I
HANDBOUND
AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF
TORONTO PRESS
•
91-
OK
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
Vol. XXVI.
PHILADELPHIA:
PUBLICATION FUND OF
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
No. 1300 LOCUST STREET.
1902.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXVI.
PAGE
Commodore John Hazel wood, Commander of the Pennsylvania Navy
in the Revolution. ~ByJosiah Oranville Leach, Esq. (Portrait.) . 1
The Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. By
Francis von A. Cabeen. (Continued.) . . . 7,207,335,443
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. By Joseph G. Rosengarten. (Map.) 25,245
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. By Benjamin
H. Smith. (Map.) . 42
William Biles. By Miles White, Jr 58, 192, 348
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. By Lewis Burd
Walker. (Concluded.} 71,224,322,464
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. "A Letter from a Merchant in London
to his Nephew in North America," 1766. (Concluded.} . 81,255
Philadelphische Zeitung : the First German Newspaper published
in America. (Facsimile.} 91
List of Patients admitted to and discharged from the Marine Hos-
pital, Philadelphia, 1784. By Luther R. Kelker. ... 92
Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Pennsylvania. ( Con-
cluded.} 101,265
Extracts from the Journal of Charles Clinton, kept during the
Voyage from Ireland to Pennsylvania, 1729. By Charles H.
Browning ........... 112
Letters of Presidents of the United States and "Ladies of the
White House." (Concluded.) 115,271
Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775. (Con-
tinued.} 126,280,390,470
In Memoriam Charles Roberts 144
Notes and Queries 145, 286, 401, 477
Book Notices 158, 413, 482
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. By Ernest H. Baldwin,
Ph.D. (Concluded.) 161,289,417
The late Ferdinand Julius Dreer .285
The Capture of Stony Point. By Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker,
LL.D 360
(iii)
iv • Contents of Volume XXVL
PAGE
Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr. By Hon.
G. D. W. Vroom 370
Kecord of Marriages performed by Kev. John Conrad Bucher, 1763-
1769. By Lather R. Kelker 375
Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. By D. McN. Stauffer . 382
Washington's Plan for the Attack at Germantown. By C. H.
Lincoln ............ 387
Letter of Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 1765 . . . .389
New Building for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania . . . 469
The late Charles Hare Hutchinson 476
Minutes of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1902 . . .483
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania . . . .485
Index . , 489
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
YOL. XXYI. 1902. No. 1.
COMMODORE JOHN HAZLEWOOD, COMMANDER OF
THE PENNSYLVANIA NAYY IN THE EEYOLUTION.
BY JOSIAH GRANVILLE LEACH, ESQ.
John Hazlewood, one of the most noted naval officers of
Pennsylvania in the Revolutionary War, was born in Eng-
land about 1726, and became a mariner, and in early life
settled in Philadelphia. In 1753 he was in command of
the ship " Susanna and Molly;" in 1762, of the ship " Grey-
hound ;" in 1763, of the brig " Monckton ;" in 1771, of the
ship "Sally;" and in 1774, of the ship "Rebecca." The
latter was one of the largest ships sailing at that time from
Philadelphia, and in all of these Captain Hazlewood traded
with foreign ports, chiefly those of England. "When, at the
outbreak of the Revolution, it became necessary to organize
naval forces for the defence of the Colonies, recourse was
had for naval commanders to the captains in the merchant
marine, there being none others at hand whose training in
any way fitted them for such service. Philadelphia was ex-
ceptionally fortunate at this period in having among her
citizens many sea-captains of large experience, and she fur-
nished for service in that great struggle a number of men
who made records that would have done honor to the most
thoroughly trained officers in the best naval forces of the
VOL. xxvi. — 1 ( 1 )
2 Commodore John Hazlavood.
world. Of such may be mentioned Stephen Decatur,
Thomas Truxton, Charles Biddle, Nicholas Biddle, John
Barry, and John Hazlewood.
Commodore Hazlewood's earliest known service in the
Revolution was in 1775. In July of that year the Pennsyl-
vania Committee of Safety adopted measures for the defence
of the Delaware River. The naval part of the defence was
the construction of war-ships, floating batteries, and fire-
rafts, and the sinking of obstructions in the river, known as
chevaux-de-frise. By December 28 ten fire-rafts had been
constructed, and Captain Hazlewood was appointed com-
mander over the fleet of rafts. In May following he was
selected by the Council of Safety " to survey the river from
Billingsport to Fort Island," and also " to Survey the Chan-
nel on the East side of the Barr opposite to Fort Island,"
and in June he was ordered to " construct and immediately
employ persons for building an additional Guard Boat for
the use of this Province," and on the 21st of that month
the Council of Safety
Resolved, That John Hazelwood, Esq'r, be appointed Captain and
superintendant of the Fire Vessels & Fire Rafts, and to the Guard
Boats, and that he be allowed for his Services 36 Dollars p month & 4
Rations, to commence the day of his first appointment, being the 28th
of December last.
In July, 1776, he was one of the " committee" of three sent
to Poughkeepsie, New York, to devise plans for the obstruc-
tion of the navigation of the North River by fire-vessels
similar to those in use on the Delaware, and the " Secret
Committee" mentions that Captain Hazlewood had " fitted
out a fire vessel in a martial manner," while the Convention
of the Representatives of the State of New York voted him
the thanks of that body and the sum of three hundred dol-
lars for services rendered in this direction, and on October
10, 1776, the Continental Congress recognized the impor-
tance of this service by voting him and the two other mem-
bers of his committee « pay for preparing six sail of fire
Commodore John Hazlewood. 3
ships at New York." At a later date, precisely when is not
known, he was promoted to commodore in the Pennsyl-
vania navy, and he is so styled in the proceedings of the
Supreme Executive Council, August 26, 1777, when the
Naval Board recommended to the Council that they make
Commodore Hazlewood " an extra allowance for his great
trouble and extra attention" in " attending and directing
fire ships and rafts," to which the Council responded by or-
dering that he be paid one hundred pounds for his " extra
service," etc. Eleven days later the Council bore strong tes-
timony to the eminent fitness of Commodore Hazlewood for
the highest rank in its navy by placing him in actual com-
mand of the naval force of the State. Howe's army was at
this time advancing into Pennsylvania and his fleet was
expected up the Delaware, and the Council
Ordered, That on the present emergency, when the Enemies' Army
endeavouring to penetrate to this City, may be aided by a Fleet in the
Delaware, the actual Command of the Naval force be committed to John
Hazlewood, Esq'r, as Commodore in this Department, on account of the
Age & infirmities of Tho's Seymour, Esq'r, his superior Officer, as it is
manifest to Council that Commodore Seymour, in the present State of
his Health, cannot be capable of that vigour & activity which are essen-
tial to the service at this time of danger, in which the most strenuous
efforts of the stoutest will be necessary.
On the day this appointment was made the Council in-
formed the State Navy Board of their action in the follow-
ing words :
As Council cannot justify to themselves or to the State, that the
actual command of the naval force should continue in the hands of
Commodore Seymour, whose health is very uncertain and whose age is
far advanced, they have resolved to commit the real command of the
same to Commodore Hazlewood, as you will find by a copy of the resolve
inclosed.
