friend- 
ships ; his judgments were his own, and it does not ap- 
pear that he ever consulted his colleagues until first 
having made up his own mind, nor that he ever modi- 
fied his conclusions when he had taken counsel. Wise 
or foolish, this was John Adams. 

The office of cabinet minister in America is one of 
uncertain tenure, being wholly at the will of the Presi- 
dent, but the office is more than a mere clerkship to an 
executive department. Indeed, the office, for the time 
being, is much as the President makes it. John Adams 
undoubtedly reduced it to lowest terms, — a treatment 
which intensified schism in the party and weakened him 
as President. Yet granting all this, and no wavering 
from principle, it was a question of achninistration. 
And here do we reach the place of John Adams as a 
statesman: a man whose political principles are of 
nationality, neutrality, American sovereignty, Ameri- 
can primacy in trade and commerce, govermnent 
founded on property rather than on persons ; a govern- 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 37 

ment of laws and not of men. To effect the ends har- 
monious "with these principles, he advocates an efficient 
navy as essential to the adequate protection of the 
country. An ' ' adequate naval force " is " an important 
object of national policy". A "navy adapted to de- 
fensive war" is a "necessity", a "wise and true econ- 
omy for our future tranquillity, for the safety of our 
shores, and for the protection of our property com- 
mitted to the ocean".* 

He was the first of our Presidents to advocate a 
sufficient navy, an advocacy emphasized by most of his 
successors. In this emphasis of the importance of a 
navy, Adams antagonized Hamilton, who urged the 
superiority of an army. It was but one of their in- 
numerable differences of opinion of best means for 
securing the same end. The large problems of Adams's 
administration were essentially the problems which 
confronted Washington: nationality, neutrality, public 
tranquillity, taxation, the honor and dignity of the 
country in the eyes of the world. These were adminis- 
trative problems, once the "more perfect Union" had 
been formed. To the solution of these problems John 
Adams brought a lively conception of all the prin- 
ciples for which Washington had stood, and no greater 
tact than Washing-ton himself had shown. The un- 
timely death of Washington prevented consummation 
of plans, laid by some of the leading Federalists, — 
Hamilton among them, — to elect him President again. 
A passage in Hamilton's letter of condolence to Mrs. 
Washington tells the whole stoiy: "He was essential 
to my plans". The death of the great man again left 
Adams on the hands of the Federalists. Jealousies, 
rivalries, schism were rife. We do not lack evidence of 
the schemes afoot at the time to bear the hated burden, 

•Messages to Congress, May 16, 1797; December 14, 1798; November 
22, 1800. 



38 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

to bring the Federalists through their trials success- 
fully and, not least, to compel Adams to follow the 
leaders of the wing of the party to which he did not 
belong. The leader of leaders, the "King of the 
Feds.," was Hamilton. 

The undoing of Adams by Hamilton has passed into 
history. It does not make a chapter, in our annals, of 
pleasant reading. Great political leaders of later 
times have turned against the President, — the official 
liead of their party; Henry Clay turned against John 
Tyler, — and, as he and his followers believed, with 
cause. Party scliism has again and again brought the 
opposition into power; it brought Lincoln, it brought 
Yv'il:^uu to the presidency. It has ever brought the 0]> 
position to first place: and Hamilton, in breaking with 
John Adams, in secretly organizing powerful opposi- 
tion to him, brought into the presidency the one man 
whom he himself described as, "a candidate, of whose 
unfitness all sincere Federalists are convinced." 

The story of this schism ; the fatal Letter, which Ham- 
ilton wrote for private circulation among his followers, 
which Burr managed to lay hands on and sent flying 
through the world, the letter ''Concerning the Public 
Conduct and Character of Jolin Adams, Esq.," has long 
been read of all men. "Mr. Adams", (so runs this 
letter,) "does not possess the talents adapted to the 
administration of government, and there are great and 
intrinsic defects in his character, which unfit him for 
the office of chief magistrate." He is "infected with 
visionary notions", and is "far less able in the prac- 
tice than in the theory of politics." "He is a man of 
an imagination sublimated and eccentric; propitious 
neither to the regular display of sound judgment, nor 
to steady perseverance in a systematic plan of conduct 
... ; to this defect are added the unfortunate foibles 
of a vanity without bounds, and a jealousy capable of 
discoloring eveiy object." It had been "an essential 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 39 

point of caution to take care that accident, or an in- 
trigue of the opposers of government, should not raise 
Mr. Adams, instead of General Washington, to the first 
place. This every friend of government would have con- 
sidered a disastrous event." Adams had complained of 
unfair treatment at time, liad displayed the "extreme 
egotism of (his) temper". Knowing all this, — con- 
tinues Hamilton,— ''men of pi'incipal influence in the 
Federal party began to entertain serious doubts about 
his fitness" to succeed "Washington, but in their "de- 
sire of presenting harmony in the party" "'indulged 
their hopes rather than listened to their fears" and sup- 
ported him for the chief magistracy. "'Well-informed 
men knew that the event of the election was extremely 
problematical; and while the friends of ^Ir. Jefferson 
predicted his success with sanguine confidence, his op- 
posers feared that he might have at least an equal 
chance with any Federal candidate. To exclude him, 
was deemed, by the Federalists, a primary object." It 
was "far less important" whether Adams or Pinckney 
was successful than that "Mr. Jefferson should not be 
the person." And the election of Pinckney was Plamil- 
ton's desire. To Hamilton the crown of offense in 
John Adams was his "disgusting egotism"; his "dis- 
tempered jealousy"; the "ungovernable indiscretion 
of (his) temper, joined to some doubts of the correct- 
ness of his maxims of administration. , . . He (in- 
conversation) "repeatedly made excursions into the 
field of foreign politics, which alarmed the friends of 
the prevailing system." The unforgivable errors in 
administration were the appointment of the commis- 
sion to France ; the ignominious treatment of the Cab- 
inet and refusal to take its advice; the President's 
temporizing with insurrection and rebellion in Penn- 
sylvania and his pardoning the offenders after they had 
been found guilty in the courts and, not least, the 
President's criticism of Hamilton himself; hostility 



40 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

towards him and steady refusal to follow his political 
program. ''Yet", (concludes this remarkable letter,) 
''with this opinion of Mr. Adams, I have finally re- 
solved not to advise withholding from him a single 
vote. The body of Federalists, for want of sufficient 
knowledge of facts, are not convinced of the expediency 
of relinquishing him." Whatever the Federalist elec- 
tors might do, they should "encrease the probability 
of excluding a third candidate, of whose unfitness all 
sincere Federalists are convinced". And the letter 
concludes in emphasis ' ' of the great importance of cul- 
tivating harmony among the supporters of the gov- 
ernment; on whose firm union hereafter will probably 
depend the preservation of order, tranquillity, liberty, 
property; the security of every social and domestic 
blessing".* 

This indictment of Adams by Hamilton, lacking 
nothing in detail, may be set over against Jefferson's 
indictment of both Hamilton and Adams. ' ' Hamilton, ' ' 
records Jefferson in his stealthy Anas, "Hamilton was 
not only a monarchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on 
corruption", and he relates the conversation, at his own 
table, on the British constitution, on which Mr. Adams 
observed, "purge that constitution of its corruption, 
and give to its popular branch equality of representa- 
tion, and it would be the most perfect constitution ever 
devised by the wit of man". Hamilton paused and said, 
"purge it of its corruption, and give to its popular 
branch equality of representation, and it would become 
an impracticable government; as it stands at present, 
with all its supposed defects, it is the most perfect gov- 
ernment which ever existed." And this was assuredly 
the exact line which separated the political creeds of 

• Letter from Alexander Hamilton, Concerning the Public Conduct 
and Character of John Adams, Esq., President of the United States. 
Written in the Year 1800. Xew Edition, with Preface. Boston: Printed 
by E. G. House, No. 5, Court Street. 1809. 56 pp. 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 41 

these two men. The one was for two hereditary 
branches, one an honest elective ; the other, for an he- 
reditary King, with a House of Lords and Commons 
corrupted to his will, and standing between him and the 
people. And of Adams particularly Jefferson adds: 
''Mr. Adams had originally been a republican. The 
glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to Eng- 
land, had made him believe their fascination a necessaiy 
ingredient in government; and Shay's rebellion, not suf- 
ficiently understood where he then was, seemed to prove 
that the absence of want and oppression was not a 
sufficient guarantee of order. His book on the Amer- 
ican Constitutions having made known his political 
bias, he was taken up by the monarchical Federalists 
in his absence, and on his return to the United States, 
he was by them made to believe that the general dis- 
position of our citizens was favorable to monarchy. He 
here wrote his Dauila, as a supplement to a former 
work, and his election to the Presidency confirmed him 
in his errors. Innumerable addresses too, artfully and 
industriously poured in upon him, deceived him into a 
confidence that he was on the pinnacle of popularity, 
when the gulf was yawning at his feet, which was to 
swallow up him and his deceivers. General Washing- 
ton was withdrawn, these energumeni of royalism, kept 
in check hitherto by the dread of his honesty, his firm- 
ness, his patriotism, and the authority of his name, now 
mounted on the car of State and free from control, like 
Phaeton on that of the sun, drove headlong and wild, 
looking neither to right nor left, nor regarding any- 
thing but the objects they were driving at; until, dis- 
playing these fully, the eyes of iha nation were opened, 
and a general disbandonment of them from the public 
councils took place." * 

Adams himself records that, meeting Colonel Lyman, 

* Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Lipscomb, Editor, I, 278, 279, 280. 



42 The Political Idea^ of John Adams. 

"one of tlie most amiable men in Congress", in the 
street, in Pliilaclelpliia. he inquired the news. "Hamil- 
ton", replied L}^nan, "has divided the Federalists, and 
proposed to tliehi to give you the go-by and bring in 
Pinckney. By this step he has divided the Federalists, 
and given great offense to the honestest part of them. 
I am glad of it, for it will be the ruin of his faction". 
My answer was, "Colonel L^mian, it will be, as you 
say, the ruin of his faction ; but it will also be the ruin 
of honester men than any of them." And he proceeds 
to speak of his own hobby as a navy; Hamilton's, an 
army. That Hamilton "had fled from his own un- 
popularity" and "from national hatred to the bar at 
New York, to acquire the character of an unambitious 
man", planning no less than to be "commander-in- 
chief" of the administration, general ad^^.sor to the 
whole country. Indeed, Adams accuses Hamilton of 
the same faults as those imputed to hhnself by Hamil- 
ton. Xo less an authority than Charles Francis Adams 
records that his grandfather was subject to asperity of 
temper "in much greater degree" than was Washing- 
ton, "and with less power of self-control;" but he also 
cites Cabot's letter to Hamilton, — and Cabot was one 
of Hamilton's closer friends, — in which he tells Hamil- 
ton that he is accused of egotism and vanity in as dan- 
gerous a quality and to as great an extent as John 
Adams himself. 

Certain it is that no letter ever written by a public 
man bore more tragical fruit, or precipitated heavier 
woes. Adams defeated; Jefferson and Burr brought 
by equal vote into the House of Eepresentatives for the 
presidency; the challenge; the duel on the Heights of 
Yv^'ehawken; Hamilton's untimely death. Burr an out- 
cast on the face of the earth, the Federalist party 
eliminated from American politics. Adams's prophecy 
thus soon proved true. To Jefferson and his followers, 
and to all who see in Jeffersonian democracy the 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 43 

strength and salvation of America, the fall of John 
Adams was only a step toward the realization of the 
rights of man. 

For more than a hundred years historians and 
writers of every degree have connnented on men and 
aifairs of the time of John Adams. The fairest judg- 
ment as yet pronounced comes from an English his- 
torian of the American Revolution. "The critical 
faculty (so writes Trevelyan,) was abnormally strong 
in John Adams, and he had only too keen an eye for 
the short-comings of other people. He continued, till 
very near the end of an immensely prolonged life, to 
comment w^tli extraordinary force and zest upon the 
weaknesses and failings of those eminent men who 
twenty years back, and thirty years back, had been his 
fellow laborers in the cause of American freedom. But 
.whatever he might say or write in private, he never 
knowingly allowed his public conduct to be mfluenced 
by considerations of personal rivalry. Patriotism, 
pure and unalloyed, was at all times in his career the 
essential motive of bis political action; and, whenever 
he was called upon to take a practical decision on a 
matter affecting the welfare of his country, his finer 

qualities invariably carried the day On New 

Year's Day, 1781, John Adams received from the 
President of Congress his nomination as Minister 
Plenipotentiary to the United Provinces. The situa- 
tion, from the point of view of America, needed a 
master-hand to cope with it; and there was an Amer- 
ican now in Europe who was equal to the task. He at 
once crossed the frontier, and laid before the Dutch 
Goverimient a memorial soliciting recogiiition as the 
representative of a self-governing and independent 
nation. The practical and straightforward Bostonian, 
accustomed in his own country to direct dealing with 
intelligent and self-respecting people of all classes of 
society, was determined to get into close personal con- 



44 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

tact with the public opinion of Holland. His course 
of action in this respect was shocking to the somewhat 
hide-bound official hierarchy of Europe; and even the 
Compte de Vergennes warned him that an appeal to 
popular feeling on the part of an ambassador was a 
proceeding unheard of in diplomacy. But John Adams 
knew well what he was about; and nowhere else, and 
at no time in his career, was he ever more busily and 
successfully occupied than during those fifteen months 
which he almost continuously passed in Holland. It 
was a country where he felt himself at home. The air 
of industry and prosperity, the neatness and cleanli- 
ness, the doors and shutters of brightly painted wood, 
and the avenues of young trees in the village streets, 
reminded him of much that he had left behind in New 
England; and he saw no cause why, in his political 
transactions with Dutchmen, he should not use pro- 
cesses which he had always employed when doing pub- 
lic business with his fellow-citizens in America." It 
was this transaction, which not only established his 
reputation in Europe, but which he regarded as the 
supreme triumph of his life. "Congress (continues 
Trevelyan,) was kept minutely informed about the as- 
pect of European affairs by Benjamin Franklin and 
John Adams, — as acute observers, and sound advisors, 
as ever represented their country at a foreign capital." 
''The greatest names among the founders of the Re- 
public were, beyond all question, those of Washington, 
Franklin, and John Adams." * 

John Adams was the first and the last Puritan Presi- 
dent. He was the first, and probably the last President 
to live to see his son become President. He came to 
the presidency with a larger experience in interna- 
tional affairs than any of his successors have known. 
Of American statesmen he alone wrote treatises on 



• George the Third arid Charles James Fox, II., 47, 49, 51, 57, 171, 305. 



The Political Ideas of John Adams. 45 

goveranient, and these, tliougli a temporaiy contribu- 
tion to political science, set forth American concepts of 
government to the edification of the whole world. 
Hamilton set him down as incapable in the administra- 
tion of government; Jefferson recorded his as a mon- 
archist; Trevelyan, more than a hundred years after 
his retirement from the presidencj-, portrays him as 
easily among the great diplomatists of the world. To 
most Americans he has become a respectable name 
which survives a day of vast beginnings. All the evi- 
dence accords him a foremost place among Americans 
who believe that government should be a government 
of laws and not of men. 

(Selected Adams Bibliography) 

I. DoCUilENTABY. 

The Life And ^Vorhs of John Adams, 10 Vols. (1850-1856), written, 
compiled, and edited by Charles Francis Adams, remains the printed 
source; the unpublished oflicial correspondence of John Adams, in the 
archives of the Government, together with state papers and cognate 
matter, is very great. His most important state papers are reprinted 
in James D. Richardson's, Messages, and Papers of the Presidents, I. 
His Works {supra) contain his Controversial Papers, Works on Govern- 
ment, Defense of the Constitutions of the United States of America, 
Discourses on Davila, &c. Taken in their entirety, Adams's various 
writings remain the best introduction, for the English reader, to a 
comparative study of ancient and modern republics as interpreted by 
any American statesman. Wharton's, Revolutionary Diplomatic Corre- 
spondence, 6 Vols., and John Bassett Moore's, Digests of International 
Law, 6 Vols., and of International Arbitration, 7 Vols., John and Abagail 
Adams's, Familiar Letters During the Revolutiyn (Boston, 1875). 

II. Biographical. 

The Life of John Adams (Vol. I. of the Life and Works, supra), is 
the most exhaustive and the best exposition of his public services. John 
T. Morse's, John Adams, in the Ajncrican Statesmen Series, a brief, and 
somewhat unsatisfactory sketch, which should be read in connection 
with the ampler, if not juster. study by Cliarles Francis Adams. :Mellen 
Chamberlain's, John Adams, the Statesman of the Revolution; with other 
Essays and Addresses ('Boston, 1898). Sir George Otto Trevelyan's, 
George Third and Charles James Fox, II., 'John Adams in Europe.' 



46 The Political Ideas of John Adams. 

III. Historical. 
The general liistories cited under the bibliography of Adams's col- 
leagues and contpniporaries recount, more or less in detail, the public 
services of Jolin Adams. None of them is, however, specially favorable 
to Adams. One may read the censorious Hildreth, the unfriendly 
Schouler, or in ^fc^raster, the popular judgment of America concerning 
Adams during his life. Adams's career during the Revolution, as min- 
ister to France, Holland, and England is recorded by Bancroft, in his 
History of the United States (various editions), by Hildreth (v.-ith some 
commendation) III., and A.dams's Administration (with Haniiltonian 
leanings) IV., V.; in Winsor's. yarrative and Critical History, VI, VII; 
in Frothingham's, Rise of the Repuhlic (for Adams's earlier career) ; 
in George Elliot PToAvard's, The American Revolution; in A. C. M'Laugh- 
lin's, The Confederation and the Constitution, the last throe works are 
critical studies, equipped with the modern apparatus, bibliography, 
maps, kc Sac, of highest value to the reader. John Spencer Bassett's, 
The Federalist System, alike critical, gives the reader imnscdiate en- 
trance into tlie issues of Adani's Administration, and a critical study 
of his political principles. Edward Channing's, History of the United 
States, II. III. passim. A. D. ^lorse's. The Politics of John Ada7ns, 
American Historical Review, IV. 2!)2. and C. ]\I. Walsh's, 2'he Political 
Science of John Adams: A Study in the Theory of Mixed Government 
and the Bicameral Theory (1915), analyze his principles minutely. 
Wharton's, State Trials of tJi-e United States During the Administrations 
of Washington and Adams, tlie Debates in Congress (1797-1801), either 
in the Annals, or in Benton's, Abridgement; Pickering and Upham's, 
Life and Times of Timothy Pickering; Gibb's, Memoirs of the Federal 
Administrations, and the American State Papers. Webster's imaginary- 
Speech of John Adams in favor of the Declaration of Independence, 
Webster's Works I ; much concerning Adams may be found scattered 
through the writings of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton and Webster. 
Alexander .Johnston in Lalor's Cyclopedia gives critical (though brief) 
accounts of all the issues that arose during Adam's Administration. 
Later historians disclose a kindlier spirit towards John Adams than 
those contemporary or early writers. 



Thomas Rodney. 47 



THOMAS EODXEY. 

BY SIMOX GRATZ, ESQ. 

(Continued from Vol. XLIII, page 367.) 

Thomas Eodncij to Ccusar A. Rodney. 

Washington Misisipi Territory July 27'^ 1S04. 

My dear Son, 

T\^e have now passed through the warmest Period of 
the Season, from the }.Iiddle of June to the Middle of 
Juiv has been \ery warm, the Mercury here generally 
from 88'^ to 90°. indeed seldom be^.ow 90=. The old 
Inhabitants say they have never seen such a Continu- 
ance of such warm weather but it lias now much abated 
and the nights have become pleasantly Cool and re- 
freshing— Xot having received my Carriage yet how- 
ever I can o:dy ride for Exercise in the Morning and 
Evening for the ^.liddle of the days are still warm & 
therefore T Keep in the Shade where it is generally 
pleasant and I Continue in perfect health— Tho I have 
an arduous time in ^ly double Capacity of Judge and 
Commissioner— The Board is open every day when I 
■ am not at Court and :>P. Williams being away I ara 
obliged to give Constant attention to tlie business— & 
the otlier Judges being in the uper part of the Terri- 
tory and much out of the way Most of the Court busi- 
ness of Vacation falls on me— Last week all the Prin- 
cipal Lawyers were here to argue a Motion for a New 
Trial in an Important Case before me which as tliey 
had not time to argue it at Court they had agreed to 
argue it before me on Vacation and Yesterday and to- 
day again the Principal Lawy^ers will be here to argue 
a Case under the Land Law before the Board and a 



48 Thomas Rodney. 

great Crowd are attending — This • is an Important 
Case and respects the Walnut Hills one of the finest 
parts of the Territory Claimed under a Brittish Patent 
and Sundry Donation Men &c. — What has become of 
Williams we Know not for we have not rec'd a line 
from him since he left Orleans for the Federal City but 
we have heard that he & Briggs the Surveyor landed 
at Newyork and thence went by Stage to the Federal 
City — but I supi^ose you were at the Courts or must 
have seen them as they passed through Wilmington 
for I wrote to you by M'. Williams — They were Ex- 
pected back by the first of June and have been Con- 
stantly wanted Ever since as the labor of taking all the 
Testimony falls on me Chiefly, and Briggs is much 
wanted in his own Department— I heard from Fisher 
that little Ca?sar has been 111 again with his complaint 
poor fellow I have Explored the western Country to 
find the Dennitris the Sovereign cure for the Gravel 
but have not yet met with it and fear it is to be found 
no where but about the mountains which are distant 
from here — Something must be done for him — I wish 
you would try what keep us all healthy here the Sweet 
balsam, made^ of the Vegetable Salts and Oils — This 
Balsam, is Easily made — It is made by Dissolving 
Pearl Asli in Cold water, by putting in as much Pearl 
ash as the water will Dissolve and Shak^. it well and 
then letting it Settle till the water becomes perfectly 
Clear, then pour it oft into a Decanter & Keep it for 
use. Equal quantities of this Solution and Sweet Oil 
poured in a tumber or other Vessel & Shook or Stirred 
makes a Sweet Milky balsam — then add cold water to 
make it thinner like Milk — but the proportion of Salts 
and oils may be Varied at pleasure so as to answer 
Various purposes — No Medicine can be better than this 
for Children in almost any Complaint — The Vegetable 
Salts are greatly used now in Medicine but none of 
the 'Physicans use them in this Sweet Safe Manner. 



Thomas Rodney. 49 

Since our using it has made it known here I am run 
to as if I were a Physician, & have given a way many 
bottles of oil in this way but have learned the Major 
& Young Men liow to make it. have just time to write 
this and no more — 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Bodney to Cccsar A. Rodney. 

Washington M. T. Aug\ 3^ 1804, 
My dear Son, 

Yours of the 16^^. of June Came to hand by the last 
mail and also one of Each of the Little Ladies Mary 
& Eliza, which I have answered in one directed to them 
both, by the prc5£cnt Mail — Since you have Consented 
to be run again I wish you pjay succeed and as there 
is no reason to suppose the republican Interest has 
Increased since last Election the prospect is not un- 
favorable — As to the Conduct of Gap". Hunn let it be 
what it may let it Injure your manly feelings, lot it 
not provoke to do or Say anything Imprudent, for if 
he should deviate from Prudence the disadvantage will 
return on himself if you presei-A'e a firm and upright 
mind, nor can he say any Evil of you now without 
Contradicting hiimsolf in much that he lias formerly 
said — I make no doubt but the breach that has hap- 
pened is distressing to Susan and renders it difficult 
for her to Conduct herself in an unexceptional Manner 
and Capt^.Hunns saying or insinuating that you and 
myself have always thought you above her is deviating 
from that prudence and Candor which I always thought 
liim possessed otf and can only tend unnecessarily to 
disturb the mind of Susan; and I think he must be 
Candid Enough to aclaiowledge that no such Insinua- 
tion or any thing like it were dropt from me, and I 
am well convinced since as well as before your ^[ar- 
riage that your affiction for her has always been such 
that it never Entered your mind. I had been long 

Vol. XLIV.— 4 



50 Thomas Rodney. 

acquainted with him Capt°. Hunn & his faiuily before 
your Marriage and had always felt a friendly respect 
for him and his Sister who I always thought a worthy 
woman and I have no doubt but he will remember that 
when he sjioke to me respecting your marriage, that I 
mentioned no objection but that I had understood that 
Susan was sickly and weakly and therefore I feared 
your Children would be Feeble &^ and that I wished 
you to have a good healthy stout girl as it was our only 
prospect for Continuing the family — whereupon he 
represented to me that tho Susan had lately then been 
sickly she had recovered and was naturally nervous and 
active — then I think I said something to this purpose 
that as I had never seen Susan I could say nothing in 
other respects for that I could not Judge of a book I 
never had read or Estimate a Jewel I never had seen, 
but that as you were more Immediately Interested than 
I was that it was a principle with me that in a Case of 
that sort I should leave you at liberty to Chuse for 
yourself, and this you always Knew tho you dutifully 
solicited my approbation — but I never dropt a hint at 
any time of any difference of quality — for I Knew that 
Hunn's family had been long respectable in the 
Country — and my Cousin John Eodney at Lewes, had 
long before selected a wife from it, and I knew her to 
be a very valuable woman and always felt a great re- 
gard for her and her Children — But as to Susan her- 
self since I have been acquainted with her I have never 
seen a single thing in her Conduct or Manners to object 
to, far from it for I have long thought her one of the 
finest women in all respects that our Country produces, 
Indeed there is not one in the Circle of my acquaint- 
ance to be preferred before her — and as she is raising 
you a numerous flock of fine Children that only ob- 
jection has long vanished and the TiTith is that I feel 
as great affection for her as if she was my own daugh- 
ter — So that the Captain must have heard something 



TJiomas Rodney. 51 

of tliat kind if at all, from some other source not from 
you or me, nor can it be of any advantage to his family 
or yours to propagate such an absurdity nor should I 
think he would listen to any thing of that sort unless 
at some unguarded moment and I am very sure if he 
says anything imprudent in his unguarded Moments 
that may injure the peace of the family he will on 
reflection be Sorry for it — and the worst that I can 
wish liim is a restoration of that rashional mind and 
happyness he long Enjoyed, nor do I wish Maria less. 
If she has been a little more eccentric and wild than 
some of her friends thought piTident, the cares of a fam- 
ily and her domestic affairs will have a natural tendency 
to Correct it. So that my advice is for you and Susan 
to attend prudently and diligently to your own Inter- 
ests, Intermedling as little as possible with others till 
the family return of themselves to their old good 
humour — You express a sentiment that Indicates some 
thought of leaving the State but this I would not wish 
you to incourage till you see an opertunity of doing it 
to advantage, perhaps an opening may happen in this 
western Country which Indeed presents Many pros- 
pects but as yet it would not answer for a rising family 
because the means of Education have not 3'et arrived, 
in the mean time Cultivate your Interest in the best 
manner where you are and as to a pleasant and fruit- 
ful country none can Excel it — 

as the mail is waiting so that I must Close 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Eodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Natchez Aug\ 9''' 1804. 

My dear Son 

I wrote to you and also the Dear Little Girls by the 
last Mail — I am now here tending the Superior Court 
and am in good health tho the weather is very warm I 
have a room in a red House that stands as it were on 



52 Tliomas Rodney. 

one of the Hills of this place alone. There are other 
Gentlemen in other rooms hut distinct from mine for 
I have only such Company as I invite or Acquaintances 
that Come particularly to see me tind my provisions 
are brought to my room from a Tavern some little dis- 
tance off— The hill is high and pleasant and affords 
a prospect of the City and Great Eiver— The Court 
House stands on a nother Hill in the middle of the City 
300 yards from this. 

I forgit, as I was much Engaged last week whether 
I mentioned in my last letter a Murder Committed in 
the wilderness 80 miles beyond the last House of this 
Territory on the post Road to Nash Ville— The person 
murdeivcl uas a :>r. Isl Canpen of Georgia & supposed 
to be murdered by two Eobbers— There were two other 
:Men travelling with him that we have not heard of 
siuee— This Information was bro\ by the Post rider. 

I have Eead Lately the Travels or rather Military 
Expedition of Ferdinand De Soto in Florada, as the 
Spaniards then Called all this Country— De Soto was 
then Gc\ernor of Havana with the title of General of 
Florada— And for the jmrpose of Conquest and to find 
gold landed in Floiada. in 1530. about a hundred leagues 
to the Eastward of the Harbor of Pensicola— and 
travelled westward to within two leagiies of that Har- 
bor— Tlien turned N. E. and pursued that Direction 
430 leagues but ramb^ much about on his way — In this 
rout he Crossed this Territory, to the East ward of 
Mobile, and Tennessee, and Kentucky, & the Ohio, into 
what is now the Ohio State, as wou'd seem from the 
distance and the Countries he discribes — He then 
turned westward and pursued that Course till he 
Crossed the Great Eiver :\[isisipi somewhere between 
the Ohio and :\Iisouiri, and travelled westward to the 
first ridge of ^Mountains when meeting with a river 
run^. a long the foot of the Mountain, presumed to be 
the Arkansaw, he rambled do^vn it to the :\Iouth, where 



Thomas Rodney. 53 

it Empties into the Misisipi and there died — The River 
and several Lakes near the Mountain are discribed as 
affording Great Quantities of Salt which the Indians 
near them manufactured in Earthen Vessels & used 
as an article of Trade with their Neighbors & there 
was the first place they met with salt after they passed 
from the Sea — So that Salt was not made then any- 
where in what is now Tennessee, Kentuckj^ or on the 
•N. W. Shore of Ohio — Yet a former account in one of 
my Letters to you shewed that it had been made at the 
Saline Spring long before De Soto was in that Coun- 
try tho by some revolution of the Country it is sup- 
posed the Knowledge was then lost — After the death of 
De Soto Moscoso, was Invested with the Command 
(for De Soto took 400 foot & 200 Horse on his rout 
with him) and Travelled S. W. ward pass^. through 
several Indian Nations till he reached a Eiver that fell 
towards the Sea beyond which the Indians were Savage 
& lived not in Towns nor could any of their Neighbors 
understand them, & then their Country was too poor to 
afford subsistance for the Spainards and therefore they 
returned to the mouth of the Arkinsaw built Vessels 
and decended the Misisipi to the Sea and then went to 
Mexico — In all this ramble they fortified many Camps 
for their own Safety & also found manny Indian Towns 
fortified in like manner with banks & Palisades set 
deep in the ground & strongly & neatly wrought — so 
tliat this perhaps may accS for the old fortification in 
the western Country as they seem to be near the ram- 
blings of De Soto — but he says Nothing of the Mounds 
we see in this Country but he speaks in one place of 
searching the Tombs for Pearls where he got 14 
bushels — but no articles have been discovered To be 
buried with those persons who are laid in the mounds — 
Bones only are discovered in some in others Even those 
are dissolved or Decomposed to dust again — Corn 
Eice, Peas & beans were plenty in some nations, and 



54 Thomas Rodney. 

also Cucumbers — and they found plenty of Nuts & 
wild plums — & once only met with Honey but never 
saw any Bees — Their Object was Gold but in all their 
ramble found none — The Troops with him were clad 
in Armour — This accounts for the Coat of Mail found 
some years ago in Tennessee — De Soto, had been an 
officer under Pizaro in the Conquest of Peru and 
Evinced many of his Traits of Cruelty among the 
Indians and laid most of their Countries waste as he 
went on, tho many of Nations he passed through were 
then very populous & their Land pretty well Cultivated, 
which he often laid waste and this may in some degree 
account for the more Savage State the Indians have 
been in Since — 

This Little book being a Naration of facts Affords 
much useful information — It was Printed in English 
16S6, and Sent by Doct^ Bartan of Philad\ to W. W". 
Dunbar of this Territory, who lent it to me, to discover 
the Tracks of De Soto, & the parts of the Country 
through which he rambled — M". Fitz, one of the Young 
Surveyors is now deliniating his Tract on a Map of 
the Country for me and when finished I shall send you 
a Copy off it — Our Doq^ Contains to this Count 100, 
actions at Issue, so that you see there is i^lenty of 
business here — 

we have heard this week of the Duel of Burr & Ham- 
ilton and of the death of the latter & speeches made 
about it, The Feds here have Copied those of N. Y. 
in puting on Mourning on the Occasion — we observed 
too a Change in the Brittish Ministry & a New Struggle 
to make Bonaparte Emperor of the Galls &c. — All 
things are quiet here but at Orleans the French Inhabi- 
tants are making a great bustle to obtain An Admis- 
sion into the Union and all the Advantages of Amer- 
ican Citizens <S:c. &c. as you will see by their Memorials 
in the papers — Some are alarmed at this bustle but I 
view it as no disadvantage or danger to the Union. It 



Thomas Rodney. . 55 

may tend to disseminate american principle more 
rapidly among tliem and therefore may tend to ad- 
vantage without danger for they are too few if Even 
their designs were Evil to do much Injury. 

Understanding that despatches arrived some time 
ago from Madrid we have been desirous of & Expecting 
to hear that AVest Florada is relinquished to us, but 
nothing on that head has reached us yet. 

There is daily a great increase of population In this 
Territory by imigration from other Places and many 
persons of Caractor & Fortune are flocking here— Last 
week I, as high Priest, joined Gen^ Matthews of 
Georgia who was Govern^ of that State when the Yazo 
Grants were made to a M". Carpenter, a few miles 
from Washington. Apropos, last Evening I walked up 
to Major F. L. Claiborn to see M'^^ Poindexter a young 
Lady I had lately Married to the Att''. Gen\ but tlie 
Ladies were out at M^ Wallaces in the next Square, 
and on hearing I was there M■■^ Claiborn was sent by 
the Ladies to Invite me over there, and when I went, 
found an Assembly there of Ten or a dozen of the finest 
Ladies of the City and Territory— where they had met 
to spend the Evening, Shields & other gentlemen were 
there & Shields 's beloved Miss P. Dunbar, &c &c They 
were mostly young Ladies and young married Ladies, 
and spent much of the Evening in selling Pawns &c 
and would not Excuse me from Entering into the 
Amusement with them — the pleasantly Ended with 
Music ; and then a flock of the Ladies, & some of the 
Gentlemen, Conducted me nearly to my Lodging with 
a Lamp carried by one of the Ladies who walked with 
me — I mention this merely as a Trait of the Chearful 
and pleasant Manners of the place and tho I sit here 
on the hills of the Misisipi distant, far distant, from 
my friends, my sweet friends of Delaware, yet that my 
Situation is not altogether solatory— the young people 
as well as the old seem pleased with my Company and 



56 Thomas Rodney. 

I am often told that I am the only person that Ever 
was in the Territory that no one has ever said a word 
against — Yet I have done nothing more than Endeavor 
to Conduct myself up rightly with placid and good man- 
ners to all — 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ca'sar A. Rodney. 

Washington M. T. September 7'*^ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

By the last mail I rec'd. Letters from M'. J. Fisher, 
M^ Witherad, :^^. Maxwell & M^ Higgins of Delaware 
— ^^M"". Fisher informs me you had passed on Down to 
the Chancery Court in Sussex M". Witherads in a 
friendly Communication, which I shall answer in due 
time — he states your family and other friends about 
Wilming being well &c. M'. Maxwells & M'. Higgins 
are addressed to me in favor of a young M^ Annstrong 
of Delaware, which I shall respect & answer in due time 
— but have not lezure yet as I propose setting off to- 
morrow on a Visit to Col Ellis, President of the Senate 
or Legislative Council of the Territory he lives on the 
Buffalo about 20 miles below this and perhaps I may 
go 50 or 60 miles further to see the Countiy for we can 
do nothing till after November but take Testimony 
which now Can be done in my absence as all the Board 
have now become acquainted with the mode of doing it 
& the business hitherto having Chiefly laid on my hands 
they are willing I should take a little rest tho Williams 
has not yet returned nor have we heard from him — In 
respect to Annstrong the assist\ Clerkship is still open 
— but I rec'd. a letter also by the last mail from C. R. 
W. Dated Wilkes barre Wyoming where he informs me 
he is acting as Clerk to the Commissioners for settling 
the Claims of Land there and that he expects that busi- 
ness will End in Xovemb^ when he proposes Coming 
liere — I shall write to him on that head as my letters 



Thomas Rodney. 57 

heretofore held out the appt\ to him — It is however 
but a small object and living here very expensive & I 
have thought his Chance better in Pensylvania than 
here yet and have generally advised him to stay there 
or at least not come here till a more profitable appoint- 
ment offers — I hear too from his friends that C. R. W. 
has become Idle and dissapated which I am very sorry 
for both on his own account and his friends particularly 
his mother Tvho if he was to behave well he would be 
soon able to assist — and who stands in need of it but 
this in the meantime I shall not forgit to do — Shall 
order some money next fall & Expect she will not be 
in want before that time — In respect to our business 
here — Williams being Absent a sugestion from the 
Sect'', of the Treasuiy has stoped the Register from 
agreeing with me in Issuing Certificates till after the 
last day of November which will lengthen the time of 
our stay here very much & leaves no prospect of return- 
ing till the Winter after next we might with Propriety 
Issue 5 or 600 Certificates before December next which 
would greatly forward the business — and I fear this 
delay will make the People very uneasy, tho' they are 
very quiet yet, but this is founded on the expectation 
of our proceeding and when they know we stoped 
till all the Brittish Claims Come in they may Change 
& git alarmed, for already it has been reported (no 
doubt without foundation) that IP. G-allatin is buying 
up all the Brittish Claims for his own use — but if there 
be any ground for such a report it must arise from his 
being authorized by the President to make Compro- 
mises with Claimants of that Sori, to a Void trouble 
and disputes with them «S:c. Gov''. Claiborne and wife 
have both been 111 at Orleans and she expected not to 
recover; it is said to be sickly there — If Munro does 
not accept of the Government of it is Expected here 
that Claiborne will be Continued tho' it is said by many 
he has become very unpopular there. His brother 



58 Thomas Rodney. 

Major F. L. C. told me that wether he is Continued 
there or not he had wrote to the President that [seal 
covers it] would not return to this Territory again — 
So that [seal covers it] governor must be appointed 
here — but this Perhaps will not be done till Congress 
meets — There is a good deal of party dispute here 
about their Legislature &\ &\ which I do not meddle 
with — but Continue an impartial Conduct which ap- 
pears Essential to the Land Business, and is approved 
\yy all — Present my affectionate regard to Susan and 
tlie Children and my respects to all enquiring friends 
and I request Susan to present my aifectionate friendly 
regard to our Cousin Miss M Vining, whose lonely 
situation requires the attention of friends to Chear her 
Mind and Enliven her Spirits. She is an Excellent and 
lovely Woman and I wish the Little girls to visit her 
often. 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Ocf . 13"^ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

We have not heard from home for several Weeks; 
Suppose you have all been busy, about the Election but 
is now over and we are anxious to hear the Event tho 
we are not without some doubts of general success — I 
see by the papers that Spain insists on holding west 
Floraday from us. That Part of the Cession is very 
important to the U. S. on account of its situation and 
the Influence it must and will always have to internipt 
the Trade of the Western Country — But it would soon 
be obtained if war should take Place between Spain 
& the U. S. for the Spirit of the western people is very 
high on that Subject — Indeed they would rejoice per- 
haps at an Opertunity of not stoping short of the City 
of Mexico. The Spainards however are prepairing to 
hold on — they have lately as we are informed sent 6 



Tliomas Rodney. 59 

Schooners with 300, Troops and Provisions with amis 
and amunition to Battan Rouge. 

A spunk has been made in some papers about Kem- 
per and his party but that was a More private quarrel 
with a few Individuals who were obliged to leave tlie 
Countiy and when I was at the line had relinquished 
all further attempts — Yet I observe that the President 
is accused of underhaudedly incouraging that insurrec- 
tion; but if any Encourage had been given from such 
authority, it probable the Spainards would have been 
Driven out of that Territory in a few weeks — Clai- 
borne we hear is to be Continued in Orleans and that 
Daponso of Philad^, Hall of S. C. «& Kirby, are ap- 
pointed Judges & some Person of N. Y — also — Yet 
have not seen this yet announced by authority — M^ 
Dunbar k Doct'. Hunter have gone off to assend part 
of the Eed Eiver and thence up the Washataw &^c to 
Explore that part of the Country — Briggs & Williams 
have not returned yet and as we Issue no Certificates 
we only sit every Monday to take Testimony — I con- 
tinue in perfect health and so does the Major and 
Shields, Indeed since the middle of September the 
weather has been as pleasant as could be wished — Give 
my love to Susan and the Children and my respects to 
all Enquiring friends — as the mail is Waiting I must 
here Close this letter and perhaps may have more 
lezure when I write again — 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. October 20^'' 180-4, 
My dear Son, 

Expecting this will meet you at Washington I shall 
direct it to you there — I see in the Papers that the 
Spanish minister has been detected in attempting to 
Engage Major Jackson in his service to advocate their 



60 Thomas Rodney. 

Claim to west Florada and that tlie President is 
charged of incurraging the Insurrection which lately 
took place there — I informed you heretofore that I had 
been down to the Hights and as far as the line of 
Demarkation — at Pinkney-Yille I saw the two Kempers 
and the two Cobhs, and a number of their associates 
after they had fled from West Florada, and was in- 
formed by one of the Cobbs a pretty Intelligent man 
that they had been excited to the attempt they had made 
only on their own private accounts for the injustice and 
Illusage they had received from Gran Pree the Spanish 
Governor or Commandant at Battan Eouge not a word 
was said of receiving any encurragement from the 
President or any other person in the United States; 
but they appeared to be excited to it merely on the 
Expectation that the Country- would soon be delivered 
to the United States, and keep possession, or rather to 
regain possession of property which they said Gran 
Pree had deprived them unjustly off — and as they 
asked me of the prospect of the Countrys being de- 
livered up and Complained of the Treatment of the 
Governor as afs*^. I advised them that it was not known 
to me when it would be delivered, and that it had been 
very Imprudent and absurd in them with a few men to 
brave the Spanish government, as their conduct could 
not be justified by the United States, nor could they 
expect with only 30, men to withstand the power of 
the Spanish Government ; and that it was best for them 
to remain ciuiet, untill the Country- should be delivered 
over ; for that Complaint would be made against them, 
in which case they would not be permitted to carry on 
hostilities against the Spainards and retire into the 
territory as an Asylum, for this would involve the 
United States in a war with Spain; which was Con- 
trary to the wishes of our government — they answered 
that they should not attempt anything further but 
would remain quiet — but I believe all the american In- 



Thomas Rodney. 61 

liabitants of that Country & all others but the few 
Spainards that are in it are very anxious for the 
Change tho' but few of them were imprudent enough 
to join Kemper — Tliis business has made much more 
noise to the Eastward than it was Entitled to; and the 
Spainards probably thinking Kemper was incurraged 
by the U. S.. have been much alanoied & have been as 
I informed you in my last increasing their force at 
Battan Rouge — and I am informed all the Officers of 
the Floradas are to assemble at Battan Rouge in a 
short time to hold a grand Consultation on this busi- 
ness — Major S. Minor who lives near Natchez and is 
still a Spanish Officer it seems is sent for and going to 
meet them there. 

Except the Island of Orleans West Florada is of 
more importance to the U. S. at present than all the 
rest of the Cession of Louisiana and therefore I trust 
that the U. S. will never relinquish their just Claim to 
it — tlio I hope the Spainards will not be so foolish as 
to oblige us to demand it by force, for if war was once 
Commoijced l)etween the two Nations Even the xVmer- 
ican government afterwards could not pre\'ent the 
americans from overrunning both tlie ]Mexicos. Every 
])erson oi Consideration have waited patiently not 
doubts that when the matter was discussed with the 
Spanish Court they would deliver up that part of tho 
Cession peaciably; but their rejection of this is heard 
with tho more indignation by such — and altho' they 
would very reluctantly resign the wand of Peace, they 
would rather enter into an open war than relinquish 
thnt im}>oi tant part of the Cession — This is the Temper 
of thL' western country but they rely with Confidence 
0]i tho Legislature & Government of the United States 
to do what is best — Send my love to Susan and the 
Children and present my respects to all my friends in 
Congress and at the Seat of Government, and Espe- 



62 Thomas Rodney. 

cially to our friend Xicliolson, to whom I shall take 
pleasure of writing perhaps by the next mail. 

N.B. I still continue in perfect health. 

Thomas Eodney. • 

P.S. I inclose one of the Poison tusks of a large 
Rattle Snake which Shields and myself Killed as I 
went below, which I took out and left with M"". Dunbar 
as I went along and he prepaired it for me against my 
retura, in the Manner you here receive it — They have 
5 or 6 such on each Side the uper jaw — 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Eodney. 

Washington M. T. Ocf. 20^\ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

I have wrote a letter to you of this day Chiefly re- 
specting west Florada c^''. This is to give you some 
account of the boiling springs at the foot of the Moun- 
tains on the west side of the Misisipi and near the head 
of the T\"ashataw River which is a branch of the Red 
River M^ A. Ellis, W. King & M^ J. Forster three 
Respectable Planters of this Territory have been over 
into that Country and have lately returned from the 
Springs where they went for to recover health &'^. I 
have seen King and Foster & received from them the 
information I herein Communicate Ellis was in an 111 
State of health and was affected also in some degree 
with the palsie which rendered particular parts of him 
in sensible — he recovered in every respect only the 
parts so affected did not recover sensation — yet thinks 
they would also have recovered if he Could have stayed 
long Enough. King was far gone in what the Doctors 
called a Consumption & was beside nearly blind — he 
got perfectly restored to health & his Eyesight — & says 
he can see now as well as ever he could. Foster was 
troubled with rheumatism & has got also restored So 
that the waters of those springs have the Virtue to 
heal both the lame and blind &c. the water flows in 



Thomas Rodney. 63 

great abimdauce from the Chief Spring and is boiling 
hot & will boil Meat or anything of that Sort, and take 
the Skin off the hand if put into it ; a great steam rises 
from it where it first breaks out into the Atmosphere 
in this they set on a stone or rock and it soon throws 
them into a profuse persperat". Then they run out 
into the Cold air and so repeat this process frequently 
and lastly plunge into a Cold Stream just by immedi- 
ately on leaving the Smoke of the Spring. They were 
taught this mode of using the Spring by the Indians 
who brought one of their sick Chiefs there who could 
not walk and after being placed in the Steam of the 
Spring and in the Cold air, three or four times alter- 
nately he was able to walk back & forward, & Continued 
the process Eleven times always faning to expedite the 
Effect of the air till the last time and then coming out 
of the Steam in a profuse sweat he plunged into the 
cold water stream; and after this King & Foster fol- 
lowed his example and found it Effectual — 

There is a spring of Cold water not far off which 
by its Killing one of the people that went with them 
they thou^ a poison spring but probably he only drank 
too much being very warm & thirsty for they brought 
home some of the water of both Springs and Doct'. 
McCrery has tried them and finds nothing in Either 
but pure water yet his analysation perhaps was not 
perfect for I tasted the water of both — that said to be 
poison has no peculiar taste but that of the boiling 
Spring has a strong calibeat taste — King was to bring 
me some of the water of each but I have not received 
them yet — He gave me however a nomber of Fosil pro- 
ductions that seem Allied to the water of the boiling 
spring, which shew the Cause of its heat & Enables one 
in some degree to Judge of its qulaties — Some of these 
Fosils are Transparent Cristals purely white like 
duble Flint glass — Others are Metalic — Doct'. Hunter 
says the Cristals are lime with a mixture of Nitrous 
Acid — I have tried several of the Metalic fossils with 



64 Thomas Rodney. 

Nitrous acid wliicli dissolves the greater part of all 
of them Caiising a great degree of fermentation and 
heat ; which tends to shew how the water of the spring 
becomes heated, to wit the Xitrous Acid flowing with 
the water among those Fossils which Compose the 
Mountain & therefore it is no doubt in some degree 
Calibeat — Many of the Fossils look like rich gold Ore 
but are too light to Contain much of that Mettal or any 
other tho' there is. no doubt, some little of some sort 
in some of them but I had no test or refiners by me but 
the Nitrous Acid, and had not time to weigh them in 
water Indeed De Soto <& Moscoso, examined those 
Mountains with such attention that I do not apprehend 
mucli Gold or Silver will be found there — 

Two Nights ago my Horse I fear was stolen as he has 
never gone off himself for 9 m°'. past k I cannot hear 
of him so that I fear some Villan has taken oif to the 
States as these are Tricks often play'd here — he is a 
large sorrel hor.se 15 hands high and well made and 
only 2 years old last Spring had no white about him 
only a small strip in his face but has one thing remark- 
able his tail is large k bushy and lias a Crook by nick- 
ing which makes it hang to the riglit side a little but 
no doubt if stolon they will Cut liis tail. I intended if 
AYood had gone by land to have sent him to you last 
spring to match yours, but he went by water — as I have 
not time to write to Fisher you can write to them — 
Give my love to Cousin S. Pleasonton & his wife & the 
girls k tell him I reed his answer to my last letter — he 
mentions C. A. W. and wishes he could obtain a Clerk- 
ship there You will Enquire into the propriety of this, 
as there is nothing here worth attention at Present — 
I fear from what I have heard that C. A. AY. without 
some attention will bo lost to himself if not a Trouble 
to his Mother & friends. 

Thomas Kodney. 
I have not heard from home 
for G weeks past — 



Thomas Rodney. 65 

Thomas Rodney to Cdsar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington Misisipi T. Oct^ 31^ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

The Spanish aggressions and esspecialv the reten- 
tion of West Florida, are Kindling high resentment in 
the People here who feel much interested in obtaining 
that part of the Cession so Material to their Communi- 
cation with new Orleans — Col: Hutchins, whose son 
lives below the line, told me yesterday that the rein- 
forcement sent to Batton Rouge was not so large as 
had been given out by them that it Consisted only of 
fifty men — That they had demanded one b'^^ of the 
Negros of all the inhabitants to Cut a road from Bat- 
ton Eouge to the Eiver Amiti ; this is Intended to make 
a Communication that way that in Case of a rupture 
they may send supplies to that Fort without going up 
the Misisipi. The Inhabitants think this a Trick too 
to robb them of their property as they do not think the 
Xegross will be returned again. They are indeed in a 
Critical Situation and are veiy uneasy and it seems 
doubtful whether this arbitrary measure will not cause 
a General Insurrection for Most of the Inhabitants are 
Americans and very anxious to git from under the 
Spanish Yoke — The old officers here both of the Eevo- 
lution and of the Foimer western Army have many of 
them been to me to desire that in case of a Rupture they 
may be Imployed; among those who have thus ex- 
pressed themselves is Major F. L. Claibourne, brother 
to the governor, who wishes to obtain the office of 
Brigadier; Col-Ozmun, present Commandant of the 
Militia here, and an old Revolutionary Capt°. from Ne^ 
Jersey; Col-Ponnal, also an old Revolutionary Capt°. 
from Georgia, and who was sometime Surveyor Gen- 
eral of that State ; Capt". Scot who was a Capt°. in the 
former western army and acted as adjutant — all these 
are healthy active men and men of property here : and 

Vol. XLIV.— 5 



66 Thomas Rodney. 

there are many others officers and soldiers here, who 
are said to be of the same mind, and would turn out in 
case of a Serious rupture ; Indeed in this Case the whole 
Country appears of One mind — Yet they prefer peace 
upon Honorable Terms, but not with a relinquishment 
of west Florida — I will now express a few of my own 
Sentiments — If a serious Rupture should happen every- 
thing that is dear to the Spaniards in this Countiy, will 
be at stake ; & there is no doubt but they will exert all 
their powers against us to preserve it — and if the 
Struggle should become Critical and important while 
I am in this Country, I do not Know that I could re- 
strain myself from taking an active part in it, as Soon 
as the Ijand busine'=s here would admit of it — and many 
of the old officers here have expressed their wish to be 
under my Command, and say they would follow even 
to the City of Mexico, if necessary — but if I should ever 
Act in the Regular Service again, I could not accept of 
any Commission less than that of a Major General, as 
that Rank was otfered to me in Jan^. 1777 — and I was 
then much pressed by several of the general officers, to 
accept : but our own State then required my Presence, 
& I was obliged to decline the offer — and at this day I 
could not act in a lesser station, but would sooner Act 
as a Volunteer, that I might occasionally be where my 
Counsel and experience, would be most serviceable — 
and if it was such as the Commander in Chief and his 
Council prefered in December 1776, at that awful 
moment when our Independance stood in horror on the 
very brink of ruin, It might be of some use on other 
important occasions, at this day in the military depart- 
ment; if there should be any — -yet as I never have 
solicited any office whatever in the Course of a long 
life of public service, I cannot do it now, tho' from the 
health and strength I enjoy, I am Confident I could do 
my duty at this day, as well as I did when I led the van 
of the american army, in Jan^. 1777 from Delaware to 



Thomas Rodney. 67 

Morristowii, through that glorious Period which fixed 
the Independence of america, on a basis that could not 
afterwards be Shaken. 

But however freely I have thus expressed my own 
mind, as well as that of others, for the information of 
government, if there should be occasion, yet I hardly 
think the Spainards will be so unwise as to provoke 
America to war — and that, however reluctantly, they 
will resign west Floriday sooner than risk the loss of 
that, and more important possessions — and as I am 
pursuaded their gold & silver mines would be distruc- 
tive to the industry of America, if in our possession; — 
and that, in Case of a war, it would not be possible to 
restrain our people from overunning those Countries 
I hope a war may be rendered unnecessarj^ by the 
Spainards delivering over the whole of the Country 
Ceded to us by France. 

Taking it for granted that the Legislature intended 
the first allowance of 2000, Dollars as Compensation up 
to the first day of December next, I shall enclose 3^ou a 
draft on the Secretary of the Treasury for 500 DoP. of 
that allowance, which are still unpaid — If he pays it 
you must transmit two hundred Dollars of it to M'. 
John Fisher, for the use of your Sisters Children, and 
part as a Present to Sally and Betsey — as I shall now 
particularly direct him. To wit, I shall direct 40, dol- 
lars to each of the Children, 40, to Sally, & 40 to Betsey, 
in Lieu of Presents which I had ordered Wood to send 
from Philadelphia; who did not git my Letter, & of 
course did not send them, as he informed me since his 
return — and I wish you to make such Presents to Susan 
& your own Cliildren out of the remaining 300, as you 
may think best unless you have occasion to make better 
or more necessary use of them — Thus I leave this to 
yourself — we know not in what manner we are to be 
paid the 6 dollars a day, as the Secretaiw of the Treas- 
ury has not wrote us a word on the subject — There is 



68 Thomas Rodney. 

plenty of public money here in the Collectors hands, 
tho' it is Equally convenient to draw on the Treasury, 
as our drafts will always sell for Cash. 

The Board has been held hitherto in what is called 
the Government House so that we have had no rent 
to pay, but on the first of December we shall have to 
move out, to give place to the Legislature, and then 
shall have to pay rent for a large House; for the busi- 
ness requires four Booms at least — and not a Cent is 
allowed for House Eent, firewood, or any other ex- 
pense, necessary in doing this business; and this has 
fallen Chiefly on me, as there has been long no one 
else to pay it — Surely there is no other government 
that expects their officers to pay all such expenses on 
such occasions — and surely it is as necessar\% a public 
charge, as the House rent, stationary &". &". of the 
public offices at the Federal Cit}' — Things of this Sort, 
Certainly ought to be regulated by the legislature — 
yet I should have been silent on this subject if other 
officers did not press for Something to be said — that 
some regulation may be made that maj^ accomodate 
others as well as themselves in the Course of time — for 
much of the same Kind of business will be to do in 
other parts of the Country' — I love frugallity and 
economy in the Management of public Money, but I 
view Parsimony & extravagance as extremes that are 
Equally productive of Evil — The weather has been 
cooler here since the Middle of September, than it 
usually is in Delaware in the same Period — we have 
had large White Frosts for a week past, and have been 
obliged to Keep fires for more than a month: Yet the 
last news from Orleans says the Yellow Fever was bad 
there — but the late Frost has probably stoped it before 
now. Governor Claiborn's lady and Child, both died 
with it; and the governor was dispaired of some time, 
but recovered — we shall probably mention to Congress 
some alterations &:<i. necessary in the Land Law and I 



Thomas Bodney. 69 

shall write to M^ Nicholson on the subject as he was 
Chairman of the Committee. 

Thomas Eodney. 

November 1^ 180J:. 

P. S. Upon Eeflection I find in the application of the 
money mentioned in mv letter, I omitted some thing 
which I intended; That is that you should procure, 
Each of Lavinias Children, as well as your own, a 
Lottery ticket in one or more of the best Lotteries now 
on Foot; I mean by best those which propose the 
highest Prizes ; and let those of your own Children be 
in Partnership and those of Lavinias Children in 
another partnership, that each may share the good or 
bad fortune of the rest, — also buy one for Susan, one 
for Sally and one for Betsy Fisher to be paid out of 
the money of each before respectively appropriated to 
them — and I also request you to buy one for myself in 
the Lottery that has a 20000, Prize — for heretofore I 
have always been fortunate enough in Lotteries to 
draw more Prizes than blanks and as some one must 
draw the highest Prize, it may fall to my lot — at any 
rate it is but risking a little Money for the Chance of 
gitting a good deal — Even 1500, Dols. now would pur- 
chase a large landed Estate in this Country — and 
among all there will be several Chances — 

I have wrote to our friend M^ Nicholson and noticed 
some alter"^ necessary in the Land Law which I have 
requested him to Communicate to you — we shall also 
write in Substance the same to M^ Gallatin — I shall 
also send M^ Nicholson, a long letter which I wrote 
several months ago, by this mail — it gives him some 
little account of this western Country &" tho probably 
he has heard most of it from you before, as probably 
there is nothing in it but what you had from time to 
time from me — 

I have also written several Letters, since I entered 



70 Thomas Rodney. 

into the western Country to the President, communi- 
cating such information as I thought might afford him 
some amusement, but as I have heard nothing from 
him, have long since ceased further Communication — 
perhai:)S they were rendered uninteresting by his re- 
ceiving more satisfactory information from other 
sources — but however that may be I shall not Cease to 
Communicate to other friends whatever occurs in this 
Country that I think will be acceptable to them & amus- 
ing. As I have not received any letters from home for 
5 or 6 weeks past I shall not Close this till the mail 
arrives which we expect today — Now I think of it I 
wish to request M^ Smith and M'. Wilson, in future 
to Direct my Papers to this Place as hitherto they have 
gone by to Xatchez where I have to send for them and 
often. do not git them. 

Our Cousin S. Pleasanton was at some expense and 
trouble, on my application in the Secretary of States 
office which I desire you to pay as I could [not] get a 
bank bill here to send him, and Present him my thanks 
and regard as I have not had time to write to him since 
receiving his last letter. 

We have heard by the Post Rider that M". Briggs 
is at Tombigbee but have heard nothing certain of M'. 
Williams yet — they have both been absent ever since 
March last and left the Toil to [illegible] and it is for- 
tunate that I have had such good health. 

Most of what is Called the good Lands in the Terri- 
tory are covered by one Sort of Claim or another, and 
the residue is mostly what is Called here Pine Barrons 
but as many of the Presumption Claimants are Settled 
on some of that Kind of Land several of them have 
lately told me that it produces ven.' fine Corn and that 
it excels Even the richest land in producing Cotton — 
This information is favorable to the United States, as 
the opinion here of that land has been that it was worth 
nothing and of Course would not sell or be settled at 



Thomas Rodney. 71 

the Congress price— but if the account of its excelling 
the rich land is verified by a few years experience it 
will soon sell & be settled, for Cotton is the rage of this 
Country, 

When mentioning officers I omitted our Clerk :Major 
E. Claiborne of Virginia who was a Revolutionary 
officer & would also turn out if there is Occasion he was 
sometime aid to Gen^ Green— I have no hesitation in 
saying that, if such a war should happen and a new 
army to be raised, the old Revolutionary & other expe- 
rienced officers ought to be preferred. 

Saturday Nov^ 3"^. 1804. 
The mail expected on Thursday did not arrive till 
this Evening. I received no Letters from Delaware 
tho' the Post brought two Mails, but learn from the 
Intelligencer and from a Letter to M^ Shields from M^ 
M^Coom, that the Republican Party has been totally de- 
feated in Delaware— This however was not unexpected 
to me— after seeing their Plan, I apprehended tliis 
F.vent— As to yourself it will afford you an opertunity 
of attending more to your own Interests, but if the Fed- 
eral party should exercise the governmet with the same 
party Spirit they formerly did they may render the 
State very disagreeable to the Republicans at least to 
many of them whose exertions have rendered them ob- 
noxious — As this Event may more strongly incline you 
& J. Fisher to Contemplate a removal, I have at least 
for the Present suspended the order I proposed send- 
ing by the Present Mail till I can consider more on tlie 
Subject as there is no place where money Could be laid 
out to more advantage than here in Lands and I have 
been pressed much to procure a freehold Estate at least 
licre— but if you and Fisher should at any time become 
serious in a removal there is no place where you Could 
expect greater advantages than here and in that Case 
it would be convenient to to have some previous Estab- 



72 Thomas JRodney. 

lisliment — This however being only a sudden thought 
I suspend the order to Contemplate it further. 

Thomas Eodney. 
The Spanish Embassadors reply to Major Jackson 
seems to Indicate that the Spainards would rather 
settle with us peaceably — This will Certainly be best 
if they Will give up west Florida and Louisiany west- 
ward Imbracing all the waters of the Misisipi westward 
to their sorces. 

(To be continued.) 



The Cock-Fighter. 73 



THE COCK-FIGHTER. 
AN UXPUBLISHED POEM BY FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 

One of the most interesting collections of historical 
documents in this country is that owned by the well- 
known illustrator, Mrs. Florence Scovel Shinn, of Xew 
York. She is a granddaughter of Judge Joseph Hop- 
kinson, a very prominent political, literary and social 
figure in Philadelphia during the first quarter of the 
nineteenth century; a great-granddaughter of Francis 
Hopkinson, a friend of Washington, Jefferson, and 
Franklin, and himself distinguished, not only in his 
native city but throughout the country, as a jurist, 
statesman, scientist, inventor, artist, musician, poet, 
and essayist; and a great-great-granddaughter of 
Thomas Hoj^kinson, a friend of Benjamin Franklin, a 
Provincial Councillor of Pennsylvania, and one of the 
founders of the American Philosophical Society and 
the College of Philadelphia, — now the University of 
Pennsylvania. From these distinguished ancestors 
Mrs. Shinn has inherited, not only a great amount of 
historical material written by themselves but letters 
and other documents in the hand-writing of almost 
every other American of any consequence who lived 
between 1750 and 1850. 

One of the most interesting documents of this col- 
lection is the original manuscript of the poems and 
essays of Francis Hopkinson, most of which were pub- 
lished in the Philadelphia press and later printed in 
the three-volume collection of his works, published in 
1792. 

"While examining this manuscript some time ago, the 
author of this article found a poem, which, so far as 



74 The Cock-Fighter. 

he has been able to discover, has never before been pub- 
lished. This amusing bit of doggerel, which is entitled 
"The Cock-Fighter, an Eleg}^," mns as follows: 

"Ah me! what means this cackling all around? 
Hen cries to Hen & Chicken shrilly sound; 
A Father these, those mourn a Husband dead. 
By cruel Hands to bloody Battle led. 

"See from N Y D comes in state, 

And twenty fighting Cocks around him wait, 
All arm'd with steel & ready for the War — 
Chicks fly amaz'd & Hens the Sight abhor. 

"From yonder Barn sad sounds salute mine Ear, 
And thus methinks the Notes of Woe I hear: 
*Curs'd be the Hour that bro't him to this place. 
That savage Foe to all our liarmless Race! 

" 'Attend my little Brood, & whilst I sing. 
Oh gather close beneth my shelt'ring Wing! 
A Father you, a Husband / deplore — 
D came, & Dicky is no more. 

" *At Yester-Morn, while yet the Mom was grey. 
My Dicky rose and hail'd the rising Day: 
Ah, what avail'd his Voice so clear & shrill, » 

His glossy Neck, gay Plumage, polish'd Bill. 

" 'Or coral Comb that grac'd his lofty Head, 
Or cockly Strut when forth our Train he led? 
For ere the Sun to hastening Night could yield, 
Poor Dicky lay, all mangled, on the -Field. 

"'Thus are we left — Oh barb'rous Sport of Men! 
Poor Orphans you, And I a widow'd Hen. 
Is't not enough our harmless Race must bleed 
To crown your Feasts, ev'n luxury to feed? 

" "That ere our pretty Cocklings learn to crow, 
To pamper Lust they must to Market go? 
But vv'ill you thus, on fatal Mischief bent, 
For our destruction cruel Sports invent? 

"'Hence! hence away, & leave this bloody Plan, 
Pursue some nobler purpose, worthy Man! 
Think'st thou that Heav'n was to thy Fortunes kind. 
Gave Wealth & Pow'r, gave an immortal Mind, 



The Cock-Fighter. 75 

" 'With boasted Reason, & a* ruling Hand 
To make thee first Cock-Fighter in the Land? 
With crimson Dye our blood shall spot thy Fame 
And Chickens yet unhatch'd shall curse D 'a Xame.' 

The reader will obsei'^^e that the division between the 
last two stanzas is a rather awkward and arbitrary one. 
As originally written, the ninth stanza ended with the 
couplet 

'•Thy country calls thee, — on her welfare wait; 
Go soothe the disorders of her troubled State." 

but this the author crossed out and replaced with the 
lines quoted above. This clumsy conclusion tends to 
strengthen the supposition that the verses were 
never published, for, while Hopldnson was not a great 
poet, he was too careful a workman and too skilful a 
versifier to allow these stanzas as they appear here to 
go into print. 

The political bearing of the deleted lines; the dis- 
guised name, D ; and the footnote at the end all 

seem to indicate that we have here, not only an inter- 
esting specimen of early humanitarian literature, but a 
good-natured bit of satire directed at some prominent 
individual: and it may be of some historical interest 
to try to establish the identity of the person against 
whom the attack is made. 

By scanning the various lines in which D 's name 

appears, we find that it must be a word of three syl- 
lables, accented on the second, N Y , according 

to metre and common sense, can hardly be anj-thing 
but New York. With these deductions and Hopkin- 
son's note to help us, we turn to the records of the 
New York Colonial xlssembly for the years just pre- 
ceding 1770, the date of the poem, and find there only 
one name which begins with D and fulfills our metrical 
requirements, and that is the name DeLancy. This, 

1770. * He was a member of Assembly." 



76 The Cock-Fighter, 

of course, would settle the matter, were it not that there 
were three different DeLancys in the Assembly between 
1765 and 1770. Moreover, the entire elan seems to have 
been celebrated for its fondness for horse-racing, cock- 
fighting, and kindred sports,^ so that the epithet ''Cock- 
Fighter" will not serve to identify any particular one 
of them. 

John DeLancy succeeded his father, Peter DeLancy, 
as a member of the New York Assembly in 1767 ; but 
since the former was very young at that time, and 
since the latter died in 1770, neither of them is so likely 
to be the man satirized by Hopkinson as one of their 
relatives, Captain James DeLancy, son of the Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, and one of the wealthiest, as well as one 
of the ablest men of the province. He was elected to 
the Assembly in 1767 and remained active in New York 
politics until the outbreak of the Revolution, when he 
fled to England. Like most of his family he was at- 
tainted and deprived of his estate for his Loyalist ac- 
tivities.2 This, then, is probably the personage who 
came to Philadelphia in 1770, with his twenty fighting- 
cocks, armed with steel, and brought on himself the 
ridicule of the humane and kindly poet. 



(') See James G. Wilson's Memorial History of the City of New York, 
vol. ii, pp. 458-9. 

(') See Thomas Jones's History of New York During the Revolution, 
vol. i, pp. 18, 37, 154-158, etc. 



An Early Neiv Jersey Poll List. 77 



AN EAKLY NEW JERSEY POLL LIST. 

BY HENRY C. SHINN, MOUNT HOLLY, N. J. 

Following is a copy of the poll list of an election held 
in Burlington, New Jersey, October 9, 1787, for mem- 
bers of the Council and Assembly. Two hundred and 
fifty-eight votes were cast. At that period the New 
Jersey law granted suffrage to "all iiiliabitants of this 
state, of full age, who are worth fifty pounds procla- 
mation money, clear estate in the same", and the words 
''all inhabitants of full age", were construed by many 
election officials to include women. The poll list shows 
that two voted— lona Curtis number 114 ; and Selvenia 
Lilvey, number 213. The law provided that the poll 
should be open two days, but might be adjourned for 
short periods. Apparently all the qualified voters pre- 
sented themselves on the first day of the poll, for the 
list is endorsed on the back as follows : — 

Votes and Proceedings of the Election begun at the 
Court House in the County of Burling-ton the 9th. day 
of October 1787 and ended the same day. 



The document then continues : 

At an election holden at Burlington in and for ye 
County of Burlington on third day the 9th. of October 
1787. Votes taken as followeth. 

Voters' Names. Voters' yames. 

Isaac Cogal Esq. Thom's Eodman 

Joseph Fenimore Job Prickett 

John Butler Sam'l Rodgers 

Caleb Haines Thom's Matthew 
5 Joseph Newbold Gardner 



78 



All Early New Jersey Poll List. 



Voters' yarnes. 

10 John Phillips Esq. 

Nathaniel Middleton 

Henry Jones 

Thorn's Hollinshead 

Will'm Wood 
15 Robert Pearson 

John Thome 

Joshua M. Wallis 

John Thome Jun. 

Thorn's Smith 
20 Andrew Hisler 

Josei3h Stokes 

Joseph Bromley 

John Hancock 

Robert Pearson 
25 Peter Stretch Esq. 

John Fort 

George Woodward 

Aaron Taylor 

Sam'l Pierce 
30 Joseph Read Esq. 

Israel Ridgway 

Phillip Bound 

Job Lippincott 

Jos'h Moar 
35 Sam'l Atkinson 

John Taylor 

Benjamin Hough 

Thom's Eyrie 

Mannaduke "Watson 
40 Reheboam Bradach 

Jos'h Brown 

Jos'h Pancost 

Benj'm Brown 

George Langstaff 
45 John Eyrie 



Voters' Names. 

Joseph Budd 

Bruce Edwards Esq. 

Sam'l Wright 

Peter Wright 
50 Will'm Hazelton 

Joseph Wright 

Caleb Haines 

Sam'l Jones 

Thom's Taylor 
55 Nathan Folwell 

Henry Cliambers 

Thom's Haines 

James Fenimore 

Will'm Smith 
60 Thom's Fenimore 
Esq. 

Joseph Eyrie 

Joseph Shin 

Richard Watkin 

Michael Eyrie 
65 Edward Taylor 

Sam'l Coles 

Will'm Matlack 

Joseph Biddle Esq. 

Jos'h Lamb 
70 Abraham Jones 

Benah Taylor 

Sam'l Jones 

Sam'l Woolston 

Japheth Garwood 
75 Will'm Curl is 

Will'm Hutchin 

Barzillai Newbold 

Job Jones 

James Ewe 
80 John Curlis 



An Early New Jersey Poll List. 



79 



Toters^ Names. 

Sam'l Harvey 

John Elton 

Jos'h Burr 

Jolm Wright 
85 Jos'h Gaskill 

Jacoh Piatt 

Job Stockton 

Elihu Gant 

Isaac Budd 
90 Will'm Duglas 

Josiah Foster Esq. 

Levy King 

George Hancock 
95 Josh 'a Saterthwait 

Will'm Saterthwait 

Eobert Lucas 

Sam'l Hough 

Benj'm Atkinson 
100 Will'm AYhitton 

Thorn's Thome 

James Wilkins 

Jacob Austin 

Will'm Wright 
105 Alexander Peacock 

Amey Lippincott 

Aaron Shinn 

Thorn's Newbold 

Will'm Watkins 
110 Abedingo Wright 

Caleb Newbold 

Abraham Hewlings 
Jun. 

Joseph Ridgaway 

lona Curtis 
115 Richard Stockton 

John Rodman 



Voters' Names. 

Uz Gant 

Daniel Lilley 

Joshua Bearton 
120 Sam'l Fenimore 

Caleb Shreve 

Daniel Eevets 

Job Stockton 

Benj 'm Shreve 
125 John Deacon 

Sam'l Newton 

Joseph Lewis 

Robt. Stout Jones 

Thom's Reynolds 
Esq' 
130 Barzillai Deacon 

Daniel Newton 

John Pope 

Isaac P. Rodman 

Sam'l Eyrie 
135 James ]\Iurdock 

John Ler 

Jos'h Atkinson 

Solom'n Mason 

Uriah Woolman 
140 Acquillai Shin 

Isaac Bunton Jun. 

Sam'l Woolston 

John Stockton 

John Morford 
145 Zachariah Prickitt 

John Manns 

Joseph Barber 

Will'm Cow]Derthwait 

Benj'n Holloway 
150 Levy Budd 

George Smith 



80 



An Early New Jersey Poll List. 



Voters' y antes. 

Hugh Costelow 

Will'm Faris Ches- 
terfield 

John Chiles 
155 George Lilly 

Nev Haines 

Sani'l Stockton 

John Xeal 

Thorn's Merritt 
160 Caleb Eyrie 

Jonathan Stockton 

John Sager 

John How 

Sam'l Bloomfield 
165 Elijah Birdsall 

Jos'h Edwards 
■ Will'm Black Jun 

Daniel Xewbold 

Thorn's Stewart 
170- Paul Crispin 

Will'm Eodgers 

Thorn's Burr 

adjourn 

James Edsal 

George Ey^^es 
175 Isaac Lippincott 

Amos Hutchin 

John Allen 

John Mullen 

John Harber 
180 Will'm Xewbold Esq. 

Boaz Read 

Clayton Xewbold 

Job Hollins'h 

Josh Bloomfield 
185 Jos'h White 



Voters' Xarnes. 

John Burr 
Sam'l Peacock 
Thom's Piatt 
John Shreve 

190 Dan'l Bacon 
Isaac Xewton 
John Allen 
Thom's Xeal 
Dan'l Hancock 

195 Dan'l Goise 
Uriah Wilkins 
Thom's Kerlin 
Joseph Campion 
Abraham Winner 

200 Richard Cox 
John Meirs 
Umphrey Wall 
Will'm S. Sprag 
George Mitchell 

205 Joseph Garwood 
Amos Stratton 
Benjamin Pine 
Jacob Wills 
Will'm Thimble 

210 Will 'm Deacon 
Cornelias Branen 
John Tompkins 
John Roberts 
Jacob Lamb 

215 John Fenimore 
Joseph Grouce 
John Wilkins 
John Ridgaway 
Selvenia Lilvey 

220 Joseph Hollinshead 
Esq 



An Early New Jersey Poll List. 



81 



Voters' Names. 

Sam'l Phillips 
Pearson Fenimore 
Joseph Stacy 
Joseph Deacon 

225 Will'm Bowadaill 
James Craft 
James Wills 
Abraham VanSciver 
Eobert Deacon 

230 Will'm Henry 
George Homes 
John Dobbins 
James Fenimore 
Herbert McEoy 

235 Ellis Wright 
John Folwell 
John Kelley 
Thom's Addams 
Isaac Witherel 

240 George Budd 



Voters' Names. 

Josiali Costelow 
Francis Will'm 

Shippen 
Ebenezer Tucker 

Esq. 
Eobert Thomas 

245 Xathan Coleman 
Will'm Cooper 
Thom's Curtis Jun. 
John Kays 
Sam'l Ey^^es 

250 Andrew Craig 
Abraham Scott 
Will'm English 
Edwards Collins 
John Eodgers 

255 John Fenimore 
James Sterling 
Thom's Euckels 
John Smich 



Vol. XLIV.— (i 



82 Tlie Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. 



THE LOST WILL OF GEORGE TAYLOE, THE SIGXEE. 
BY JAMES B. LAUX. 

The shameful looting of precious Colonial and Revo- 
lutionary letters and manuscripts from the State ar- 
chives at Harrisburg, which took place during the re- 
gimes of complaisant, easy-going officials in other 
generations, is evidenced at almost every auction sale 
at Philadelphia, New York and Boston. Some idea of 
the vast extent of this peculation may also be had by 
looking through the catalogues of autograph dealers 
in these cities and by an examination of the manu- 
script collections in the public libraries and historical 
societies, as well as those of private collectors. 

Much of this looting was due to the criminal careless- 
ness and neglect of State officials who afforded auto- 
graph hunters free access to the priceless collections 
in their departments. Happily the watchfulness of the 
State Historians in recent years has put a stop to such 
piratical incursions and what remain of the collections 
are now jealously safeguarded. 

What has been said here of the State archives can 
also be said of the records in many of the County 
Court houses. The crass stupidity of County Com- 
missioners in ordering the destruction of books and 
documents of great historical value was matched often 
by highhanded and unauthorized desti-uction of rec- 
ords in other County offices. A notable instance of this 
wanton vandalism is had in the destruction of the early 
records of the County treasurer of Lehigh County a 
few years ago. The Treasurer needed a little more 
shelf room and acquired it by the burning of the earli- 
est records covering a period of more than fifty years. 
The writer made this discovery when he sought access 



The Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. 83 

to these records for the purpose of obtaining data for 
a school history he was writing. Disappointed here 
he turned with confidence to the School records at 
Harrisburg only to learn that they too had been de- 
stroyed by fire when the State Capitol was burned, thus 
wiping out of existence most important historical 
matter, the only sources from which the data desired 
could be obtained. 

One of the most flagrant examples of the looting of 
County records was recently discovered by the writer 
when he found the lost will of George Taylor, Signer 
of the Declaration of Independence, in a famous col- 
lection of autographs now in the possession of a great 
library in New York City. 

The will was no doubt stolen by an outsider from the 
Court House at Easton, the County Seat of North- 
ampton County, Penn''. or by an employee of -the Reg- 
ister of Wills and sold by him for a good round sum to 
some collector. 

Not only has the destruction of public documents 
in many counties been deliberate, but much of it is 
going on at the jd resent moment through the careless- 
ness and disregard for safety shown in their storage 
in damp cellars, basements, in lumber rooms, and in 
garrets where the elements, rats and mice have full 
play with them. The Judges of the County Courts 
should call the attention of County officials to this 
criminal neglect of propeiiy belonging to the public. 
Some ignoramus holding office for a brief space can 
work incalculable haiTQ to these collections. The Lost 
Books of Livy would be used by officials of this stamp 
in the lighting of the furnace fires. AVliat possible 
chance for escape would writings of more recent date 
and less value, though priceless have at their hands? 

The writer succeeded in securing a photostat cop)' 
of the George Taylor will, which he presented to the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



84 The Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. 

WILL OF GEORGE TAYLOR. 

Be it Remembered that I George Taylor of the Town of Easton in 
the County of Xorthampton and State of Pennsylvania Esquire being 
mindful of my ilortality and willing & desirous, whilst I am of sound 
Mind & Memory to settle and dispose of my Worldly Est-ate in such 
manner as to render it most beneficial to the Legatees thereof, have 
thought it requisite & convenient to make this my Testament & Last 
Will, as follows, that is to say, First, it is my Will that all my just 
Debts and Funeral Expenses be duly paid off & discharged And I do 
nominate & appoint my trusty & much esteemed Friends Robert Levers 
of the Town of Xorthampton in the said County of Xorthampton Esquire 
Robert Lettis Hooper Jun^ of the State of New Jersey Esquire 

and Robert Traill of the said Town of Easton Esquire 

to be Executors of this my said Testament & Last Will Atid I do 
hereby give «S: bequeath unto such one of them my said Executors as 
shall take upon him the Burthen of the Executorship or unto tliem 
conjointly acting the Sum of One Hundred Pounds Lawful Money of 
Pennsylvania over & besides what is usually allowed to Executors in 
the Register's Office And I do also give & bequeath unto the said 
Robert Levers my Silver mounted Double Barrel Gun. to be engraved 
thus. The Gift of George Taylor Esquire And I do likewise give and 
bequeath unto the said Robert Lettis Hooper Jun'. a neat Silver 
mounted Sm.all Sword to be thus engraved, In Memory of George Taylor 
Esquire And unto the said Robert Traill I do give & bequeath One 
*Pair of Pistols And the better to enable my said Executors to pay off 
& discharge my Debts and Legacies I do hereby will & ordain that my 
said Executors and the Survivors & Survivor of them & the Executors 
or Administrators of the Survivor of them shall as soon as conveniently 
may be after my decease bargain sell &; convey in Fee Simple all my 
Lots Lands Tenements & Hereditaments wliatsoever or wheresoever 
For the doing executing & perfect finishing whereof I do by these 
Presents give grant & transfer to them my said Executors & the Sur- 
vivors and Survivor of them & the Executors or Administrators of the 
Survivor of them full Power & Authority to grant bargain sell & convey 
the same & any & every Part thereof to any Person or Persons whom- 
soever & their Heirs & assigns for ever for such Price & Consideration 
as can be reasonably got And I do give unto my Housekeeper Xaomi 
Smith in Consideration of her great Care & Attendance on me for a 
Number of Years past the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Lawful Money 
aforesaid to be paid her within Six Months after my Decease And I do 
also give unto the said Xaomi Smith One Bed & Bedstead together with 
such Household Goods t Furniture as my Executors in their Discretion 
shall judge most meet and convenient for her accommodation in her 
future Dwelling Place And I do give & bequeath unto my Grandson 
George Taylor the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Like Money aforesaid 
in Right of his Primogeniture And as for & concerning all the Rest 
& Residue of my Goods Chatties Monies Effects and Estate Real & 



The Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. 85 

Personal whatsoever not herein before disposed of It is my Will that 
the same shall be indifferently appraised & at the Discretion of my 
Executors divided, or sold for the best Prices that can be gotten therefor, 
and being so divided or sold, the same, or the Moneys arising from 
the Sale thereof shall be distributed into T\vo equal Parts One equal 
Moiety or Half Part whereof I give devise & bequeath unto my Five 
Grand Children viz'. George, Thomas, James, Ann & Mary, to be equally 
parted and diWded amongst them Share & Share alike & to be paid 
& delivered unto my said Five Grand Children at their several respec- 
tive Ages of Twenty One Years And my Will & Meaning is that in case 
of the Death of either of my said Grand Children George, Thomas, 
James, Ann k Mary, under Age & without Lawful Issue the Part or 
Portion of him her or them so dying shall go & be equally divided 
amongst the Survivors & Survivor of them Share & Share alike if 
more than One & to be paid to such Survivors or Survivor at the 
Time aforesaid And as to the Other remaining equal moiety or Half 
Part thereof I will give & bequeath the Same unto Sarah Smith, Pvebecca 
Smith, Naomi Smith, Elizabeth Smith, & Edward Smith, the Children 
of my said Housekeeper Xaomi Smith & who now live and remain with 
her to be equally parted & divided amongst them Share & Share alike 
& to be paid & delivered unto Each of tliem the said Sarah, Rebecca, 
Naomi, Elizabeth & Edward, the Children of my said Housekeeper 
Naomi Smith as they & Each of them shall or may respectively attain 
to the AgQ of Twenty One Years And in case of the Death of either 
of the said Children to wit, Sarah, Pvebecca, Naomi, Elizabeth & Edward. 
under Age & without La\\'ful Issue I do will and direct that the Portion 
or Share of him her or them so dying shall go & be equally divided 
amongst the Survivors & Survivor of them Share & Share alike if more 
than One & be paid to such Survivors or Survivor at the Time aforesaid 
And should it so happen that they the said Sarah, Rebecca, Naomi, 
Elizabeth, & Edward, the said Children of the said Naomi Smith all 
of them depart this Life under the Age of T\venty One Years and with- 
out Lawful Issue then and in that case I do will & give their Shares 
or Portions to be equally divided between my said Five Grand Children 
George, Thomas, James, Ann & Mary. Share and Share alike & to be 
paid & delivered unto irxj said Grand Children and in case of the Death 
of either of my said Grand Children under Age and without Lawful 
Issue to descend unto the Survivors & Survivor of them in like manner 
as the Moiety of the Residuum of my Estate in this my Will above 
de\ised & bequeathed unto tliem my Grand Children is directed to }ye 
paid & delivered & to descend And in regard to the Portions of my 
said Five Grand Children & the Five Children of the said Naomi Smith 
in this my Will given & bequeathed to them I do hereby will authorize 
& direct my said Executors, whom I do likewise hereby nominate to 
be their Guardians, to put the same at Interest on good & sufficient 
Securities from Time to Time until they shall respectively attain their 
Age of Twenty One Years And in the mean time I would have my 
Executors apply the annual Interest thereof in the best & most judicious 



86 The Lost Will of George Taijlor, the Signer. 

manner for & towards their due Maintenance & Education They my 
Executors on whose Fidelity in that Respect I greatly rely knowing 
my Mind therein Ajid it is my Will & I do order that the said Naomi 
Smith may at the Discretion of my Executors be permitted to keep 
her said Five Children with her until they arrive at the AgQ of Ten 
Years but not longer During which Time my Executors shall pay her 
such Proportion of the Interest 5Ioney arising from their Dividends as 
they my Executors shall judge necessary and proper But after the said 
Five Children of the said Naomi Smith severally attain to the aforesaid 
AgQ of Ten Years my said Executors shall place them out at their 
Discretion And Wh-ereas I have, in company with the late Louis Gordon 
Esquire, some Years ago, for a Valuable Consideration, purchased of 
a certain John Atkins a Certain Plantation and Tra<;t or Tracts of 
Land situate on :Nrarshairs Creek in Lower Smithfield Township in the 
said County of Nortliampton containing about Five Hundred Acres more 
or less which Plantation & Tract or Tracts of Land were afterwards 
sold by Us for the Sum of Seven Hundred & Fifty Pounds to Thomas 
Adams who has since bargained & sold the Premises to Isaiah Jennings 
Hs^ow it is my Will & I do hereby direct that upon the Payment of my 
Share of the said Sum of Seven Hundred & Fifty Pounds to my said 
Executors They and the Survivors or Survivor of them & the Executors 
or Administrators of tlie Sunivor of them do & they are hereby em- 
powered to make a good and sufficient Title for the Conveyance & assur- 
ance of my Proportion Share or Purport of the said Premise's to such 
Person or Persons as may be Legally entitled to the same And I do 
further order & direct that in case any or all of my Copartners in the 
Durham Iron Works should chuse to take my Share of the same into 
their Hands as Purchasers that they pay unto my Estate the several 
Sums advanced by me into the said Partnership together with my Share 
of the Profits that may have arisen thereon And in case of their and 
every of their Refusal that my Executors sell & dispose of the same 
to any Person or Persons for the best Price that can be gotten And 
Lastly Hereby Revoking all former & other Wills by me heretofore made, 
I do declare this only to be my Testament and Last Will In Witness 
whereof, I the said George Taylor the Testator have hereunto set my 
Hand & Seal the Sixth . . Day of January in the Year of our Lord 
One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty One. 

Signed Sealed Published & Declared by the said George ^ 

Taylor the Testator as and for his Testament «Sb Last 

Will in the Presence of Us the Subscriliers who in his I Geo. Taylor. 

Presence and at his Request have signed our names as 

Witness thereunto — 

J 

Abraham berlin, Jacob Berlin, 

Abraham Berlin Ju'. 

Northampton County Ss. 

On the tenth day of ilarch A.D. 1781 Before me John Arndt Esq'. 
Register for the probate of Wills and granting Letters of Administration 



The Lost Will of George Taylor, the Signer. 87 

in and for tlie said County of Northampton Personally came, Abraham 
Berlin, Jacob Berlin and Abraham Berlin Junior, the Witnesses to the 
within Last Will and Testament of George Taylor Esquire deceased who 
being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelist of Almighty God, did declare 
and say (each speaking for himself) that they were present, and saw 
and heard, George Taylor the Testator sign seal Publish pronounce 
and declare the same as and for his Last Will & Testament, and that 
at the doing thereof he the said Testator was of sound mind memory 
and understanding to the Best of their Knowledge & Belief And also 
that they these deponants subscribed their names to the same as Wit- 
nesses in the presence and at the request of the said Testator and in 
the presence of one another. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set 
my hand the day aforesaid 

John Arndt 

Regr. 



88 Addenda to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart. 



ADDENDA AND COREECTIOXS TO PAINTINGS BY 

GILBERT STUART. NOT NOTED IN MASON'S LIFE 

OF STUART. 

BY JilANTLE FIELDING. 

In the Pennsylvania ]\Iagazine of History and Biog- 
raphy for July 1914, was published a list of one hun- 
dred and forty-seven portraits that were not included 
in the ''Life and Works of Gilbert Stuart" by George 
C. Mason. 

I realized that the list would have to be subject to 
more or less revision, as a number of the portraits 
noted were open to question and criticism, the article 
being prepared more for the help and study of collec- 
tors than as an attempt at a complete catalogue of 
Stuart's paintings. Since the list of portraits was pub- 
lished several corrections have been noted as well as 
about thirty-five additions, as follows: 

Barre, Col. Isaac (1726-1802). 

No. 8, noted on list as a replica of the portrait in National Portrait 

Gallery, London, is a different portrait. 
Boydell, Josiah. 

(Brother or nephew of John Boydell.) 
Brant, Joseph 

Chief of the Mohawks. 

Owned by the Duke of Northumberland. 

Another of Brant is owned by John Symonds, Esq., of Reading, Eng^. 
Brown, Moses (1748-1820). 

Owned by Frank Bulkeley Smith of Worcester, Mass. 

N. B. This is not the portrait noted in Mason's book. 
Chesnut, John ('1743-1818), No. 28. 

Owned by Herbert L. Pratt, N. Y. 

Twilled canvas, 24" x 29". Half length, three-quarters to left, with 

arms folded. Black coat. Crimson curtain background. 
Colburn, Mrs. James Smith (1790-1836). 

Owned by Boston Museum of Fine Arts. 
Connor, James. 

Exhibited at the Ehrich Gallery, N. Y., 1917. 



Addenda to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart. 89 

Clonmell, John, First Earl of (1739-1798). 

(Xot Cloiinel as No. 31 on list.) 
Cooper, Sir AsJiley, Sixth Earl of Shafterbury (1768-1851). 
• Half length, seated by table, head directed to right (No. 34), 

Painted in Phila., 1799, wliile here on diplomatic business. 

Property of Toledo iluseum, Toledo, Ohio. 

Note: Not the portrait of Sir Ashley Paston Ckwper, 1768-1841, 

celebrated English Surgeon. 
Dawes, William, No. 39. 

Not tlie work of Stuart, but of John Johnston (1752-1818). 
Derby, Elias Hasket, No. 41. Eliaa Hasket Derby, Jr. 

Not the work of Stuart, but of James Frothingham. 
Facius, George S. (Engraver), 1750. 

Owned by William S. Appleton, Boston. 
Francis, Thomas Willing ('1767-1815). 

Son of Tench and Ann Willing Francis. 

Canvas 24" x 29". Bust facing left. 

Owned by John F. Braun of Phila. 
Gilmor, Mr. (Of Baltimore). 
■ Owned by Est. of Mrs. Jas. T. Fields, Boston. 

Note: Not the same man as noted by Mason, probably a nephew. 
Heard, John (1744-1834). 

Of Ipswich, Mass. 

Owned by Jolm Heard, Esq., of Ipswich, Mass. 
Hood, John W'illet. 

Rear Admiral of the Blue. 

Canvas 42" x 24". 

Owned by Herbert L. Pratt. 
Law, Thomas (1756-1834). 

Bust head to left, high coat collar and frill. 

Note: Married Eliza Parke Custis, whose portrait is noted by Mason. 

Both pjctures now owned by Herbert L. Pratt, N. Y. 
Liston, Lady. 

Wife of Sir Robert Liston, British Minister to the United States. 

Note. In Mason's life of Stuart the portrait of Sir Robert Liston is 

noted, but no mention is made of his wife's portrait. Both these 

portraits have been called Raebum's and are listed as such in Sir 

Walter Armstrong's book, but have recently been positively identified 

as the work of Gilbert Stuart. 
McKenzie, Sir Alexander (1755-1820). 

Celebrated Scotch Traveler. 

Owned by Herbert L. Pratt. 
Montgomery, William. 

Bust, head to right, blue coat. 
Montgomery, !Mrs. Wm. 

Bust, head to left. 
Miller, William ( 1740?-1810?) . 

Painted for Bovdell. 



90 Addenda to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart. 

Pasquin Anthony, Xo. 99. 

Not the work of Stuart, but of ^Mather Erown. 
Purviance, Mrs. William Young. 

The original by Stuart has been lost sight of, but a copy of his por- 
trait by Jane Stuart is owned by a granddaughter of Mrs. Purviance. 
Porter, William Lamb. 
Panel size 26V' x 20|". 
Owned by Miss Rose Lamb, Boston. 
Stow, Edward (176S-1847). 

Of Boston. Panel size 29^" x 23^". 

Owned by Boston Museum of Fine Arts. 
Stow, Mrs. Edward (Anna Brewer Peck), 1771-1835. 

Of Boston. Panel 29J" x 23^". Signed "G. S." 

Owned by Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 
Sutcliffe, Mr. 

Exhibited at Ehrich Gallery, N. Y., 1917. 

Canvas 29" x 24". 
Thacher, Rev. Samuel Cooper (b 1785-d 1819). 

Painted about 1815. Panel. 

Exhibited at the Ehrich Gallery, N. Y., 1917, as by Stuart, but is 

probably by Gilbert Stuart Ne\\ix)n. 
Tingey, Captain Thomas (1750-1829), 

Half length, seated nearly full face. In naval uniform, coat with 

high collar, gold braid and brass buttons, white waistcoat and trousers. 

On canvas. 

Owned by Captain Thomas Craven, U. S. N, 
Wager, Mr. and Mrs. Philip R. 

On panels. ]\Ir. Wager's portrait 28 J" x 23i". Mrs. Wager's the 

same. Mrs. Wager was Hannah Wirtz and both portraits were 

painted in Germanto\^-n. 

Owned by Charles E. Bro\\-n, Lake Forest, 111, 
Ward, James (1769-1859), at the age of ten. 

Painter, and brother of William Ward. Full length, with hand on 

dog's head. This portrait is noted as Xo. 147 on my list as unknown, 

and has been purchased by the Minneapolis Museum. Canvas 29f" x 

241", The portrait was exhibited at the Royal Academy by Stuart 

in 1779 and called "A Portrait of a Young Gentleman." Signed 

"G, C. Stuart 1779" and ''J. Ward" on dog's collar. 
Washington, Martha. 

Canvas 28 7/16" x 23". A sketch of head, with only the face finished, 

the caps and white muslin fichu being merely suggested. 

Owned by Alex. Smith Cochran, Esq., and deposited in Phillipse Manor 

House, Yonkers, Xew York. 
Webbe, ^Ir. George. 

County Donegal, Ireland. 

Canvas 28^" x 24§''. Bust, head to the left. 

Exhibited at the Ehrich Gallery, X. Y,, 1917, 



Addenda to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart. 91 

Webbe, St., Mr. 

County Donegal, Ireland. 
Canvas 29 J" x 24 f". 

Exhibited at the Ehrich Gallery, N. Y., 1917. 
Webb, Sr., Mrs. 
Canvas 32" x 27". 
National Gallery, Dublin. 
Whichcot€, Lady Diana (d. 1827). 

Owned by Mrs.. Benjamin Thavp, Newport. 
Williamson, William. 

Of South Carolina, an officer in the Colonial Assembly. 

Half length, face slightly to right. Canvas 29^" x 24i". 

Owned by Mrs. Gustav Radeke of Pro\adence, R. I. 
Unkncicn Man. 

Canvas. Seated nearly front, with arms crossed on breast; powdered 

hair, white neckcloth and shirt ruffles, and grayish-lavender coat. 

Owned by Sir Claude Phillips, London. 

Reproduced as frontispiece to Burlington Magazine for Jan. 1917. 
Unknown Lady. 

Canvas. Head of woman in middle life. Hair parted on forehead, 

with small curls over ears. A white ruffle or ruching is vaguely 

indicated about the neck. 

Owned by Samuel P. Avery, Esq., Hartford, Conn. 
Vnknoion Man. 

Unfinished head of a young man. Canvas 24" x 20". 

Wadsworth, Athenaeum, Hartford, Conn. 
TJnknoun Lady. 

Panel 28J" x 23|". Unfinished head, turned to the left. Grayish- 
white cap with brown hair. A wliite fichu is suggested. 

0^^•ned by Mrs. Ward Thoron, Boston. 

Exhibited at Museum of Fine Arts in 1880 and 1915, and at Copley 

Hall, Boston, in 1895. 
Head of Boy. 

Canvas 18" x 15". Boy of about 3 or 4 years of age. Dark brown 

eyes and light brown hair. Unfinished. 

Owned by Charles Pelham Curtis, Esq., Boston. 
Portrait of a Gentleman. 

Panel 29" x 234". Bust to left, black coat, white neckcloth tied in 

a bow, yellowish sandy hair and sidewhiskers, blue eyes. Plump, oval 

head, plain background. 
Portrait of a Lady (wife of above). 

Panel 28" x 23^". Bust to right. Low-necked white dress trimmed 

with white lace; body enveloped in a light brownish-yellow shawl 

with black figures and figured border; dark brown curly hair, parted. 

with long ringlets over eyes; brown eyes. Plain background. 

These two portraits are owned by Mrs. Wm. Payne Thompson (who 

was Miss Edith Blight of Phila.) of "Longfield's," Westbury, Long 

Island. . 



92 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUEEIES. 

"Motes. 

Two Bills of Babon von Steuben. 

December 2"* 17S3 

Barren Stuben 

To Sam'. Frauncis Dr. 

To An Entertainment £30 " 

To 32 Bottles of Mad" at 8/ 12 " 16 

To G Ditto of Claret at 10/ 3 " 

To 5 Ditto of Port at tV 1 « 5 ' 

To Punch 52/ Porter 33/ Spruce 7/ 4 " 12 

To Lights 32/ Dezert 81/ 5 " 13 ' 

3^\ To 2 Dinner Clubs at 14/ .'. l « g 

4'S To Serv'. Dinner 8/ Drinks 4/ •' 12 ' 



£59" 6" " 

148i Dollars 
The account was paid December 6, 1783. 

The Hon'. Baron Steuben 

To J M«.Lean & C°. Dr. 
1784 
Oct'. 24 To printing 200 Pamplets, on the Subject of a^ 

Military establishment, on the best Writing Post I £20,0.0. 
Sewed in Marble Paper & Gilt round the EdgesJ 
New York lO'" October 1785 ReC* the above in full 
by a Draft on William Duer Esq"" 

For J M'Lean & Co". 

Cholmley Douglas. 
£20.0.0. 

Battles of Buxkeb PIill and IVroNMOUTn. — The following references 
to the Battles of Bunker Hill and IMonmouth extracted from the 
diary of George Inman, February 7, 1782 — January 31. 1780, contain 
additional details than are given in "George Inman's Narrative of the 
American Revolution," Pknna. Mag. Hist, and Biog., Vol VII, p. 237. 

g.'b. K. 

June 28, 1785. "This day seven years ago memorable for the action 
at Monmouth, Jersey, America, wherein near 60 of the British soldiers 
fell dead in the ranks with heat and fatigue, and many of the Rebels. 
The action began about ten in the morning and continued with various 
success, marching, counter-marching, and manoeuvring during most of 
the day. which was excessive hot — no water to 1>€ got, the Rebels havin? 
in their march filled up all the wells. The baggage being attacked 
by a party of the Rebels in a thick wood about five miles from where 
I was engagerl, Mrs. Inman being in a coach in the line of baggage 
and that part which was attacked very narrowly escaped beins 'shot; 
a horse directly in the rear of the carriages "was killed, and two 
women by the side of it. But my dear Mrs I, thank God, was pre- 
served, and, after sufTering as much as any person could, what from 



Notes and Queries. 93 

fright, fatigue and anxiety for my safety, got to the halting ground , 
about one o'clock the folfowing morning and remained in the coach 
till nine, when I came up and pitched a tent for her, and. getting 
some breakfast, restored her drooping spirits. We proceeded toward 
Sandy Hook the following evening, and in a few days after arrived safe 
at New York, to the greatest satisfaction of both. 

June 29, 1785. This day seven years ago my commission was signed 
for the 26th Eegiment. 

June 11, /7S5.— "Just ten years since the battle of Bunker Hill near 
Boston, America. On that memorable occasion I first took upon myself 
the name of a soldier, contrary to the wishes of my father and friends 
in that country, as I acted in favour of Government and joined His 
Majesty's force's in that action as a volunteer, under Sir William Howe, 
who commanded the attack, with about 2000 men. out of which number 
near eleven hundred non-commissioned officers and privates were killed 
and wounded and about eighty officers; the loss of the Rebels very in- 
considerable, onlv about lOO' found on the field, among these was 
General Warren, "who commanded the first redoubt (late a surgeon in 
Boston),* and about 30 taken prisoners, and confined in Boston goal. 
Charlestown was consumed to ashes, owing to the Rebels firing from 
their houses on the British forces who made the attack under every 
disadvanta<re. The grass beincr high impeded their march, the day 
hot, and the Rebels strongly intrenched line within line. And in short 
it was a gallant action wliich could not have been effected by any other 
than British troops." 

The Fjrst War Med.\l in America, Issued by New Jersey. — Dr. 
Carlos E. Godfrev, of Trenton, N. J., says: "It is not generally known 
that New Jersey' was the first of the English Colonies to recognize the 
valor of its soldiers by conferring the \Var Medal upon its men for 
gallautry in action. The incident in question occurred on June 14, 1758, 
when our troops were engaged against the Indians on the northwest 
frontiers of tlie Colony, and which is related by Captain Jonathan 
Hampton in a letter published in Volume 20 of the New Jersey Archives 
at page 241. In consequence of this communication the General As- 
sembly of tlie Colonv of New Jersey directed, in Section 21 of an Act 
passed August 12, "l75S, that a ''Silver IMedal' should be presented 
to Sergeant John ^'antyle and a lad surnamed Titsort, 'whereon shall 
be inscribed the Burst "or Figure of an Indian prostrate at the Feet 
of the said Vantyle and Lad aforesaid, importing their Victory over 
them, and to commemorate their Bravery and their Country's Gratitude 
on the Occasion, which Medals, the sa'id Vantyle and Lad aforesaid, 
shall or may wear in View at all such publick Occasions which they 
may happen to attend, to excite an Emulation and kindle a martial 
Fire in the Breast of the Spectators, so truly essential in this Time of 
General War.' 

"Neither of these two medals are known to exist. In speaking of the 
incident, and quoting the section of the act above referred to, The Xeio 
York Mercurji on October 2, 1758, said: 'In an Act of the General 
Assembly of tlie Province of New-Jersey, passed the 12th of last August 
at Burlington, we find the following remarkable Paragraph, which we 
think can't be disagreeable to our Readers to insert here, as it must 
please every true Lover of his Country.' " 

* Dr. John Jeffries, of Boston, surgeon on a British ship-of-the-line 
in Boston harbor, assisted in dressing the wounded after the battle of 
Bunker Hill, and it is said, identified the body of Gen. Warren in the 
presence of Sir William Howe. 



94 Notes and Queries. 

Account of James Bbadfoed at Pkinceton College. 

Dr. 

1770 f Sh. d. 

Feb. 8 To one quarter Tuition 1 " 5 " 

May 8 To 1 D" 1 " 5 " 

To 1 Quarter pens Ink & paper &c " 7 " 6 

16 To 1 Grammar " 3 " 

June 4 To 1 Vocabulary " 1 " 1 

9 To a Penknife " " 1 " 8 

To the School fires " 10 •' 

27 To 1 Coles Dictionary " 14 " 

July 7 To Cash " " 9 

9 To D" " " 6 

20 To Cash for an Inkhorn " 1 " 6 

26 To Cash " " 5 

Aug. 8 To 1 Quarters Tuition 1 " 5 " 

To furnishing 1 Quarters Pens &c " 7 "' 6 

22 To Cash " " 3 

To the Servant for putting on the fires " 2 " 

28 To Cash " " 2 

Sept"-. 13 To D° " " 2 

. 19 To Grammatical Exercises " 2 " 6 

27 To Cash on liis going to New York " 10 " 

Nov. 8 To 1 Quarter Tuition & furnishing 1 " 12 " 6 

To Sweeping the School " 1 " 6 



8" 12" 
Credit by Cash from M". Davenport — *' 10 " 



Ballance 8 " 2 " 



Philadelphia Feb. 21. 1771 Received the Contents 

Jno. Witherspjon 

NuMBEB OF Houses in Philadelphia, 1749, 1753, 1760 and 1769. — 
The Houses in the City of Philadelphia and its Suburbs, having been 
counted at the following Periods, we beg leave to lay the fame before 
our kind Cuftomers. 

Houfes 

In the Year 1740 thev amounted to 2076 

1753 . . .' 2300 

1760 2969 

And in December, 1760, they amounted as follows, excluftve of Public 
Buildings, Stores, Work-fhops, <f-c. — 

Mulberry- Ward 920 

Upper Delaware Ward 234 

North \^'ard 417 

High-ftreet Ward 166 

Middle Ward 358 

Cheftnut Ward 112 

South Ward 147 

Walnut Ward 105 

Lower Delaware Ward 120 

Dock Ward 739 

3318 

Northern Liberties or Northern Suburbs, to 

Second-ftreet Bridge, at Stacy's Run 553 

Southwark or Southern Suburbs, to Northfide 

of Love-Lane 603 

Total 4474 



Notes and Queries. 95 

Letter of John P. Boyd to His Sister, Mrs. ^Iargaret Storeb. 

* Camp 2 miles above Cornwall 

Canada Nov 12. 1813— 
My Dear Sister 

A Battle was fought yesterday in which your Brother bore a principal 
part and trusts, in the approbation of his Country, It was the most 
inveterate contest, perhaps recorded by the Anierican Army. 

I lead into the field 1500 men without Artillery untill the latter 
part of the affair, The Enemy were not less than 1800 regulars, their 
number of militia, and Indians not counted, — well supplied with Artil- 
lery. Supported by tlie lieavy cannon of 9 gunboats, yet we drove them 
from ravine to ravine, untill they found slielter under the enfilading 
destruction of their Gunboats. 

My duty being accomplished a retrograde move became necessary, 
and we resumed our former position to cover the llotilla. By this move 
we had to cross a deep ravine, by a narrow bridge enfiladed by the 
numerous artillery and Gunboats by whicli we lost one piece of artillery 
which had been brought into the lield, late in the action, and several 
of our wounded oiFicers, among whom I have to lament the gallant 
young Townsend who lost a leg; our division had been under arms 
two days & nights, encountering incessant rains without tents, yet they 
have neAer been equalled in zeal & bravery — our loss is great, but we 
have reason to believe thai of the enemy exceeded it. Young Whiting 
exceeds all pra.ise, he is the most intrepid Soldier I ever saw in battle. 
Heaven has spared your Brother to say he is 

Yours affectionately, 
N.B. John P. Boyd. 

The Battle was fought at Williamsburg 20 miles above this. This 
Bcrawl is for the private perusal of my Brothers & Sist<irs. 

J. P. B. 

Jfiooh IRottces. 

The True La Fayette. By George Morgan. Philadelphia, J. B. 
Lippincott Co., 1919. 8vo, pp. 489. Illustrated. Price $2.50 net. 

American books about La Fayette are few and far between, ilr. Tower's 
important work covers liis campaigns in the United States, but in 
this new life the author presents his character and career from birth 
to death, for his life was one of action, and his one great creed, Liberty. 
At nineteen he left a young wife, riches, honors and court gayeties in 
order that he might help us in our struggle for independence, and he 
was helpful in bringing about the French Alliance: then we read of 
his prolonged efforts to overthrow the despotism in France; his escape 
from the guillotine; his five years' imprisonment; his independent stand 
against Napoleon; his great American tour of 1824-25; and his last 
restful days at Lagrange. Hardly less interesting is the story also 
told of tlie devotion of Mme. de La Fayette during her husband's years 
of trial. The True La Fayette will make Americans feel proud and 
grateful. 

The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma. By Henry Adams, 
with an Introduction bv Brooks Adams. New York, The Macmillan Co., 
1919. Svo, pp. 317. Price $2.50. 

This new book is a record of the gathering of data in the department 
of human government by three generations of America's most distin- 
guished thinkers, whose lives cover almost the entire period of tlie 
American experiment. Here are included three brilliant essays — ex- 
pressing and emphasizing the creed which has become the heritage of 
Henry Adams. The result may be summed up in this remarkable con- 
clusion: Vox popitli non est vox Dei. As in physics, so also in mind 



96 Notes and Queries. 

and administration. The theory of averages leads ever to a lower level 
The perfect plebiscite, tlie democratic ideal, is the synonym not of 
perfect truth but of disaster and confusion. 

Educatioxai, Legislatiox and ADirixiSTRATiox IX THE State of 
New York From 1777 to 1850. By Elsie Garland Hobson. x-f 268 pp. 
8vo, net $1.60. 

This volume is the first of an important series dealing with the origin 
and development of American Public School systems. FeAv subjects if 
any have greater general social interest than the American system of 
public free education, especially at the present time when far-reaching 
plans are being formulated for reconstruction in this field. It is to be 
followed by others of a series and marks the first attempt to set forth 
adequately the legislation of individual States with the purpose of 
indicating every act bearing on education passed within the period under 
consideration. 

The present work is divided into eight chapters having the following 
titles: Formative hifluenrcs. The Oriain and Development of the Dual 
System of School Control in 1S20, Education under the Regents, The 
Common School System, Special Legislation for Cities, Support of Edu- 
cation, Education of Special Classes, Summary and Conclusions. The 
Appendices give a chronological list of all academics incorporated by the 
State and rOj^oiits, a list oi acts granting means of support to academies, 
a list of societies for general educational purposes, and a chronological 
list of titles and dates of all laws relating to edtication from 1777 to 
1850. 

Gebmaxy Ix the War axd After. By Vernon Kellogg. New York, 
The Macmillan Co., 1919. Bvo, pp. 101. Price .Sl.OO. 

The author of this work was for a number of years connected with 
the American Relief Administration in Europe, and had opportunities 
for personal acquaintanceship with Germans and German conditions 
during all of that time. All of tlie chapters in the book except the 
last one were written after tlie Armistice but before the signing of the 
Treaty. 

Contents: The German army; German control of Germans: What 
the blockade did to food; Other inside difficulties during the war; How 
the people were deceived ; Wliat the Germans thought during the war 
and Armistice, and Germany now and tomorrow. 

Jacicsox's Philadetj'hia Year Book fob 1920. Philadelphia, 1920. 
Pp. 269. 

Jackson's Philadelphia Year Book for 1920-21, improved and enlarged, 
represents an immense amount of research, arranged in a popular way, 
to study the history of the city. The alphabetical arrangement and 
cross reference system makes it handy to consult. The data assembled 
is very readable and instructive, and a wide distribution should reward 
the compiler's effort. 

The History of the Great War. Bv Roland G. Usher, Ph.D. New 
York. The Macmillan Co., 1919. 8vo, pp. 3.50. Price $2.50. 

This is a compact, effective and comprehensive history of the war, 
in which the average reader will take a keen interest and enjoyment, for 
its straiglit-forward style, lively narrative portions and vivid explana- 
tions. Its arrangement is particularly clear, witli separate sections on 
the personalities of the war, certain phases of modem warfare, and the 
strategy of the A-arious campaigns. Professor Uslier's former publica- 
tions will be rememl/crcd as especially fitting him for tliis sort of 
writing. There are numerous illustrations, including official photo- 
graphs, battle plans, diagrams, etc. 



| ^j^,l^ l L. ■■ J>: v P M.j..j;j i jpi|i, i g^;^g ii; .4i tj; ■ ... f r-^mfri-f'/^^ ' -^^Jt^r-i"- ^' 



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<^;a:iatj:;t.i*Ja»ji>!:i^.--f..-fa.-v.-/-'.f.-.i..irt, 






iil5iii^Vft¥iifiihl^hiifiiiirfi 

HIS EXCELLENCY 

COLONEL William Denny 
Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania. &c. 



BORN 1709 




DIED 1765 



FROM THE PAINTING BY GEORGE KNAPTON. 1744 
IN THE COLLECTION OF THE SOCIETY OF DILETTANTI, LONDON 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



OF 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XLIV. 1920. No. 2. 

MEMOIR OF HIS EXCELLEXCY COLOXEL WILLIAM 
DEXXY, LIEUTEXAXT-GOVEEXOR OF PEXXSYL- 
A^AXIA, ETC. 

BY REV. II. L. L. DENNY, M.A., F.S.G., 
St. Mark's Vicarage, 66 IMyddelton Square, London, England. 

Colonel William Denny belonged to an ancient East- 
Anglian family, wliicli could claim kinship with some 
of those who, in ''the spacious days of great Eliza- 
beth," played a chief part in laying the foundations 
of the Anglo-Saxon empires beyond the seas, "men 
whose names ring across the ages like a trumpet-blast 
in the ears of Englishmen" — and, indeed, of all the 
members of the English-speaking peoples — "to this 
day." ^ He was the son of the Rev, Hill Denny, whose 

* "Sir Walter Raleigh" by Martin A. S. Hume. Raleigh was the first 
adventurer to plant a colony on the shores of Pennsylvania. His step- 
brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, is said to have been the first to sail 
from England on a colonizing expedition to America, in 15S3 ('E. S. 
Payne's "Voyages of EUzahcthan ffeamen to America") . Amongst the 
Denny family pictures there are portraits of Joan, Lady Denny, aunt of 
Raleigh and Gilbert, of their first-cousin. Sir Edward Denny, and of 
Raleigli's kinswoman, ^largaret, Lady Denny, the two first displaying 
a strong likeness to Raleigh. It was for reinforcements under the 
command of Sir Edward Denny that Lord Thomas Howard was waiting, 
at Flores in the Azores, when there took place the famous fight, "one 
against fifty-three," of Sir Richard Grcnville ('Raleigh's cousin), de- 
scribed by Raleigh and in Tennyson's "The Revenge." Sir Edward sailed 
with Raleigh and Gilbert, and did good service at the time of the 
Spanish Armada. 

Vol. XLIV.— 7 97 



98 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

portrait by Sir Godfrey Kueller shows him as ''a pretty 
boy'* of some sixteen summers, which age he would 
have attained in 1694. Hill Denny was educated at 
Sidney College, Cambridge, graduating B.A. in 1698 
and M.A. in 1707. He became Eector of Gilston and of 
Eastwick, Hertfordshire, in 1705, and also of Little 
Parndon, Essex, in 1710, which livings he held up to the 
time of his death. He was buried at Little Parndon, 
March 31, 1719. . 

Hill Denny married, at St. Paul's Cathedral, London, 
October 29, 1702, Abigail Bemers, then aged nineteen, 
daughter of James Berners, Esq. (died 1692) and Mary, 
his wife, of Much Hadham, Hertfordshire. 

William Denny, who was bom March 9, 1709, and 
baptised at Eastwick the same day, was the only sur- 
viving son of , the marriage. To him his father left all 
his free and copyhold lands, tenements, etc., in the 
parishes of Great Waltham, Essex, and Spaldwick, 
Barham, Easton and Stow, Hunts, and all his estate 
and goods. The latter would have included the follow- 
ing interesting articles, known as "The Eoyal Presents 
to the Dennys":— a pair of gloves, with great gaunt- 
lets worked with pearls and gold, given by Henry VIII 
to Sir Anthony Denny ; a pair of gloves given by James 
I to Edward Denny, Earl of Norwich ; a pair of velvet 
gloves or mittens given by Queen Elizabeth to Mar- 
garet, Lady Denny-; the scarf, about eight feet long 



* other descendants of Margaret, Lady Denny, have inherited from 
her other Royal presents, ^■iz.: a large silver urn cup, a fan, etc., given 
by Queen Elizabeth, a Bible bound in richly embroidered green satin, 
given by James I, and a letter of protection, in his own hand-writing, 
which Charles I gave Lady Denny when he -visited her at her manor- 
house at Bishops Stortford during the Civil War. The old manor- 
house of Bishops Stortford still stands, very much the same, internally, 
as it was in the days of its builder, the Hon. Margaret, Lady Denny, 
who, before her death in 164S, aged eighty-eight years and in the 
forty-eighth year of her widowhood, was "probably the sole survivor 
of that brilliant ring of fair women and brave men which encircled 
the throne of the last of the Tudors." The set of horse furniture, in 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 99 

and four broad, richly embroidered in colours, which 
Charles I wore at Edgehill, where he presented it to 
Adam Hill,^ (Hill Denny's grandfather) who had pre- 
served the King's life by gallantly. railing his troop of 
horse at a critical moment in the battle/ William 
Denny must have given or sold these to the Earl of 
Arran, at the sale of whose collection in 1759 they were 
bought by Sir Thomas Denny of Tralee Castle, 'then 
head of the family, for nearly £100.' They were accom- 
panied by an account of them, written by Hill Denny, 
and a Patent granting a pension to Adam Hill, who had 
been a Page to James I, for his life and that of his wife. 
William Denny, whose education had been entrusted 
under his father's will to the Rev. Edward Hinton and 
the Eev. Joseph Harvey, matriculated at Oriel College, 
Oxford, at the age of seventeen. May 24, 1726, and 
graduated B.A. Januaiy 20, 1730. It is probable that 
on leaving the University, he travelled for some time 
on the Continent, doing the "grand tour" after the 
fashion of the day. In 1734 some gentlemen who had 
travelled in Italy formed themselves into a society for 
encouraging at home the taste for those artistic objects 
which had contributed so greatly to their enjojnnent 
abroad. Ultimately, in December 1735, they founded 
the Society of Dilettanti, which did so much towards 
awakening interest in the arts of the ancients. The 
name of William Denny occurs in the first entry in the 
Minute Books, and many times subsequently.® It was 

velvet and gold, which Margaret Edgcumbe used when she accompanied 
her Royal mistress on her progresses, is in possession of the Earl of 
Mount Edgcumbe. The ehancel of Bishops Stortford Church is full 
of Denny monuments and shields of arms. 

'Rowland Hill, originator of the penny post, was of Adam Hill's 
family, "the Hills of Ternhill." Adam Hill had a brother Rowland. 

*King George IV borrowed this scarf from Sir Edward Denny, 3rd 
Bt., in order to have made a china table-service adorned with its pattern 
at Chamberlain's factory, Worcester. 

*See Disraeli's "Curiosities of Literature," under "Gloves." 

'"Historical Notices of the Society of Dilettanti" 



100 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

probably at one of the meetings of the preliminary 
society, in January 1735, that he was, with some other 
gentlemen (including Lord Middlesex, Lord John Mur- 
rey, Lord Boyne, Lord Harcourt, and Sir James Grey), 
the victim of a murderous assault in "The Golden 
Lion," in Suffolk Street, London. The cause of this 
"Suffolk Street riot" and the details are obscure, but 
it "made much noise" at the time, so much so that an 
engraving was produced of it.'^ 

As was customaiy for the members, William Denny 
presented the Society of Dilettanti with a portrait of 
himself, in Eoman dress, by George Knapton, 1744. 
This painting now hangs in the Society's collection at 
the Grafton Galleries, London.^ William Denny had 
entered the army at this time, and it is possible that he 
ser\'ed at Dettingen in 1743 and against "the Young 
Pretender" in "the '45." 

In a will, dated 1743, Sir Thomas Denny of Tralee 
Castle leaves his estates in remainder to his "dearly 
beloved cousin William Denny, of Cheshunt, Herts,^ 
now or lately a Cornet in the Duke of Montague's Regi- 
ment of Horse." Li a subsequent will, dated 1746, Sir 
Thomas appoints "Captain William Denny of dies- 
hunt" guardian of his children. 

Lord Middlesex^** and the Rev. Dr. Ayscough^^ cor- 



^ ^Nfontagxi of Bcaulieu iTss., p. 202, Dartmouth Mss., 1735, Fortescue 
Mss., p. 202 (Historical ^NIss. Commission's Reports). The "copper- 
plate of the company in tliis style" cannot be traced in the Print Room 
of the British Museum. 

'This portrait of Col. Denny is reproduced herewith (from a photo- 
graph of D. Macbeth, 17, Fleet Street, London) by the courteous per- 
mission of the Society of Dilettanti. 

• William Denny's residence at this time may have been "The Great 
House," a remarkable Tudor edifice, which still stands on the outskirts 
of the town of Cheshunt. Built and occupied by Cardinal VVolsey, it 
was granted, after his fall, by Henry VIII to Sir Thomas Denny of 
Cheshunt, brother of the Right Hon. Sir Anthony Denny. 

" Afterivards Duke of Dorset. 

" Tutor to Prince George, afterwards King George III. 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 101 

responded with William Denny, apparently about some 
political matters upon Trhicli he and they were engaged, 
in 1747.^ 

In May, 1756,^^ William Denny was appointed to the 
position of Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania. On 
May 17 King George II in Council approved of his 
appointment, u]3on the nomination of Thomas and 
Eichard Penn, Esquires, Proprietaries of the Prov- 
ince," and the next day "William Denny was created a 
Lieutenant-Colonel in the army, for ''America only." " 
William Demiy, sailed from Phmaouth, England, on 
the ship-of-war Stirling Castle, 70 guns, Capt. Cornish, 
convoy to thirteen transports, to succeed Robert Hunter 
Morris, as Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania, and after 
an uneventful voyage, arrived at New York, August 
16, 1756. 

Preparatory to sailing for America, he wrote the fol- 
lowing letter to Thomas Penn, Esq. : 

Sir 

I haAe had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 29*'' ins', with the 
inclosed to M' Hockley. The wind is South East, and the transports 
are expected round. I am told it is probable, we shall not sail till 
some days aft-er their arrival here, and it is to be lioped, the ship with 
the cannon will be time enough to have the benefit of the convoy. 

M' Aiskil will be so good as to desire M"" Barclay to pay the carriage 
of my goods by water from Oxfordshire, and the carts & cae The same 
Gentlemen will please to insure some things I have here for £400, such 
as plate, cloaths, linnen &c£b. I shall take them on board the Sterling 
Castle with me. I could wish the furniture from Oxfordshire, and the 
goods brought by M"" Farmbrough from Brook Street were also insured 
for £800 more. 



^ Fortescue Mss., Historical Mss. Commission Report, XIX, p. 117. 

" In this month began the Seven Years War, in which George Wash- 
ington gained his military experience. 

"The Gentleman's Magazine and TJie London Magazine, 1756. The 
Acts of the Privy Council" contains references to "the Hon. William 
Denny, Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsyhania." 

"The Army List, 1760-65. s 



102 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

Excuse my giving you this trouble. With my compliments to Lady 
Juliana, I am 

Sir, 
Your very affectionate friend 
and most obedient 

humble servant 

William Denny 
Portsmotith 
June l'» 

1756 I have received your Brother's letters. 

To 

Thomas Penn Esq. 

The Pennsylvania Gazette of Thursday, August 26th., 
prints the following account of the reception and cere- 
monies accorded him, on his arrival at Philadelphia: 
"On Thursday last [19th.] a number of Gentlemen set 
out from this City in order to meet the Honorable Wil- 
liam Denny Esq. our new Governor, on his journey here 
from New York. They met him at Trenton and were 
received b}^ him in a very genteel manner. The next 
morning [20th.,] he set off for Bristol, where Mr. 
Morris our late Governor, the Council and other Gentle- 
men were waiting for him. After a short Stay there, 
his Honor and the Company proceeded on their way to 
Town, and was received near the line of this County by 
Colonel Douche of the Philadelphia County Regiment, 
with his Officers and a Company of Grenadiers, who es- 
corted him from thence to the City. When they came 
near Frankford, they were joined by Part of the Troop 
of Horse, and Company of Independents, and a great 
number of the Inhabitants of the place. 

''Before the Governor entered the Town, as many of 
the City Regiments, as the shortness of the Notice would 
admit of, were got together and drawn up in Second 
street, near the Church, where they received him with 
raised Firelocks, and the Officers gave him the proper 
Salutes. He then went to his House [on South Second 
street], and staid there some Time, during which the 
Regiment was drawn up on both Sides of Market street 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 103 

from the Court House to the comer of Front street, the 
Artillery Company betwixt Market and Water streets ; 
the Grenadiers of the Philadelphia County Regiment 
on Second street betwixt the Court House and the 
Church, and the Horse and Independents about the 
Court House. 

**His Honor then came to the Court House accom- 
panied by our late Governor, the members of Council, 
and many other Gentlemen, when his Commission was 
read; after which the Guns of the Associate Battery, 
of the Artillery Company, of the Privateer Denny, and 
some other Vessels were fired off ; the City Regiments 
made three General Discharges; the Vessels in the 
Harbour shewed their Colors; the Bells were set a 
Ringing; Bonfires were lytted; and a general Joy ap- 
peared in the countenances of People of all Denomina- 
tions. 

''The next day [Saturday, 21st.] his Honour and 
many of the principal Inhabitants, were genteely enter- 
tained by the Corporation of the City at the Lodge Room 
[Masonic Lodge, in Lodge Alley], and on Monday 
[23rd.] a handsome Dinner was provided by the As- 
sembly at the State House. [Cost £100.13.6.], at which 
were present His Honour the Governor, the Officers 
Civic and Military in the City, the Clergy, and Sundry 
Gentlemen Strangers. 

''Yesterday [Wednesday, 25th.] His Honour the Gov- 
ernor set out for New Castle, in order to have his Com- 
mission for that Government published. He was ac- 
companied by our late Governor, with sundry other 
Gentlemen, and escorted out of Town by the Colonel 
and Militia Officers of this City." 

Governor Denny also received "Addresses from the 
General Assembly, through Isaac Xorris, Speaker, 
Mayor William Plumsted, on behalf of the City Cor- 
porations ; Provost William Smith for the College and 
Academy; Pastors, Elders, and members of the English 



10-1 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

Presbyterian Cliiirches in Philadelphia ; Monthly Meet- 
ings of Friends, through James Pemberton, Clerk; 
Benjamin Franklin, in behalf of the Managers and 
Treasurer of the Pennsylvania Hospital; Officers of 
Col. Jacob Duche's Eegiment; Col. Benjamin Franklin 
for his Eegiment and Company of Artillery; and the 
Officers of the Troops and other associated Companies : 
to all of which he made replies. 

On Januaiy 26, 1757 he wrote from Philadelphia to 
Mrs. Abigail Edwin (daughter of Sir Eoger Hill) his 
wife's aunt, as follows: — 

"I have had full einployment since my arrival here. . . . They 
[the people in Pennsylvania] are divided into parties, violent and 
obstinate beyond imagination. . . . Business has given me leave 

to make some excursions this Autumn to the frontiers, and I have 
travelled between four and five hundred miles. It Avas my duty to visit 
the Forts, and put them in the best posture of defence, to review the 
Provincial troops, and to encourage the inhabitants to take arms in 
order to defend themselves and all that is dear to them. I also assisted 
at an Indian Treaty, where the foundation was laid of making a large 
body of the enemies become our friends. The King, Queen, and all the 
Royal family with their Councillors left us in good humor; they were 
loaded with presents. The Queen was at a distance in this province 
when I came, and, Mrs Denny will smile to hear, she sent loA'e to me 
on my arrival, and that she would come and see me when her husband 
had returned from a journey he had taken into the Indian countrj% 

This great Province, or rather little Kingdom, is very fertile and 
well watered. There is too much wood. The extent of the Colony is 
at least 200 miles square, not reckoning the three lower Counties, who 
have an Assembly of their o%vn, but the same Governor. 

Philadelphia is a fine city, situate in the centre of the British 
Dominions on this Continent, and is built on the west side of the 
river Delaware, a mile and a half in length and half a mile in the 
greatest breadth. There are about 2-500 houses, and near 18,000 in- 
habitants. An elderly lady is still living who remembers the building 
of the first house, and we have no modern instance of a great city 
being built in so short a time, except Petersburgh. The public edifices 
are much beyond what might be expected. Tlie great and cross streets 
are all straight and tlicre is a convenient brick pavement on each 
side of the way for tliose who walk on foot. The river near a mile 
broad and navigable for sliips of 5 or 600 tons." " 

"This letter and others concerning the Dennys, including one from 
Richard Hockley, Keeper of the Great Seal under Governor Denny, are 
in possession of Col. B. I. Way, of Denham Place. 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 105 

At the instance of the Proprietors, in October of 1759, 
Gov. Denny was recalled. 

William Denny's large armorial book-plate — a rare 
and interesting specimen of its kind — has been claimed 
as being American, so that copies are probably extant 
in the United States. 

In 1761-64 Col. Denny was serving on various com- 
mittees of the Society of Dilettanti. 

"William Denny married (but when and where have 
not been ascertained), Mary, only daughter of William 
Hill, second son of Sir Roger Hill of Denham Place, 
Bucks." By her, who remarried in 1769 a Mr. Corbyn, 
of Pinner, Middlesex, he apparently had no issue. 

Colonel Denny died, aged fifty-six, in the latter part 
ofl765.^« 

His will, dated May 25, 1765, was proved in the Pre- 
rogative Court of Canterbury,^^ January 16, 1766, by 
the executors named, William Berners of Woolverstone 
Hall, SuiTolk, and Heniy Berners of Sackvdlle Street, 
St. James's, London. He is described in it as '' William 
Denny, now of Saint James' in the Liberty of West- 
minister, Esquire." He mentions messauges, etc., in the 
Province of Pennsylvania, To Willam Denny of Tralee 
Castle, (son and heir of Sir Thomas Denny, and prob- 
ably Col. Denny's godson) he leaves fifty guineas and 
all the portraits of his family;-" to William Berners all 

"Burke's "Landed Gentry," 1849, p. 1540, under the family of Way of 
Deiihani. There is a letter at Denham Place from Thomas Penn to 
Lewis Way, informing him that Mrs. Denny had sailed from England 
to join her husband in Pennsylvania. 

" There is apparently no record of his burial in the registers of those 
parishes in whicli one would expect to find it — St. James's, Piccadilly, 
St. George's, HanoAer Square, or St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, London. 

"Reference "10, Tyndall." 

'^ These Denny portraits, or some of them, were pictures by Sir 
Godfrey Kneller of Peter and Anne Denny and their son Hill. The 
picture of Hill Denny was presented to the Victoria and Allx'rt [Museum, 
London, by the late Sir Edward Denny, Bt., in 1SS2. Shortly before 
Sir Edward's deatli, in 1889, the portraits of Peter and Anne Denny 



106 Memoir of Colonel WiUiam Denny. 

the portraits of his family. Witnesses — Jno. Jackson, 
Jno. Smith, Fras. Isaack. 

In The Pennsylvania Gazette, October 25, 1770, an 
advertisement appeared of the sale at Public Vendue, 
at the London Coffee House, Philadelphia, of the 
countiy seat of Col. Denny, near the Falls of Schuylkill, 
containing forty-four acres and a good dwelling-house, 
stable for six horses, etc, the executor being Joseph 
Galloway, a well-known Loyalist of Pennsylvania. 

As no review of Governor Denny's administration in 
Pennsylvania was contemplated in the preparation of 
this memoir, at the suggestion of the writer, the follow- 
ing letters selected from the "Perm Papers," in the 
Manuscript Division of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, have been added. The Society has also a 
copy of ''The Address of the Trustees and Treasurer 
of the Friendly Association for regaining and preserv- 
ing Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures," 
signed by Abel James, Clerk, and dated "the 14th of 
the Seventh Month 1757, to the Governor. Some ac- 
count of the controversy between the Governor and the 
Assembly, by William Franklin, will be found in the 
"Gentleman's Magazine" of September 1757, Vol. 
XXVII pp. 417, 418, 419, 420. 

Governor Denny to Thomas Penn. 

Philadelphia 4*" November 1756 
Sir, 

I acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 12"" July last, Original 
and Duplicate. The Repeals of the two Acts were, as usual, entered 
in the Council Book, and sent to the House, to be put on their ]\Iinutes, 
and then, they were published, as you desire, in the Gazette. 

I have conferred with INI' Wilson & M'. Hunt, who are disposed to 
reconcile all differences, and promote the Publick Service. 

were stolen from his house in London by a person who actually tried 
soon afterwards to sell ^thern to one of the family. They eventually 
passed into the hands of a dealer, who sold them to the late Sir Walter 
Gilbey, and tliey are now in the possession of the latter's daughter, 
Mrs. Routledge, of the Chantry, Bishops Stortford, a house which is 
said to have been partially built by Peter Denny. 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 107 

I found the Assembly sitting, when I arrived here, which was on the 
20*'" August, and I took the earliest Opportunity, after I had informed 
myself of the State of the Province to press them to the most vigorous 
measures for the Defence of the Countrj', in Consequence of which, they 
sent me a Message, desiring a Sight of the Proprietary Instructions, 
relating to the raising of Money, with which, I willingly complied, 
imagining they would haA'e conformed to them, in the Supply Bills: 
but I soon found myself mistaken, for they sent me up a Bill granting 
£60,000, by the usual Excise, which they extended to twenty Years, and 
after appropriating a very large part, almost the whole Sum, they 
placed the disposition of the Piesidue solely in the Assembly; which 
after Conferences with a Committee of the House, I rejected, declining, 
agreable to your Instructions any further disputes in Writing and 
saying, I would give my reasons to his Majesty, for so doing, but as 
another Bill has been presented for £30,000, and is passed, and an 
Exemplification thereof sent, by this Convej-ance, It may be thought 
unnecessary to trouble the Ministers with them. The Resolves of the 
House, which were put into the Gazette without my knowledge, shew 
you their Temper, with respect to a Land Tax according to your 
Instructions; and as we could not agree on a method of Taxation, 
and they were, besides, unwilling, at the close of the Sessions, to grant 
a general Excise, or Stamp Duty, which I recommended to some of 
their Members, in a private Conference: Under these Circumstances, 
there was a necessity for passing this last Act, for Ten Years, the 
Arrears due to the Troops being above a third of the Money, and if 
the Payment of these had been deferred, any longer, they were deter- 
mined to disband themselves, which would have left the Frontiers to 
the discretion of the Enemy. 

Finding a short Vacancy before the time of Meeting of the Assembly, 
after the General Election of their Xumbers, I went to the Frontiers, 
on the West side of Susquahannah, taking with me an Engineer of the 
Royal Americans, who had leave to attend nie, at my request. 

M' Morris, before my Arrival, had conserted with the Commissioners, 
an Expedition against an Indian Delaware Town, called Kittannin, 
situate on the Ohio, the place where resided King Chingas and Captain 
Jacobs, the two heads of the Deleware Enemy Indians — The Party 
consisting of Three hundred Men, taken from the Provincial Forces, 
posted in the seA'cral Garrisons on the Western Frontiers, was com- 
manded by Colonel Armstrong, and he having the singular good fortune 
to make a long March, of One hundred and fifty Miles unobserved by 
the Enemy Indians, fell upon the To\vii, by surprise, and burned it 
and killed Captain Jacobs and several other Principal Indians In the 
Town were some large Alagazines of Goods, Ammunition and Provisions, 
lately received from the French, which were all consumed in the Fire, 
the whole is set forth in a Letter, wrote to me by Colonel Armstrong, 
which is Copied, and put up in the Box, and by which you will see 
that had it not been for some triffling Accidents, they stood a good 
Chance to have made a general slaughter of the Indians, and taken 



108 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

many prisoners, and I must do Colonel Armstrong, who I understand 
is one of the Proprietary Agents and Surveyors, the Justice to say, 
he conducted the matters with great skill and Prudence, and his Personal 
Behaviour deserves the thanks of his Country, the Proprietaries and 
GoA'ernment. Fort Sliirly was the place of Rendez\ou3 for the Forces, 
engaged in the Expedition to meet at from the several Posts whence 
they were draughted, at setting out by order of the Colonel, the 
Gates were taken off, finding the Fort untenable and of no further use, 
the Inhabitants of Shurmans Valley, having entirely abandoned tlieir 
Plantations, for whose Protection it was Built and left it open, without 
any Garrison, and on the Report of Colonel Armstrong made to me at 
Carlisle, and with the advice of the Commissioners, I have ordered 
it to be distroyed, as being at too great a distance from the present 
Inhabitants, and of no real service, in the Defence of the Frontiers. 

The other Forts are ordered to be put on the best footing, the 
nature of their Situation, and otlier Circumst-ances, woud admit of. 
Wells are directed to be sunk, in eAery Fort, and Ditches made where 
it i"« not Pof-ky and the blowing with Gunpowder is said to be too 
expensive. Particularly, at Fort Augusta, a good Ditch Pallisadea 
with a Covered Way and Glacis. 

I am going to Easton, to meet the Indians, and, if possible will visit 
the otlier Forts, on the East side of Susquehannah, with the same 
Engineer, and if Business prevents my going, he shall nevertheless be 
sent. 

The Assembly sat on the fourteenth of October, as usual and having 
received Letters from Lord Loudon, communicating his ^Majesty's Com- 
mands, in several Articles of Expense, relating, as well to the Forces 
he has been graciously pleased to send for the defence of his American 
Colonies, as the new Levies, he has ordered to be made to compleat the 
Koj'al American Regiment. I recommended to the Assembly, in the 
strongest Terms to raise the Supplies for the Ser\'ices demanded; and, 
tho they have been sitting ever since, I have not received any Supply 
Bills, from them. The Messages, which have passed between us are 
sent by this and the east Ship, and will shew these several Matters in 
their true Light. 

As his ^Majesty has been pleased to commit the Sole management of 
Indian Affairs, exclusive of his Governors and Governments, in these 
parts, to Sir William Johnson, it is particularly unfortunate that this 
was not communicated sooner, but as these Indians are actually come, 
in consequence of an Invitation, made, and m-easures taken by Governor 
Morris, I have, by the unanimous advice of the Council and Assembly, 
to my very great mortification, consented to meet the Indians, tho when 
I see them I can do no more than give them a good reception, express 
a general regard for them, advise them to Peaceable measures, with 
all His Majesty's Subjects, pre3er\e them in their present good dis- 
positions, and refer them to Sir William Johnson, as to any further 
matters, they shall have to propose. 

I wish, I coud say the Assembly was not determined to comply with 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 109 

your Instructions, relating to a Land Tax. This seems to me, to be 
the greatest Obstacle, to tlie Supplies. I have offered to transmit to 
you, any Proposals, they have, on that Subject, and further hinted 
your generous gift of foOOO, and hoped, they would exempt you, from 
a Land Tax, for tlie Currant Year, on that Account, and before the 
Ser\-ice of the next, this great Affair might be amicably Settled in 
England, to your and their Satisfaction; but these measures were not 
complied witli. I have since, mentioned to some of them, that a Clause 
might be inserted in a Land Tax Bill, to defer the Taxing your Estate, 
this Year, and. when the Method of Taxing shall be adjusted, then, 
you are to pay your Quota, of this Years Tax, according to the Pro- 
portion, that shall be settled, by which means the Rights of neither, 
are given up, j'ou only incur a debt for such Tax, and the Publick 
Ser\'ice will not be impeded. In my Conversation with M' Wilson and M' 
Hunt, on this Subject, I have communicated to them these Sentiments, 
and as they appear'd to Concur with me, in Opinion I pressed them 
to use their Interest that this intricate Affair might be put upon 
thai footing. 

It is witli pain, that I am obliged to inform you, that the Back 
Inhabitants continue to quit their Plantations, owing to the want of 
a Militia Law, which, as I have repeatedly pressed on the Assembly, 
I hope they will offer me such an one as I can pass, with honour, and 
Justice to the rights of the Crown, tho I am told they will insist on 
the Peoples Choice of the Officers, or, at least, that they shall be recom- 
mended by the Assembly. 

I have the honour to be, 
Sir, 
Your most obedient 

and most humble servant 

William Denny 

I shall write to General Napier by the packet, and beg my compli- 
ments to Lady Juliana. 

Governor Denny to Thomas Pemi. 

Philadelphia S**" April 1757. 
Sir, 

I now sit down to give you a regular Detail of what has passed since 
my last. When I consider this was Avrote so long ago as the 4'" 
November, I am afraid you will think me negligent, but really I oou'd 
have no satisfaction in writing, till I knew the Result of the Assembly 
in the several Articles laid before them, my measures depending thereon 
and this was delayed, tho' every Day impatiently expected, till the 
Embargo took place which deprived me of Opportunities. 

I shall first begin with Indian Affairs. The Conferences at Easton, 
where I was preparing to go at the Time of writing my last Letter, 
were carried on with all the Care and Dispatch possible, and Copies 
of the Minutes put on board the Packet on the 25"' November, then 



110 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

ready to sail, but detained by Lord Loudoun till the latter end of 
December. These no doubt are long ago come to your Hands, and 
will have, afforded you Satisfaction in every Article except that of 
the Indian Complaints against the Proprietaries. It being frequently 
surmised to me that the Delaware Indians [illegible — rubbed] on Ac- 
count of Injuries done to them both by this and the [illegible — rubbed] 
in their Transactions with them for Lands, and they never would be 
brought to make a firm and Lasting Peace, till these LTneasinesses were 
remoA-ed, I conceived it my Duty to press them to open themselves 
to me with the utmost Freedom on this Head promising them a fair 
hearing and my best endeavours to obtain for them a full Redress, if 
their Complaints shou'd appear to be just, and on doing it you see 
they have laid an heaA-y Charge on the Proprietaries. 

Lieutenant Colonel Weiser the Provincial Interpreter declared in 
Council, the Commissioners present, that the Indian Pumpshire, Teedy- 
uscung's Delaware Interpreter, informed him some white People in 
Town were perpetually putting things into the Heads of the Indians 
respecting tlicir pretended Complaints. I had at first charged M' 
Weiser and him not to interpret any Thing that shoud be said to the 
Indians without my Permission, & the Centries who were posted to 
guard them had Orders not to suffer any white People to speak to 
them. — Yet as almost all the Delawares speak English, and Teedyuscung 
we know does, he and some of the principal Indians went frequently 
to Peoples Houses, and might converse with whom they pleased. One 
Morning in particular the Delaware Chief with one of his Councellors 
and the Interpreter Pumpshire was obser\ed by M' Weiser to go into 
the House where some of the principal Philadelphia Quakers lodged 
and informing M' Peters of it he immediately went there & found it 
to be true, of which he informed me, & I likewise made it publick. 

M', Peters at my Instance has given you a particular Relation of 
what passed and is in hopes to receive your Answer time enough for 
his Conduct at the ensuing Treaty, where it is expected the Indians 
will endeavour to prove their Charges. In the Mean time a Com- 
mittee of Council is appointed to examine the Indian Deeds, Treaties, 
Minutes of Council and ilinutes of Property and their Examination 
will be reported to me in Council, from whence a proper Defence will 
be made against any Charges that shall be made against you. 

Agreeable to your request in one of your Letters to M'. Peters, that 
whatever passes between this Government and the Indians may be 
instantly communicated to Sir William Johnson, either by me or him, 
I did not fail at my first coming to write to that Gentleman, informing 
him of my Appointment to the Government of this Province, desiring 
his Assistance and Ad\ice as to my Conduct in Indian Affairs, promis- 
ing to give him particular Accounts of Intelligence, or any other 
Matters as they shoud occur, and requesting the same favour on his 
Part: I had the honour of receiving a polite Answer from him, 
wherein he is pleased to assure me of his Correspondence, Assistance 
& Service. Since that Copies of the Indian Conferences at Easton 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. Ill 

were sent by me to Sir William Johnson with a Letter on the Subject, 
which he was so good as to answer, approving what was then done, 
& recommending M'. Croghan to me as the Person deputed by him, 
with the Approbation of Lord Loudoun to negotiate Indian Affairs 
within this Province & elsewhere. His Commission and Instructions 
to !M' Croghan were laid before the Council, and Assembly: and Copies 
sent to you. In Pursuance of these Powers M"" Croghan dispat-ched 
in my Name a ^lessage to the Delaware Chief Teedjniscung pressing 
to come here with all the dispatch possible, that the Business with 
him might be finished time enough to admit the Indians to join his 
Majesty's Forces at the Beginning of the Campaign. Other Messengers 
were sent to the Ohio, to sound the Shawanese and Delawares in those 
Parts and if found to be of a good Disposition, then they were in- 
structed to hint to them that if they woud lay down the Hatchet, 
and depute some of their principal Indians to the Treaty to be held 
in the Spring with Teedyusoung, they wou'd not meet with a dis- 
agreeable Reception, or something to that Effect. Sir William informed 
by "M'. Croghan of these Steps, and approving them dispatched a Depu- 
tation of tiie Six Nations to attend and assist at the Treaty: tho' they 
were few at first setting out, yet on their Journey they increased to 
above One hundred and fifty, and are now at Conestoga under the Care 
of M*". Croghan waiting for Tecdyuscung. A Message is come from 
him informing me of his good Disposition & Intentions to treat, and 
bring with him a Large Number of Indians, and desiring a Supply of 
Provisions on their Journey, which was complied with. He likewise 
gave me Intelligence that the French sent six of their People and 
four Indians to view the Fort at Shamokin, and that they were returned 
with two Scalps which they said were Scalps of two of the Out Centinels 
of Fort Augusta. True it is that two were killed & scalped, but by 
what Indians, it was never discovered till this Account came from 
Teedyuscung. Having thrown together all that occurs on the Subject 
of Indians, I shall now go on to mention my Proceedings with the 
Assembly. It gave me no small Concern to think that the publick 
business was interrupted by my Journey to Easton. I hoped however 
that upon my Return the Assembly wou'd not fail to dispa [bound in] 
the Sundry Things laid before them and it lookt as if they were really 
inclined to do it by sending me a Message soon after my Return, re- 
questing me to lay before them what Instructions I might have relating 
to Laws that they might not lose time in preparing Bills which by my 
Instructions I could not pass, finding only the 44 Instruction to be 
of a publick Nature, I forthwith sent them a Copy of it, with an 
Assurance that I had no other which coud effect any of their Delibera- 
tions. The first Business that came on was the Affair of Quarters. 
Lord Loudoun in a Letter of 22"* September which was laid before the 
House at their first Meeting demanded of this Province to make Pro- 
vision for Quarters, & the necessarys allowed in them, and by a 
subsequent Letter of the 28''" October, informed me, that he should 
send one Battalion of the Royal American [bound in] and an Inde- 



112 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

pendent Company, to be quartered in this City, which coming to my 
Hands at Easton, cou'd not be laid before the House till the 24"" 
November. This however gave time enough to have a Bill passed & 
the Quarters settled before the ^March of the Troops, to which the 
House was pressed, but in vain; nor was anything done till the Forces 
had actually begun their March & an Officer was sent before to give 
Notice of it & to inspect the Quarters, imagining they were ready 
The House alarmed at their Approach presented me a Bill extending 
the Sections relating to Quarters in the Act for punishing Mutiny & 
Desertion, Szc. This Act of Parliament you know only affects publick 
Houses and indeed is calculated for Times of Peace even iu England. 
Before I wou'd enter upon the Consideration of this Bill, I sent to the 
Mayor, and ordered him to cause an exact Account to be taken of the 
Publick Houses within this City, and what number of Quarters coud 
be furnished by them, upon which he issued his Precepts to the Con- 
stables of each Ward to inspect every Publick House, and on receiving 
their Return, I examined it, the Mayor and Captain Tulliken being 
pi-e^ont. Finding tho 'Return not to be so exactly made as to be 
depended on, I desired those Gentlemen wou'd visit every Publick House 
themselves, in order to be satisfied of the real Estate of the Quarters, 
and well it was I gave this order for they discovered that the Con- 
stables Returns were partial; false and made at the Instances of the 
Tavern Keepers who imagined they shou'd be allowed a Shilling a day 
for every Soldier, as they had been for every Recruit. On reading the 
24*'' Section of the Act of Parliament at large, the Conduct of the 
Assembly was detected for by extending the beginning of this Section, 
the present Bill was seen to be the very same in Effect with their Old 
Law repealed by the King and therefore the Bill was returned with 
a Negative, and a ^Message setting forth this Imposition. The House 
apprehensive of the bad Consequences of any further Delay, left out 
the Part objected to. Notwithstanding I was satisfied that Quarters 
cou'd not be provided, under tliis Act, sufficient for the Number of 
Troops expected here, yet the Bill was good as far as it wou'd go. 
& besides established Quartering of Troops by Law throughout the 
Province. I therefore passed it, recommending at the same time a 
further provision of Quarters to supply the Deficiency of the Publick 
Houses. In the meantime Lieut. Coll. Bouquet, being made acquainted 
by Capt". Tulliken with the Difficulties occurring about the Soldiers 
Quarters, hastened to To\vn exceedingly displeased as there was a new 
Provincial Hospital sufficient to hold five hundred Men with the pro- 
portion of Officers just finished, tho' not used; at his pressing Instance 
I applied for it as what woud help us at once out of all our difficulties, 
and had good hopes given me of succeeding, tho' in the End I was 
refused. I then made application to the !Mayor, to desire the Cor- 
poration wou'd assist in providing Quarters by hiring empty Houses 
or by any other means, to prevent, if possible. Quartering on Private 
Houses. My Request was politely refused, the Corporation not having 
funds sufficient to be at so much Expense. During these Transactions 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 113 

a very deep snow fell succeeded by a sharp Frost. In this severe 
weather the Troops ma relied into Town, the small Pox raging in every 
Part, and were crouded into Publick Houses, where they suffered extreme 
Hardships and caught the Infection. The Surgeons declared every 
House woud he an Hospital unless the sick were removed into one 
Place and those who were well less crouded & better accommodated. 
After all the Pains taken by the Mayor and ^lagistrates, it appeared 
by tlie Peturn that Quarters were wanting for One hundred and twenty- 
four private Men, These distressed circumstances of the Troops I re- 
peatedly laid before the House, who nevertheless suffered the Men to 
lie in this miserable Condition. Lieutenant Colonel Bouquet having met 
with nothing but Disappointments, and more Men falling sick every day 
demanded my Warrant. On the Mayor's refusing to Act, I sent for 
the high Sheriff, acquainting him with Colonel Bouquet's Demand, and 
assured him, a Warrant to provide sufficient Quarters for the King's 
Troops woud be delivered to Colonel Bouquet, directed to him to which 
he was to yield Obedience; charging him to take particular Care that 
the Inhabitant'; were distressed as little as possible on the Manner of 
Quartering. This Pleasure was intended to hasten the Resolution of 
the House on this important Affair which would admit of no further 
delay The Warrant was accordingly delivered, in the Presence of the 
Sheriff, to the Commanding officer with a Blank for the Number of 
!Men who wanted Quarters, and he was to send it to me to have them 
inserted, in case it was necessary to be executed, early next Day the 
Sheriff waited on Colonel Bouquet, and desired he might be trusted 
with the Writ for a short Time, in order to shew it to some of his 
Friends, who had great Influence on the Assembly and might by their 
Petition prevent the Necessity of putting it into Execution, which 
wou'd have been very agreeable to all Parties. Instead of a Petition, 
the Writ itself was laid before the House in a clandestine }klanner, 
and very improperly, by the Sheriffs Consent; which threw the House 
into a ferment and for the first time since the Charter, they sat all 
Saturday Afternoon and Sunday Morning, and drew up a long abusive 
Message, which they chose shou'd be delivered by two of tlie Members, 
as the People were going to Church, desiring withal a Conference for 
the final Settlement of the Matter; to which I readily agreed and 
appointed the next :Morning. On Perusal of their Message, I found 
it contained a long narrative filled with Abuses, which I answered 
briefly, telling them these Prcoeedings shou'd be referred to the King's 
Ministers, and informing them that while they were consuming their 
Time in long Messages, Sixty two Beds were actually wanted for One 
hundred and twenty four Men who lay upon Straw, and Quarters for 
the Recruits who arrived every Day. 

At the Conference, which was held in Council, the :Members of the 
House behaved witli great Rudeness and Insolence, calling me a Bashaw 
&.C. using many other Expressions, not at all becoming them. I only 
answered that if they found fault witli me for doing my Duty in 
Quartering the King's Troops in that very severe Season, they did me 
Vol. XLIV.— 8 



114 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

a great deal of Honor and that whatever might be the Consequence 
I was determined to do my Duty. Immediately after the Conference, 
finding nothing was to be expected from the Assembly, I dispatched an 
l^xpress to Lord Loudoun, with an Account of all these Proceedings, 
who was pleased by the Return of the ^lessenger to thank me for my 
proper and steady Conduct, offering to send me more Troops to enforce 
the Quarters, if the Assembly shou'd still continue obstinate. The 
House, having, without my privity or Consent presumed to adjourn 
for the Christmas Holidays, notwithstanding the distressed Condition 
and Sickness of the Soldiers, who were raised and paid to defend them: 
His Lordship's Lett^^r came to my Hand during this Adjournment. 
Tliis obstinate Persisting in an open Xeglect of Humanity was the 
highest Instance I have ever met with of the Depravity of Human 
Xature. I had howcAer another Resource, which was to acquaint the 
Commissioners that I had received a Letter from his T^ordship which 
obliged me to know if Colonel Bouquet's Demand for Quarters &c. con'd 
be complied with, & to insist on a clear & precise Answer before Night, 
telling them that thf' Fxpress waited to carry it to his Tx)rdship. On 
this Letter the Commissioners met, and sent me an Answer, subscribed 
by all that they wou'd comply with Colonel Bouquet's Demand & pro- 
Tide Quarters, an Hospital. & all other Things to his Satisfaction. 
Thus this troublesome Affair was at last settled, which might with a 
great deal of Ease have been done as well at first, and with a much 
better Grace. The Assembly was pleased immediately to print a partial 
Report of the Conference, without my Leave, or even acquainting me 
of their Intention, nor had they so much Decency and Regard to Justice 
as to compare the minutes with the Clerk of the Council. 

On the 13 January, aft-er having sat three compleat Calendar ^Months, 
the House presented me three Bills, one for binding out & settling &c 
the French Xeutrals. The second for regulating the Provincial Ollicers 
and Soldiers that is putting them on the same Footing with the King's 
Troops with a power given me to appoint a Court Martial, and the 
third for continuing the Citj' Watch, all which were passed without 
any hesitation or objection, but still I heard nothing from them on 
the Article of Supplies, or the ]Militia, At length, on the 22'' January, 
a Bill was sent to me for raising One hundred Thousand pounds for the 
King's use by a Tax on all Estates real & personal, which on Perusal 
appeared to me as a Stranger, as well as to the Gentlemen of the 
Council, who have been long experienced in the Affairs of this Country, 
to be not only contrary to your particular Instructions, but if there 
had been no Instructions at all, to common Equity and Justice. Not 
desirous to open a new Controversy about the Rights of amending Bills 
which of late the House had begun to controvert. In a short Message 
to the House I declared the Necessity I was under of refusing my 
Assent to it, and pressed them to prepare a New Bill free from the 
Objections which so obviously lay against this. Instead of a Comply- 
ance they thought proper to return me the Bill with a Remonstrance 
demanding it of me as their Riglit to give my Assent to it (and as 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 115 

it was a Money Bill without Alteration or Amendment) as I shou'd 
answer to the CroMTi for all the Conseqiiences of my Refusal, at my 
Peril. To this extreme Rudeness and Insolence I made no other 
Reply than still to refuse my Assent to the Bill and to tell the House 
I woud copy it in order to lay it before his Majesty with my Reasons 
for not passing it and if the House desired an Exemplification under 
the Great Seal they might have it upon Application. Under this 
iJisappointnient the House proceeded to consider other ^feans of raising 
Supplies, and tho' many might have occurred to them which I cou'd 
pass consistent ^^'ith. Honour & a regard to Justice, yet it was easy 
to foresee that in such a Humour they wou'd not offer me any such: 
at length they fell upon making a Supplemental Bill to the Sixty 
Thousand Pounds Act already passed by his Majesty their pretense 
for this was that it had obtained the Royal Assent, which agreeable 
to tlie Preamble of the Instruction most probably wou'd not have l)oen 
given, if the Proprietaries had not declined all opposition on Account 
of the Bills ha\ing issued, and the perilous Circumstances of the 
Province, so that what was meant by the Proprietaries as a well timed 
Instance of their Indulgence was artfully turned against them and the 
Law tho' unjust as being permitted to pass sub Silentio, was set up 
for a precedent. 

In order to obviate this plausible Reason in favour of the Bill. 
a Message was sent to set forth the Grievances which woud fall on 
particulars in case it was to pass into a Law. This had no other 
EfTect than to produce an abusive Report of a Committee of Assembly 
which the House adopted and returned the Bill with a Verbial Message 
conceived in their usual Strain, that if I shoud continue to refuse 
my Assent to the Bill as it then stood they must refer it to me to 
pay the Forces or disband them as I shoud judge I coud best Answer 
for my Conduct to his Majesty. 

As soon as this troublesome Affair was ended they presented to me 
a Bill to render the Quartering of the Soldiers on the Publick Houses 
more equal, in which they- laid further Excise of two pence per gallon 
on Liquors sold by Publick Housekeepers subject by Law to be billetted 
upon, which leaving out the Retailers of small Liquors did but make 
bad worse, the Injustice of this Bill I set forth in a Message to which 
they paid no Regard and tho' I was by no means convinced it was 
a good Bill, yet as it made some further Provision for Quarters, and 
was of a sliort Duration, I was advised to pass it, which I did un- 
willingh', thinking it to be a partial Bill. 

Having received a Letter from the Lords of Trade in January last, 
ordering restraints to be laid on all Vessels bound to any other Port 
than such as belonged to his Majesty. I laid it before the House with 
a Message desiring a Bill might be prepared agreeable to the King's 
Orders signified in that Letter. As if there was not already matter 
enough of Debate they presented me a Bill confining the Restraint and 
Prohibition to America only, leaving Vessels at Liberty to sail to any 
Neutral ports in Europe, and adhered to this partial Bill in Opposition 



116 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

to my just Amendments, & against the express directions of the Lords 
of Trade who were on tliis Occasion treated with Indecency in one of 
their Messages which they likewise published in the Gazettee. 

Another Bill was likewise offered at the same Time to continue the 
Act now expired for the more easy and speedy recovery of Legacies. 
As to this I was informed by M^ Hamilton & M^ Peters you had 
made some just objections to it as interfering with the Powers of 
Chancery yet this being not a Time to raise new Disputes the Council 
advised me to pass it, which I accordingly did. 

On the fourth of ilarch an Express arrived in the Evening from 
Lord Loudoun with Letters to me & the Southern Governors requiring 
us to lay a General Embargo, and to take all imaginable that it shoud 
be strictly observed. The Collector was instantly sent for and served 
with an Order in Form under the Great Seal not to clear any Vessel 
and desired forthwith to send a List of all the Vessels in Port partic- 
ularly those who had got their Clearances. The next Day I conferred 
with Colonel Stanwix and give order to the Officer who commanded at the 
Fort not to suffer any Vessels to pass, I sent a ilessage to the House 
acquainting them with what had been done & desiring such an Embargo 
might be laid by Law as wou'd answer my Lords' Purposes, to this 
they have not yet vouclisafed to give me any Answer. 

In the Minutes of the Indian Conferences you will find an Invitation 
made to the Indians to come & settle at Shamokin with a Promise 
of having a Store of Goods to be sold to them at reasonable rates 
under the Care of a Person for whom the Government woud be answer- 
able — ^to enable me to discharge this Promise and to put the Indian 
Trade, heretofore in the Hands of Persons of no Character who had 
abused and defrauded the Indians, upon a good footing, it was neces- 
sary a good Law shou'd be carefully framed, and such an one I might 
reasonably have expected, instead of this, the House sent a Bill the 
like to wliich I will venture to say was never offered in any Govern- 
ment. The Power of naming, commissionating, and instructing, the 
Agents to be employed in regulating the Trade, and even distributing 
the Presents to the Indians & almost every Thing being lodged solely 
in the House or Committees of Assembly without any Participation 
of the Governor and Council. Such a Bill I understood had been 
offered to the late Governor whose Amendments were read in Council 
& being again considered & approved as necessary, reasonable and just, 
they were transcribed and sent with the Bill to the House, who in- 
stantly returned it with a Negative and I as quickly sent it again with 
my peremptory refusal. 

M' Hockly no doubt has acquainted you with the ill Temper the 
House was in, on my refusing a Bill for striking the Sum of Two 
thousand and eight Hundred and forty pounds, the remainder unpaid of 
your Gift of £5000. The Money was indeed particularly wanted at 
that Time and coud have been employed to very great Advantage in 
enabling me to send Lieutenant Colonel Armstrong on a private Expedi- 
tion which cou'd not be executed for want of such a Sum. 