Five days later the battle of Brandywine was fought, and
on the 26th of that month (September) the British entered
Philadelphia. A portion of the British fleet entered the
Delaware, and shortly afterwards Lord Howe sent a flag to
4 Commodore John Hazleioood.
Commodore Hazlewood, demanding a surrender of the
Pennsylvania fleet, promising his Majesty's pardon should
he comply with the demand. The commodore replied that
he would not give up the fleet, but would defend it to the
last, which reply came to the attention of Congress, and that
body, on October 17, adopted the following resolution :
Resolved, That Congress highly approve of the brave and spirited con-
duct of Commodore Hazlewood, and the other officers and men concerned
in the defence of the river Delaware, and of their undaunted perseverance
and resolution to maintain that pass to the City of Philadelphia to the
utmost extremity.
On October 22 a British land force, under Count Dunop,
made an attack on Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, and at the
first sound of the count's cannon, the British fleet, consist-
ing of the "Augusta," a new sixty-four-gun vessel, the
" Roebuck," forty-four guns, the " Merlin" frigate, the " Liv-
erpool," and several other vessels, attempted to make its way
up the river to assist the attack. The fleet under Commo-
dore Hazlewood immediately engaged these vessels and
drove them back. Going down the river, the " Augusta" and
" Merlin" ran aground, hearing of which, the commodore
hoisted signal to engage, and the action soon became gen-
eral. The " Augusta" took fire and blew up and the
" Merlin" was burned by her crew. Congress took early
notice of this event, and honored the commodore with a
sword for his gallant conduct, as appears from its vote of
November 4, 1777" :
Resolved, That Congress have an high sense of the merit of Commo-
dore Hazlewood, commander of the naval force in the Delaware river,
in the service of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and of the officers
and men under his command, in their late gallant defence of their coun-
try against the British fleet, whereby two of their men of war were de-
stroyed, and four others compelled to retire ; and that an elegant sword
be provided by the marine committee, and presented to Commodore
Hazlewood.
A land attack by the British for the reduction of Fort
Miiflin soon followed, during which the fleet was actively
Commodore John Hazlewood. 5
engaged, losing in one day thirty-eight men killed and
wounded. The fort was captured on November 16 and on
the 18th a council of war convened by General Washing-
ton was held on one of the commodore's ships, at which
Major-General Arthur St. Glair, Major-General Baron de
Kalb, and Brigadier-General Henry Knox recommended
that the commodore " with the first favorable wind to at-
tempt passing up the River past the City of Philadelphia to
such place as he judge proper." This was accomplished on
the night of the 21st, when twelve armed boats, thirteen
galleys, province sloop, ammunition sloop, convention brig
and accommodation sloop, one provision sloop, two flats
with stores, and one schooner passed the city without hav-
ing a shot fired at them, and took refuge in the Delaware
above Burlington. The history of this fleet from this time
forward is briefly told in the " Pennsylvania Archives,"
Second Series, Vol. I. pp. 235, 236, and an interesting ac-
count of its previous service and engagements, after the
British came up the Delaware, is told in a letter from Com-
modore Hazlewood to President Thomas Wharton, Jr.,
under date of December 1, 1777, printed in the "Pennsyl-
vania Archives," Second Series, Yol. VI. pp. 47-50. In
August, 1778, the Assembly of Pennsylvania determined
that a large State navy was unnecessary, and recommended
that the greater part of the same be disbanded. Such dis-
bandment followed, and Commodore Hazlewood — he being
the last to hold that rank — and many others officers were
discharged.
In the summer of 1779 Commodore Hazlewood was one
of the committee of citizens chosen at a public meeting in
Philadelphia to raise, by house-to-house subscription, money
for the support of the army. In 1780 he was appointed
Commissary of Purchases for the Continental army, in the
city of Philadelphia, an office of great trust, involving the
handling of large sums of money. On one occasion (Sep-
tember 7, 1780) the Supreme Executive Council ordered
that an order be drawn in his favor for one hundred thou-
6 Commodore John Hazlewood.
sand pounds for purchasing supplies. In December of the
same year he was appointed Receiver of Provisions for
the Pennsylvania militia.
Of Commodore Hazlewood's life subsequent to the war
but little is known, except that April 11, 1785, he was
chosen one of the port wardens of Philadelphia. In 1772
he was one of the founders of the St. George Society, and
from 1779 until 1783 was a vestryman of Christ Church.
He died at Philadelphia on the 1st or 2d of March, 1800,
aged seventy-four, and was buried on the 3d of that month
in the graveyard of St. Peter's Church.
Captain Charles Willson Peale, artist and patriot, thought
Commodore Hazlewood worthy for his collection of Amer-
ican heroes, and the portrait painted by him was purchased
by the city of Philadelphia and placed in Independence
Hall.
Commodore Hazlewood married (1), August 10, 1753,
Mary, daughter of Charles Edgar, a merchant of Philadel-
phia. She died December 1, 1769, aged thirty-six years, and
he married (2), July 17, 1771, Esther, widow of Samuel Lea-
cock and daughter of Plunkett Fleeson, Esq. The chil-
dren that he is known to have had are, —
1. Thomas Hazlewood, born August 30, 1757; died in
1788; was captain in the Pennsylvania navy in the Revo-
lution.
2. Frances Hazlewood, born January 15, 1775; died
young.
3. Susan Hazlewood, died September 19, 1794.
4. John Hazlewood, a lieutenant in the artillery company
raised in Philadelphia in 1794, and in service in the "Western
Expedition of that year. He survived his father only a few
weeks, and was buried in St. Peter's church ground April
13, 1800.
5. Ann Hazlewood, living at the date of her father's will,
February 22, 1799.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF SAINT TAMMANY
OF PHILADELPHIA.
BY FRANCIS VON A. CABEEN.
(Continued from Vol. XXV. page 451.)
The newspapers of the time had long accounts of " The
Bull Baiting in Parliament," as the attack of "Wedderburn
upon Franklin before the Privy Council was called.
On Tuesday, May 3, a very exciting event took place in
Philadelphia in consequence of the publication of the above
facts, and as it shows the feelings of the populace, we give
a very full account taken from a newspaper of the day fol-
lowing :
" Yesterday about four o'clock in the afternoon the effi-
gies of Alexander "Wedderburn, Esq., convicted of traducing
the American Colonies and insulting their Agent before his
Majesty's Privy Council for doing his duty, and of Thomas
Hutchinson, Esq., Governor of Massachusetts Bay convicted
of an attempt to incense Great Britain against her Colonies,
were put into a cart and conducted through the streets of
the City. On the breast of Wedderburn the following
label was fixed :
" 'THE INFAMOUS
WEDDERBURNE.
A pert prime Prater of a scabby Kace
Guilt in his Heart and Famine in his Face !