Memoir of Colonel WilUam Denny. 117 

One Bill more closes this Tedious Account of the Proceedings of 
Assembly, except what was done with or by Advice of Lord Loudoun 
which will be told more properly when I come to speak of my Trans- 
actions with his Lordship. 

Common Sense and fatal Experience shews, that in such a Country 
as this with so extended a Frontier, that proper Defence must be made 
by a well disciplined & well-regulated Militia, and this, tho' the first in 
Order & Consequence, was put off to the Close of the Sessions without 
regard to my warm recommendations of it in my Speech at the Opening 
of the Sessions, and to my repeated Applications during the Course of it. 

I proposed to the Council to have a good & proper Militia Bill care- 
fully drawn, and to have it sent to the House early in their Sessions, 
but it was signified to me by them that many of the Assembly on the 
New change of Members were well disposed and might offer a better 
Bill of themselves than they woud a,pprove, if sent by the Governor, 
of whom their Attachment to the People led them to entertain un- 
reasonable Jealousies. 

On this consideration I dropped the Motion and waited for the 
Kesult of the Assembly's Deliberations on this important Subject, which 
as I said they did not chuse to send me till the Members were tired 
with their long Sessions «& impatient to go home. 

The State of the Frontiers & the Forces come next to be considered. 
After Col°. Armstrong's successful Expedition against the Kittaning 
and the Conclusion of the Peace at Easton the back Inhabitants en- 
joyed rest from the Incursions of the Savage, and the poor People who 
were drove from their Plantations generally returned to them. 
Straggling Parties of Indians may be always expected to do Mischief 
but none has been done in any Part of this Province during the whole 
Winter that has come to my knowledge, except that whilst Teedyuscung 
& his People were loitering on the Borders in his Return an House 
was attacked under the Blue Hills in Northampton County, one ]Man 
killed, a Girl of about eleven years of AgQ carried off and a woman 
missing, a little after this a Boy was killed & scalped on the Borders 
of Berks County, & another dangerously wounded, who made his 
Escape and declared he saw but two Indians. Two of the Gentries 
at Fort Augusta were shot by foreign Indians in the Winter, who made 
off instantly & tho' pursued were not overtaken, of this last Party of 
Indians Teedyuscung as I said above gave an Account. In my last, 
I mentioned that the Augusta Battalion were employed in building 
and carrj'ing on the Works at that Fort, their Duty and Labour very 
severe. Even under these Circumstances of the Garrison, I ordered a 
strong Detachment under Colonel Clapham toward the Ohio, to a<?t 
offensively and if possible destroy an Indian Town; but Intelligence 
arriving before these Orders cou'd be carried into Execution, that a 
large Body of French and Indians was coming to besiege the Fort they 
were obliged to lay the Expedition aside. This account proving false, 
Colonel Clapham, who was employed in finishing the Fort, sent out a 
Captain's Command, to attack an Indian Town called Shingleclamouse, 



118 Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 

situate near the Head of the West Branch of Susquehannah whore 
was supposed to be a great Resort of Indians. Captain Hambright 
entered the ToA%-n, found the Cabbins all standing, but deserted by the 
Indians : agreeable to liis Orders he did not touch anything, nor destroy 
the Tovra in hopes the Indians wou'd come & settle there again; This 
was the only Indian Town cou'd be attacked, & we found by a second 
Expedition that they had return'd, set their Town on Fire and retired 
to Venango, situate where the River auBoeuf runs into the Ohio. Since 
the affair of Kittaning the Indians on this side the Ohio have mostly 
retired with their Wives and Children under the French Forts on that 
River. 

The state of the Provincial Forces, a subject the most disagreeable 
of all still remains to be mentioned. The thirty thousand Pounds 
raised in Septemb'. were soon expended in discharging the Arrears 
due to the Forces, and for other Articles, at the Time that Bill passed. 
No Money remaining for the future Pay of the Soldiers, and the 
Supply Bill being kept back, another large Arrear was incurred, I 
suppose purposely, to breed Discontent among the Forces, prevent re- 
cruiting, and eAery Way to increase the publick Confusion, in Order 
to oblige me to pass any Bill that shou'd be presented. The Difficulties 
put upon me were, and still are, inconceivable, on Account of the Manner 
used here in enlisting into the Service, which is in some Instances for 
three Months, in others for six, and in almost all, for only a Year. 
This I wanted to alter from the very beginning, and gave the Officers 
Orders to recruit for no less Time than three Years, or during the 
War. — I declared from Time to time to the Commissioners the Necessity 
of this Alteration, and their giving a large Bounty for eveiy Recruit, 
but they still answered me. that they had no Money, with this Answer 
I was forced to acquiesce. 

As in the Spring Parties of the Enemy Indians were expected to 
renew their Incursions, at the latter End of March I ordered Lieutenant 
Colonel Armstrong to encamp with a Detachment consisting of Three 
hundred Men near Rea's Town a well chose Station on this side the 
Allegheny Hills between two Indian Roads the only known Track of 
the Indians to invest this Pro\ince. He had further Directions to 
employ Spies, and send out ranging Parties, by these [mended and 
illegible] — might have been prevented or their Retreat cut off W^*". 
woud probably have hindered future Incursions. For this Service a 
few Horses, some Forrage & a small matter of Camp Equipage are 
wanting. I cannot prevail on the Commissioners to advance the neces- 
sary Supplies, so that I doubt this Expedition will miscarry for want 
of a trifling Expense. 

Colonel Clapham gave me early Notice that most of his Battalion 
was only enlisted for a Year, which in several Instances is already 
expired & in most will expire either in this or the next Month. That 
Gentleman tir'd with the Discouragements perpetually given to the 
Service, and with their particular Treatment of him, has resigned his 
Commission, & there never having been a Lieu*. Col", appointed to 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 119 

that Battalion, Major Bird has now the Command at Augusta. The 
Works there cou'd not be finished before the severe Season came on, 
but they will be soon compleated if the Soldiers can be prevail'd upon 
to continue in the Service, which I very much doubt They have done 
a great deal & ought to have Encouragement to do more which it is 
not in my Power to give. 

William Denny 

Governor Denny to the Earl of Holdemesse. 

Philadelphia 12 July 1757 
My Lord 

I was honored with your Lordship's Letter of the Second of May, 
by the Spry Sloop of War. The Embargo was taken off by Lord 
Loudon's Direction the Twenty Seventh of last Month. I shall strictly 
conform to the other particulars iu your Lordship's Letter. 

The Affairs of this Colony seem to be every Day in a worse Situation 
than the last, and however reasonable the Proprietary Instructions 
may appear at home, it has, and may be impossible to put them in 
Execution, in every particular, especially in tlie Articles of greater 
Consequence, the Assembly of this Province obstinately refusing to 
raise Money on the Plan laid down in those Instructions, notwith- 
standing I have frequently recommended it to them. Therefore I find 
myself obliged to represent to your Lordship, that I think it will be 
for his Majesty's Service and the Safety of this Colony, that the 
Proprietaries should be pleased to relax their Instructions, or one of 
them come over because the Distance is so great, that before I can 
explain the Necessity of an alteration in them, the Province may be 
lost. I am 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's most obliged 

and most obedient 
humble Servant 
William Denny 
Earl of Holdemesse. 

Gen. John Forbes to Governor Denny. 

Fourt Duquesne 

now Pittsbourg 26 November 1758. 
Sir, ^ 

I haAe the pleasure and honour of acquainting you with the Signal 

success of His Majesty's Troops over all his Enemies on the Ohio, by 

having obliged them to burn and abandon their Fort Duquesne which 

they effectuated upon the 24*''. instant. And of which I took possession 

with my little Army, the next day, the Enemy having made their 

Escape down the River part in Boats and part by Land to their Forts 

and Settlenvents on the Mississippi, being abandoned or at least not 

seconded by their Friends the Indians whom we had previously engaged 



120 Memoir of Colonel IVilllam Denny. 

to act a neutral part, And wJio now seem all willing and ready to 
embrace His Majesty's most gracious Protection. 

. So give me leave to congratulate you upon this important event of 
having totally expelled the French from their Fort and this prodigious 
tract of fine Country and of having in a manner reconciled the various 
tribes of Indians inhabiting it, to His Majesty's Government. 

I have not time to give you a detail of our proceedings and ap- 
proaches towards the Enemy, or of the hardships and difficulties that 
we necessarily met with, all that will soon come out, but I assure you 
after reviewing the Ground and Fort, I have great reason to be most 
thankful for the part that the French have acted. 

As the conquest of this Country is of the greatest Consequence to 
the adjacent Provinces by securing the Indians our real Friends for 
their own advantage, I have therefore sent for their head people to 
come to me, when I think in few Words and few days to make every 
thing easy. I shall then set out to kiss your hands if I have strength 
enough left to carry me through the Journey. 

I shall be obliged to leave about 200 ^len of your Provincial troops 
to join a proportion of Virginia and Marylanders in order to protect 
this Country during Winter, by which time I hope the Provinces will 
be so sensible of the great benefit of this new Acquisition as to enable 
me to fix this noble fine Country to all perpetuaty under the dominion 
of Great Britain. 

I beg the Barracks may be put in good repair and proper lodging 
for the Officers, and that you will send me with the greatest dispatch 
your Opinion how I am to dispose of the rest of your Provincial Troops, 
for the ease and convenience of the Province and the Inhabitants — 
You must also remember that Colonel Montgomery's Battalion of 1300 
Men & Four Companies of Royal Americans, are after so long and 
tedious a Campaign to be taken care off in some Comfortable Winter 
Quarters. 

I kiss all your hands and flatter myself that if I get to Philadelphia, 
under your cares and good Companys I shall yet run a good chance 
of reestablishing a health that I run the risque of ruining to give your 
Province all the Satisfaction in the power of my weak abilities. 

I am Sir, 

with great esteem and regard 

Your most obedient 

humble Servant 

Jo: Forbes 
Governor Denny 

Governor Denny to Thomas Penn. 

Philadelphia 30*" May 1759. 
Sir 

I take this Opportunity of acquainting you that the Lower Counties 
have raised Seven Thousand Pounds for this Year's Supplies, which 



v?. 

< 



Memoir of Colonel William Denny. 121 

will recruit and pay 3 companies of 60 Men to a Company. That 
Assembly absolutely refused to raise any Money for the King's Service 
unless I wou'd give my assent to a Bill for remitting their Twenty 
Thousand Pounds to be let out on Loan for the further Term of 16 
Years and in Consequence of a pressing Letter from Brigadier Gen'. 
Stanwix, a Copy whereof is enclos'd I passed it, and have the Satisfac- 
tion to find my Conduct approv'd of by General Amherst, a Copy of 
whose Letter on that Subject I have likewise sent you. 

The Assembly of this Province is now sitting and have offer'd me a 
Bill for recording of Warrants and Surveys & for rendering the real 
Estates and Property within this Province more secure, which is 
under Consideration. I have only time to add, I am. Sir, 

Your affectionate friend 

and most obedient 
humble servant 
William Denny. 
The Honorable Thomas Penn Esquire 



122 A Centuri/ of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 



A CENTURY OF GEAXD OPERA IN PHILADELPHIA. 

A Historical Summary read before the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, Monday Evening, January 12, 1920. 

BY JOHN CURTIS. 

Music is as old as the world itself ; the Drama dates 
from before the Christian era. Combined in the form 
of Grand Opera as we know it today they delighted the 
Florentines in the sixteenth century, when Peri gave 
''Dafne" to the world, although the ancient Greeks 
listened to great choruses as incidents of their comedies 
and tragedies. Started by Peri, opera gradually found 
its way to France, Germany, and through Europe. It 
was the last form of entertainment to cross the At- 
lantic to the new world, and while some works of the 
great old-time composers were heard in New York, 
Charleston and New Orleans in the eighteenth century, 
Philadelphia did not experience the pleasure until 1818 
was drawing to a close, and so this city rounded out its 
first centuiy of Grand Opera a little more tli^n a year 
ago. 

But it was a century full of interest and incident. In 
those hundred years Philadelphia heard 276 different 
Grand Operas. Thirty of these were first heard in 
America on a Philadelphia stage, and fourteen had 
their first presentation on any stage in this city. There 
were times when half a dozen travelling companies bid 
for our patronage each season ; now we have one. One 
year Mr. Hinrichs gave us seven solid months of opera, 
with seven performances weekly; now we are permitted 
to attend sixteen performances a year, unless some 
wandering organization cares to take a chance with us. 
We have seen Charlotte Cushman, one of the world's 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 123 

greatest tragic actresses pirouetting about as the bright 
star of Auber's ''The Dumb Girl of Portici," Mrs. 
John Dre\7 singing in the chorus of ''XoiTaa," and 
Stuart Eobson, whose name has always been linked with 
comedy, made almost his first stage venture in this city 
as Hortensius in ''The Daughter of the Kegiment." 
^Xe have heard opera in English, French, Italian, Ger- 
man, Polish, and I believe, in Yiddish. The first Amer- 
ican Grand Opera was written and composed by Phila- 
delphians and first produced in Philadelphia. To 
merely read a list of the famous singers who have en- 
tertained us would take an hour's time. And we have 
listened to opera in twenty-seven enclosed and three 
open-air theatres in the century that has so recently 
closed. There were five thousand, eight hundred per- 
formances of opera in Philadelphia during that period. 
The History of Grand Opera in Philadelphia might 
justly be divided into three epochs, those of the Chest- 
nut Street Theatre, the Academy of Music and the 
Metropolitan Opera House, for while opera was sung 
in many other houses, it centered in these. The first 
performance on December 26, 1818 lacked only two 
weeks of seventy years after the first theatrical per- 
formance in this city, by the Murray and Keen Com- 
pany in Plumstead's warehouse, "Water Street above 
Pine. The warehouse was a bam-like stiTicture back 
of William Plumstead's store. Murray and Keen had 
erected a stage at one end, installed seats and strung 
a curtain, probably lighting this pioneer of local 
theatres with candles. There was no way of heating 
the building, hence patrons were permitted to carry 
their stoves and fuel with them. You who sat in lux- 
urious comfort in the great Metropolitan Opera House 
last Tuesday night and watched the magnificent 
pageantry of "La Juive" may note the contrast be- 
tween 1749 and 1920. 

But primitive as it was, it was in this theatre that 



124 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia heard its first musical play, if one may so 
generally designate all forms of opera. It was not 
Grand Oi^era, however, but very crudely performed 
ballad or comic opera. The most pretentious work in 
Murray and Keen's repertoire was "The Beggar's 
Opera," which it may have sung here. The presump- 
tion is that it did, as this is one of several operas of that 
calibre that the companj^ sang in New York after an 
indignant populace had chased it away from Philadel- 
phia. 

Our forefathers of the eighteenth century looked 
askance upon stage folk and stage entertainment; the 
theatre was regarded as the earthly habitat of Satan 
himself, and its advent in Philadelphia was not to be 
countenanced by the staid Quakers who did not believe 
the theatre to be a part of Penn's plan. The ''con- 
tamination" was avoided after Murray and Keen had 
been hustled forth until the Hallams came in 1754 to 
re-open the Plumstead place and later to build the first 
two theatres in this city. Murray and Keen 's company 
was composed of vagabonds, among ^hom were a few 
who had had actual stage experience in England. But 
Hallam's people were trained and experienced players. 
Hallam made extensive alterations in the warehouse, 
making it more nearly resemble a theatre, and opened 
his season on April 23, 1754, with ''The Fair Penitent," 
a tragedy, and "Miss in her Teens" as the inevitable 
farce with which no earlj^ theatrical evening was com- 
plete. We may really regard the Murray and Keen 
effort as a "flash in the pan," as it was Hallam who 
established the drama here, although for a time later 
it was suspended. Most of the old-time plays began 
with a prologue and ended with an epilogue pertaining 
to the play. But on this occasion they were introduc- 
tory of the drama in a theatrically virgin community. 
The prologue, spoken before the curtain, as Tonio now 
does it in magnificent song was : 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 125 

Too oft, we own, the stage with dangerous art, 

In wanton scenes has played a Syren's part; 

Yet if the Muse, unfaithful to her trust. 

Has sometimes strayed from what is pure and just, 

Has she not oft, with awful virtue's rage 

Struck home at vice, and nobly trod the stage? 

Then as you'd treat a favorite Fair's mistake, 

Pray spare her foibles for her virtue's sake; 

And whilst her chastest scenes are made appear, 

(For none but such will be admitted here), 

The Muse's friends, we hope, will join the cause. 

And crown our best endeavors with applause. 

At the conclusion of the evening's entertainment Mrs. 
Lewis Hallam stepped foiTvard and pronounced this 
epilogue : 

Much has been said in this redeeming age. 
To damn in gross, the business of the stage. 
Some, for this end, in terms not quite so civil 
Have given both plays and players to the devil. 
With red hot zeal in dreadful pomp they come. 
And bring their flaming tenets warm from* Rome; 
Fathers and Councils, Hermits froih the cell 
Are brought to prove this is the road to Hell; 
To me, who am, I own, a weak woman. 
This way of reformation seems uncommon. 
If these authorities are good, we hope 
To gain a full indulgence from the Pope. 
We, too, will fly to Holy Mother Church 
And leave these sage reformers in the lurch. 

But to be serious; — now let's try the cause 

By Truth and Reason's most impartial laws. 

The play just finished, prejudice apart, 

Let honest nature speak — how feels the heart? 

Did it not throb? Then tell it to our foes, 

To mourn the Parent, Friend and Husband's woes, 

Whilst at the cause of all a noble indignation rose. 

H, then, the soul in virtue's cause we move, 

Why should the friends of virtue disapprove? 

We trust they do not by this splendid sight 

Of dazzling eyes that grace our scenes tonight; 

Tlien smile, ye fair, propitious to our cause. 

And every honest heart will beat applause. 

While performances of opera by Murray and Keen 
can only be surmised, the actual record of the first 



126 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

operatic performance in Philadelphia is that of a comic 
work entitled ''Flora, or Hob in the Well," by the 
Hallam Company on May 7, 1754, in the Plumstead 
warehouse. The company, during its various visits 
presented other musical works as well, but none worthy 
of particular note. The Revolution not only ended 
theatrical activities for the time, but Congress passed a 
law abolishing the theatre altogether. For a long time 
after the war was over plays and operas were given 
under thinly disguised titles aud many amusing sub- 
terfuges were resorted to to present them in defiance 
of law. Efforts to have the law repealed were fought 
vigorously by the religious element. They won a tem- 
porary victory by quoting songs from two operas and 
demanded of Congress and the Assembly if such drivel 
should be authorized by law. One of these quotations, 
from an un-named work was : 

IHtheruin, doodle, aggety; 
Xagity, Nigity num. 
Goosterum, foodie nidgity, 
Nigity, Nagity, Num. 

and the other from the ''Castle of Andalusia;" 

A Master I have and I am his man, 
Galloping dreary dun. 
And he Avill get married as fast as he can, 
With my haily, gaily, gamboraily 
Giggling, niggling, galloping galloway, 
Draggletail, dreary dun. 

But the Act was eventually repealed, and since then 
Philadelphia has never been without its theatres. 

The erection of the First Chestnut Street Theatre by 
Wignell and Reinagle, just west of Sixth Street, on the 
north side, gave a home to Philadelphia's first grand 
opera. The theatre was opened February 17, 1794, this 
event having been jjostponed ten months because of the 
epidemic of yellow fever which swept the city. This 
theatre was an exact duplicate of the Royal Theatre of 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 127 

Bath, England, which was considered the finest theatre 
in the world. The new Chestnut was the most preten- 
tious ever erected up to that time on this side of the 
Atlantic, and its constiiiction added to the fame and 
standing of the city, then the Nation's Capital, and home 
of Washington, who was a frequent visitor. Wignell 
had engaged a splendid company for it in England, with 
Mrs. Oldmixon as leading lady and prima donna. This 
gifted woman, because of her standing in the very fore- 
front of her profession, was paid a much higher salary 
than any of the others, her stipend being the munificent 
sum of $37 a week. As Miss George, leading woman of 
the Eoyal Theatre of Bath, she had been the toast of the 
young bloods of Bath and London. Among her ad- 
mirers was the gayest of the gay, genial, lovable, reck- 
less Sir John Oldmixon, called the "beau of Bath," 
who carried off the prize even though he had scattered 
his patrimony to the four winds. He came here with 
his wife, bought a farm in G-ermantown, and settled 
do^vn to the life of a faiTner, driving into the city sev- 
eral times each week to market his cabbages. It was 
one case where the marriage of an actress and a sporty 
baronet turned out well, and the pair are said to have 
lived in happiness and content. 

Mrs. Oldmixon and some other members of the com- 
pany had been engaged with a special view to exploiting 
opera as well as the drama, but for some years Wignell 
and Reinagle hesitated to go beyond the comic and 
ballad line. In the meantime came Lailson and his 
French company from Charleston. A fine theatre had 
been erected for them at Fifth and Locust Streets, or 
Prune Street as it was then called. The feature of this 
house was a magnificent dome which towered ninety 
feet above the street level. This company was versa- 
tility personified, for it included in its repertoire opera, 
drama, farce, vaudeville and circus feats. The operas 
offered, while more pretentious than those Philadelphia 



128 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

had ever heard before, were of the better grade of 
comic works by such composers as Paisiello, Gretry and 
others. Sonneck in his * ' Early Opera in America ' ' says 
that the company produced Gretry 's one Grand Opera, 
** Richard, the Lion Hearted;" but a search of records 
of that time shows that it did not. At the Chestnut, 
however, a play of that title was given as part of a 
triple bill, which accounts for the error. Lailson had 
given Grand Opera in Charleston, and no doubt would 
have done so here, but before reaching that point, on 
Sunday, July 8, 1798, the dome that had been his pride 
collapsed, wrecking the building, and bringing the 
career of the comj^any in Philadelphia to a disastrous 
end. 

But in the evolution of the stage we were steadily 
approaching Grand Opera. Late in 1817 Charles Ben- 
jamin Incledon, a famous tenor, sang at the Chestnut 
in several comic operas. He was the best tenor that 
Philadelphia had ever heard, and had a Grand Operatic 
repertoire. He was soon followed by another distin- 
guished tenor, Hennv^ Phillips, who was the first singer 
here to use the so-called Italian method. The apjDcal 
of such voices led to a demand that real Grand Opera 
be produced, and the management sought a vehicle. 
News of the success with which Sir Henry Rowley Bish- 
op's English adaptation of Mozart's "Don Giovanni" 
had met in London in 1816 had reached them, and they 
determined to make their venture with this work. 
Great preparations were made. Among extra artists 
engaged were Mr. and Mrs. LaFolle, the latter as one 
of the prima donnas, the former as conductor. Mrs. 
LaFolle before her marriage was a Miss Placide, mem- 
ber of a family of players who were prominent on the 
Philadelphia stage for several generations. Choristers 
were engaged, and according to prevailing custom, 
those of the company who were not assigned to parts 
also sang in the chorus. The orchestra was augmented 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 129 

by the best "professors of Music" iu the city, and the 
management "went the limit" in scenic investiture, 
costumes and properties. It was pronounced the most 
gorgeous theatrical entertainment tliat Philadelphia 
had ever witnessed. The performance was given on the 
evening of December 26, 1818, and this marks the be- 
ginning of the history of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 
It was sung four times successively, and the cast was : 

Don Pedro Mr. Hughes 

Don Juan Henry Wallack 

Don Octavio Mr. Abercrombie 

Leporello Joseph Jefferson 

Masetto John Darley 

Lopez Mr. Hathwell 

Donna Elvira Mrs. LaFolle 

Donna Leonora ilrs. Henry Wallack 

Zerlina Mrs. Thomas Burke 

Maria Elizabeth Jefferson 

Conductor Mr. La FoUe 

This was the only production of opera in the first 
Chestnut Street Theatre. It is worthy of note that on 
that occasion the house was lighted by gas, the manage- 
ment having installed a private gas plant therein two 
years before. The structure was burned to the ground 
March 27, 1820, with the loss of all its equipment and 
its extremely valuable and in many cases irreplacable 
musical and dramatic librank^ But arrangements were 
immediately made to rebuild, and in the meantime the 
company was established at the Walnut Street Theatre, 
even then a long-established play-house, and still func- 
tioning as such more than a century later. There "The 
Libertine" was given several times, and there on Feb- 
ruary 25, 1822, Philadelphia heard its second Grand 
Opera, "The Barber of Seville," by the same company. 

The Second Chestnut Street Theatre, handsomer 
than its predecessor, but inheriting its title of alTec- 
tion, "Old Drury," was opened December 2, 1822, and 
on Januaiy 1, 1823 the company made its third ven- 
ture in Grand Opera, presenting Bishop's "The Law of 

Vol. XLIV.— 9 



130 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

Java," the book of wliicli was supplied by George Col- 
man, the Younger. One more performance of it was 
given five nights later, and the opera was then shelved 
forever. The music was pronounced excellent, but the 
public would have none of it. Bishop not only adapted 
numerous foreign operas to the English stage, but was 
a prolific composer of original works as well. It was in 
one of these, ' ' Clari, the Maid of Milan, ' ' book by John 
Howard Payne, that was first sung that song which 
will never die, ''Home, Sweet Home." Payne, while 
United States Consul at Tunis, had been impressed 
with an old Sicilian air, which he tried to remember 
while collaborating with Bishop on this opera. He 
whistled it as he remembered it ; Bishop caught the idea, 
and upon iiiis base built the fine old melody to Paj^ie's 
poem. The composer married his most promising 
pupil, who was many years his junior, and who soon 
afterward, before she was twenty years old, eloped with 
Eobert Charles Nicholas Bochsa, a distinguished harp- 
ist and conductor, and general all-round forger and 
crook. Anna Bishop appeared often years later in 
Philadelphia at the head of her own opera company, 
with Bochsa conducting. 

On March 18, 1825, the Chestnut Street Stock Com- 
pany made its next venture in Grand Opera, presenting 
Weber's "Der Freischuetz," although it is doubtful 
if the amiable composer would have recognized his own 
child. Durang says that the vocal numbers and orches- 
tral accompaniment were "arranged" by H. W. Darley, 
who also appeared in the cast as "Wilhelm," probably 
re-named for Max or Caspar. Adapters of operas in 
those days not only took extensive liberties with the 
score, but did not hesitate to change names and even 
introduce new characters. Moreover it must not be in- 
ferred that all who appeared sang. Some members of 
the casts in these stock company productions, while 
excellent actors, could no more sing than they could 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 131 

fly, and it was customary for tliein to speak their lines 
either with or without orchestral accompaniment. 

But while with the exception of "The Law of Java" 
all previous efforts in the way of Grand Opera had been 
reasonably profitable, ''Der Freischuetz" was not. 
Four performances were given, the receipts of which 
were respectively $464, $216, $290 and $205, while the 
cost, exclusive of the investment, was $400 a night. 
What a contrast with the times in which we are living, 
when receipts of from $10,000 to $12,000 are not un- 
usual, and even these large figures on certain occasions 
have been exceeded. The Company's experience with 
''Der Freischuetz" led it to confine its attention to the 
drama for a long time afterward. Of these operatic 
efforts William B. Wood wrote : 

"It frequently happened that the pieces were not 
suited to the abilty of the singers, and it became neces- 
sary to omit much of the composer's music, substitut- 
ing such popular and approved airs as were certain of 
obtaining applause. Each artist insisted on his share 
of this privilege until the * merciless introduction of 
songs, encored by admirers of the several singers, pro- 
tracted the entertainment to so late an hour as to leave 
the contending singers to a show of empty benches." 

It must be remembered also that the opera was only 
part of the entertainment, each work sharing honors 
with a comedy, tragedy or farce. Performances began 
at six o'clock and lasted until midnight. There were 
no reserved seats, and those who had them, used to send 
their servants to get in the line early and hold places 
for them. 

This production of "Der Freischuetz" brought forth 
the first operatic criticism in a Plriladelphia newspaper. 
The dramatic critic of the United States Gazette, after 
a flattering notice of "Pizzaro," winds up with — 

"It remains for our city to aid in checking the grow- 
ing vitiation of taste and prevent such pieces from sink- 



132 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

ing under any such productions as ^'Der Freischuetz'* 
and "Don Giovanni." An enlightened public owes it 
as a duty, and each individual should feel called upon, 
to support fine sentiment and acting, in opposition to 
fairy tales and monsters of superstition." 

This editorial wallop following the sad inspection of 
box office receipts fully convinced the management of 
''Old Druiy" that^rand Opera did not belong in their 
repertoire. 

It is puzzling to know why the public did not cordially 
respond. Possibly the theatre-going public even at that 
time believed in the doctrine expounded about sixty 
years later by the late AVilliam S. Stokley, that rum 
and music would not mix. For in those days there were 
places called bars at which certain beverages were dis- 
pensed which tradition says — caused intoxication, and 
one of these bars was on each floor of the theatres. One 
could therefore become comfortably drank and dis- 
orderly without leaving the building, and many of them 
did. Indeed, this pleasant habit, which frequently led 
to actual rioting, was so ingrained in numerous patrons 
of the theatre that a strong force of police was always 
scattered through the house. Bars were not abolished 
by legislative act from the theatres until 1882. 

1825, while not much of an operatic year in Phila- 
delphia, was veiy important one in New York, for it 
witnessed the advent of the first Italian opera company 
in this country, that of ]\Ianual Garcia. Garcia 's great- 
est attraction was his youthful and lovely daughter 
Maria, who although only in the period of charming 
young girlhood had already made a name for herself 
in London. She was soon to be acclaimed one of the 
rarely great singers of the world under her married 
name of Madame Malibran. The tale of her New York 
triumphs reached Philadelphia, and serious music 
lovers here were eager to hear her. The suggestion 
that arrangements be made to bring the Garcia com- 



A Century of Grand Opera hi Philadelphia. 133 

pany to the Cliestniit Street Theatre was extensively 
discussed in conversation and in tlie public prints. The 
newspapers blew hot and blew cold. The Editor of the 
Gazette changed his opinions almost from day to day. 
Once he said that he could see no reason why the 
Garcias should come here as ''our theatre is doing very 
well as it is. ' ' He confessed, however, that he was ' ' not 
musical himself." Again he printed a long and dig- 
nified editorial in praise of the project, and soon after- 
ward, on January 30, 1826, somersaulted again and 
said : 

*'As might have been expected, the New York people 
begin to be weary of the eternal sing song of opera; 
less than 250 persons occupied the boxes, it is said, on 
Tuesday night. We now hear something said of the 
want of music in Signor Garcia 's voice ; and the Garcia 
herself will ere long, we imagine, have her own delight- 
ful tones reverberating from the sounding board of 
empty boxes. The fact is that excepting as a matter 
of curiosity, a nine-days wonder, an opera company 
cannot be supported in America. ' ' 

But the debate over "The Signorina," as Maria 
Garcia was generally referred to, continued. She was 
eventually persuaded to come here and give two con- 
certs. One of these, on June 16, 1826, was in Musical 
Fund Hall, and realized $2000. The critics lost them- 
selves in a search for adjectives with which to do justice 
to her God-given voice. On June 23 she gave her second 
concert in the Chestnut Street Theatre, and her audi- 
ence filled every available spot in the house. But Phila- 
delphia never heard this wonderful singer in opera. 
Virtually sold to a bankrupt and heartless French mer- 
chant of New York, Malibran, she supported him for 
a time by singing in the Bowery Theatre and Grace 
Church choir, and then in disgust, left him, went to 
Europe and was the idol of the opera going public until 
her death at the early age of twenty-eight years. 



134 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

It remained for a regularly organized opera company 
fo give Philadelphia its next taste of Grand Opera. 
New Orleans had long boasted such an organization, 
and this French company, after much thought, decided 
to invade the north. It was a serious undertaking, and 
meant a long voyage by sea in a sailing vessel; never- 
theless the singers decided to risk it, and opened the 
first of several annual seasons here on September 28, 
1827 in a comic opera, Boieldeau's "Little Red Eiding 
Hood." The company was classed as third rate, and 
not only sang opera, but gave vaudeville, farce and 
drama, all in French. The operatic works presented 
were of the better class of comic operas by such com- 
posers as Boieldeau, Auber, Gretry and Nicolo, and 
during this first visit it presented for the first time in 
America, Caraifa's "La Solitaire." Nicolo 's "Cen- 
drillon," sung on the closing night of the season, was 
the first of several operatic versions of the famous old 
fairy tale of Cinderella to be heard here, the last of 
which, Massenet's, featured Mary Garden as the Prince 
a few years ago. 

The evident success of the French Company inspired 
Francis C. Wemyss, manager of the Chestnut, to take 
another flyer in opera. Charles E. Horn, a tenor of 
high standing and considerable experience in Grand 
Opera abroad, was approached with a proposition. 
Horn was to organize an opera company and give a 
season at the Chestnut on a " fifty-fifty ' ' basis. Several 
performances were given, but the public was apathetic, 
and both lost money. This unfortunate outcome re- 
sulted in a marked chilliness arising between the man- 
ager and the imi3ressario and singer, and Horn's 
"grouch" grew in proportion as the attendance 
shriveled. He was overheard to make remarks to the 
effect that there was something rotten in the box-office 
Denmark, which remark was promptly repeated to 
Wemyss, who already j)eeved because of his losses, 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 135 

tartly replied, without qualifying or tempering phrase, 
that Horn was a liar, adding certain picturesque and 
profane embellishments which added materially to the 
punch. The two came face to face on the stage during 
a rehearsal, which was immediately suspended while 
the principals in the affair unburdened themselves. 
From words they proceeded to action. Mr. Lopez, the 
prompter, occupied an unfortunate position in No 
Man's Land between the combatants. Over went the 
prompt table, while his books and papers went flying in 
all directions, and his glasses popped from his nose. 
He tried to act as peacemaker, but a missile hurled by 
one of the principals with very bad aim caught Lopez 
behind the ear, toppling him over backward into the 
orchestra pit, where he landed with a crash and the 
sound of snapping strings on the bass violin. Upon 
this the player thereof cursed him roundly and smote 
him sorely. This was accepted as the signal for battle, 
and the orchestra players dropped their instruments 
and with the singers took sides. The battle waged 
furiously, and no participant enjoyed it more than did 
Henry Walton, the leading baritone, who in his time 
had been a professional pugilist, and thus found an 
opportunity to display his especial talents. Hostilities 
did not cease until Horn, badly battered, admitted his 
defeat. He promptly swore out a warrant for Wemyss's 
arrest and the manager was haled before His Honor, 
the Mayor, and held in $1000 bail to keep the peace. 
Thus ended one season of Grand Opera. 

Peace came later, however, and Horn and Wemyss 
patched up their differences. In May, 1829, Honi 
essayed a brief season of opera in Italian, and it was 
then that Philadelphia had its first experience with 
opera in that language, the work being a comic opera, 
''Trionfa della Musica." Associated with Horn in this 
venture were Eosich and Angrisani and Madames 
Brichta and Feron. But the season failed. In fact, 



136 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

even tlie drama was in such a bad state that season 
that nearly every manager went bankrupt. Wemyss 
attributed this distressing condition to the "star" sys- 
tem, and asserted his belief that a good ensemble was 
far better than one great player and a mediocre sup- 
port. In this I fully agree with him. 

On May IS, 1830, the stock company of the Walnut 
Street Theatre presented for the first time on any stage 
a comic opera entitled " Justina," written by the musi- 
cal director of the theatre, John Clements. The per- 
formance was conducted by Benjamin C. Cross, one 
of the city's foremost conductors and musicians, and 
father of that other eminent conductor Michael Cross, 
who is no doubt remembered by some who are here 
tonight. ''Justina" was not a success, and was soon 
shelved forever. 

It was not until January 1833 that Philadelphia had 
its first opportunity to hear opera properly sung by ar- 
tists who confined their attention exclusively to Grand 
Opera. This company was the Montresor troupe, which 
opened Januaiy 23d at the Chestnut in Mercadante's 
''Eliza e Claudio." In the company were such artists 
as Henrietta Salvioni, Adelaide Pedrotti, Lorenza 
Marozzi, Teresa Verducci, Giuseppe Corsetti, Giovanni 
Montresor, Luciano Fornasari and Francesco Sapig- 
noli. The conductor was Antonio Bagioli. The operas 
sung were, in addition to the one named, Bellini's ''The 
Pirates," Eossini's "Italians in Algiers," just re%aved 
this season by the Metropolitan Opera Company, and 
the same composer's "Cenerentola," "Otello" and 
"Moses in Eg^^^t." The latter was given in oratorio 
form in Musical Fund Hall. 

In the companies presenting opera in English at this 
period the leading singers were John Sinclair, a tenor 
formerly of Covent Garden, for whom Rossini wrote 
the part of Idreno in "Semiramide," Mr. and Mrs. 
Henry H. Eowbotham, Miss Hughes and G. Westervelt 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 137 

Walstein. Sinclair's daughter became the wife of Ed- 
win Forrest, whose unfortunate experience with the 
lady led him to divorce her. This company was well 
supported in productions of '*Fra Diavolo," ''Der 
Freischuetz," "Masaniello," and a version of Cin- 
derella which held popular favor for more than thirty 
years. It was an English version by Rophino and 
DeLacy, and all the music was Eossini's, being taken 
from his ''Armida," "Marmetto," "Secondo," "Cen- 
erentola" and ''William Tell." 

The fall of 1833 was marked by the advent of Mr. 
and Mrs. Joseph Wood. Both had been members of 
the Covent Garden forces in London, and had won wide 
fame. Mrs. Wood had been a Miss Paton, and her mus- 
ical accomplishments attracted the attention of the 
Duke of Cumberland, son of George III and brother of 
the Prince Regent, later George IV, while she was still a 
child. Under his patronage she pursued her musical 
career and after her debut in opera she became the 
bride of Lord Lennox and was accepted in London's 
most exclusive social circles. As Lady Lennox she 
continued to sing, and all was serene until the handsome 
tenor. Wood, joined the company. The frequent sight 
of their stage love making so aroused his Lordship's 
ire that he became gloomy, then abusive, and at last 
sought satisfaction by knocking his wife down with a 
savage blow in the face with his fist. Naturally they 
immediately separated and a divorce followed, after 
which she became the wife of Wood. 

In marked contrast with the aristocratic career of 
his wife, Wood, who was the son of a cattle dealer in 
a small to"v\Ti, went to London and sought a means of 
livelihood. He was an athlete and trained boxer, and 
for a time made a few pounds by appearing in the 
ring. But his companions in this questionable business 
were distasteful to him, and as a last resort he became 
a cab driver, adding to his income by singing in Lon- 



138 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

don's "Free and Easies." Some actors hearing him 
sing brought him to the attention of one of London's 
best teachers, and under his instruction Wood soon 
blossomed forth as an opera singer. 

For several years the AVoods were strong drawing 
cards in opera here, and during their numerous visits 
introduced several operas new to this city, among them 
*'La Sonnambula," one of the most successful operas 
ever heard here. It was first sung by the Woods Feb- 
ruary 11, 1836, and created such a furore that it ran 
nightly until the 26th, and was frequently sung there- 
after. The success of Mrs. Wood as Amina was so pro- 
nounced that Thomas Sully was engaged to paint a por- 
trait of her in the role. For this he received $660. 
Some time later ]\Irs. AVood attached it for salary due 
her, and eventually it came into the possession of the 
Musical Fund Society, which still has it. The eventual 
retirement of the Woods from the Philadelphia stage 
was made under a cloud, although the resentment of the 
public did not extend to Mrs. Wood. 

The Montresor Troupe had been wrecked in New 
York, and it was succeeded by the Eivafiroli Troupe, 
which paid us a visit in April, 1831. This company had 
acquired some members of Montresor 's, and in addi- 
tion brought Eaviglia, DeEosa, Orlandini and Luigia 
Bordogni, Eosa and Clementina Fanti and Madame 
Schneider-Marancelli. The company after an engage- 
ment at the Chestnut, moved to the Walnut and con- 
tinued its season. It followed in Montresor 's footsteps 
and went to disaster in New York. 

On January 28, 1836, the Woods produced for the 
first time in Philadelphia John Barnett's "The Moun- 
tain Sylph," which has the distinction of having been 
the first English opera writt^-n in the Italian style, 
with recitative taking the place of the spoken dialogue. 
This opera was performed five times here before its 
final local retirement. 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 139 

We have noted the introduction of gas in the Chest- 
nut Street Theatre in 1816. When the new theatre was 
built in 1822 on the site of its fire niins, a new gas plant 
was not installed, the house reverting back to the oil 
lamps of former days. The public had occasionally 
complained of them, particularly when Garcia sang 
there in 1826, at which time there was an emphatic de- 
mand for the restoration of gas. This was not accom- 
plished, however, until the fall of 1837, when Wemyss, 
who had recovered the lesseeship of the House during 
the summer, again lighted it with gas. He was also 
the lessee of the Walnut at that time, and desired to 
make the same improvement there, which privilege was 
granted him by the stockholders only after he had con- 
sented to an increase of $1000 in his annual rent. Inci- 
dentally, it may be said that Wemyss paid $9000 a year 
for the Chestnut, then the most fashionable theatre in 
the city, and the principal home of Grand Opera. 

In 1839 came the Seguins, Edward and Anne, wlio for 
years dominated the operatic stage. With them the 
first season was Jane Shireff and Alexander Wilson. 
Miss Shireff was an exceptionally beautiful young 
woman and an admirable artist, and Wilson, one of the 
best tenors heard here up to that time. He looked upon 
Miss Shireff as his ward, and was so devoted to her 
interests that thanks to his kindly advice she was able 
to return to England with a small fortune. There she 
married and retired. The Seguins, after years of suc- 
cess fell upon evil days and did not die in affluence. The 
name faded from programs for a few seasons, then ap- 
peared again, but thenew Edward Seguin was their son, 
and while popular, was never the artist his father was. 
Soon after he began his career he married a charming 
young contralto named Zelda Harrison, and as Zelda 
Seguin she won wide fame and kept the name before the 
public until the early eighties. 

The east half of the site of the Continental Hotel was 



140 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

formerly occupied by Cooke's Circus, which gave way 
to the National Theatre in 1840. William E. Burton 
was the first lessee and he engaged a very powerful 
stock company with which to compete with his rivals. 
It was there that Charlotte Cushman appeared as 
Fenella, There also Henrietta Sontag, one of the 
world's truly great singers, gave a season of opera only 
a little while before her tragic death in Mexico. 

Burton was an old crab. He hated to have anyone 
get ahead of him in any production, and on several 
occasions had frantically thrown together an opera or 
a play which he boldly otfered in rivalry to the real 
thing elsewhere. He was doing very well at the 
National, and eventually offered a dazzling spectacle 
entitled the ''Naiad Queen," in which Miss Cushman 
led the Amazon march. The piece was immensely suc- 
cessful and bid fair to break all local records for the 
length of its run. All was going smoothly when Bur- 
ton heard that the Woods, at the Chestnut, planned to 
produce "Norma," an English version having been pre- 
pared for them by Joseph Fry, who had already trans- 
lated Donizetti's "Anna Bolena" for the local stage. 
The Woods had the complete score and orchestration, 
correct scene and costume designs and the official 
prompt book. Burton had nothing. But he managed to 
acquire a few of the published numbers of the opera, 
hurried his company into rehearsing a "Norma" which 
he speedily invented, and casting aside the money-mak- 
ing "Naiad Queen" in the full flood of its popularity, 
opened with his imitation "Norma" the same night 
the genuine opera was presented at the Chestnut. The 
result of the rivalry, says Durang, "was the most pro- 
found failure in the annals of opera, ' ' and both Burton 
at the National and Eobert C. Maj^wood at the Chestnut, 
went bankrupt. 

Wood demanded his money from Maj^wood, and as 
that unfortunate gentleman was unable to hand it over, 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 141 

withdrew, with his wife, and declined to sing again, 
thus breaking up the company and depriving Ma\^' ood 
of an opportunity to recover at least some of his losses. 
They quit the night before Mrs. Bailey's benefit. Mrs. 
Wood, however, feeling that she owed the usual cour- 
tesy to a sister artist, offered her services for a concert 
for the benefit of Mrs. Bailey; but "Wood's arbitrary 
action in leaving the Cliestnut in the lurch had caused 
so much popular antagonism that the concert was not 
given, and the Woods left not only the city, but the 
country, forever. Wemyss says that Wood left numer- 
ous unpaid notes behind him, which further aroused 
public ire against him. But he also says that the singer 
lost most of his savings, which were invested in United 
States Bank stock, when that institution failed, hence it 
was fifty-fifty. 

It was Burton who, in this first com^Dany at the 
National Theatre, introduced to Philadelphia a man 
who quickly established himself in popular favor, and 
who held it for many years, Peter Richings. It was 
Peter to whom Maj^wood flashed the S. 0. S. after the 
failure of ''Norma," and who, quickly responding, as- 
sumed charge of the Chestnut and brought back some 
measure of prosperity. He had so much faith in 
''Norma" that he revived it with the Seguins June 7, 
1841, and eight performances of the opera were given 
to crowded houses before the close of the season. 

In the fall of 1844 Burton made a fresh start as the 
manager of the Arch Street Theatre, but while he 
changed his house he could not change his nature. 
The Seguins, during the summer, while in England, had 
obtained the rights to Balfe's opera, "The Bohemian 
Girl," and arranged for an elaborate production at the 
Chestnut. At once Burton planned to forestall his 
rivals. He did not have the score, nor could he obtain 
it; but he bought such of the vocal numbers as were on 
sale, attended a performance in New York during which 



142 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

he made copious notes, and with these, wrote a ''Bo- 
hemian Girl" of bis own, which by dint of tremendous 
exertion he produced December 16, 1844. It ran all 
the week, at the end of which, on Saturday evening, 
December 21st, the genuine opera was jDroduced at the 
Chestnut in splendid style and put an immediate end to 
Burton 's effort. ' ' The Bohemian Girl ' ' scored heavily, 
and indeed, today holds the Philadelphia record for 
popularity, no fewer than 376 performances of it hav- 
ing been given before our first operatic century closed. 
But before this season closed America entered the 
world's musical history with its first Grand Opera, 
* 'Leonora." This work, written by Joseph Fry, trans- 
lator of "Anna Bolena" and "Norma," and composed 
by his brother William, was sung by the Seguins Com- 
pany at the Chestnut Street Theatre June 4, 1845, and 
nightly until June 17. The cast who appeared in this 
first American Grand Opera was : 

Leonora Anne Seguin 

Mariana Emma Ince 

Montalvo Edward Seguin 

Julio John J. Frazer 

Valdor Peter Richings 

Alf erez Mr. Brunton 

Conductor A. Schmidt 

"Leonora" was based on "The Lady of Lyons," and 
was received with favor by critics generally. Wliile 
very far from perfect there is some excellent musical 
material in the score, and Mr. Fry supplied a very 
conventional plot. 

Wemyss says in his "Eecollections :" "Had Mr. Fry 
selected New York instead of Philadelphia for the first 
field of his operations, the whole United States would 
have teemed with praises — praises long and loud would 
have greeted the eye of the composer from all quarters. 
The sin he committed was daring to present the first 
lyrical drama ever composed in America to the citizens 
of Philadelphia before the Xew Yorkers had an oppor- 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 143 

timity of passing on its merits. Should it be played in 
Europe, how altered will be public opinion in its favor 
here. Mr. Fry may plume upon it as a work of art, 
to be proudly cherished. Of Mrs. Seguin's perform- 
ance of Leonora, I can only say that it was the most 
perfect thing I have ever seen. ' ' 

And it may be said that Philadelphia has not changed 
in this respect in seventy-five years. It is still cus- 
tomary to look coldly upon local effort, and to accept 
nothing until other countries or other cities have given 
it the stamp of approval. 

The reckless guessing by Philadelphia's critics last 
Wednesday as to the chronology of Halevy's "La 
Juive" makes it worth while to note actual dates here. 
This opera was first performed in Philadelphia at the 
Chestnut Street Theatre on October 9, 1845, by the 
French Company from New Orleans, with Mme. Calve 
as ''Rachel," Arnaud as "Eleazar," Mme. Cassini as 
the Princess and Douvry as the Cardinal. It was con- 
ducted by Eugene Prosper Prevost. The last perform- 
ance of the opera here prior to last Tuesday night was 
by the Hinrichs Company in the Academy of Music, 
January 26, 1896, with Mme. Selma Koert-Kronold as 
''Eachel," Amelia Loventz as "Eudoxia," Henri Pre- 
vost as ''Eleazar," Brizio Piroia as ''Leopold," and 
Marius Malzac as the Cardinal, with Hinrichs con- 
ducting. 

Another distinguished Italian company paid us a 
visit in the midsummer of 1847. This was the Havana 
Opera Company, of which the proprietor was Don 
Francisco Mart}'' y Torrens. This gentleman is said 
to have been the father of profiteers. He is said to have 
owned the fish monopoly of Cuba, and exacted tribute 
from every partaker of this sea food. It is whispered 
that he was also interested in the slave trade, and had 
numerous other enterprises, all of which were ex- 
tremely profitable. As wealth piled up he was stung 



144 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

by the impressarial bee, and proceeded to organize a 
company to sing Grand Opera. At once there was a 
popular outcry in Havana. It was looked upon almost 
as sacrilege for this sordid money-grubber to carry his 
activities into the world of art. The attitude of the 
public so peeved the amiable Marty that he announced 
his intention of giving opera for his own exclusive en- 
tertainment ; that they could all go to Mozambique or 
elsewhere, as no tickets would be sold. This attitude 
resulted in such a demand at the box office that his 
Grand Opera venture proved as profitable as his others. 
One or two things made this company's appearance 
notable. First, it introduced to us that famous con- 
ductor, Luigi Arditi, who half a century later was still 
conducting for our pleasure. And during this engage- 
ment, July 14, 1847, the company gave the American 
premiere of Verdi's "Ernani," which was also the first 
time that Philadelphia had heard a work by this com- 
poser. The prima domia of the company was Fortu- 
nata Tedesco, and other prominent artists with it were 
Teresa Ranieri, Theodorinda Gerli, Juan B. Severi, 
Luis Bataglina, Xatale Perelli, Pietro Xovelli, Caran- 
tina de Vita and Luigi Perozzi. Novelli, a very fine 
basso, took a keen interest in the city's affairs. At 
that time there was much discussion of the project of 
the Society of the Cincinnati to erect a monument or 
statue to George Washington. The statue, as you know, 
was eventually erected many years later at the Green 
Street entrance to Fairmount Park. But in 1847 the 
form the memorial should take as well as the location, 
were subjects of general discussion. Xovelli gave the 
subject much serious thought, and at length evolved an 
idea which he lost no time in making public. He sug- 
gested a marble statue of the Father of his Country, 
with Diogenes opposite, holding a lantern so that its 
rays would fall upon the statue and forai the words, 
** Behold, I have found an Honest Man." 



A Century of Grand Opera in Pluladdphia. 145 

Perelli, a fine tenor, was induced by Pierce Butler to 
remain and make Philadolpliia his home. lie opened a 
studio and according to Armstrong, ''did more to im- 
prove the taste and extend the knowledge of vocal nmsic 
than all the teachers who preceded him." 

The local advent of the famous Patti family occurred 
in 1848 when, on February 19th the Sanquerico and 
Patti Company opened for a season at the Chestnut 
Street Theatre. In this company were Salvatore Patti, 
tenor, his wife, Caterina Barili Patti, soprano, and 
Amalia Patti, their daughter, who later become the ^^fe 
of Maurice Strakosch. Madame Patti, by her first hus- 
band had two sons, Nicolo and Ettore, both of whom 
■were successful in opera, and Ettore eventually made 
Philadelphia his home, teaching singing here until his 
death. By her second marriage she had three daugh- 
ters. The other two were Carlotta, whose lameness, it 
is said, was all that prevented her from becoming the 
greatest opera singer of her time, and Adelina, who was 
to become the most famous of them all, and who so 
recently passed away. 

The Sanquerico and Patti Company gave four per- 
formances of Donizetti's "Gemma di Vergy" and then 
failed. It was announced that the house would be 
closed ''for purposes of rehearsal," and that the Sig- 
nora Biscaccianti had been specially engaged. She was 
a Boston girl, a superb artist, but so frail appearing, 
according to chroniclers of the time, that the audience 
was always apprehensive of a collapse during the per- 
formance. When the company resumed March 1st, 
Sanquerico and Patti had disappeared, and Sesto Bene- 
detti appeared as leading tenor, Teresa Truffi as co- 
prima donna, Lietti Eossi, contralto, Avignone as prin- 
cipal baritone and others. The reorganized com])any 
kept up a losing struggle until March 24:th when after 
a performance of Mercadante's "II Guaramento," it 
went to pieces again. But with a pluck that commands 

Vol. XLIV.— 10 



146 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

admiration the company was again reorganized and on 
June 4tli made its third bid for support, with ' ' la Son- 
nambula. ' ' The third crash came June 13th. But these 
valiant souls refused to accept defeat. For the fourth 
time it marshalled its forces, with more changes, and 
engaged Arditi as conductor, and his inseparable 
*'pal," Giovanni Bottesini, acclaimed the world's great- 
est contra-bass player. To propitiate the jinx the com- 
pany moved from the Chestnut to the Walnut Street 
Theatre, and tempted fate again on Augiist 14th. Be- 
tween acts there were duets by Bottesini and Ar- 
diti, the latter playing the violin, and opera nights 
were interspersed with concerts. But when after its 
performance of ''The Barber of Seville" on August 
26th there still remained an absence of metallic jingle 
in the money bags, the company collapsed for the fourth 
time and abandoned further effort. 

But we were not to be without Italian opera. There 
was a third brother in the Fry family, Edward. Ed- 
ward was devoted to commercial pursuits, but he had a 
profound belief that brother William was the greatest 
composer, and brother Joseph the greatest librettist 
in the world, and that only the prejudice of managers 
kept them in the background. So he determined to or- 
ganize the best opera company in America, with the 
ultimate object of specializing on his brothers' operas. 
We have to thank Edward for ]Max Maretzek, who was 
a central figure in our operatic world for forty years. 
Edward lived in New York, and from the time the 
Herald adversely criticised ''Leonora," had no use 
whatever for that newspaper. Hence, when he was 
ready with his company he announced that no tickets 
would be given to it. This so aroused the indignation 
of the elder James Gordon Bennett that he set out to 
get Edward's scalp. In this he eventually obtained 
assistance from members of Fry's company. 

Fry had engaged Mme. Truffi and Benedetti, the 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 147 

lady's principal adorer and later her husband, the 
Pattis, Sanquerico, buffo basso, Valtelina, and other ar- 
tists of the highest standard. But when he learned that 
Sanquerico and Patti and their associates had refused 
to sing "Leonora" he was going to fire them forthwith, 
but was deterred by Maretzek. Suspicious of Truffi, 
however, he also engaged Rosine Laborde, the Belgian 
prima donna, much to the fair Teresa's disgust. In 
fact, Madame Truffi was so upset by it that when she 
appeared as ''Norma" upon the opening of the season 
on October 5, 1848, at the Cliestnut she broke down after 
singing ''Casta Diva," and the perfonnance was 
brought to a sudden end. Her breakdown was vari- 
ously explained, but the consensus of opinion was that 
it was an aggravated case of artistic temperament. 
The fact that Madame Laborde proved to be an in- 
finitely greater singer did not tend to soothe her, and in 
her pettish actions she was encouraged by Benedetti, 
in whose eyes his Queen could do no wrong. Nor was 
this feeling softened by the fact that when on December 
12th her rival sang "Nonna," in which she had made 
such a failure, the Belgian created a furore and inspired 
one critic to write : 

"All the music of the part was given without muti- 
lation or alteration save to add some cadenzas which 
but served to enrich it. Her Casta Diva was given 
with the most perfect effect ; in grace, passion and ex- 
pression we have never heard it surpassed." 

Fry gave us two months of splendid opera, during 
which period he made no attempt to offer any of his 
brother's compositions ; but in spite of their merit. Fry 
lost money steadily. Upon the conclusion of his Phila- 
delphia season he took the company to the Astor Place 
Opera House, New York. There the Herald had better 
opportunities of getting at him, and unleashed its bat- 
teries on poor Fry with telling effect. Benedetti took 
occasion to insult Madame Laborde in full view of the 



148 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

audience during a performance of "Eruani." This 
interrupted the performance, and all adjourned to the 
Green Eoom to thresh the matter out. At last the fiery 
tenor whipped out his sword and threatened to bore 
Fry full of holes with it, whereupon the company im- 
mediately ended its career, and with it the impressarial 
experience of Edward P. Fry. 

Peter Richings was a bachelor. Among his friends 
were Mr. and Mrs. EejTioldson, the former a newspaper 
man and adapter of plays. They died, leaving a baby 
daughter, Caroline, who had so entwined herself around 
his bachelor heart that Peter adopted her, and as Caro- 
line Eichings she was destined to win high place on the 
operatic stage. She made her debut in Philadelphia as 
Marie in "The Daughter of the Regiment" February 
9, 1852, and this ever remained her favorite part. For 
some years her operatic appearances were with the 
"Walnut Street Theatre stock company, with which she 
also appeared in dramatic performances. In Novem- 
ber, 1867, she became the wife of Pierre Bernard, an 
operatic tenor. This gifted singer died of small-pox 
in Richmond, Virginia, in 1882, and the Richmond cor- 
respondent of a Philadelphia newspaper, in his report 
of her funeral said that a mocking bird that had escaped 
from its cage in a distant part of the city, perched on 
the limb of a tree above her grave and kept up a con- 
stant song during the sers'ice. Then it flew back to its 
cage. A very pretty yarn, but I am inclined to think 
the reporter who wrote it was blessed with a very vivid 
and poetic imagination. 

About this time opera enthusiasts began to discuss 
the advisability of erecting a new and adequate home 
for opera. The old Chestnut was on the wane, and the 
National and other theatres were inadequate for the 
lavishness in opera that the public was beginning to 
demand. As early as 1851 a meeting had been held to 
discuss the project, and this meeting was followed by 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 149 

others and the plans began to take definite shape. At 
last a committee was formed to obtain subscriptions for 
the building, which was to be called the American 
Academy of Music. This committee was made up of 
men whose names have been closely identified with 
much that is best in the city's history. They were 
JoseiDh R. Ingersoll, George M. Dallas, John M. Scott, 
Henry D. Grilpin, Charles Heniy Fisher, Joseph Swift, 
Robert Morris, John Rea Barton, J. Price Wetherill, 
George Cadwalader, Edward S. Buckley, J. V. S. De 
Haviland, Charles Harlan, Charles Wells, Hartman 
Kuhn, Jr., Aubrey H. Smith, Charles E. Smith, George 
McHenr}-, George H. Boker, Emlen Physick, William 
Parker Foulkc, James C. Fisher, James McMurtrie, 
Frederick Lennig, Gideon C. Westcott, John Kearsley 
Mitchell, John B. Myers, J. Pemberton Hutchinson, 
John H. Hugenell and John Siter. John B. Budd was 
president of the Board of Directors. 

Ground was broken June IS, 1S55, and July 26th of 
the same year the corner stone was laid with imposing 
ceremonies, a feature of which was an address by the 
scholarly Mayor Robert T. Conrad. The Academy of 
Music was opened with a series of promenade concerts 
beginning January 26, 1857. On February 24th the 
Maennerchor Musical Society gave a fancy dress ball 
in it, and the building was foiTQally opened and dedi- 
cated the following night, February 25, 1857, with a 
performance of ''Trovatore," in which Marietta Gaz- 
zaniga sang ''Leonora," Zoe Aldoni, ''Azucena," Pas- 
quale Brignoli ''Manrico," Alessandro Amodio the 
Count and Domenico Coletti, ''Ferrando," with Max 
Maretzek in the conductor's chair. A poem, written 
expressly for the occasion by Mayor Conrad, was read 
from the stage by Caroline Richings. It is interesting 
to note that the scale of prices ranged from 25 cents to 
$1.50, with, however, an additional charge for what was 
called a ''secured" seat. 



150 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

The histoiy of the Academy of :Music would fill a 
book in itself. Its advent marked a new era in opera 
liere. The days of stock companies were numbered, 
and opera was becoming more and more a specialized 
institution. For half a century and a little more this 
House was to hold undisputed sway as the Home of 
Opera, even though many performances were given 
elsewhere. 

Adelina Patti's first appearance here in opera was 
in the Academy December 8, 1859, when although not 
■ yet seventeen years old she sang brilliantly the role of 
. * 'Lucia." This wonderful little lady in her long career 
sang before many kings and queens and princes and 
dukes, but it is rather curious to recall that her first 
appearance before royalty was in this democratic city 
of Philadelphia, birthplace of our great Eepublic, the 
city in which it was first proclaimed to the world that 
all men were free and equal, and that kings were only 
common clay. This important event in Patti's life, and 
which was also an important incident in the history of 
opera in Philadelphia, occurred on October 10, 1860, in 
the Academy, when Eoyalty was personified by Albert 
Edward, Prince of Wales, later King Edward VII of 
England. That night, at the Prince's request, 
"Martha," his favorite opera, was sung, with the youth- 
ful Adelina as "Lady Harriet," Fanny Heron Xatali 
as "Nancy," Pasquale Brignoli, a tenor who sang for 
us for thirty years, as "Lionel" and Carl Formes, for 
whom the part was written, as "Plunkett." In addi- 
tion to "Martha," the company also offered the first 
act of "La Traviata," with Pauline Colson as Violetta 
and Errani as Alfred. 

The visit of Carl Anschutz's German company in the 
fall of 1863 was noteworthy in many ways, but chiefly 
because on November 18th the company gave the first 
perfonnance in America of Gounod's "Faust." The 
part of Marguerite was sung by Marie Friederici; 



A Century of Grand Opera in Pluladelpliia. 151 

Faust by Franz Himmer; Mepliistopheles by Anton 
Graff; Valentine by Heinrich Steinecke and Siebel by 
John Farley, a young Philadelphia tenor. Ever since 
this and the performance a few nights later this part 
has been sung by a Troman. In private life Madame 
Friederici was Mrs. Himmer. Her husband was not 
only a disting-uished tenor, but he was also an eminent 
scientist and Doctor of Medicine, carrjang honorary- 
degrees from several universities. They were the par- 
ents of Hans Himmer, whom many of you will remem- 
ber as one of the 'cellists of the Philadelphia Orchestra. 
Poor Hans ! He went to Germany to visit his mother 
in the summer of 1914. There he was caught in the 
maelstrom of war. As a German subject he was seized, 
draped in a green-gray uniform, loaded with some 
seventy pounds of murderous equipment and sent to 
the trenches. In 1915 he was severely wounded by a 
shell, and sent home. His devoted mother nursed him 
long and carefully, and at last brought him back to 
some degree of health. This much news of him filtered 
through the rim of bayonets, and then our own entrance 
into the war brought oblivion of all things German. 
■ *' Faust" seems to really belong to Philadelphia, for 
it was here that the opera was first sung in its entirety 
on this side of the xAtlantic, and here was first sung in 
America ''Dio Possente" and Siebel 's second aria. 
*'Dio Possente" was written after the first London pro- 
duction, for Charles Santley, the great English bari- 
tone, and it was he who, as a member of the Parepa 
Eosa Company, first sang it for us. It is pleasant to 
know that this fine artist now, at the age of eighty-six 
years, is still living and in excellent health. 

In the fall of 1876 the Strakosch Company gave one 
of its regular seasons here. The conductor was the 
late Siegfried Behrens. One of the operas announced 
was *'Semiramide," which was scheduled for the even- 
ing of December 19th. The day before the conductor 



152 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 

was horrified to find, ou looking over his music, that 
the band parts were missing, and he was in dire dis- 
tress. He imparted his woes to his friend, Mark Hass- 
ler, conductor of the new Chestnut Street Theatre 
Orchestra. Hassler told him to cheer up. "I have a 
bright young violinist in my orchestra," he said, ''who 
is excellent at arranging music. Let him take your con- 
ductor's score and write out the band parts from that." 

"But," protested Behrens, "I have a rehearsal of the 
opera, at 10 o'clock, and must have them then." 

"You'll get them," assured Hassler, and Behrens 
took a chance. 

At 4 o 'clock the next morning while the genial musical 
director was slumbering peacefully in his home, 715 
Locust Street, he was aroused by a ringing of the door 
bell and banging on the door. Poking his head out the 
window, his teeth chattering in the cold September 
night air, he saw a young man on the step. 

"What do you want?" He demanded. 

'"I have your band parts here, Mr. Behrens," replied 
the youth. 

"All right, good night," snapped the conductor, and 
slamming the window shut he sought warmth in his bed 
again. The young musician walked sadly away as it 
dawned on him how foolish he had been to awaken a 
harassed conductor at 4 o'clock to tell him something 
that could just as well wait until 10. The chief interest 
in this little anecdote lies in the fact that the incon- 
siderate youth was John Philip Sousa. 

Mapleson began his famous opera seasons in Amer- 
ica in 1879, and brought with him from season to season 
some of the greatest singers in the world, among whom 
those who shone with exceptional brilliance were Ade- 
lina Patti, Etelka Gerster, Christine Nilsson, Marie 
Marimon, Emma Fursch-Madi, Louise Dotti, Lillian 
Nordica, Sofia Scalchi, Annie Louise Cary, Kavelli, 
Giannini, Foli, Galassi, Italo Companini, Giuseppe Del 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 153 

Puente and many others. Del Pueiite eventually 
settled in Philadelphia, and was a resident until his 
death. 

While many foreign companies had visited Philadel- 
phia, most of our opera had been sung in English, but 
English singing companies were gradually being 
crowded out. Americans were given few chances, and 
even when they did reach the operatic stxige it was only 
by way of Europe, and they were compelled to sing in 
foreign tongues. But in 1886 there was a valiant effort 
made to establish opera in English by a first-class com- 
pany, in the establishment of the American, sometimes 
called the National Opera Company. Charles E. Locke 
was Manager, Theodore Thomas General Musical Di- 
rector, and his associate conductor was Gustav Hin- 
richs, to whom we were to owe so much in the years to 
come. But owing, it it said, to bad business methods, 
this company, after a brief but stormy career collapsed. 
Mr. Hinrichs reorganized it as his own, and with it 
opened the Grand Opera House on April 9, 1888, with 
''Tannhaeuser." As the building was consti-ucted and 
owned by a brewer, this selection seems rather appro- 
priate. That night the building was not finished, and 
Alfred Hoegerle, now so well known to us as the man- 
ager of the Metropolitan Opera House, who presided in 
the box office, had only a rough table upon which his 
tickets were spread, and was forced to sell them by 
candle light. This performance began a series of sum- 
mer seasons of opera in the Grand Opera House which 
continued until 1896, and during this period Philadel- 
phians had the opportunity of obtaining an operatic 
education never offered them before or since. Yet it 
was wholly a labor of love, for only one of all these 
seasons showed a small balance on the right side of the 
ledger. 

But Mr. Hinrichs achieved much. Under his ener- 
getic direction Philadelphia witnessed the first 



154 A Century of Gravid Opera in Philadelphia. 

American performances of ^'Cavalleria Rusticana," 
''L'Amico Fritz," '^Sigaird," ''The Pearl Fishers," 
** Hansel and Gretel" and Puccini's "Manon Lescaut." 
And in the production of the last named work Phila- 
delphians were honored by being the first in the United 
States to hear an opera by this composer. 

Following the spring season of 1895 the late Mrs. 
Charles S. Whelen started a movement to establish 
opera at the Academy as a permanent institution. She 
wrote five hundred letters to as many persons soliciting 
their subscrii3tions, and thus obtained a g-uarantee fund 
of $50,000. Among her first subscribers was Mr. E. T. 
Stotesbury, who was years later to become the leading 
factor in keeping and sustaining opera here, and whose 
public spirit has been shown in his investment of sev- 
eral hundred thousand dollars in the enter|3rise with no 
possibility of financial return. Mrs. Whelen induced 
the directors of the Academy to instal the double horse- 
shoe of boxes, the only ones prior to that time being the 
proscenium. Mr. Hinrichs was engaged as director 
and organized a new company, which sang the following 
season. Then came Walter Damrosch. Miss Elise 
Willing Balch, who had taken an active part with Mrs. 
Whelen, became a leader in the enterprise, and with her 
in pushing plans for future seasons was Miss Edith L. 
Hutchinson, now Mrs. Edward W. Burt. These two de- 
voted women, by untiring effort, established the suc- 
ceeding seasons for several jears. Damrosch directed 
the season of 1896-7, but gave such a preponderance of 
German opera that there was energetic protest, and 
Charles A. Ellis became associated with him for the 
season of 1897-98, Still there was too much German 
opera, and Ellis alone assumed control for 1898-99. 
The performance of "Carmen," Febi-uary 11, 1899, 
which ended his local direction of opera, was marked 
with a series of accidents almost without parallel. 

It was an afternoon perfoiTQance. The weather was 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 155 

extremely cold, and in a biting wind the people who had 
gone to the Academy to witness it stood outside and 
shivered until five minutes after the time for the cur- 
tain to rise, marvelling at the delay, and expressing 
themselves in various ways. Once in the building they 
learned that the train which brought the company from 
New York was three hours late. When it at last ar- 
rived it was discovered that the car containing the 
costumes and orchestra parts had by some oversight, 
been left behind. In response to a telegram to New 
y York the music was shipped on a later train. Arrange- 
ments were made with a Philadelphia costumer to out- 
fit the company, and William, Parry the stage manager, 
went before the curtain and begged the indulgence of 
the audience in his characteristic and engaging way. 

Assistant Manager Heck of the company, hired a 
wagon and met the train at West Philadelphia. With 
his precious bundle of music safelj^ in the wagon, he 
ordered the driver to smash all speed laws in getting 
to the Academy. The driver tried so faithfully to obey 
that he broke the wagon instead, the vehicle collapsing 
before it had gotten far on its journey. Mr. Heck, 
using language suitable to the occasion, obtained 
another wagon and completed his journey without fur- 
ther mishap. But it was not until quarter past four 
o'clock that Mr. Seppilli, the conductor, raised his baton 
to start the overture. 

Then came the Metropolitan Opera Company, with 
whom the opera guarantors arranged to succeed these 
local enterprises, and organized opera was made a per- 
panent institution. 

In 1903 Patti made her disastrous Farewell tour, in 
concert. She sang in the Academy November 9, 1893. 
Old timers went to hear again the singer they had wor- 
shipped in their younger days, and young folk went to 
listen to a woman whose fame had long been dinned 
into their ears by their elders. But the marvelous voice 



156 A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelpliia. 

was gone. Some of the tones were apparently unmarred 
by age, but at times the woman of 1903 shrieked where 
the diva of twenty years before had poured forth golden 
melody. She was announced for another concert Feb- 
ruary 24, 1901, but her tour had been disastrous, and 
when she reached Philadelphia a suit for salary by her 
'cellist brought it to an end. The concert was cancelled, 
and Patti never sang again on this side of the Atlantic. 

The next important event in local operatic annals was 
the entrance of Oscar Hammerstein in his daring war- 
fare against the long-established and solidly entrenched 
Metropolitan Opera House. He dared many things. 
He dared to cross the Market Street Eubicon and es- 
tablish his new House and company at Broad and Pop- 
lar Streets, more than a mile north of the recognized 
center of operatic activity. He opened his house, which 
was to wrest supremacy away from the Academy on 
November 17, 1908, with ' ' Carmen. ' ' The career of this 
House, and the two tempestuous seasons of the re- 
doubtable Oscar are too recent to review here, as they 
are well known to all Philadelphians. Since 1914 the 
Metropolitan Opera Company has held undisputed 
sway. 

In the course of these hundred years the style of 
operatic composition has changed. New instniments 
have been introduced and new orchestral effects in- 
vented. Only a few weeks ago a typewriter was used 
in the orchestra in a London production. Modern com- 
posers have gotten further and further away from the 
set aria, and spoken dialogue was long ago cast into the 
discard. Probably the most drastic departure from 
operatic form is that of Rimsky-Korsokov in his bizarre 
ballet-pantomime-opera, "Le Coq d'Or." 

And yet some of these fine old operas still defy time 
and the attacks of modernists. '^Don Giovanni," our 
first opera, was heard here as recently as February 21, 
1914; our second opera, ''The Barber of Seville" is in 



A Century of Grand Opera in Philadelphia. 157 

the current repertoire, and our third, "Der Frei- 
schuetz," was sung here May 9, 1913, and its shelving 
after that was due to war and the temporary eclipse of 
Gennan opera. Probably seventy per cent, of the 
operas that have been sung here, however, will never be 
heard again. 

The time was when several first class companies con- 
tended for patronage from season to season, and pros- 
pered. True, their productions were not as lavish as 
those we witness today at the Metropolitan Opera 
House, but they satisfied, and Grand Opera had a 
strong and growing clientele. But they gave opera in 
English and could be understood. With the passing of 
time opera in English has undergone a process of 
strangulation and instead of its elevating influence 
being felt by the great public, thanks to the domination 
of foreign directors, the American people are being 
broiight up on the drivel of so-called ''follies" and 
dramatic art is dying in the grasp of moving pictures. 
And the art of Song itself is in peril through the 
modem habit of comjDosers of Grand Opera in telling 
their stories in orchestration, with the voice as a sec- 
ondary consideration. 

I close my paper with a plea for opera in English, 
for the American singer and the American teacher; and 
for a patriotism on the part of the American people 
which will be shown not only in their willingness to go 
forth to battle for the old Flag, but in their exploita- 
tion and encouragement of their own artists. Will not 
Philadelphia point the way? 



158 The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 



THE DESCENDANTS OF SARAH HOLME, DAUGHTER 
OF THOMAS HOLME. 

U. S. Navy Yard. 
League Island Pa. 
February 22, 1920. 
To the Editor of Pennsylvania Magazine : 

Looking through Volume XVIII Pennsylvania Mag- 
azine for the year 189:1—95, I encountered an advertise- 
ment requesting information concerning the descend- 
ants of Richard Holcomb, who married Sarah Holme 
the daughter of Thomas Holme, who laid the plan for 
the City of Philadelphia. 

This advertisement I have learned was inserted by 
the late Mr. Oliver Hough when he was collecting ma- 
terial for his article on Thomas Holme, Penn's Sur- 
veyor-General, which article continued through several 
numbers of the Pennsylvania Magazine. 

The will of Thomas Holme contained the following 
item: 

''Item. — I give and bequeath unto the 
children of Richard Holcomb by my 
daughter Sarah, the sum of thirty pounds • 
to be paid of the thousand acres of land 
next beyond Hilltowne of this countie 
upon the said lands are sold." 

It is evident that Mr. Hough did not succeed in ob- 
taining the information he sought, as though he deals 
with descendants of other children of Thomas Holme, he 
states that it is not known if Sarah Holme or her chil- 
dren ever came to America. This statement has been 
repeatedly copied in various monographs relating to 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 159 

Thomas Holme, or of Holmesburg, or in genealogical 
works such as the Crispin family. 

The will of Thomas Holme, now on file at the City 
Hall is in a ragged and mutilated condition. If any 
inventory or accounting was ever made of the estate by 
the sole executor, Silas Crispin, it is now missing. Con- 
sequently it is impossible to tell by this means in just 
what manner the executor made settlement with the 
children of Richard Holcomb of the one thousand acres 
in Hilltowne. 

Hilltowne was later known as Abington. The "thou- 
sand acres of land next beyond Hilltowne" was a part 
of a tract of 2500 acres that Holme purchased from 
Samuel Clarridge (then residing in Ireland) the deed 
dated May 18 1686 (E5 p 528 Phila. Co.) this tract is 
shown on Thomas Holmes map of 1686 l}^ng to the 
northward of the Squehanna Eoad, labeled "Samuel 
Clarridge" and lying between the land of "Silas 
Crispin" and "Perce & Comp." The total amount of 
land covered in the deed is 5000 acres and the sum paid 
for all this land by Holme was fifty-seven pounds, nine 
shillings. 

The Holcomb children came to Hilltowne or Abington 
shortly before the year of 1700. There were two 
brothers, Jacob and John Holcombe. They were both 
bom in Tierton, Devonshire, England and their father 
Richard Holcomb died while they were young. Both 
of their parents being Friends they were brought up in 
this sect, and throughout their lives in America both 
are identified as prominent and consistent members of 
the Abington, Falls, and Buckingham Friends Meetings. 

After the death of Richard Holcomb, Sarah (Holme) 
Holcomb, married John Hurford. John Hurford had 
a son named John by a previous marriage. All of this 
family came to America and settled in Hilltowne, or 
Abington as it is now known. One of the early minutes 
of the Abington meeting notes the marriage of John 



160 The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 

Hurford Junior. ''28 lOmo 1702 A certificate granted 
John Hurford jun In order to his proceeding on in 
marriage with one of ye county of Chister" Of this 
second marriage of Sarah (Holme) Holcomb to John 
Hurford, Sr. tvro children were born, namely Grace 
who married Eobert Thomas of North "Wales, Gwynedd 
in 1722 and Samuel Hurford who married Hannah Ser- 
mon of Abington in 1731. Samuel had no descendants. 
By his will (No 118 Book pg 158 Phila. Co.) dated, 
*'23'""* 3mo called March 1765" he gives ''sixty pounds 
to be divided between all the children of my half 
brother John Hurford" and the bulk of his estate in- 
cluding his silver watch, silver shoe buckles, silver knee 
buckles, silver stock buckle, and certain real property 
to the children of his sister Grace, namely, John 
Thomas, Samuel Thomas, and "to my nieces husband 
Lewis Roberts." He also left a legacy to his "kinsman 
Joseph Hallowell" who married Elizabeth daughter of 
his half brother Jacob Holcombe. Joseph Hallowell 
was a descendant of John Hallowell of xlbington who 
15*^ 6mo 1696 purchased of Silas Crispin, executor of 
the estate of Thomas Holme, 630 acres of the land in 
Hilltowne for 58 pounds 16 shillings. At this date John 
Hallowell was living in Darby Pa. 

John and Sarah Hurford continued to reside at 
Abington until 1720 when they removed to Buckingham 
and located on a farm adjoining Jacob Holcombe. 
Their certificate of removal from Abington meeting is 
dated "25"" of ye 5 1720" they were growing aged and 
feeble as one might infer from this extract from the 
Buckingham minutes "6 mo 3 1725. Jacob Holcombe 
by request of his aged parents John and Sarah Hur- 
ford to have an evening meeting at their house by 
reason of their inability to get to the public meeting 
place every other first day meeting" And here they 
still lived in 1726 when the map referred to in Volume 
I page 256 Davis History of Bucks County was pre- 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. lOl 

pared, which notes them as residing between the houses 
of Jacob Holcombe and Mercy Phillips. 

About the year of 1700 Jacob Holcombe, one of tlie 
children of Eichard Ilolcomb and Sarah (Holme) Hol- 
comb removed to Buckingham township and was one 
of tlie early settlers of what is now Solebury Pa. The 
early records of the township as well as the records of 
Buckingham meeting testify to his public spirit. He 
was one of the first ministers of the meeting, the first 
book of minutes was transcribed in his handwriting 
and he was one of the committee to build the second 
meeting house in 1729. He was petitioner and later 
commissioner to lay out the road now known as the 
Old York Eoad and also the road from Solebury along 
the Delaware. He traveled to England; Connecticut; 
Rhode Island; Long Island N. Y. ; and Maryland on 
Missions to Friends meetings at those places. A testi- 
monial from Buckingham meeting concerning Jacob 
Holcombe may be found in the '^ Collection of Memo- 
rials concerning Divers deceased Ministers and others 
of the People called Quakers etc." published 1787. 
Jacob married Mary Woolridge of Falls meeting 1712 
and had eight children. 1 Thomas who married Hannah 
Pownall Gmo 3 1741-2 Sarah, (named after his mother) 
married Thomas Lewis 7 mo. 6 1736; 3 Eebecca; -1 
Mary, married Jacob Walton 3mo 1 1749 ; 5 Elizabeth, 
married Joseph Hallowell of Philadelphia 4 mo 13 
1745; 6 Susanna, married John Van Duren of Gwy- 
nedd; 7 Hannah; and 8 Sophia. 

Jacob Holcombe and his brother John located on 
tracts of land on either side of the Delaware along the 
course of what became the Old York Eoad and at the 
crossing which during Eevolutionary time was known 
as Coryells Ferry, but now known as the city of Lam- 
bertville on the New Jersey side and New Hope on the 
Pennsylvania side. I append a photostat of a part of 
the two maps prepared in 1881-83 by Mr. Walter F: 

Vol. XLIV.— 11 



162 ■ The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 

Hayliurst and the late Mr. Euben Pownall Ely, both of 
Lambertville N. J. These maps ha.ve an index or title 
brief cap size of some 200 pages and the originals are 
owned by the daughters of Mr. Ely now residing in 
Lambertville. 

In addition to the tract of 500 acres, a part of the 
Heath tract shown on the map, Jacob Holcombe pur- 
chased from James Logan 25 March 1709 the two tracts 
shown in his name, one containing 320 acres, the other 
500 acres. These he promptly sold to John Scar- 
borough and at the same time purchased from John 
Scarborough another tract containing 510 acres, the 
money consideration in each of these deeds being 
mentioned as £300 silver money. Jacob Holcombe sold 
on December 3 1717 to Thomas Canby (who also came 
from Abington) 44-4 acres of this 510 acre tract. Jacob 
had still another tract of 500 acres which was patented 
to him April 12 1712. He died SO'"^ 6mo 1748. In his 
will (Bucks Co No 597) he disposes among other items, 
a silver spoon to his grandson Jacob marked with his 
fathers initials '*E. H." This Jacob was a son of 
Thomas Holcombe and he married Esther Livesey, 
daughter of Jonathan and Katherine Livesey of Lower 
Dublin township 19'^'' 6mo 1768. 

The remaining son of Eichard Holcomb and Sarah 
(Holme) Holcomb, named John Holcombe continued to 
reside at Abington Pa until 1705. On November 16 
1705 he purchased of Eichard Wilson of Bucks Co Pa., 
a tract of 350 acres of land on the New Jersey side of 
the Delaware about opposite to the tract owned by his 
brother Jacob. He is designated in this deed as "John 
Holcombe of Abington, county of Philadelphia and 
Province aforesaid, yeoman" Near the southwestern 
border of this purchase was later to be the crossing of 
the York Eoad from Philadelphia to New York. This 
purchase was the first of a series of purchases amount- 
ing to nearly 1500 acres and shown on the Lambertville 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 163 

map. He married Elizabeth Woolrich of Abingtoii 
Meeting "28"* ye second mo 1707." John Holeombe 
was prominent in the affairs of Old Amwell and early 
Hmiterdon County N. J. He was twice a justice of 
Burlington County before Hunterdon County was set 
off from it in 1713, having been appointed justice Feb- 
ruary 14 1710 and March 17 1713. He was one of the 
first justices of Hunterdon County being a member of 
the first court which met at Maidenhead N. J. June 14 
1714. He served as Freeholder, Overseer of the Poor; 
Collector; Surve^^or of Roads ; etc. All his life he lived 
a consistent member of the Buckingham Friends ]\Ieet- 
ing and left a legacy to this meeting upon his death, 
A few years before his death he built a large stone 
house on the hillside with a commanding view of the 
river. This house is still standing and was twice used 
by Washington as his Headquarters while his army was 
at Coryells Ferry. John Holeombe had six children. 1 
John who died in early life unmarried; 2 Samuel bom 
1711 and who married Eleanor Barber (most of the 
Holcombes of Xew Jersey and Pennsylvania are de- 
scendants of this Samuel) ; 3 Grace who married Phillip 
Calvin ; 4 Mary, married Samuel Funnan ; 5 Julia Ann, 
married Daniel Howell; 6 Richard named after his 
grandfather. He was born March 10 1726, was twice 
married and died 1783. 

John Holeombe died August 1743 and lies buried in 
the ancient plot of the Friends Burying Ground, 
Lahaska (Buckingham). He has a large number of 
descendants, now scattered through Xew Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa and many other states. 
The late Ruben Pownall Ely of Lambertville compiled 
in 1886 a 500 page manuscript of over 1600 descendants 
of John Holeombe of the first six generations, not half 
bearing the name of Holeombe, but through the female 
line, the names of many old and respected families of 
New Jersey and Pennsylvania. 



164 The Descendants of Sarah Holme, 

One more matter before closing and that is in ref- 
erence to the statement made above that the Holcombe 
house has the distinction of having been twice used by 
General Washington as his headquarters. I am aware 
that where he stopped is expressed doubtfully in many 
quarters. This has seemed to me to be due to the fact 
that both the Pennsylvania and New Jersey sides of the 
river were for a time called Corj^ells Ferry. Today 
being Washington's birthday, it does not seem amiss to 
say a few words about this historic crossing. 

John Wells, whose tract is shown on the New Hope 
map next to Jacob Holcombe 's, both as parts of a tract 
patented to E. Heath in 1710, appears to have been 
operating a ferry here before 1715. There was occas- 
sion for a ferry here as ''Heaths mill at the ferry" 
was built in 1707, and the Old York Eoad was opened 
from Philadelphia to the Delaware in 1711. This ferry 
became known as "Wells ferry" and in 1719 the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly passed an act granting to John 
Wells the privilege of operating a ferry for seven 
years. This license was renewed in 1726 by the Lieu- 
tenant Grovernor for a further term of seven years. In 
the year 1733 the proprietaries, John, Thomas, and 
Richard Penn extended the license for another seven 
years. 

As stated above the York Road was opened to the 
Delaware in 1711. Gradually the trail had been blazed 
through the wilderness. In August 1693 the road had 
been laid out from Philadelphia as far as Cheltenham. 
By 1697 it was further extended to Mooreland by sur- 
veys made by Nicholas Scull, Then on the 27^*" of Jan- 
uary 1710 the inhabitants of Buckingham and Solebuiy 
petitioned the council of Pennsylvania for a convenient 
Road to begin at the Delaware opposite John Reading's 
landing, from thence the most direct and convenient 
course to Buckingham meeting house; and thence 
through the lands of Thomas Watson, by the house of 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 165 

Stephen Jenkins and Richard Wells, and so forward 
the most direct and convenient course to Philadeljihia. 
A jury composed of Thomas Watson, John Scar- 
borough, Jacob Holcombe, Nathaniel Bye, ^latthew 
Hughes, Joseph Fell, Samuel Cart, Stephen Jenkins, 
Thomas Hallowell, Griffith Miles, Job Goodson, and 
Isaac Norris were to lay out the road and return their 
report in six months. And this was the extention of 
the York Eoad through Pennsylvania, the first cross- 
ing at the Delaware being at Eeading's Ferry, later 
called Howell's ferry, and still later Mitchell's ferry. 
But the traffic early began to split and turn off at Well's 
ferry four miles below, so that what is known as the 
York Eoad in New Jersey begins at Lambertville 
courses through what is now Mount Airy, Eingoes and 
Readville to New Brunswick that common meeting 
point of the various old roads from Burlington and the 
Falls of the Delaware (now Trenton) for ferrying the 
Earitan Eiver. This was one of the early wagon roads 
of the State of New Jersey (not the earliest) and fol- 
lowed an old Indian path. In a deed for land at 
Eingoes, N. J. dated August 25 1726, this road is 
described as ''the Kings Highway that is called York 
Eoad" And so it is called even today. 

In the meantime there had settled upon the Jersey 
side of the river one Samuel Coate the land he settled 
is described in the deed to John Holcombe as then 
(1705) belonging to Eobert Eaton, ''formerly Hugh 
Howells" Coate seems to have bought the land from 
Eobert Eaton and here he established a ferry which 
became known as "Coates ferry" No clear brief of the 
title of this land seems to exist. It was originally a 400 
acre tract surveyed to Benjamin Field in 1700. It is 
alluded to as a Henry Clarks, and as Hugh Howells. 
On Oct 15 1728 John Coate sold to John Purcell 200 
acres of this tract, and on August 4 1732 John Coate 
then of Bethlehem N. J. sold of John Holcombe 30 acres 



166 The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 

of this tract. This deed refers to a post in William 
Coates and a post in Henry Coates land. John Purcell 
on Feb. 8 1732 sold his tract to Emanuel Coryell and one 
of the courses is described as "a post standing by the 
Kings Eoad that leads to the Ferry over the aforesaid 
Eiver Delaware to John "Wells." This deed is the first 
recorded evidence of the coming of Emanuel Coryell to 
Amwell in West New Jersey. The next year, January 
7 1733, King George II granted to his "loving subject" 
Emanuel Coryell ' ' the sole privilege of keeping a ferry 
at the place called Coates feriy opposite Wells ferry 
the Pennsylvania side and three miles up and three 
miles down the said river Delaware and to his heirs and 
assigns forever." On the Jersey side a small settle- 
ment grew up. Here on a site now the southwest cor- 
ner of Ferry and Union Sts. Lambertville, Emanuel 
Coryell built a stone tavern, which after standing about 
100 years was torn down shortly before the Civil War. 
John Coryell the eldest son of Emanuel Coryell in 1760 
shortly after the death of his father, bought the Wells 
ferry property on the Pennsylvania side from the 
widow of Benjamin Canby, and his tavern like the 
tavern on the Jersey side was known as Coryells 
tavern. Thus Elizabeth Drinker in her diary Aug (or 
Sept.) 1771 speaks of going to Coryells tavern on the 
York Eoad where Mr. Drinker was to meet ''the com- 
missioners for improving and clearing the navigation 
of the Eiver." Down to 1770 the feriy was generally 
known as "Wells ferry" Whether prior to 1760 
Emanuel Coryell and John Wells were rival ferrjTQen 
or whether they jointly operated under a common in- 
terest there is no data at hand to determine. 

New Hope took its name from a flour mill which came 
into possession of the Parrys. Since the days of the 
Heath mill there had been a mill here and in 1790 the 
Parry mills caught fire ad burned down. At about this 
same time, 1790, they bought the mills on the Jersey 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 167 

side near ""Wells falls" known as the Prime Hope mills 
and when they rebuilt their mills on the Pennsylvania 
side, they named them New Hope. About these mills 
a small settlement grew which by 1810 was known as 
New Hope. As for the name Lambertville on the Jersey 
side, it chanced that in 1814 the Hon. John Lambert, 
United States Senator from New Jersey, secured for 
his nephew and namesake the appointment of first post- 
master here and had the post office designated as Lam- 
bertville. This was a disappointment to some of the 
Coryell family who wanted the place named George- 
town and failing were pleased for a while to call it 
* ' Lambertvillany. ' ' 

In the year 1811 the ferry rights all rested in the 
New Hope Delaware Bridge Co. organized this year and 
chartered bj'' Pennsylvania and New Jersey in 1812, 
And now after another 100 years, January 1920 the 
bridge is taken over by the two states, the toll house 
closed and a free passage between the two towns of the 
two states established. 

It is a fact that at the time of the Revolution both 
sides of the river were known as Coryell's Ferry. 

In July 1777 filled with apprehension as to the des- 
tination of Howe's fleet, Washington marched across 
New Jersey. His center, with which his headquartci's 
were attached headed for the crosssing at Coryell's 
Ferr}^, his right was to cross the river at Howell's Feriy 
four miles above, while his left marched to Trenton to 
cross at one of the two ferries at that point. Upon 
reaching the river, Washington decided to wait more 
definite news of Howe's movements, and selected the 
stone house built by John Holcombe for his head- 
quarters. In the manuscript division of the Library 
of Congress at Washington there are copies of some 
ten letters of Washington's correspondence written at 
Headquarters Coryell's Ferry beariug date July 29, 30, 
and 31 1777. From Colonel Pickering's Journal the 



168 The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 

year 1777 vre find the following notes of the march; 
''26 to Morristo-^Ti, 27'^ to Reading eighteen miles from 
Coryell's ferry over the Delaware 28'*' Marched to the 
feny and quartered at a hearty old Quaker's named 
Oakham." The "hearty old Quaker named Oakham" 
was Eichard Holcombe son of John Holcombe the first 
settler on the Jersey side of the ferry. 
- June 1778 when the army left Valley Forge for that 
memorable march across New Jersey, in pursuit of the 
enemy retreating from Philadelphia and on the eve of 
the battle of Monmouth, once again TTashington estab- 
lished headquarters in this house. The line of march 
led from Valley Forge to Crooked Billet now Hatboro, 
and thence along the York Eoad to Cor^'ell's Ferry. 
Washington arrived on the Jersey side about 3 oclock 
in the afternoon of June 21 1778 and went directly to 
the house of Eichard Holcombe upon the hillside to the 
north of the ferry. It was raining and progress of the 
troops was much delayed so that Washington remained 
at the house for two days. Copies of seven letters are 
on file at the Library of Congress prepared at head- 
quarters here on this occasion, namely June 22 & 23 
1778. I also found among Washington's Headquarters 
accounts kept by Capt Caleb Gibbs, a receipt signed 
by Eichard Holcombe for subsistence and entertain- 
ment of Washington and his staff on the occasion of 
this visit. 

June 21'* ^ His Excell'cy Gen. Washington To Eich"* 

& 22, 1778 J Holcombe Dr. 

To 38 dinners @ 3/9 £7 " 2 " &— 

To bread butter & other necessaries 1 " 17 " 6 — 
To Trouble &c. made in the house. . 1 " 17 "6 



Near Coryells Ferry £10 " 17 

June 22"^ 1778. 

Eec'd y^ above account in full 



Richard Holcombe 



The Descendants of Sarah Holme. 169 

"Washington kept an exact account of his head- 
quarters and secret service expenses. Though Con- 
gress had fixed the pay of the Commander-in-Chief 
at five hundred dollars a month, "Washington in his 
address to Congress vt^hen accepting this commission 
said, "As to pay, I beg leave to assure the Congress 
that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted 
me to accept this arduous employment at the expense 
of my domestic ease and hapjDiness, I do not vish to 
make any profit of it. I will keep an exact account of 
my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, 
and that is all I desire." John Adams, who was pres- 
ent, writing to a friend said of the incident "He de- 
clared, when he accepted the mighty trust, that he would 
lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not 
accept a shilling of pay." AYashington's account book 
noting his advances for headquarters expenses about 
Germantown, the Brandj^ne and Valley Forge is 
entered sometimes in dollars and sometimes in pounds 
which latter currency he calls ' ' lawful money. ' ' 

As better reflecting the times than anything I could 
write I am attaching two photostats of original letters 
of "Washington addressed by W^ashington to the Presi- 
dent of Congress and among the papers of the Conti- 
nental Congress now on file with the manuscript di- 
vision of the Library of Congress, and both written 
from Headquarters at Coryell's Ferry. 

I am sorry for this long delay in answering Mr. 
Hough's inquir}^ which may really be of very little in- 
terest to an^-one else. It was not until I was ordered 
here in command of the Naval Hospital at League 
Island during the Great War that I had occasion to 
learn of the wealth of material in the possession of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
"Very respectfully, 

Richmond C. Holcomb. 
Comdr. (M. C.) U. S. Navy. 



170 Thomas Rodney. 



THOMAS RODXEY. 

BY SIMOX GRATZ, ESQ. 

(Continued from page 72.) 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Nov^ lb'"" 1804. 

My dear Son, 

The last mail brought me Letters from J. Fisher & 
Doct^ Ham by which I find their late defeat at the 
Election has broke down the Republicans so that they 
Speak in Some Earnest of leaving the State — but Col. 
Tilton informs me you bare it pretty well — Nothing 
can foil a man while his own mind remains Firm — and 
I trust you will never lack such a mind. I see you have 
had your share of Calumny This was to be Expected 
but what others say never hurts a man whose Conduct 
is upright — it is only like the Shadow of a Cloud that 
passes over the Earth it darkens for a Moment and is 
gone — Calumny is one of the unavoidable attendants 
of Republican government and a Free Press — and in 
general the better a man is, which makes him the more 
important, the more he is abused — and thus the Presi- 
dent himself is distinguished by a Superior torrent of 
Calumny — and these indeed seem to operate more in 
his favor than the numerous Addresses formerly Pre- 
sented to M^ Adams — and verily it is often the Case 
that Adversaries benefit a Man more by their abuse 
than friends do by their Praise — but a firm and upright 
mind is never turned out of the Path of rectitude by 
Either— 



Thomas Rodney. 171 

A Letter will go by this mail that was wrote for the 
last but the Post went by without my Knowledge being 
then busj' — This will be short because I am going to the 
Funeral of my old Venerable friend Col. Hutchins who 
I have heretofore spoke of to you — He was brother to 
the Geographer of the U. S. and settled here under the 
Brittish — The Post will pass while I am absent — and 
I shall write more fully by the next mail — 

Col. Kirby one of the Comm" and judge at Tom- 
bigbee died two weeks ago — The Certificates there are 
still ungranted and Mr. Nicholas has been long at home 
— This ought to be Communicated to the President, if 
he is not otherwise informed — Nicholas must return or 
a nother Commissioner be appointed — or the Commis- 
sioners of this Board be authorized to Finish the Busi- 
ness which ever may be thought best. 

M'. Brown, Secref". Orleans and his Lady left 
Natchez to day on their way to Orleans the Fever there 
has abated. 

Y'. affectionate Father, 

Thomas Kodney. 

P. S. I shall write you a Letter on the State Ballances 
and hope that Disgrace to the Proceedings of America 
will be Eradicated and Expunged from its records in 
the Course of this Session of Congress 13 States were 
engaged in a Coumaon Cause, in the Cause of Liberty — 
they were successful — and that success was obtained 
by each making every Exertion in its power — How dis- 
graceful then that some of them should now be Cliarged 
with large ballances while others are annually receiv- 
ing larger Sums from the public Coffers? Who has 
received the benefit of the Sale of the Vacant Land 
acquired by the Common Exertions! Can those States 
which have received Millions in that way pretend to 
demand ballances of those who have received nothing! 
away with such scandelous injustice and Inequity — 



172 Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington Nov^ 20'^ 1804. M. T. 
My dear Son, 

As "West Floriday appears to be one of the most im- 
portant objects in the Present Variance between the 
United States and Spain every degree of light thrown 
on the subject may tend to Elucidate it — The Spain- 
ards have Endeavoured to Shew that because they re- 
ceived that district from the Brittish by the name of 
West Floriday, it was thereby separated from & no 
longer to be Considered as a part of Louisiana — But 
unfortunately for them the Conduct of their Grovem- 
ment has uniforaily Contradicted this Plea — for in all 
their Patents for Land in this Territory, ihej head 
them, thus "Louisiana district of Natchez" and I am 
informed that in West Floradi they have uniformly 
used a Similar Stile in heading their Patents for Land, 
to wit "Louisiana district of West Florida" So that it 
is evident from the proceedings of their own govern- 
ment, that they always Considered both districts as 
parts of Louisiana and both of them have always been, 
while in their hands, under the Governor General of 
Louisiana whose residence was at Xew Orleans — This 
Conduct and Uniform practice is so Strong and con- 
clusive against them — that they can have no motive for 
not delivering it to the United States but a determina- 
tion to force them, into a war, or to give them a large 
Sum of Money for the possession — A. sells his farm to 
B. and B. sells it to C. who pays him inful ; but A. still 
remains in possession and tells C. he will not give it 
up, without a Law Suite, Unless C. will pay him also 
for it — ^^Tiat would any honest Man think of such Con- 
duct in an Individual — And are not Nations as much 
bound as individuals to act justly and uprightly with 
Each other? 

Certainly there can be no native American, who re- 



Thomas Bodney. 173 

gards the honor and dignity of his Country, that would 
consent to pay for the district in dispute, a second 
time — and will the Spainards hold it at the risk of 
waging an unjust AVar? If they do, those mighty ships 
they thretten us with will in a few years rot, and 
moulder away, in their own harbours, for want of the 
Revenues & productions of Mexico and Perue to 'Maw 
and fit them out. This may be Predicted without the 
gift of Prophesey — T\"isdom would therefore dictate a 
peaceable Conduct to Spain yet it is not unlikely that 
her Pride or fear may urge her into hostile Measures, 
for such her present Conduct as well in the AVest as in 
her Cabinet portends, so that in a few years it seems 
not improbable that a new Empire may be seen rising 
up in America without its Costing the United States a 
Cent — Volunteers if war was once declared, would rush 
into that Country by hundreds «& by thousands to aid 
the Inhabitants in Establishing their Freedom & Inde- 
pendence. And the United States would obtain an 
ample benefit in their allyance and Commerce — Spain 
would then find too late her glories gone & herself re- 
duced to a Feble European power— She will no doubt 
exert all her Strength to avoid this Effect but her 
boasted strength will Soon waste away before the 
ardor, the enterprize the Intrepedity of Americans — 
The Standard of Liberty and Independence would then 
spread its blissful influence over the West, and the 
Mighty Andes would bow their heads no more to pour 
their Torrent of Gold and Silver into the Lap of the 
Alps and Appenines — All the Nations of Europe too 
except Spain must think favorably of such an Event — 
The Golden Commerce of western America would then 
be laid open and each would enjoy their share — Spain 
however will probably think such Ideas Chimerical, and 
as mere flights of fancy & imagination : so Great Brit- 
tain thought of the Ideas that animated us in the Revo- 
lution — Yet Events have Surpassed them — Xeverthe- 



174 Thomas Rodnet/. 

less It is to be hoped that Spain will avoid the Conduct 
at present that would inevitably produce the Events 
herein depicted, for the U. S. have no occasion to desire 
such a war; the prolific and abundant benefits of her 
Peaceable agriculture & commerce are Sufficient to 
Induce her to persue her Industry and extend the 
Settlements of her Vacant Territories — These are ob- 
jects that may animate her for a long Time and are 
sufficient to Induce her to desire Peace, as in the pur- 
sute of these her strength and prosperity are rising and 
expanding as fast as can be wished. The peaceable 
system of Administration adopted by the President is 
will calculated to promote these ends — ^Yet the Federal 
papers have Constantly represented it as the Effect of 
Pusclanimity & it is to be feared that foreign Nations 
have been induced in some degree to Credit them from 
whence arises many Insults & Vexations. For to avoid 
these, it is Essential for a Nation to support its Honor 
and Dignity — And the Man, who dreaded not the 
mighty power of Great Brittain when at its Pinacle, 
however now misrepresented by his adversaries, can- 
not be supposed pusilanimous, by any reasonable mind, 
or disposed to Commit the honor and Dignity of the 
United States through fear of an Nation; so that any 
who may presume on this will most Certainly fiiid them- 
selves in the End mistaken. I have no doubt but when- 
ever the honor and Interest of the United States re- 
quires it, he will be as firm and daring now as when the 
Declaration of Independence was made; and if he is 
not a warrior himself, he will Know well who are, and 
who to appoint, to Command and Conduct the armies 
of America. 

^ye have been Extremely crowded with business for 
two or three weeks; so that I have not time to reflect 
much on the subject mentioned in a letter by the last 
mail and therefore shall Inclose in this and order on 
the Treasury in your favor for the 500, DoP. there 



Thomas Rodney. 175 

mentioned, referring you to that Letter for directions 
only saying here that those directions appropriates 
200, Dok to the use of Lavinias Children & Sally & 
Betsy — & the other 300, to yourself «& Susan & your 
Children— The 200 DoP. divided by five will make 40, 
Dol?. to Each — out of which you are to buy each a Let- 
ter}^ Ticket k deduct the Price; Sally's & Betseys to be 
seperate but the Childrens in partnership — Out of the 
three hundred you are to buy Susan a Ticket and Each 
of your Children one — the Childrens to be in Partner- 
ship and as to the residue of the three hundred you will 
apply them as you think best — after paying S. Pleas- 
anton I am indebted to him at Washington — & pur- 
chasing one Lottery Ticket for me, in the Lottery that 
has a 20 thousand Dollar Prize in it — 

I shall transmit to M". Gallatin a Duplicate of the 
order inclosed, which is my Custom. If he refuses to 
pay it, you will have to wait his lezure. 

Nov^ 24^ 1804. 

Not having closed this Letter I add a few words — 
the Eastern Mail did not come by the last Post — it had 
not arrived at Nashville when the Post left it I think. 
I mentioned in my last the death of Col. Kirby at Tom- 
bigbee — as Fisher seem strongly inclined to leave 
Delaware I wish he could git an appointment that would 
Enable him to Come to this Country where he would 
have a better opertunity of acquiring property than in 
Delaware — 

"\Ve heard some time ago that Mr. Briggs was at 
Orleans — and lately that M'. Williams has reached the 
Territory but neither of them have arrived here yet — 

I would have you remember C. R. W. if any thing 
can be done for him that will be justifiable I should be 
glad that he could be placed in a Situation to gain a 
livelyhood if his Conduct will admit of it — I am soriy 
to hear he has deviated from the Conduct his friends 



176 Thomas Rodney. 

expected and hope that in his late business at Wj^oming 
he has afforded evidence of reform: business obliges 
me to Close this Letter, being at this Public place I 
have much of it to do as a Judge as well as a Com- 
missioner. • 

Thomas Eodney. 
N. B. I shall order 2 bb^ of Pecanns or Pecan Nuts, 
and two bb^ of oranges one of each for you and one of 
each for Fisher, to Philad^ &"= by first Vessel from 
Orleans after my letter arrives — 

Thomas Rodney to Coesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Dec^ 3^ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

Two letters from you by the last mail ; the last dated 
the 24^'' of Oct^ and I am very sorry at hearing you have 
the Intermittant; You must not let either the Event of 
the Election or the Conduct of the Person you mention 
depress your mind a firm and Chearful mind is of great 
Consequence to health and it is not Every difficulty that 
is a disadvantage — ^lany are the Instances where great 
minds rise by difficulties and Indeed they oftener raise 
than depress such — The order \ou mention went by the 
last mail and if you should have any real occasion for 
what I there directed to Lavinia's Children at present 
you may retain all theirs but what is necessary to buy 
their Lottery Tickets and pay it to them hereafter when 
you can spare it, but Sallys & Betseys send on if the 
Sec'', pays the order — I am very glad to hear that my 
Chaise is likely to Come on to me tho the cool Season 
has now returned when I can ride very well on Horse- 
back, and altlio we are in hopes of getting done here 
by next May yet it is possible we may be detained here 
another summer for 2000, Claims will take a great deal 
of time to travel through — It is indeed a Herculean 
labor to inspect and Consider all the title papers and 



. ■ Thomas Rodney. 177 

Testimony that accompany such a number of Claims 
Ye we shall proceed in it chearfully and as expedi- 
tiously as the nature of the business will admit — The 
Legislature of the Territory met in this Town today 
whereby we were obliged to Rent a House for the Board 
at the rate of 60, DoP. for 4 months and to purchase 
chairs & tables &c. and our firewood Costs 2^- dol^ a 
Cord— <&" &". The Sect^ of the Treasuiy does not con- 
sider himself authorized to allow those two necessary 
and unavoidable articles House rent and firewood — Is it 
not proper that a regulation should be made by Law 
in such cases! but I have menf*. this hertofore — you 
have no doubt seen the death of Col. Kirby announced 
in the Papers & the other Commissioner at Tombigbee 
M". Nicholas went home several months ago, and I 
understand all the business is done but signing the Cer- 
tificates—and I have mentioned Thomas H. Williams 
who is now there, as a proper person if any other is 
appointed — You will Eemember that I wrote of him to 
you last "Winter he is a worthy young Man — A Judge 
also must be appointed there in the room of Col. Kirby 
and I have taken the liberty to mention my Colleague 
Robert Williams, as the Salary is not suflQcient to in- 
duce a man that is fit for it to go there from a distance 
— but as M^ Williams is here he is willing to undertake 
attend the Courts if his Constant residence while en- 
gaged in the Land business here — I should have 
thought of Fisher if the Country was not so sickly 
there, as he seems determined to leave Delaware and 
perhaps some thing better may offer in the Course of 
the Season— The President has thought proper to make 
an alteration in our Board by appoint^. M^ Thomas 
Fitzpatrick of S. Carolina Register Vice M^ Edward 
Turner— On receiving the Secretary's Letter inclosing 
his Commission which was transmitted to me I sent an 
express to Coles Creek where I was informed he lived 
but the Messenger has not returned yet and I have since 

Vol. XLIV.— 12 



178 Thomas Rodney. ' • 

heard that he has gone to Kentucky on a trading Er- 
rand, in this Case it will be difficult to Know where to 
direct a letter to him, yet as his appointment was an- 
nounced in the papers some time ago it is likelj^ he will 
hurry home when he sees it — I wrote to the Sect^. of the 
Treasury on this subject — so that you will say nothing 
about it unless he or the President mentions it to you — 
M^ Turner and his Connections having treated me with 
very friendly respect and attention since I have been 
here and we having generally acted harmoniously to- 
gether, for a year past and Knowing that he would feel 
very sensibly on the occasion, I communicated his re- 
moval to him in the most delicate manner, without divi- 
ating from the truth in respect to his successor, which 
the governm*. had Confided to me 

Your Affectionate Father, 

Thomas Eodney. 
A. M^ Turner thanked me for the Polite and delicate 
manner in which I had Communicated his being super- 
ceeded, but was anxious to Know the cause — to this I 
replied it was the Custom of Government in such case 
not to assign any & therefore I could only suppose that 
was the objection made to him and represented to Gov- 
ernment by the People of the Territoiy at an early 
Period after his Appointm'. which he was acquainted 
with — he the solicited me to say anything to Govern- 
ment that I could do with propriety in his favor to 
this I replied that altho I felt a friendly disposition 
towards him and his Connections I could not take the 
liberty of saying any thing to Government that would 
imply the least Censure on their Conduct, but as I had 
heard no objections to his being Register only on ac- 
count of his being also a Commissioner and Connected 
with many of the Claimants, and therefore it was prob- 
able from the time of his removal that it was only 
Intended to prevent his acting as a Commissioner in 
the Decision of Claims which implied no other Censure 



Thomas Rodney. 179 

than what would have fallen on any other person in the 
same Circumstances 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 
Town of Washington M. T. December 14"^ 1804. 
My dear Son, 

Your Letter of .Nov^ 16'^ came to hand by the last 
mail under Cover from Treasury department and I am 
very glad to hear you are well and at 3'our Post and 
that you left Susan and the Children all well As to 
Capt" Huns treatment tho it Cannot avoid affecting 
Susan and of Consequence in some degree yourself yet 
I must advise you again and again Not to let anything 
disorganize the tone of your mind — always considering 
that a mind which meets with no difficulties becomes 
Feble for want of that Vigirous Exercise which is 
necessary to perfect a great mind — Socrates tho a Man 
of violent passion ruled and conducted them with all 
the Calmness and Serenety that the Sun travels over 
the Clouds and Storms of the day — and the Stoics took 
a pride in and valued theinselves on not being disturbed 
at anything, yet this was rendering the passions which 
are the impulse of our faculties useless and is therefore 
a Kind of Philosophy not to be Commended. A wise 
man should rejoice at that strong impulse which pas- 
sion gives but should always govern & direct their mo- 
tions by the rule of wisdom — ^AVhen a mans Life or 
Country is in danger then there is occasion to exert all 
his faculties, as a Statesman, Orator, or Soldier, or in 
some other way, but not on every trifling occasion for 
often indeed those things which we feel at first as evil, 
turn out in the end to be advantageous — And trust if 
you Preserk^e your Mind intire Nothing Capt°. H. can 
say or do, will injure you — the severest reflections will 
fall on himself if he should ever return to his reason 
and consider how much he he has disturbed the happy- 



180 Thomas Rodney. 

ness of a sweet little rising family whose Interest and 
happyness it is his duty to promote. 

There is a number of young men attending on the 
business of this Board as Clerks, Surveyors, &^ who 
from the manner in which they have been Uniformly 
treated by the Comm. find themselves greatly improved, 
m Manners & Knowledge and their genius's animated 
and inspired— among them is a M^ Fitz who is here 
under the Patronage of the President and was left in 
Charge of the Surveyor Generals office when he went 
away and has since been appointed Postmaster here— 
He has contrived and Effected several ingenious Me- 
chanical Machines since he has been here— One was to 
impel Major E. Clairbomes Boat Paddles; and he is 
progressing in one to take Perspective views— and I 
here inclose one which may be very useful in Copying 
Maps or Surveys, and also enlarging or Contracting 
them at pleasure correctly and expeditiously— The 
Mode of doing which is explained by himself on the 
same, paper with the figure of the Machine, and altho 
the explanation may seem a little difficult the Machine 
and its operation are very Simple— He is making a 
small Model to send on to the President but in the 
Mean time I request you to shew this to the President 
and to the Secretaiy of AYar, in whose Department it 
may be very useful. 

We are now Prepairing the business of this Board 
for Issuing Certificates— M^ Williams has been here 
since the first of this .Alonth but M^ Briggs has not 
Come yet nor have we heard lately where he is— The 
Legislature of the Territory are now sitting in this 
town and upon Complaints from Tombigbee ag\ some 
determinations of the Commissioners there are about 
to forward a memorial to Congress which will explain 
their Wishes— This Board fixed on the last of March 
1798 being the day the Spainards finally evacuated this 
District as the time Limitting Donation Claims— The 



Thomas Rodney. 181 

Board at Tombigbee Limited the time to the end of 
1797. Considering themselves bound by the Law to 
that day, tho that District as appears by a letter of Col. 
Kirby to this Board was not evacuated until May or 
June 1799 and the words and express intention of the 
Law seem to Extend Donations to the day of final 
evacuation of the Territory tho the Legislature from 
the information they then had Considered that to have 
been Sometime in the year 1797. Yet the fact was 
otherwise and we fixed here, on the day of evacuation 
at Natchez, not then Knowing when Tombigbee was 
evacuated — They also complain that the Board at Tom- 
bigbee, disregarding the Plots and Surveys of Dona- 
tion Claims regulated the quantity of acres and foiTQ 
of sui'vey as they thought best and sometimes laid the 
Survey distant from their Settlements in quite a new 
place &". This Board do not Consider themselves 
authorized by the Law to do this; tho discreetly con- 
ducted such a power might be an advantage to the 
claimants in many Instances — and as there will be much 
more of this business to do in Louisiana it will be ad- 
visable for Congress not to oblige Donation Claimants 
to make their own Surveys & Plots but simply to make 
their Claim of Settlement and then direct the Commis- 
sioners, to lay out their Land so as to include their 
Settlement if there be Vacant land Sufficient, and if 
there be room only for part there then to give them the 
residue elsewhere — or if on land not vacant then to 
receive it where the Commissioners may direct — then 
the Commissioners might on all occasions where the 
adjoining tracts did not require the Contrary to pre- 
vent small vacancies, have the lands laid out by Car- 
dinal and Paralel lines — I have been informed too that 
the Legislature also mean to apply to Congress to have 
that Board dissolved and to have the Completing the 
business there, transferred to this Board — This is not 
desirable to us, yet if the Government should think it 



182 Thomas Rodney. 

best to save expense, I should not refuse to Comply 
with their laudible desires to advance the welfare of 
the western Country now become so important to the 
United States. I must here obsei-ve that in Mention- 
ing the preceeding facts there was no intention in me 
in the least' to Censure the Conduct of the Board at 
Tombigbee — It was Composed of men I respect and 
Consider them as possessing Equal right to expound 
the Law according to their own opinions &,". 

It gives me Pleasure to see by the Presidents Mes- 
sage, and the Documents accompanying it, that the 
Court of Spain has withdrawn their Formidable ob- 
jection to the Cession of Louisiana and hope they will 
persuo the same peaceable and friendly disposition to 
the relinquishment of that part of the Cession called 
west Florida, and also to an amiable settlement of a 
Western line that will imbrace the Sorces of all the 
streams that fall into the Misisipi from the westward — 
I tiiist the United States will insist on this — and I am 
sure it will be the Interest of the Spainards to avoid a 
war — 

I am informed by the Papers as well as by my let- 
ters from Dover that M^ Bayard is appointed in the 
Room of Wells in the Senate of U. S. This Session 
therefore will be a favorable opertunity to urge the 
Extinguishment of the State ballances — If you have 
been careful to inform yourselves well of the Exertions 
made by Delaware in the Course of the Eevolution — as 
soon as I can take the time I will recapitulate to you 
such of these as are clearly yet remembered by me, 
being now far from any Documents which might aid 
my recollection except the Volumes of the Laws of that 
State which I brought with me. 

Altho Delaware at the late General Election seems 
receeding from her Eepublicanism Masachusets seems 
rapidly advancing — Indeed there seems no prospect of 
much opposition to the President at the next Election 



Thomas Rodney. 183 

his National Conduct has had such influence on the 
Mass of the people that his adversaries have few left 
to support them. 

I have sent orders to Orleans for two barrels of 
Pecans and two barrels of Oranges to be shipped round 
to "Wilmington or Philadelphia directed to you as be- 
fore — one of each are to be sent to J. Fisher — Give my 
love to Susan and the Children. 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Dec^ 31^' 1804. 
My dear Son, 

Having now proceed so far into the Land business 
hear as to obtain a full view of the Situation of this 
Country I lament that Country by the tenor and Struc- 
ture of the present Land Law, after we have finished, 
will be left in an unhappy Situation in respect to the 
Brittish Grants and be subject to perpetual Law Suits 
— In the first place many Brittish grants will be taken 
away. by Confirmed Spanish Patents, for which no 
Compensation is provided and the Brittish Claimants 
will have no resort but to a Suit at Law which possibly 
many of them may resort to hereafter as they Con- 
sider themselves as possessing the best Legal Title — 
Secondly such Certificates as we may grant under the 
three first Sections of the Act where they Conflict with 
a Brittish grant such grant must be stated in the Cer- 
tificate, which will unavoidably occasion great delay in 
our waiting for the Surveyors to ascertain such inter- 
ferences before they can be States — but for such losses 
as these the Brittish Claimant is to be Compensated 
out of the Reserve, but these inferior Claims in Virtue 
of Settlement generally take all the best of the land and 
the residue of the grants is of little value and the Brit- 
tish Claimant Knows not where the Compensation lay, 
but in most if not all cases it must be distinct and per- 



184 Thomas Rodney. 

haps distant from the residue where when part of his 
tract only is taken away — and in many cases this 
residue of his Tract is jagged and cut to pieces by the 
Settlement Tracts — Many of the Brittish Claimants 
therefore may prefer Contending against these Settle- 
ment Claims by Ejectments and Suits at Law, but 
probably will defer this till the regular Courts of the 
United States are extended here for the purpose of 
obtaining a more impartial trial than they would expect 
among the Settlers here — These apprehensions are 
very unpleasant even to the Settlers that will obtain 
our Certificates, and a Eegulation that would have 
avoided them, would leave this Country in a more 
pleasant permincnt situation. 

If the Law had allowed Compensation to all Brittish 
Claimants whose Lands were regranted by the Spain- 
ards — and all Brittish grants not regranted by the 
Spainards to remain good, and allowed all Donation 
Settlers 640 acres on any Vacant Land, only, and all 
Preemptions Claimants Such Quantity as they might 
incline to purchase to be laid also on Vacant Land only, 
and obliged all* Brittish Claimants whose lands have 
been in any Degree improved by preemption Claimants 
pay them the Value of their improvements it would 
have given I believe more satisfaction to all the Claim- 
ants — Or the Government might have totally have sup- 
pressed all the Brittish Grants and given them in Lieu 
thereof a tract of Land in one body amounting in 
quantity to all their Claims elsewhere — This indeed 
would be a Soverign Eegulation and by some the Pro- 
priety of it might be doubted but we have an Example 
set by the Brittish themselves in Kespect to the Settlers 
in Novoscotia after the Peace of 1763. They were in a 
body deprived of their Lands and no Compensation 
made them and their Lands given to the Brittish 
Officers &" 

I have sugested these Ideas and tho not official may 



Thomas Rodney. 185 

be Considered and if not too late be adopted by Con- 
gress as far as they may think proper — but if not 
adopted this part of the Country which alone can be 
made a perminent Stand at present in this western 
Country will be in an unsettled and perplexed Situation. 
I remember well the Eefugees of Novascotia they 
were dispersed among the then Brittish Colonies and 
reduced to Indigence and "Misery — and perhaps it was 
one of those unjust Acts for which Providence deprived 
Great Brittain of this Country — 

Your affectionate father, 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Jan^ 24*^ 1805. 
My dear Son, 

M^ Briggs the Sur^^eyor General arrived here last 
Saturday and M". T. H. Williams, who was at Tombig- 
bee last Summer Came here with him the Letter in- 
formed me that he was at the Chocktaw Treaty last 
fall, and that the Indians had sent on a proposal to 
Government to sell their Land at the uper part of this 
territoiy to the Chickasaw line which is Called the 
Yazoo Land — This Tract is the Garden of the Terri- 
tory and if government should purchase it, which no 
doubt they will, I should sooner obtain a part of that 
Tract than any where else in the territory — The good 
Land extends up the Yazoo on the East side about 35 
miles and then becomes poor but on the west side the 
Land between the Yazoo & Misisipi is all rich up to the 
Chickasaw bluffs and I am told the Chickasaws want 
to sell from the Chocktaw line below up to the Tennes- 
see line including the bluffs — the finest Tract of Land 
in the Territory lays on the Misisipi from the Bigblack 
Eiver up to the Tennessee line and extends off from 
the Misisipi about 20 miles — The whole of this Tract 
is rich but some parts of it near the Kivers are over- 



186 Thomas Rodney. 

flowed when the Elvers are full, but much the greater 
part is high Land and Enjoys the best Climate and the 
best water as well as the richest soil generally of any 
land in the Territory and therefore will be the most 
rapidly settled. 

David Ker Esq^ one of the Judges of the Superior 
Court for this Territory Died the 21^ of this month. 
I have given Notice of this to the Government in a 
Letter to M". Madison but as there is to be a Judge to 
reside in the Tombigbee District it seems unnecessary 
to appoint another here in the place of Judge Ker, as 
there will be one Judge in Each District without such 
an appointment for Judge Bruin Resides in Jefferson 
and I reside in Adams — Indeed my Situation is such 
that almost all the out of Court business of both Jef- 
ferson and Adams Districts has heretofore Come 
to me — 

I have not rec'd a letter from you for 3 or 4 weeks 
past & I have got no acc\ of my Carriage yet — 

You ought to have informed me what Vessel it was 
on Board off and to whom directed at Orleans tho I 
have wrote to my agents there to take care of it and 
send it up when it Comes there — I wrote to the Little 
girls Mary & Eliza by last Mail— Give my love to Susan 
and all the Children — 

There is a strong opposition to Governor Claiborne 
at Orleans & several writers in the papers Vilifying his 
administration — we hear that M"". Brown was removed 
from being Secretary and appointed a Judge which he 
has refused to accept. 

• Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Mrs. Anna D. Postlewait, City of Natchez. 

Town of Washington March 13"^ 1805 
Dear Madam, 

Inclosed you will receive a Certificate of your Mar- 
riage—It has always been my Custom to place this in 
the hands of the Lady for Safe Keeping. 



Thomas Rodney. 187 

And please to permit me to say your Marriage pre- 
sented a pleasant scene. Tlie Ladies appeared, I will 
not say, like a band of Sirens, but like a Choir of 
Seraphs just descended from above. Their Music and 
Charms were Enchanting and spread blissful pleasure 
around — and permit me to tell Miss Dunbar your suc- 
cessoress that there was nothing lacking to have turned 
the Forrest into a perfect Paradise but her neglecting 
to dress «& ornament the House throughout with flowers, 
to have made it a representation of the bower of the 
primeval pair of the human race — She ought to have 
done this on such an occasion, as the God of nature 
himself had dictated its propriety, by previously dtess- 
ing the woods and field with flowers — therefore when 
such an occasion happens again she ought not to omit 
this beautiful and delightful part of the Paradisal 
Scene — and permit me to say to the Young ladies 
further that tho they appeared like a Choir of Cheru- 
bims and perhaps hereafter may be such, yet that at 
present they are Mortals and are only sent here a while 
to beautify adorn and replenish the Earth— Therefore 
I wish them all happy Matches and as soon as they 
please — 

God bless you with health and prosperity — Adieu. 

Thomas Eodney. 

Please to present my congratulations and Kespectful 
Compliments to M^ Postlewait. 

Thomas Rodney to T. Oammel, Esquire, near Fort Adams. 
Town of Washington Oct^ '2\ 1805. 
D^ Sir, 

Your Letter of the 30^"^ Ult. Came to hand yesterday, 
wherein you inform me that Justice Baker refuses to 
try Horton's Negros in a Summary way, &''. and wish 
to Know what I had advised in that respect— My advice 
to Justice Baker was that they should be tried under 
the V^"^ Sec°. of the Slave Act of this Territory, as what 



188 Thomas Rodney. 

they had done did not amount to Felony — and all 
offences inferior to Felony Committed by Slaves, are 
by that Act, to be tried by a Justice of the Peace and 
five Freeholders — Eiot, & Kidnapping, in some Cases, 
by the Statutes of England (which do not Extend here) 
are made Felony; but by the Common Law, are only 
punishable by Fine, Imprisonment & Pillory — there- 
fore under this Law must be Considered as Offences 
Inferior to Felony, and when Committed by Slaves, 
triable under the Slave Act, by a Justice of the Peace, 
and five Freeholders — This being the Case — the only 
question that remains is whether the breaking of Kem- 
per's House &". was a Burglary. Wbich is thus De- 
fined by Chief Justice Cook — A Burglar is, "He that 
by Night breaketh and Entereth into a Mansion House, 
with Intent to Commit a Felony" — It is Evident the 
Intent in this case was to sieze the Kempers and deliver 
them below the line to the Spainards ; which is not made 
Felony by any Law of this Territory — therefore the 
breaking and Entering the House did not amount to 
Burglary, — and If the offence of the Slaves be inferior 
to Felony, they Can be tried in no way but by a Justice 
of the Peace and five Freeholders — I am satisfied that 
the offence of the slaves deserv^es much greater punish- 
ment in this Case than the Law Inflicts, but it is not 
the Will or Opinion of Magistrates, but the Law, that 
Eules in our Country — and If the Laws are defective, 
it belongs to the legislature, and not to the Judges, to 
render them Consistent with the Principles of Justice 
and Right — 

The Intent in this Case being to take a Citizen out 
of the Country, and deliver him to another Govern- 
ment, which was done, is an offence against the United 
States also — but I do not find any Law of the United 
States, that alters the Common Law, in such Cases, or 
they might have been tried in our supreme Court, sit- 
ting as a District or Circuit Court of the United States 



Thomas Rodney. 189 

— and as to the "White men Concerned in Committing 
the offence, they may be tried, Either by the Territorial, 
or Federal Courts — and if any of the Spainish Sub- 
jects, who were active above the line, should be taken, 
perhaps it will be most proper to tiy them in the Fed- 
eral Court. 

Beside advising Justice Barker to try M". Horton's 
Negro's, I advised him that it would be proper before 
he discharged them, to oblige M". Horton, to Enter 
Security in the Sum of 500, for each of them, for their 
good behaviour respectly. 

I am Respectfully 
Your most obedient 

Thomas Rodney. 
P. S. I directed Justice Baker also to require Secur- 
ities of the three Kempers in 1000, Dollars each for 
their good behaviour respectively towards the Country' 
and Subjects of the King of Spain. 

T.R. 

(To be continued.) 



190 Isaac Sharpless. 



The Council of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, desiring to place on its records an expression of 
appreciation of the sei'vices of Dr. Isaac Sharpless to 
education, history, science, good citizenship, and the 
Society, and of sincere regret for the loss of a colleague 
ten 5'ears a member of the Council, request the Record- 
ing Secretary to enter this minute on the journal. 

Dr. Sharpless began his career of usefulness as in- 
structor of mathematics in Haverford College, rose to 
be professor of mathematics and astronomy, Dean, and 
finally President of the College. It was characteristic 
of Dr. Sharpless to seek to leave any piece of work he 
undertook better than he found it. While he occupied 
the chair of mathematics, tlierefore, he wrote textbooks 
on Plane Geometry, Solid Geometry, Surveying, Nat- 
ural Philosophy, and an Astronomy for Schools. 

j\Iathematics proved not to be his chosen field of 
work. The bent of his mind was towards history, and 
after 18S4 when he became Dean he turned to history 
and books, pamphlets, magazine articles and addresses 
on historical subjects concerning Pennsylvania and the 
Friends took the place of treatises on mathematics. 
His early works in his new field, "Some Facts About 
Municipal Government in Birmingham, Manchester and 
Liverpool," and ''Early Education in England," 
showed a leaning towards political science and the 
Mother Country. But he soon came back to Pennsyl- 
vania and the Friends, and wrote "A Quaker Experi- 
ment in Government," "A History of Quaker Govern- 
ment in Pennsylvania," "Two Centuries of Pennsyl- 
vania History," and "Quakerism and Politics." As 



Isaac Sharpless. 191 

their titles indicate these books were explanatory of 
Quaker government in Pennsylvania and place him in 
the older school of historians. 

Besides these formal vrorks the bibliography of Dr. 
Sharpless contains one hundred and twenty-one titles 
of addresses and articles contributed to magazines, 
periodicals and newspapers. They cover a wide range 
of subjects, "Astronomy," "Sun Spots," "Meteors," 
"Comets," "The Weather," "Educational Ee- 
formers," "The Early Life of Great Men," "Political 
and Eeligious Conditions of the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania Two Hundred Years Ago," "The Ills of Penn- 
sylvania," "Friends and AYar Problems," "Conscrip- 
tion in America." 

Eecognition of the scholarship of Dr. Sharpless was 
made by several colleges and universities. From the 
University of Pennsylvania he received the degree of 
Doctor of Science ; from Swarthmore, Doctor of Laws ; 
from Harvard, Doctor of Laws ; and from Hobart Col- 
lege, the degree of L.H.D. At the time of his death, 
January 16, 1920, Dr. Sharpless was a member of tlie 
Commission on the Eevision of the Constitution of 
Pennsylvania. 



192 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AXD QUERIES. 

ISloics. 

Lettebs of JoH?f Blakey to Jesse Sharpless, HARrifE:ss Makeb of 
Chesteb County and Later Philadelphia. 

Concord, March 30": 1779. 
My little Boy Jes — 

Our well has more water in it than usual, no thanks to you, & I have 
less Mony in my Pocket than heretofore, thanks to the Congress. The 
other day Old Pocaty Moonshine or Old Blue-Skin died, he liv'd 28 
years a Bachelor, 28 years a ^Tarried Drone, & 28 years a widower, 
and by the time he is 28 years in Purgatory, & 28 years with old 
Scratch, and 28 years in Paradise, he will he 168 years, Old, and very 
tuff. Do you want any more randum stuff &c. If you are a good 
Whig, you may Drink the following Toasts 

1 Confusion to the Enemies of America, foreign & domestick. 

2 Freedom and Independence. 

3 A good peace or a Xew War. 

4 Off with every mask that hides a Traitor. 

5 May Traid, Commarce, & Religion flurrish. 

6 May America ever oppose bad measures & applaud good ones. 

A definition of a Whig. 

A Whig was a party Name in the last Reigns given to those who 
maintained, that Liberty was tlie Birthright of every man, & that 
Kings being Created, for the good of the People, and the preservation 
of Liberty, could not have a Divine Right to become Tyrants, or to 
subvert that Constitution they had sworn to protect. 

A Tory is one tliat adheres to the Doctrine of passive Obedience & 
Nonresistance. So if Old Xick Reigns they are his humlde Servants & 
must Obay. Hatefull in name & odious in Nature 

Little Je' gives his love to his name sake — I could say more — savs 

J. B. 

Addressed to Jesse Sharpies, Saddlar, In East Bradford, Chester 
County, Pennsylvania. 

Concord, April ; 1782. 

Heaven Bless you my dear Jes — We have a large piece of Linen 
come from the Weavers, but not fine enough for you, so you need not 
depend upon Concord for Shirts, On the 8"^ of this Instant my little 
Cousin was brought to Bed, and had two little She Quakers, but not 
likeing the smell of Toryism, they withdrew in about 5 or 6 hours, 
are now above the Clouds, and if there is any Room in Heaven for 
Quakers, no doubt they are there Ix^fore this time. Please to give my 
best Complements to M'. Polk and his good Lady & Family. I Remain 
no more, nor no less, than your Very humble Servant, 

John Blakey. 
tS" Please to give my love to the Congress, & all friends. When I was 
in Philadelphia the other day, I seen a piece of Linen at Caleb Attmores 
as white as a Crud, and fine enough for a Horse Taylor at 4/6 yard. 
My little Cousin is like to doe bravely, we all join in love to you, 
but mine is without Variation or end, says your most affectionate & 
unalterable friend. 

John Blakey. 

Addressed to M'. Jesse Sharpies, Horse Taylor, In Philadelphia. 



. THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OP 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XLIV. 1920. No. 3. 

LETTEKS OF THE FOUR BEATTY BEOTHERS OF THE 
CONTINENTAL AEMY, 177^1794. 

BY JOSEPH M. BEATTY, JR., PH.D. (HARVARD). 

The following letters, written by four brothers to one 
another during the Revolutionary period and imme- 
diately thereafter, form an interesting commentary 
upon the times. They record the hardships of the camp ; 
they reveal in a very intimate way the gossip of a 
colonial family; they throw illuminating side-lights 
upon the life of a soldier in old Philadelphia ; and they 
indicate in no uncertain manner the difficulties that be- 
. set the early legislators in state and nation. 

The four brothers, John, Charles Clinton, Reading, 
and Erkuries Beatty, all officers in the Continental 
Army, came of fighting stock. They were the sons of 
the Rev. Charles Beatty, a noted Presbyterian clerg>"- 
man, who, in spite of his profession, was a veteran of 
the French and Indian War. He was the only son of 
John Beatty, an officer in the British army, and 
Christiana Clinton, the daughter of a line of soldiers 
and sailors extending far back of Edward Clinton, Lord 
High Admiral of England under Elizabeth, to John, 
first Baron Clinton who fought for Edward I in Scot- 
land and in France. With such a heritage, it is not 

Vol. XLIV.— 13 193 



194 Letters of the Four Beattij Brothers. 

strange that the four brothers volunteered their ser- 
vices in 1776. 

The mother of the family, Ann Reading Beatty, 
daughter of John Reading, Esq., Provincial Governor 
of New Jersey, had died in Scotland in 1768, leaving 
ten children. Four years later, Eev. Charles Beatty 
died in the Barbadoes while on a mission for the benefit 
of Princeton College, from which he had received the 
degree of A. M. in 1762, and of which he was a trustee. 
His death left John the eldest son, the chief adviser of 
the other children, who were, in addition to the above 
mentioned: Mary, who married the Eev. Enoch Green; 
Christiana ; Elizabeth, usually referred to in the letters 
as Betsey, married first to the Eev. Philip Vicars 
Fithian, and secondly to his cousin, Joel Fithian, Esq.; 
Martha ; George, who went to sea and was not heard of 
after 1785 ; and William Pitt, for some time Secretary 
and Treasurer of the Columbia Bridge Company of 
Columbia, Pennsylvania. 

Our interest is merely casual, however, in the chil- 
dren other than the writers of the letters. Since the 
biographies of the four brothers will clarify certain 
points in their correspondence, I shall give them in 
some detail. 

I. John Beatty was born 10 December, 1749, and 
graduated at Princeton in 1769 — his sword was recently 
presented to Princeton University. During the two 
years following his graduation he studied medicine 
with Dr. Eush of Philadelphia, and in 1772, began to 
practice at Hartsville, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. On 
22 March 1774, he was married to Mary, daughter of 
Richard Longstreet, Esq., of Princeton. On 5 January, 
1776, he was commissioned Captain in the 5th Pennsyl- 
vania Battalion, and lea\dng his wife with her family, 
joined the army. 

On 12 October, 1776, he was commissioned Major in 
.the 6th Pennsylvania, and a month later was taken 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 195 

prisoner at the capture of Fort Washington, 16 Novem- 
ber, 1776. Although he was allowed some liberty on 
parole at Flatbush, Long Island, he was not exchanged 
until 8 May, 1778. During this period he was again 
commissioned, 1 January, 1777, Major, to rank from the 
preceding 12 October. On 28 May, 1778, he was ap- 
pointed, with the rank of colonel, to succeed Elias 
Boudinot as Commissary General of Prisoners. He re- 
tained this office until his resignation 31 March, 1780. 

In 1780 he retired to his home near Princeton, called 
Windsor Hall, and there began again the practice of 
medicine. He had by no means finished his services 
to his country, however. He was a delegate from New 
Jersey to the Continental Congress, 1783-5: several 
of his letters are dated from Annapolis while the Con- 
gress was in session there. He was a representative 
in the Congress of the United States, 1793-5 ; a member 
of the State Convention on the Constitution, 1787; a 
member of the State Legislature of New Jersey; and 
the Speaker of the Assembly. He was Secretaiy of 
State for New Jersey, 1795-1805. 

In addition to holding these political offices, Colonel 
Beatty acted as a Brigadier General in the Militia and 
held various offices of trust in the community. For 
nearly twenty years he was one of the Tnistees of 
Princeton College. He was President of the Trenton 
Banking Company and also of the Trenton Delaware 
Bridge Company. In this last capacity he laid the 
corner stone of the first pier, 24 May, 1804, and at the 
completion of the bridge, led the great procession 
fonned for the first crossing. It is said to have been 
the finest stnicture of its kind in the United States at 
the time. 

In 1815, Colonel Beatty 's wife died, and three years 
later he married Mrs. Katharine Lalor of Trenton. He 
died 30 :May, 1826. Among his descendants is the Eev. 
John Beatty Howell, of Philadelphia, who owns the oil 



196 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

portraits of Colonel Beatty and his wife, of Erkuries 
Beatty, Rev. Charles Beatty, Ann Beading Beatty, and 
Christiana Clinton Beatty. 

II. Charles Clinton Beatty, born 10 February, 1756, 
has a short and tragic history. After preparing for 
College with his brother-in-law, the Eev. Enoch Green, 
of Deerfield, he entered Princeton, and graduated there 
in 1775. In a letter written from Princeton, January 
1774, he gives an interesting account of one of the pa- 
triotic demonstrations there: "Last week to show our 
patriotism, we gathered all the Steward's winter store 
of Tea, and having made a fire on the campus, we there 
burnt near a dozen pounds, tolled the bell, and made 
many spirited resolves. But this was not all. Poor 
Mr. Hutchinson's Effigy shared the same fate with the 
Tea ; having a Tea canister tied about his neck. ' ' Al- 
though he had been planning to enter the ministry, he 
obtained, 5 January, 1776, a commission as Second 
Lieutenant in the 4th Pennsylvania Battalion. ^ATiile 
in the ser\dce he accompanied General Wayne into 
Canada, and was later stationed at Ticonderoga. "While 
he was near Chester, Pennsylvania, he purchased a 
very handsome rifle ; one of his friends in jest pointed it 
at him, and saying, "Beatty, I will shoot you", pulled 
the trigger. The gun was loaded, and Lieutenant 
Beatty fell dead. He was buried in the Burying Ground 
in Chester. 

III. Beading Beatty, born 23 December, 1757, was 
educated at Mr. Green's School in Deerfield, and had 
expected to enter Princeton, but giving up that purpose 
he began the study of medicine with his brother John 
and later with Doctor Moses Scott of New Brunswick, 
N. J. Writing to Mr. Green in 1775, he says: "Have 
you any Tories in your part of the country? We have 
too many of them here ; and indeed some that are worse 
than Tories, viz those that when they have put on their 
Regimentals are pretended Whigs, but as soon as they 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 197 

put them off are detestable Tories; and are therefore 
Hjijocrites. Does Mrs. Green drink tea yet? I hope 
not. If she does, and you allow her, you will perhaps 
fall under the denomination of a Tory. Poor Mrs. 
Peek is gone ; or she would have had a whole chest laid 
up in store, against a rainy day." 

Upon the outbreak of the war he enlisted first as a pri- 
vate and was at once appointed sergeant. On 5 January-, 
1776, he was commissioned Ensign in the 5th Penn- 
sylvania Battalion, and 10 August, 1776, 2d Lieutenant. 
He was taken prisoner at the capture of Fort AVash- 
ington, 16 November, marched through the streets of 
New York with great indig-nities, and confined on the 
Mersey or Myrtle Prison Ship. He was permitted to 
live on parole in Flatbush with his brother John until 
8 May, 1778, when both were exchanged. After this he 
studied medicine in Philadelphia under Doctor Ship- 
pen. He then joined the 6th Pennsylvania as Surgeon's 
Mate, and on 1 May, 1780, was commissioned Surgeon 
to the 11th Pennsylvania. In the following year, 10 
February, 1781, he was transferred to the 4th Conti- 
nental Artillery in which he served until June, 1783. 

He married, 20 April, 1786, Christina, daughter of 
Judge Henry Wjmkoop of Bucks County, Pennsyl- 
vania. Doctor Beatty died 29 October, 1831. Among 
his descendants are Samuel Moore Curwen of Phila- 
delphia, President of the Brill Car Works, and Joseph 
i^Ioorhead Beatty (father of the writer) a member of 
the Standing Committee of the State Society of the 
Cincinnati of Pennsylvania. 

IV. Erkuries Beatty, born 9 October, 1759, was in 
many ways the most interesting of the four brothers. 
In 1775, when only sixteen years old, he assisted in the 
capture of a British transport, and at about the same 
time enlisted as a j^rivate in the Continental army. He 
was commissioned Ensign, 2 January-, 1777, in the 
Fourth Pennsylvania Eegiment, and 2d Lieutenant, 



198 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

2 May, 1777. On 5 May, 1777, he joined the main army 
with his company, and in September was engaged in 
the battle of the Brandj-wine. At the battle of Ger- 
manto^vn he was severely wounded in the thigh, and 
was carried to the house of one of the Society of 
Friends who took him in and cared for him until 
his relatives could be notified. 

The wound healed rapidly, and he was able to spend 
the winter at Valley Forge. During the next year he 
fought at Monmouth, and wintered at Schoharie. He 
was commissioned 1st Lieutenant, 2 June, 1778. In 
1779 he accompanied Van Schaich against the Onan- 
dagas, and later, Sullivan against the Indians in 
western New York (For his Journal on this exj^edition, 
see Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, vol, xv, pp. 
219-253). He was Regimental Paymaster 1 June, 1779 
till 17 May, 1780, and also 22 May 1783 till 3 November, 
1783. 

Unlike his older brothers, Erkuries continued in the 
military service of his country after the cessation of 
hostilities with England. He had not been prepared 
for any particular jDrofession except that of arms. 
After several months of sei'\'^ice with the War Office 
in Philadelphia, he obtained a commission as Lieu- 
tenant in the U. S. Infantry, 12 Aug-ust, 1784, and Cap- 
tain, 1st Infantry, 29 September, 1789. During the 
years 1786-8, he was paj-master to the Western Army, 
and for the following two years, Commandant at Vin- 
cennes. He was commissioned Major, 5 March, 1792, 
and was in the 1st Sub-Legion, 4 September, 1792. He 
resigned from the army, 27 November, 1792. 

Upon his retirement from the army. Major Beatty 
bought a large farm near Princeton, N. J. He held a 
number of offices in his community. He was a Justice 
of the Peace and Judge of the County Court, a member 
of the Legislature of New Jersey, and Treasurer of the 
State Society of the Cincinnati of New Jersey. He is 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 199 

now represented in the Society of tlie Cincinnati by 
Cliarles Clinton Beatty of Ontario, California, a de- 
scendant of Doctor Reading Beatty, and the owner of 
most of the following letters. 

Major Beatty married on 21 February, 1799, ^Irs, 
Susanna Ewing Ferguson of Philadelphia (widow of 
Major William Ferguson who had been killed in St. 
Clair's defeat, 4 November, 1791). Their son, the Rev. 
Charles Clinton Beatty, D.D., was a noted Presbyterian 
minister. There are now no living descendants of this 
branch of the family. 

Reading Beatty to Erhuries Beatty. 

Neshaminy November 4^^. 74 
Dear Brother, 

As Charles sets off on Monday next, I thought I 
should be to blame, if I neglected the Opportunity; 
therefore I now set down to write you a Letter. 

Nothing strange has happened since you went away, 
therefore I cannot tell you much News, but you must 
take what comes u^Dpermost. 

Charles and I one Afternoon we went down to Hen- 
dersons^ Young Orchard to get some Apples but they 
had gathered them all in, so we could get none ; but the 
Chestnut Tree there being very full of Chestnuts, and 
Nobody near, Charles he got up the tree, and shook a 
most concerned sight down, and I gathered up as fast as 
ever I could 'till he came down ; directly after came a 
fellow and began to tell us how we should not take the 
Oliestnuts so, & that Robert was very angry with us 
for shaking them down; we never minded but picked 
up as fast as ever we could and he went away. Pres- 
ently after came the little Fellow, and began to hollow 



» Robert Henderson, of Warminster, yeoman, whose will was proved 
25 April, 1775. Reading Beatty was apparently at the Beatty home- 
stead near Hartsville, Pa. Erkuries was at school in Deerfield, X. J. 



200 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

away (for he durst not come near) that if we did not 
go away, & let the Chestnuts somebody would make us, 
we made fun of him till we got them all picked up, and 
then went away. We got I believe yqyj near, or quite 
a peck, which we dried and eat. 

We had fine fun one night a whole heap of us at a 
Husking Frolic at Eob' Millers with old Alex. Smith 
who was drunk, we would push one another against 
him, and down he would go, at last when we had done 
he sat down among the husks, and we all sat round him 
for a good while, then he got up and Staggered away 
at one side, and told any of us to come out and fight him 
if we dared, but we would catch hold of his legs and 
throw him down ; we plagued him so a good while, and 
then he set off to go home, then we brought him back 
again, then he set off again, and we brought him back, 
so we plagued him a great while, at last we let him go 
home. He threatens now to have Chas, me and good 
many more before the Justice, tho' I believe that will 
hardly be. 

I was out Rackoon Hunting the other Night with 10 
or 11 more, and we caught nothing but 2 Cats and a 
Scunk, and another night I was out, but got nothing 
at all. 

John Poak had a husking Frolic on the Stalk not 
long ago, and there was very near thirty at it, I did 
not go till almost night, for fear I should be tired Work- 
ing, and we had a fine Frolic, he got it all done (16 or 
17 Acres) and hauled in except about 4 Acres. 

Presbytry sat here last Week to ordain our Minister,' 
and there were a great Concourse of People especially 
on Thursday when he was ordained : I went but could 
not get in and so came home again and did not go again 
at all. 

Folks about here all well at present, I had a slight 

* The Rev. Nathaniel Irwin, who succeeded Rev. Charles Beatty as 
minister of the Presbyterian church at Xeshaminy. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 201 

touch of the Flux not long ago but am got pretty well 
again now. Yours 

R. Beatty. 

John Beatty to his sister, Mrs. Fithian. 
My dear Betsey :- Ki^gsbridge, Sept. 10», 1776. 

Scarce a day passes that you do not occur to my 
mind, and my anxiety was not a little increased when I 
heard that Mr. Fithian^ had engaged in the sei-vice. I 
am truly sensible of the disagreeable consequences of 
leaving wives, when more especially fatigue and danger 
are our natural companions; but I flatter myself the 
importance of the contest will sufficiently apologize for 
our rudeness in leaving you," Mr. Fithian has just left 
me — was well; we are happy in laying so near one 
another as to be frequently together. Brother Reading 
is an officer in the Battalion with me, and Arky lays in 
the same camp with Mr. Fithian; Charles is at Ticon- 
deroga; I heard from him a few days ago : he vdih. Mr. 
Eeed are well and in great spirits. 'WTiere mil you 
find-a family more engaged in the service than ours. I 
hope we shall prove ourselves worthy of the privileges 
we are contending for. Mrs. Beatty spends the chief 
part of her time with Mrs, Howard.* She is as agree- 

• Philip Vicars Fithian, first husband of Elizabeth Beatty, was born 
29 December, 1747, graduated at Princeton, 1774, and, according to 
Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army dur- 
ing the War of the Revolution, was killed on the retreat from New 
York 15 Sept. 1776, while serving as chaplain in the Continental forces. 
Tlie Beatty Family Record, however, says that he died in camp at Fort 
Washington, 8 October, 1776. His experiences as a tutor in Virginia 
are recorded in his Journal and Letters, 1767-1774, edited hy John R. 
Williams, Princeton, 1900. 

*Mr3. Howard, the wife of Captain William Howard, an officer in 
the British army before the outbreak of hostilities. He was a strong 
Whig, but because of illness could not take part in the war. He owned 
the Castle Howard farm near Princeton, later the property of Colonel 
John Beatty, and had inscribed in large letters on the wall of one of 
the rooms, "Xo Tory talk here." 



202 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

ably situated as I could wish for; but still complains 
loudly of my absence. Mr. Fitbian has doubtless in- 
formed you of our situation, with regard to military 
matters, I shall only add that our army is young and 
inexperienced; our enemies numerous and formidable, 
and unless Providence miraculously interferes, I fear 
the consequences. Believe me dear sister, 

Yours, affectionately, 

John Beatty. 

Charles Clinton Beatty to Bev. Enoch Green.^ 

Ticonderoga Sep^ 10'^ 1776. 
Dear Sir, 

I had the great pleasure to hear of your welfare some 
time ago by a letter from Xew York informing me that 
M^ Fithian was attending some of the Militia Regi- 
ments as Chapl° — I have often wished both to hear 
from you & to write to you since I have been to the 
Northward, but I never met with an opportunity that 
could be dei^ended on, — The Soldiers life begins to sit 
more easy upon me than it did at first — We had many 
hardships and fatigues to undergo which before I knew 
nothing of — ]\Iy Health, through the favour of a kind 
Providence has been preser\^ed so well, that I have al- 
most always been able to do my duty in the Eegiment, 
Yet the Army in general has been sickly — After all my 
wishes and expectations I had not the happiness to see 
the famous plains of Abraham and Walls of Quebec — 
When we joined the Army they were at the Sorell, a 
few days after we were ordered to attack the Regulars 
down at Fair Eivieres, where we experienced the great 

•The Rev. Enoch Green, b. in New Jersey, 29 December, 1734, 0. S. 
He was minister of the Presbyterian church at Deerfield, X. J., and 
taught a classical school there. He married, 7 June, 1770, Mary, eldest 
daughter of Rev. Charles Beatty; several of her younger brothers were 
among his pupils. He served for a short time as chaplain in the Revo- 
lutionary Army, and died of camp fever, 2 December, 1776. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 203 

mortification of a defeat, there I saw a little of fighting 
and but a little for we were soon forced to make the 
best of our way up to Sorell, since that time we have 
retreated till we came here during which time we had 
no peace or rest — We have here thrown up works which 
I think will be able to withstand their force — Ticon- 
deroga fort which is out of repair and but of little use 
at present is situated on a point of Land veiy high 
which is formed by Lake Champlain & a narrow river 
leading out of Lake George, — about 3/4 of a mile be- 
hind the Fort on an eminence commanding the Fort we 
are encamped, with 2 Brigades — Our Lines here extend 
from the Elver to the Lake and are strong — on the 
Lake we have a redoubt, commanding down it 3 miles, 
with 2—18 Pounders «fc 2—12 P^. & on the highest part 
between the two waters a redoubt with 8 Pieces of Can- 
non commanding all the high Ground — on the Opposite 
side of the Lake on a high piece of Land called Mount 
Independence, we have near 30 pieces of Cannon 
mounted, heavy metal, some commanding the Lake, 
others the old Fort & other Places — all these besides 
several other redoubts are finished, good & strong since 
we came here — On the Lake down Near S*^ Johns lies 
our Fleet, consisting of 3 or 4 Schooners & 8 or 10 
Gondolas, each Gondola carrying 3 Guns, 2 — 9 
pounders & one 12 pr. — this fleet is well manned and 
Commanded by General Arnold — The Number of 
Troops is near 15,000, but not many more than the one 
half fit for service. We expect the Eegulars will attack 
us daily, it has been reported that our fleet was attacked 
by the enemy, as a considerable firing has been heard 
by some of our men who lie at Crown Point. Boats 
have been sent down but are not yet returned — The 
Army are in good Spirits now though much discouraged 
on their retreat — We do not agree very well with some 
of our neighboring Troops, otherwise we should do well 
enough — they are as much displeased with our ways 



204 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

as we are with theirs — I have since I entered into tiie 
Sendee been obliged to shift for myself as well as I 
could, for I found I had no one as usual to apply to for 
assistance I cannot complain much, for though I have 
had hard li\'iug & ill lodging for a long time yet my 
health is good & able to bear with any thing almost 
that happens — I met with several acquaintances when 
I joined the army — Captains Hoivel^ & Shute'^ & Lieu* 
Bowen^ all of your Countiy. Cap*" Howel has been a 
good deal unwell but is now recovering — I also found 
Parson McCalla,^ who is since taken Prisoner & Nath. 
DonnelP" a Lieu, in the Artillery, who was down in 
Gohansy some time with you — He is well & sends Com- 
pliments to Sister Betsy^^ others, — We have had an 
account of an attack at Long-Island but cannot as yet 
learn the Particulars, if they meet with ill Success 
there, we shall hardly be attacked here — We long to 
return that way, being all willing much rather to fight 
in our own country than abroad — I imagine we shall re- 
turn the Latter end of Nov"" or December when I will 
endeavour to make a trip to Deerfield — I must Con- 
clude by assuring you that I am & still remain your's 
as ever. Clinton. 

John Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Dear Reading Bethlem 24*'' Sep^ 79— 

Mrs. Dubois has sent her Son up for a Vomit for the 
little Child who is ill of the AVhooping Cough — please 

* Capt. Howell of Xew Jersey. 

^ Capt. William Shute, 2d. Xew Jersey. 
' Lieut. Seth Bowen, 2d. Xew Jeraey. 

• Chaplain Daniel McCalla, 2d. Pennsylvania Battalion. 
'* Lieut. Xathaniel Donnell, Pennsylvania Artillery. 

"The Fithians lived on the Cohansy, in Cumberland County, X. J., 
some of them in the town of Greenwich, where, 22 Xov., 1774, the young 
men of the town, including Philip Vicars Fithian and his cousin Joel, 
dressed as Indians, destroyed a supply of tea in what was kno^vn as 
the Greenwich Tea Party. A monument has been erected in the town 
to commemorate this event. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 205 

to send with him what is proper — Anthony is somewhat 
Better — has but little Fever, but complains much of his 
tliroat — if you have any thing which may be of Sei-\'ice 
to him I shall thank you for it — 

I am to inform you, that there is a distribution of 
Cloathing (in ]\P. Brook's hands), to be delivered out 
to-day & to-morrow — By the Generals order — You and 
the other Surgeons of Hospitals are included — I know 
j'our wants in this way, & would therefore advise you 
to set out to Newburgh immediately — as delays in this 
case may be dangerous — Will you call here, going 
there, or on your return — With Compliments to the 
Fraternity, I remain 

D^ Reading 
Yours &c., 
Jn° Beatty. 

ErJcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Camp near Morristown Dec. 22, 79. 
I just this moment Eec*^. your letter dated Smoky 
Cabin, and I am very sorrj^ for your Disagreeable Sit- 
uation, but I think if you saw my Situation and way of 
living you would really Pity me, for colder weather 
I never saw in this time of year, and we are yet in our 
cold tents, we have just got the men in their Hutts, and 
it is so cold we cant get ours built, and what is worse 
than all we scarcely got anything to Eat, — I have not 
seen the Col yet and I think he dont want to see me 
for I hear he lives or quarters about 4 miles from Camp 
and he has never been to see me yet, but I intend not 
making myself any way uneasy about him, for I think 
he has a better opportunity of coming to see me than 
I him — I intend going home in about two weeks or 
three. I would go sooner only as I am Pay Master to 
the Reg\ I have the Cloathing to give out and money to 
pay the Men which will take me that time, if you have 



206 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

any secret Commands to send to Princeton or else- 
where I shall be very happy in delivering them safe if 
they come before that time — You mention that ''you 
suppose before now that I am acquainted with Cap* 
Buker — Indeed I am — & I'll tell you how — As soon as 
we join'd the main xVrmy him and one Mr. Stoddeford 
apply 'd for their Kank in our Eeg\ which would have 
been before all the SuV in the Reg* we thought it was 
rather hard treatment, and we Remonstrated to Head 
Q" begging that they will not be put in the Eeg' at the 
same time saying if they do the Sub^ now in the Reg* 
will Inmiediately Resign, which will be the Case cer- 
tainly if they do come ; but we have Rec. No answer as 
yet, nor the two gentlemen have not got any order to 
join, altho they say they are very certain they will, 
and I am afraid it will end with bad consequences for 
we have gone so far that we can't get out any way but 
by Resigning which I expect will be the case but I dont 
intend doing any thing Rashly, but what we have done 
we will stand by — Cap* Tudor^^ has his Compliments 
to you, I believe I forgot telling you that he & I has 
always messed together since he joined the Reg* — Cap°. 
Sproat" send his Compliments he is now A. D. Camp 
to Gen' Hand & expects to go to Penn* in a few Days, — 
I am very sorry you cant go to Penn* this winter as I 
expected to spend some time with you this winter, but 
I think I am born to hard fortune but, perhaps I'll come 
& see you before Spring, I think my letter is just about 
as long as yours and I'll stop with the expectations that 
you will write always as long and frequent 

Adieu 

E. Beatty. 
P.S. I have heard nothing from home. 

"Capt. George Tudor, 3rd Penna. Battalion; taken prisoner at Fort 
Washington; Captain 4th Penna. Line; Major 5th Penna. Line April, 
1780; retired January 17, 1781. 

" Capt. William Sproat, 4th Pennsylvania. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 207 

ErJcuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Camp near Morristown Christmas Day Dec. 25"* 79. 
D"" Brother, 

Which I believe I forgot to mention in my last, but 
however you'll Excuse me for I was in haste & burnt 
my letter which you'll see — AYell, I must acknowledge 
you are one of the best brothers, and best Correspond- 
ents that ever I knew. I Eec^ your letter Dated Nov. 
28"", and I imidiately returned an answer which I hope 
you Rec'', the next evening brother J. Came to see me 
and I Rec*' another letter Dated Dec. 6^^ which you men- 
tioned you sent by D"". A. Baird" but I had not the 
Pleasure of seeing him. The next Day I Eec'' another 
letter Dated Dec. 20^'', which I believe I will take in 
hand to answer, you think I am grown something lazy 
in not writing to you, I am Determined to convince you 
of that for I'll bother you with long letters and a great 
many of them & Perhaps chief of them Nonsense, the 
next thing you Desire that I should give you Advice 
about quitting the service — Indeed you apply 'd to the 
wrong person for I am in the same predicament as you 
will see by my last letter, and it is now settled that I 
will quit and you may use your pleasure, but if you 
Resign call on me & we will both go together — but first 
I must consult brother J. on the occasion as he is now 
gone to Princeton to eat his Christmas Dinner but will 
be up again in a few Days, but I am almost Certain he 
will not be of my Opinion nor I dont suppose you will 
either, but as I said in my last, I have gone so far I 
cannot recant with any honor at all — I am just down 
from dinner about half Drunk, all dined together upon 
good roast & boiled, but in a Cold hut, however grog 
enough will keep out cold for which there is no Desir- 
ing, tomorrow we all dine at one with the Colonel, which 



"Surgeon Absalom Baird of Penna., Baldwin's Artillery Artificers. 
Retired March 29, 1781. 



208 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

will be another excellent dinner and I think you may 
call that fair living, but Ah ! I am afraid it wont last 
many Days — The huts about four miles from Morris- 
town near a place caller Mendham Cap*^ Sproat 

is here and Desires to be Remembered to you 

I am very busy in Delivering the mens Cloathing in 
about two weeks I'll set off for home I hope — Damn the 
Nonsense I was going to say but I will quit and Re- 
main your 

Affectionate Brother 

Erkuries. 

John Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Com^ Pris^ Office 
Jan^ 24, 1780. 
My d"" Brother, 

Your Favour of the 9^ Ins\ is before me — ^You are 
welcome to the advice my last contained & I shall be 
fully rewarded, provided it has been of any sei^ice to 
you — I expected some time since to have paid a visit, 
to our Friends over the Mountains, «& was upon the Eve 
of setting out, but was put in Mind from HeadQuarters, 
that my time was not my own — How sweet is liberty & 
the indulging our inclinations as we please — this 
thought with the great decrease of my little all, has 
at leng-th determined me to forsake the Soldier «& be- 
come the citizen — You will perhaps be surprised, but 
believe me 'tis true — perhaps the lancet, the glister 
pipe, may afford me a more comfortable Subsistance. 
This or some other Business you will find me employed 
in should you do us the favour of a visit — I am glad 
to find you are better reconciled to your Lott, than you 
at first expected — I wish it may prove agreable to you 
— as I see the appearance at present for you coming 
into the line in the way of your lorofession, which I 
would advise you by all means to pursue — a Lieu'-'' in 
the. Artill^. I could procure you — but think it would 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 200 

not suit — of this give me your opinion — I am sorry to 
hear of Mrs. Clintons Deatli/^ but it was no more than 
we expected — she was old & very infirm, when we left 
there — Should you go to Bethlem you will please to 
make my Comp^ to all Friends & tell them my best 
wishes attend them — & remember Love & a Kiss to the 
Girls — Mrs. Beatty has been with me this three weeks 
— She & little Dick^^ are well, & beg their Love to you — 
She returns toMorrow to take care of her pig & chickens; 
— a secret — Sister Betsy is to be married, the second 
week in next month — wont it possibly be in your power 
to come down — She would be very desirous of seeing 
you then — Mr. Joel Fithian^^ a widower from Deerfield, 
or Cohansie is the man for her Money — a tight Mateli 
you will say — however it is so — Her partiality for that 
Country may have been one inducement — a good Fat 
farmer another — & probably a Husband at any rate, 
the leading one — Come down if you can — if not write 
me frequently — Comp to Brooks^* is he dead or 
married 

As ever yours — 

Jn°. Beatty 

Erhuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Camp January 25'^ 1780. 
My Dear Beading — 

Your Favour of the 9'^ Instant came to hand a few 
Days ago, and obliged to answer it from Camp, which 
is very Disagreeable to me, but how can I help it, — I 

"Mrs. Charles Clinton, m. n. Elizabeth Denniston d. 25 Dec. 1779. 

"Richard Longstreet Beatty, son of Col. John Beatty b. 11 Feb. 1779, 
graduated at Princeton 1797. Member of Xew Jersey Legislature; d. 
July 22, 1846, 

" Joel Fithian represented his county several times in the New Jersey 
Legislature; d. Nov. 1821. 

"John Brooks, Adjutant 6th Penna. Battalion 1776; Assistant Com- 
missary of Issues 1777-1780. John Beatty was formerly in this bat- 
talion. 

Vol. XLTV.— 14 



210 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

must tell that I have lately involved myself in the 
greatest trouble I believe I was ever in, which is this, 
after we came off the expedition there was no Pay 
Master to the Eeg\ the officers thought proper to ap- 
point me, when we join'd the Army I found I had to 
do the Duty of Regiment Clothier to, which is the Cause 
of all my trouble, for I have lately drew Cloathing for 
the Eeg' & it is almost all to make up from the Cloth 
all which I must oversee, which keeps me very Close 
confined — If you was just now to step into my Hutt 
(which is only a very small Eoom if it ever got finished) 
I will tell j^ou just how you would find me, for to give 
you a small scrap of my trouble — You'll find me sit- 
ting on a Chest, in the Center of Six or Eight Taylors, 
with my Book, Pen & Ink on one side and the Buttons 
and thread on the other — the Taylors yo'll find some 
A Cutting out, others sewing, outside of the taylors you 
will see maybe half Dozen Men naked as Lazarus, 
begging for Cloathing, all about the Room you will see 
nothing but Cloth & Cloathing, on the floor you'll find 
it about knee deep with Snips of Cloth & Dirt — If you 
stay any time you'll hear eveiy Minute knock-lmock at 
the door & I calling walk in, others going out, which 
makes a Continual Bussle — presently I begin to swear, 
sometimes have to jump up blundering over two or 
three taylors to whip somebody out of the house — 
othertimes Tudor and my Mess Mates they begin to 
swear, & with our Swearing, and the taylors singing 
(as you know they must), and the ]Men a grumbling 
.... makes pretty Music for your Ear, and thats the 
way from morning to night, & from Weeks End to 
weeks end, & I am sure I need not complain for want 
of Company as you do such as it is — & what makes it 
a good Deal worse I think of nothing but getting a 
Change which makes me a good Deal fretfull — 

Yesterday I rode out as far as our Brothers quarters 
and spent the day with him & his wife who came up 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 211 

from Princeton to see him, which is the only agreeable 
Day I have had this 4 Weeks — I inclose a letter from 
Brother John to you, in which he tells me he has written 
very pressing for you to come down to Princeton for 
what I suppose he has told you, as yesterday was the 
first I heard of it, and expect to see them enter into 
their vows, and I flatter myself that I shall have the 
pleasure of seeing you at the same time or before — 
as you come Down your nearest way will be by Camp, 
you will find my hutt on the Eight of Gen' Hand's 
Brigade, you will know by the soldiers running in & 
out — and if you come we will both go together, and if 
we Ride over will go first to Princeton «& then to Penn* 
— Now ray Dear Eeading I hope you will leave no Stone 
unturned if you can Possibly get away . . . day & 
night, or as you advised me when I lived with Win- 
neiiy if no other way would do to Kun away, for I'll 
Never forgive you if you dont come, if you have it in 
your power, but if it is an Impossibility for you to 
Come be sure write me before the latter end of Next 
week for about that time I will go, or never — As for 
the Disturbance in the Reg*^ the Gentleman is not yet 
come in but I believe he will, I havn't advised Brother 
John about it yet, but it is time enough when the gentle- 
man joins the Reg' but you may Rely on it I intend 
doing nothing inconsiderately or unadvisedly but I 
flatter myself that I have sei-^^ed so far in the Reg\ 
with honour, and rather than be guilty of any thing 
Dishonourable I want to quit the Service — but I am in 
hopes it will be settled yet amicably «fc with honour to 
both parties — I am very soriy you are so lonesome, 
but when you get acquainted with those acomplished 
Ladies you talk of you will spend you time more agree- 
able I am in hopes; and if long letters is any satisfac- 
tion to you, I'll warrant this shall be long enough for I 
intend filling it full — 

You talk as if in the Spring you had a Notion of 



212 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

quitting the Ser\dce, and to settle yourself for life, 
and you seem to talk of being blest with some fair one 
who would lull all your cares to Best — I should be glad 
to know if you have fixed upon any one of those North- 
em ladies, that you think you could make your life 
happy with. If so fetch her Down to Princeton, let 
us have two Weddings in the Family at once which will 
save great expense & trouble— I send this by L*. Gn. 
Dennison who says he will deliver to you in person, if 
so I beg you would not treat him like a Stranger, as he 
is a person of my intimate acquaintance, and what you 
may call a pretty clever fellow «fc I know that your 
group of Hospitals is very seldom wanting a Glass of 
wine or a good Draught of grog, & I think what is good 
for sick people cant be very bad for well — Oh that I was 
there one Evening I would shew you what drinking 
wine was, — I'll warrant I'd give it a sweat if I got 
hold of it — There is one L\ Tapp" likewise of the York 
line I understand lives in Fish Kill, a Gentleman of my 
acquaintance, and a very Clever fellow if you see him 
give my kind Compliments to him — As for Brother 
George-*' I have heard nothing from him att all, and am 
very uneasy about him, thinking he is on a very fair 
way of ruining himself — BilP^ I understand is learning 
to be a taylor. Did you ever hear the like? to think 
that Messrs Erwin & Wynkoop^^ could not find a 
gentiler occupation for the boy than a D d Snyder 

" William Tapp, 2d. Lieut. Nicholson's Continental Regiment, March 
1776; Ist. Lieut. Sd New York, Nov. 1776; resigned 20 March 1780. 

''He went to sea at an early age, and when last heard from in 1785, 
was about to sail for North Carolina. 

" William Pitt Beatty, did not continue in the trade so obnoxious 
to his brother, but often engaging in several business ventures, went 
to Columbia, Penna., when he was Secretary and Treasurer of the 
Susquehanna Turnpike Co., and also of the York and Susquehanna 
Turnpike Co. He married 8 Nov. 1799, Eleanor Polk, daughter of 
John Polk and Rebecca Gilbert of Neshaminy, Penna. 

** Samuel Erwin Esq. and Judge Henry Wynkoop, the executors of 
Rev. Charles Beatty's will. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 213 

and without ever Consulting Brother John about it, do 
write me your sentiments of the matter — I believe I 
will conclude with the most Sanguine Expectations of 
seeing you here in twelve Days from the Date hereof, 
I am D\ Eeading 

Your very affectionate 

& loving Brother 
Erkuries 

To 

Doctor Eeading Beatty 
Fish Kill. 

Erkuries Beatty to Eeading Beatty. 

Camp March IS"' 1780. 
My Dear Eeading 

I dont doubt but you will be somewhat surprised when 
you see me write from camp and no News from Penn' 
but I can soon give you a very good Eeason for it, and 
that greatly to my mortification, in a very few words, 
that is, I could not get home, I have made frequent 
applications to the Gen' but as oftentimes Eefused, till 
I was quite tired and mad, and then I thought I might 
as well submit to my hard fortune and endeavour to 
spend my time in Camp as agreeable as I could which 
if it would not be too tedious for your Ear, I would 
Relate the most material circumstances which hap- 
pened since I wrote you last, but I suppose of late you 
are so taken -udth the agreeable company of the Young 
Ladies that you can't scarcely devote one Minute to 
my Service — this I take from your long Silence for I 
never received no answer to my last which is a great 
while ago — I believe I informed you of Cap' Tudor & 
I going to Princeton to see Sister Betsy married and 
was Disappointed for in about two hours after we came 
away the groom came and was married that evening, 
and next day went off for Cohansie which is the last I 



214 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

heard of them, a little while after that, I got leave of 
absence for three Days to go see Aunt Mills" and Uncle 
Kead^* who lives about 12 ]\Iiles from here it was ex- 
cessive bad riding and it was near night when I got 
at Aunt Mills where I found them all well, Aunt 
Hacket'^ being gone to Sussex I had not the pleasure of 
seeing her, that night Cousin Polly" and me set off a 
Slaying with a number more young People and had a 
pretty Clever Kick-u^D, the next Day Polly and I went 
to Uncle Reads who lives about 4 Miles from Aunts, 
here I found Aunt Eead and two great Bouncing fe- 
male cousins and a house full of smaller ones, here we 
spent the Day ver^^ agreeably Romping with the girls 
who was exceeding Clever & Sociable only every once 
in a while they would have a stretch upon Toryism, 
(you know the family is that way) but I always en- 
deavoured to evade it by changing the discourse; in 
the afternoon the whole bunch of us went out a Slay- 
ing, and about Dusk returned, when I found Uncle Eead 
had come home, he treated me exceedingly kind, after 
spending a hour or two, we came home, my time being 
expired I had return to Camp the next day, after a very 
agreeable J 'ant — afterwards I was at two or three 
Dances in Morristown, one in particular at Cap^ Bin- 
neys who made great inquiry after you, and I believe 
you have been a very great gallant when you lived here 
as the young ladies makes very Strict inquiry about 
you, likewise I have been at a Couple of Dances at my 

*'Aunt Mills was Mary Reading, bapt. 8 Aug. 1736, daughter of 
Governor John Reading of N. J. She married the Rev. William Mills, 
and died 4 April, 1794. 

"Uncle Read was Augustine Reid, who married Sarah, daughter of 
Governor John Reading. 

** Aunt Hackett was Elizabeth, daughter of Governor John Reading, 
and the wife of John Hackett, Esq. 

••Mary Mills, b. 20 Feb. 1763, married 1 Oct. 1787, Doctor Robert 
Halsted, a prominent physician of Elizabeth, New Jersey. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 215 

Brother John's Quarters at Battle hill where I spend 
the evenings very agreeable, and. when I can frolick no 
where else I do it at home with some of my friends, as 
I am Determined to Drive all care away, and be con- 
tented with the thoughts of ever spending any time 
from Camp with my friends or Relations — 

I suppose you heard of Brother Jo's being arrested 
for trading with the Enemy," and was tried and Re- 
ceived a very severe Reprimand from ff Q" in Gen' 
orders, the next Day he sent in his Resignation to 
Head Quarters, but they told him he must go to Con- 
gress to Resign, and I believe he has wrote them, he is 
now down at Amboy with Commissioners from our 
Army and from the British settling a Case — I have 
heard nothing from Penn^ lately one of my Serg^ a few 
Days ago Returned from furlough and says George-' 
has been in Philad^ bur never went home and is gone 
to sea again — I shall expect you down agreeable to 
promise this Spring, IMien yo'll find no taylors about 
me, as the Reg^ is Clothed but in as good a hutt as any 
in our Brigade — Pray Excuse haste, as the bearer will 
go off in about 3 Days, and I will remain your ever 
loving & affectionate Brother, 

Erkuries. 



" From an Orderly Book kept by Colonel Francis Johnston of the 
Second Penna. Regt. : "In the early part of the month of February in 
the year 1780, one John Beaty, esq'r 'commissary of prisoners,' was 
tried by general court martial on a charge of 'improper intercourse 
with the City of New York,' in having written there for and introduced 
sundry articles from tlience contrary to the resolve of Congress. Bcaty 
was found guilty. Washington in speaking of Beaty's offence, says: 
'The general thinks Mr.. Beaty's Conduct in this Instance exceedingly 
reprehensible; in his situation he ought to have observed a peculiar 
Delicacy; the whole tenor of the Evidence Introduced by himself show 
that he was well aware of the Impropriety of the Intercourse, & though 
he may have generally discountenanced it, it is not an excuse from the 
present deviation, etc.' Mr. Beaty was, however, released from arrest." 

** George Beatty, brother of the writer. 



216 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

John Beatty to Reading Beaity. 

Com^ Pris\ Office 
I"^ May. 1780. 
My T>\ Brother 

I was happy to find by Maj"" Van Waggenen," that you 
were Veil in Health, altlio you did not think it worth 
while to give me a line — I cannot say however, I could 
reasonably have expected such a favour, considering 
the Ballance against me in this Case — I am content, 
if in my retired situation, you will now & then think 
of Windsor Halfnear Princeton— I left M" Beatty & 
Dick well a few days since & am now here, with a View 
to close my affairs in my late Department. New 
troubles I find, arise on this score also, and there is the 
utmost difficulty in doing a little Business with these 
great people so much Ceremony & Form is to be gone 
thro, that I was Eight days in Philad^. and could do 
nothing more, than barely lodge my ace*, with a 
promise, that perhaps in a Month a leisure hour might 
arise, in which they could be attended to — I grow out 
of all patience with such dilatory conduct, & am daily 
more & more happy in the reflection of being disingaged 
from all public Buisness — My little Farm affords me 
much amusement & some Profits — I hope to cultivate 
it to more advantage this year — I find the repairs ex- 
pensive, but feel the more reconciled from the Prospect 
of future Gains — I shall not attempt the beginning of 
the practice of Physic, untill towards the Fall — My 
affairs will not admit of it & besides I feel extreamly 
awkward in the way of my profession & shall require 
some reading &. brushing u}d — I have been attempting 
to procure you the Care of a Regiment in the Pen". 
Line, but some uneasiness prevailing among the Sur- 
geons & a Prospect of a reduction of some of the Reg'. 

*• Major Garret H. Van Waggenen, of New York, Deputy Com- 
missary of Prisoners. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 217 

render it impracticable at present — perhaps you may 
have also, some other schemes in View — a good "Wife, 
with a little fortune, will prepare the way exceedingly 
well, for sitting down in the Country to Business, if 
this is your View. I should be very sorry to break in 
upon your plan — advise me what I can do for you & 
nothing in my power shall be wanting. 

Our public affairs at present look but gloomy — we 
are anxious to hear from the Southard «& yet afraid of 
disagreable News from that Quarter — our latest acct". 
are the 8"" ult". a Number of the Enemies Vessels had 
pass'd the Bar & are supposed to be in full possession 
of the harbour. The natural situation of the place & 
the difficult Navigation of the Cliannel were I confess 
the grand Bulwarks on which I had founded my hopes 
of Success at that Port — & my fears are much in- 
creased, since the latter has failed us — Gen'. Clinton 
has every thing to stimulate him, in the reduction of 
the Garrison, having before been foiled there & you 
may rest assured the Conflict will be warm & bloody, 
our troops being determined to sacrifice every thing in 
their opposition — I hope for the best, but dread the 
Consequences — a Eeinforcement of 15 Sail of the Line 
— Frigates &ca — with 10,000 Men, have certainly ar- 
rived at Martinique, & perhaps some Gale, favourable 
to the Cause of America — may waft some of them to 
these Coasts — this indeed would be great, & relieve all 
our doubts & difficulties — But I must stop, or I shall 
tire your patience with my scribling — I shall return the 
latter end of this week & have only to say, we shall be 
glad at all times to hear of your wellfare & to see you 
at our little Hermitage at Princeton 

I am with great affection 
D' Eeading, 
Yours 
Jn**. Beatty — 
Please to have the inclosed delivered safely & Kiss all 



218 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

the Girls for me — Comp^ to Brooks & other Acquaint- 
ances — 

ErTcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Camp May 1^^ 1780. 
My Dear Eeading, 

It is with the greatest Pleasure Imaginable that I em- 
brace this Opportunity by our Cousin Capt°. Gregg^" 
of infoiTuing you that I receive your letters very Reg- 
ular by the Post and am always happy to have it my 
Power to answer you, in hopes that you will continue 
your letters every week, and at the same time rest 
assured that I will write every opportunity — 

A^Tiat I wrote you in m}^ last concerning being Sur- 
geon to the ll**" Eeg^ is not gone yet much farther only 
Capt° Tudor spoke to Colo. Hubely who said he had no 
objections, but Brother J. (whose Eesignation is ac- 
cepted of) I expect up every day and then he will have 
the Matter settled — As for Stidderford and Bukers 
coming in Eeg'^ I'll tell you they are here without any 
Commissions & we wont let them do duty till their Eank 
is settled; but I believe they will come in spite of us, 
which I shall be very soriy for, as I am afraid it will 
Kick up a Eumpus — As for News I will refer you to 
CapS Gregg, such as about the French Ambassador^^ 
being at Head Quarters, & the army behaviour on the 
occasion, & the Spanish Noblemans^' Dying here & his 

*■ Captain James Gregg, son of James Gregg, Esq., and Mary, sister 
of Rev. Charles Beatty. He was commissioned Captain in the 3rd 
New York, 21 Nov. 1776, was wounded and scalped by Indians near 
Kingston, New York, 13 Oct. 1777. He was transferred to the Ist 
New York, 1 January, 17S3, and served until 3 June, 1783. 

*^ The Chevalier de la Luzerne. 

" Don Juan de iMiralles, representative of the Spanish Court before 
the American Congress. "The style in which he was buried is said to 
have surpassed in magnificence that of any other burial ever occurring 
at the county seat of Morris. His coffin was covered on the outside 
with rich black velvet, and lined with fine cambric. For burial, he 
wore a scarlet suit, embroidered with gold lace, a gold-laced hat, a wig 
carefully cued, white silk stockings and diamond shoe and knee buckles. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 219 

Burial, and news from southard & every other thing 
you please, as he knows as much as I do & may be more 
— but I must tell you about the D"^. of the Penn* Lino, 
sometime ago they Petitioned to the Governor about I 
believe not allowing them half Pay and some other 
things, a few days ago Gen\ Hand rec**. a letter from 
the Governor in which he has snub'd them very much 
about it & put them all exceeding angiy. Yesterday 
the D" of the Line had another meeting but what they 
did I dont know, & I think by the Governors writing, 
the Hospital Surgeons has been Petitioning, in which 
they have got nothing, for he says, when a surgeon 
enters into a Hospital they are not considered to be- 
long to one State more than another — If I had Paper 
I would tell you about a sort of a . . . dance I was at 
two Nights ago when we kicked up a Hell of a Dust. 
But stop 

E. Beatty. 

Erhuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Camp May 29^'^ 1780. 
Dear Beading, 

The York troops this Day march for the Northward 
by whom I send this letter, I beg you will excuse for 
the Shortness of it, altho I am sensible you deserve a 
whole sheet yet the Duty is so hard, that both Officers 
& soldiers has not above one Night in bed as for my 
Part I did not sleep one Wink last Night — I rec*^ yours 

On his fingers appeared a profusion of diamond rings, and suspended 
from a superb gold watch were several seals richly set with diamonds. 
The honorary pallbearers were six field officers, and on the shoulders 
of four artillery officers in full uniform, the actual pallbearers, he was 
borne to the grave. The chief mourners were Washington and other 
officers of high rank, and several members of the American Congress. 
A procession extending over a mile, composed of army officers and 
representative Morristown citizens, followed the remains to the grave, 
while minute guns were fired by the artillery. A Spanish priest per- 
formed the last rites at the grave." 



220 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

Dated May 22'' but have not yet seen D"" Shute nor Rec* 
that letter, but if you "will continue to write as frequent 
as you have heretofore done, and it shall ever be ac- 
knowledge by your brother Ark — You wrote me about 
a Vacancy that was in the 7*^ Eeg*" I have not had time 
yet to enquire about it, but will make it my Particular 
buisness, one of these Days and will Report to you the 
first opportunity — I now hear a very heavy firing of 
Cannon and Musquetry which is four Battalions Ma- 
neuvering at Morristown before Marquis De La Fay- 
ette, and I am veiy sorry I had not the Chance of seeing 
them — I have nothing Particular to write you, there is 
a great deal of News in Camp about French fleets, and 
French troops coming to assist us, but I had rather see 
them than hear tell of them — our affairs to the South- 
ward goes on very well — I suppose you heard the 
honour that the French King has conferr'd on his Ex- 
cellency Gen' Washington^^ — No news lately from 
home — 

I am in expectation of seeing you every Day, I am 
Dear Reading with the greatest love & affection 
Yours &c 

E. Beatty. 

John Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Windsor Hall" 
IG"' Aug*. 1781. 
My D^ Brother, 

Your favour of the 4''' Inst, reach 'd me Yesterday & 
I feel myself indebted to you for this second letter, 
since I wrote you — indeed it is but seldom we find 
opertunitys directly to your place & they may lay a 
Month in Philad^ before they would find a passage to 

" The title of Field Marshal of France, about which much controversy 
raged. 

" Windsor Hall was the residence of Col. John Beatty, near Princeton, 
N.J. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 221 

Lancaster — I am happy to hear the Officers -vrounded 
in the late action are in a state of recover}^, more es- 
pecially Crosby/' whom we had reason to fear was 
mortally wounded — I look upon him to be a promising 
young man k of an agreable, easy disposition — I like 
not your separation of the Dutch Girl from the Conos- 
toga Waggon, as you say you mean shortly to make a 
spirited attack upon one or other of them — the foi-mer 
is in my opinion the only safe road to the latter (exclu- 
sive of the delicate enjoyment of a fine ruddy face, 
. . . . ) unless (as you say Congress are wanting in the 
Materials to make the One thing needfull) you do your- 
self this Justice & with a Gallantry «& Address irresist- 
able, you sally forth Don Quixotte like & attack & 
plunder a Conostoga Waggon — Money is certainly a 
Necessary Ingredient — in human Happiness & from the 
general pursuit of it by all Mankind, we have reason to 
believe it is the principal — I have often heard the old 
proverb, "that Money makes the Mare go" You can 
verify it, if we only substitute the Horse, for the Mare, 
but we flatter ourselves, this will not long be the Case 
& that we shall have the pleasure of seeing you about 
the last of Sep^ — the family & all friends are well & 
desire their love to you — adieu — Be Merry & Happy — 

Yours affectionately 

J. Beatty. 

Unsigned letter from Reading Beatty to liis brother Jolin.^^ 

Dear Brother — 

I received your's of y^ 20"" Inst, inclosed in one from 
M'. Eiddle, & I am glad to hear of the Welfare of you, 
& your little Family — Yes, we are sent here on the 
business of reciiiiting, & would they only supply us with 

** Captain-Lieutenant Jesse Crosby of Pennsylvania Artillery wounded 
at Green Springs, July 6, 1781. 

"The date of this is fixed by that of the preceding letter, as August 
1781; and the place Lancaster, Penna. 



222 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

a suflicient Quantity of hard Money, we should not be 
here so long, as perhaps you imagine, but at present we 
have but dull prospects of filling our Eeg'. — I have 
never seen a prettier place than Lancaster, — except 
Philad^ — the Streets are very regular, & some of the 
houses are neat, tho' there are others the contrary — 
The Inhabitants being generally Geraian, puts socia- 
bility out of the Question; tho' there are some very 
genteel English Families, & they say the young Ladies 
of the place, are in disposition, quite contrary to the 
Gentlemen. — Since my arrival here, I have kept myself 
very retired, «& formed no acquaintance, except Moy- 
lan's Eeg^ There is a Detachment of Horse going oif 
to the Southward in a few days, under the Command 
of Capt. Heard." — I cannot say I will follow your Ad- 
vice respecting marrjdng a Dutch Girl, with a good 
Plantation «& a Conostoga Waggon, tho' if I could get 
the two latter, without the Incumbrance of the former, 
I should hardly pass them by; but as that is not very 
likely, I must give over all thoughts of either. 

The Convention Troops are on the March to N"". Eng- 
land — The Hessians passed through here a few days 
ago, in number, I believe about 1100 — The British 
halted in this Town — there have been now confined in 
the Barracks, of British & Refugee Prisoners near upon 
1500, tho' part of them will march to the Eastward, as 
soon as a proper Guard can be procured. 

Erhuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Quarters near York Town Aug*^ 19*^ 1781. 
Dear Reading, 

When I wrote you last by M"" Bloune, I believe I 
informed you that I was going to York and expected 
to have seen you here, but find now I shall not, without 
you can come up and see me which I don't much expect, 

" John Heard, of New Jersey, Captain 4th Ck)ntinental Dragoons. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 223 

however I arrived here this Day week ago, with M". 
M'=Cullam,^* and upward of thirty men, which I am com- 
mandant of, and was Billetted about a mile from town 
on Quakers, I have took my quarters in one of the best 
houses, to appearances, but owned by a Eigid old 
Quaker and of course a Damn'd Tory, but as I intend 
never to enter on Politicks with him I hope he and I will 
not fall out but we have frequent disputes on Eeligion 
but all to little purpose as I believe there will be no 
conversion on either side. When we came here he gave 
me one of the best rooms in the House, with a good bed 
in it, and we live with the family not as I would wish, 
but as I can, since McCullam returned to Carlisle which 
was two or three Days ago I am left all alone; and 
find myself very lonesome as I dare not go to town, for 
I have neither money nor yarn as the saying is, and I 
chiefly sit all Day in my room, either reading or seri- 
ously reflecting on my past happiness, which I am 
afraid, I shan't soon again experience. As I was say- 
ing, I had a good deal of time on my hands, I would 
willingly devote part of the Day to your pleasure, if I 
had any subject worth while writing on, but as nothing 
else is in my thoughts only Carlisle that of consequence 
must be the subject. Well, perhaps you may have oc- 
casion to go there some time in your life, and perhaps 
have not me there or some other good friend to intro- 
duce you to those agreeable fair sex. Suppose now I 
give you a character of them each individually, to the 
best of my Knowledge, will you have patience to hear 
me out and laugh at my folly when you have done? 
and if it don't be amusement to you consider it will be 
passing away an hour or two of my time. 1. Miss 
Betsy Miller pretty much inclining to an old maid, not 
handsome, but very sensible, a great reader, and a 
great favourite of Jack Hughes, perhaps before this 



"John M'Cullam, 1st Lieut. 4th Penna. Line. 



224 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

married. 2** is Miss Sally Postli a pretty young lady, 
possessed of a great deal of sympathy, friendship, and 
good nature, but believe her heart is engaged to a 
Citizen. 3*^ you will find the three Miss Montgomerys, 
1'^ is Hetty, about four or five & twenty, and midling 
handsome, rather given to too much pride, and back- 
biting, but her favourites will find her very agreeable, 
next is Sidney, not quite so handsome, but very affible, 
friendly and good natured and more industrious than 
any of that family — the other is Jinny, outruns the 
other two in beauty, but is puff'd up with affectation, 
yet some think her veiy .... G''' in going down Street 
you will find Miss Nancy Stevenson about 5 or 6 & 
twenty, very engaging look and extremely Genteel, is 
sensible & satirical, but very good Company and kind — 
7"* is Miss Jinny Holmes, altho her father is a tory, it 
makes her none the worse. She is veiy merry, and 
reckoned handsome, on account of beautiful dimples she 
has got in her cheeks, is a yqtj agreeable partner at a 
Dance, and got an elegant head of hair. 8"" is Miss 
Bekky Miller, rather got a sourness in her looks but is 
ver^^ good Natured, and industrious, has had a good 
many suitors in her time altho possessed of no pride, 
and is about 19 or twenty, her father will be able to give 
her a very good fortune if he pleases, and I think she 
will make a good wife. 9^^ is Miss Neely Poak, by no 
means a prettj^ girl, but a very good one, has good 
sence, industry. Friendship & — I believe will soon be 
married to a Citizen — 9"" [He apparently made an error 
in counting. Ed.] you must now step over to the works, 
where you will find the two Miss Serjiants, V^ is Sally 
veiy genteel and Dressy though not veiy handsome, 
thinks herself much of a Lady, and would always wish 
to be in very genteel company, 2^ Molly is much hand- 
somer and more sociable and genteel, but both of them 
have had good educations, and been politely bred, as 
they formerly lived in Amboy, Jersey, till the Enemy 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 225 

drove tliem away and I believe destroyed chief their 
fortunes, but they are as polite, and fashionable girls 
as they have in town. 11'^ if you look sharp hereabouts 
you will find one Miss Xancy Irish, veiy pretty & deli- 
cate, but is much on the Reserve, keeps very little com- 
pany, therefore I know but little about her. 12'^ now 
you must go one Mile up the spring when you will find 
Miss Jenny Blair a ministers Daughter, a wild rattling 
harum-scarum young girl jet possessed of natural wit 
enough, but very passionate, and midling handsome, 
she has got an elder sister as much in eveiy thing to the 
contrary, but have no acquaintance with her. IZ"^ you 
now go to the country, about 3 Mile from town, above 
it, this is Miss Nanny Auter (?), a pretty modest dis- 
creet well behaved girl, very reserved & hard to be 
acquainted with, but don't doubt she will get married 
to a young fellow living in the house with her, as she 
never associated much with us — M''' four mile higher up 
you will see Miss Sally Sample, midling handsome, 
and genteel person, very lively, witty, sociable and kind, 
possessed of a great deal of love and friendship, she is 
about 18 years old and not possessed of a very good 
fortune, tho' Dresses very genteel — 15"" about four mile 
across the country from there you may see Miss Polly 
Smith, her perfections is her engaging Eyes, sensi- 
bility, and friendship. Her father is very Eich and she 
lias had a great many Courtiers, and am infonned she 
is a little of a Coquette, but she is thought to be a very 
good girl which I believe she is. She is now at the warm 
Springs in Virginia, as her Constitution is weakly. 

All these attended our Assemblies, besides a buxom 
liich widow, two old maids, three or four young Girls 
that have got married, with a number of married ladies 
in the town — I could enumerate a great many more 
young ones to you between the ages of 18 and 15 but as 
we were never admitted into the company of those 
above mentioned being too 3'oung it is not worth while ; 

Vol. XLIV.— 15 



226 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

but some of them are \qtj handsome and agreeable, 
likewise there is one Miss Nancy Armstrong Neice to 
Gen' Armstrong, but happened to be illy. . . . She is 
thought by every person that ever saw. her to be the 
prettiest girl in town, and I think she is very handsome, 
goes extremely Genteel, and is very sensible, but Re- 
served — keeps but \QTy little company. 

I think I have given you their characters as correct 
and impartial as I possible could, and now I would be 
glad to know from them who you would most admire 
and as I have a favourite among the ones mentioned try 
if you can guess which of them it is. 

Last evening I spent in town with some young ladies, 
hearing them play on the Spinnet, being my first intro- 
duction among the Ladies here, but I believe I shan't 
improve it much as I don't enjoy their company with 
much satisfaction — 

your affectionate brother, 

Erkuries. 

Erlcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Quarters near Yorktown 2T^ August 81. 
Dear Brother, 

Not so clever a fellow neither as you think perhaps, 
at least he has not treated you nor me veiy well, for 
when he came here he left your letter of the l?'** at Colo. 
Hartleys,^^ and went down to Baltimore, returned here, 
& set off again to Lancaster or Philad^ and the Day be- 
fore yesterday Doctor Eodgers,^" happened to see it at 
Colo. Hartleys, and sent it out to me, which made it a 
mere accident that I got it at all, I suppose you form 
your acquaintance like Billy Gray, at first sight if they 
give him a drink of Grog and chat with him midling 
sociable, he immediately says, "they are Damn'd clever 
fellows," but after he comes to be better acquainted 

"Thomas Hartley, formerly Colonel 11th Penna. Line. 
•* Surgeon John R. B. Rodgers, 1st Penna. Line. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 227 

with him, or them, fiiid 'em no great things, altho' I 
cant say but M^ Hatzinger may be a clever fellow 
enough, as I never yet have been introduced to him, but 
have to his sister, and spent some little time with her 
& find her not very handsome, but I believe a good sen- 
sible girl — So the Parson" has outgeneral'd his wife at 
last, and caught her in a Dirty act indeed, and I think 
M^ Fenton has suffered his share in the Squabble to, 
but I think he may be glad he escaped with his life, for 
I'll warrant the parson was full of Eesentment, and 
there never was a better congregation to publish such 
a thing than his own, I suppose it has reached the ears 
of his friends in Faggs Manor before this, therefore I 
think he need not be at the trouble & expense of pub- 
lishing it, in the Newspapers, for People in general in 
the State will know it veiy soon — Oh, poor 'shaminy 
(Neshaminy) what are you reduced to, I think you are 
at a low ebb indeed, to have your minister wearing a 
pair of Horns — I am yet all alone, but expect Bevins^* 
& McCullam here tomorrow with upwards of forty more 
men, and then I shall be able to spend my time more 
agreeable— 7I Rec^ yours of the 21'*, and am very anx- 
ious to have an answer to mine of the 19'". till then I 
am silent, but yet your 

affectionate & loving Br. 

Erkuries. 

John Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Windsor Hall, 
lO"' Sep^ 1781. 
My Dr. Brother 

iP. M*=Conaghy affords me the agreable opertunity 
of writing you, altho his Stay will admit of but a short 
letter. 

The late movements of the Army & the Scene of 



Rev. Nathaniel Invin, minister at Xeshaminy, Penna. 
'Giles Bevans, 4th Penna. Line. 



228 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

operations about to open, seem to have absorbed every 
other idea, it makes up the whole Subject of conversa- 
tion & indeed is the Ultimatum of every Body. The 
Enemy in Xew York, not having the most distant 
thought of such a stroke, have been kept in the most 
perfect Ignorance & Security, binding their whole 
Force & plan of defence in the protection of New York, 
& indeed if we succeed (as I have no doubt we shall) 
to the Southard, Histoiy will represent this as one of 
the most masterly strokes of Policy in the Com"" in 
Chief — exhibited this war — Sir Harry I believe is so 
panic struck, that he will remain an idle spectator to all 
that is going forward — altho some movements give us 
to Understand he means to make a lodgement some 
where in this state — others go so far as to threaten 
Philad^ but I fancy they are only Manuevers in the 
Cabinet & wholly speculative Deal — I wrote you not 
long since but have received no answer — M". B. & Dick 
are well, as are all other Friends & be assured you have 
ours & their best wishes — 

Adieu 

Yours sincerely 
Jn** Beatty. 

John Beatty to Reading and Erhuries Beatty. 

Philadelphia, 16'*' July, 1782. 
D^ Brothers, 

With a view to do a little Business, but principally 
to see this great Raree Shoiv,*^ I am at this place, where 
I have not been for more than two years before. You 
will expect of me, I presume, some description of this 
great Entertainment — it is impossible to give you the 
particulars. Suffice it to say it partook more of Ele- 
gance than of pleasure «& satisfaction. The largeness 

"A reception given in Philadelphia by the French Ambassador in 
honor of the birthday of the Dauphin of France. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 229 

of the Company, together with the Heat of the Season, 
conspired not a little to this pui-pose. The profusion 
of Dress, however, made ample amends for every thing 
else. I am bold to say this city will vie with the first 
Courts in Europe for dissipation, luxuiy & extrava- 
gance, & sorry I am so young a Country should have so 
ill a precedent set them, as that of last evening, where 
inclination is already ripe for the utmost stretch of 
ambition. Many ladies went to the expense of 75 for 
.the evening & few gentlemen appeared in less than Silk 
& Embroidery. We poor Mohair Gentry were obliged 
to stand aloof. 

I write this in the midst of Company, and interrupted 
frequently by the circulation of the punch bowl. You 
will conceive this then as an apology for my many omis- 
sions as well as commissions, & I am to desire you will 
separately & alternately read this letter (if legible) as 
time will not admit my writing both of you. Mrs. B. 
& Master are tolerably well, as are most other Friends 
in our Village. 

I return this afternoon & shall be glad at all times to 
hear from both or either of you. 

I am, with much affection 

Yours &c 

Jn" Beatty 

Erkuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Quarters near York Town 12^^ Sept' 82. 
Dear Eeading, 

To convince you that I am neither lazy nor my atten- 
tion too much engaged, with one particular object, I 
send you the inclosed which I wrote and intended to 
have sent by L* Puisy but sent it in town too late, but 
you may read such parts of it now as you see proper, 
and I will begin at the latter end of it — A few Days 
after I wrote the inclosed I began a much more agree- 
able life than I had for many Days past, the receiving 



230 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

of your long letter (which I return you sincere thanks 
for) kept me sufficiently amused for two Days, then 
the arrival of Cap* Campbell, L^ ]\PCullam & Bevins, 
exalted my Spirits to a great Degree, and to compleat 
my happiness, in a few Days after was ordered to Car- 
lisle, where I spent six Days in the greatest felicity, 
except being at the burial of Gen' Thompson,** a man 
universally beloved and generally lamented. 

We have been under marching orders this ten Days, 
therefore I think it hardly worth while to answer your 
long letter as fully as I would wish as I expect to see 
you very soon but think proper to inform you as well as 
Billy Gray is quite mistaken in the person I had in view, 
the Reason I wrote to Billy in that way was only to 
shagrine him as I knew she was his favourite — But the 
last letter you wrote of the 9'^ Inst, which I Eec'* yes- 
terday quite amazed me, you have let your Imagination 
run to a quite greater Degree, than I would have wished, 
from my late stile of writing — Can you think I am 
bereft of my Senses, or run stark staring mad ? Or can 
you conceive I had the least Idea of marriage in my 
head, to any Girl in Carlisle? Or at least do you 
imagine, even if it was the Case, do you think, that I 
would treat you who was so near, so excessively ill, 
being a elder Brother, and one that I love beyond ex- 
pression, not to consult you, and inform you of it, a 
long time. No, for Gods sake never harbour such an 
ungrateful thought of me, as I flatter myself you will 
never find me Deserving of it — Well, I bought myself a 
German flute, with a full Determmation of learning to 
play on it, beg you will by the first Opportunity that is 
safe, send me up one of your first books of instructions, 
with your necessary orders, and you shall see what im- 
provements I make, when I see you which I hope will 

** William Thompson, former Colonel 1st Penna. Battalion, Penna. 
Riflemen; taken prisoner at Three Rivers 8 June 1776, exchanged 25 
Oct., 1780; died 3 Sept. 1781. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 231 

be soon — Lieuts Bevin & Prat^' has their kind Compli- 
ments to you, Campbell is absent with his affairs. 
Please make mine to Officers of the 6"" Reg' and like- 
wise of yours of my acquaintances and ever believe me 
to be Dear Eeading 

Your affectionate Brother 

Erkuries. 
Erkuries Beatty to Eeading Beatty. 

Philad\ Barr''^ 31" Dec. 82 
Dear Reading 

You were not at home on Saturday night agreeable 
to promise and I was at your house this morning & 
cannot find you, am now a setting out for M^ Erwins 
where I will dine tomorrow with M^ Pratt, and shall set 
out from there on Wednesday, (perhaps in the after- 
noon) on my way to Yorktown and Carlisle, should be 
happy if it is in your power to come out tomorrow, as 
I want to see you very much 

I have left at Cap' M'= Comiels*® for you, your case, 
Bottles Pistol Holsters and a small portmanteau lock 
which if you please to accept of, as I have got another 
one 

If I dont see you pray write the first Opportunity and 
let me hear how Sister Betty is, and you shall find me 
as good a correspondent as usual. 

I am D^ Reading yours affectionately 

Erkuries. 
Erkuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

^ ^ Philad^ March 2^ 1783. 

Dr. B^ 

I first recieved yours of the 23^ & then of the 17— 

But halt— I have told you all this already, tho' not 



« John Pratt, Lieut. 4th Penna. Line. Served to the end of tlie war 
and then entered the U. S. Army, and resigned Dec. 5, 1793. 

« Captain Nathan McConnel of Pennsylvania, who was transferred 
from Hazen's Regiment to the Invalid Regiment, 12 February, 1^81, 
ana served till June, 1783. He died 11 March, 1816. 



232 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

answered either, as much to your Satisfaction I sup- 
pose as you could wish therefore to begin methodically 
I first shall answer your of the 17 Ult. and dont doubt 
in the least but you had a ver^^ agreeable jaunt with 
your favourite Lassy — I would wish if it did not too 
much interfere with your dispositions already formed, 
to lead me a little further into your amours with this 
Lady, & at the same time tell me how the next in Eota- 
tion of that family stands affected, for old Squire 
Erwin says, he has allotted her for me, but two such 
Rattlebrain creatures coming together I dont know 
when we shall find a house able to contain us — this is 
rather varying from the Subject I began upon — You 
say you left friends all well, got home safe & was very 
well satisfied, then I have to tell you that I sent two 
half Joes by Reeves to Sister Betsy — Inclosed is a Cer- 
tificate how long you drew Subsistence money, make 
out your Amount for forage agreeable to it, & if any 
wood is due you within that time, make out it also, send 
them down & I will endeavour to transact the business 
for you — The Committee you mention on our Land 
affairs, & the several more which has been appointed 
since has done nothing but this day a Bill was read the 
third time & is to be published for Consideration, to 
open the Land Office, in which is mentioned that our 
Depreciation Notes xVrrearages of pay & Commuta- 
tion, Commis. . . . notes & eveiy such thing, is to be 
taken in pajment — that is all they are like to do in our 
way — I send you up with this some sort .not of 
stuff to make you a pair of Breeches which cost a 
French Crown a Yard, as for the white stocks I never 
thought of them till this moment — I would rather ad- 
vise you off getting any, however if you persist I will 
send you Stuff some time else — The tongs you men- 
tioned I also send which I believe completes the answer 
of the first Letter — Xow for the Second dated the 
23^ult, & here let me congratulate you again on the 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 233 

tappy Evening you spent in dancing with that sweet 
nymph— I know if it is not incompatible with your duty 
or rather Courtship you will lead me a little farther into 
those sweets— But alas, I am sorry to tell you, that no 
Surgeon whatever gets more Commutation than a Cap' 
of Infantry, & every Surgeons pay throughout the Army 
was alike in late years— I this day called upon Parnel 
about the Seal, it is not quite done but he savs it will be 
done on Friday, So I will send it up on Saturdav if an 
oportunity presents— Christie was in town about a Week 
ago, or ten days & I gave him 100 Dollars of the Notes 
to exchange, but have not heard one word of him since 
and now I think I have answered both your letters 
(which is all I have received) except to apologise for 
not writing sooner— indeed I intended to have wrote last 
Saturday but unavoidable accidents prevented me— 
whether I shall get an opportunity to send this tomor- 
row morning or not I cant tell, am rather afraid I shall 
not as the Night appears to be a little Rainey— I Rec'^ 
a letter from B^ John Dated 20 ult in which he desires 
his love to you nothing else particular— These few days 
past we have had Cap' John Steel" with us, who on next 
Thursday night is to be joined in the holy bands of 
Matrimony with Miss Bailey, Sister I believe to Bailey 
the printer— at present I dont Recollect any thing more 
to tell you, but I will leave this letter open till tomorrow 
morning to see if I get an opportunity to send it & per- 
haps I will put something more in it— Good Night- 
Saturday morning. Mar. 6.— In continuation— as the 
Novels says— I searched all town last Market Dav & 
not a single opportunity could I find, I again intend to 
sally out 8z see what this day produces— I Rec"^ vour 
letter of the 2 Inst, yesterday, «fe believe have answered 
your proposition respecting the Land in the beginning 

"Capt. John St«el, of Lancaster, Penna. Francis Bailey was the 
well-known printer of Lancaster and Philadelphia. 



234 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

of this — I having nothing more to say I believe in addi- 
tion to this, — I delivered your inclosed Letters and send 
you one inclosed from Billy which I have had some 
time — I hear Congress is coming Back to the City in a 
Month or two and intends making it their yerynanent 
residence in future. . . . 

. Your Brother 

Erkuries. 

ErJcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Philad^ 20 March 1783. 
D-" Brother 

A few reduced Continental Officers, Captains of Ships, 
Irish Volunteers, Hatters prentices including as many 
other trades of the same likeness as there was people 
almost — Sexton & Bell ringer, Psalm singer & Clerk of 
Christ's Church & Doctors Mates on Stages, Damn'd 
droll sinners to be sure — In such a mixed company did 
I spend the evening of Patrick's day in a Dirty noisy 
tavern low down in Water Street — where we held out 
till 1 o'clock, and behaved exactly in character — A 
picked & select company it was too — I was obliged to 
think myself highly honored in getting introduced into 
it about 8 o'clock — but say nothing, I am now very 
thankfuU I am clear of it without my head being broke, 
& if I dont hold my tongue I suppose I will yet — I in- 
tended to have wrote you a long letter last evening but 
M"" Erwin coming & staying with us all Night prevented 
— Jimmy McMichial who positively sailes for Ireland 
this day 11 o'clock came in had to go borrow money for 
him and give my Xote for it, which indeed has put me 
in a very bad humour, and will make the Letter still 
shorter — . ... a pleasant journey I wish you to make 
to Jersey — my Compliments to the people there. 

Yours aif ectionately, ■ 
Erkuries. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers, 235 

Erkuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

PhiIad^ W Novemb\ 1783 
Dear Eeading, 

Last Monday I evidently received your letter of 
Dated 14. by Cap* Howell who picked it up at Funk's/* 
& Delivered it me, after some person had put a u be- 
tween the A & T & made Cap' Beautty of it, which 
caused a laugh all thro town, so I will be obliged to 
you to be a little more carefull, & send them some place 
I shall get them — likewise I got yours & M"". Erwins 
by Capt Bradford ^® I send this by M'' Eamsay^^ one of 
your Holy Xeighbours, with a pair of Andirons, Shovel 
Tongs & a Stick Blackball, all which Cost me money & 
not Notes, — bum 'em I can't get them off my hands — 
however I hope the things will please you, they are a 
pretty genteel fitt, if they are not too small — was at 
the Temple of Apollo last Monday Night when M*" 
Ryan" gave us some Excellent Music, ke'p us to al- 
most ten oClock. By Eleven I may say & then he said 
he was sorry the law would not allow him to Act a play, 
& so we went home with Eochesters reflection "a fool 
& his money is soon jDarted" — M'^^ Hide"' sung two 
or three very fine songs, as she has an excellent voice, 
& we had two or three from Miss Wall" I am in a very 



"Probably Henry Funk, at the sign of the Bear, Second between Race 
and Vine Streets. 

** Query, Capt. James Bradford of the Penna. Artillery; taken prisoner 
at Monmouth; aide-de-camp to Gen. Lord Stirling. Captain U. S. 
Artillery 1786, killed 4 Xov. 1791, in action with Miami Indiana in 
Ohio. 

" John Ramsay, an Elder in the Xeshaminy Presbyterian Church. 

" Mr. Ryan was prompter of the company and appeared occasionally 
as an actor at the theatre in Southwark. 

" Durang says. Miss Hyde, of the company, came to Philadelphia 
from the West Indies. She sang 'Tally Ho!" between the play and the 
farce. 

"Miss Wall made her debut in 1782, as the Duke of York in 
Richard III. 



236 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

bad humour for writing, believe will quit after inform- 
ing you I have not inquired any thing about the Forage, 
nor the Sword, nor the Receipt, & now it is full time 
for me to be at the office, which engages me so much 
I have not a moment to myself, but perhaps the Next 
will be longer — in the meantime you write which will 

oblige your affectionate 
Brother 

Erkuries. 

John Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Annapolis b^^ Mar: 1784 
D"^ Brother 

It is a question of no importance, who wrote last; I 
find I am obliged again to open the Correspondence; 
and from whatever Cause, jour silence may have 
arisen ; I now demand, you to stand forth & declare it, 
that I may at least have the oi^ortunity of Exorcising 
the Evil Spirit, or Demon of Sluggishness that seems 
to pervade you — I was sorry I had not the pleasure of 
seeing you in Philad^. you had left it but two or three 
days before I passed thro it, on my way to this place — 
In a letter from Arcliy of the 25^'' ulf*. I find you are 
well & that you had lately paid a visit to Sister G-reen, 
who was also well; but he makes no mention of your 
having seen Mrs. B. Sure this was not kind, when 
you were at the distance only of 12 Miles — I hope if 
your Business will admit, j^ou will call on her soon. 

Writing from this place & in the Character I sustain ; 
you will no doubt expect a political Correspondence f". 
me — Information of what is taken place at foreign 
Courts — the Connections & alb'ances, fonuing between 
the diff^ European powers — the Intrigue & Chicanry 
of British Ministers, counteracted by the refined policy 
of the Court of Versailes, the principles of the Armed 
Neutrality by which the Ballance of power is to be pur- 
sued — State of the Negotiations between their High 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 23 



lio/ 



Mightinesses the States of Holland & their High 
Mightiness the Congress of the U. S. — State of our 
National Debt & the Schemes of Finance, proposed for 
discharging of it — Cession of the Western Territory & 
the plans devised for disposing & settling that valuable 
& Extended Empire — Arrangement of our Foreign af- 
fairs — what Ministers are to be sent abroad & who are 
to be called home — State of Commerce & the several 
Treatys to be Entered into to cherish & protect it — & 
in short a succinct Narative of what has been done, is 
doing & is about to be transacted in Congress — a very 
pretty piece of Buisness to be sure — But as I cannot 
enter upon all these points at once I must beg you will 
inform me, where I am to begin ; & how Minute a detail 
will be agreeable to you — & perhaps some future letter 
may gratify your wishes — 

Our Situation here is tolerably agreeable, will be 
much more so, when the severity of the Season a])ates 
& we can take more exercise on Foot or Horseback — 
The Inhabitants are polite & Hospitable — Balls, routs, 
assemblys. Tournaments, Concerts, plays. Fandango's, 
& every species of Amusements prevail here — & I know 
not whether thro the all powerfull influence of Fashion, 
we Congressional republicans or plebians, may not 
shortly assume the Dress & Manners of the Patricians 
or Nobles — of Annapolis — at present there are nine 
States on the floor of Congress & as chief of the Busi- 
ness pending before them, require by the Confederation 
the assent of Nine, to give efficacy to a Measure, things 
succeed slowly — we are however daily in Expectation 
of N. York & Delaware — & Maryland, when we shall 
make a more rapid progress — I am to beg I may hear 
from you soon, thro the channel of Archy — & that you 
will present my affectionate regards to my Numerous 
Friends at Neshaminy — 

Yours with much Esteem 

J. Beatty. 



238 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

Erkuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

^,^ ,. Philad* 12 March 1784. 

D' Reading, 

A large Packet indeed have I collected within this 
five Days — I believe people think I have nothing else 
to do, but run about on Market mornings, looking for 
convej^ances and forsooth, some is so particular, & as- 
sumes the liberty of telling me it must be sent imme- 
diately — tell your innumerable correspondences, none 
of their insolence or all goes in the fire — I will send 
any letters or packets that may come into my hands 
for you (if they are not to unconcievable large) when 
I write myself «& have an opportunity, but I think if 
your extensive correspondence continues you had better 
establish a Post office here & keep a rider continually 
going, with a handsome Salary perhaps I will undertake 
the charge of your Office here, as i^eople seem to be 
well acquainted with me, and at present supplys me 
with a good deal of business that way, attending with 
a good deal of trouble and not any profit — Now it is 
ten chances to one after ransacking all the Market and 
four or five taverns, tomorrow morning, that I find an 
opportunity to send this bundle to you & if I dont, after 
being obliged to rise very early in the morning & 
trapesing thro ' the very Dirty Streets, it will be a rare 
chance if they escape the flames, however never mind 
it, any thing that is pleasurable to you, ought & I hope 
ever will be perfectly agreeable to me — I want very 
much to hear your answer to my letter I sent by M'' Jn" 
Kan last Saturday, and how you like the Stuff for the 
Breeches — Stock Materials I have purchased none 
nor no money which is still worse — ^Vhat do you 
think Pamell charged forty shillings for engraving 
your Seal which I made out to pay, but it is now in 
the hands of M"" Silversmith Holinshead to clean & 
make somewhat better, when its done shall send it to 
you. — 1 of April I get three Mo. Salary, the 10 my In- 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 239 

terest on my depreciation & expect something from the 
QM' for forage wood & Christy I hope will have all the 
Notes changed by that time, so if I can by any way 
collect all these sums into one of my Breeches Pockets 
I shall again be set afoot — but what a Letter of Non- 
sense I am writing — I have nothing else to say, except 
I tell you that Lancaster County is to be divided and 
an Elegant town to be built at Harris's ferry, which 
J. Harris has talked and made more noise about than 
any other ten men, I think, could possibly have done — 
the Land Office affair stands just as it did when I wrote 
you before — Miles 's'"* affair is not entirely cleared up, 
but all seems to be in his favor — Great debates in 
the house of Assembly about incorporating the New 
Bank, all the Proprietors in the old Bank strenuously 
opposing it, and to wind up the whole of the news, the 
transparent paintings is finished, only waiting for the 
order of Council to have them exhibited — do pray come 
down & see them — they are much more elegant than 
before I am informed, & I shall endeavour to give you 
Notice when to come — pray let one thing more come in 
& I will conclude — that is that Congress has appointed 
Gen' Greene, Gen' Clark, Gen' E. Butler, M^ Wolcott 
& M"" Higginson Commissions to treat for a peace with 
the Indians & perhaps a very large tract of land from 
them big enough to Compose four or five States — That 
is all I have to say at present but remain 

Your Loving Brother 

Erkuries. 
John Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Dear Brother Annapolis 2^ AprH 1784. 

The prologomenon of your letter I shall pass over : 
only reminding you ; that I have long since been stiled 

" Samuel Miles was an auditor for settling public accounts and 
Deputy Quartermaster of Penna. He relinquished the latter office in 
1782. 



240 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

Hon.ble & feel no new importance, on my new appoint- 
ment, or at the great deference & "respect" with which 
you would seem to ''approach" me, & I must beg you 
will prorogue any further flummery on this Head, but 
address me as standing on the same ground with other 
fellow "Mortals." 

You speak the language of nature in asking the Ques- 
tion, relative to the State of our Funds, & it does not 
require the Spirit of Divination, to propound your "in- 
terestedness" in a discussion of this Subject. But I 
fear the "reality" of our Debt when contrasted with 
the '"'Eeality" of our Means of pajTuent, will not ad- 
mit of a very favourable Prognosis ; and that the "Con- 
tents" of our Treasury, will strike you much in the 
light of my former letter; being only a "Preface" & 
containing no "Substance" — 

Those who know least of the powers of Congress, are 
generally the most sanguine on this Head. "We have 
neither the power of Resolving money into existance; 
nor diving in to and drawing it forth, from the coffers 
of those who possess it — Like the Indiayi Sachems, in- 
deed, we can consult, devise, & call for requisitions ; but 
it rests with the Executrices of the states alone, to give 
Efficacy to the Measures recommended — our most 
ostensible resource is that of an Impost upon foreign 
Importations — This would constitute no inconsiderable 
Revenue & tend greatly to alleviate Taxation in the 
ordinary way — Being founded on the most perfect 
Equality; a Tax, wholly voluntary & insensible; I can- 
not but be astonished at the opposition it meets with 
in the several states — only seven, of the thirteen Legis- 
latures, have yet acceeded to the proposition ; & were I 
to hazard a Conjecture, it would be that two or More, 
never will comply — Cut off from this Hope, I know not 
where we shall land — the Burthens of a people must 
be measured by their abilities to sustain the pressure : 
and when Taxes once become odious ; I believe we shall 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 241 

find too little Energy in our republican Government. 
to Enforce a Collection of them — The Sale of our 
Western Lands may with good Management be made 
to lessen our public (domestic) debt considerably: but 
we cannot avail ourselves even of this resource for a 
twelvemonth ; or at least before we shall have settled a 
peace with the Indians, purchased their right of Soil 
& fixed Boundaries between them & us — Commissioners 
for this purpose have been appointed & will we expect 

perfect this Business in the Course of the Eln- 

suing Summer & Fall — Congress has Estimated that 4^ 
Millions of Dollars will be wanted for the Current Ex- 
pences of the Year 84 & for the Arrears of Interest due 
on Foreign & Domestic Loans, up to the 31'' Dec^ 84 — 
a Kequisition for this Sum will shortly go out; & I leave 
you to say, how far or how punctually it will be com- 
plied with — I confess I have my Fears; but I am per- 
suaded the States must be Stimulated to make the most 
Vigorous Exertions, or our National Credit, must be 
anihilated — You will say, this is a dull picture & throws 
a dark shade over your pay & Commuatation — it is 
true, but indeed I cannot flatter you, without doing 
violence to my own Sentiments: — how far my Prog- 
nosis may be verified, time must determine but I assure 
you the Diagnosis is not unjustly drawn — an I should 
rather think Industry in the line of your Profession, 
will be the surest sujoport. I enclose you a Schedule of 
the Expences which form the requisition, as estimated 

by Congress All Europe seems to have become 

Balloon Mad Even D^ Franklins Sen^ant, has taken an 
aerial flight & not yet returaed to Narrate his dis- 
coverys — If Monsieur Montgolfier could be so fortunate 
as to fall on a Method of giving them a Horizontal as 
well as Vertical Motion, I should have no objection to 
the Construction of a Congressional one, for the pur- 
pose of removing Congress, as you propose : but in the 
present improved state of these Machines, I fancy you 

Vol. XLIV.— 16 



242 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

■will find few to venture; least we should Explore a 
Kegion, where our Independance is not known or ac- 
knowledged — As I have already exceeded the limits of 
a fashionable or polite letter I shall here drop the Cur- 
tain & leave the other parts of your letter to some 
future oportunity. 

I pray you will be as good as your word in calling 
to see M" B. whose widowed State requires more at- 
tention. Present my affectionate regards to M"" W"* 
Scott & family & all my other Friends 

Yours with much regard 

Jn° Beatty. 
P. S. You may read this Letter to Mr Scott & I sh*^. 
be happy to hear from him — I inclose you a late Balti- 
more paper — 

Erkuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Philad^ 14 Ap' 1784. 
D"" Eeading, 

I was up very early this morning and recieved your 
Letters and Notes & all Safe — am now sorry you 
troubled yourself in sending your Cincinnati Book as 
I found my own throwing about the Barracks this 
moraing — ^Butthat is not the worst — My deprivation 
note is Burnt — Last Sunday I brought it down Stairs, 
laid on the top of the Stove while I ran to one of the 
windows to see a pretty Girl M" Stamper was remark- 
ing — I behold. When I returned to the Stove in about 
half minute, I had the mortification to see the Ashes 
of it in the middle of the fire — I can't get another till 
the Assembly meets — nor Interest nor any thing, so 
you see I am in a pretty Box — There is not, nor has 
not been since the lO"" Ap^ one Copper of money in the 
treasury, so you had better look out to the Excise Of- 
ficer in Bucks to get yours changed, and if he has plenty 
of money engage some of it for me, as I have B"" J°'s 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 243 

interest & several others — inform me of this matter to 
be sure on Saturday morning that I may send 'em out 
to you that day if necessary — The Spring Launcet is 
not quite finished, nor I have not time to get the Jean, 
perhaps by Saturday, if I dont come out myself I will 
send these things I write you more fully — at present I 
remain 

Yours in a hurry but very 

affectionately 
Erkuries 
I sent you a letter from B"" Jn". on Saturday I hope 
you rec"* it. 

ErTcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Philad^ May 1, 1784. 
D*" Eeading 

I arrived here in very good time on Monday evening, 
without hurry, & all safe — found that our Landlady had 
got a Courtier which stuck to her pretty faithfully for 
two Evenings, I believe then made his escape — what 
success he met with I can't say, but Walker & myself 
has laughed enough about it — Matters on Saturday last 
went nearly as I wished & Expected — there was between 
thirty & forty off"., met at the City Tavern, & iman- 
imously appointed Major Bowen & myself agents for 
the whole Line — but we thinking as there were not a 
majority of the Officers there of the Line we had better 
get our appointment Ratified by Council, for that pur- 
pose Maj"" Bowen took a Copy of the proceedings of the 
Meeting signed by Col. Johnston,^ diairman, & on 
Tuesday, lue along with Col. Johnston and M"" Pierce, 
waited on the Governor & Council was permitted an 
Audience, & had the matter fully decided, they two 
latter urging the propriety & Conveniency of having 
only two Agents for the Line, & their approving the 
Off", choice, they would not do it but wrote imme- 



^ Francis Johnston, Colonel 5th Penna. Line; retired Jany. 17, 17bl. 



244 Letters of the Four Beattij Brothers. 

diately to Congress on the subject & desired M"" Pierce 
to do the same, which has all been done, & myself wrote 
to B^ John on the subject, & we hope to have it all 
done in regular order— I dont think I have an5i:hing 
more to tell you,— will send you the Almanac next Week 
—we have a large addition to our family within this 
day or two— Maj^ Benson of N. C— Maj^ Lloyd of 
Hazens Eeg^— Capt^ Henderson & "Wilkey, with the two 
old hands, at present compose M" Stampers family— A 
pretty Jolly set of old Continental Officers say you— 
I saw Crosby a few days ago, he was sorry he had not 
gone out with me to see you— how do you come on with 
Old Wynkoop & the money.— I expect Mr. Erwin in 
town next week, perhaps you can find the balance by 
him as I wish to send it to them it belongs— 
I am with esteem & affection 

Your brother 
Erkuries. 

Erhuries Beatty — prohably to Beading Beatty. 

Philad\ 5 May 1784 
I received you' short scrawl my brother, on Satur- 
day last, but wrote to you in the morning & sent it 
off before I got yours, however it is not much odds — 
Gen'. Washington came to town on Saturday morning 
without any fuss or parade, indeed the town seems to 
be alive with old Officers from one end of the Conti- 
nent to the other. The Society made a meeting on Mon- 
day, but did no business, yesterday they met, did a 
little business I believe & afterwards dined together- 
all this at the City tavern— chief of the States is repre- 
sented, or Lines I must say, either less or more— none 
has yet came from N. Carol: or Rhode Island, but have 
wrote that they will be here in a day or two, which is 
all that is deficient, & every one seems to be in the 
spirit of it— Major L 'Enfant has arrived, & brought 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 245 

medals for aJl those who subscribed, & 200 more for 
sale at 26 dollars a pin — I have seen some of them, but 
for mv part I do not admire them, being too contracted 
and Confused, and one of the words wrong spelled. 
Some people say they are veiy handsome, & some think 
as I do, & so on — so much for the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati all the rest I believe, I will save untill you come 
to town, which I certainly expect will be on the 20? 
Our family increased last Evening by a Miss Shoe- 
maker from Eeding, but have not yet the pleasure of 
seeing her pretty face 

Adieu 
yours 

E. Beatty. 

John Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Annapolis 17"^ 1784 
My D' Brother 

I did not flatter you before, when I stated the Na- 
tional Debt, & the Exertions, that would be necessary, 
to pay even the Annual Interest — a conviction of the 
Inability, as well as disinclination of the States to pay, 
their Quota's of a Sum, that would Comprehend the 
whole contained in that Estimate, «& knowing that 
requisitions not complied with, w"* not only hold up our 
National poverty in very strong Colours, but w'^ argue 
also the want of Energy in our Executive Departments ; 
were reasons of such weight with Congress, that they 
have determined to call only for two thirds of the Sum 
they had first in Contemplation — I inclose you their 
Act, as amended & agreed to finally — an attentive 
perusal of this Statement & the Demand in consequence 
of it, will give you a more adequate Idea of the State 
of our Finances than is practicable for me to do in the 
short compass of a letter — I w^ only observe that the 
Interest for the year 84 is not included in this Estimate, 
& the Sum called for provided it is pimctually paid; 



246 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

will Embrace but little of the interest that became due 
in the Course of the last year — because a preference is 
to be given in iDayment according to the order in which 
they are arranged in that Statement — It may be a Ques- 
tion with some, why the whole of the Interest accruing 
on the Foreign Debt is to be discharged, when so par- 
tial a payment is made to our Domestic Creditors. To 
this it is answered, that in order to establish our Credit 
at home, it is necessary we should scrupulously observe 
our contracts abroad — that our pleas of inability, (not 
to say disinclination to pay Taxes) ; will be considered 
by them, rather as proceeding from a dishonest prin- 
ciple; than any real want, that exists in these states, 
of the Means whereby to furnish the Treasury, with a 
sum equal to the demands, that they have against it — 
But our argument which has more weight in my Mind 
is this — that those states who have the inclination may 
& will no doubt make more vigorous Exertions in fav"" 
of their own citizens & since Specie will not be wanted, 
facilities may be made use of, which at the same time 
that it renders complete satisfaction to the Creditor of 
the public, will not impoverish the states; by sending 
large sums of Money abroad — N. Jersey has adopted 
this Idea and is now paying her Citisens a year interest 
in Bills or Certificates, which are redeemable every 
year in Specie within the States — This places the 
Burthen on those who ought to bear it; I mean those 
who have neither loaned their Monies, nor rendered 
personal services to the public — But I have one more 
word to say on this Subject & I have done — As I glanced 
my Eye over your letter I find this sentence ''I wish 
the states may be able to pay the Interest on My Ar- 
rearages & Commutation" (amounting to some thing 
more than £200) "Now when I compare this with the 
former part of your letter, where you speak of the 
want of Sufficient Authority in Congress" — "The 
Sacredness of public Engagements" — "the Necessity 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 247 

of private Interest being subservient to public good," 
*'the retrograde Motion of public Spirit" & "the gi'eat 
Danger our Celebrated Eepublic is in," I am at a loss 
to account, how so narrow and contracted an Idea, could 
have crept into your Mind — while declaiming with more 
than Eoman patriotism, on the "Amazing declension 
of public Virtue," a spirit of Interestedness appears & 
you cherish a Sentiment which but the Moment before 
you had rejected as ignoble and derogatory of the Prin- 
ciples on which a free republic sh*^ be founded — You 
could have adduced no stronger proof — of the Justness 
of the remarks your letter contains — Forgive this Free- 
dom — I mean only to banter you — it is no More than 
what we are all actuated with; altho it meets our 
greatest disapprobation — 'tis grafted in our Natures, 
nor can we divest ourselves of it — There is no proposi- 
tion more true, than that Interest binds Nations as well 
as Individuals, 'tis the Secret Spring & Motive of all 
our Actions. 

I am glad you have been so kind as to visit Mrs. B. — 
I hope to see her by the tenth of next Month ; when we 
shall be made particularly happy in your Company, for 
a length of Days, should you be able to spare as much 
time from your Business — 

My Comp^ to M"" Scott — His reply was not unex- 
pected ; as he has before given me hints as to the rotund- 
ity of my Hand writing — avoid Neshaminy Politics — 
Detraction often reverberates with two fold force, to 
the fountain from whence it spread & is always a Mark 
of a weak & little Mind — Congress have not recinded 
the resolution, of building two Federal Towns — it is 
however so absurd and anti-republican a proposition, 
that I am confident it never will be carried into Effect — 
I cannot advise 3^ou, on the Subject of the Gratuity 
Lands in Virginia. Perhaps it ^ be prudent as the 
Good Book recommends, to Count up the Cost, before 
you proceed to the Structure of the Building — The Idea 



248 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

of trying it by a Foederal Court is altogether New, nor 
am I able to say bow far the Consideration will war- 
rant a proceedure of this Nature — 

You will as usual, inclose your letters to Archy — who 
will forward them to me, whether here or at Princeton 
— I must beg your pardon for this long letter but hope 
that in future you will claim no Ballance, in the Episto- 
lary Line, against me — My Comp^ to all enquiring 
Friends 

Yours with much regard 

Jn° Beatty. 

ErJcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Philad\ 18 May 1784. 
D"" Reading 

Not a word have I heard from you since you left the 
City, & what is worse than that we have lost our friend 
Mark Halfpenny at the Cross Keys,^® & it seems I can 
neither get, or send a Letter from there now, I had 
wrote the inclosed for ]M'" Erwin last Saturday, left at 
the Cross Keys where Mr. Erwin now commands, & 
there I found it today, & God knows whether I shall 
get it up tomorrow or not however I will tiy — the Gen- 
eral Society of the Cincinnati broke up this day, to 
meet again in three years, if I can raise six pence to- 
morrow morning, I will send you the pamphlet which 
has the circular letter in it & the Institution as altered 
by them, — I think it will be very displeasing to many 
of the members, & if it dont now please the bawling 
populace, I hope & pray they never may be pleased in 
any one thing they may ever undertake. 

Inclos'd is a Letter which I found the other day at 
the Bunch of Grapes" in a Corner directed to me — the 
time it has been there I can't be accountable for, but 

*• The Cross Keys Tavern, Water between Market and Arch Streets. 
"The Bunch of Grapes Tavern, on Third below Arch Street. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 249 

suppose from its appearance that it was no short time — 
I believe I have nothing particular to tell you. Bowens 
Army affair remains as it was when you was here, hav- 
ing not made any application to Council since the Re- 
solve of Congress came — Walker talks of leaving us 
soon, but believe he does not know where he will go to 
yet, which makes me think that his stay must be longer 
than he or his friends wishes — How does the money 
come on! I have got orders from all the people for it, 
Hemp on them for their impudence, they wish imme- 
diate pajTnent — My Landlady is up stairs in private 
Confab with her Swain — but Hush — or I will not be 
your affectionate 

Brother 
Erkuries. 
Erhuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Philad^ 25 May 1784 
As you do not address me in Common, neither will 
I you, but just begin to tell you that I received your 
letter by Cap* Armstrong, which surprised me to hear 
that you had not received a letter from me last week, 
which I wrote, delivered to M' Whitebread,=* who said 
he sent it out by one of the Ramsays, hope before this 
you have got it, for it contained several inclosed par- 
ticularly one for M"^ Treat, which I would not wish to 
miscarry — There is such a terrible noise and uproar in 
our house, has so confused my ideas, that altho' I have 
a great deal to say to you, I dont know where to begin, 
for you must know that M"' Stamper is very soon to 
be married to Cap*^ TTallace, who you know is remark- 
able for breaking his parole when prisoner, & there is 
a terrible fuss in the house with Mantua-makers, 
semstresses, &c & has given her family warning to 
move as soon as possible, which I shall do on ^fonday 

•" Probably William Whitebread, who in 1785 was an innkeeper, Second 
between Market and Arch Streets. 



250 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

next, to a house in Spruce Street which Major Bowen 
& me have engaged — You must know that she has made 
a great Confidant of me — A few evenings ago when I 
was going to bed with Cap' Walker, she asked permis- 
sion to speak with me, I readily complied, & we had a 
very long confab — the introduction of it was the very 
great esteem she held me in, rather considered me as 
a Brother than any thing else «& wished me to give her 
my serious & Candid advice on a Matter of much im- 
portance to her, after promising & passing many Com- 
pliments in return, she di\Tilged the whole matter to 
me, saying, in short that she was courted by M"" Wallace, 
& did not know what answer to give him, I soon finding 
from her discourse that she had fixed her mind in his 
favor previous to her asking my advice, I neither ad- 
vised her pro, or Con but generally gave her evasive 
answers, for I dont like the man, however in less than 
two days after she told us the matter was fised, & they 
are to be married in 3 or 4 weeks & as I am her Confi- 
dent, am to be at the wedding but dont say a Word about 
it, — so much for family news, as you wish to know it, 
& if I was to record all the scandal, that is practised 
by Mrs Morris, M" Stamper & Miss P. Shoemaker at 
our table & otherwise God knows it would take you a 
month to read it, & you know I dont keep Company 
with any young Ladies of this City to hear their smart 
repartees or their magnanimous conquests — Now I wish 
to tell you, between you & me, that Bowen & myself 
intends entering deeply into speculation in these Cer- 
tificates, & think if we are any ways Lucky we shall 
make money — it would be too tedious to tell you our 
whole plans, but I expect to see you before I begin, at 
the same time if you have any Capital objections why 
I should not do as the rest of the world generally does, 
to make money by any means, will thank you to inform 
me, for perhaps I am going into an error, I am sure, if 
so, it is undesignedly — Upon my word I never thought 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 251 

a word about your hat, but depend upon I shall imme- 
diately look for an opportunity of sending it up, per- 
haps tomorrow or Saturday, this I expect Cap^ Arm- 
strong will take if I am up early enough in the morning 
to get it to him, now it is past 11 oClock, every person 
in bed but myself in the house — 

I wrote last night to I was tired, am up veiy early 
this morning, & intend now making a Conclusion, after 
telling you as usual that I am not rich enough to buy 
you a pamphlet with the Societj^ of the Cincinnati in it, 
or rather the Institution «& Circular Letter, but as the 
whole of it is in the Independent Chronicle which was 
published on Saturday last perhaps you may get a 
sight of it, this I hope will urge you to send me down, 
the balance which you say you have procured, as I 
had to advance my own money to the persons that be- 
longed to, likewise if you please send me a order of 
Hodsson for your forage money, I having waited on 
him yesterday, & he says he expects money in a few 
days — I inclose a letter to you from B"" John which I 
have read (begging your pardon) & another from some 
person else, Adieu for the present 

Yours affectionately 

Erkuries. 

Erhuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Philadelphia Sept^ 4"^, 84. 
D' Eeading 

Yesterday we received an order from the Executive 
Council which we have thought was rather a degree of 
arrogance & unconstitutional therefore immediately 
shut up our Office,^' returned them an answer declaring 
ourselves ''Free Citizens of Penn^ & not public Of- 
ficers, and was ready to comply with the Eesolution of 
Congress of Nov 3*^ 1783 to deposit them as they should 

"•Erkuries at this date was acting as a clerk in the War Office, 
engaged in settling the accoiints of the Penna, Line. 



252 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

direct, and prayed that some of their Officers might be 
app**. to receive the remaining Certificates from us, as 
we was determined to proceed no farther in the busi- 
ness" how this matter may turn out I can't detennine 
positively but at present we think we are doing very 
right, am only sorry that it will keep the officers & sol- 
diers who has not yet sec**, theirs, a long time before 
they do — 

I have had Bennet preying on Col. Proctor®" every 
day since you left me for the money on Your Note, but 
the Devil a farthing of it I have yet got. Still promises 
fair, and if I find an opportunity that I can trust this 
morning I will send you Forty five dollars, then there 
will yet remain due to you thirteen dollars & 11/50 
which you must have a little patience for the rest, for 
I shall be intirely bare myself — Was out at Camp last 
evening for the first time, & now intend to pay par- 
ticular attention to that business — If you don't move 
before next Market day, I hope I will be able to send 
you the whole, if you do, God knows how I will ever 
get it to you — 

Your affectionate Brother 

Erkuries. 
ErTcuries Beatty to Reading Beatty. 

Fort Mac Intosh 24^" Jan^ 1785. 
Very well my dear Eeading, you have treated me 
kindly indeed, sent me your cold Compliment thro' D"" 
Delany and Cap* Douglass, and such a good oppor- 
tunity to write, — I can forgive but perhaps I may never 
forget, & you will find in the long run you will gain 
nothing by it, for my budget it is now as full of Indian 
treaty «S:c as ever your head was full of love &c, tfc I 
intended to give you a full detail, but I can't find in my 
heart to do it. Know, therefore I will only give you a 

•*Col. Thomas Proctor, 4th Continental Artillery, resigned 18 April 
1781. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 253 

few of the out Lines of what I know & have seen, and 
you may remain in Suspence for the rest till you see 
it published or see me — The treaty commenced on the 
^^^ & continued from day to day till the 21"^ when the 
Articles was signed & the treaty concluded yesterday 
they recieved their Goods & today the Cliiefs are shin- 
ing about with their Gold lace hats & Jackets which 
about as much becomes them, as a Jewel Does a hoges 
nose. I wish I could picture to you an old Ottawa Chief 
sitting close by me, half double, with a Coat Jacket & 
hat covered over with Gold Lace & a Breech Clout & 
leggins on, & about a dozen of his Nation attending on 
him with the Princess of Chippeivai/ & we like fools 
giving them rum & so it has been all the treaty, our 
house continually full of these devils till we are heartily 
sick of them, but God be thanked we will now soon get 
rid of them — now to return to the subject — There was 
represented at the treaty the Wyandotts with their 
Half King at their head — this nation is the oldest & 
calls themselves the Grandfathers of all the rest in this 
Country & commands them all — the next is the Del- 
wares, being a great number of them here & their Chief 
is the Great Pipe with many other Councillors. This 
Pipe is a sulky dog, and after he heard the proposals of 
the Commis*" was clear for declaring war but his Nation 
made him sign the Articles — the Ottawas and Chippe- 
ivas is the other two nations that was represented here 
7 the whole, their nations is very large at home but few 
of them here, & chiefly lives over the Lakes, and they 
are entirely depending on the other two first mentioned 
therefore said very little — They Spoke a great deal of 
Nonsense & our Commiss"" spoke very pointed, which 
brought them to the Conclusion, that we were sole pro- 
prietors of the Country, & they obliged to come upon 
such terms as we pleased, wliich was that they should 
leave Hostages with the troops till they delivered up all 
the prisoners in their possession, then was allotted their 



254 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

Country to hunt & live upon, which is very large on 
Lake Erie reserving Detroit and other trading posts 
for ourselves, they never made any objections to any 
thing we said, for I believe they were very much 
frighted and are generally poor pusilanimous beings, 
after the treaty was signed they buryed the Hatchet by 
saying, *'tliey took it, & pulled up a great oak, buried 
it underneath, & planted the Oak on the top, then pulled 
it up again, took the Hatchet and threw it into a run- 
ning Stream of water that they nor their Children nor 
us or our Children should ever know that such a thing 
happened" — Now I have told you some things that has 
happened, and as I kept a Journal of the whole and 
got all their Speeches and the Articles they signed I 
will shew them to you when I see you, & when that will 
be I will tell you — It is now settled by Colo. Harmar 
that I must go to Philad^ in the Spring, and without any 
manner of doubt will be there in April, so if you can with 
any propriety put off that great and important matter 
till them, that you told me off, it will add much to my 
happiness — our situation perhaps may invite your at- 
tention, & well it might, for it most delightfull, situated 
on the banks of the Oliio, upon a most elegant flat, the 
foii; is regular, & built with Squared logs laid on one 
another the side next the river is equal to any two sides, 
and the front which is towards the land is half as long 
as the side upon the river, with four regular Bastions — 
there is a Sally poet next river and a large Gate op- 
posite, Barracks round the whole and one part of the 
Barracks formed by the wall of the fort, so I suppose 
you will be able to lay down a plan of it — I have re- 
ceived two letters from M'^Michael in them he infonns 
me that he would wish part of bis Certificate disposed 
off, if Maj"" Bush or Bowen should call upon you for 
them please to let 'em have them — I intend writing to 
them on the Subject — now all I have to say, is ; that if 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 255 

you can, with any propriety put off that matramonial 
matter till April, it will be a very great pleasure to your 

Very affectionate Brother 

Erkuries. 
Conjugate this by the time I see you 

Wihoughquenoxee, nemat — ^Kalastoi nemat — 
Cohon — Mataku 
Delaware 

Erhuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Philad^ NovemV 29. 1785. 
My dear Brother, 

At length the fatal mandate is published which at 
once deprives me of the numerous pleasures I expected 
to have enjoyed this winter, particularly in seeing you, 
enter the Hymenial band, blessed with a happy com- 
panion for life, and me in a very agreeable Sister, for 
such I think she will be to us both, & all the family, beg 
that you will not put it off longer than you can possibly 
avoid, that is if every thing appears as favorable as at 
present, I flatter myself that some time next summer I 
shall embrace you both in perfect matrimonial hap- 
piness. 