(CHURCHILL altered)
Similis Proteo mutet — et fallacior Catalina
Hunc vos Bratanni cavete !J
" He availed himself of the licence of the bar to insult
the venerable Dr. Franklin, whose knowledge in philosophy,
universal benevolence, just sentiments of liberty and inde-
8 Society of the Son$ of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
fatigable labors to promote harmony between Britain and
her Colonies entitle him to the esteem of the learned of
every nation, the love of all good men and sincere affection
of every honest Briton and American.
" But the base born sollicitor who attempted to turn his
learning, benevolence and patriotism into ridicule is (like
Hutchinson) a parricide of the first rank, who would sacri-
fice his country, his liberty and his God and delight in the
carnage of the most faithful British subjects in America to
gain promotion at court. Such horrid monsters are a dis-
grace to human nature and justly merit our utmost detesta-
tion and the gallows to which they are assigned and then
burnt with electric Fire. With several others and the fol-
lowing lines from Hudibras.
" ' So a wild Tartar, when he spies
A man that's handsome, valiant, wise
If he can kill him thinks t' inherit
His wit, his beauty, and his spirit,
As if just so much he enjoy' d
As in an other is destroy' d.'
" On Governor Hutchinson's heart was fixed the follow-
ing label. ' Governor Hutchinson, whom we now consign
to the gallows and flames as the only proper reward for
double dealing and treachery to his native country.'
" After being exposed for several hours they were hung
and burnt in the evening amidst a vast concourse of people
who testified their resentment against the originals with the
loudest acclamations." l
As our Society was yet but an infant in comparison with
some of the others that met at regular stated intervals
during the year, and as the aims of its members were, as
we believe, very pro-American, as against the mother coun-
try, the exciting times upon which they were just entering
may, along with desertions from their ranks, have prevented
1 Penna. Gazette, May 4, 1774.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 9
their holding a meeting as usual. Or it may be that, owing
to their previous chronicler, Goddard, having left the city
early in the year, no one took the trouble to send an account
of their proceedings to the papers. Certain it is that we
have searched in vain in the prints of this year for any
notice of them.1
Graydon, in his Memoirs, speaking of the winter of
1774-75, says, "But a period was now approaching which
tended equally to interrupt the pursuits of pleasure and of
business. . . . The ministry seemed resolved upon enforcing
their assumed right of taxing the colonies, and there was an
equal determination on the part of America to resist the
pretention. . . . But waving analogies, that may be fitter
for illustrations than arguments, the merits of the question
were, I think, on the side of the colonies ; and the inference
that the authority contended for by Britain would ultimately
reduce them to vassalage was by no means chimerical.
" This being generally perceived and assented to, a great
proportion and perhaps a great majority of the most
wealthy and respectable in each of the provinces was
arrayed in opposition to the Ministerial claim. I speak of
the early stages of the contest. In Pennsylvania this was
certainly the case, though as to the extent to which the op-
position should be carried, there was doubtless a great di-
versity of opinion ; Many sincere Whigs considering a sep-
aration from the Mother country as the greatest evil that
could befall us. The Merchants were on the Whig side
with few exceptions ; and the lawyers, who, from the bent
of their studies, as well as their habit of speaking in public
were best qualified to take a lead in the various assemblies
1 "ANXIOUS INQUIRIES OF THE SUNDAY DISPATCH, p. 34. — Sub-
scriber wishes to know the origin of Tammany Society?
"It was originally instituted as a benevolent society on the com-
mencement of our Government in order to protect our red brethren and
induce them to enter into treaties of peace with us and give up a savage
border warfare. They were originally called Sons of Liberty and Friends
to the Constitution and Union of the States."
10 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
that became necessary, were little less unanimous in the
same cause."
That the Tammany Society was in existence in 1775 we
can infer from the following poem that was addressed to it,
and we must frankly add that this is the only record we
can find of it in this year.
" The Address of Liberty, to the Buckskins of Pennsylvania, on
hearing of the intended Provincial Congress.
"Fair Liberty, dear Goddess Bright —
Wishing to set the Pennites right —
Thus from her Throne, in candid Strains,
Addressed her Pennsylvan Swain.
Can public Virtue by me stand,
See Faction stalking through the Land ?
Faction that Fiend, begat in Hell-
In Boston nurs'd — here brought to dwell
By Congress, who, in airy Freak,
Conven'd to plan a Republic ?
Will Helmsmen let the Ship of State,
Meet with so dire, shipwreck' d a Fate ?
Can Judges, fam'd for Probity
Sit tame Spectators by, and see
The Laws oppugn' d by Committee —
Who Laugh at Courts, and Loyalty ?
Can peaceful Quakers, honest Church,
See Congress leave them in the Lurch,
And o'er their Heads such Vermin perch !
Stop Independents ! Stop, I say !
You mean to fight — to run away ;
The British Thunder you defy,
And right of Parliament deny •
Eevile the kind Peace making Gage,1
Who with great Prudence would assuage
The fires lit up by H k's Eage,2
Which unto civil Wars must tend,'
Unless the Olive Branch we send
To gen'rous Britain your best Friend.
Stop, Independents, stop, I say !
Attend to my instructive Lay !
| General Gage, commander of the British forces in America
Jonn Hancock.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 11
•
Fysham must swing on yonder Tree : —
Dear Friends, an Englishman you' 11 see,
Traytor to his King and Country !
With Hope adorn'd on gallows high,
He'll kick in Air, in Company
With the Pennsylvan Farmer John*
And Charley T , a Kebel Son,3
For Crime by Statute called Treason,
Which they committed without Reason
Well read in Law John seem'd — Oh, Shame !
Not so was it with poor Fysham !
For ignorant, alas, was he,
Ignorant as e'er Man could be !
(Ignorance, know ye, in Law's no Plea)
But Farmer John inveigled him,
And Charles united in the Scheme ;
But Peace the Wight enjoyed — dying —
Both were by his side a crying,
When Eope about his Neck was fix't, —
He clearly saw they would be next
Tuck't up aloft on self-same Tree,
That he, alas, must hanged be !
View, Friends, this sad Catastrophe, —
Three Rebels hanging on one Tree —
Dead as Door Nails — hung for Treason,
Which they committed out of Season, —
Lives lost — Estates confiscated —
Their Fam'lies left discomfited,—
A horrid Scene, a dismal ditty —
Good lack-a-day — what a Pity I
Poor Fysham formly, we're told,
Sold goods to France for Sake of gold,
'Tis true he did, in Time of War,
Yet he escaped from Rope or Tar ;
But he's o'ertak'n, Hemp has reach' d him —
For old sin his, weight has stretch'd him. —
1 Captain William Heysham, member of Fort Saint David Society
(State in Schuylkill, page 402) ; also Hiltzheimer, page 26 ; also Direc-
tory, signed Non-Importation Resolutions, member of the City Com-
mittee of Correspondence.
2 John Dickinson, author of the " Farmer's Letters."
3 Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress.
12 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
View, my Headers, this sad Picture !
Hang they will your Gen'ral Stricture.
Unnat'ral Deaths some Folks must dye,
Sic transit gloria mundi.
Ah, me ! Deluded, hoodwink'd Cits,
Eouse from your Sleep, resume your Wits !
Honor the King, obey my Laws !
Don't forfeit Life and Lands for Straws !
Had those mad Bandits been discreet,
They ne'er had stretch'd in hempen Sheet.
"From the Temple of Liberty
" January 7th. 1775."
It may not be out of place here to give a short account of
the temper of the times at this period.1 The news of the
battles of Lexington and Concord had been given to the
public in an extra edition of the newspapers on April 27.2
The feelings of the people of the city were so much inflamed
by the news of the conflicts in Massachusetts that a self-
exiled Tory from this Colony, arriving in the city on May 4,
found great difficulty in securing lodgings when he made
himself known to the people from whom he sought shelter.
His friend, on receiving him, remarked, " We will protect
you, though a Tory." 3
"We find in a newspaper dated Tuesday, May 2, 1775,4
that on the Saturday previous the Military Associators met
and determined that each ward of the city should form one
or more companies of soldiers. Then follows a list of those
already formed, and the article closes as follows : " In short
Mars has established his empire in this populous city, and it
is not doubted but we shall have in a few weeks from this
date 4000 men well equipped for our defence or for the
assistance of our neighbors. Several gentlemen who meas-
ured the ground on which the people stood at the meeting
on Saturday are of the opinion that their number amounted
to eight thousand."
1 May, 1775.
2 Postscript Penna. Gazette.
3 Ward's Diary, p. 26.
4 Penna. Evening Post.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 13
On the next page is the following advertisement : " All
persons who have Fire Arms by them are desired to give
public notice thereof and dispose of them at a moderate
price to those who want them. It is supposed that there are
considerable numbers in this city which were used on board
vessels during the War."
We can see that it was hardly a time for dinners and jollifi-
cations, but rather for action ; so, for the time being at least,
our members were the followers of King Tammany as against
King George. The warlike conditions of the times urged
them to remember that when their liberties were attacked
they must, like their patron, be prepared to defend them.
The next record we find is the following poem, which
seems to us to prove that at the time of its publication our
Society was still in existence or the newspapers would hardly
have thought it worth while to print it, for in those days
they were not much given to taking up space with matter
of local interest. It is also interesting to note the fact that
in the introduction its members are referred to as Sons of
Liberty. This may have been merely a generic term for all
lovers of the American cause, but we rather think not, and
that the editor knew what was most likely known to the
majority of the people of the time, that the moving spirits
in the Tammany Society were those who were either mem-
bers of the Sons of Liberty or at least held their pronounced
views. That the followers of Tammany were the ones for
whom the poem was published is shown, first, by the sentence
" and thinking it will suit extremely well for the first of May,"
which day was the one always celebrated by this Society.
Secondly, in the last line the poet says, " And hail ev'ry first
of Sweet May, my brave boys."
" The following humorous song was solely intended for the
American Tragi-comedy entitled The Fall of British Tyr-
anny, or American Liberty Triumphant, of five acts which
is now in the press, and will be published speedily. Having
been favored with a sight of the manuscript and thinking it
will suit extremely well for the first of May, the printer has
14 Society of the Sops of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
prevailed upon the author to let him insert it in the Evening
Post on the eve of that day for the entertainment of his
jovial readers, and Sons of Liberty.1
" The First of May, A new Song in Praise of St. Tammany, the
American Saint —
" Tune, The hounds are all out &c.
11 Of St. George or St. Bute, let the poet laureat sing,
Of Pharaoh or Pluto of old,
While he rimes forth their praise, in false nattering lays,
I'll sing of St. Tamm'ny the bold, my brave boys.
Let Hibernia's sons boast, make Patrick their toast,
And Scots Andrew's fame spread abroad,
Potatoes and oates and Welch Leeks for Welch goats,
Was never St. Tammany's food, my brave boys.
In freedom's bright cause, Tammany pled with applause,
And reason' d most justly from nature ;
For this, this was his song, all, all the day long,
Liberty's the right of each creature, brave boys.
Whilst under an oak his great parliament sat,
His throne was the crotch of the tree,
With Solomon's look, without statutes or book,
He wisely sent forth his decree, my brave boys.
His subjects stood round, not the least noise or sound,
Whilst freedom blaz'd full in each face ;
So plain were the laws, and each pleaded his cause,
That might Bute, North and Mansfield disgrace, my brave boys.
No duties nor stamps, their blest liberty cramps,
A King, tho' no tyrant was he ;
He did oft' times declare, nay sometimes would swear,
The least of his subjects were free, my brave boys.
He, as King of the woods, of the rivers and floods,
Had a right all beasts to control ;
Yet content with a few, to give nature her due,
So gen'rous was Tammany's soul ! my brave boys.
In the morn he arose, and a hunting he goes,
Bold Nimrod his second, was he ;
For his breakfast he'd take a large venison stake,
And dispis'd your flip-flops and tea, my brave boys.
While all in a row, with squaw, dog and bow,
Vermilion adorning his face ;
1 Penna. Evening Post, Tuesday, April 30, 1776.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 15
With feathery head he rang'd the woods wide,
Sure St. George had never such grace, my brave boys :
His jetty black hair, such as Buckskin saints wear,
Perfumed with bear's grease well smear' d,
Which illum'd the saint's face, and ran down apace,
Like the oil from off Aaron's beard, my brave boys.
The strong nervous deer, with amazing career,
In swiftness he'd fairly run down,
And, like Sampson, wou'd tear wolf, lion or bear;
Ne'er was such a saint as our own, my brave boys.
When he'd run down a stag, he behind him wou'd lag,
For so noble a soul had he !
H'd stop, tho' he lost it, tradition reports it,
To give him fresh chance to get free, my brave boys.
From his quiver he drew forth an arrow so keen,
And seiz'd fast his imperial bow ;
It flew straight to the heart, like an Israelite dart ;
Could St. Andrew ever do so, my brave boys ?
With a mighty strong aim, and a masculine bow,
His arrow he drew to the head,
And as sure as he shot, it was ever his lot,
His prey it fell instantly dead, my brave boys.
His table he spread, where the venison bled ;
Be thankful, he used to say ;
He'd laugh and he'd sing, tho' a saint and a king,
And sumptuously dine on his prey, my brave boys.
Then over the hills, o'er the mountains and rills,
He'd caper, such was his delight ;
And ne'er in his days, Indian history says,
Did lack a good Supper at night, my brave boys.
On an old stump he sat, without cap or hat,
When Supper was ready to eat ;
Snap his dog, he stood by, and cast a sheep's eye,
For venison's the king of all meat, my brave boys.
Like Isaac of old, and both cast in one mould,
Tho' a wigwam was Tamm'ny's cottage,
He lov'd sav'ry meat, such that patriarch eat;
Of ven'son and squirrel made pottage, my brave boys.
As old age came on, he grew blind, deaf and dumb,
Tho' his sport 'twere hard to keep from it,
Quite tired of life, bid adieu to his wife,
Andblaz'd like the tail of a comit, my brave boys.