This day Colonel Harmar informed me that there 
was an immediate necessity for my going to the 
Westard, and fixed upon next f riday for my setting out. 
W Pratt" & another Gent, belonging to the troops being 
in town & going about that time, shall embrace the op- 
portunity of their Company, so Adieu, for God knows 
when I shall see you again, if the Eiver is passable when 
I get to Pittsburgh down I go to the Miami, if otherwise 
early in the Spring. 

I have sat down to write to you, & never was in a 
worse humour for it in all my life, what I have wrote 



•'John Pratt, Lieut. U. S. Infantry, July 1785, Captain March 1791, 
assigned to 1st Sub Legion Sept. 1792, resigned Dec. 5, 1793. 



256 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

is scandalous, and what more I dont know — Yes, now I 
think to tell you, that I saw M". Beatty safe home on the 
Evening of the day I left you, found B"" J. well, staid 
with him a Thursday & returned here with Fridays 
Stage — Saw Miss S. S. a few minutes, recieved her 
letter as is herein inclosed, which is all I know worth 
relating of my trip to Princeton — Now I wish I could 
put you in a way of writing to me, for how we will cor- 
respond God only knows. Your best way I imagine will 
be to leave your Letters at the Conestoga Waggon, or 
if you come to town yourself deliver them in care to 
Col. Harmar, few indeed do I expect to receive, however 
they will be more valuable when they come, be assured 
I will embrace opportunitys in writing to you — Now I 
am done — what more can I tell you — I wish I knew 
what you wanted to hear — My head is as empty as a 
calabash — perhaps I may take it in my head to write 
you again before I leave town — head — head — head — I 
say this head of mine is not worth a pinch of snuff 
to night, & never will I take up my pen to write to you 
again, untill I get it under better regulation So God 
bless you, I will trouble you no further only wish you 
every happiness this world can bestow upon us frail 
mortals — 

And am your very affectionate 

Erkuries. 
I will carry this down to M^ Raguets®^ tomorrow morn 

"James Raguets married Ann, daughter of Judge Henry Wynkoop. 
He was a French exile. 

" Erkuries Beatty left some account of his travels during the years 
1786-7. He says, "July 26th 1786. Stopped opposite the mouth of 
Little Beaver to see Capt. Hutchins and the Surveyors who are here 
encamped, intending soon to cross the river, and begin the Sun'ey of 
the Continental Land. Six or eight miles below Mcintosh, met two 
boats with the baggage of three companies, who left Mcintosh this 
morning for to encamp at Mingo Bottom." "August 2d — stopped oppo- 
site the mouth of Little Beaver, and breakfasted with the Surveyors who 
are waiting for the troops. Arrived ]\Iingo Bottom, 3 o'clock, where was 
Capt. Hamtramck's, McCurdy's and Mercer's companies encamped and 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 257 

Erhuries Beatty to John Beatty. 

Pittsburgh Dec' 22"^ 1785. 
D' Brother 

I arrived here the day before yesterday after a very 
tedious & painfull journey, owing to the very badness 
of the roads. . . . I intend visiting the 5 r«7/iaHi Assem- 
bly of this place this evening as it will be opened this 
Night for the first time this Season — I am very un- 
happy to hear, that our Indian affairs here wear a very 
unpleasing aspect — I spoke with a person yesterday, 
(of a good deal of probity) who is just come in from a 
number of the Indian towns whom the Commissioners 



has just been mustered and inspected by Major North. The troops en- 
camped on the bank of the river, opposite the lower end of a small 
island. 3d — orders were issued for two companies to march to-morrow 
morning, and join the Surveyors. Septemier 22d — stopped at a small 
block house, on the Indian shore, which Major Hamtrarack had built, 
for the security of his provisions, Avhile he was out protecting the 
Continental Surveyors." February 16, 1787 — arrived at Fort Steuben. 
ITiis is a Fort built since I was on the river, by Major Hamtramck, 
above Mingo Bottom, on the Indian shore, about 47 miles below Mcin- 
tosh, and 23 above Wheeling. It is about 120 yards from the river, 
on a very excellent high bank, and on commanding ground. A square 
with a large Block House on each corner, and pickets between eaeli 
Block House from the Fort, in this manner (there is a plan of it, 
regularly and neatly drawn out.) The Big Gate fronting the main on 
the West, and the Sally Port the river; with the Guard House over 
the latter. The Block Houses serve for all the men, and the ofllcers' 
two houses are on each side of the Big Gate, the back part serving as 
a row of pickets. It is garrisoned by Hamtramck's and Mercer's com- 
panies, the former commanding. March 3d — from Wheeling to Fort 
Steuben, where Major Hamtramck, who was ordered to muster the 
troops up to January 1st 1787, agreed to accompany us to Fort Pitt. 
March 28th — early in the morning left Pittsburgh, stopped two hours 
at Mcintosh, and arrived at Fort Steuben in the evening; stayed all 
night, and set off early in the morning. Maxj 19th — arrived at Fort 
Steuben about 8 o'clock, with Major Hamtramck, on my way to New 
York. The people about Wheeling and here all much alarmed about 
Indians. 2Gth — left Fort Steuben early in the morning, with Captain 
Mercer and Mr. Schuyler in a boat. Major Hamtramck has got orders 
from Col. Ilarmar, to evacuate his garrison immediately, and take 
his troops to Fort Harmar." (Beatty Family Record, pp. 84-5.) 
Vol. XLIV.— 17 



258 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

intending treating with this fall at Miami, & he says, 
that they generally absolutely refuse attending, & have 
sent their reasons in kind of parables, which is very 
easily explained and it seems to be the general opinion 
of the most sensible men of this place, that the present 
treaty will by no means have the desired effect, yet 
strange it is that we here have not received One word 
of official intelligence, neither from the Commissioners 
or troops since their being at the Mouth of Miami, but 
general reports say they are all safe, and but few 
Indians, chiefly those who were treated with before — 
We have six full Companies of men this winter on the 
Ohio that is, three at Fort Mcintosh, two at the Mouth 
of Muskingham and one at Miami with the Commis- 
sioners, all of which I imagine would easily fall a sac- 
rifice if the Savages were so disposed, however a soldier 
has no right to think, therefore I leave that to men in 
power & hope their penetrating genius's, will not suffer 
a handful of men to be sacrificed to their folly — Please 
make my kindest respects to M". Beatty, & Sister Green 
when you have the pleasure of seeing her. 
I am with the greatest sincerity your aff^ Br. 

E. Beatty. 

Erlcuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Philad\ Dec^ 12, 1786. 
D'. Eeading, 

I received yours 3^ Ins*. — thank you kindly for your 
good intentions — better than mine the County treasurer 
is like all the rest of the world — put me off with vague 
answers, & just so has Gen'. Knox & the Board of 
Treasury, which makes me wish the Devil had them all, 
& sincerely curse the day that ever induced me again 
to enter in such a rascally seiwice, when cringing Syco- 
phants in the midst of plenty, kick the poor worn out 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 259 

soldier out of door, because lie does not debase his feel- 
ings with the most rascally sei-vility to upstarts of a 
day — But my dear Brother it is not worth while to 
trouble you with my own disagreeable feelings — you 
are possessed of too much sensibility, & far be it from 
my thoughts to make you unhappy, «& as for myself 
could be happy with the pattern of your good Lady in 
a place no larger than a Eacoon Box living on the toil 
of my own hands, so that she was happy, & myself 
independent of such an ungenerous country — No more 
— Your Land looks well on paper, & mine dont look bad, 
if we had any dependance on the rascallity of the 
World, however lay them by — It may be a last re- 
source to me, when I can do no better, & rather than be 
dependent, would commit a much more injurious Act — 
I have an order on M^ Wynkoop for 400 Dollars, I have 
wrote him on the subject — tomorrow I must set out for 
Eeading & Lancaster again & expect in about ten days 
to sett off for the Westward, under almost every dis- 
agreeable circumstance. One thing I pray that you 
will take the earliest opportunity of sending the in- 
closed Letter to Mr. Amdt for he among the rest has 
treated me most scurvily — I passed a receipt to him for 
the whole Amount of my order, & took his Note payable 
on demand for a balance of upwards of £100/ which he 
sincerely promised to send me in six days afterwards, 
& never got one copper of it yet — I returned last Mon- 
day from Princeton, after spending four days with B'. 
John very agreeably, I wish I could spend the same 
time with you, but my unfortunate stars has ordained 
it otherwise, & I don't think you will see me again in 
a good while — 

God bless you, & all about you, is the sincere 
prayer of 

Your affectionate Brother 
Erkuries. 



260 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

Erlcuries Beatty to Beading Beatty. 

Carlisle July 22"^ 1792 
Dear Reading, 

I am just setting off for Church therefore have only 
time to tell you that I am well. . . . since I came home 
I have employed chief of my time in gallanting the 
Ladies, as I find them very agreeable, should be very 
glad you was here, to partake of part of my happiness, 
but am afraid circumstances will not yet admit of it 
as I hear Turnbull is yet very unwell — I send this by 
M'. John Smith an inhabitant of this place in the 
Quarter M' Department an exceeding clever young fel- 
low worthy any persons acquaintance — No News, Jack 
Hughes, Tom Campbell, & Jack Pratt has their com- 
pliments to you, and please to present mine to any per- 
son who think while to inquire for me, I am your very 

affectionate Brother 
Erkuries. 

Pray write as soon as possible. 

Erlcuries Beatty to John Beatty. 

Roadstown" Dec. 29. 179-4. 
Dear Brother, 

I waited with considerable impatience almost all last 
Saturday morning at Bridgetown for the arrival of the 
post, had to go home at last without getting your Letter 
which was brought to me in the evening by a private 
Gentleman, indeed if old Timothy knew how the mail 
is conducted in this Country, I guess he would kick up 
a rumpus, for sometimes, it is lost & picked up by Wag- 
goners, which I do not wonder at for it is but a few 
days ago that the man passed here carrying the mail, 
was so drunk he could scarcely sit on his horse — By 
post, is in so much disrepute here, that the people in 

"Roadstown is about two miles southwest of Shiloh, N. J. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 261 

general entrusts their Letters &c, by the Stage, — I have 
not as yet been obliged to raise the seige intirely, but 
I have been obliged to sustain several powerfull sallies, 
which renders my operations very tardy indeed — I have 
by no means been idle the last week — have made sev- 
eral retrograde manouvers close in the \dcinity of the 
garrison, by amusing myself with a little out work, 
which will perhaps cause some little jealousy within 
(as there is by no means a good understanding between 
the two powers) & perhaps expedite a surrender, or at 
once oblige me to raise the seige entirely, & there is a 
good deal of plunder in the out work, it may perhaps 
fall on easier prey — at present the main work is rather 
in a state of Blockade, «& this week I believe will pro- 
ceed on your advice to sapping & mining — I am very 
happy to hear from Princeton, that all is well but am 
really soriy to hear that D". L. has not brought his 
mind to a decison on so important a matter as Matri- 
mony, for he i^romised me faithfully before I left 
Princeton, that he would certainly be about it this 
winter — Indeed I have not much hopes to give the 
Doctor from my own success, but pray tell him to keep 
in mind the Stoiy of ''an old Stag of a Batchelor" — 
also please tell him what has befell me since I am down 
here, which equally affects him, & has almost knocked 
me uj) — a Young Lady told me a few days ago when 
talking on Love that I had got too old to feel in any 
great degree that powerfull passion or create it in the 
breast of a young Lady — She did not doubt but I was 
worthy of a great deal of esteem & a Lady suitable to 
my years might possibly be persuaded to think so like- 
wise — there's for you — cold esteem — Nothing but the 
thought of the Doctor's being as old as me would 
scarcely have reconciled me to myself — It was a wicked 
malicious Story, & what made it worse, I thought there 
was too much truth in it, so put it in my pocket as a 
loud call to us both, to be up and doing — I am much 



262 Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 

obliged to you for your News and Newspapers, & pray 
continue to exercise your goodness in that way. & if you 
please find me Fenno's^ papers as we get Bache's" 
here every week by the stage — But pray what has be- 
come of the 70 sail of West India Merchantmen carried 
into L 'Orient by the French? and what has become of 
the Naval Action in the Chesapeake between some 
French & English Ships? — I have not heard a word 
about Election from any jDcrson since I wrote you last, 
altho' I have been at the houses of both Elmers" & 
W. F. is intire silent on the Subject — shall go to the 
Bridge tomorrow to see how they come on — Inclosed 
is a Letter for B"" Reading which I will thank you to 
forward him also one for Billy — but I sui3pose he is 
out of town — pray give it him when he returns — they 
are all well here & send a great deal of Love to you, & 
we all keep constantly wishing for an expatriation of 
the rheumatism from your knee, 

Your affectionate Brother, 
E. Beatty. 
Beading Beatty to John Beatty. 
Dear Brother, 

I had intended, pre^^ous to this, to give you a short 
Letter by way of begging the favour of your Corre- 
spondence during the ensuing Winter; but my good 
intentions have been frustrated for want of sufficient 
time, as well as from a doubt (if your Letters are not 
carried by Pork gratis) whether any Epistles by their 

** Fenno's paper was The Gazette of the United States, established by 
John Fenno in Xew York, 11 April, 1789, and removed to Philadelphia 
when it became the seat of the government. The first Philadelphia issue 
was dated 14 April, 1790. 

•* Bache's paper was The Aurora arid General Advertiser, established 
as The General Advertiser, 1790, by Benjamin Franklin Bache. The 
title Aurora was adopted 8 November, 1794. 

" Both Elmers were probably Jonathan, physician and jurist, and his 
brother Ebenezer, physician; prominent citizens of Cumberland County, 
N. J. 



Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers. 263 

entertainment would compensate for the expence they 
would be to you. TTill you let me know if I may in- 
dulge the pleasing expectation of hearing from you 
sometimes the politics of the day, or if I am to trust to 
the Newspapers for all the infonnation I am to receive 
of the proceedings of Congress? — I need not assure 
you how highly I should be gratified by your writing to 
me — "Will you let me know too if you heard from me by 
Gen'. Cummings, k if you have seen Mrs. Lombaert^ 
since your going to the City? — 

We had flattered ourselves with the pleasure of see- 
ing you & sister at Fallsington^' before your going to 
Congress, but we have been disappointed, from what 
cause we cannot say. — 

Would you be able to write to me upon the terms 
above mentioned, I will direct M^ Clum, the Post 
Master at BristoF" to have my Letters taken out of the 
mail at Bristol, & sent forward to Morton's by the 
Rider, from whence I shall have frequent opportunities 
of receiving them. — 

Chrissy'^ joins me in good wishes that you may enjoy 
health & happiness. — 

Yours with much Affection 

Eeading Beatty. 

"Mrs. Herman Joseph Lombaert, daughter of Judge Henry Wynkoop. 

•* Fallsington, Bucks County, Pa., where Doctor Reading Beatty and 
his wife were living at this time. 

^When the first post-office was established at Bristol, 1 June, 1790, 
Joseph Clum was appointed post-master. 

" Christina, wife of Doctor Reading Beatty. 



264 Isaac Sharpless, 1848-1920. 



ISAAC SHAEPLESS, 1848-1920. 

It is fitting that we should record our great sense of 
loss in the recent death of Isaac Sharpless, LL.D., late 
President of Haverford College, who was in fact the 
founder of the Friends' Historical Society and its first 
President. To him more than to any other we owe the 
organization of this body, which was the outcome of 
the Centennial celebration at Friends' Meeting House 
at Fourth and Arch Streets, Philadelphia, in the sum- 
mer of 1904. 

On that remarkable occasion, before an audience of 
twenty-three hundred, Isaac Sharpless, in his own 
inimitable way, reviewed the social conditions among 
Philadelphia Friends a century before. When the 
souvenir book of the Centennial was published soon 
after, his Introduction, which was also the first official 
publication of this Society, contained the following 
striking paragraph: ''It is well occasionally to look 
into the past, and gather up the standards and prin- 
ciples of our ancestors in the faith. It is well if it lead 
us to reconsecrate ourselves to the cause for which they 
wrought — the pure religion of Christ. We may not 
adopt all their methods ; the testimonies which they up- 
held may in part be replaced by others more vital to 
our day. But those among us who see -beneath the sur- 
face will feel no disposition to build on any other 
groundwork than theirs, nor to adopt modes of action 
essentially out of harmony with their principles. The 
lack of historic background, while compatible with much 
Christian goodness and zeal and openness of mind, 
seems, when applied to congregations, to lead to op- 
portunism; the selection of methods dictated by the 
emergencies of the present, and to destroy that con- 



Isaac Sharpless, 1848-1920. 265 

timiity of principle so essential to the preserv^ation of 
the type. If the spirit and motives of the best Friends 
of the past were known and read by all of us who bear 
the name of Friend, they would be interwoven through 
our lives as through the pages of prophecy is inter- 
woven, 'thus saith the Lord.' " With this most char- 
acteristic setting forth of the principles which he felt 
should guide the future acts of this Historical Societ}', 
we may pause for a moment's backward glance at the 
career of this Quaker historian, 

Isaac Sharpless, son of Aaron and Susanna (For- 
sythe) Sharpless, was bom December 16th, 1848. A 
ponderous quarto tome of over 1300 pages, published 
in 1887, preserves the record of the immigrant ancestor 
John Sharpless and the thousands of his substantial 
progeny in the community in which Isaac SharjDless was 
a birthright Friend. The farm of his father and grand- 
father Isaac Sharpless, where he was born, had been 
the homestead of the family for several generations. 
It lay at the foot of Osborne Hill among the gently 
undulating hills of Birmingham Township, Chester 
County, Pennsylvania. The impressionable years of 
boyhood were spent here, where his daily walks took 
him over the historic battlefield of the Brandywine, and 
where the semi-weekly worship of the family led a little 
southeasterly to Birmingham Friends' Meeting House 
(Orthodox)-^the old Meeting House of the "Hicksite" 
body near by having served as the hospital on the battle 
ground. 

He was a diligent reader of the choice collection of 
books in the old Birmingham Library, supported by 
members of that meeting and others. From this little 
library fiction was carefully excluded but its absence 
was filled by a double portion of biography, history, 
travel and popular science. From childhood he had 
listened to Revolutionary tales of the neighborhood and 
had seen the graves of the British and American sol- 



266 Isaac Sharpless, 1848-1920. 

diers in the burial ground at the old Meeting House. 
Doubtless these early influences told upon his career, 
which began among the historic surroundings in which 
he grew up, but it was his home training that had more 
to do in making him what he was than the historic fea- 
tures of the country. His first school was that con- 
ducted by Friends near the Meeting House. 

From Birmingham Isaac Shai*pless went to West- 
town School in November, 1862, where, after complet- 
ing its course of study, he returned to teach mathe- 
matics in 1868, and where the next autumn, his parents 
came and resided for five years as Superintendent and 
Matron. With the exception of one year — 1872-3 — 
spent at Harvard, where he obtained the degree of 
Bachelor of Science in the Lawrence Scientific School, 
Isaac Sharpless remained at Westtown. In the autumn 
of 1875 he was appointed Instructor of Mathematics at 
Haverford College, where he spent the remainder of 
his useful life. On August 10th 1876 he married Lydia 
Trimble Cope, daughter of Paschal and Amy A. Cope 
of West Chester, Pennsylvania, who survives him, with 
one son and five daughters. 

In 1879 Isaac Sharpless was made Professor of 
Mathematics and Astronomy, in which capacity he 
served until 188-4. Readers of Philadelphia periodicals 
will recall the able articles, on the aspect of the 
heavens at different periods, which constantly appeared 
over his signature during those years, and which, to- 
gether with the reports from the Haverford Observa- 
tory', made its ser^'ice known throughout the academic 
world, both here and in Europe. For three years he 
served as Dean of the College, when he was elected 
President in 1887. His Honorary Degrees were, 1883, 
Sc.D. from the University of Pennsylvania ; 1889, LL.D. 
from Swarthmore College; 1903, L.H.D. from Hobart 
College ; 1915, LL.D. from Harvard. 

His first literary eiforts are to be found in the bound 



Isaac Sharpless, 1848-1920. 267 

MS. volumes of ''The Cabinet," a monthly periodical 
supported by the teachers and older students of West- 
town. His contributions "always possessed a virility 
which distinguished them from others." A contempo- 
raiy says of him: ''The slow progress of educational 
matters in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting rested strongly 
upon his mind." The autumn of 1880 witnessed the 
advent of "The Student," a modest little monthly 
magazine "devoted to the interests of education in the 
Society of Friends." The editors and publishers 
were Isaac Sharpless and AYatson Y^ Dewees, and it 
is a striking fact that "it was the first venture of the 
kind in the history of American Quakerism. ' ' Its man- 
agement changed at the end of four years, but during 
that period there were several signed articles which 
were characteristic, besides his editorials. Any attempt 
to write the history of education in the Society of 
Friends must take into account the conspicuous part 
played by Isaac Sharpless in Philadelphia in the early 
80 's of the last century. AYhen the "Y^estonian" ap- 
peared in 1895 it had his unqualified support. 

Isaac Sharpless' best monument is the college into 
which entered his whole personality. Here for thirty 
years he remained, much beloved and universally re- 
spected ; a virile figure, with something of the old time 
simplicity which left its impress on every student who 
sat under him. It was his custom throughout to keep 
in personal touch with every class entering college by 
teaching two of their courses himself. He has uncon- 
sciously given us a true picture of himself in his book, 
"The American College," in which he describes the 
ideal college President: 

"... He is not primarily a taskmaster or discipli- 
narian, but a man who is giving his life for a cause, and 
not only for an abstract cause, but for (men) as in- 
dividuals; that he has a message for them which he 
must deliver, and that he feels that the very future of 



268 ~ Isaac Sharpless, 1S48-1920. 

one or more of tliem lies in the proper use of that 
power. When he feels thus, he will preach, and his ser- 
mon will not be forgotten by some of them." 

Not only was he serious in his ideals ; he was full of 
the humor. When applauded for a long time at the 
Haverford Alumni Dinner of 1918, he said: ''I clearly 
understand that the most popular thing I ever did as 
President of Haverford was to resign." Isaac Sharp- 
less 's pedagogic inclinations, and perhaps his humor 
may have come from his great-grandfather, John For- 
sythe (175-JH840), a sandy-haired, gay young Presby- 
terian from Ireland who later joined Friends and 
became noted as a teacher at Birmingham and at 
Westtown. 

In addition to his Presidency, 1904-1911, of Friends' 
Historical Society of Philadelphia, he was active in 
other historical work, serving as Executive Councillor, 
1905-1916, and President, 1909-1912, of the Peimsyl- 
vania History Club; Vice President, 1914-1915, and 
President, 1915-1916, of Friends' Historical Society of 
England ; member of the Committee of Seven Advisers 
to the Works of William Penn, 1910-1920, and Coun- 
cillor, 1910-1920, of The Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania. His books quickly gained for him high repute 
for insight into human motives, sjonpathetic yet un- 
biased interpretation of Quaker policies, scientific care 
in the weighing of evidence, and a corresponding mod- 
eration in the statement of conclusions. Thus his was 
a foremost place among the historians of Pennsylvania. 

An equally high ideal was held up to all who followed 
Isaac Sharpless in his work for clean politics, since his 
interests were sufficiently wide to impress the reader of 
his record with his accomplishments in the quiet life 
which sought no lime-light outside the circle of his 
duty. His personality, for this very reason, extended 
his efforts for the realization of his ideals to his col- 
lege, his neighborhood and his country. The mind of 



Isaac Sharpless, 1848-1920. 269 

the man was strictly accountable to a sensitive con- 
science. Duty and not expediency always detennined 
his course, and the historj^ of Quakerism and of his 
State will be the poorer for his loss. Though he had 
been appointed as one of the Commission, upon the 
revision of the Constitution of Pennsylvania, the con- 
dition of his health did not permit him to ser\'e. His 
death occurred at his home at Haverford, January 16th, 
1920, intennent being made at Haverford Friends' 
Meeting House. {Bulletin of Friends' Historical So- 
ciety of Philadelphia, May 1920.] 



270 Thomas Rodney. 



THOMAS RODNEY. 

BY SIMON GRAtZ, ESQ. 
(•Continued from page 189.) 
Thomas Rodney to Ccpsar A. Rodney. 
Town of Washington M. T. Jan^ 4*^ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

We had a busy scene at the Land office the two last 
weeks in December; The Preemption Claimants were 
paying their first Instalment about two thirds of them 
paid up; the other third could not raise the Money — 
Congress Indeed fixed on an Improper time for this 
Country it was before they could git their Crops to 
Market— If the first of April Instead of the first of 
Jan'', had been fixed there would have been but few de- 
ficient; but as it was, some could not git any part of 
their money, others came with half, or two thirds, but 
nothing less than the whole could be received, so that 
they had to return home many of them in great dread 
& distress for fear of Losing their Land and Improve- 
ments—But I trust Congress will have Justice and 
Humanity Enough to give them a further day of pay- 
ment — Sure I am it will be Injurious to this Countiy 
not to do so — I purchased some time ago a small Lot 
in this town which is to be my Clover Lot. I have also 
purchased a Lot of 26 acres at the Walnut hills. In- 
cluding the highest hill near that Place (It is said to be 
200, feet higher than any other Land there, and aifords 
a Prospect of the River and the whole Country round) 
with a road from thence down to the Great Fishing 
Lake where the trout, Barr-fish or Eock, and soft shell 
Turtle, also large fresh-water Lobsters, are very plenty 
— any quantity of Trout may be taken with the Hook 
& line, hundreds may be caught in a few hours— some 



Thomas Rodney. 271 

weighing 6'^' These are Excellent Fish and the Bar- 
fish are Equal to the Pond Rock — Large Sunfish are 
also plenty there. Ajacent to this Lot I have purchased 
a tract of 370, acres, the Chief growth on which is Cane, 
walnut & Poplar, and the Dark soil is said to he five 
feet Deep all over it ; yet it is highland with one Spring 
on it, nearly sufficient to turn a mill. Those who live 
there say it is worth ten doP p acre at this time — The 
Latter tract was a Preemption Claim which the Claim- 
ant not being able or willing to pay for, transferred to 
me as a Present and I i3aid the Instalment and shall 
go up there this winter to fix a Tenant upon it — to Im- 
prove it — The Yazoo Enters the Misisipi a few Miles 
above the Walnut Hills, and there is a Byo out of the 
Great Fishing Lake into it — There is Vacant Land all 
round mine, Except on one End also back to the Indian 
line; and all of it Very rich — all our Society here of 
Officers, mean to purchase up there as far as our ]\Ioney 
will Enable us — and as soon as the office is open for the 
Sale of Vacant Land that part will be settled — and 
when we get the Indian Country above to the Tennessee 
line the Walnut hills will be the seat of Government for 
this Territory they being about Midway on the Eiver 
&''. — The story of Burr grows more feeble It was not 
true that he was at Nashville on the 18"" of last month 
— Nor have we heard from Gen'. Wilkinson since I 
wrote by last mail — The Project that Lumed so large 
lately begins generally to be viewed with Contempt in 
the West — but however It may turn out at last, there 
must be an Eclarcesement between Burr and Wilkin- 
son — This will probably reveal the project whatever it 
was — The two last mails are due from the Federal 
City — \\Q: have got nothing from there later than the 
17*'' of Nov.' tho we Expected the Presidents Message 
by the Mail before last — My barrel of grass Seeds &^ 
got home last week — 

On New Years day I left my office in which I have 



272 Thomas Rodney. 

lodged for near two years past and moved to a genteel 
Boarding House just set up by the widow of a young 
officer who lately Died at Nachitachez — M^ Shields and 
M'. Grayson Clerk of the Supreme Court Board at the 
same House and all the rest of our young officers will 
probably soon follow us, as they have to be where I 
am. but when the Board rises — I shall move out of 
Town where Boarding is much Cheaper — Col. Ellis, 
Col. Ozmun, Col. Claibourne, have each solicited me to 
live with them and each of them have offered me a 
room «S:c.&c. I probably prefer Col. Ellis 's because only 
a mile from town & M". Ellis is a very fine woman so 
indeed is ]\I'■^ Claiborne, Col. Ozmun is not Married — 
Several others have made like offers but who live too 
distant from the Seat of business. 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcEsar A. Rodney. 

M. T. Town of Washington Jan^ 2V\ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

Two mails from the Eastward of Nashville are due 
here now we have received nothing since the Presidents 
Message to Congress, so that we Know not yet what the 
sense of Congress is respecting our business with 
Spain — The Chief anxiety here is on that subject — It 
is the only one that can much Interest this part of the 
Country Except as to Land Claims, and this is but a 
minor subject at Congress — Since the Courts have been 
over I have been close at the Board and the further 
we advance in the business the more inappropriate we 
find the Land Law. It is indeed one of the most Cruid 
and inappropriate Laws that ever was applied to so 
important a Subject — The Expense and Difficulties it 
occasions are great and will in the End when the Board 
has done the best in their power be Injurious to many 
in the first Instance and leave many others subject to 
Law Suits, great Expense and Ultimately Loss of their 



Thomas Rodney. 273 

proper!}' and Labor &°. and as all the Claims are to l)o 
surveyed, and all the Country beside to be laid out in 
Townshij^s and Sections the Surveying will Cost @ 4 
dollars a mile, a vast sum of money — This gingerbread 
Kind of Nicety Costs U. S. unnecessarily a great deal 
of money when the Country would have been quicker 
settled and more Contentedly without any of that Ex- 
pense. If they had opened a Land Office at once and 
sold of the Vacant Lands as applied for and Left all 
old titles to have been Settled by Law as they must 
ultimately be as it is — So that the Present plan is not 
only Expensive but will produce great Injury — Yet it 
seems it is to Extend to all parts of the Western 
Comitry — But the best way would be to open their 
Land offices at once and leave it to the applicants or 
purchasers to find out the Vacant Land they Chose to 
apply for and leave the Eisk on themselves — Then the 
Vacant Lands would produce great profit to the United 
States with little Expense — The Government can have 
no Idea of the trouble and Difficulties we have had in 
the business here till our works are Returned to them — 
It is a business Indeed that has worried out the People 
as well as the Commissioners — They are in fact so tired 
of it that they have grown Indifferent about bringing 
in their Title papers or Testimony — which greatly Im- 
pedes our progress — I continue in good health and it 
is generally healthy here — Doct^ Jo. ]\PCrery has set 
off to Orleans to go round by sea to Delaware — And'. 
his brother is Married and Lives in Natchez — Shields 
continues well and his practice is increasing; Give my 
love to Susan and the Children. The pamphlets you 
promised have not reached me yet. 

Your affectionate father 

Thomas Rodney. 
P. S. we had an account last week of a great firing and 
and Cannonade at Mobile by a gentleman from South 
Carolina who Came the Sea road, but the Mail from 

Vol. XLIV.— 18 



274 Thomas Rodney. 

Tombigbee arrived since and bro'. no account of it — 
so that it is not now Credited — but it was Conjectured 
at first that the Brittish or some of our armed Vessels 
had attacked the Spanish Fort there ; in which there is 
only 240 or 50 men— most of the Settlers of West 
Florida are Americans so that when attacked it will be 
Easily taken, but as yet all is quiet between this and 
Orleans, 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of "Washington Misisipi Territory 
- . April 8^^ 1806. 

My dear Son, 

By last mail I transmitted to you a draft on the 
Treasury of the U. States for 500, doP. and now inclose 
for you a Duplicate of that draft — we have nothing 
from the Westward since my last letter and Everything 
now from the Gen'. Government argues only Peace and 
Negociation with Spain. I suppose this is on the Mer- 
chantile Principle of purchasing what we have hitherto 
Claimed This Principle tends to Confirm all those vast 
Speculations and Grants made by the Spaniards be- 
tween the Cession to France & that to the U. S. 

There seems Little doubt that, Most if not all the 
Lands included in the Ceded Country of any Value were 
granted previous to the Cession to the U. S. to the fav- 
orites of the Spanish Officers — or those who would give 
them most money. It appears to me it would be better 
to leave our Claims undetermined till we could make 
good than to Confirm all those Speculations by purchase 
which would be acknowledging the Spanish title. 

I Continue in my usual health, and after this week 
shall be on the Circuit for 4 weeks Li which I shall be 
Alone Judge Matthew being removed to Orleans & 
Judge Bruin seldom attends the Court, being great part 
of his time unable to ride abroad. 

Y^ affect", father 
Thomas Rodney 



Thomas Rodney. 275 

N. B. one hundred Dollars out of the five hundred are 
to be paid by you to John Fisher Esq'., Dover — 

Thomas Rodney to Casar A. Rodney. 

M. T. Town of Washington April 30''* 1806 
My dear Son, 

M^ Williams the Gov^ has gone to N. C. for his 
family, and our new Secretaiy has not arrived yet, and 
my new Colleag-ue Judge Matthews is Removed to Or- 
leans so that I have to Ride the Circuit alone and have 
to Set off to the hights to Morrow — all is Peace and 
quiet in the west, nothing is Expected now in this 
quarter but another purchase. 

My draft rejected by Gallatin was returned yesterday 
with an addition of 108. DoP, Costs and Charges — If 
he deals with all the other officers of Government as he 
does with those in this quart^ he must allways have a 
vast Sum of their money in his hands for speculation — 
For speculation seems to be the order of the day — and 
I fear the P. is surrounded and Imbarrassed by those 
Kinds of Gentry' — but things will have their Course. 
The field is wide and overuling Circumstances will pre- 
vail I continue to Enjoy my usual health — give my 
love to Susan & the Children — I have not heard from 
any of my friends for a Month past or more past — 

Your affect^ father 
Thomas Rodney. 
P. S. a very Unfortunate Circumstance happened here 
while I was at Court A quarrel happened at the Post 
office between the Post Rider and the Postmaster. ^P. 
Winston the Governors brother in Law, and the Rider 
being very Insolent Winston struck him with a whip 
whereui^on the Rider Instantly stabed him with a long 
Knife — It was at first thought mortal but he is now 
Recovering — The Rider was Siezed and sent to the 
Court & was immediately Indicated & tried, Convicted 
and sentenced to six months Imprisonment. 

T. R. 



276 Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcEsar A. Rodney. 

M. T. Town of Washington May 14*'' 1806. 
My dear Son, 

On my return from the Circuit Court at the hights 
held for the County of Wilkinson I received jomy Letter 
of the &'^ Ult. and am greatly pleased to hear your 
family and Fisher's are well and that your business is 
beginning to flow again and I am well Pleased to hear 
that Doct". Ham has Escaped so well out of the hands 
of his Persecutors — The Doct". is an Earnest and active 
Partizan but he Informs me he is werey of his Situa- 
tion and means to move to the New Country some where 
— I am glad to hear that Docf. M'^Crery has arrived 
safe — as the Doct^ has been long in this Country he 
can give you a full and satisfactory account of it — ^he 
promised to write to me soon after his arrival but I 
have not heard from him yet — his brother and Scipe 
seem to have the great run of practice since he left here 
tho I cannot say it has been sickly. Yet I fear it will be 
on account of the Misisipi not over flowing its banks 
this Season, a Circumstance never Eemembered before 
by the oldest Inhabitant of this Country and in Coun- 
tries annually overflo^vn it is apt to be sickly when they 
happen not to be so, yet I never Enjoyed better health 
and Indeed it is generally healthy about Washington. 
I had to traverse the last Circuit alone, Judge Matthews 
being transferred to Orleans and Judge Bruin not being 
able to turn out — but I had a pleasant time below. We 
got Plenty of fine Fish and soft shell Turtle— We have 
three Kinds of very fine Fish, trout barfish & gasper- 
goo — The trout is hardly inferior to those of Delaware 
— the barfish are much like our finest Perch or rather 
between Rock and Perch and the soft shell Turtles is 
hardly inferior to our terrapins — but it is seldom these 
kinds of fish fall in my way so that I had rare Feasting 
at Capt°. Collins 's and Col. Ellis's— and now the Col. 



Thomas Rodney. 277 

is in mind I must mention to you that lie wants Harness 
for four Horses witli bis Coach, and a proper Coach 
whip for the Driver, and Indeed If you Could procure 
a good Driver to come he would have a fine berth with 
the Colonel — I write thus Expecting you have Received 
a fonner Letter on this Subject but will now mention 
again that I wrote to AYebb at Wilmington to make the 
Col. a Coach, to be made of the best Materials, with 
Plated Harness and the whole to be Finished off in the 
most Elegant and fashionable manner but have never 
heard from him on this Subject — and have since wrote 
to you to attend to it and If he could not make it to get 
such an one made for the Colonel in Philad^. — and 
sent round by way of Orleans — and he has bought his 
Horses and Expects it round this Fall — The money for 
it will be Transmitted at any time when Requested — 
The Colonel is one of our most wealthy Citizens — his 
Cotton Crop generally sells for ten thousand Dollars 
a year — I have a request too for Susan to Execute — 
The Inhabitants here are Extremely bad off for Female 
Schools — and M^ A. Green one of our wealthy Planters 
who has six or seven Little daughters to Educate, de- 
sired me to Endeavor to procure a Female Mistress, 
Capable of teaching them, from Philad^. if Possible — 
That If such an one Can be had, If a Single Woman, he 
will board her in his own House (which is one of the 
best in the Territory) and will give her five hundred 
Dollars a year and allow her to teach as many more 
Young Ladies as would be reasonable for her to take — 
Indeed an accomplished Lady well Calculated to Keep 
a boarding School, and of teaching young Ladies is in 
very great demand here — if such an one can be Induced 
to come, there is no doubt of her success, and I am sure 
there must be plenty of such in Philad*. but she must be 
Competent to teach Reading writing & c}-phering as 
well as Needlework — A Drawing Master also would find 
full Employment here — The Planters are Rich, have 



278 Thomas Rodney. 

large Families, and are Very desirous of Educating 
their Children in the best Manner — 

Our Land business goes on slowly we are obliged to 
wait for the Surveyors but I hope we shall finish by 
December at farthest — Gov'. Williams, has gone to N. 
Carolina for his family — and there is only the Register 
and myself left but we can go on with it and after the 
Supreme Court is over I shall have Nothing Else to do 
till the Fall, only out door Court business. The draft 
Gallatin Protested was returned to me with $108, cost 
and Charges on it — This is a new Economical way of 
paying Public Compensation for Services — It looks to 
me more like Swindling — and such Conduct must in the 
End greatly Imbarrass Government. The President is 
unfortunate too, or is very much Imposed on in his 
appointments in the west An agent and one of the 
Commissioners appointed on the other side the River 
(where all appointments ought to be particularly dis- 
creet) are said to be mere Sots and unfit for any such 
business — His Gov", too have been greatly Complained 
off both here and at Orleans — They are Considered as 
young men without Experience in State affairs, & there- 
fore However well meaning have not had the good for- 
tune to Please the People, but as I do not Concern in 
Politics here I only mention this to you — I leave the 
Government to proceed in its own way, but such mis- 
takes fall at the door of the President which I am sorry 
for, as no doubt they Come through the hands of the 
speculative band that surrounds him and I fear in the 
End will render his reign unpopular — Certain it is, he 
is some how or other often mislead. 

The mildness with which he wishes to govern invites 
Imposition, Mildness and Energy should alway go hand 
in hand in governing. — The vavering Variety of Senti- 
ment that has ruled Congress results in applying 2 
millions to Purchase the Floridas and in a fruitless 
attempt to check the Maritime Conduct of G. Brittain. 



Thomas Rodney. 279 

It will cease of Course with the war, but while her 
Existence is threatened by Bonaparte Nothing we can 
do will prevent her guarding that by everything slie 
can do to Injure & Enfeble France — Never the less a 
strong Remonstrance ag'. her Conduct and Demand of 
Satisfaction would have been right ; but shall we Cut 
down our fruit tree because she Picks a few Pairs from 
it to prevent her doing the like again Such Police is 
not the best— Randolphs Jud\ was better his Integrity 
and Independence of Spirit almost direct him as wis- 
dom w^. do, with respect to him I am only sorry that 
he diviates in some degree from that Decorous guard 
which Every person ought to have over their Conduct 
& lang-uage in Congress for whatever Excuse may be 
given for Indecorous personal Invective the Dignity of 
the Nation requires that on that Floor they should al- 
ways be guarded with that Decent Chastness of Expres- 
sion which is not invidious however severe — Satire or 
Censure in a place like that should always be chaste and 
without a Shade of Scurrility— Overlooking this Shade 
his speeches are admirable and not only tend to wisdom 
but to check that host of speculation which threatens 
ruin to the Country by Subverting its Patriotism and 
Virtue. 

The People of this Territory are greatly Mortified at 
the Little attention Congress has paid to their Me- 
morial & Representations. Certainly this Territory is 
the only Post in the western Country which could make 
an effective Stand against an Invading powerful 
Enemy and therefore deserves for their own sakes the 
utmost Care and attention of the United States. It is 
formidable by its Situation and Seite being a hilly 
broken Countiy, and is Respectable by Encluding a 
great number of old Experienced officers, unnoticed 
however by our Government while mere Children from 
abroad are sent to rule over them, but Enough of Poli- 
tics—Give my love to Susan & the children Adieu- 
Thomas Rodney. 



280 Thomas Rodney. 

N. B. do not forgit to attend To Col. Ellis's Coacli— 
and Let it be of the best Materials and as Elegant and 
Fashionable as it can be made. 

I see by a bill which has passed the House of Repre- 
sentatives that they mean to give us nothing for our 
Services at the Board during the Months of December, 
January, February & IMarch last past— can they sup- 
pose we live here without Expense? as well as work for 
Nothing? has this any Example Elsewhere? 

Thomas Rodneij to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. July 14"^. 1806. 
My dear Son, 

Being at Natchez a few days ago I heard there was 
a Boat Load of large bones at the River «fc went Down 
to View them— They were packed up in a number of 
boxes, and when Examined I found they belonged to 
different animals, but most of them to the Elephant or 
Wild Boar but he had no grinders of the Elephant Kind 
so large as some I had seen before— but the jaw or 
grinding teeth of the wild Boar were rather larger than 
those I had seen before which I formerly described to 
you ; he had also a tusk which it is said when Intire was 
sixteen feet long «& weighed 150'*'^ but altho this was a 
foot longer than the one found at the highland Creek 
it Did not weigh so much for that weighed 172"'. Yet 
in all probability this was the fellow to that and be- 
longed, to the same Creature, for this was thicker as 
well as longer but in part was more decayed which 
made it lighter— The bones of these two Kinds of ani- 
mals are Easily distinguishable by their nature and 
Size but he had horns of some Kinds of animals not 
hitherto mention^ by any Naturalist— They seem to 
have been of the Cow or Bufflo Kind— Some of those 
horns were five or six feet long others shorter, and some 
of the shorter ones were veiy strong and Flattish one 
way all the Rest were round like Cow horns and formed 



Thomas Rodney. 281 

differently in the bend of them seeming to vary in that 
respect as the Horns of Cows do — They were Evidently 
not Buffalo horns because they are all short and 
stubbed, whereas these of one Kind were very long in 
proportion to their thickness Still however no Idea can 
be formed of the Size of the Creature by the horns as 
some Small Cows have very long horns — However my 
Idea of them is that the Creature was large & that it 
probably was the Face of one of those animals I saw 
at the big borne lick which measured three feet four 
Inches a Cross the forehead — He said he had the head 
of one of the large Animals Complete but It was late 
and I had not time to view it — He said also that the 
bones of the largest animals he had when put together 
would make a skelleton sixty feet long & thirty feet 
high but I saw no specimens that bespoke that size — 
He said also that this larger Animal was Carnivorous 
& undertook to shew one of his Monstrous Claws but the 
bones he produced as Such Evidently belonged to the 
foot of the wild Boar which I believe was the largest 
animal of this Country — and the Hog Kind Indeed are 
Calculated by Nature to sustain a larger bulk than any 
other animal in a Northern Hemisphere because all 
things are food for them. Animals and Vegetables 
Roots and Nuts &c — The Man who has Collected these 
bones seems well Suted to such business but not so well 
to judge of them for he seems to have wild and novel 
Notions about them — They are however great Curi- 
osities — and serve to shew that many Kinds of animals 
that have Existed in the World have Perished & Es- 
pecially of the larger Kinds — This has been the Case 
with the Giants also among men — They have become 
Extinct — However I am inclined to believe that the 
Calamity which swept off all the larger animals of this 
Countiy also swept off many smaller kinds and also the 
Aboriginies or first race of men in our Northern Hem- 
isphere, for the mounds we find in the western Country 



282 Thomas Rodney. 

Evidently belonged to them as none of the Indian tribes 
bury their dead in that way— Apropos, a few days ago 
two Indians were Killed near Natchez they Frequent 
that City to sell their Peltry & git Whisky— two of them 
had quarreled and fought some time ago & one of them 
had one of his fingers bit so bad that it gave him great 
pain & he could not Cure it so that he was disabled from 
being a Warrior— and when they met again he told the 
other who had bit him that as he had begun to Kill 
him he must Kill him quite— the other reluctantly 
agreed to do it and they met by agreement in Col. 
Geraults Lane— The one who was to die went unarmed 
and had his wife and son with him who Endeavoured 
to prevail on him not to die, but he scouted them and 
said he must die— The other came into the lane meeting 
him with his rifle in his hand and a bottle of whisky— 
When they got near the one that was to die Presented 
his bosom; the other took a drink of whisky then Pre- 
sented his Eifle and shot him through the breast— he 
died Instantly The other drank the rest of his W^hislcy 
then loaded his Rifle again and handed it to the son of 
the one he had Killed & then Presinted his own bosom 
to him and the son shot him dead— Then all the Indians 
Present buried them each near where he was Killed and 
then Cried over them. Thus it appears an Indian 
Warrior prefers death to living maimed. 

Yours of the 2\ of June Came to hand by the Last 
Mail — I am very glad to hear you are all well — People 
of Fortune are Flocking fast to this Country— but as 
Lands are selling Qieaper in the Floridas Many go 
there to Settle but in Expectation they will soon belong 
to America. Gov^ Claiborne is to be married shortly 
to a Tuckapan girl of the Name of Duval, Daughter of 
a Frenchman— & she is said to be young and Very Han- 
som—Yet report says, he is gitting more & more un- 
popular there— perhaps an alliance with the French 
may make a Change— It is understood here that Judge 



Thomas Rodney. 283 

Provost has resigned and only Continues to Act till bis 
Place Can be Supplied — No Judge bas been sent here 
yet in tbe Room of Mattbews wbo was removed to Or- 
leans — and as Judge Bniin did not attend we bad no 
Supreme Court — I continue in good bealtb — Give my 
love to Susan & tbe Cbildren. 

God bless you all, adieu, 

Tbomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Aug\ 25"^ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

As tbis is tbe only part of our Country wbere a rup- 
ture with any foreign Nation is likely to take place, I 
bave heretofore from time to time given you informa- 
tion of such Circumstances as have Come to my Knowl- 
edge relative to tbe Conduct of tbe Spaniards and our 
Troops on the Frontier in the west — Since I wrote last, 
a Second Express it is said arrived at Fort Adams 
from Nachitoucbez informing that the Spaniards had 
advanced within 20 miles of that post and that all tbe 
Troops at Fort Adams were Ordered to march to the 
assistance of the Nachitoucbez Garrison which Ex- 
pected to be attacked before they could arrive there — 
Tbe Att''. Gen', who returned from an Orphan's Court 
held last week at tbe bights, Confirms tbis account and 
says that all the Troops were to leave the bights tbe 
day before yesterday — but undoubtedly some must be 
left to take care of three thousand stand of small anns 
& 20 or 30 pieces of Cannon said to be there — Govern, 
will no doubt receive more Correct accounts of these 
Movements from the officers by tbis Mail — Gen'. Wil- 
kinson has not Come down yet — Col. Cusbing who is 
said to be a good officer. Commands at Nacbitouch — 
but bis whole force after being joined by those from 
Fort Adams Will probably not Exceed 6 or 7 hundred 
men & the Spaniards are said to have Nine hundred 



284 Thomas Rodney. 

Horse and 2000, Infantry — to wit 200, Horse in pur- 
sute of Sparkes & Freeman, and 700 approaching 
Nacliitousli and two thousand Infantiy near the Sabine 
Eiver — Of Course if these accounts are true and they 
are determined to retake the Country it would seem 
that our Eegular Force can hardly prevent it without 
uncommon Exertion & Enteiprize and it is said not 
much Aid can be Expected from the Orleans Territory 
Militia — The Militia here are prepairing to be ready 
to turn out but the Governors of this and the Orleans 
Territory are inexperienced in Military^ affairs — and 
under such the military are not apt to act with Confi- 
dence and Spirit & This Territory Contains five Militia 
Regiments, they are all Commanded now by Col. 
Ozmun the Eldest Col. — by the Number of Eegiments 
there ought to be two Brigadier Generals and a Major 
General — These are in the appointment of the Presi- 
dent, and Indeed ought to have been appointed long 
ago — Each County forms a Regiment — Col. Ozmun 
being put in Command and Residing in Adams and also 
living an old Revolutionary officer ought to be 
first Brigadier — and Major Wooldridge of Claiborne 
County being the only officer of Military Experience in 
the two uper Counties, might answer for second Briga- 
dier — tho ]\rajor F. L. Claiborn of this (Adams) 
County if he lived in that district perhaps ought to be 
preferred and If the Government thought proper I 
would accept the [torn] of Major General, and this 
I believe not an officer or Soldier in this Territory 
would object to but they would rather rejoice in such 
an appointment most of them having ExjDressed their 
Wishes if there should be a war here that I may Com- 
mand them — Yet I am not fond of Commanding 
Militia in actual Service and [if] we should have a 
war would prefer being in the Regular army — but shall 
not solicit one or the other. 

Thomas Rodney. 

(To be continued.) 



Notes and Queries. 285 



NOTES AND QUEKIES. 

motes. 

Letteb of Jajies Buchanan to Conner Cl.\rk, ]\rEADviLXE, Penna. 

Cincinnati, 26'" Feby 1S24. 
Mr. C. Clark. 

Dear Sir 

When I left Jleadville I expected to liaAe been back before this, 
but could not for several reasons. I presume no advantage can be taken 
of my absence, with respect to my suit — It is the farthest from my 
intentions to give Major Herriott an opportunity of injuring my 
Security. M''. Atkinson told me the evening before I left home, that 
there would be no necessity for my presence at Meadville before ^lay 
Court, and probably not then. I cannot get home before April — but 
shall be there as early in that month as possible. I have met with 
two or three gentlemen here wliose evidence will be material in my suit, 
and have written to !^I^ Seldon to send me a rule of Court to take their 
Depositions in legal form — I hope he will not neglect this — as it is 
that business only that detains me here. 

Respecting your acct'. I can give you no agreeable information. I 
have inquired at the Mayor's Office, and of many persons whom I 
thought well acquainted in this city, but can get no intelligence what- 
ever of either Youngs. Stedham or Bacon — Thomas Rodgers is on sume 
Steam Boat that runs to Nashville, or on the ilississippi — I could learn 
nothing further about him, more than that he is able to pay if he 
can be found. The name of the Steam Boat I could not learn. I will 
inquire still further about these gentlemen — and may possibly find some 
of them before I return. If not, will leave their acct'*. with Robert, 
according to your directions. He says he will do all in his power to 
collect them if he can hear of the persons. 

I have been doing nothing since my arrival here. An easy but 
unprofitable employment. At another Season I presume I could get 
business enough — but the Winter is always the dull Season in Cincin- 
nati — and the people are now generally crjing out "lazy times." Be 
that as it will, however, and prejudices aside, give me Old M^adville for 
a place of residence — There a person can enjoy hospitable friendsliip, 
without formality — and it has always been the first wish of my heart 
to have some permanent situation there by which I could gain a decent 
living, and settle myself for life. In that case, I should never desire 
to set my foot out of Crawford County again. But there is no use 
in wishing — You know the vulgar proverV— Neither is there any use 
in Complaining — therefore I must be content. 

I am very anxious to hear who Gov. Shulze has made our Prothono- 
tary — I.owry I am in hopes. If not, d — n Shulze for a Dutchman. 

Robert sends his best respects to you — and says he is in hopes of 
seeing all his Mead%ille friends some time. Present my Compliments 
to M". Clark — to her I owe every feeling of good will that hospitiility 
and Kindness can claim. I am not good at making acknowiedgements, 
but can feel as grateful as another. 

In hopes to see you shortly, believe me, dear Sir, 

Most Sincerely Y^our Friend, 

Jas. Buchanan. 

Forgive my hasty scrawl — Remember me to LowTy. 



286 Notes and Queries. 

LmxB OF Db. William Shippen to His Brotheb, Judge Edward 
Shippen of Lancaster, Penna. 

July 27th 1776 

Mv dear Brother, , ^ , j. . 

I WR8 at Princeton when your note of 22nd July came to town. 
Billv received it and gave the necessary directions. We have nothing 
ne\r from N. Y. of much importance, now and then a small skirmish 
between tlie Troops from different shores. Lord Howe's fleet not yet 
arrived. Our Troops swarm from every quarter, and are very impatient 
to be at them — but the General has prudence enough to keep them 
from running into imminent danger of every kind. I give you joy of 
the late declaration of Independence and it will now give not only more 
union but more force to the measures of defense while they may be 
necessary, for all the while it was delayed there was some danger 
(notwithstanding almost every province has shown great zeal for the 
common interest) that some "unhappy circumstance might turn up & 
through human weakness or passion prevent the finishing so desirable 
an event in which we now have in our power what never happened to 
any people l>efore in the world, I mean an opportunity of forming a 
plan of Government upon the most just, rational, equal principles; not 
ex{>o!«ed as others have heretofore been to caprice or accident or the 
ijtlhitiico of some mad conqueror or prevailing parties or factions of 
men but full power to settle our Government from the very foundation 
'•de novo" by deliberate council directed solely to the publick good, with 
wiodom impartiality & disinterestedness having before us the experience 
of past ages, pointing out clearly the adA-antages and disadvantages of 
alt former governments to assist us in our choice of each particular, & 
then we may look forward (Latin Quotation) to a more flourishing 
country than ever we have had, & I think in a short time may estab- 
lisli a' more mutual & lasting peace with Britain than ever as they 
may be sure of our trade if they treat us as well as others & if not, 
they dont deserve it. I dont wonder to see more of our Friends offended 
4 full of resentment upon the change who have heretofore been at ye 
head of affairs, in short have in many instances behaved as though 
they thought they had a sort of fee simple in them and might dispose 
of all places of Honour and Profit as pleased them best now to be 
ousted or at least brought down to a level with their fellow citizens. 

My love to my Sister, Sally Yeates &, Miss Patty & to cousin Sally 
Byrd when you see her 

Yours loving Brother 

Wm. Shippen 
Sukey desires me when I write to send 
her kind love to her Uncle and Aunt 

Life and Services of Colonex Henry Boqxtet. By Hon. Edward F. 
Rnbbins. An address delivered before the Historical Society of Western 
Pennsylvania, in February of 1918, and printed in the July 1920 number 
of the Magazine of the Society. It is the best compiled biography of 
that distinguished soldier, whose victory at Bushy Run, one of the 
best contested actions ever fought between white men and Indians, 
established the dominion of England permanently throughout Western 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, and resulted in a peace with 
the Indians in league with Pontiac. 

Col. Ephbaim Martin, Fourth New Jersey, Continental Line. — 
Dr. Edmund J. James, who wrote the memoir of Col. Martin, Penn- 
*yh^nia ifagazine of History and Biography, Vol. xxxvi, p. 143 et seq., 
►ends the following extracts from a letter from the Adjutant General's 
Department, Washington, D. C: 



Notes and Queries. 287 

"The records also show that Ephraim iMartin served in that war as 
Colonel of the 4th New Jersey Regiment (established 1776-1779) which 
regiment for a time was in General Maxwell's brigade. He was ap- 
pointed as such November 23, 1777, and was reported on a Pav 
Abstract for January 1779: supernumerary 11 February; which is under- 
stood to mean that he was honorably discharged Februarv 11 1779" 

Since Dr. James MTote the memoir, the Historical Socie'tv of Penn- 
sylvania has purchased Col. Martin's copy of the interestin'o' letter he 
wrote to Gen. Washington, which follows: ° 

_,. Springfield June 25»'' 80 

bir, 

I think it my duty to acquaint vour Excellency with the state of 
facts respecting Ab™. Veel now in provost for harbouring & encourao-ing 
those spies who were executed. Xo man in the world'' is more avT-r^e 
to schreening the guilty, & I think it equallv mv dutv to assist in 
relieving the innocent. I have long been acquainted with Veel: his 
character has always been that of an inoffensive, peacable man. I "have 
taken the utmost pains to investigate the matter & I assure your 
Excellency, that in my most candid opinion, he is not the guilty person. 
I am on the track of the facts & hope very soon to unmask the whole 
affair. At present I am well convine'd that a certain Jos: Shadwcll, 
a relation of Veel's wife introduced the spies to his barn contrary to 
the knowledge of said Veel, but perhaps not without the knowledo^c of 
his wife. 

Should not your Excellency think proper to dismiss Veel altoo'ether 
from this representation I will be responsable for his appearance at 
any future day, if suspicions continue against him & I request that for 
the present, he may be permited to return to his family. 

I have explained the matter much more fully to Maf Gen: Greene & 
Lord Stirling, whom I beg leave to refer your Excellency for further 
satisfaction on the head. 

I am, with the highest esteem & respect 

Your Excellency's most obedient 

and very humble servant 

Eph: Martin 

FiSHixs BuBiED AT THE RoTH Chubch, near Spring Grove and La 
iiotte lork County, Penna. This church, also kno\vii as Trinity Re- 
formed Church, is one hundred and thirty-five vears old, and it is as- 
serted that some twenty years ago the Church Board ordered the 
destruction of their records. In addition to the Fishels, a great many 
of the following families are buried in its cemetery: Roth, Wiest, 
Spangler, Stover, Miller, and Stambaugh. 

Fbank L. Cboxe. 
Fishels, 

Daniel, died Sept. 16, 1899, age SO years, 9 months, and 2 days, 
(•Father of Samuel Fissel who lives at LaBotte.) 

George, died Feb. 7, 1904, age 74 vears, 6 months, and 22 days. 

Iranklin, son of George and Saretta, died June 4, 1898, age 28 
years, 9 months, and 27 days. 

Alexander, died July 27,"^1915, age 60 (?), 

Sarah, wife of Alexander, died Jan. 11, 1896, age 21 years, 8 months, 
and 21 days. ' » & j . 

George W., died May 29, 1910, age 56 years, 9 months, 29 days. 

Amanda S., wife of George, died April 2, 1879, age 24 years, 5 months, 
and 4 days. 

Michael S., died July 12, 1878, age 37 years, 6 months, and 16 days. 

Sarah, wife of George, died Jan. 1, 1875, age 79 years, 6 months, and 
26 days. 



288 Notes and Queries. 

Anne M., daughter Alexander and Sarah, died April 12, 1875, age 
16 years, 1 month, and 21 days. 

Catherine, died Oct. 15, 1891, age 71 years, 3 months, and 15 days. 

Zachariah, died June 4, 1908, age 80 years, 5 months, and 18 days. 

John, died March 5, 1866. age 71 years, 7 months, and 1 day. 

Mary M., died July 15, 1874, age 78 years, 11 months, and 20 days. 

Infant son of Michael and Mary, died Nov. 27, 1866. 

Christina, wife of Henrv, died June 7, 1846, age 68 years. 

Sarah, wife of Samuel, Aug. 15, 1827— Sept. 5, 1869. 

John Henrich, Sept. 16, 17G6, Jan. 5, 1830. 

Johannes, June 14, 1791, April 24, 1814. 

Michael, Feb. 11, 1770— Nov. 30, 1815. 

Magdalena, wife of Michael, Nov. 10, 1775— Dec. 20, 1841, 

Anna Barbara, Mav 13, 1704, April 3, 1823. 

Daniel, April 10, 1797— Mav 18, 1831. 

Margaret, June 16, 1806 — Nov. 29, 1830. 

Leah, died Jan. 4, 182G, age 13 years, 4 months, and 5 days. 

David, March 16, 1807— March 18, 1830. 

George F., died Feb. 22. 1832, age not known. 

Salinda, died Feb. 28, 1832, age 6 mo. 21 days. 

Henrich, Aug. 2, 1793— ^Nlarch 6, 1814. 

Jacob, 1818— Aug. 22, 1823. 

Michael, died March 20, 1864, age 55 years, 9 months, and 8 days. 

Sarah, wife of Michael, died July 30,' 1883, age 70 years, 9 months, 
and 14 days. 

Mary, wife of David, Dec. 28, 1796— Aug. 8, 1872. 

Amanda, daughter of Michael and Sarah, died Aug. 1, 1871, age 
21 years, 6 months, and 4 days. 

Savilla, Daughter Michael, died Oct. 4, 1853, age 17 years, 11 months, 
and 10 days. 

"Hier ruhen die gebeine von Frederich Fishel er trat in diese welt am 
26ten Horning und verlies dicselbe an 27ten Aprill, 1817 seines altes 
30 jahren, 2 monaten, und 1 tag." 

Notice of Death of Josiaii Jones, of Evesham, Burlington Co., 
N. J., 1770. — '"On the 11th Inftant, were interred, in the Quakers Burial 
place, in Evefhain, Burlington County, New Jersey, the Remains of 
Josiah Fost-er, who died at that Place two Days before, in the Eighty- 
eighth Year of his Age. 

Till the Springs of Action wore out by Decay of Time, he was always 
an induftrious Man, ftudying for Quiet, and minding his own Bufinefs, 
and, with the Blefling of Providence, providefl carefully for his Family. 

He was religioufly uniform, and very unexceptionable in his Con- 
duct. — Such the Regularity of his Life, and Temperance, that he never 
took a Vomit or Purge, nor was overcome by ftrong Drink. — Such his 
Humanity that he never fued any Person at Law, nor was ever fued 
himself." 

Penna Gazette, Jany. 18, 1770. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OP 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XLIV. 1920. No. 4. 

THOMAS RODNEY. 

BY SIMON GRATZ, ESQ. 

(Continued from p. 284.) 

Thomas Eodney to Casar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Sept\ 6"^ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

Yesterday dispatchez arrived from Governor Clai- 
borne who was at Nachitochez with more Correct ac- 
counts than we had before. Major King, who went over 
with Gov^ Claiborne also arrived here and Dined with 
me yesterday — The Spaniards, say twelve hundred 
strong, Crossed the Sabine and arrived at the Stoney 
Creek or Bayon Piere French Settlement, about 60 
Miles on this Side the Sabine, and about fifty miles 
from Nachitochez, The Stony Creek falls into Red 
Eiver — Thence they sent on a party within seven miles 
of Nachitochez Some Communications passed between 
Governor Claiborne and the Spanish Commander, and 
then the small party returned to the Main body at the 
French Settlement afs^ where they say they are 
Ordered and Determined to Remain, and are Expects 
reinforcements — This I believe is the same Post from 
AVhence Turner Expelled them— Our whole Force at 

Vol. XLIV.— 19 289 



290 Thomas Rodney. 

Nacliitochez when those from the hights arrive will not 
Exceed 500, men — One Company is left at the hights — 
There are 250, Eegiilars at Orleans, and about 120 at 
Tombigbee — This is the whole of our Regular Force in 
this quarter — The Spainards I believe are weak both 
at Battonrouge & Mobile — But they can be readily re- 
inforced from Pensacola or the Havana. Contrary to 
my last information we are now informed that the old 
French Inhabitants on the other side of the River would 
not turn out against the Spainiards, only the Ameri- 
cans could be prevailed on, but they turned out readily. 
The people of this Territoiy are Spirited and are rais- 
ing Volunteer Companies — This Country is Strong and 
I believe the Inhabitants Could defend it against any 
sudden force the Spaniards can send but the Country 
below is level and open where Horse can act with great 
advantage — and the greater part of the Spanish Forces 
are said to be Cavalry — Yet I am pursuaded that if 
Hostilities were to Commence our Little Force by dint 
of Enterprize and Exertion would be too hard for them 
— but it does not seem likely at Present that Hostilities 
will take place — Col. Cushing does not think his orders 
require or admit his attempting to force the Spaniards 
over the Sabine again, and Indeed If things can be so 
managed correctly it will be best to avoid Hostilities 
till we hear the fate of the Negociations in Europe. 
Our Fall Circuit has already Commenced, so that after 
next Monday week I shall be Engaged at the Courts 
till near Christmas — We are now Issuing Preemption 
Certificates and hope to finish them while Judge Biniin 
attends the Uper Circuit — AVe have a new Judge Com- 
ing to wit Obediah Jones of Georgia — If he arrives in 
time I shall stick to the Board for we have been greatly 
delaid for more than six months for want of the Re- 
turns of Survey to Enable us to State or Regulate Con- 
flictions and are now greatly hurried to git the Pre- 
emptions out in time to prevent Forfeigliture — Judge 



Thomas Rodney, 291 

Provost, of Orleans is removed but we have not heard 
who is appoint, in his place, or whether any body yet — 
The Kentucky Paper stiled the Western World 
Charges him and E. Livingstone among others with 
being Concerned with Wilkinson Burr, J. Brown & 
many others (Concerned in an [torn] one) in a New 
Conspiracy ag\ the Union — This Paper attracts great 
Attention here for many here are acquainted with the 
old Project of the Spaniards &^ but the new one seems 
to be a secret yet — It is said governm\ were fonnerly 
well informed of the old Plan and the leading Persons 
— but if it be true, many wonder why Wilkinson is 
trusted with the Chief Command in this Quarter — One 
of Gen'. Wayne's old Captains informed me that the 
story of Newmans Conduct was stronger against Wil- 
kinson than has yet been related in the Western World 
— This he speaks of his own Knowledge and says the 
Depositions were sent on to government. Even Gen'. 
S. Smith is Implicated in the last paper — on that Sub- 
ject — The Charges are bold and decisive — and if Such 
Plans as sugested be in Embrio, Certainly it behoves 
Government to be Vigilant and Clioice of the high ap- 
pointments they make in this Part of the Union. Wood, 
who wrote the History of Adams' Administration, who 
you may Remember wrote to me about the Author of 
Juniors 's Letters it seems is the Editor of the Western 
World — his abilities are therefore thought equal to the 
task he has Under taken. 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcEsar A. Rodney. 
Town of Washington M. T. Nov^ 21^ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

Your Letter of 27''' of Sepf. came to hand by the 
Mail before last, and by last Mail I received one from 
you and one from Little Eliza, dated the 12"^ of October. 
I had an Account of my Seeds having arrived at Or- 



292 Thomas Rodney. 

leans by a Letter from Major E. C. before your Letter 
came to band — I received a Letter also from Webb tbe 
Carriage Maker and sball attend to wbat you both say 
on that Subject and will write by the next Mail — 

I gave you some hints in my last of a Conspiracy 
that is said to be organizing or Organized in the West- 
ern Country. This Subject is now universally talked 
of here, and the Existance of it almost universally be- 
lieved by all sorts of People — The Design of the Con- 
spiracy is said to be to unite Kentucky, Tennessee 
Louisiana, The Floridas and part at least of Mexico 
into an Independent Empire — and that the Spanish 
Governors of those Provinces are to act. in Concert 
with the Conspirators of our Country to Eifect this 
purjDOse under the Patronage and Protection of J. B. 
And that they Expect a Brittish Fleet to aid them which 
is to arrive at the mouth of the Misisipi within two or 
three months at Farthest — Col: Burr, Gen\ Wilkinson 
and D.. Clarke (the Delegate to Congress from the N. 
0. Territory) are said to be the Leaders of this Con- 
spiracy to separate the Western Country from the 
United States — That Col. B. is building Vessels on the 
Ohio for arming, and that great stores of arms and am- 
munition are Deposited at Orleans for the purpose — 
Such at least is the general belief here — you know that 
I am not Easily Alarmed with Projects or wild adven- 
tures of this Sort — I passed through all the Storms and 
Difficulties of the E evolution and was often surrounded 
with Treason, Conspiracy and Insurrection, without 
dreading either but those around me say I feel too 
secure — That this Conspiracy Presents an awful and 
dangerous aspect. Especially when It is Considered 
that Gen\ W. has all the Publie forces and all the Public 
Stores under his Direction — Aod they say the generals 
ordering all the Troops down to Orleans and requiring 
five hundred Militia from this Territoiy to go there, 
and Sending all the arms and ammunition from Fort 



Thomas Bodney. 293 

Adams without any Evident necessity for such Concen- 
tration of the Force of the Country is strong Evidence 
of some Nefarious Design &°. It is true that such a 
Conspiracy vrithout his Concurrence Could have no 
prospect of Success— Yet it is hard for me to believe 
that an old Eevolutionary soldier now Enjoying the 
highest favor of Government Could Combine in such 
a Plot against the government that Employs him. The 
Impression here, however, is so strong against him that 
I believe if the Militia were ordered out to act under 
him they would refuse to go — Yet no part of the Citi- 
zens of the U. S. Could have acted more promptly or 
with more ardor than those of this Territory did when 
called on to go immediately against the Spaniards. 

A number of the officers of the Regular anny are 
also much dissatisfied with the Generals Conduct 
towards them — Some have resigned and others talk of 
Resigning on that account — Their Resigning is to be 
Commended because it is believed that they are the 
Honest friends of the U. S. and that he Misuses them 
to bring them into his Measures or drive them out of 
the army that he may have none but those with him 
that will Concur in his Measures. If he is honest, he 
has had Experience Enough to know that it is his duty 
to Conduct himself so toward his officers as to Com- 
mand their Respect and Esteem as well as obedience 
and therefore a Contrary Conduct is Construed as 
Inimical. Certainly it would be a Serious thing for 
him to join any such Conspiracy, for whether he suc- 
ceeds or not he will in that Case be Execrated by all 
Mankind — for all Men dispise Traitors — And, such 
Conspirators as these are thought to be. Can have no 
pretext but to aggrandize themselves — The People are 
not suffering under Tyrany or oppression but Enjoying 
the blessings of Peace and happyness, and therefore 
they Cannot Expect them to join in any such desperate 
adventure — So that even if the Gen', is at their head 



294 Thomas Rochiey. 

they can have no rationable prospect of Success — and 
without him none — Yet since such things seem to be in 
Contemplation it is necessary for Government to be 
Vigilant and Active to prevent or suppress the 
mischief. 

Thomas Eodney. 

However willing Great B. may be to promote Discord 
in America, She cannot be in a Situation at this Time 
to break with the U. S. for if they was Cast into the 
Scale with France the Mistress of the Ocean would 
soon sink to Distruction. 

The Gen^ left Natchez yesterday — He resided while 
in this Territory at Major Mura an old Spanish officer 
— and is still thought to be one tho an American — This 
gave the People here great Cause of offence and sus- 
picion ag^ the general — 

Our Secretary is preparing to send on by this Mail 
a full account of this Conspiracy [torn] documents 
tending to Verify it, to government and therefore I 
am less particular than I might be. 

Thomas Rodney to President Jefferson. 

Town of Washington Nov^ 21. 1806. 
Dear Sir, 

The Secretary being about to send Government an 
account of a Project in Agitation in the Western 
Countr}^ to Separate it from the United States, my duty 
and Attachment to the United States and their Govern- 
ment induces me to Inform you as the head of the gov- 
ernment that this project is now Universally & pub- 
licly talked of here. And that it is generally believed 
that Gen^ Wilkinson, Aron Burr, Daniel Clarke (The 
Delegate from the Orleans Territory) and other Con- 
spicuous men in the Western Country are active 
Agents in this Nefarious project — The project is said 
to be a Design to Combine the Western Country includ- 
ing Louisiana, Kentucky and Tennessee, with Florida 



Thomas Rodney. 295 

and Part of Mexico in one Independent Empire; and 
it is said that the Spanish Governors of these Provinces 
are combined in the project and that the Conspirators 
are to be aided and protected by G. Brittain and that 
they Expect a Brittish Fleet in the Gulf within two or 
three months at farthest to act in Conjunction with 
them and If they succeed the Empire thus to be formed 
is to form an Alliance with Great Brittain, and that 
Nation is to Enjoy eveiy reasonable advantage in Com- 
merce with the New Empire — Great store of arms and 
ammunition is said to be Deposited at Orleans for the 
use of the Conspirators and that Col. Burr is building 
gunboats up the Ohio and other Vessels suitable to be 
used on this occasion. These things and the Gen", con- 
duct Immediately after making a temporaiy Peace with 
the Spainards seems to give Suspicion at least of his 
being Concerned in the Conspiracy — Indeed such an 
attempt Could have no prospect of Success without his 
Concurrence— Our weekly Letters from Orleans show 
that Every thing is quiet there yet — The Gen'. Immed- 
iately after Settling Peace with the S — ordered most 
of the Eegular troops down to Orleans and Posted on 
to Natchez and required the Secretary to send 500, of 
the Militia of this territory to Orleans as soon as pos- 
sible, to Continue there three months without any Evi- 
dent Necessity for such a Measure. This being the only 
part of the western Country where the firm friends of 
the United States Could Immediately make any resist- 
ance to the operations of the Conspirators It is be- 
lieved that the Gen\ wanted to have the Militia of this 
Territory in his power, Either to Influence them to act 
with him or at least to prevent their acting against him 
— He has also taken all the arms and ammunition from 
Eort Adams but a very few arms, and a small quantity 
of ammunition as it is said — and when I was there 
lately at the Circuit Court I obseiwed that all the Ar- 
tillery Except a few heavy pieces were taken away. 
Thus I have Presented a view of this project as it ap- 



296 Thomas Rodney. 

pears here — Yet I beg leave to observe that having 
passed through all the Storms and Difficulties of the 
Revolution and having been often surrounded with 
Conspiracy and Insurrection, I am not Easily alarmed, 
but the Information Developing this project daily in- 
creasing and pressing on the mind I am forced to Con- . 
sider it high time for the U. S. to act promptly Vigi- 
lently and energetically on the occasion and that with- 
out such Conduct there is danger of their losing this 
Country— It may be said that G. B. is Treating with 
the U. S. and that if she were not She is not in a situa- 
tion to aid such a project, and that without her aid the 
Conspiracy must Vanish like a dream and the Con- 
spirators Conceal themselves from public view but 
neither the Integrity nor even the Present situation of 
that Nation can be securely relied on in such a Case — 
but you who sit on the hill of Government may see 
farther and Comprehend more than we can here, and 
no doubt will act as you think best and most wise for 
the benefit of the Union. 

It has been hard for me to believe that Gen'. "W. an 
old Eevolutionaiy soldier and now Enjojdng the high- 
est favor of Government would Engage in a Project 
so adverse to the Government he is seiwing and a Pro- 
ject, which whether he succeeds in or not must render 
him Execrable in the View of all mankind, for all man- 
kind Despise traitors — This is not the project of a 
People Laboring under tyranny, but the project of 
Restless Individuals ambitious to aggrandize them- 
selves — With the highest respect — & esteem, I remain 

Your most obedient, 
Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Bodney to Ccesar A. Bodney. 

Town of "Washington M T. Dec. 9'\ 1806. 
My dear Son, 

By a Letter I received from Orleans by the Last 
Mail, from an Old Revolutionary officer I am Informed 



Thomas Rodney. 297 

that Gen\ Wilkinson had arrived there and that all the 
Troops were Expected down there in a Short time, and 
that the Orleans Volunteers were in training Every 
week that the Gen', was busily Engaged in having the 
Fortifications, gun Carriages, and Barracks repaired 
&;^. and he Expresses great Confidence in the General 
upon Eevolutionary Principles, Seeming to think that 
one who had passed through the Revolution and pos- 
sesses his Experience Could not be Induced to Swerve 
from his Duty to his Country. Yet I am Informed by 
some of the Members of the Legislature here, that there 
has been great talk among them, and others out doors, 
of M^ Burrs Projects up the River and his Design of 
Coopperating with Mironda &°. But Notwithstanding 
all the bustle in this quarter with the Spaniards and all 
the talk of Conspiracy — Not a line has arrived from 
Government to the Executive here, or any other officer 
in this territory on that Subject or any other Since the 
bustle Commenced — whether this be the fault of the 
Mail, or whether our Superior Officers have become too 
Elevated to have any Connection or Correspondence 
with the distant officers of Government, or whether they 
have become regardless of these distant parts of our 
Country-, is left to Conjecture — but Certainly it Indi- 
cates a degree of Neglect far from that Vigilance and 
attention which a Republican Government requires — 
and the Territories being more Immediately dependent 
on the General Government than the States themselves, 
require more of its attention, This Inattention has its 
Evil Effect, It Encourages those who Obseiwe it, and 
who are Disposed to pull down the Administration to 
increase and urge their Attacks on One or another, of 
them with more avidity well Knowing that a Govern- 
ment regardless of its Officers and Citizens will not, be 
very warmly Supported by them, because remissness 
in one friend, naturally begets it in another, and how- 
ever desirous of Supporting them, when they Know 



298 Thomas Rodney. 

not what the Administration are Doing, they possess 
not the Necessary Means of doing it — Ajid such is the 
Superior Excellence of Republican Government that 
Inferior Officers have as much right to Judge of the 
Conduct of Superior Officers, as these last have of 
theirs, and the propriety or Impropriety of the Con- 
duct of one or the Other will always have Its Effect if 
Even not a word of Censure passes. 

I have been so much Involved in the business of the 
Court and Land office together that I have not a mo- 
ments time to write but when Everybody Else are 
asleep. 

We have had it very Cold here for two weeks past, 
no doubt quite as Cold as in Delaware, but it altered 
last Evening with a warm rain — William Dunbar Esq^ 
while attending the Supreme Court last week as a 
juror, had his Cotton Ginn, Mill House, Carriage and 
all his out buildings burnt down; with three hundred 
thousand weight of Cotton in the Ginn House — It is 
supposed the Cotton being in the Seed heated and set 
itself on fire— his loss is Estimated at 16,000, or 20,000. 
Dollars — he is however very wealthy as you may see by 
his Crop (for great part of it was not then bro\ in) but 
he has a large family. 

It has been universally and remarkably healthy in all 
this Country this Season — No Country Could be more 
so — My Seeds are on the way from Orleans but have 
not arrived yet — M^ Poindexter called on me a few 
days ago & Informed me he had not yet sent on Webbs 
Money but that they had sold their Cotton and as soon 
as he could possibly procure a bill he would put it in my 
hands to be transmitted to Webb — I have been very un- 
easy at his being disappointed so long — Col. Ellis I 
trust has sent his on — his Carriage had not arrived at 
Orleans ten days ago & I fear it will be in some of the 
winter storms on the Coast — 

Give my love to Susan & the Children — 

Thomas Eodney. 