16 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
What country on earth, then did ever give birth,
To such a magnanimous saint ?
His acts far excel all that history tell,
And language too feeble to paint, my brave boys.
Now to finish my song, a full flowing bowl ;
I'll quaff and sing the long day,
And with punch and wine paint my cheeks for my saint,
And hail ev'ry first of Sweet May, my brave boys."
Further, in looking at the play l itself, which was pub-
lished later in this year, we find that the prologue was spoken
by a character called Mr. Peter Buckstail 2 (another name
for a Son of Saint Tammany). The remarks spoken just
before the song by a player called Roger are as follows:
" Roger With all my heart ! Most delightful harmony !
This is the First of May ! Our shepherds and Nymphs are
celebrating our glorious St. Tammany's day: we'll hear
the song out and then join in the frolick, and chorus it
o'er and o'er again. This day shall be devoted to joy and
festivity."3 The above facts, taken together, we think
make good our claim that our Society existed at this time.
The times were becoming more exciting, for on May 1 a
very hotly contested election was held in Philadelphia,4
and the Committee of Safety passed a stringent resolution
concerning paroled prisoners; at the same meeting they
passed the following: "The Sisterhood of Bethlehem having
presented this Board with a quantity of linen rags for the
benefit of such as may be wounded in the service of this
country. Resolved : That this instance of their humanity
be thankfully acknowledged." 5
While, as we have said, we have no doubt of the exist-
ence of the Sons of Saint Tammany at this period, it may
have seemed to them that the times would hardly justify
"The Fall of British Tyranny, or American Liberty Triumphant."
Ibid., p. 7.
Ibid., p. 35.
Marshall's Remembrances, p. 77.
Penna. Evening Post, May 4, 1776.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 17
their meeting in a festive manner, and the papers, on their
part, hardly thought it necessary, after publishing the above
poem, to take up further room when their space was needed
for more stirring items of news.
It may be well to see what other societies were doing
in the years 1775 and 1776, and by referring to their records
we find that " The Sons of St. George did not meet after
April 23rd. 1776 for seven years and they began to feel the
effects of the times in 1774, few joining the Society." *
Saint Andrew's Society had only seven present at their
meeting in 1776.
The Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick continued to hold
their meetings until December, 1775, though their records
show that they held a meeting in 1776 and expelled Thomas
Batt for taking an active part against the liberties of
America.
These societies were organized for benevolent purposes,
held monthly meetings, and were not instituted, as the
Tammany Society was, for patriotic and social ends with
charity as a side issue; hence we can understand that if
the troublesome times interfered with the above societies,
they were more than likely to prevent the social feature of
Tammany being recognized, while the patriotic organiza-
tion still existed even if its numbers had been reduced by
desertions from its ranks caused by the approach of hos-
tilities.
Under date of April 14, 1777, we read in the newspapers
of that date a resolution of Congress concerning the threat-
ened invasion of Pennsylvania. On April 22 an order from
the Committee for the removal of stores from the Delaware
for fear of their falling into the hands of the British. On
April 26 people bringing provisions into Philadelphia are
allowed to take them out again if the place they take them
to is one of safety. Instead of an account of a meeting
of the Saint Tammany Society on May 1 of this year, we
find in the papers of the day following an order from the
1 Historical Sketch of the Society of the Sons of Saint George, p. 11.
VOL. XXVI. — 2
18 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
Pennsylvania War Office for an assessment of blankets
upon the people.
"PENNA WAR OFFICE— May 2nd., 1777.
" To THE PUBLIC.
"The Hon. Maj. Q-en'l. Schuyler having informed this
board that a considerable body of Continental Troops by
the want of blankets, are retarded from joining His Excel-
lency, Gen'l. Washington, and requested our aid in collect-
ing a quantity from the inhabitants immediately. We can-
not doubt but every loyal subject of the United States that
are well attached to the cause of America will spare all
blankets (receiving the value of the same) for the use of the
Troops which they conveniently can. And as the making
an assessment of blankets has been recommended by Con-
gress as a measure that would be more just and equal to
the inhabitants in general than to oppress the generous and
benevolent only, by voluntary contributions. This Board
have, therefore, by virtue of the authority given them by
Congress and the emergency of the case ordered such as-
sessment to be made, and they earnestly request the aid of
all friends to their country in carrying the said assessment
into execution, as the health of the Army, a consideration
deserving the utmost attention, depends upon it."
As the above measure affected every one and brought
home to all a very keen sense of the war times they were
living in, we thought it well to insert it here, so as to make
it clear why our Sons of Saint Tammany did not meet.
Many citizens had left the city for other places considered
less likely to be attacked, such as Lancaster, and more were
preparing to follow. We know that some of those who
dined with the Society at Byrn's Tavern in 1773 were now
with Washington at Morristown, New Jersey, waiting and
watching for the next move of the British, fearing that at
any moment they would be called to defend not only the
sentiments they toasted at their last dinner, but their very
firesides.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 19
To show that this fear of invasion was pretty generally
felt, we give the following card that appeared in the papers
in the early part of May of this year :
" To THE PEOPLE OF PENNA.
" As you seem to be apprehensive that the enemy will
come into the State, if you wish to prevent such an evil
prepare with the utmost spirit and vigor to fight them and
you will preserve your peace and safety.
"Be assured that the infamous Torries are spies upon
all your conduct and give information thereof to the enemy
who will determine to come or not to come as you are pre-
pared or not prepared to fight them.
" Your path of duty is plain and easy — act as becometh
men with spirit and vigor, and your City and Country will
remain in safety.
" A SOLDIER." l
In the winter and spring of the year 1778 our members
who had espoused the cause of their co*untry were compelled
to follow the example of their patron and live in huts at Val-
ley Forge, with hardly any more protection from the weather
than he and his warriors had and certainly with less food,
while their late brethren who had cast their lot with the in-
vaders were assisting them in preparing, not for the feast of
Saint Tammany, but for that remarkable performance the
Meschianza. It is true that on May 1 news had reached
head-quarters at camp of the treaty between France and the
United States, and of course the news was whispered
around among the most prominent of the army. So on this
feast day of their saint his followers had to be satisfied with
a repast that filled their hearts with hope, while their stom-
achs had to be satisfied with flour and water baked over
their camp-fires. On June 18 of this year the British army
evacuated Philadelphia, never to return, and soon the ref-
ugees returned to their more or less damaged homes,
1 Penna. Evening Post, May 8, 1777.
20 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
• •
resuming as best they could the interrupted thread of their
lives.
On May 1, 1779, we find by the public prints that Saint
Tammany had once more resumed his sway, and that his
broad spirit had animated his votaries to invite the followers
of foreign saints who were loyal to the American cause to
dine with his sons at his feast ; and while we have no de-
tailed account of the dinner, there is no doubt that his
saintly influence inspired them all to put forth more active
exertions in behalf of his beloved country, America.
The following is the notice of the dinner : 1
" The sons of St. Tammany and their adopted brethren
of St. Patrick, St. Andrew and St. George, are desired to
meet this day being the first of May at the Theatre in South-
wark 2 at two o'clock. Dinner on the table at three o'clock.