Tho7nas Rodney. 299 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington Feb^ [?] 1807 
My dear Son 

You will no doubt be anxious to Know what has be- 
come of Col. Burr &^&^ He Su[b]mitted to the Civil 
Authority and Came before Me and gave Bail for his 
app^ at Court — The Court met on Monday the Second 
of this Instant and adjourned over to next day when a 
Grandjury Was Impannelled and Charged by Myself — 
The AW. General Poindexter said on Viewing all the 
Depositions there was Nothing to found a bill on — and 
also thought that if there was It would be Useless, as 
the proceedings might be reversed on a writ of Error 
as he Conceived the Supreme Court here did not possess 
Federal Jurisdiction under the act of Congress k". — 
M'. Burr himself rose and acknowledged the Jurisdic- 
tion and the Court had no doubt on this question — 
Nevertheless the Atty. General Declined to send any 
bill to the Grand Jury, and then the Court ordered the 
Witnesses Sworn and Sent to them — The Jury Re- 
turned ui the afternoon with a presentm't acquiting 
M^ Burr — The Witnesses were then dismissed and M\ 
Harding Counsel for Burr solicited that he should be 
discharged from his Eecognizance but as the Court 
were Divided, (Bruin for it, Rodney ag\ it) this was 
denied M'. Burr however went away and did not appear 
again — On the 5^^ I went away to Marry our friend W. 
B. Shields to Victoria Benoith A fine Little girl of 15 
with a Hansome Independent Fortune and Respectable 
Connections We had a Sumptions and pleasant Wed- 
ing and Shields I think has made a happy Match — on 
the Sixth I returned again but the Court Could not sit 
it was so Cold — The Thermometer down to 11. — On the 
1^ Still Cold and we only sat while Col. Burr was Called 
out on his Recognizance, and then adjourned to the 
next term — On the &^ the Governor Issued a Proclama- 



300 Thomas Rodney. 

tion offering $2000 for Retaking Col. Burr — and since 
that the military arrest all his adherents that came 
down with him, about 40, of them are now under guard 
Three in this town — the rest in Natchez as it is said 
but Military Law is not a little Complained off yet on 
the spur of the moment is Submitted to as no formal 
or- Legal application has been made to me. All is 
Military Bustle, and the Constitution and Laws are for- 
got but will no doubt revive again when this "Windy 
Storm blows over — Burr had ten boats, about one hun- 
dred men and not a gun a piece for them — a mighty 
force to Erect a New and Independent Empire It 
seems like a second Edition of the Kemper attempt — 
And Burr only appears the greatest Don quixote of the 
two — The ]\Iountain has surely brought forth a Mouse. 
How many thousand Agents and Emisaries has France 
Spain and England spread over our Country to blow 
up these windy Storms and Confusion in our Country? 
Is it not to frighten us into Discord and Extravagant 
and Unconstitutional Conduct — Will not the arbitrary 
Conduct of our high Officers on the pretext of Support- 
ing Government give the Constitution a more danger- 
ous Shock than Burr or any other Man Could do at the 
head of ten thousand Men in open Rebellion? If Burr 
had gone on he must have shewn in a few days, what 
his aim was — and then, If they were Illegal, would soon 
have been punished, for what would his trifling force 
have availed him? 

Yet I have such Confidence in the Constitution and 
Laws and the Virtue of their real friends that this 
Bustle, however Intended will end in favor of them. 
That it will be an Experiment that will In\dgorate them 
by Calling forth their Strength to Correct Every Viola- 
tion of them — and it will favor this Country by being 
a force to it sufficient to protect it in peace & quiet 
against any such Frivolous Enterprize — Notwithstand- 
ing all the Noise about Col. Burr he does not appear 



Thomas Rodney. 301 

to me to possess a mind in Condition and Competent to 
plan or Execute such an Enterprize as has been talked 
of — his aspect appears that of Distress not one 
prompted by the strong Genius of Certain Success — 

Two of our Gun boats and two Natchez are now in 
the Eiver at Natchez — The Gen'. & Gov^ Claibourne 
have solicited our Governor to send Burr and all his 
Men down to Orleans, and sent a party to take them here 
& cany them down — The Gov", objected to this but has 
ordered parties of Militia out who have arrested most 
of Burrs Men of any account and Keep them under 
guard but whether he will send them off or not I have 
not heard, he is now in Natchez and all Burrs boats have 
been brought down there. I am determined to be firm 
in Maintaining the Constitution and Laws, let who will 
stand or fall by them — I will not deviate Even to please 
the President or any of his officers — The ^Hlitary may 
arrest but they cannot try a citizen. Even when taken 
in arms — and if they transport them from one place to 
another they must do it on their own Eesponsibility, as 
the General has done. But by & by the Constitution 
and Laws will ask them by what Authority this is done! 
Yet if arms are to rule I know my Station — I believe 
that Burr if guilty had better Escape than that the 
Constitution and Laws should be violated by those act- 
ing under them — 12^'' The Gov", discharged the Military 
last night and returned from Natchez and Communi- 
cated to me that he had released Burrs men all but 
Blanerhaset — Floyd & Ralston who he had retained for 
Examination — and Declared his Determination to sup- 
port the Civil Authority according to the Constitution 
and Laws — Col. E who I had lectured for advising arbi- 
trary^ Measures, returned from Natchez this Evening 
and said the Distress he saw Burrs men & their boats 
in there, had Changed his Mind — The Gov', said that a 
boat just arrived at Natchez met Burr going up the 



302 Tliomas Rodney. 

River in a six-oared Barge— This is the last Tidings of 
him — prohably he is aiming for Canada. 
[Not signed] 

Thomas Rodney to Cccsar A. Eodney. 

Town of Washington March VK 1807. 
My dear Son 

Yesterday an Express arrived from Tombigbee with 
a Letter from L\ Gains Infonning that he had arrested 
Col. Burr on the 19''' Ult. and had him in Close Custody 
— Thus it appears he is still witliin this territory — but 
what measures the Governor or General may take with 
respect to him I do not yet Know — I have not yet been 
Advised witli on the occasion and only advise when 
applied to Unless when the Constitution or Law make 
it my duty — In this Case Col. Burr having fled from his 
Bail I do not feel it my duty to Interfere Unless Legally 
applied to — but the Gov^ informed me he was about 
to do what he thought his duty but did not say what that 
was — I am very glad however that he is taken and that 
he will have to answer for his misdeeds somewhere and 
at a time when perhaps they will be better Known than 
when he was before the Grand Jury here — I am In- 
formed that Doct^ Carmichal (who was then at 
Orleans) could have proved the Express Intention of 
Burr &: his party It having been Communicated to him 
By Floyd and Ealston two of the persons who are to 
answer here at the next Court — Every thing here is 
restored to quiet — (March 2^) The Gov'. Called on me 
this moiTiing and informed me he had sent M'. Dins- 
more the Choctaw agent to bring Col. Burr back here 
with the View of Getting a Legal order to transmit him 
for trial to the Seat of Government, or where it may be 
most proper in one of the armed Boats, or otherwise, as 
may be most proper. 

It appears by the Deposition of Thomas Peterkin, 
U. S. Factor at the Chicasaw Bluffs that Col. Burr on 



Thomas Rodney. 303 

his way down the Eiver stoped there two nights, and as 
he Peterkin believes Corrupted L'. Jackson who Com- 
manded there — That he Burr bought Lead, and had 
500, Musquet balls run there by one of the garrison 
soldiers — that when Burr Came the L\ had no money 
or very Little — That after Burr left there this L\ had 
Eols of Burrs notes on the Banks of Kentuclvy, and an 
order from Burr on Smith of Ohio, the army Contrac- 
tor, for $500 — which he offered to Peterkin at ten %-^\ 
Discount — that said L\ told Peterkin he had sent on his 
Resignation and if it was not accepted soon he would 
leave the garrison with one of the Sargents &:c. that he 
the L\ is Constantly Drunk, and very Disorderly — & 
that he beat and abused the Factor outrageously, so that 
he was obliged to leave the Post for safety — & this In- 
formation is sent by Express to the General to git him 
removed & bring him to justice. 

Col. Burr left two Letters there — one for Smith af**. 
and one for Col. M Kee formerly an Lidian agent, 
which was sent by Express next day after Burr left 
there — The Express met McKee, and on reading the 
Letter, McKee turned back, and came down & met Burrs 
boats at the Mouth of Bayon Piere — I saw him here, 
but it was not Known then that he was in Connection 
with Burr, tho some suspected him — & he soon went off 
again — The Plot is so unfolding that it is probable, 
Enough of the truth may appear by our next Supreme 
Court to Convict some of them here — the Affidavit of 
General Eaton, published in the Papers bro\ by the last 
Mail, shews that Col. Burrs object was the most Dia- 
bolical treason — such as none but the most wicked ad- 
versaries & traitors to Eepublican Government could 
Combine in. The Vigilence which the President has 
already manifested I trust will Convince all such, that 
they presume too much on his Peaceable, and Unsus- 
pecting Mind. 

Thomas Eodney. 



304 Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington April 27"*. 1807. 
My dear Son 

Your Letter of the W^ of March last Came to me by 
the Mail before last at the Adams Circuit Court — but 
have not had time till now to wi*ite — Nothing beyond 
Nash Ville from the East ward Came by the last Mail — 
As I have to set off the day after tomorrow for Wilkin- 
son County Circuit Court I sit down to write you a few 
lines. — All is quiet here, the last we heard of Mr. Burr 
was by one of the Citizens of this town who in Eeturn- 
ing from the Eastward met him with party conducting 
him to Washing-ton City on the borders of North 
Carolina on the IS'** of March so that no doubt he has 
arrived long before this time — Four of his Comrades — 
To wit, Blenerhassett, Tyler, Ealston and Floyd are to 
be tried here at the next Supreme Court Sitting as a 
Federal Court on the 4^^ Monday in Next Month — there 
was an application from the General in Virtue of advice 
from the President as he said to have them or some of 
them removed to the Federal City, but as we were in- 
formed of the Discharge of Bollman & Swartwort soon 
after this application it was not thought necessary to 
Consider the question of sending them — beside there 
seemed to be as much Evidence against them in this 
Territory as in any other particular District so that 
it did not appear by any Evidence here necessary to 
be at the Expense of sending them Elsewhere to be 
tried — ^AVhat may be the Event of the Enquiry here is 
yet uncertain — when it is over you will be informed of 
the Consiquence — We here that a M^ Leek of Virginia 
has been appointed a Judge in this Territory, and I 
fear if he does not Come on in time we shall have no 
Supreme Court as Judge Bruin seldom attends and 
when he does, is aj^t not to be in a situation to attend 
properly to business so that most of the Judicial busi- 



Thomas Rodney. 305 

ness at all times rests on me and takes up too great a 
portion of my time — I have seen the act in the paper 
raising our Salaries, and suppose it Intended to Com- 
mence the increase from the first of January last yet 
it seems uncertainly Expressed in the printed Copy — 
I Care not what if any thing Else is due me by 
the Treasury for I have been so Constantly Emploj-^ 
in the public business that I have not had time to 
post or look over My books — When the Courts are over 
I shall attend to them and to what you have mentioned 
and hope I shall have Something to spare by July — I 
know I should have been beforehand if I had not laid out 
$1400 in purchasing a tract of land and some Houses & 
Lots in this town However I believe I shall sell them 
again, as they have been already applied for, and are 
not necessary for me to keep if I can git a better proffit 
by the Sale — You will see by the Orleans papers that 
the General and Governor are much abused there — I 
am much Pleased to hear that your nearer acquaintance 
with the President Increases your Estimation of his 
Conduct and Integrity — He is highly Esteemed and Re- 
spected in this Country and has been rising in Estima- 
tion Ever since I came here — I will write to Fisher as 
soon as I can git time — As yet my grass seeds and 
garden look Very flourishing tho I have had little time 
to attend to them — Give my love to Susan and the Chil- 
dren and God preserve you all in health and 
prosperity — 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to . 

Town of Washington M. T. April 28''' 1807 
Gentlemen 

Obser\dng among the Acts of Congress passed at the 
last Session as published in the papers. An Act Increas- 
ing the Salaries of the Judges of this Territory to 
Vol. XLIV.— 20 



306 Thomas Jiodw.y. 

twelve hundred Dollars ^' Arm and Understanding 
this Increase to have Coininf;ric<;d on the first day of 
January last I have Ventun;d to draw on the bank of 
the U. S. States for one hundrr;d I^oilars, which If this 
Statement is right, fell due on ihh iir?.t quarter Ending 
the last day of March and not knov/ing this at that time, 
I only made a draft then, for two hundred Dollars being 
the usual quarter Salaiy at Ki^dit hundred Dollars ^^ 

Ami. the foniier Salary Allo\v<;fi j-^ach of the Judges 

but if. I should be mistaken with nispect to the Com- 
mencement of the Increase of Salary, I must beg you 
to Honor the draft for the oik-, hundred Dollars, afr^. 
and I will make the proper deductions in my next draft. 
I am Respectfully 

Y" most obed\ 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to John Fuker, Dover. 

Town of Washington May 17"* 1807. 
Dear Sir 

It was intimated to me some Little time ago that it 
was probable you might obtain an appointment in this 

western Countiy in Case an ofjcrlunitv should offer 

If you would accept, but being l}if;n Engaged on the 
Circuit and not knowing of any Vacancy that was worth 

your acceptance I did not inirnediately write to you 

but I have been informed within a few days that Mr. 
Graham the Secretary of the Or] can h Territory having 
been ordered round with Cencral Wilkinson to give 
Testimony against Burr, and tliat he has or means to 
resign I conclude to advise you of that Circumstance 
thinking perhaps that Station might suit you as it 
would not prevent your following your Profession 
where much money is made by Uie practice, yet in one 
of your last letters to me you :-;c';rned to decline any 
thoughts of any part of this Country, Nevertheless I 



Thomas Rodney. 307 

think it ad\dsable to make this Communication to you 
not knowing what Change may have taken place in 
your Mind since — but I must say that if you were to 
Come to the Western Country I should be glad to liave 
you nearer to me than Orleans, but there is nothing here 
at present worth your acceptance — Yet upon receiving 
this Notice if you should think it advisable to Come into 
the "West, I wish you to Intimate this to my Son Im- 
mediately, that if any Opertunity occurs of any office 
that you would accept of he may then advise the Gov- 
ernment of your mind or Communicate the Circum- 
stances to you — It would give me great Pleasure to 
have your family so near that I could visit them Once 
in a while, without Deserting my Post, and have some 
of the diildren with me. At Present I am in a board- 
ing house but in a few Weeks Expect to move into a 
House of my own in this town where I have a hansome 
garden & three or four hansome grass Lots — ^where I 
shall be with a servant or two only, and the House is 
large Enough to take in your family — If anything 
should happen to Invite you to this Place. The Prac- 
tice of the Law itself is Profitable here, and all those 
who Practice under my Patronage have been successful 
— Shields is among the highest on the Docket, & Poin- 
dexter the late Att^'Gen'. told me he made $5000, a 
year tho he was not one of the most attentive to busi- 
ness — he goes to Congress next fall — I have not heard 
from you for a long time, let me hear from you as soon 
as you git this Letter and if you have any Idea of ac- 
cepting an appointment in the western Country do not 
neglect to advise Caesar of it immediately as it takes 
several Months to Communicate here and back again — 
I continue in perfect health Indeed hardly any place is 
healthier than this town — It has greatly improved since 
I came and Indeed we have a Society here now Very 
Similar to that which Ixisted in Dover in My youthful 
days — Sally knows what that was and if she was here 



308 Thomas Rodney. 

now she would almost think that happy Period had re- 
turned again — Indeed I Enjoy such health and activity 
that I hardly feel any difference between now & then. 
Give my love to the dear little Children and to Sally 
and Betsy, and be assured I long to see you all. 

Your friend 

Thomas Eodney. 

(To be continued.) 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 309 



ITEMS OF HISTORY OF YOEK, PENNA., DURING 
THE REVOLUTION. 

[The following items are selected from the diaries of the Moravian 
congregation at York, Rev. George Neisser, pastor (brother of Augustine 
Neisser, the clockmaker of Chestnut Hill and Germantovvn, Philadel- 
phia). Unfortunately the diaries for 1776, '77, '79 are missing.] 

May 31, 1775. 

*'Up to the present time this place has been com- 
paratively quiet, with this exception, that three com- 
panies have been formed, and are actively engaged in 
drilling, so as to become accustomed to the use of arms. 

"To-day there was an excitement. In spite of all 
warning a German gave vent to his feelings in insult- 
ing Congress and its measures for instituting defensive 
warfare. In accordance with the usual mode of punish- 
ing such delinquents, he was seized, and tarred and 
feathered, for his insulting speech." 

July 31, 1775. 

*'With the people in general we have thus far been 
at peace. However, urgent requests are sent to our 
people to attend the drilling in the use of arms. Most 
of our brethren in town have, however, arrived at that 
age in which they can no longer be compelled to attend 
drills. A few of the young men have yielded, and one 
of them, Benjamin Rothrock, son of Philip Rothrock, 
in spite of the remonstrances of both his father and 
brothers, went off during the night with a company of 
Virginia troops, which marched through this place." 

August 18, 1775. 
"Considering that this is a time of war, circum- 
stances prove quite favorable. A few of our number 



310 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

have consented to take part in the military drills; if 
only more will not be required of them. Several of 
our young men, in spite of remonstrances, enlisted as 
Minute Men, viz: Simon Schneider, son of Henry 
Schneider, who is apprenticed to Heckedom; and one 
of Mr. Hoff's sons, who is apprenticed to William 
Lanius.'^ 

September 12, 1775. 

'*We have enjoyed rest during these troublesome 
times, yielding ourselves to the gracious care and pro- 
tection of our loving Father. In October a new Com- 
mittee will be appointed, and it is said that only men 
who are orthodox as regards militaiy affairs will be 
selected. Heckedorn has been nominated for the posi- 
tion of County Assessor." 

January 15, 1776. 

** Notwithstanding the approaching troubles and dan- 
gers, and the expectation of things to come, we are 
at peace with all our fellow beings. Now it is reported, 
that drilling in military tactics will be carried on more 
thoroughly than ever before. "We are glad that, accord- 
ing to the decrees of Congress and the Provincial 
Board, none of our people are to be compelled to do 
anything contrary to heart, conscience and opinions. 
But the taxes levied will become quite burdensome, con- 
sidering the present state of our finances and the poor 
condition of business of every kind." 

July 17, 1776. 

**Yorktown seems quite deserted on account of the 
departure of all men under fifty years of age. Our 
young men had to leave for the army in Jersey. 
Christian Heckedom and William Lanius, have after 
a great deal of trouble, succeeded in preventing them- 
selves from being taken along, on account of their sick- 
ness. Jacob Eothrock has also escaped being drafted. 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 311 

But Ernst Schlosser, the three sons of Rothrock, Brink- 
man, John Seifer's eldest son, John Hoenrison, and, in 
short the most of the others who are under fifty years 
of age, will have to march off in the next few days. 
Thus only the old brethren and the sisters will be left. 
Several of our people, because the town has been so 
emptied, have in addition to several other persons, been 
elected as members of the Committee ad interim, with 
a guard given them day and night, in order to maintain 
peace and order, and give security against the plots 
of the Tories. All business and every occupation are 
prostrate, all shops are closed. How many prayers and 
tears will now be brought before the Lord, by parents, 
for their children, by children for their parents, by 
wives for their husbands ! ' ' 

September 4, 1776. 
"Our town has not remained exempt from the pre- 
vailing unrest of the land. None of our Communicant 
Brethren have been compelled to enter the war, and 
those who were married and had gone to Jersey, have 
again returned in the first part of the week to their 
respective homes. The young single men of our So- 
ciety, of whom there are about ten absent, have been 
drawn into the Flying Camp." 

• 

1775. 

June 5. To-day prayers were publicly offered up in 
behalf of the American Colonies. 

July 1. This afternoon a company of 100 men, of 
this town left for the American army in New England, 
with the ringing of bells, after a sermon had been 
preached to them by the Presbyterian minister on the 
text I Samuel 10.12v., in which they were exhorted to 
keep God before their eyes during their expedition, and 
then they could be assured of His protection and guid- 
ance ; otherwise this would not be the case. 



312 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

July 19. A company of Virginia troops arrived here, 
on their march to join the American army. We viewed 
them with pity, and were especially affected by the 
sight of the motto '^ Liberty or death," which their 
commander bore on his breast. 

July 20. By special order of Congress this was a 
Fast and day of Prayer, and our services were numer- 
ously attended. The Virginia company left town today 
for the army. 

August 3. The last company of Virginia troops 
marched through the town for the American camp. 
They were commanded by Capt. Erisson. 

August 10. To-day the town was quite noisy, owing 
to the assembling of the militia companies from the 
various townships. 

September 1. We were impelled to bring before the 
throne of God in prayer, in our service, the lamentable 
condition of our brethren at New York and New Port 
in addition to the critical condition of the Colonies. 

October 1. In the congregation service, we gave the 
brethren some advice as to how they should conduct 
themselves in these critical times, for tomorrow an 
election is to be held. 

1778. 

January 19. This afternoon Gen. Horatio Gates, 
who has been appointed President of the Council of 
War, arrived in town and was received with demon- 
strations of joy. 

January 20. I visited Ernst Schlosser, who is re- 
covering from his sickness ; also John Fishel, senr. who 
is sickly owing to his old age, and found both much 
incommoded by soldiers quartered on them. 

January 30. John Hoenrisen arrived in good health 
after sendng with the militia in PhUadelphia and 
Chester Counties. He left here December 15th last. 
Gen. Lafayette arrived from Lancaster. 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 313 

February 12. The houses of Heller and John 
Fisholz are used for hospital pui*poses. 

February 18. Balls have now begun to be in this 
town, which has called forth the remonstrances of the 
clergy and inhabitants. They are frequented by officers 
of the army and even members of Congress, besides 
many improper persons. 

March 19. Throughout the entire night the soldiers 
kept a strict guard, because a plot on the part of the 
Tories and Howe's light cavalry to capture members 
of Congress, had been discovered. One man who was 
acquainted with the details and is suspected of being 
in the plot was arrested. 

March 20. I wrote, after I had consulted the French 
Secretary, as to the whereabouts of Gen. de Fermoy, 
to Oberlin at Betlilehem and gave my letters into the 
care of Joseph Dean, who has finished his business 
with the Board of War. 

March 21. At Beroth's house a number of soldiers 
are quartered. 

March 23. I was visited by the French Col. Armand 
who offered to deliver letters for me in Bethlehem. 

March 25. Towards evening, while I was absent, a 
Surgeon from the Hospital and two officers, called and 
presented an order of the Board of War, which author- 
ized them to look for a house, which would be suitable 
for the accommodation of sick soldiers. They believed 
that our ''gemeinhaus" would answer the purpose, but 
this Sister Neisser opposed. 

March 29. Philip Rothrock gave me information 
with regard to several political occurrences and the 
discovery of a plot against this town by the Tories. 
Christopher Ludwig, the Baker General of the Army, 
is in town. 

April 4. I visited John Rothrock, who I found sick, 
so his father daily attends to the printing of Continental 
bills. 



314 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

April 9. Virginia troops arrived at camp here. 

April 10. Gen. Giarles Lee arrived here yesterday 
on parole. 

April 14. Four hundred Virginia troops arrived 
here on their march to camp. 

April 18. This evening I was visited by "William 
Henry of Lancaster, who brought letters from Bethle- 
hem and a commission for Paymaster Gibson. 

April 22. Fast and Prayer Day. William Henry 
visited me early this morning and reported that it had 
been proposed to use our ''gemeinhaus" for the draw- 
ing of the State Lottery ; that he declared the building 
unsuitable and the intention was abandoned. The same 
was proposed as to the Lutheran and Reformed 
churches, but on opposition abandoned. The Court 
House and adjoining buildings were finally selected. 
Henry has been appointed Armourer of the State. 

April 24. To-day Lord North's speech of February 
19th, before the House of Commons, with addition of 
Notes by the Committee of Congress, and the drafts of 
two bills pertaining to American affairs, appeared in 
Hall and Seller's Gazette, published in this town. 

April 27. Mr. Cist informed me that on March 15th, 
France had declared war against England. 

April 30. To-day quite a number of Southern troops 
marched through the town to reinforce Gen. Washing- 
ton. 

May 1. Adam Orth and Christopher Kucher arrived 
from Lebanon with a letter from Eev. P. C. Bader 
to the Board of War, requesting that measures be taken 
for his relief, since Major Watkins had converted the 
**Gemeinhaus" into a Powder Magazine on April 29th. 
I advised them to draw up their petition in the form 
of a memorial in the name of their congregation and 
to call and see me in the morning. [Bader 's letter 
states: "You will pardon the liberty I take in ad- 
dressing you in regard to the present position of myself 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 315 

and family. Without doubt you have heard, that for 
over half a year, my parsonage has been filled with 
Hessian prisoners, to the great inconvenience of my 
family. I was also prevented from attending to the 
duties of my ofiSce in my congregation. Yesterday 
afternoon (April 29th) Major Watkins came to my 
house with five men and a wagon load of powder, broke 
open my door with force and put the powder in my 
room. To-day he came again, and advised me to leave 
the house, as he intended to fill it with powder. You 
can easily understand, gentlemen, that this causes my 
family and myself great uneasiness. Where can I go ? 
I have no other house or my congregation either. Shall 
I leave the people who are entrusted to my care! The 
injustice of it appeals to Heaven! My house looks 
more like a min than a well regulated ''Pfarrhaus;" 
the damage arising from the Hessians being so long 
here, has not been repaired. I cannot remain in my 
house for fear of my life. My sorrow bears me down 
concerning my congregation. Can you not, gentlemen, 
feel compassion for me and my congregation, and free 
us from the burden under which we rest? I often pray 
that our present situation may soon come to an end." 

Bader has recorded the following incident under date 
of February- 4, 1778: ''To-day a rifleman and a cor- 
poral from Ansbach visited me. They related that Gen. 
Howe had recently written a letter to Gen. Washington, 
containing merely a transcript of the Seventh Chapter 
of the Prophet Ezekiel, and that Washington had re- 
plied by an epistle embodying the fourth chapter of 
the Book of Baruch."] 

May 2. I accompanied the brethren from Lebanon 
to Mr. Morris, by whom the petition was prepared in 
the form of a memorial to the Board of War. In the 
afternoon it was handed to Gen. Gates, who is president. 
Mr. Silas Deane, who has just arrived after a passage 
of thirty-two days from France, called on me. He has 



316 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

news for Congress concerning the treaties made with 
the French Government, which are to be ratified by 
Congress. Henry Miller arrived this evening from 
Bethlehem. He handed me letters from Fries, Matthew 
Weiss and my brother Augustine, who writes in detail 
of the terrible condition of affairs in the vicinity of 
Philadelphia. 

May 4. Orth and Kucher to-day received a reply 
to their memorial, to the effect, that pastor Bader 
should by all means remain and that the powder should 
be replaced by other stores. 

May 5. I learned from Mr. Young, clerk to the 
Board of War, that the articles of alliance between 
France and the United States had yesterday been rati- 
fied by Congress. A supplement of the Gazette, gives 
an account of the important news, concerning the rela- 
tions between France and the United States, as brought 
by Silas Deane, and also the most important articles 
of the Alliance. 

May 6. I was visited by Ranke, who asked my advice 
as to what he should do now that he was required to 
take another oath of allegiance. I replied, what his 
conscience told him and what the condition of the times 
would warrant. In the evening the entire city, as the 
capital of the American States, expressed its joy at the 
Alliance concluded between the States and Louis XVI 
of France, by illuminations. 

May 7. I visited the family of Fishel's Senr., who 
are on pleasant terms with the member of Congress 
who lodges with them. 

May 11. John Ettwein and H. Klein arrived here 
from Bethlehem, for the purpose of negotiating with 
Congress concerning the Test Act. He expects to pre- 
sent to that body a petition asking that a portion of 
the Articles of the Act be made less stringent. Ettwein 
visited the President of Congress, Henry Laurens, Esq. 
May 15. Orth and Kucher from Lebanon, arrived 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 317 

and again presented a memorial to the Board of War, 
to the effect that the order given on May 4, had not 
been obeyed. They were given the following order: 

** Major Watkins is directed to permit Mr. Bader to 
remain until Col. Flowers examines into the matter. 
The Board does not wish to distress any person. There- 
fore it is presumed the officers at Lebanon will conduct 
themselves so as to make everything as convenient as 
possible for the inhabitants, still keeping in view that 
private advantage must yield to the public service. 

By order of 

Richard Peters 
"War Office, May 15, 1778. 

Mr. Reeves, a gentleman who fled from Philadelphia 
with his large family, to-day moved into a part of 
Beroth's house. 

May 16. Ettwein received a friendly letter from 
Henry Laurens, President of Congress, and has deter- 
mined to set out for home to-morrow. 

[Of his visit to Yorktown and his interview with 
members of Congress, Ettwein has left the following 
record : 

May 11. I came to Yorktown. The appeal to the 
people by Congress, and the ratified treaty with France, 
were the topics of discussion everywhere. I called on 
President Laurens, told him of my errand, showed him 
the memorials and begged him to correct the one for 
Congress. He said it was unnecessary, that I should 
hand in both as they were; that it was our duty to make 
representations, whether with or without results. He 
promised to speak with some members of Congress 
about the matter, and named those I should interview 
privately. On May 12, I called on six members, and 
only McKean, Cliief Justice of Pennsylvania, was un- 
friendly, and said that he would vote against our memo- 
rial. Gouveneur Morris brought our memorial before 
Congress and spoke strongly in its favor; so did several 



318 Revolutionary Items of History of YorJc, Penna. 

others. Mr. Duane remarked: ''I believe the Mora- 
\aans are good subjects, but they will have nothing to 
do with putting down old governments and setting up 
new ones." He then asked me whether this was not 
so, to which I replied ^'Yes." He then offered to get 
our Church a tract of land five or six miles square, 
within forty miles of Boston, with an Act of the State 
similar to the Act of Parliament of 1749, if we would 
make a settlement there. I thanked him, but said that 
this was not the time to think of such a proposition. 
The Eastern States demand the test of abjuration, only 
from such as hold public office. President Laurens 
said: ''Should the Moravians be expelled, I shall let 
everything lie and go with them." A committee was 
appointed to consider the memorial. Mr. Laurens on 
the 14th, showed me the committee's report in confi- 
dence. Its tenor was that we were yet to enjoy all our 
privileges, but that Congress could not make any special 
recommendation to the Assembly. Mr. Laurens told 
me that he was not satisfied with the report; blamed 
McKean for it, and said it should be recommitted. 
After waiting a few days, I received in calling on the 
President the following letter: 

Yorktown, Saturday, 16th May, 1778 
Reverend Sir 

Congress has been so closely engaged in affairs of 
great importance, requiring immediate attention, as to 
exclude hitherto the consideration of your memorial, 
nor do I believe there will be any opening for bringing 
it forward even on Monday next, although as I judge 
from private conversation there are many gentlemen 
heartily disposed to grant your requests, the whole 
house may be so for aught I know. As you have waited 
so many days without effect, you will probably save 
time by proceeding in your intended application to the 
State Assembly at Lancaster. 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 319 

Be assured, sir, I will lay your papers before Con- 
gress at the first opportunity for taking them into con- 
sideration, and as speedily as the ease will admit of, 
you shall be infoiTiied at Lancaster or Bethlehem of 
such determination as shall be had thereon. 

From an opinion that the granting your requests will 
be equally consistent with sound policy and Christian 
charity, I cannot do less than wish very earnestly that 
you may be dismissed from Laucaster with an answer 
which will give joy and satisfaction to the Brethren 
and eventually produce much benefit to these United 
States. 

I am Rev'd sir with great affection and respect, your 
friend and humble sei^ant, 

Henry Laurens. 
As he gave me permission by word of mouth to make 
use of his note, I understood his object, and thanked 
him' for his friendly treatment, and prepared for my 
journey to Lancaster," 

May 18. Counterfeiters of Congress gold currency 
were brought here for trial. 

May 20. Henry Miller translated the address of 
Congress to the States into German, in order that it 
may be read to the congregation, as ordered by Con- 
gress. 

May 22. A battalion of artillery from North Caro- 
lina arrived here, and continued their march for Gen. 
"Washington's army. 

May 24. At the close of the morning ser\dce I read 
the address of Congress, in German, to the congi-ega- 
tion. 

May 27. A man was hung to-day in the presence of 
a large crowd of people. School children who had wit- 
nessed it from a distance, were warned to shun all evil 
doing. In the Lancaster paper we read that the petition 
of the Brethren of Bethlehem to the Assembly, had not 
been granted. 



320 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

May 28. Michael Hillegas, Treasurer of the United 
Sfates, called to see me, and we had a pleasant dis- 
course on the fundamental truths of the Christian re- 
ligion. 

May 29. The city was filled with great joy at the 
report that the British had evacuated Philadelphia. 

June 1. Mr. Snowden and Claypoole made me a visit 
and told me they would set out for Philadelphia as soon 
as reliable information was received that the city was 
evacuated. 

June 2. I wrote to my brother Augustine, and gave 
the letter in charge of Mr. Claj^oole, who told me of 
the sad fate of his son in the army. 

June 3. We opened a slaughter house for the con- 
venience of the troops stationed here, having been com- 
pelled to do so, or our ' ' gemeinhaus ' ' would have been 
used. Mr. Cist during his visit to-day, reported that 
some Tories had called upon Gen. Washington to seek 
for pardon and that he had sent them to the Council. 

June 12. I was invited to attend the funeral of Mr. 
Philip Livingston, a Delegate to Congress from the 
State of New York, with the other clergymen stationed 
here. Mr. Duffield, the Presbyterian Chaplain of Con- 
gress delivered an address at the grave. After the 
service I became acquainted with Eev. William Eogers, 
Chaplain of the Continental Army, who had letters for 
me. 

June 13. Cliaplain Eogers, who is a Baptist, and in- 
timately acquainted with C. L. Eeussmeyer, visited me 
and was shown through our meeting-hall. 

June 15. I received a letter from Matthew Hehl, 
containing the news that the '' gemeinhaus s " in Leb- 
anon had been cleared of the war materials at last. 

June 16. I was requested to conduct the funeral ser- 
vices of the wife of a soldier, at the house of Sr. Hoen- 
risen. I made an English address at the grave, taking 
as my text the words of Paul in II Cor. v 15. Visited 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 321 

Eiehls and Mr. Morris' — at the latter 's house John 
Rays F. R. S. delivered a physico-theological discourse. 

June 17. A portion of Col. Hartley's battalion left 
town for General Washington's camp, having in charge 
a number of English prisoners. 

June 18. John Hancock, elected a member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts Bay, arrived to-day. 

Earlj^ to-day we heard that the British had evacuated 
Philadelphia, and that they had given vent to their 
rage and malevolence, by cruelly treating the Amer- 
ican prisoners. The daily text I Cor. x.l3. came to us 
with special power, considering the event which has 
happened in Philadelphia, and the deliverance of this 
State from the yoke of the British King. 

June 19. Mr. Snowden brought us the good news 
that the British had left Philadelphia. Nicholas Gar- 
rison, from Reading, on business with the Board of 
"War, also confirmed the news. 

June 23. Families who had fled from Philadelphia, 
to-day began to return. 

June 24. The remainder of Col. Hartley's battalion 
is to leave to-morrow ; the militia guard, to which sev- 
eral of our brethren are attached, has been ordered 
out. William Lanius and Christian Heckedorn are at 
their posts again. 

June 25. The remainder of Col. Hartley's battalion 
began its march to the main army. Major Young, a 
clerk of the Board of War, with whom I had become 
acquainted, left to-day for Philadelphia. He had lodged 
at the house of Gump. 

June 26. Mr. Billmeyer told me that Mr. Richard 
Hudson, a delegate to Congress from North Carolina, 
intends to return to Philadelphia by the way of Bethle- 
hem, and will take letters for my friends. I at once 
wrote to both places. 

June 27. A number of Congressmen left for Phila- 

VoL. XLIV.— 21 



322 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

delphia, in order to take part in anniversary celebra- 
tion of the Declaration of Independence in that city. 

June 28. More members of Congress and many per- 
sons who had within the past year fled from Philadel- 
phia, left today for that city. 

June 29. Mr. Claypoole, left for Philadelphia in 
charge of the Dunlap printing establishment. 

Refugees fleeing from the border where the Tories 
and Indians are committing depredations, passed 
through our town on the way to Maryland. We heard 
of a conflict between our soldiers and the British which 
took place a few days ago. I wrote to my brother 
Augustine and handed the letter to William Lanius to 
deliver since he is to fonn part of the guard which is 
to escort Congress to Philadelphia. More people who 
fled to this town and vicinity continue to return to their 
homes. 

June 30. William Lanius left for Philadelphia. 

July 1. The text for this day Psalms LXVI, 8, in- 
cited us to praise God, when we considered all his good- 
ness in the latter half of this year of trouble ; in hearing 
our prayers, that we see Philadelphia once more freed 
of the British. 

July 4. The anniversary of the Declaration of In- 
dependence was celebrated here in a very joyful man- 
ner. 

July 7. The troops which arrived here yesterday on 
their way to Pittsburgh, and encamped over night, con- 
tinued their march to-day after drawing rations. 

July 12. To-day we heard that a French fleet had 
arrived at the mouth of the Delaware and would pro- 
ceed to New York. 

July 19. To-day we offered up prayers for the needy 
fugitives from the border, many of whom have passed 
through our town during the past week, and were in- 
deed objects of pity. 

July 20. Christian Heckedorn with others of his 



Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 323 

company, start for Philadelphia tomorrow, as a guard 
to protect the Continental wagons of Treasurer Michael 
Hillegas. 

July 21. A traitor by the name of Le Feber, a 
Mennonite, was arrested on the accusation of a British 
deserter, that he had persuaded 40 men of Gen. Howe's 
army to join the Tories and Indians to plunder the 
people living on the borders. 

July 29. Yesterday and today Quarter Sessions 
Court was held, and several members of the congrega- 
tion serv^ed as jurymen. 

August 18. Today a portion of the militia of York 
township, in whose ranks are Henry Hoff, as substitute 
for Michael Fichols, and Keller left for the border 
lands, where they are to protect the inhabitants from 
the violence of the Indians and Tories. 

October 2. During the past few days, many British 
prisoners marched through our town, on their way from 
Virginia to General Clinton's army to be exchanged. 

October 15. Henry Hoff returned today in good 
health from Standing Stone, but his appearance was 
rather a wild one. 

December 16. Tonight a part of the Convention 
troops arrived here from New England on their way 
to Virginia. 

December 22. The Convention troops which arrived 
here on the 16th and 19th inst. left for the South. 

December 24. Numbers of Convention troops are de- 
serting on account of their being badly treated by their 
officers. Some of them attended our services and were 
attentive and earnest. 

1782 

January 8. For the past two days the prisoners of 
Lord Comwallis' army have been passing through our 
town. 

February 4. Upwards of 1500 prisoners belonging 



324 Revolutionary Items of History of York, Penna. 

to Cornwallis' army, under guard from Maryland, 
passed through our town to the camp located in Hellam 
township. 

July 31. Today an infamous plot of the British 
prisoners was discovered, in which they determined to 
bum Yorktown and Lancaster in one night. 

August 1. We had a very disturbed night owing to 
a set of rascals who swarmed around our house, intent 
on doing evil deeds. These wicked persons are becom- 
ing very offensive. The British officers who are here 
as prisoners, and their servants, spread their demoral- 
izing principles, and they affect the young people like 
a pestilence walking abroad. 

August 8. A letter received from Bethlehem states : 
Last Thursday (July 25) we had an unexpected visitor 
in Gen. Washington. We showed him all possible re- 
spect. He appeared to be so natural and social, that 
I scarcely know whether he ov tve had the more enjoy- 
ment and pleasure. Ettwein next day accompanied him 
to our town Hope, in the Jerseys, where he dined. 

October 14. I visited Mr. Morris, who can scarcely 
find words to express his indignation at the insolence 
of the British officers. He said that the people, and 
even those of Tory feelings, who have taken them as 
boarders or lodgers can scarcely bear it. 

October 22. Mr. Deutch, the Lutheran school-master 
complained to me of the conduct of the British officers 
here. 

November 13. We heard that at Crice Creek, Col. 
Morgan who was assaulted by British deserters, who 
had entered the Continental army, had died of his in- 
juries. 

December 29. More Cornwallis prisoners arrived, 
escorted by Continental Dragoons. Owing to the bad 
condition of the barracks, the Dragoons were quartered 
in the houses of our citizens, which created much in- 
convenience. Some of my members furnished quarters 
for a number. 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 325 



SELECTIONS FEOM THE COREESPONDEXCE OP 
JUDGE EICHAED PETEES OF BELMONT. 

[Originals in the Manuscript Division of The Historical Society of 

Pennsylvania.] 

Bev. Dr. William Smith offers to preach a Series of Sermons. 

Philadelph 17 Dec^ 93 
The committee waited upon the Kev^ D"" W° Smith on 
the Subject of his Letter to The BK KeV* D^ White re- 
specting his Offer to preach his Course of Sermons & 
performing a proportion of the Parochial duty when it 
was explicitly declared to D^ Smith that the Vestry 
kindly Accepted of his Services ; but they were sorry to 
inform him that it was not in their power to give him 
any expectation whatever of a Compensation owing to 
the State of their Funds, when he declared that he had 
no expectation of any Emolument and would chearfuUy 
perform his part of the duties as should be agreed upon 
between him the Rector & D^ Blackwell and at the ex- 
piration of the time if the Yestry should approve of the 
Services he may have rendered & should shew their re- 
gard by Voting the Value of a tea cup it would be fully 
Satisfactoiy 

George Washington to Richard Peters. 

Philadelphia 21^ Jan : 1797. 
Dear Sir, 

I have received with much pleasure, your agricultural 
enquiries on Plaister of Paris ; — and thank you for the 
honor of, and the affectionate sentiments contained in, 
the Dedication 

I shall be obliged by your furnishing me with two or 
three more copies of them, one of which I will send by 



326 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

the first opportunity to my correspondent, and zealous 
supporter of agriculture — Sir John Sinclair. — 
"With sentiments of very great esteem & regard 
I am — Dear Sir 
Your much obliged, 
and Aif ect^ Serv 

G° : Washington 

George Washingtan to Richard Peters. 

Mount Vernon 26'*^ June 1797 
Dear Sir, 

Until last week, I had no suspicion that the Hessian 
fly was among my wheat ; but upon examination I found 
there were many. — They have come too late, this year, 
however, to do me much damage ; but as I view them as 
the harbingers of those who will visit me next year, I 
would guard, as far as it may be in my power, against 
the threatned evil. — 

Permit me therefore to ask, if from your own experi- 
ence, or from that of others on whom you can rely it 
is ascertained whether Rye or Barley (winter or Sum- 
mer) is liable to this calamity? In the country above 
me, the Wheat, I am informed, is entirely destroyed (in 
places) by this fly; and from the appearances of them 
among mine, It is but too probable it would be the case 
with me next year, if I do not substitute other grain in 
its place. But "^Yhat grain is the important question. — 
Are Oats affected by these flies. 

Where this calamity has not visited the Wheat, the 
grain is remarkably fine, and the quantity not to be 
complained of. — Present me, if you please, in respect- 
ful terms to M". Peters, and add thereto the compli- 
ments of M". Washington. — ^With great esteem & 
regard 

I am Dear Sir 

Your affect^ Hb'^ Serv* 

G° : Washington 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 327 

P,S. 

Is there any truth in the observation that the yellow- 
bearded Wheat will resist the injury which the common 
wheat sustains from the above named fly? — 

Timothy Pickering to Richard Peters. 

Trenton Aug\ 28. 1798. 
Dear Sir, 

Last evening I received your favour of the 24"". and 
was happy to learn that you and your family were well. 
In mine no one complains, except my wife with her 
standing affliction the tooth-ache, which also excites a 
pain in one side of her head. 

TVe have most gloomy accounts from the city, which 
a letter of yesterday from 1l\ Hodgdon confirmed : but 
is it possible that 99 died the preceeding 48 hours? — 
Just as my family were leaving the city, I received a 
note from Nancy Cunningham, requesting a room in 
my house, to which she & her mother could remove from 
Union Street : I cheerfully consented ; and now Nancy is 
dead. I presume she took the fever before they re- 
moved from Union Street. 

M'. Eawle has written me about the secret projects 
of the United Irishmen: I now send him an answer, 
& put this under cover to him, as he is at the falls of 
Schuylkill, and you have stopped communication with 
the city. It will perhaps be useful for you to see him, 
as both of you have at the same time had your atten- 
tion excited by the same discontented characters which 
infest our country. 

Gerry in Paris May 28, wrote to M^ Eang; yet said 
not a word about leaving that country: altho' he wrote 
me May 13th acknowledging the receipt of the instruc- 
tions of March 23^ which he said he should duly ob- 
serve: these required him (for they were addressed to 
all three of the Envoys) to demand his passport and 
quit France : for not one of the cases stated in the in- 



328 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

structions, which would have authorized his staying 
there, existed. But in the close of his letter to me, he 
said that in two or three days he hoped to obtain the 
''ultimate views of the French Government toward the 
U. S. which Talleyrand had promised him in writing;" 
and I suppose he had been promising daily, up to the 
time when Gerry wrote to M^ King. He also said in 
his letter to me, that he should embark in the Sophia, 
which carried out his instructions. But I shall not be 
much disappointed, if he stays in Paris until his second 
instructions reach him, requiring him peremptorily to 
leave France. These last instructions were dated the 
25th of June and sent by various routes. He will feel 
the reproaches plainly, tho' with as much caution as 
possible, expressed in these second instructions — unless 
he should have lost all discernment and all sense of per- 
sonal honor and respect. 

M^ Pinckney wrote M^ King from Lyons, on the 26th 
of May, where he had till then been detained by his 
daughter's illness: but she was better. 

A Boston paper (the fulsome Centinel) has three 
times mentioned Gen\ Knox as the first Major General, 
to command Pinckney <& Hamilton; [and this arrange- 
ment (inter nos) would meet the ideas of a certain 
Great Man:] but neither General "Washington nor the 
public Voice have looked for this arrangement, these 
have placed them in the order in which they were nomi- 
nated — H. P. K. What do you think of the matter? 
To my surprize Knox has strongly manifested his dis- 
inclination to serve under Hamilton! 

I am very affectionately yours 

T. Pickering. 

Timothy Pickering to Richard Peters. 

City of Washington Oct. 28. 1803. 
I regretted, my dear Sir, that I was unable to pass a 
day with you at Belmont, on my way hither. K you had 



■Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 329 

lived within three miles of Gray's ferry I should have 
spent an evening with you. The tavern being full, I 
took the liberty of going, with a fellow traveller who is 
a botanist, to M'. Hamilton's place, where we lodged, 
and where I had an opportunity of making some en- 
quiries concerning your family. I promise myself the 
pleasure of seeing them, on the rising of Congress, 
which some suggest will be much sooner than usual; 
while others say that our economists will not be anxious, 
as it respects themselves, to husband the time or money 
of the public. 

In the treaty of cession (as 'tis called) of Louisiana, 
you will see the flimsy nature of the title we have ac- 
quired, and in the stipulation of the third article, an 
exercise of power to which the President and Senate 
were not competent. I have not heard of one intelligent 
democrat who pretends that the stipulation can be per- 
formed without an amendment of the Constitution. 
And this, it strikes me, cannot be made in the ordinary 
mode of amending ; but that each individual State com- 
prehended in the boundaries of the original association 
must give its assent: it being for the admission of a 
new partner into the company. For if a new member 
of small power may be so admitted, then may a large 
one — so large as to destroy totally the existing balance 
of power — even to transfer the seat of government and 
the sovereign power to the new associate. 

These difficulties, however, present to our rulers and 
their followers, no impediments to the execution of the 
treaties, in respect to the taking possession of the new 
territory, and paying the money stipulated in the two 
conventions. Any violations of the Constitution are 
conceded in their constant & zealous professions of their 
devoted attachment to it; and if they do transgress, 
they rely (as one leader avowed his readiness to do) 
on the approbation of the people, and explicit justifi- 
cation, by their amending the constitution. 



330 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

But admitting the acquired title were complete, how 
could we part with any portion of Louisiana, to a 
foreign power (to Spain, for instance, in exchange for 
the floridas) seeing we stipulate, in the 3rd article of 
the treaty, to incorporate it into the Union? 

It is now publicly talked of, that Spain remonstrates 
against the cession by the French Eepublic, and our 
taking possession. I am not now at liberty to be Ex- 
plicit on this Subject. But why is the president to be 
vested with authority to employ the army, the navy, & 
80,000 militia, if needed, in this business? You will 
form your own conclusions. This negociation, so 
pacific, which was to ensure us peace for ages, has laid 
the foundation of war, and I apprehend, a war not 
remote. 

Adieu ! 

T. Pickering 
My love to your family. 

Timothy Pickering to Richard Peters. 

City of Washington, Dec\ 24. 1803 
My dear friend, 

Altho' the end of all our revolutionary labours and 
expectations is disappointment — and our fond hopes of 
republican happiness are vanity — and the real patriots 
of '76 are overwhelmed by the modem pretenders to 
that character: I will not yet despair. I will rather 
anticipate a neiv confederacy, exempt from the corrupt 
and corrupting influence & oppression of the aristocratic 
democrats of the South. There will be (and our chil- 
dren, at farthest, will see it) a separation. The white 
and black population will mark the boundary. The 
British provinces, even with the assent of Britain, will 
become members of the Northern Confederacy. A con- 
tinued tyranny of the present ruling sect will precipi- 
tate that event. The patience of good citizens is now 
nearly exhausted. By open violations, and pretended 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 331 

amendments, they are shattering our political hark, 
which with a few more similar repairs must founder. 
Efforts however, & laudable ones, are, and will con- 
tinue to be made, to keep the timbers together. The 
most distinguished you will find in the speech of M'. 
Tracy, which I inclose. He has exhibited the excellency 
of the constitution, as it now prescribes the mode of 
electing the president & vice-president; & pointed out 
the pernicious tendency of the proposed amendment. 
John Taylor of Virginia, the Goliath of the party in 
this question, attempted to support the amendment, 
but the ground was untenable ; and his speech can do 
neither him nor the cause any honour. 

Our humble Republicans are in a hobble with the 
British minister & his lady, on a point of ettiquette. 
You know the chaste, the dignified manners of Wash- 
ington. Without a condescension that might degrade, 
or pride which, arrogating too much, might disgust, he 
treated foreign ministers & their ladies, as respectable 
strangers, entitled to the first distinction. Our present 
modest rulers have reversed all this — (they take a 
malignant pleasure in overturning whatever bears the 
stamp of Washington) — and given precedency to their 
own ladies: M". Madison first— then M". Gallatin— 
have been led from the drawing-room to the dining 
table — and after them M". Merry. This repeated, show- 
ing a premeditated plan, has determined the latter to 
refuse all invitations to dine. — I did not know of this 
fracas at the time that, fallmg in with M^ Madison, he 
asked of me information of former usages. To be sure, 
I was the most unlucky person in the World, to be 
applied to as judge of appeals on a subject of etiquette : 
however, I remembered enough to tell the fact: prefac- 
ing it with— ''You know. Sir, that General Washington 
was remarkable for his correctness in all such cases." 
M'. Madison affected to treat matters of ettiquette as 



332 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

trifles, and undeserving of the attention of men of 
sense. Why then have the president & his ministers, 
enlightened above all their predecessors, made of this 
trifle a concerted, serious plan, to the necessary dis- 
gust of a resj^ectable foreign minister & his lady, who 
ground their claims on the twelve years usage of the 
former administrations 1 

I did, indeed, go on ; and told M", Madison, that Presi- 
dent Adams, when he came to the chair, proposed to 
give precedency to the wives of his own ministers — the 
heads of departments : but I entreated him not to do it; 
on the contrary, to adhere to the established usage of 
President Washington: and I prevailed. — I remember 
M'. Adam's remark on the occasion, why our own 
ministers & their ladies should take precedency of the 
foreign: ''If we do not respect ourselves, we shall not 
be respected by others." But, as was said by Epima- 
nondas, when his fellow citizens imposed on him the 
oflSce of scavenger — or at best, of overseer of the high- 
ways — it is the man who does honour to the office — ^not 
the office to the man. Let Washington and Adams be 
contrasted. 

I have since been informed, that our rulers are now 
seeking shelter in the information derived from my col- 
league, J. Q. Adams, of the practice in the European 
Courts. And i\P. Madison at the time before mentioned, 
when, in answer to his inquir^^, I told him what was the 
usage established by Washington — asked me — ''Do you 
think that at London M". Pitt (if he had had a wife) or 
Lord Grenville, would have given to M". King the pre- 
cedency of their own ladies?" 

The truth is, that Democratic Rulers are the proudest 
men on earth. Their name & professions forbid the 
assumption of lofty titles of nobility; and therefore they 
affect to despise them ; and depressing that rank below 
that of Citizen, aim at real superiour elevation. 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 333 

Pray present my kindest remembrance to M". Peters 
and your children. 

Very sincerely yours 

Timothy Pickering. 
P. S. It is mentioned as an indubitable fact, that M^ 
Jefferson gave the first audience to the British minister 
(which could not have taken place but by appointment) 
in his slippers, & an undress! just as he receives his 
democratic scullions, whom he is ready, at all hours, to 
admit to his presence. 

Aaron Burr to Richard Peters. 
M' Burr's respectful Compliments — He sends for the 
amusement of Judge Peters '^The report of the Com- 
mittee of the ''H. of R appointed to enquire into the 
official conduct of ''Samuel Chase and Richard Peters" 
The Book being a Volume of about 200 pages, is now in 
the hands of M' Lewis & M' Dallas, subject to Judge 
Peters' orders — 

M*" B. is on his way to Nyork and will leave town 
this day 
Phil\ 15 Mar. 
1804 

Gen'l. James Wilkinson to Richard Peters. 

Carlisle Sept. 27"> 04 
Dear Sir 

Yesterday was a Day of suffering & Peril to us — you 
left us on the Mountain Road, which jolted us almost to 
Death, descending a damned ugly craggj^ stumpy part 
of it, engaged Eyes, Hands & feet, I heard a shreik 
behind me & turning about, I beheld the carriage with 
out a driver & the Horses darting after me at half 
speed — I wish I may be as collected in fight — I saw the 
danger thought all was lost & determined to share the 
wreck, jumpt from my Seat met the Horses immediately 
opposite the pole, fortunately grasped their check reins 



334 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

& stopt tliem, my lowlived * 'Irishman (curse all such) 
was soon up, & then I had to give chace — "ventrie a 
terre" to my little Sorrels who had proceeded on at a 
gentle jog, and I found this a sad part of the Business, 
for it was truly a hopeless stern chace, but pro\4dence, 
kind sweet providence, had determined not to favor me 
by halves, & in the moment that my feet & legs were to 
be crashed, by the Ponderous Mass which they had car- 
ried, with some velocity, more than sixteen furlongs, my 
horses stopt & I resumed my seat, after leaning breath- 
less over the foot board for fifteen minutes, during 
which I had time to thank God for our miraculous es- 
cape—We arrived half after 3 oc: Mrs. Wilkinson ex- 
tremely indisposed & myself strained from throat to 
Heel— We are better this Morning but shall not proceed 
until tomorrow, and I drop you this line by Command 
of my Mistress, with a view to caution you & yours 
against the Mountain Eoad — I was about to tell you a 
stoiy about the President. Grujo & Maj' Jackson, but 
have laid my hands on the thing itself — ^which will be 
enclosed or transmited by the sweet little Walsh. — ^who 
improves on Acquaintance we invoke Heaven for M". 
Willings speedy & radical cure — ^we embrace little 
Thomas, the dear Cherub, and send our best wishes with 
our best respects to your lady yourself & the young 
Gentlemen — 

with respectful consideration & esteem 

I am Dear Sir 

Your Obde 

JaWilkinson 

Timothy Pickering to Richard Peters. 

City of Washington March 24. 1806. 
My dear sir, 

Your letter of the 20th is received. The preceding 
one led me to hope that Sally's health was so far r&- 

• He liad I believe fallen asleep, fell from his Seat, & the hind wheel 
ran over Him without damage. 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 335 

stored as to relieve you from anxiety on her account. 
I feel how necessary such a daughter, & now your sole 
constant companion, must be to the repose & tranquil 
enjoyment of the remainder of your life; and I pray 
God she may perfectly recover, and live long to make 
you happy. 

I am satisfied that you need apprehend nothing for 
Ralph, in consequence of his capture by the British. 
With such a cargo it seems impossible that he can 
suffer any detention. The late news too is, that the 
British have been releasing American vessels. This 
probably has arisen from the disastrous issue of the 
Continental coalition — and a conviction that a great 
number of ship-owners have been taken by surprise; 
and therefore, at least, treated unjustly. If we had a 
President who possessed a practical knowledge of his 
duty, and honesty and firmness to perform it, all our 
difficulties with G. Britain respecting our neutral com- 
merce would either have been prevented or removed. 
I expect nothing from Monroe's talents. If M'. Jef- 
ferson were really desirous of negotiating a fair & equal 
treaty with G. B. he would send a minister competent 
to the task. Monroe is to tease by his letters and re- 
monstrances ; and, if possible, obtain from G. B. a re- 
nunciation of those principles which M^ Jefferson calls 
*' interpolation" in the law of nations; and an abandon- 
ment of her right to take her own subjects who as sea- 
men are found navigating the ships of the U. States: 
hut not to make a treaty. Such is my belief. My 
language is indeed peremptory : but I mean you should 
understand it as expressing no more than my firm 
belief. Yet if Monroe should not succeed, & I do not 
expect that he will succeed, we shall be told that G. 
Britain refuses to treat, on any terms compatible with 
the interests of the U. States. I do not even believe that 
M'. Jefferson wishes to have the ablest men employed 
at foreign courts. He is vain of his own diplomatic 



336 Correspondence of Judge Ricliard Peters. 

skill ; and thinks his instructions sufficient to illuminate 
a common man, and pour conviction on the ministers 
of those courts. Long ago I entertained this opinion. 
I knew that he draughted instructions with his own 
hand; and with a vain confidence of their efficacy; and 
particularly to Monroe. And Randolph has lately told 
us, that the President has ' ' no Cabinet. ' ' And a friend 
of his, of the Senate, lately said that ''he was very 
obstinate." But he has views and passions to gratify, 
all of which his devoted friends do not comprehend. A 
little while since, he nominated John B. C. Lucas (or 
whatever be the prenomens — Lucas I mean who perse- 
cuted Judge Addison) to be a judge of the Louisiana 
territory. Before this, he had received an Executive 
appointment, and had gone and officiated in the terri- 
tory: but now there were complaints of a serious nature 
against him ; all which the President well knew : yet he 
would not withdraw the nomination; but wished the 
Senate to negative it ! So said some of his particular 
friends, by the fire side. However, a competent number 
of his men not having been timely informed, the nomi- 
nation was approved by a majority of one vote. I give 
you this merely as a sample of the little, wretched, con- 
temptible principles which govern this man's adminis- 
tration of the government. 

But I have rambled entirely from the point on which 
I intended to make an obser\^ation. "When I began the 
subject of politics, Jefferson was not in my thoughts : 
I vrish there could be no future occasion for him to enter 
there : for whatever he might have been in better times, 
I view him now as one of the worst men who ever 
directed the affairs of a free country ; and who has done 
more to corrupt and debase this, than all other causes 
from the commencement of our revolution. 

But to my point. "You are so impartial, as to the 
great Cormorants of the Land and Sea, that you abomi- 
nate both of them." — I know that right & justice have 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 337 

too little influence in the conduct of nations. You know, 
as eveiy one who has been a member in any national 
assembly knows, how many important questions are de- 
cided against the convictions of a majority of what 
justice and the public good require. And the wise man 
says, ivlien he saw oppression under the sun — ''Hooked, 
and lo, on the side of the oppressor there was power." 
Nevertheless, there are degrees in violence, and in- 
justice : and were I a Swede, or a Dane, I would prefer 
a submission of my cause, rather, by many degrees, to 
an English than a French decision; and quite as soon 
as to that of the enlightened government of my own 
dear country. 

I do indeed view Britain as a shield, the 07ily shield, 
to protect us, as well as herself from the deadly shafts 
of the Conqueror and Arbiter of the Continental States 
of Europe ; among whom, Eussia alone retains her inde- 
pendance. England can annoy, and if she please, de- 
stroy our commerce: but she cannot touch our inde- 
pendence. But if France prevail, Britain first becomes 
one of her provinces, and we next. Our country as well 
as our commerce, would be at her disposal. France has 
a most fond attachment to her ancient possessions. It 
was purely and simply (if we take her word for it) 
from this parental fondness, that she desired to re- 
possess Louisiana, when she compelled her vassal Spain 
to retrocede it. — In the event above supposed, her 
bowels would yearn towards her dear, her first born 
American Children, Canada & Nova Scotia. Next she 
would extend her arms once more to Louisiana; exciting 
the Spaniard to pick a quarrel with the U. S. in which 
France of course, ive know, would make common cause : 
and the war once begun, all the country east of the 
Missisipi, as far as the Allegany Mountain, would again 
become what it was a century ago, a part of Louisiana. 
This claim on our backs, you know, began the seven 
years war. — This claim was revived at the peace of 

Vol. XLIV.— 22 



338 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 

Paris in 1783 ; and if M^ Jay had been as complaisant 
as D^ Franklin, would have been acquiesced in. 

Such, in my view, is the fate which awaits us, if the 
shield of Britain be pierced through, and struck from 
her arm, by the sword of France. Once more then I 
say (what in the lapse of more than thirty years I have 
not said) God save the King ! God save his people from 
the crushing weight of Napoleon's iron crown! For in 
their safety our own is inseparably involved. Nor is 
it selfishness alone which draws from me these ejacula- 
tions. Corrupt as the world is, where shall we find so 
fair a portion of the human race! Were we, the "en- 
lightened & virtuous" people of the U. States, pos- 
sessed of the like predominant power at sea, should we, 
think you, act a whit better? My dear friend, I have 
seen, this present session, such a prostration of all 
principle as left no room for charity. — Moreover, I 
always see in England the country of my ancestors, who 
there imbibed the most correct notions of civil liberty, 
and brought them here. From England we have de- 
rived our most valuable institutions. In England 
liberty finds her purest asylum. Should our, in the 
mad career of democracy, be extinguished, — by a touch 
from England it may be rekindled. Where are to be 
found so many monuments of the noblest and most use- 
ful virtues, as in England? — From my soul I say, 

''England, with all thy faults, I love thee still and, 

while yet a nook is left, where English minds and man- 
ners may be found, shall be constrained to love thee." 

The declaration of Independence so much celebrated 
as the work of Jefferson (in which however he has but 
a share of merit) contains one excellent sentiment, but 
which neither he nor his adherents ever think of — cer- 
tainly never act on — ''We must therefore view them 
(the British) as we view the rest of mankind — enemies 
in war — in peace friends.''^ It is their unceasing, in- 
veterate hatred of G. Britain which is, as it long has 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 339 

been, the chief source of all our disputes with that 
nation. 

But I have not time for any further speculations on 
this subject ; and I fear you will be wearied before you 
arrive at this page. 

You ask, "^Mio is this Cook," whose speech you saw 
in the news-paper? — I'll tell you; a poor, vain, con- 
ceited democrat from the Province of Maine ; and whose 
public (what-ever may be his private) morality may be 
defined by two words : "With him, poicer and right are 
convertible terms. And he, with the majority of the 
several branches of our government, are now (in a case 
which I cannot at this moment conveniently explain) 
proceeding on this principle toward one European 
nation, by collusion with another: and for which (a 
favorite project of Jeiferson) we shall probably one 
day deservedly suffer. 

To return once more to the politics in your letter: 
I do not ^vish to see Britain stripped of any of her 
foreign possessions : for France would succeed to them 
in fact, in whose ever name they shall be held. As for 
titles, he might have, for ought I should care, as many 
and as lofty as were ever assumed by the most mag- 
nificent Eastern Monarchs. But he is not to be satis- 
fied by such baubles. "Tis solid power, a power to 
sway the scepter of the World, which can alone satiate 
his ambition and his pride. — He will not listen to terms 
which Britain can accede to, without sealing her own 
destruction. The war must continue; how long, God 
only knows; but doubtless until the power of Britain 
is anniliilated, or the unavailing efforts of Bonaparte 
shall induce him to jdeld to such an abandonment of 
power & influence on the continent, as shall divest him 
of the means of becoming the Tyrant of the World. 
Most sincerely yours. 

T. Pickering. 



340 Correspo7idence of Judge Richard Peters. 

Timothy Pickering to Richard Peters. 

Washington April 13. 1806. 
Dear, 

This is the last letter I shall send you from this city 
**four miles square." Last evening I received yours 
of the 10th. I am happy to learn that tho' suddenly 
attacked by one of Time's dread agents, you had suffi- 
cient vigour to give him a repulse : but you are not un- 
mindful that sooner or later his assaults will be irre- 
sistable. I am alike happy that Marie & Sally are re- 
covered or recovering. Such infoimation of a family 
in which I have so many years felt so deep an interest, 
does indeed relieve me under such disastrous political 
pressures" as I have been doomed here to witness. 

I little thought that you & I, who during a long period 
have thought so much alike on political subjects, should 
now, in our old age, be at odds. I see no reason to re- 
nounce my opinions. The veil will not soon be removed 
from the popular eye — if ever. I am no scholar : but I 
recollect, what experience has confirmed, that ''Regis 
ad exemplum totus componitur orbis." If Jefferson 
had not been five years our president, I should not have 
believed it possible for one man, controuled by precise 
constitutional rules and laws, to produce such a revolu- 
tion in politics & morals as we now see. Or were the 
people previously corrupt & base, and only waiting an 
occasion to display their real character? What could 
more disgrace and degrade a nation than the proceed- 
ings at this city during the past winter? The national 
spirit and dignity are gone — never to rise while Jeffer- 
son bears rule. And who will succeed? A man of char- 
acter & ability? No : The feeble, timid Madison, or the 
dull Monroe: and in the latter case, such an ambitious, 
and at the same time unprincipled man as Randolph 
will be his prime minister. Fools & knaves will con- 
tinue to be the general favourites of the people, until 



Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters. 341 

the government is subverted. What will then tuni up 
it is not difficult to conjecture. Just now we have no 
royal timber, but it is growing; and our children will 
see it in its maturity. As for corruption it as really, 
and I do not know" but as extensively, exists here as in 
St. Stephen's chapel (if that is the place where sits the 
British parliament;) tho' the means of corruption are 
in some respects different. It is at present not conveni- 
ent to distribute eagles here, like guineas there: but 
offices & contracts are prostituted to accomplish similar 
ends ; and where these are wanting, all remaining prin- 
ciple gives way to popularity and the maintenance of 
party views. 

You place the Hanoverian & the Corsican on the same 
line, as equal objects of hatred: and is there no dif- 
ference in the condition of the subjects of those two 
monarchs ? I need not answer or explain — nor have I 
time. Perhaps the people of Canada & Nova Scotia 
may be dissatisfied with their Royal Governments, tho* 
in the full enjojTuent of English liberty; for mankind 
are seldom contented with their condition: but they 
would certainly be great fools voluntarily to become 
members of our boasted Eepublic. 

But a truce to politics : in them you and I may differ: 
while in mutual affection we shall always be united. 

Adieu! 

Timothy Pickering. 
P. S. Have you seen Madison's letter of March 31. in 
answer to one signed T. Fanniar, in behalf of the New- 
York merchants? It is a master-piece of obscure & 
pitiful evasion: Jefferson & Madison must have 
clubbed their wits in its production. 

Dr. Benjamin Rush to Richard Peters. 
Dear Sir, 

I am so much accustomed to have my opinions and 
Conduct misrepresented, that I have ceased to com- 



342 Correspondence of Judge Richard Peters^ 

plain of my medical brethren upon that Account. The 
tenor of my lectures and publications have refuted the 
Calumnies upon the former, and the issue of my life 
will I hope refute the latter. I know from whence the 
falsehood was derived. The men who propagated it, 
did not believe it. 

I believe brutes have souls, but I 7iever said, nor 
never believed — that they were immortal. Wiser and 
better men than I shall ever be, have maintained the 
latter opinion, among whom I mentioned D"" Hartley 
and D"" Hildroj) — the one an eminent philosopher and 
physician, the other — a pious & learned divine of the 
Church of England. 

The lecture which has given occasion to the idle story 
you mention, is now printed. Whenever it is read, it 
will do us both justice. 

I have interrogated a number of my pupils upon the 
Subject alluded to. They all understand me perfectly, 
and connected your name otily with the Undertaking, 
or design of the lecture. 

From Dear Sir 

Yrs sincerely 

Benj"" : Eush 
Novem' 28. 1807. 

P. S. I concluded after writing the above letter to 
defer sending it till I could accompany it with a Copy 
of the lecture. You will perceive that I have called the 
authors of the calumny you have mentioned '* medical 
brethren." were I a Governor — I could call them 
Ingrates — Liars — Apostates & Traitors. 
Decern' 12*\ 1807 



Brevet Brigadier General George Mathews. 343 



BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL GEORGE MATHEWS. 

A welcome addition to our very slender stock of in- 
formation relating to the biography of this officer of the 
Revolutionary War is contained in the accompanying 
papers, in the handwriting of Col. Thomas Eodney, who 
was a member of the Continental Congress and, in 
later years, Judge of the U. S. Court for the territoiy 
of Mississippi. They were purchased at the recent sale, 
in Philadelphia, of the correspondence of Caesar, 
Thomas, and Cassar A. Rodney. 

George Mathews served in the Indian Warfare in 
Virginia prior to the Revolutionary War; was ap- 
pointed Colonel of the Ninth Virginia Regiment, Feb- 
ruary 10, 1777 ; and was wounded and taken prisoner at 
Germantown, October 4, 1777. He was not exchanged 
until Dec. 5, 1781. He then joined Gen. Greene's anuy 
in the South, as Colonel of the Third Virginia Regi- 
ment, and continued in Service until the close of the 
War. As to the character of this service we are not 
informed. 

Removing, with his family, to Georgia in 1785, he was 
a representative from that State to the first Congress 
^held under the Constitution of the United States ; and 
served as Governor of Georgia from 1793 to 1796. 

He died at Augusta, Ga., on August 30, 1812, aged 
73 years. 

It is evident from the statements made by Rodney in 
these papers that Gen. Mathews visited the Mississippi 
Territory — presumably Natchez — for the purpose of 
seeing his Son, whom President Jefferson had ap- 
pointed a Judge of one of the U. S. Courts of the Ter- 
ritory in 1805. 



344 Brevet Brigadier General George Mathews. 

After reading Eodney's remarkable spelling of cele- 
brated names of ancient times, it is difficult to repress 
a smile at his comment on the Greneral's lack of accur- 
ate historical knowledge and his bad English. 

Sunday March 31^' 1805 
Eob\ Williams, Col. Steel, Major R. Claiborne, T. 
Stark, M^ W. B. Shields and Myself Dined with Gen'. 
Mathews to day by Invitation — The Gen^ is an Old 
officer Commanded the 9"^ Virginia Eegm' in the Revol- 
ution — ^Was in the Indian Battle near the Canawa River 
near Mount Pleasant and was wounded at Germain 
Town &f and Since the Revolution was Governor of 
Georgia when the Famous or Rather what some think 
the Infamous Misisipi Georgia Grants were made — 
He Came here and was Married last Summer to the 
widow Carpenter by My self — 

The Gen'. Was Talkative and spoke of Hanible, 
Sipeo, Fabricius, Carolanus, Marius, &° &" but his his- 
torical knowledge was detached and some Times he 
Erred as To Time and place and frequently Spoke bad 
English — yet he seemed To have a pretty Strong 
memory — & repeated parts of the Speaches of Hanible 
& Sipeo — yet combind parts of different Speeches to- 
gether without distinction of Time & place &° He also 
fought his own Battles o'er & o'er & and gave us a good 
many other Anectdotes — In a word he was the Orator 
of the day — Seldom did any of us Interrupt him — I only 
now & then Expressed a few words to help to rectify 
some mistakes of Persons, Time & place in his His- 
torical Sketches and I believd we left the Gener'. highly 
pleased With himself — The Gen'. However is a Ruff 
brave old Soldier — and is in many respects Respectable 
— nor does he lack Strong Talants but all his Oper- 
tunities have not polished them much — ^His wife is an 
Amiable woman — 

To day Munday April 1. 1805. I went to Natches in 



Brevet Brigadier General George Matheivs. 345 

My Carriage and Took Stark With me — Dined at Bou- 
monts— but Visited M". Murry, M". Wooldridge and 
M". Claiborne and returned in the Evening — Met Fits- 
patrick With Col. Giranlt, going to Natches — just be- 
fore My Coffee Came in the Evening M^ Brandon & 
M'. Leamon Called & Took a glass of wine & I 
Promissed to go to Brandons before he Sets of for the 
States — some Time next week. 

Memo. 

When I Dined with Gen\ Mathews at his own House 
He was disposed To Tell his Military Exploits — When 
he Dined with me a few days ago he was disposed to 
relate his Civil adventures as a Councillor &^ 

He was in Congress on the first Meeting and Organi- 
zation of the Federal Govenmient — and related Several 
anectdotes Shewing how he had Conducted himself and 
what his Sentiments had been on sever Important ques- 
tions which also involved the Conduct and Sentiments 
of several other Members of Congress particularly M'. 
Madisons the Present Secret'', of the U. S. 

The General was reputed a brave officer — ^was in The 
Battle with the Indians at Point Pleasant at the Mouth 
of the Great Canawa Eiver — and received 5 wounds in 
the Battle of German Town— was a Prisoner some time 
to the Brittish & resided on Long Island— Since the 
War he has been a Representative in Congress & was 
once Governor of Georgia at the Time of the Yazoo 
Speculations — 

He is Still Healthy and Active & Comfortably Settled 
in this Territory Misisipi — 



346 Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 



SOME LETTERS FROM THE DREER COLLECTION 
OF MANUSCRIPTS. 

CecU Calvert to Horatio Sharp. 

London June 12^\ 1755. 

Sir 

Y". of the 10'". of April, by way of Philadelphia I have 
rec'^. It is a concern to my Lord to understand from 
You the Lower House have shewn so little Regard to 
His Lord^' Instruction for an Amendm\ of the Inspec- 
tion Tobacco Law, (my Lord is Satisfy 'd you have done 
well you"" part therein). Obstinancy of Others ag\ the 
Superior Judgem*. well-advised and with Candour laid 
before a particular Community to Rectifye Mistakes, 
the Non-Compliance therewith is of the greatest con- 
sequence, as it Indangers much Harm to the whole 
Wellfare of a People. — It is with equal concern to him 
to know from you their Unwillingness & not to Grant 
Aid in Support & defence of their Self-preservation 
ag\ an Enemy to their King Country, & in offer so to 
Do to Infringe on their Lord's Right, without any Con- 
sideration to him : My Lord doubts not of your Recti- 
tude to him therein & that you will Abide & follow His 
Instructions with You, concerning Ordinary Licences — 

The Kingdom here Cry, Out shame on Pen a ! their 

non-support of the injured Common Cause of their 
King & Country — I find by y". you have not since Gen- 
eral Bradock's arrival want'd Company at Annapolis, 
as it seems to a been the Place of General meeting for 
the Council of War — His Lord^. is therein greatly 
pleased, as it Lusters Honour to his Province & to You 
His Governor & of money Advantage to his Metropolis. 



Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 347 

It won", also be a great Satisfaction to him w^. he hopes 
to hear of y'. reaping Advantage by the means of the 
General for the Manifest Services you have rendered 
his Majesty; may all Success attend His Troops under 
the General Conduct at Wills 's Creek & drive far off 
the French out of Mongahala Fort in the Ohio Country 
— His Lord^. thinks it a Happiness that the Troops of 
His Provinces of w''. you mention are taken into the 
English Eegiments & deemed by the General of Ser\-ice 
in Support of the present Exigency of Affairs, & hopes 
the Province will not be wanting in the Increase of the 
remainder left of Forces. 

In my last I hinted to you ab'. a Complaint of One 
M'. Stewart a Contractor with the Goverm'. here for 
the Transportation of Felons, since w'^. he has pre- 
sented the Proprietor with a Memorial w''. I here trans- 
mit you & an Extract Copy of His Case to M^ ISIurray 
Attor'' General with a Copy of my Letter, his Lord^' 
Answer relative to M^ Stewarts Memorial, w\ I hope 
will Quiet at least at present that affair— His Lord" 
desires I will Note to You & hopes you will have a pecul- 
iar Care How you let pass any Act of Assembly ag'. & 
in Face of An Act of Parliament here. 

I beg your Care of M^ Eoss sendmg after all Ses- 
sions the Acts of Assembly the last Journals came 
without any of the Laws. 

I here Inclose You the Bill of Exch^ drawn by M". 
Mary Young you sent me of £46:18 with a Protest w\ 
I beg you'l favour me with a return as soon as possible, 
it will be of great service to me. 

All things are Quiet here. Admiral Boscawen has 
not been heard of since he Sailed to the Westward. 
Nine Sail of the French are said to be return 'd into 
Brest, the Rest of their Fleet took their departure 
West with the Transports fiU'd with Troops. The Ad- 
miralty here are daily Commissioning more sliips. 



348 Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 

Twenty three Ride at Anchor at Spithead Complete 
of the Line. 

With peculiar Esteem 

y. very Obliged h''^' Serv*. 

Oecil^: Calvert. 
Pos\ 

My Lord is Surprised at M^ Lloyd's detention of his 
money. Next Mich'"^^ he will two years with\ acco°^. 
w". M^ Tasker annualy did. Pray Remind him it gives 
uneasyness 
To 
His Excellency Horatio Sharpe Esq'. 

Cecil Calvert to Horatio Sharp. 

London Nov'. 22^ 1757. 

M'. Russell's ship on her departure affords me but 
time to Acknowledge from You by Cap^ Coolidge three 
Boxes contain^. The Acts of Maryland pass'd by You at 
a Sessions of Assembly the 8*^. of April last — Draughts 
of His Lord"', [torn out] us & a Rent-Roll Book of Ann 
Arundell County 1755. It seemes Exemplify 'd agree- 
able to Instruction, but the want of the Judges of the 
Land Office Atestation before You, with the Seal of 
the Land Office fix'd to the Book, as Stamps of Author- 
ity to any Court of Law. His Lord", desires you'l for- 
ward the Others, executed with proper Authority. 

An Irishman on viewing the Chart of Prince George's 
County, you sent. He said, done by my Country Man, 
Topsy-Turv-y ! The Chart as it hangs, Patuxent River 
is S., Potomack River N. On the Globe is Vice Versa. 
Hang the Chart right as to Earth & Water N. & S., 
than all the written Characters are — Topsy-Turvy — 
The remark is to prevent Blunders, as to the remaind'. 
of Charts to be sent. 

I am with all respect 
Y". Sincerely 

CeciP: Calvert. 



Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 349 

Pos*. 

I wrote you y. 7^ April y*. 10'^ of May y* 23^ Oct^ 
Nov'. 18"". inclosed His Lord^'. Inst°\ The 23^ of Oct\ 
To reject the Virginia Petition & to insist on the whole 
Passage. I've rec''. a Let^ from M^ Jenkins Henrj- of 
the Council (inclosed in M"". Lloyd's Packet) chalenging 
a Debt on Acco\ of Charges attends the Execution on 
behalf of L^ Baltimore for runing the Line h\ ^sLsltj- 
land & Pennsylvania. I know not of it, nor have I time 
to write him please to inquire his Contents, on his 
transmitting me the Demand, I'll tender it to His Lord^ 
my respects to him. S^ John .Mordaunt its said by 
the Report of Inquin- to His Majesty concerning his 
Conduct on y Expedition to Eochaford will suffer Dis- 
grace. I'va not seen My Lord ab\ M''. W n's affair, 

but sure I think he will desist concerning; I will do 
every thing not to Effect you & shall take all Oppor- 
tunity of rendering you Service for y^ manifest ser- 
vices perforaied & mentioned in y". of the V\ of Aug'. 
I've reC' a Let^ from M^ Young, who I understand is 
Married to M^ Dulany's Sister, My Lord is satisfyed 
with y". & M^ Gaskin's Jun^ Notice of his insufficiency 
to be of the Council of State. M^ Lloyd's obstinacy 
will bring on him His LordP'^ Instruction ah\ Exchang- 
ing Rent-Eoll-Keeper of the Western shore to j\ of the 
Eastern, w'^. perhaps may Occasion his remove, in Case 
it shoP., the Mess'". Tasker's will not be acceptable, 
My Lord having several reasons why not. I hear M^ 
Tasker Jun^ designs for England, M^ Bladen is am- 
bitious for his purpose, an attempt has been, I am 
steady to you ag'. all others Device agS you, Speak not 
of this Hint to any^ Inclosed is the London Gazettee 
of the Glorious Victory Obtained by His Majesty of 
Prussia ag\ the Combined Army of France & Austria 
On the 5"". of Nov^ this Instant near Weissinfels & 
Marreburg & Halle. 

To His Excell^ Horatio Sharpe Esq^ L'. Govern^ in 
Maryland. 