£L B. The dining at the late Proprietors 3 being inconvenient
the Theatre is preferred to any other place."
How tantalizingly short the notice is ! no account of the
toasts, songs, or speeches, or even the names of those present,
all of which information would have given us a slight
glimpse of the real feeling of the times as held by the true
lovers of their country.
One thing, however, it shows, — namely, that the organiza-
tion had survived desertion from its ranks as well as tempo-
rary expulsion from its home.
Like the followers of the saints of old, treason in their
midst might divide them, war might scatter them, but at the
first favorable opportunity they would gather together to
worship at the shrine of their patron, who stood for freedom,
liberty, and independence.
The selection of the Southwark Theatre as the place for
holding this dinner seems to us to have been dictated by a
wish on the part of the members of the Society to enter a
1 Penna. Packet, May 1, 1779.
a Situated at South and Apollo Streets.
3 Evidently Springettsbury is meant, and must have been used as a
house of entertainment after it had been confiscated.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 21
protest against the extravagances of the times, for they
abandoned a place having at one time some reputation,1 and
selected one for their dinner that had little or none. This
seems to have been their first step in democracy, while in
later years their distinguishing characteristic was democratic
freedom or simplicity.
Search as we may in this year (1780), the only mention we
can find of the name Tammany or Buckskin is the noting
of the arrival at Philadelphia of the schooner " Buckskin,"
from Havana, after a long and tedious passage owing to
severe gales of wind.2 Adverse weather was certainly pur-
suing the cherished desires of our Whigs, whether members
of the Saint Tammany Society or not. The Continental
currency had depreciated to such an extent that General
"Washington, writing from his head-quarters at Morristown,
ISfew Jersey, to a friend, says that " he doubted if a wagon
load of Continental money would now buy a wagon load of
food." The situation of the country was considered so serious
by the authorities of Pennsylvania that they thought an appeal
to heaven a necessity to assist the country in its troubles, so
they appointed April 25 as a fast day. In view of the above
state of affairs, it may not have seemed to the followers of
Saint Tammany that it would be proper to have a public
celebration and jollification when they all felt that their
hopes and expectations were in such jeopardy. Three years
later our Society was spoken of as the Constitutional Sons of
Saint Tammany, and its members then assembled at the
country-seat of Mr. Pole. In view of this, it is well to note
that there appeared in the newspapers3 of this year an account
of the meetings of " The Constitutional Society." The
notice of its second meeting this year, under date of Febru-
ary 3, is as follows : " The Constitutional Society meet on
Saturday evening next, the 5th. inst. at six o'clock precisely
at the Dutch Lutheran School House in Cherry Alley.
1 Westcott's Historic Mansions, pp. 415, 423. Situated on the north
side of Buttonwood Street, between Seventeenth and Eighteenth Streets.
2 Penna. Packet, February 22, 1780. 3 Ibid., 1780.
$
22 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
Edward Pole, Secretary. K B. The room will be accom-
modated with a good fire in the stove." The members of
the society continued to meet every ten days or two weeks
at the same hour and place until March 18, when the place
was changed to " Mr. Kidd's School House in Yidells Alley
near the Golden Fleece in Second St. a few doors below
Chestnut St." Then, on April 1, they met at the Court-
House at the same hour " on particular business," and on
April 22 at the State-House, " when a question of consider-
able importance will be debated." On May 20, the last
notice of them,1 they met as above. From the foregoing
we are led to think that this society was either our Sons of
Saint Tammany under another name, or that it was the
nucleus around which the Saint Tammany Society gathered
on great occasions. Most likely the members of the Consti-
tutional Society were the real active political workers of the
larger Tammany organization. Certainly it is a curious coin-
cidence that their secretary's country-seat should be taken
within three years as the meeting-place of the followers of
our saint, and we hardly think that this meeting-place would
have been chosen without it being very well understood by
all that the two societies were to all intents and purposes
one and the same. The lines between Whigs and Tories
were very strictly drawn at this time, as is shown by the
following: "Dec. 12th. A Hint — It is expected that no
man who has not taken a decisive part in favour of American
Independence will in future intrude on the dancing assembly
of the city, such characters are either too detestable or too
insignificant for "Whig Society. The company of those who
were so insensible of the rights of mankind and of personal
honour, as to join the enemies of their country on the most
1 In the United States Magazine of 1779, p. 99, is a notice of this
society : "Resolved by the Constitutional Society of Philadelphia that
two persons be appointed to prepare and deliver on the 4th of June [?]
next, the anniversary of our glorious Independence, the one an oration
on the advantages of that Independence ; the other an Eulogium in
memory of those brave men who have fallen in defence of our rights
and privileges."
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 23
gloomy moment of the revolution cannot be admitted. The
subscription paper thro' accident has been handed to some
characters of this description." 1 The spirits of our Whig
friends had evidently been cheered by the hopeful news from
the Southern army, and they were therefore more ready to
yield to a little recreation at this time than during the darker
days of the past spring.
While the British captured the city of Philadelphia in
1777, and held it until June of the year following, our
French allies certainly had possession of the hearts and
minds of the citizens of this city during the year 1781.
The principal social events were either given by or to the
French officers, and " the most Christian Monarch Louis
XVI." held as high a place in the estimation of all lovers of
American independence as did the Commander-in-Chief of
the Continental army. Notices of the Constitutional Society
now disappear from the newspapers and contemporaneous
prints, and there is no mention of the followers of Saint
Tammany. All the social functions noticed, with the ex-
ception of a dinner given by citizens on February 3 to the
officers of the army and navy,2 were in honor of the French
alliance. Where we would expect to find an account of a
dinner given in honor of our saint, there appears instead the
following account: "Friday last, May 4th., the Chevalier
De La Touche, Captain of the Herminious frigate, gave on
board his vessel an elegant entertainment to his excellency
the President, and the honourable members of Congress,
to his excellency the President, and the honourable Vice-
President and council of the State : in presence of his ex-
cellency the Chevalier De La Luzerne, Monsiur De Marbois,
M. Holker and a great number of military and civil officers,
and gentlemen of both nations. On his arrival and de-
parture, the President of congress was saluted by thirteen
guns. The frigate was elegantly decorated, and all her
colours flying afforded a pleasing sight to several thousand
1 Penna. Packet, December 12, 1780.
2 Ibid., February 3, 1781.
24 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
of people standing on the shore. After dinner the following
toasts were drank : *
Guns fired.
I. The United States of America ... 21
II. The King of France 21
III. The King of Spain . . 21
IV. The Queen of France 21
Y. The United Provinces of Holland . . .13
VI. The State of Pennsylvania . . . .13
VIT. General "Washington and the Army . .13
VIII. General Rochambeau and the French Army . 9
IX. Generals Greene, Lafayette, Steuben and their
Troops 9
X. Admiral Destouches and the French Fleet . 9
XI. The American Ministers in Europe ... 9
XII. Success of the Campaign ..... 9
XIII. Eternity of the Alliance 9
" The elegancy of the entertainment was universally ad-
mired, and the novelty of a ball on ship board was com-
mented on." 2
1 Penna. Packet, May 8, 1781.
2 Freeman's Journal, May 16, 1781.
(To be continued.)
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OPERATIONS OF HOWE'S ARMY
D OF ELK TO THE BRANDYWINE.
>^3
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 25
POPf 'S JOUKNAL, 1777-1783.
BY JOSEPH G. ROSENGABTEN.
[In the city library at Bayreuth there is a manuscript with the for-
midable title ' ' History of the North American War, especially of the
part taken in it by the two regiments from Bayreuth and Anspach,
described by one who served in the Bayreuth Kegiment, named Stephan
Popp, from 1777-1783. I was twenty-two years of age when we
marched to America." At the close of the Journal there follows a
song in eight verses on the marching forth of the Bayreuth troops, and
then a curious ' ' Prayer on the Transfer of the Bayreuth- Anspach lands
to Prussia." On the right hand is a column with the Lord's Prayer
divided in an arbitrary fashion, on the left an address to King Frederick
William the Second of Prussia. If that is read alone, he is praised ;
but if the lines be read so as to include those of the Lord's Prayer, the
whole meaning is changed into a bitter attack on the Prussian annexation.
Then follow two entries, one dated August 9, 1795, the other May 25,
1796 ; so that the writer seems to have been alive at that time. Bound
up with this manuscript are three maps in pencil : one of the Hudson
from Fort Constitution to Esopus, and a legend that it shows the opera-
tions of General Clinton in September and October, 1777, when he
seized Forts Constitution, Montgomery, and Clinton, and destroyed
them, while General Vaughn seized and burnt Esopus and brought
away 400 head of cattle and 400 sheep ; 100 rebels were killed and 300
captured, with 100 cannon, 12,236 pounds of powder, 1852 cartridges,
much provision, and the chain stretched across the river ; the loss on
the royal side included Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, 2 majors, the
Polish Count of Grabowsky, Clinton's adjutant, 4 officers, and 41
privates; 13 officers and 144 soldiers wounded and 20 missing. The
second map is a plan of the landing of General Howe and his brother
at the point where the Elk Kiver falls into the Chesapeake, and the
advance of General Knyphausen to Cecil Court-House, and another
column under Lord Cornwallis to Head of Elk, the two corps joining
at Pencader September 3. The Americans left their position near
Wilmington, the English came through Newark and camped at Ho-
kessen. General Washington left his camp and seized the heights of
the Brandywine. On September 11 the. two armies met and the Ameri-
cans retreated to Chester, then crossed the Schuylkill. The Americans
lost 300 killed, 600 wounded, 400 prisoners, and 11 cannon. The
26 Popg's Journal, 1777-1788.
English lost 1 brigadier-general, 1 lieutenant-colonel, 3 captains, 5
lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 14 subalterns, and 133 soldiers killed ; 2 lieu-
tenant-colonels, 1 major, 23 captains, 38 lieutenants, 15 ensigns, 64
subalterns, 6 drummers, and 790 soldiers wounded, and 1 captain and
19 soldiers missing ; altogether 1118 men. The map covers the territory
from below Salem, on the Delaware, and Georgetown and Baltimore, on
the Chesapeake, to Chester and Ephrata and Manheim and Lancaster
and the Susquehanna, and has a small sketch of the positions of the
Americans and English at the battle of the Brandywine, on September
11, 1777.
The third map is a plan of Philadelphia and vicinity as far as
Frankford, Germantown, Merion, and Darby, and of the attack on
Fort Eed Bank on October 22, and the works on Fort Island, with
the following legend: "Philadelphia and neighborhood: 1. Philadel-
phia, with the lines of the Americans surrounding it. 2. The position
of General Washington's camp between Germantown and the Schuylkill.
3. Engagement of October 4, to the loss of the Americans. 4. Crossing
of the Delaware by Colonel Donop at Cooper's Creek to dislodge the
Americans from their entrenched position. 5. Fort Eed Bank, with the
unsuccessful attack in which Colonol Donop and Lieutenant-Colonel
Minnigeroda were wounded. 6. Fort Island. 7. Fort Mud Island,
where the Delaware is blockaded by a Spanish barrier and sunken
ships." They are evidently the work of a good German military
engineer. A copy of this manuscript with the maps is in a private
collection in Philadelphia.]
^777. January 26. — Lieut. Col. Schlammersdorf [of the
Guards] at 7 P.M. gave orders to Major von Seybothen x
that all leaves should be recalled and all preparations com-
pleted by working day and night, so as to be ready to move
on a moment's notice.
February 2. — Orders were issued that the Regiment should
be ready to take the field in three weeks, Col. von Voit 2
was assigned the command, and directed to fill the ranks
with young men from all the villages in the neighborhood.
This excited the laments of fathers, mothers and families,
who came every day to bid farewell to their sons, brothers
Franz Johann Heinrich Wilhelm Christian von Seybothen.
2 When Colonel August Valentin Voit von Saltzburg took command
of the regiment it consisted of five companies, including one of light
infantry, one of grenadiers, and one of artillery.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 27
and friends. Some of the soldiers were glad, and I was of
the number, for I had long wanted to see something of the
world. Others were filled with grief and sorrow at leaving
home, and there was on their side sighing, while I and those
of my way of thinking were enjoying the prospect of leaving
our mother country for the new world.
February 27. — At 6 P.M. we received our first English
supplies and pay for five days in advance.
February 28. — Reveille awakened us for our new service
and the Generale was beaten to begin our march — that night
the Regiment was quartered one half in Miickendorf, the
other half ^ in Streiberg.
March 1. — Marched to Burgersdorf.
March £.— To Fiirth.
March 3.— To Ketteldorf.
March £. — To Anspach, where after inspection by the
Prince, we were quartered on the citizens, remaining until —
March 7 — when we marched to Birnheim.
March 9. — To Ostenheim.
March 10. — Put on board boats at Ochsenfurt, but so
closely packed that many of the men both of the Anspach
and Bayreuth regiments had to stand up all night. We
sang hymns and had prayers.
The next day we were put on board ship and many of the
men threatening to refuse, the non-commissioned officers
were ordered to use heavy whips to enforce obedience, and
later to fire on the malcontents, so that some thirty men
were wounded, — this so angered their comrades that they
made a sharp attack on the Yagers and drove them off with
the bayonet. Many men deserted from both Regiments, but
six of them were recaptured and sent along to America.
At last the Prince came on board and asked the men if they
were not willing to go, — no one said no, — then he asked
what they wanted, and there was a long string of requests,
which the Prince said he would satisfy. Then we started
on our voyage, in boats enough to make us comfortable, the
Prince accompanying us.
28 Papgs Journal, 1777-1783.
March 14. — At Hanau we got on larger ships.
March 15. — We reached the Kiver Rhine.
March 16. — We sailed down the Ehine.
March 25. — We took the oath of allegiance to the British
King after reaching JSTymwegen.