350 Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 



Robert Dinwiddie to 



Williamsburg Jan^ 11"": 1755. 
Sir 

The Bearer hereof M"" Eobert Calender brought me 
Your Bill on me for £497 . . 4 . . 6 which I immediately 
paid & this Day I received Yours of the 8"* : & I am much 
of Opinion that You had better meet Your Assembly 
& endeavour to persuade them to grant a further Sup- 
ply. The Packet by this Bearer was wrote some Days 
ago for M^ Wolstenholmes but he is not yet come from 
Hami3ton, to that Letter I pray to be referred. The 
Bearer also brings a Packet from England, which I 
wish safe to Your Hands. 

The Packets I have from England do not require the 
imediate meeting of our Assembly, as it is chiefly to 
endeavour to get a further Supply of Money, which I 
cannot at this Time expect, as they could not know at 
Home the last Vote of 20,000. 

Last Night S^ John S\ Clair arrived here, in His 
Majesty's Ship Gibralter; & with liim two Lieut^ Col- 
onels for the two Eegiments to be raised to the North- 
ward, & they propose paying their Respects to You 
soon. Sir John S^ Clair is appointed Quarter Master 
General of all the Forces; he & I go to Hampton To- 
morrow Morning to provide an Hospital for the Forces 
expected from Ireland, which he say's may be daily 
expected to arrive; On his Return he proposes going 
for Wills 's Creek, to give some Directions for building 
Barracks for receiving the Troops expected. 

Therefore I conceive it very proper You should send 
Your Orders to Wills 's Creek, to direct so many People 
as may be wanted to Compleat that essential & neces- 
sary Business. 

I find that the two Eegiments expected here are to 
be Compleated to 700 Men each, & a Supply from the 
Recruits raised in these Colonies of 400 Men. I have 



Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 351 

agreed with the Bearer for 100 Horses, Saddles, 
Bridles, Belts &€". forty to be delivered at Wills 's 
Creek the first Week in Feb^ & SLxty the first of March; 
for which he is to have 10 £ p Pss. «& is to carry two 
hundred weight of Flonr upon each Horse to be paid 
at the Market Prices. 
I wish You Health & Happiness & am 

Sir 
Your most obed*. Ser^ 

Rob\ Dinwiddle 
P : S : When You draw on me for Money I beg the 
Favour of a Letter as they are Strangers that bring 
the Notes. 

Robert Dinwiddie to . 



London, April 9th 1764. 
Sir 

Tis a long time since I had the favour of a letter 
from you — Tho' I frequenth^ hear from your Brothers 
of your being in good health, yet a line from yourself 
wou'd be very acceptable — The Bearer hereof (Mr. 
Lee) who married the daughter of Mr. Kussell, a mer- 
chant here, beg'd a letter from me to introduce him to 
your Excellency, which I readily complied with, as his 
behaviour here was very agreeable. I therefore recom- 
mend him to your wonted Civilities & friendship. 

Our Ministry here does not appear to be properly 
settled, the great men quarrelling for the lucrative em- 
plojTuents — This session of Parliament has been 
greatly engaged on our Colonies & think they should 
now be at the charge of pa>^ng & maintaing the Forces 
necessary for their protection against the Indians &c. 
Every person here acquainted with the Colonies repre- 
sented their Incapacity of bearing such Expence — They 
proposed a Stamp duty in general to all the Colonies — 
Arguments against all interior Duties were urged, as 
contrary to the plan of Settlement, that all Interior 



352 Some Letters from the Dreer Collection. 

duties ought to be laid by their own Legislative bodies. 
It is suspended for this year but thought it may be 
renew 'd next session of Parliament — Duties are laid 
on Melasses from the French Islands at 3^ p gallon, 
Wine imported P p. Ton, and some other duties on 
goods imported to the Colonies, but as the Act is not 
yet published, I cannot be particular, but must refer 
you to your Brothers, and your Secretary Mr. Calvert. 

It will give me great pleasure to receive a Letter 
from you with the news in your part of the World, 
especially in regard to the Barbarities from! the In- 
dians — 

My Wife and Daughters join me in sincere Eespects 
& hearty wishes for your health &c, and I remain in 
great truth 

Your Excellency's 
Most obed^ humble Serv^ 
Eob\ Dinwiddie 
P. S. I have been in a very 
bad state of health ever since 
my arrival here which obliges 
me to go twice a year to Bath. 



M 



.. . . * B 



Him 




JolinC. Browne TaUet Unveiled. 353 



BEOXZE TABLET IX MEMORY OF* JOHN C. BROWNE, 

UNVEILED. 

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall 
of the Society, Monday, November 8, 1920, at 8 o'clock, 
P. M., President Hon. Charlemagne Tower in the chair. 

An address, illustrated with lantern slides, was de- 
livered by Hon. Thomas L. Montgomery, Litt. D., State 
Librarian, on *' Cumberland Valley and its Associa- 
tions. ' ' 

The meeting then adjourned to the adjoining Reading 
Eoom of the Society where a bronze tablet in memory 
of John C. Browne, President of the Council of the 
Society, was unveiled by his daughter, Mrs. Henry 
Potts. It was presented to the Society by Mr. Edward 
S. Sayres, chairman of the committee of the Council 
who superintended the making of it, and was accepted 
by President Tower. Vice President Hon. Hampton L. 
Carson then delivered an address in honor of Mr. 
Browne. 



Vol. XLIV.— 23 



354 Balance Sheet of the Treasurer. 



BALANCE SHEET OF THE TREASUEEE, HISTOEICAL 
SOCIETY OF PEXXSYLVA^nA, DECEMBER 31, 1919. 

Dr, 

Investment $313,750.00 

Real Estate 155,586.63 

Binding Fund (Income) 564.48 

Gregory B. Keen, Curator 800.00 

John W. Jordan, Librarian 100.00 

General Fund ( Income) 7,803.76 

Cash 11,555.82 

$490,160.69 
Cr. 

General Fund (Principal) $162,401.31 

Binding Fund (Principal) 7,229.68 

Building Fund (Principal) •• 1,183.81 

Publication Fund ( Income) 1,298.11 

Dreer Fund ( Principal ) 19,332.94 

Howard Williams Lloyd Fund (Principal) 5,000.00 

Howard Williams Lloyd Fund (Income) 811.13 

Library Fund (Principal) 20,505.00 

Library Fund (Income) 1,323.71 

Endowment Fund (Income) 2,290.93 

Endowment Fund ( Principal ) 101,177.74 

Smedley Fund (Principal) 2,132.37 

Smedley Fund ( Income) 442.83 

Dreer Fund (Income) 3,463.30 

Study Fund ( Income) 809.21 

English Record Copying Fund (Income) 634.71 

Lanier Fund (Principal) 1,937.00 

Lanier Fund (Income) 249.07 

Stille Trust Fund ( Principal) 10,000.00 

Stille Trust Fund ( Income) 225.52 

R. J. Walker Endowment ilemorial Fund (Prin.) 50,000.00 

R. J. Walker Endowment Memorial Fund (In.) . . 12,237.72 

Lamberton Trust Fund ( Principal) 2,375.00 

Lamberton Trust Fund (Income) 213.86 

Wm. H. Jordan Governor Portrait Fund (Prin.) 1,000.00 

Wm. H. Jordan Governor Portrait Fund (Income) 130.72 

Stille Burial Lot Trust Fund 200.00 

Thomas Balch Fund ( Principal ) 1,288.05 

C. Percy de La Roche Fund (Principal) 400.00 



Balance Sheet of the Treasurer. 355 

C. Percy de La Roche Fund (Income) $230.37 

Elise Willing Balch Fund (Principal) 5,000.00 

Elise Willing Balch Fund (Income) 547.55 

Elizabeth Swift Shippen Fund (Principal) 5,000.00 

Elizabeth Swift Shippen Fund (Income) 297.29 

Chas. Morton Smith Fund (Principal) 20,000.00 

Chas. Morton Smith Fund (Income) 953.26 

Thomas Balch Fund (Income) 45.45 

Publication Fund (Principal) 42,637.76 

Simon Gratz Fund (Principal) 10,000.00 

Simon Gratz Fund (Income) 591.00 

Emily Swift Balch Fund (Principal) 5,048.55 

Emily Swift Balch Fund (Income) 236.60 

George DeB. Keim Fund (Income) 293.14 

$490,160.69 
Gifts. 

The Librarian reports the following special gifts: 

Mrs. John F. Combs, to the Binding Fund, $1000.00. 

To the Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection were added, 101 Manuscripts, 
among them a rare letter of Eev. John Davenport to Governor Win- 
throp, 1661. 

From the Genealogical Society: 

Cumberland County, X. J., Marriages, 1795-1837; Cape May County, 
N. J., Marriages, 1694-1830; St. Peter's Lutheran Church, Barren Hill, 
Pa., 1851-1919; Cohansey Baptist Church, Cumberland County, N. J., 
1757-1857; 1802-1878; Troth Papers, Vols. 7, 8, 9; Burlington County, 
N. J., Marriages, 1795-1826; Burial Records, Board of Health, Phila- 
delphia, 1815-1824; Christ Evangelical Lutheran Church, York, Pa., 
Baptisms, 1733-1735. 

7403 Letters and documents, gift of Mr. Simon Gratz. 

450 Letters, documents and muster rolls of Gen. Anthony Wayne, 
relating to his expedition against the Indians of the Northwest, through 
Mrs. Charles L. Murphy. 

17 Orderly Books, of Gen. Wayne's expedition against the Indians, 
gift of ^Irs. John M. Wirgman. 

A large collection of books, magazines, pamphlets and engravings re- 
lating to the late war, and a letter of Gen. Washington to Major Cliff 
dated August 18, 1782, gift of Hon. Hampton L. Carson. 

46 original documents, deeds, marriage certificates, 1680-1829, gift 
of ;Mrs. Charles Morton Smith. 

Ledger of Thomas Denham, 1726-28, who employed Franklin in his 
oflBce on his return from England, from the Charles Morton Smith 
Ftrnd. 

Desk of Robert Morris, gift of Mrs. James Mifflin. 

1 Syllabub Bowl of the Revolution, gift of ]SIr8. Craig D. Ritchie. 
Portrait of Dr. Thomas Cadwalader, Estate of Richard M. Cadwalader. 

A collection of Manuscripts and documents of Hon. James H. Camp- 



356 Balance Sheet of the Treasurer. 

bell, U. S. Minister to Sweden; Commissions and instructions signed 
by Lincoln, Seward and Stanton; 8 portraits by Thomas Sully, S. B. 
Waugh, Mrs. Darley, Mary J. Peale and others; 5 silhouettes by J. 
Henry Brown of Hon. Ellis Lewis and members of the Campbell family; 
medal of the "First Defenders," 1861, of James H. Campbell and other 
miscellaneous articles, gift of Dr. A. Keightly, London, England. 

Letter of William Penn, and 406 engraved portraits, gift of Mrs. 
C. M. Thomas. 

Collection of books, pamphlets, manuscripts, and papers of the late 
Hon. Judge James T. ilitchell, from Mrs. E. Dallett Hemphill. 

437 Camouflage designs for vessels, used during the late war, gift of 
Mitchell S. Beck. 

6 Books and 160 selected pamphlets, gift of B. H. Shoemaker, 2d. 

374 Local Magazines, gift of Mrs. John F. Combs. 

59 Manuscripts and 300 engravings, gift of Mrs. Charles F. Jenkins. 

Blue silk sash worn by William Penn in Peimsylvania, a gift of Mary, 
widow of William Penn, Jr., to Greorge Phillips of Stoke Ferry; re- 
ferred to in Clarkson's "Life of William Penn," gift of Miss M. Fassitt. 

SnuflF box with gold medallion of Napoleon set in lid; small statuette 
in bronze of Bonaparte; portrait of Cora Monges, painted by Princess 
Charlotte Bonaparte, Estate of Miss Cora Monges. 



Notes and Queries. 



357 



NOTES AND QUEEIES. 

motes. 

Wanted — Copies of Lettees of Andrew Jackson. 

The Department of Historical Research in the Carnegie Institution 
of Washington is collecting the material for an edition, in several vol- 
umes, of the Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, to be edited by PrcH 
fessor John S. Bassett of Smith College, Jackson's biographer. All 
persons who possess letters of General Jackson or important lett-ers to 
him, or who know where there are collections of his correspondence, or 
even single letters, would confer a favor by writing to Dr. J. F. Jameson, 
director of the department named, 1140 Woodward Building, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 



"The Cock-Fighter." — In the January number of the Pennsylvania 
Magazine of History and Biography, page 73, we printed The Cock- 
Fighter. An unpublished poem by Francis Hopkinso-n, without the name 
of the contributor. We take pleasure in stating that we are indebted 
to Prof. George E. Hastings, of the University of Arkansas, at Fayette- 
ville, for the contribution. 

Ed. Penna. :Mao. 

Pbobably First Attempt at a Business Directory in Philadelphia. 



Cooppers 
xNath': Allen 
xNehemiah Allen 
Sam*': Holt 
Phillip James 
John Pinnerd 
Sam*': Keall 
Eo* yealdhall 

Talors 
John Mackcooms 
Thorn' Worton 
John Marting 
John Jennings 
W" Boling 
John Isnett 

Printers 
Andrew Bradford 
Ronear Johnson 



Silvor Smiths 
Sezor Gisling 
John Denise 



House Carpenter 
X Thomas Bradford 
John Parsons 
John Densey 
Thomas Harding 
W""': Harrod 
John Songgers 
Tho' Master 
X James Pillor 

Clock Makers 
Abell Cottey 



Bruors 

Ben'' Framton 
Henry Badcock 
Joshua Carpentor 

Shumakers 
John Jones 
John Howard 
Danill Jones 
W'" Bevan 



Brick layers d Masons 
John Sanders 
Emanuall Dorson 
John Readman 
Thomas Hobbs 
Thomas Dackett 
John Coomes 



Sadlors 
W" Robinson 
John Heath 
RiC' Sutten 



Putorors 
X Thomas Paskall 



Ship Wrights 
James West 
John Ashton 
John Penrose 
Nath' : Lamppley 
Dennis Linch 



358 



Notes and Queries. 



Plastorrors 

Anthony Surges 
Eob». Wollis 



Blockmahers 
W" Carter 



Cabenett Makers 
or Joynera 
Abraham Hoopper 
Abraham Coffen 
John Fellows 



Black Smiths 
John Fisher 
Thomas Pert 

Ric" Cantrill brickmaker 
The Names that Is Crost Came In y* furst Ship that Came from 
Englund 1681 y« year before y* Propariutor In a larg Ship y* 11 D^ 
10"° landed att Chester the Cap*s Name was Roger Drew j' Ships 
Name Bristol Facktor 

y* furst Publick howses In PMlad 



The Blew Anker 

The Skales 
The Gloab 
TheCrokked billitt 
Pevter Platter 
Pennepott Hows 
The Hachett 
Three Tunns 



Cap* James 
W Cox 
John Test 
Stone Steps 
Alic Gess 
John Knight 

W Terrill 
G. Emb« 



Proud 



38ooft IRoticcs. 

English Notes: A Rare and Uxkxown Wobk, Being a Reply to 
Charles Dickens's "American Notes." With Critical Comments by 
Joseph Jackson and George H. Sargent. Lewis M. Thompson, New 
York, 1920. 8vo, pp. 182. Portraits. 

Notwithstanding the criticism created by the publication of "American 
Notes," by Charles Dickens, very few of the many replies have been 
reprinted in book form. By some curious accident the most interesting 
reply of all has until recently escaped notice — "English Notes, | in- 
tended for I Very Extensive Circulation! | By | Quarles Quickens, Esq. | 
Boston: I Published at the Daily Mail Office. | 1842. | " A decade or 
more ago a dilapidated copy of this pamphlet of 16 pages, small quarto, 
was purchased in Philadelphia and eventually acquired by Mr. Joseph 
Jackson, who, after careful reading, "was convinced that the writer 
was posing as a person of less than ordinary literary attainments, 
while he occasionally forgot the part he was playing and displayed 
remarkable genius." That point will be readily conceded by anyone 
who has the good fortune to possess a copy of ytr. Thompson's reprint. 
Mr. Jackson, after studying the subject with great care, came to the 
conclusion that the pamplilet was written by Edgar Allan Poe, who 
used the pseudonym of "Quarles" in publishing "The Raven." Mr. 
Jackson in his foreword to this reprint sets out in tabular form his 
reasons for attributing it to Poe, and they are weighty ones. There 
is no record of Poe having asserted his claim to its authorship, but 
there are traces of certain characteristics of his that distinguish his 
writings. 

PtJBLICATIONS OF The GeNEALOGICAI, SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
Vol. VII, No. 3. Philadelphia, 1920. 

This is the third and concluding number of Volume VII of the 
publications of the Society, and it is not exceeded in interest and 



Notes and Queries. 359 

authority by any published. In addition to the Twenty-eighth Annual 
Report of the Society, the contributed articles comprise "Hendrick 
Van Leuvenigh of New Castle County, Delaware, and Some of II La 
Descendants," J. Granville Leach; "•Pennsylvania Gravestone Inscrip- 
tions"; "Xorriton Presbyterian Church," by Prof. Addams S. McAl- 
lister; ''Lower Burying Ground, Brandyvvine Manor Presbyterian 
Church, Chester County," by Mrs. Linwood L. Righter; "Seceder Bury- 
ing Ground, Presbyterian Church, Brandynane iManor," by iMrs. Linwood 
L. Righter; "Seventh Day Baptist, French Creek, Chester County," by 
C. Howard Colket; "Abstract of Wills and Administrations of Alle- 
gheny County, Registered at Pittsburgh, Pa.," by Miss ^Nlary Ellison 
Wood; "Abstracts of Xew Jersey Commissions, Civil and ^lilitary, 
from Liber A. A. A. of Commissiona in the Secretary of State's Office 
at Trenton," by Mrs. Harry Rogers and Mrs. A. H. Lane; "Records of 
All Saints Parish, Frederick Co., Maryland." by Miss Mary Ellison 
Wood; "Early Minutes of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting of Friends," 
and Bible records of the following families: Atherton, Carter Biddle, 
H«nshaw, Robert Laning, Mullett, McKeehan, Rev. Joshua Williams, 
D.D., Sands-Oliver-Xyce, Turner-Williams. 
A very full index has been prepared. 

Yeah Book of the Pfxnsylvaxia Society, 1920. Edited by Barr 
Ferree, Director of the Society. New York, 1920. 8vo, pp. 172.' Illus- 
trated. 

This admirably compiled record of the Pennsylvania Society in New 
York is literally packed with data of interest to its members, as well 
as the general reader. The account of the luncheon given by the 
Society to His Eminence, Cardinal Mercier of Belgium, in October of 
1919, was an exceptionally successful function. The address of welcome 
of Charles M. Schwab, President of the Society, and that of Hon. George 
W. Wickersham on presenting to the Cardinal the gold medal of the 
Society, and the impressive, responsive address of His Eminence, will 
long be remembered by the members and their guests who were present. 

The League of NATI0^"S at Work. Bv Arthur Sweetser. The Mac- 
millan Co., New York, 1920. 12mo, pp. 215. Price, $1.75. 

In this book !Mr. Sweetser, who is a firm believer in the League of 
Nations, and was a member of the Peace Commission in Paris and 
also of the Provisional Secretariat in London, has seen its genesis, 
growth and operation, and what it has accomplished. It has created a 
permanent international Executive Staff, is organizing a World Court, 
has held a world Labor Conference of forty nations, accepted the pro- 
tection of millions of minority races, and devised plans for disarmament 
and international health protection. It has been written from a partial 
point of view. 

An' Ixtroductiox to the Ixdustriai. and Social History of Eng- 
land. By Prof. Edward P. Chevnev. Re\ised Edition. The :Macmillan 
Co., New York, 1920. 12mo, pp. 386. Illustrated. Price, $2.60. 

In this revised edition of Prof. Cheyney's helpful text-book, atten- 
tion is called to the following changes and additions: The portion of 
the book covering the period since 1S20 has Ijeen completely reshaped 
in order to emphasize the transition from individualism in industry to 
combined action on the part of both workers and employers. Two en- 
tirely new chapters deal respectively with the liberal influence in 
English industrial life prior to 1906 and the democratic influence from 
1906 to 1920; the account considers: the entrance of the Government 
into the economic field and of the Trade Unions into politics, legisla- 
tion for social reform, national insurance, trade boards, the advance 



360 Notes and Queries. 

of the Labor Party, Xational Guilds, the Whitley Ck)uiicils, and the 
present relation between industrial and political life. 

The History of Valley Forge. By Henry Woodman. John U. 
Francis, Sr.. Oaks, Penna., 1920. Svo. pp. 156. Illustrated. 

Edward Woodman, father of the writer of the letters under notice, 
was a soldier of the North Carolina Continental Line; spent the winter 
at Valley Forge with his regiment, and was finally mustered out of 
the army, on the Hudson, in August of 17S2. With two companions 
he started on foot for his home, a ^"isit to Valley Forge, to see what 
changes had taken place in the encampment and renew old acquaintances 
being part of the program. After a few days' sojourn there Woodman 
was taken do^^'n by a serious illness and his companions were forced 
to leave him in care of the family of Abijah Stephens. On his re- 
covery he decided to locate permanently at Valley Forge, obtained 
employment, and about five years later married Sarah Stephens, a 
daughter of his benefactor. Their third son, Henry Woodman, was 
the author of the Letters. "My mother," states Woodman, "at the 
time of the encampment was in her nineteenth year, resided with her 
father, whose farm was within the limits of the camp. . . . Often in 
the days of my childhood I have listened with deep interest to the 
relation of events of that period, from neighbors who had witnessed 
the same things .... and I used to accompany my father as he trav- 
ersed the ground of the encampment where the foundations of the 
huts, the fortifications and breastworks were still visible, and listened 
to him while pointing out some particular objects. Impressions were 
then made upon my mind never to be forgotten." At the age of 55 
years, Henry Woodman was induced to prepare for publication his 
recollections of the Camp, and in a series of 32 letters they appeared 
in the Bucks County Ititelligencer. Since the Commonwealth of Penn- 
sylvania acquired the site of the encampment, the republication of 
Woodman's letters has been so general that his descendants have printed 
them in book form with illustrations. Everybody interested in the 
encampment at Valley Forge will find it helpful in their researches. 

List of Phtl-a^dexphia Silversmiths axd Allied Abtificebs fbom 
1682 TO 1850. By iMaurice Brlx. Philadelphia, 1920. Svo, pp. 125. 
Privately printed. 

The object of this work has been to give a list of the silversmiths 
of Philadelphia from 1682 to 1850, to meet the many inquiries on the 
subject, and to this end public and private collections, as well as the 
advertisements in the local newspapers, directories and other sources, 
have been examined. It will be recognized as being the most com- 
plete and authentic of its kind published. For easy reference it has 
been arranged in alphabetical order. At the end of the book will be 
found an Appendix containing the names of silversmiths outside of 
Philadelphia, which are not contained in any other lists. It should 
be stated that the author has in preparation a more comprehensive 
work,, illustrated with photographs of the Philadelphia silversmiths' 
marks and work. 

Memoibs of the Life and Works of TnoiiAs Sully, Abtist (1783- 
1872). By Edward Biddle and Mantle Fielding. Royal Square octavo, 
illustrated Avith engraved portrait of the artist, and numerous photo- 
graATire illustrations of his paintings. Limited edition, 450 copies. 
Subscription price $15.00. Large paper edition, 50 signed copies, price 
$35.00. 

Tliis important work, which will soon be ready for publication, will 
give the career of Mr. Sully as an artist, and a catalogue of the works 



Notes and Queries. 361 

of this tireless painter accurately described, giving dates, size, price 
paid to the artist, and where possible short biographical notes of the 
Bitters, and present o%mership of the pictures. About 2059 portraits, 
61 miniatures, and 543 subject-paintings have been noted. 

Is Old Penxsixvaxia Towns. By Anne Hollingswortb Wharton. 
J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, 1920. 8vo, pp. 352. 32 Illustra- 
tions. Price $5.00 net. 

Miss Wharton, whose books on Colonial and historic subjects have 
had such a wide vogue, here presents in a series of delightful chronicles 
the picturesque side of these Pennsylvania villages and towns — their 
quiet streets, "soft embowered in trees," and their old houses with 
lovely porticos and modest yet beautiful entrances. She intersperses 
her narrative with sketches and stories of the inhabitants, and of the 
social life, the quaint charm of the Mora\aans and Mennonites, as 
well as the sparkle of gayer circles in such places as Chambersburg, 
Lancaster, Wilkes-Barre, Carlisle, and other towns, where the social 
life was intimate with that of Philadelphia, New York, and other 
large cities. We meet in Miss Wharton's pages notable families and 
I>ersonages who played an important part in the development of the 
United States, as well as in that of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 
which makes this volume a valuable addition to the literature of men, 
women, manners, customs, and of the social life of earlier days. It is nat- 
urally replete with entertaining information for the tourist, who may be 
tempted by the Avonderful highways in Pennsylvania to visit these 
old towns, which, as iliss Wharton develops in the course of her narra- 
tive are quite individual in their characteristics. 

A Book Asotrr Atttogbaphs. By Simon Gratz. William J. Campbell, 
publisher, 1731 Chestnut street, Philadelphia, 1920. Illustrated. Price 
$10.00 net delivered. 

Mr. Gratz, by common consent of collectors and dealers, is acknowl- 
edged to be America's foremost expert on autographs, and has one 
of the finest private collections in the United States. The book contains 
a history of all the famous collections of America and Europe, with the 
prices realized for important autographs when the collections were dis- 
persed. There are chapters on: The taste for collecting autographs; 
The qualities that determine the value of autographs; The various ways 
in which collections have been formed: Concerning spurious or false 
autographs ; Some noted European collections of the olden and recent 
times; Collectors and private collections in the United States; Public 
colleetions of autographs; The migration and pedigree of autographs. 
The book also contains a valuable series of Appendices, consisting of 
official lists of the members of the various American Representative 
bodies, such as the Delegates to the Stamp Act Congress; the Conti- 
nental Congress; first Congress under the Constitution: Presidents of 
the Continental Congress; Eevolutionary Cabinets; Signers of the 
Declaration; Generals of the Revolution; Presidents and Vice-Presidents 
of the United States; Speakers of the House; some of them for the 
first time collected. The edition is strictly limited to 500 numbered 
copies, printed on Old Stratford paper, illustrated with numerous por- 
traits and facsimiles, and boimd in dark blue buckram, lettered in gilt, 
with gilt top and uncut edges. 

Labor's Crisis: An EiiPLOTER's View of Labor Peobleiis. By 
Sigmund Mendelsohn. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1920. Pp. 
171. Price $1.50. 

The question of labor reform is taken up by this employer from the 
employer's point of view. He analyzes labor's propositions to remedy 



362 Notes and Queries. 

the existing unrest, argues that the labor scarcity ia not entirely due 
to decrease in the number of laborers, and suggests many effects of 
the unrest itself on production and on labor. It is a thoughtful study 
by a keen, open-minded employer, contributing to one of the most 
important discussions of the day. 

The Coxstitutional Histoby of the Loutsia>-a Ptjbchase, 1803- 
1812. By Everett Somerville Bro^vn, Ph.D., Berkeley, Calif. 8vo, pp. 
248. 

This interesting monograph on a striking feature in the history of 
the United States, is Volume X of the University of California Publica- 
tions in History. Prof. Brown has added many important details to 
the printed accounts of United States, history: for instance he has 
given for the first time the detailed story of the Senate debate on the 
Breckinridge Bill. Then, too, there is much to be learned of the struggle 
between correct theory and actual practice in government from tracing 
Jefferson's plans for the settlement and government of Louisiana. The 
status of the inhabitants of territories — so fruitful a theme for contro- 
versy even to the present day: the control of slavery and the slave 
trade by Congress, set forth with startling bitterness in the Senate 
debate on the Breckinridge Bill, and the Indian and land questions, inci- 
dental to American westward expansion, all have new light shed upon 
them. This study has been confined principally to the lower part of 
the province purcliased from France, which was organized as Orleans 
Territory and which later entered the Union as the State of Louisiana. 

The Lincoln Highway in Pennstlvania. By Robert Bruce. 

How the primitive road cut in 1758 by General John Forbes across the 
Alleghany ilountains of Western Pennsylvania, enabling his army to 
take Fort DuQuesne, was in course of time connected with the old 
Provincial Highway from Philadelphia to Lancaster, making the first 
through route from the Delaware and Schuylkill rivers to the Ohio, 
is told with interesting detail by Robert Bruce in the opening chapter 
of a new volume, ''The Lincoln Highway in Pennsylvania." Later, as 
travel and commerce increased, the old Provincial Road formed the 
basis of the Philadelphia and Lancaster Turnpike, the earliest improved 
thoroughfare of its length in the United States. The identity of these 
old original units has long since been lost, and the Philadelphia-Pitts- 
burgh route now comprises about 10 per cent, of a great transcontinental 
line. But no other equal mileage along that great thoroughfare from 
coast to coast compares vrith this section, in the Keystone State, for 
historical associations. On the way out of Philadelphia toward the 
west may still be found the largest number of well-preserved old taverns, 
for the same dist-ance, in the entire country. General Anthony Wayne 
was born within about a mile of the route, and was buried in the 
cemetery of "Old St. DaA-ids at Radnor," less than Irwo miles away 
from it. Valley Forge is distant only about four miles as one passes 
through Devon, and many make this wonderfully interesting side-trip. 
Both branches of the Brandywine are crossed, only a few miles above 
the field where the battle was fought. The route passes almost directly 
through Gettysburg, and from Gettysburg to Chambersburg the traveler 
runs over the same roads that were used by the Confederate forces 
on their march toward the world-famous battlefield. A few miles beyond 
Chambersburg the mountain ranges begin and the route takes on an 
entirely different aspect; echoes of stage-coach and freight- wagon days 
become clearer, and more old taverns attract attention. Then, almost 
before one is aware, begins the descent into the Ohio Valley at Pitts- 
burgh, and by an interesting side-trip from Turtle Creek, just before 
entering the "East End" of Pittsburgh, one may run through Braddock 



Notes and Queries. 363 

and pass over the ground where Greneral Braddock's army was defeated 
in July 1755. 

To catch these interesting phases, through a perspective of more than 
a hundred and fifty years, and weld them into a consecutive narrative, 
broadened to comprehend and describe the great route of today, an 
integral part of the highway transportation system between the Middle 
Atla'ntic seaboard and the Central West, is a task of magnitude, to be 
undertaken only by a careful student and patient compiler. All this 
has been done in a volume of convenient size, almost pverflo-wing with 
appropriate illustrations and maps. 

For sale at $1.50 per copy of the author, Robert Bruce, Clinton, 
Oneida (bounty, Xew York. 

Taft Papebs on League of Xatioxs. Edited by Theodore ^farburg, 
M.A., LL.D., and Horace E. Flack, Ph.D. The Macmillan Co., New 
York, 1920. 8vo, pp. 340. Price $4.50. 

The League of Nations is the greatest proposition before the world 
today, and William Howard Taft is a foremost authority upon it. 
This" collection of his papers groups in order the speeches, and the 
correspondence, especially with the White House, on points involved 
during the famous Senate deadlock. 

Here in the United States, the main attack on the League has been 
on the grounds that it interfered with our sovereignty and with the 
Monroe Doctrine, that it invoh'ed abandonment of our traditional policy 
against entangling alliances, and that the country lacked power under 
the Constitution to enter into such a treaty. These objections are fully 
met by Mr. Taft in the papers in his book. 

The Eelation of the Judiciary to the Cor^^STmmoN. By William 
M. Meigs, Esqr. William J. Campbell, publisher, Philadelphia, 1920. 
12mo, cloth, gilt top. Price $2.00. 

Our American Judiciary has always wielded great power, and none 
of its functions has b^en more distinctive than that of holding laws 
unconstitutional. In defense of this right Mr. iMeigs has_ gathered 
together all that is generally known, and not a little that is new, of 
the beginnings of the system and of the causes that led up to it. Not 
only the judicial decisions about 17S7, but some discussions in colonial 
days of the power and duty of judges in tlie matter, hints of decisions 
of the kind in colonial courts, debates upon the subject among young 
lawyers in the days of the fathers, the quickly growing habit of counsel 
to raise questions of the constitutionality of specific laws in defending 
their clients' rights in the courts — all these evidences, and more, are 
added to the already kno'W'n decisions of our early constitutional days, 
and to the debates on the Constitution in and out of the Convention 
of 1787. The mass of evidence is absolutely overwhelming. Tlie book 
is a summing up of the case for the judicial power, and the unbiased 
reader will find clearly set forth in its pages how the doctrine took 
its origin in our early history, and grew step by step, as inevitably as 
fate, from causes beyond the control of any one man or set of men. 

The Abmexiax Version of ;Mark: A So>">Trr. Togetheb with 
FAiRifOUNT Pabk and Otheb Poems. By Albert J. Edmunds. Phila- 
delphia: Ideal Press, 3341 Lancaster Avenue. 4°, pp. [xv] -|- 42. 

Over the grand stairway at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
hangs a life-size portrait of Granville Penn. As was pointed out in The 
Pennsylvania r^lAOAZiNE, 1895, p. 119, he was the first who had the 
courage to print ]\rark in English with the abrupt ending of the 
oldest manuscripts, Greek, Syriac and Armenian. The present booklet 
reinforces the work of Granville Penn by the sonnet mentioned above. 



364 Notes and Queries. 

together with a statistical key to the sonnet, printed opposite. Penn's 
name appears in the key as one out of several editors of the New 
Testament who have indicat^ed the difficulty about the end of ^lark, 
but none of the others give the actual truncated ending as he does. 
In this he agrees with dated Armenian ]\ISS. from the year 887 (the 
oldest yet found) down to one in the British JNIuseum, penned in the 
fifteenth century. It is the dat^s of these Armenian ^ISS. which con- 
stitute the key to the sonnet, ending with the remark: "This mute 
story is almost as tragic as the massacres. Surrounded by pvowerful 
and unscrupulous cliurches, the Armenians refused for a thousand years 
to corrupt the Holy Gospel." We cannot go into the well-known prob- 
lem of New Testament Lower Criticism involved. For Philadelphians 
the interest of the volume before us lies in two poems: Fairmount Park 
and A Vanished Capital. Each poem has historical notes appended, 
and the second one is based on Edmund Hogan's Directory for 1795, 
which is arranged by streets. Both poems were written between 1902 
and 1906, and the former portrays a very different Park from the 
automobile hunting-ground which we know today. In those years the 
Park was a favorite haunt of poets, Avho could be alone with nature 
in a quiet Avhich former ciAilizations always kept sacred. The extreme 
dates of the poems are 18S0 — 1920, and the author's best for forty 
years are here collected. 

Derelicts: Ax Accotjxt of Ships Lost at Sea ix Gexeral Com- 

MEECIAL Tr.\FFIC AXD A BRIBT HISTOKT OF BLOCKADE RUXXERS StRAXDED 

Along the Xoeth Carolina Coast, 1861-1865. By James Sprunt. 
Wilmington, X. C, 1920. Pp. 304. Illustrated. 

The title to this volume is appropriate, as much space is given to 
blockade runners, many of them left as derelicts along the North Caro- 
lina Coast, and as a contribution to the history of blockade running 
during the CiA-il War is valuable, as so much of it carries the weight 
of first-hand authority. The personal experiences of the author as an 
officer on a number of blockade runners and as a Federal prisoner of 
war are entertainingly related and free from that partizan Aituperation 
which mars so much of what has been Avritten on the "War between 
the States." The natural advantages of Wilmington, North Carolina, for 
blockade running were very great, chiefly owing to the fact that there 
were two separate and distinct approaches to Cape Fear River, made it a 
chief port of entry and disposition of war mat-erial throughout the 
South. The land defences of the port and its business activities con- 
nected with the blockade necessitated the Federal Government to main- 
tain a large fleet off the Carolina coast. Mr. Spnmt is of the opinion 
that it was the Navy which contributed more than any other arm 
of the Federal forces to the final defeat of the Southern Confederacy. 

The Illinois Country, 1673-1818. Bv Clarence Walworth Alvord. 
Vol. I. Springfield, 1920. 8vo, pp. 523. illustrated. 

The Industrial State, 1870-1893. By Ernest Ludlow Bogart and 
Charles Manfred Tliompson. Vol. IV. Springfield, 1920. Svo, pp. 553. 
Illustrated. 

The Modern CoinroNWEALTH, 1893-1918. By Ernest Ludlow Bogart 
and John Mabry Mathews. Vol. V. Springfield, 1920. Svo no 544. 
Illustrated. r a , , yy 

_ These are three of the later volumes of the Illinois Centennial Pub- 
lications, published by authority of the Illinois Centennial Commission, 
under the general editorship of Prof. Clarence W. Alvord. The work 
of the editors has been done well; the volumes fill an appropriate place 
in the series and serve a useful historical purpose. All the volumes 
are well indexed and contain bibliographical appendices. 



Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 365 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 



pbesident. 
Hon. Chablemaqne Toweb. 



VICE-PBESIDEKTS. 



Geobge Habrison Fisheb, Simon Gbatz, 

Hon. Hampton L. Caeson, Thomas Willing Balch, 

John Fbedebick Lewis, Samuel Castneb, Jb, 



BECOBOINO SECBETABT. 

R. Stueqis Inqebsoll. 



cobbespondinq secbetabt. 
John Bach McALlsteb. 



tbxast7beb. 
Fbancis Howabd Whxiams. 



a xj d i t o b. 

Stevenson H. Walsh. 



366 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

c it b a t o b. 
Gbegobt B. £[£x:n. 

i.ibbabian. 
John W. Jobdan. 

assistant libbabian. 
Ebnest Spoffobd. 

assistant libbabian, in chabge of manit8cbipt8. 

J. C. Wylie. 

BISTOBIOOBAPHEB. 

J. Gbanyille Leach. 



COUNCILLOBS. 



Edwabd S. Satbes, 

AI.EXAXDEB VaX ReXSSELAEBJ 

John Gbibbei,, 
Fbancis Rawxe, 
Chables p. Keith, 

HaBBOLD E. GuXINGHAil, 



HowABD W. Lewis, 
Ogden D. Wilkinson, 
Edwabd Eobins, 
Abthub H. Lea, 
Hon. Wt t.tta m Potteb, 
Geoege Wood. 



The Council of the Society is composed of the President, Vice- 
Presidents, Recording Secretary, Corresponding Secretary, Treasurer, 
Auditor, and twelve Councillors. Simon Gratz is President, and E. 
Sturgis IngersoU is Secretary of the Council. 



TEUSTEES OF THE PUBLICATION FUND. 



Hon. Chablejiaone Toweb, 

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson. 
(John W. Jobdan, Editor of Publications.) 



Simon Gbatz, 



Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 367 



tbustees of the bindiitq fund. 

Hon. Chablkmagne Toweb, Simon Gbatz, 

Edwabd S. Saybes. 



tbustees of the i.ibbabt fund. 

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, John Bach McMasteb, 

Gbeqobt B. Keen. 



tbustees of the gilpin libbabt. 

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, Simon Gbatz, 

Geobge Habbison Fisheb, Fbancis Rawle, 

R. Stubgis Ingebsoll. 



tbustees of the endowment fund and the 
miscellaneous tbusts fund. 

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, 

Samuel Castneb, Jb. 



tbustees of the febdinand j. dbeeb col- 
lection of manuscbipts. 

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, Gbeqobt B. Keen, 

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Edwin Gbeble Dbeeb, 

John W. Jobdan. 



tbustees of the pennsylvania histobical 
study encoubagement fund. 

Hon. Chabi.emagne Toweb, Gbegoby B. Keen, 

John Bach McMasteb. 



trustees of THE BUILDING FUND. 

John Fbedebick Lewis, John Gbibbel, 

Habeoij) E. Gillingham. 



368 Officers of the Historical Society of Petmsylvania. 



STATED ilEETINGS. 

January 10, 1921. May 9, 1921. 

March 14, 1921. November 14, 1921. 

January 10, 1922. 



Annual membership f 6.00 

Life membership 50.00 

Publication Fund, life subscription 25.00 

Pennsylvania I*Iagazine, per annum (to non-sub- 

Bcribers to the Publication Fund) 3.00 

Payments may be made to the Curator at the Hall, 1300 Locust 
Street. 



INDEX. 



(Family surnames of value In genealogical research are printed In CAPITALS 
names of places In italics.) 



Abington, 159 

Academy of Music, list of subscribers 
to the building of, 149 ; building 
and opening ceremonies,. 149 ; 
Grand Opera in, 149-155 

Adams, Henry, The Degradation of 
the Democratic Dogma, notice of, 
95 

Adams. John, The Political Ideas of, 
by Francis Newton Thorpe. 1 

Addenda and Corrections to paintings 
by Gilbert Stuart, noi noted in 
Mason's Life of Stuart, by Mantle 
Fielding, 88 

Alvord, Clarence Walworth, The Illi- 
nois Country, 1673-1818, by, no- 
tice of, 364 

American Academy of Music, 149 

Annapolis, description of, in 1784, 
237 

Arch Street Theatre, 141 

Armenian Version of Mark, The, A 
Sonnet, Together with Fairmount 
Park and other Poems, by Albert J. 
Edmunds, notice of, 363 

Armstrong, Nancy, 226 

Auter ( ?) Nanny, 225 

Bache, Benjamin Franklin, The Gen- 
eral Advertiser established bv, 262 

Bader. Rev. P. C. letter to the Board 
of War, 314, 316. 317 

Bailey, Francis, 233 

Baird, Surgeon Absalom, 207 

Balch, Miss Elise Willing, leads in 
movement for permanent opera at 
the Academy of Music, 154 

Barber. Eleanor, 163 

BE ATT Y, 193 

Beatty Family Portraits owned by 
Rev. John B. Howell. 196 

Beatty, Ann Reading, 194, 196 

Beatty, Rev. Charles, 193, 194, 196 

Beatty, Charles Clinton, biography 
of, 196 ; mentioned, 199 : to Rev. 
Enoch Green, 202 

Beatty, Christiana, 194 

Beatty, Christiana Clinton, 192, 196 

Beatty, Christina, wife of Reading 
Beattv. 263 

Beatty, Elizabeth, 194 

Beatty. Erkurios, biography of, 197 : 
Reading Beatty to, 199 ; to John 
Beatty, 2.j7, 260 ; to Reading 
Beatty, 20."i. 207. 209. 213, 21 R 
219, 222, 226, 229, 231, 234 238 
242. 243, 248, 249, 251, 252, 2551 
2o8, 260 ; appointed acent for the 
Pennsylvania Line. 243, 244 ; de- 
cribes Indian Treaty at Fort 
Macintosh 17S5, 2." 3 : account of 
travels of, 1786-7, 256 

Beatty, George, 194, 212, 215 

Vol. XLIV.— 24 



Beatty, John, biography of, 194 ; to 
his sister. Mrs. Elizabeth Fithian. 
201 ; to Erkuries Beattv, 228 ; to 
Reading Beatty, 204, 207, 20,s 216 
220, 227, 228, 230. 239. 245 : Er- 
kuries Beatty to, 257, 260 ; Read- 
ing Beatty to, 262 ; arrested for 
trading with the enemy, 215, 
mentioned, 218 

Beatty, Joseph Moorhead, 197 

Beatty, Joseph M. Jr., Letters of the 
Four Beatty Brotners of the Con- 
tinental Army, by, 193 

Beatty, Martha', 194 

Beatty, Marj-, 194 

Beatty Reading, biography of, 196 ; 
to Erkuries Beatt>-. 199 ; to John 
Beatty, 221, 262 ; Erkuries Beatty 
to, 205, 207, 209, 213, 218, 219, 
222, 226, 229, 231, 234, 235, 238, 
242, 243, 244. 248, 249. 251, 253, 
255, 258, 260 ; John Beatty to, 
204, 216, 220, 227, 236, 239, 245 

Beatty, Richard Longstreet. 209 

Beatty, William Pitt. 194, 212 

Behrens, Siegfried, 151, 152 

Benson, Major , of N. C, 

244 

Bernard, Caroline Richiners, sings in 
opera in Philadelphia, "148, 149 

Bevans. Giles. 227. 230 

Biddle, Edward. Memoirs of the Life 
and Works of Thomas Sully, Artist, 
by, notice of, 360 

Bishop, , Composer of Operas, 130 

Bishop, Anna, 130 

Blajr, Jenny, 225 

Blakey, John, letters to Jesse Sharp- 
less. 1779, 1782, 192 

Bogart, Ernest Ludlow, The In- 
dustrial State, 1S70-1893, by; 
The Modern Commonwealth, 1893- 
1918, by ; notices of, 304 

Boiling iSprings, Mississippi Terri- 
tory', 62 

Book About Autographs. A, by 
Simon Gratz. notice of. 361 

Book Notices, 95, 286, 358 

Bouquet, Col. Henry. Life and Ser- 
vices of. by Hon. Edward F. Bob- 
bins, notice of, 286 

Bowen, Major , appointed agent 

for the Pennsylvania Line, 243 ; 
mentioned, 249, 250 

Bowen, Lieut. Seth. 204 

Boyd. John P.. to his sister, Mrs. 
ifargaret Storer, 1813, 95 

Bradford, James. Account of Ex- 
penses of wliile a student at 
Princeton College, 1770. 94 

Bradford, Capt. James, 235 « 

BriKsrs, , Surveyor - General, 

Mississippi Territory, 48, 59, 175, 
ISO, 183 

369 



370 



Index. 



British prisoners in York, Pa., Con- 
duct of, 324 

Brix, Maurice, List of Philadelphia 
Silversmiths and Allied Artificers 
from 1GS2 to 1850, by, notice of, 
3G0 

Brooks, John, 209. 211 

Brown, Everett Somerville, The Con- 
stitutional History of the Louis- 
iana Purchase, 1803-1812, by, 
notice of. 362 

Browne, John C, bronze tablet In 
memory of, unveiled. 353 

Bruce, Robert, The Lincoln Highway 
in Pennsylvania, hv, notice of, 3G2 

Bruin, Judge, 186, 274. 283 

Buchanan, James, to Conner Clark, 
1824, 285 

Bulletin of Friends' Historical So- 
ciety of Philadelphia, biograph- 
ical sketch of Isaac Sharpless, 
May, 1920, 264 

Bunch of Grapes Tavern, 248 

Bunker Hill, Battle of, reference to, 
in diary of George Inman, 1782, 
92 

Burr, Aaron, Conspiracy of, see Let- 
ters of Thomas Rodney, 271, 291, 
292, 294, 297, 299. 300, 301, 302- 
306 ; writes to Richard Peters, 
1804. 333 

Burt, Mrs. Edith L., leads in move- 
ment for permanent opera at the 
Academy of Music, 1.54 

Burton, William E., 140-142. 

Business Directorv. probably first in 
Philadelphia, 3o7 

Calvert Cecil, to Horatio Sharp, 
1755, 1757, 346. 348 

Calvin, Philip, 103 

Campbell, Captain , 230 

Century of Grand Opera in Phila- 
dplphia. bv John Curtis, 122 

Chestnut Street Theatre, 123-148 

Cheyney, Edward P. An Introduc- 
tion to the Industrial and Social 
History of England, by, notice of, 
359 

Cincinnati, Society of, Washington 
attends meetinir of, in Philadel- 
phia, 1784, 244 ; medals of, 245 ; 
mentioned. 248, 251 

Claiborne, Major F. L., 55, 58, 65, 
284 

Claiborne, Major R, 71 

Claiborne, Wm. C. C, 57. 59 ; wife 
and child of die of yellow fever 
In New Orleans, 68 ; mentioned, 
186, 282, 301 

Clark. Conner, James Buchanan to, 
1824, 28.5 

Clarke. Daniel, implicated in Burr's 
conspiracy, 292 

Clarke. Henry, 165 

Clarridge, Samuel. 159 

Claypoole, . 322 

Clinton. Christiana, wife of John 
Beatty of the British Army, 192 

Clinton. Elizabeth Denniston, death 
of, 209 

Clum, Joseph, 263 

COATE, 165, 166 

Coate, ITenrv. 166 

Coate, John, 165-166 

Coate, Samuel, 165 

Coate. William, 166 

Coates, Ferry, 165, 166 

Cock-Fighter. The, an unpublished 
poem by Francis Hopkinson, 73 ; 



contributed by Prof. George B. 

Hastings, 357 

Collins, Captain , 276 

Columbia Bridge Co., 194 

Cooke's Circus, 140 

Cope, Lydia Trimble, married to 

Isaac Sharpless, 1876, 266 
CORYELL. 106 
Corvoll, Emanuel, 166 
Coryell. John, 106 
Con/ell's Ferni, 103, 164, 166, 167 
Coryell's Tavern, 166 
Crispin, Silas. Executor of Estate of 

Thomas Holme, 159. 160 
Crosby. Capt. Jesse, 221 
Cross. Benjamin C, 136 
Cross Keys Tavern, 248 
Curtis. John, A Century of Grand 

Opera in Philadelphia, by, 122 
Curwen, Samuel Moore, 197 
Gushing, Col. . 283 

Damrosch. Walter, 154 

Darley, IT. W., 131 / 

Doane, Silas, in York, Pa., 315 

DesTradation of the Democratic Dog- 
ma, The, by Henry Adams, notice 
of, 95 

De Lancy, Capt. James, 76 

r)e Lancy, John, 76 

Do Lancv, Peter, 76 

Dennison. Lieut. G., 212 

Denny, 97 

Denny, Rev. H. L. L., Memoir of Col. 
William Denny, by, 97 

Dennv, Col. William, ancestry and 
birth of, 98 ; portrait of, 100 ; 
residence of, 100 ; I>ieut-Governor 
of Pennsylvania, 101 ; letters to 
Thomas Penn. 101. 106-118, 120 ; 
reception in Philadelphia, 102 ; ad- 
dresses presented to, 103 ; letter to 
Mrs. Abigail Edwin, 104 ; recalled, 
105 ; marriage and death of, 105 ; 
extracts from will of, 105 ; family 
portraits of, 105 ; sale of country- 
seat. 106 ; letters to the Earl of 
Holdernesse, 119 ; General John 
Forbes to, 119 

Derelicts : An Account of Ships 
Lost at Sea in General Commer- 
cial Traffic and a Brief History of 
Blockade Runners Stranded along 
the North Carolina Coast, 1861- 
1865, by James Sprunt, notice of, 
364 

Descendants of Sarah Holme, daugh- 
ter of Thomas Holme, 158 

De Soto. Ferdinand, Thomas Rodney's 
Account of, 52 

Diaries of Moravian Congregation at 
York, Pa., items from. 309 

Dilettanti. Society of, origin, 99 

Dinwiddie. Robert, letters from, 1755, 
1764. 350. 351 

Donnell, Lieut. Nathaniel. 204 

Dreer Collection of Manuscripts, 
Selection of letters from, 346 

Dunbar. Peggy, 55. 187 

Dunbar, William, 298 

Early New Jersey Poll List, An, by 
Henrv C. Shinn, Mount Holly, N. 
J., 77 

Eaton, Robert. 165 

Edmunds, Albert J., The Armpnlan 
Version of Mark ; A Sonnet. To- 
gether with Fairmount Park and 
other Poems by, notice of, 363 



Index. 



371 



Educafional Legrlslatlon and Admin- 
istration in the State of Xew York, 
from 1777 to 1S50, by Elsie Gar- 
land Ilobson, notice of, 96 

Edwin, Mrs. Abigail, letter from Col. 
William Denny to, 104 

Ellis, Col. . 56, 272, 276, 277, 

280 

Ellis, A., 62 

Ellis. Charles A., 154 

Ely, Riiben P., compiles manuscript 
of Holcombe descendants, 163 

English Notes : A Rare and Unknown 
Work, Being a Reply to Charles 
Dickens's •'American Notes," with 
Critical Conimeuts by Joseph 
Jackson and George H. Sargent, 
notice of, 358 

Erisson, Capt.. 312 

Erwin, Samuel, 212 

Ettwein, John, visits York, Pa., 316, 
317, 318 

Falsington, residence of Dr. Reading 
Beatty, 203 

Fenno, John, newspaper of, 262 

Ferguson, Susanna Ewinc, marries 
Erkuries Beatty. 1709, 199 

Ferguson. Major William, 199 

Field, Benjamin, 165 

Fielding, Mantle. Addenda and Cor- 
rections to Paintings by Gilbert 
Stuart, not noted in Mason's Life 
of Stuart, by, 88 : Memoirs of the 
Life and Works of Thomas Sully, 
Artist, by, notice of, 360 

Flshel. John. 312, 313 

FISHELS, 287 

Fisher. John. Thomas Rodney to, 306 

FITHIAN. 194 

Fithian, Mrs. Elizabeth, from John 
Beatty, 201 ; mentione<1. 209. 213 

Fithian, Joel, 194, 204, 209. 213 

Fithian. Rev. Philip Vicars, 194, 
201, 202, 204 

Fitz, , 54. 180 

Fitzpatrick, Thomas. 177 

Forbes, General John, to Governor 
William Denny, 1758, 119 

Forrest, Edwin, 137 

Forster, J., 62 

Forsytlie, John, 268 

Fry, Edward, organizes Italian oi>- 
era in Philadelphia, 146-148 

Fry, Joseph, writes first American 
Grand Opera, "Leonora," 1845, 142 

Fry, William, composer of first Am- 
erican Grand Opera, 142 

Funk, Henry, 235 

Furman, Samuel, 163 

Gammel, T., Thomas Rodney to. 187 

Garcia, Maria (Madame Malibran), 
sings in Musical Fund Hall, 133 

Gas introduced in the Chestnut 
Street Theatre, 129, 139 

Gates, General Horatio, visits York, 
Pa., 312 

Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, 
Publications of. Vol. VII, No. 3, 
notice of, 358 

Germany in the W.nr and after, by 
Tomon Kellogg, notice of, 96 

Godfrey, Carlos E., First War Medal 
Issued In America, note by, 93 

Grand Opera House, 153 

Grand Opera in Philadelphia. A Cen- 
tury of, by John Curtis, 122 ; first 
Grand Opera in Philadelphia, 1818, 



12.3. 129 ; Charlotte Cushman, 123. 

140 ; Stuart Robson, 123 ; first 
American Grand Opera, "Leonora." 
composed by Philadelphians and 
produced in 1845, 123, 142 ; 
Murrav and Keen Company, 1749! 
123; Plumstead Ware House, the 
first theatre. 123 ; drama es- 
tablished in Philadelphia by Lewis 
Hallam. 1754, 124; theatres abol- 
ished by Congress. 126 ; First 
Chestnut Street Theatre oppued, 
1794, 126; Mrs. Oldmixon. 11^7; 
Laibson and his French Company, 
127 ; "Don Giovanni" only produc- 
tion of Grand Opera in "the First 
Chestnut Street Theatre, 129 ; 
Theatre burned. 1820. 129 ; the sec- 
ond Grand Opera, Barber of Seville, 
given at the Walnut Street Thea- 
tre, 1822, 129 ; Second Chestnut 
Street Theatre opened, 1822, 129 ; 
third venture in Grand Opera, 
"The Law of Java," 1S23, 129 ; 
"Home Sweet Home" first sung, 

130 : first operatic criticism in 
a Philadelphia newspaper, 1S25, 

131 ; bars abolished from theatres, 
l.'^S2. 132 ; Maria Garcia sings in 
Musical Fund Hall. 1S26, 1.".3 ; 
Benjamin Cross conductor in Wal- 
nut Street Theatre. 136 : the Mon- 
tresor Troupe, 136 ; singers in 
early English Opera, 136 ; Mr. and 
Mrs. Joseph Wood. 137 ; portrait 
of Mrs. Wood by Sully, l.^s ; 
Rivafiroli Troupe, 138 ; introduc- 
tion of gas in theatres. 129, IZO ; 
Edward and Anne Seguin. 139, 
141; Jane Shireflf, 139 ; Alexander 
Wilson, 139; Zelda Seguin. 139; 
Cook-e's Circus. 140 ; National 
Theatre and William Burton, 14ri, 

141 : Henrietta Sontag, 140 ; rival 
productions of Norma, 140 ; Rob- 
ert C. Maywood, 140 ; Peter Rlrh- 
ings, 141 ; "La Juive," chronology 
of, 143 ; Havana Opera Company. 

143 ; I-uigi Arditi. 144 ; Novclll 
and the statue of Washington, 

144 ; Perelli opens studio in Phila- 
delphia. 145; the Patti Family, 

145 ; Edward Fry and Italian Op- 
era, 146: Max Maretzek, 146; 
Caroline Richings, 148 ; building of 
the Academy of Music, 149 ; Ade- 
lina Patti, "first and last perform- 
ances. 150, 155 ; first performance 
of Faust in America, 150 ; the 
Strakosch Company, 151 ; John 
Philip Sousa, 151 ; Grand Opera 
House opened, 153 ; Theodore 
Thomas, 153; Gustav Ilinrichs, 
ir.3 : Alfred Hoe^rerie. 153 ; move- 
ment for permanent opera in the 
Academy of Music. 154 : Metropoli- 
tan Opera Company, 155 ; Oscar 
Ilammorstein, 156 

Gratz. Simon, A Book About Auto- 
graphs, by, notice of, 361 

Gratz, Simon. Thomas Rodney, by, 
47, 170, 270, 280 

Gravson. , 272 

Green. Rev. Enoch, 194. 196: bio- 
graphical sketch of, 202; Charles 
C. Beattv to, 202 ; marries Mary 
Boattv, 202 V 

"Greenwich Tea Party," tea des- 
troyed in Greenwich, 1774, 204 

Gregg, Captain James, 218 



372 



Index. 



Hackett. Elizabeth Readingr, 214 

Halfpenny, Mark, kpeper of the Cross 
Keys Tavern, 24S 

Hallam, Lewis, establishes drama, in 
Philadelphia. 124 

Hallowell, John, 160 

Hallowell, Joseph. 160, 161 

Halsted. Mary Mills. 214 

Ham. Dr. , 270 

Hamilton, Alexander, news of death 
of, 54 

Hanimerstein, Oscar, 156 

Hancock, John, arrives in York, Pa., 
321 

Hartley. Col. Thomas, 226 

Hastings, George E., contributes 
poem, "The Cock-Fighter," by 
Francis Hopkinson, 357 

Hatzinger. . 227 

Havana Opera Companv, 143, 144 

Heard, Capt. John, 222 

Heckedorn, Christian, 310, 322, 323 

Hehl. Matthew, 320 

Henderson, Capt. , 244 

Henderson, Robert, 199 

Henrv, William, visits York, Pa., 
314" 

HILL 

Hill, Mary, marries Col. William 
Denny, 105 

Hillegas, Michael, 320, 323 

HiUt'jwnc. Pa., 159 

Himmer Familv, 151 

Hinrichs, Gustav, 153, 154 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
The, Balance Sheet of the Treas- 
urer of, for 1919, 354 ; list of the 
officers of, 365 

History of the Great War, The, by 
Roland G. Usher, notice of. 96 

Hobson, Elsie Garland. Educational 
Ivegislation and Administration in 
the State of New York, from 1777 
to 1S.50, by. notice of, 96 

Hoenrisen. John. 312 

Hoff, Henry, 323 

HOLCOMR. 158-169 

Holcomb, John. 159, 161, 162, 163, 
165. 167. 168 

Holcomb, Richard, 159. 163, 168 

Holcomb, Richard C. Descendants of 
Sarah Holme, by, 15S 

Holcomb, Sarah Holme, marries John 
Hurford, 159 

Holcombe, Elizabeth. 160, 161 

Holcombe, Grace. 163 

Flolcombe, Hannah, 161 

Ho!comI>e, Jacob, 159, 160, 161, 162 

Holcombe, Julia Ann. 163 

Holcombe, Mary, 161, 163 

Holcombe, Rebecca, 161 

Holcombe, Samuel, 163 

Holcombe, Sarah, 161 

Holcombe, Sophia, 161 

Holcombe, Susanna. 161 

Holcombe. Thomas, 161 

Holdernesse, Earl of. Col. William 
Denny to, 119 

Holinshead, (Philadelphia sil- 
versmith), 238 

HOLME, 158-169 

Holme. Sarah, descendants of. 158 

Holme, Thomas, item from will of, 
158 

Holmes, Jinny, 224 

"Home, Sweet Home" in opera by 
Bishop, 130 

Hopkinson. Francis. "The Cock- 
Fighter," an unpublished poem by, 
73 



Horn, Charles E., gives Italian op- 
era in Philadelohla, 134. 135 

Howard, Capt. William, 201 

Howe. General Sir William, writes 
Scriptural letter to Washington, 
313 

Howell, Captain (of New Jersey), 
204 

Howell, Daniel. 163 

Howell. John Beatty. 195 

HoweU's Ferry, 165, 167 

Hudson. Richard. 321 

Hunn, Captain. 49, 50 

Hunter. Dr., 63 

Hurford, Grace, 160 

Hurford. John, marries Sarah Holme 
Holcomb, 159 

Hurford. John, Jr., 159, 160 

Hurford, Samuel, 160 

Ilutchins. Col. (brother of the 

Geographer - General), 65; death 
of, 171 

Hyde, Miss (singer), 235 

Illinois Country, The, 1673-1818, by 

Clarence Walworth Alvord, notice 

of, 364 
In Old Pennsylvania Towns, by Anne 

Hollingsworth Wharton, notice of, 

361 
Indians. Salt manufactured by. 53 
Industrial State. The, 1S70-1S93, by 

Ernest Ludlow Bogart and Charles 

Manfred Thompson, notice of. 364 
Ininan. George. References to Battles 

of Bunker Hill and Monmouth, in 

diary of. 92, 93 
Introduction to the Industrial and 

Social History of England, by Prof. 

Edward P. Ciieyney, notice of, 359 
Irish, Nancy, 225 
Irwin, Rev. Nathaniel, 200 



-, 59 



Jackson, Major — 

Jackson. Andrew, Copies of letters 
of, wanted, 357 

Jackson, Joseph. Philadelphia Year 
Book for 1920. notice of. 96 ; 
English Notes ; A Rare and Un- 
known Work, Being a Reply to 
Charles Dickens's American Notes, 
with Critical Comments by, notice 
of, 358 

Jefferson, Thomas, Thomas Rodney 
to. 294 

Jeffries, Dr. John, assisted -wounded 
at Battle of Bunker Hill and iden- 
tified body of General Warren, 93 

Johnston. Col. Francis. 243 

Jones, Josiah, of Burlington County, 
N. J. Notice of death of, 1770, 
288 

Jones, Obediah (of Ga.), 290 

Kellogg. Vernon. Germany In the 
War and After, by, notice of. 96 
Ker. David (Judge)), death of, 186 
Kirby, Col., death of, 171 
Klein, H.. visits York, Pa., 316 
Kucher. Christopher, in York, Pa., 
314, 316 

Labor's Crisis : An Employer's View 
of Labor Problems, by Sigmund 
Mendelsohn, notice of. 361 * 

Lafavette, Marquis de, in York. Pa., 
312 

Lafayette, The True, by George 
Morgan, notice of, 95 



Index. 



373 



Lalor, Mrs. Katharine, marries John 

Beatty. 193 
Lambert villc, oritrin of name, 167 
Lancaster, description of. 17S7, 222 
Lanlus, William. 310, 321, 322 
Laiircns. Henry, to John Ettwein. 

1778, 318 
Laux, James B., The Lost Will of 

George Taylor, the Signer, by, 

82 
League of Nations, Taft Papers on, 

notice of, 363 
League of Nations at Work, by Ar- 
thur Sweetser, notice of, 339 
Lee, General Charles, in York, Pa., 

on parole, 314 

LeFeber, , 323 

L'Enfant, Major Pierre Charles, 

brings medals of the Cincinnati 

to Pliiladelphia, 245 
Letters of the Four Beatty Brothers 
■ of the Continental Army, 1774- 

1794, by Joseph M. Beatty, Jr., 

193 
Lewis, Thomas, 161 
Lincoln Highicay in Pennsylvania, 

The, by Robert Bruce, notice of, 

362 
Liresey, Esther. 162 
Livosoy, Jonathan, 1G2 
Livesey, Katlicrine, 162 
Livingston, Philip, funeral of, at 

York. Pa., 320 
Lombaert, Mrs. Herman. J., daughter 

of Ilenrj' Wynkoop, 263 
Longstreet. Mary, marries John 

Beatty, 1774. 194 
Longstreet, Richard, 194 
Lost Will, The, of George Taylor, 

the Signer, by James I>. Laux. 82 
Louisiana Purchase, Tbe ConstitTi- 

tional History of the, by Everett 

Somers'ille Brown, notice of, 362 
Ludwig. Christopher, visits York, 

Pa., 313 

McCalla. Daniel, 204 

McConaghv, , 227 

JlcConnel, Capt. Nathan, 231 

McCrery, Dr. , 63, 276 

McCullam, Lieut. John, 223, 227, 
230 

Macintosh, Fort, Account of the In- 
dian Treaty at, 1785, 253 

McMichael, James, 234 

Malibran, Madame (Maria Garcia), 
sings In Musical Fund Hall, 133 

Martin, Col. Ephraim, extracts from 
letter of 17S0. 2S7 

Mason, George C. List of Paintlnss 
not included in his Life of Gil- 
bert Stuart. 88 

Mathews, George, Brevet-Brigadier- 
General, biographical sketch of, 
from notes of Thomas Rodney's, 
343 

Mathews, John Mabrv, The Modem 
Commonwealth, 1893-1918, bv, 
notice of. 364 

Matthews, General, marries Mrs. Car- 
penter, 55 

Matthews, Judge, 274. 275. 276, 283 

Maywood. Robert C, 140, 141 

Meigs, William M., The Relation of 
the Judiciary to the Constitution, 
by, notice of, 363 

Memoir of His Excellency Colonel 
William Denny, Lieut. Governor of 
Pennsylvania, etc. By Rev. H. L. 
L. Denny, 97 



Mendelsohn. Sigmund, Labor's Cri- 
sis : An Employer's View of Labor 
Problems, by, notice of, 361 

Metropolitan Opera Companv. 155 

Metropolitan Opera House, 153, 156 

Miles. Samuel, 239 

Miller, Bekkv, 224 

Miller, Betsv, 223 

Miller, Heni-y. 316, 319 

Mills, Mary Reading, 214 

Minor. Major S.. 61 

Miralles, Don Juan de, burial of, 218 

Mi.t'^issippi Territory, see letters of 
Thomas Rodney 

Mitchell's Ferry, 165 

Modern Commonwealth, The, 1893- 
1918, by Ernest Ludlow Bogart 
and John Mabry Mathews, notice 
of, 364 

Monmouth, Battle of, reference to, 
in diary of George Inman. 17s2, 92 

Montgolfier and his ballo<ins, 241 

Montgomery, Hetty, Sidney and 
Jinny, description of, 224 

Moravian Congregation at York. Pa., 
Items from Revolutionary history 
of, 309 

Morgan, Col. , death of, 324 

Morgan, George, The True Lafavetto, 
by, notice of, 95 

Murray and Keen Company gives 
first theatrical performance in 
Philadelphia, 123 

Xational Theatre, 140, 142 
Neisser, Augustine. 309. 316 
Neisser. Rev. George. 309 
Xeic Hope, origin of name. 167 
New Hortfi Delaware Bridge Com- 
pany, 167 
Xeir 'Jersey, First War Medal in 

America, issued bv. 1758. 93 
NEW JERSEY POLL LIST, 17S7 
Notes and Queries, 92, 192, 285, 357 

Oldmixon. Mrs., plavs in Philadel- 
phia, 127 
Orth, Adam, in York, Pa., 314; 316 
Ozmun, Col. , 65, 272, 284 

Patti Family in Philadelphia, 145- 
147 

Patti, Adelina, first and last ap- 
pearance in opera in Philadelphia, 
150, 135 ; sings in "Martha" be-- 
fore the Prince of Wales, in the 
Academy of Music, 150 

Pavne, John Howard, and "Uome, 
Sweet Home," 130 

Penn, Thomas, letters from Col. Wm. 
Denny to, 1756, 101 ; 1756, 1757, 
1759, 106-118. 120 

Pennsylvania Line, doctors of, pe- 
tition for pay, 219 

Pennsvlv.inia Societv of New York, 
Year Book, 1920. "notice of, 339 

Peters, Judge Richard, selections 
from the correspondence of, 32_5 
George Washington to, 1797, .32.5, 
326 ; Timothv Pickering to. 179S, 
327; I'iOS. 32S, 330; 1S06, 334, 
340 ; Aaron Burr to, 1804, 333 ; 
James Wilkin-on to. l.<^04. 333 ; 
Beniamin Rush to, 1S07, 341 

Philadelphia. A Century of Srand 
Opera in, by John Curtis. 122 

Philadelphia, "number of houses in, 
1749, 1753, 1760, 1709, 94 



374 



Index. 



Philadelphia, probably first attempt 

at business directory in, 337 ; 

first public houses in, 358 
Philadelphia, Reception piven by the 

French Ambassador in honor of the 

birthday of the Dauphin, 1782, 

description of, 22S 
Philadelphia Silversmiths and Allied 

Artificers from lt"'.S2 to 1S50. list 

of, bv Maurice Brix, notice of, 3G0 
Philadelphia Year Book for 1920, 

notice of, 9G 
Phillips. Mercv, 161 
Pickering, Timothv, to Richard 

Peters, 1798, 327 ; 1803, 328, 330 ; 

1806. 334, 340 
Pinkneyville, Mississippi Territory, 

60 
Pltimstead's Warehouse, first theatre 

in Philadelphia, 123 
Poak, John, 200 
Poak. Neely, 224 
Political Ideas of John Adams, The, 

bv Francis Newton Thorpe, 1 
POLL LIST of Election held at 

I'.urlintrton, N. J., 1787, 77 
Posth, Sallv, 224 

Postlewait, Mrs. Anna, Thomas Rod- 
ney to, 1S6 
Pownall, Hannah, 161 
Pratt, Lieut., J.jhu, 231, 2.j.j 
Princeton, burning the Tea on the 

College Campus. 1774, 196 
Proctor, Col. Thomas, 2"«2 
Provost, Judge, 2>;3 : implicated in 

Burr's conspiracy, 291 
Public Houses, first in Philadelphia, 

Purcell, John, 165, 166 

Raffuets, .Tames, 256 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, related to Col. 
Wm. Denny, 97 

Ramsay, John, 235 

Ranke, -, 316 

Reading's Ferry, 165 

Reeves, (of Philadelphia), 

317 

Reid. Augustine. 214 

Reid. Sarah Reading. 214 

Relation of the Judiciary to the Con- 
stitution. The, by Wm. M. Meigs, 
notice of, 303 

Revolutionary Items of History of 
York, Pa.,' 309 

Richings, Peter, 148 

Robbins, Hon. Edward F. Life and 
Services of Col. Henry Bouquet, by, 
notice of, 286 

Roberts, Lewis. 160 

Rodgers, Dr. John R. B.. 226 

Rodnov. Ciesar A.. Thomas Rodney 
to. 47-72 ; 170, 172, 176, 179, 183, 
185 ; 270-284 ; 289, 291, 296, 299, 
302, 304 

Rodnev, John, 50 

RodneV. Thomas, hy Simon Gratz, 
47, 170. 270, 289 ; marries Gen- 
eral Matthews of Georgia to Mrs. 
Carpenter. 55 ; rank of Major- 
General offered to. in 1777. 66 ; 
goes to funeral of Col. Hutch- 
ins. 171 : death of Colonel Kirby, 
171 ; Spain and West Florida, 172 ; 
difficulties of his work, 177-185 ; 
the Ya7.oo Land, 185 ; death of 
Judge David Ker, 186 ; case of 
the Kempers, 188; teachers de- 
sired in Washington, Mississippi 
Territory, 277 ; the President's ap- 



pointments not popular, 278 ; in- 
spects bones of extinct animals, 
280 ; Gov. Claiborne very unpop- 
ular, 282 ; troubles with the Span- 
iards, 283 ; letters to Caesar A. 
Rodney. 47-72 ; 170, 172, 170, 179, 
1S3. 185. 270-284 ; 289, 291. 296, 
299. 302, 304 ; to Mrs. Anna D. 
Postlewait, 186; to T. Gammel, 
1S7 ; to Thomas Jefferson, 294 ; to 
John Fisher, 306 

Rodney, Thomas, biographical notes 
on Brevet Britradier-Gen'!. George 
Mathews, bv, 343 

Rosers. Rev. William. 320 

ROTHROCK. BENJAMIN, 309 

Roth rock, Jacob, 310 

Rothrock, John, 313 

Rothrock, Philip, 313 

Rush, Benjamin, to Richard Peters, 
1807, 341 

Ryan, (actor), 235 

Salt manufactured by Indians, 53 

Sample, Sally, 225 

Sargent, George H., English Notes : 
A Rare and Unknown Work, Be- 
ing a Reply to Charles Dickens's 
American Notes, with Critical 
Comments by, notice of, 358 

Schlosser, Ernst. 311. 312 

SCHNEIDER, SIMON, 310 

Scott, Capt. — -. 65 

Scott. Dr. Moses, 196 

Sesuin, Anne, 139-142 

Seguin, Edward, 139-142 

Seguin, Zelda. 139 

SEIFER, BRINKMAN, 311 

Selections from the correspondence 
of Judtre Richard Peters of Bel- 
mont, 323 

Sergeant, Sally and Molly, descrip- 
tion of. 224 

Sermon, Hannah, 160 

Sharp, Horatio. Cecil Calvert to, 
1755. 346 ; 1757. 348 

Sharpless, Aaron, 265 

Sharpless, Isaac, an appreciation, 
190 

Sharpless, Isaac, biographical sketch 
of from Bulletin of Friends' His- 
torical Sneietv of riiiladelphia, 
May, 1920, 264 ; founder of the 
Friends' Historical Society, 264 ; 
birth and parentage. 265 ; educa- 
tion. 266 ; appointed instructor In 
Haverford College, 1875, 266: 
marriage of, 1876, 266 ; elected 
president of Haverford College, 
1SS7, 266 ; Honorary Degrees, 
266 ; issues "The Student," 1880, 
267 ; Influence on Haverford Col- 
lege, 267 ; foremost among Penn- 
sylvania historians. 268 ; ap- 
pointed commissioner upon the re- 
vision of the Constitution of 
Pennsylvania, 269 ; death of, 269 

Sharpless, John, 265 

Sharpless, Susanna Forsythe, 265 

Shields, , 55, 59. 272 

Shields, W. B.. marriage of, 299 

Sliinn. Mrs. Florence S.. owns In- 
teresting historical collection, 73 ; 
descendant of Hopkinson family, 
73 

Shinn. Henrv C. An Early New Jer- 
sey Poll List, by, 77 

Shippen, Edward, of Lancaster, Dr. 
William Shippen to, 286 



Index. 



375 



Shlppen, Dr. 'William, to his brother, 
Edward Shippen of Lancaster, 
1776, 286 

Shute, Captain William, 204 

Smith, Alexander, 200 

Smith, John (of Carlisle), 260 

Smith, Polly, 225 

Smith, Rev. Wm., offers to preach 
series of sermons, 325 

Sousa, John Philip, anecdote of, 152 

Sproat, Captain ^YiUiam. 206, 208 

Sprunt, James, Derelicts : An Ac- 
count of Ships Lost at Sea in Gen- 
eral Commercial Traffic and a 
Brief History of Blockade Run- 
ners Strande<l Along- the North 
Carolina Coast, 1861-1865, by ; no- 
tice of, 304 

Stamper, Mrs., 244, 249, 250 

Steel, Capt. John, to marry Miss 
Bailey, 233 

Steuben, Baron von, bill for dinner 
given bv, 1783 ; bill for printing, 
1784, 92 

Stevenson, Nancy, 224 

Storer, Mrs. Marjraret, John P. Boyd 
to, 1813, 95 

Strakosch Opera Company. 151 

Stuart, Gilbert, Addenda and Correc- 
tions to r,iiutinj:s by, not noted in 
Mason's Life of, 88 

Sully, Thomas, Artist, Memoirs of 
the Life and Works of, by Edward 
Biddle and Mantle Fielding, no- 
tice of. 360 

Sullv, Thomas, paints portrait of 
Mrs. Joseph Wood. 138 

Sweetser, Arthur, The League of 
Nations at Work, by, notice of, 
359 

Taft Papers on the League of Na- 
tions, notice of, 363 

Tapp, Lieut. William. 212 

Tavlor, George, the Signer, the Lost 
Will of, by James B. Laux, 82 ; 
copv of will of, 84 

Temple of Apollo. Philadelphia, 235 

Thomas, John, 160 

Thomas, Robert, 160 

Thomas, Samuel, 160 

Thompson, Charles Manfred. The 
Industrial State, 1870-1893, by, 
notice of, 364 

Thompson, General William, death 
of, 230 

Thorpe. Francis Newton, The Po- 
litical Ideas of John Adams, by, 1 

Titsort, . First War Medal is- 
sued in America, given to, 1758, 93 

Trenton Delaware Bridge Company, 
195 

True Lafayette, The. by George Mor- 
gan, notice of, 95 

Tudor, Captain George, 206, 213, 
218 

Turner, Edward, 177, 178 

Usher, Roland G., History of the 
Great War, by, notice of, 96 

Valley Forc/e, the History of. by 
Henry Woodman, notice of, 360 

Van Duren, John, 161 

Vantyle, John, first war medal is- 
suefl in America, triven to, 1758, 93 

Van Waggenen, Major Garret H., 216 

Vining, Miss M.. 68 



Walker, 249 

Wall, Miss, , (singer), 235 

Wallace, , 55 

Wallace. Capt., 249 

^Valnllt Hills, 48 

Walnut Utreet Theatre, 129, 136, 138, 

139 
Walton, Jacob, 161 
War of 1812, Letter from John P. 
Bovd. to his sister, Mrs. Margaret 
Storer, 1813. 95 
War Medal, first in America, Is- 
sued by New Jersey in 1758. 93 
Wasliington. Georg(>. hea(l-f]uarters at 
John Holcombe's house, near 
Coryell's Ferry. 163, 167. 168 ; 
title of Field Marshal of France 
conferred on, 220 : attends meeting 
of the Cincinnati in Philadelphia, 
1784. 244 : writes Scriptural letter 
to Lord Howe, 315 ; visits Bethle- 
hem, 324 : writes to Richard 
Peters. 1797, 325, 326 

Washington, Mississippi Territory, 
letters of Thomas Rodnev from, 
1S04-1S07, 47, 170, 270 289 

Wells, John, 164 

Wells Ferru, 164, 165. 166 

Wemvps, Francis C, 134, 142 

West Florida, opinions of Thomas 
Rodney on the cession of. 58, 59, 
61, 6.-.; 67, 77, 172 

TMiarton, Anne Hollingsworth, In 
Old Pennsylvania Towns, by, no- 
tice of, 361 

Whelen, Mrs. Charles S., starts 
movement for permanent opera at 
the Academy, 1895, 154 

Whitebread, William, 249 

Wignell and Reinagle erect the first 
Chestnut Street Theatre, 126 

Wilkey, Capt. , 244 

Wilkinson, General James, to Richard 
Peters, 1804, 333 ; mentioned, 271, 
2S3 ; implicated in Burr's con- 
spiracv, 291-297 

Willlnms, Gov., 275 

Williams, Robert. 175, 177, ISO 

Williams, Thomas 11. , 47, 48, 56, 57, 
59, 177, 183 

Williamsburg, Account of battle 
fought at, 1813. 95 

Windsor Hall, residence of Col. John 
Beatty, 195, 216, 220 

Winston, , 275 

Witherspoon. John, receipts bill of 
James Bradford, student at Prince- 
ton College, 1770, 94 

Wood, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph, sing in 
opera in Philadelphia, 137, I'S^ 

Woodman, Henry, The History of 
Valley Forge, by, notice of, 360 

Wooldridge. Major, 284 

Woolrich, Elizabeth. 162 

Woolridge, Mary, 161 

Wvnkoop, Ann, 256 

Wvnkoop Christina, marries Reading 
Beatty, 197 „ „,„ 

Wynkoop, Judge Henry, 197, 212 

Yazoo Land, 185 

York, Pa., Items from Diaries of the 
Moravian Congregation at, during 
the Revolution, 309 

York, Pa., houses in. used for Army 
Hospitals, 1778, 313 

York Road, betrinning and exten- 
sion of, 164. 165 






•Ei-S