March 27. — Went on board the English ships.
March 28. — Were supplied with bedding for our sea
voyage ; each man got two heavy blankets, 2 light blankets,
2 straw sacks, 3 pillows filled with hair, — after seeing us
supplied and settled on board ship, the Prince bade us good
bye and returned to his home.
March 29. — Early in the morning we heard the sailors
busy over our heads, but no soldier was allowed to go up on
deck, — we were moved out to sea, and waited until
March 31 — when the anchor was lifted, and we sailed for
Portsmouth, England, — the sea grew rougher, the land dis-
appeared, the men were suffering from sea sickness, and
many of them vowed to sin no more if they could only get
safely on shore again.
April 3. — We reached Portsmouth and stayed there five
days, waiting for Hessian recruits.
April 7. — Our Fleet of 16 ships under escort of a 74 gun
ship sailed on signal.
May 2. — We reached the Azores.
June 3. — We reached the harbor of New York, after
much stormy weather on the voyage.
June 4- — The birthday of King George the 3rd was cele-
brated by guns fired on all the men of war and ships in the
harbor, — over 300 in all.
June 7. — We landed on Staaten Island and went into
Camp. Hardly had we settled for our first night on shore,
before there was heavy firing, but nothing came of it.
June 11. — We marched to Amboy and joined the army
of Gen1 Howe, meeting many German and English regi-
ments on the way.
June 12.— Made camp in Amboy, all looking hopelessly
wasted and neglected.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 29
June, 14.. — The Hessian Yagers joined us.
June 22. — The English army returned from Brunswick,
which they had burned down, and we marched back to
Staaten Island.
July 23. — Alarm of an attack by the Kebels — they lost
300 prisoners and many wounded and killed, many too were
drowned in crossing the river.
August 2£. — The Prisoners of War were taken to New
York.
September 4- — A captain and 30 men deserted from the
Rebels and enlisted in the British Army.
September 11. — The Grenadiers made a foray in Jersey and
brought back many head of cattle and negroes.
September 19. — Six of our deserters were brought from
Germany and rejoined us.
October 11. — The rebel Fort Montgomery was captured,
— our Grenadiers lost Capt. von Eckert, who was buried
in the German Evangelical Church in New York.
October 15. — Went on board ship to sail up the North
River to Albany to help Gen1 Burgoyne, who is besieged
near there.
October 17. — He was obliged to surrender, having no sup-
plies and no prospect of succor.
October 22. — We returned to New York.
October 26. — Again embarked, part of a fleet of 40 sail
under cover of 2 Frigates.
October 29. — Sailed from Sandy Hook.
November 9. — Reached the River Delaware.
November 12. — Sailed up to Fort Billings [Billingsport]
which was cannonaded by six English men of war for three
days and nights, until it surrendered.
November 18. — Landed on the Jersey shore.
November 21. — Marched into the country, seizing many
head of cattle, but not venturing too far on account of the
Rebels.
November 25. — Moved near Fort Redbank, which had
been lost by Col. Donop, owing to his attempt to take it
80 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
against too large a force, — he lost 180 men and 23 officers
of the Hessian Begiments. We were 6000 strong with
many ships in the Eiver. The Eebels burned their ships
and abandoned the Fort, so we were ferried over the river,
and with flags flying and bands playing marched through
Philadelphia, but saw few people except negroes.
December ^. — Gen1 Howe with a force of from 12 to 13000
men moved out to Germantown.
December 5. — We moved into the Camp of the English
troops.
December 8. — Gen1 Howe returned with a large supply of
cattle, provisions and cannon captured from the Rebels.
December 13. — We were quartered in old empty houses on
Front St., the rooms were large, well papered, but very cold,
having no stoves to heat them.
December 22. — Moved across the Schuylkill in very cold
weather, — lay all night in the open, although it was snowing,
and our supplies of food were very scanty.
December 28. — Eeturned to our old quarters in the city.
1778. January 12. — The English Major Zeidharss 0.
Terwey took command [ ? ] .
February 4. — A Eebel Picquet of 30 men were taken
prisoners and with 30 captured officers brought into the city
from the outposts.
March &?.— Col. von Eyb of the Anspach Beg* came
from New York with recruits from New York.
April 16. — Major v. Seyboth was made Colonel, and my
Captain v. Beust1 Major of the Beg*.
April 16.— Gen1 Clinton came from New York and took
command of the entire English army.
May 11.— Col. v. Eyb and Lt. Sichart left for Germany.
May 19. ~ Marched to Germantown and joined the Eng-
lish force there after 4J hours of heat and dust which ex-
hausted our men,— Germantown is half an hour long and
full of Germans.
1 Ernst Friedrich Carl von Beust, who was captured with the regiment
at Yorktown.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 31
Jane 8. — Marched outside the city to be reviewed by Lord
Cornwallis.
June 10. — At 2 A.M. left Philadelphia and embarked on
a sloop the Betsy.
June 11. — Passed Newcastle.
June 18. — Arrived in the Hudson River, passing Staaten
Island, anchored off New York, lay there until the 20th, —
then moved through the East River to Long Island, — which
supplies New York with food, for it is a fruitful country,
rich in harvests of grain, fruit, cattle. The people are
mostly Hollanders, loyal to the Crown and neutral in the
War. We lay near Hell Gate where Capt. v. Molitor's *
servant fell overboard and was drowned. We were well
fed and had beer every day, but the musquitoes were
dreadful.
July 9. — Sailed through Long Island Sound to Newport,
in Rhode Island, where we landed.
July 15. — Marched through the city and went into camp
just beyond. The country is poor, but the fishing is the
great industry. There are many wealthy people, and the
women very handsome.
July 20. — Crossed over to Connanicut Island.
July 29. — Returned to the mainland, on the report of a
French fleet in sight, — all the batteries were fully manned.
July 30. — The French fleet came into the harbor.
August 5. — Many ships sunk in the harbor to keep out the
French, — 3 Frigates were burned.
August 8. — 8 French men of war engaged in a heavy
cannonade with the British ships and forts. Our fleet was
busy signalling and many Rebels crossed at Bristol.
August 10. — The French fleet left the harbor under heavy
fire and sailed away.
August 11. — Encamped on Tammany Hill 2 and made a
strong position. Many of the Anspach Regiment deserted,
1 Christian Theodor Sigismund yon Molitor, who surrendered at
Yorktown.
2 Tammany Hill covered the left flank of the British line.
32 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
•
rather than work hard, but we exchanged shots with the
Eehels who were also strengthening their position.
August 14. — Had a violent storm of rain and wind for
forty-eight hours, the worst in all my campaigns.
August 17.— The Kebels, 20,000 strong, under Gen1 Sul-
livan were in full view.
August 19. — Moved to the rear of Tammany Hill to es-
cape the heavy fire of the Rebel guns.
August 20. — The French fleet returned,
August 22 — but sailed away again in the night.
August 29. — A sharp engagement with the Rebels, at 7
A.M. Adjutant General Lt. Milzenburg gave us orders to
march, and we soon came in view of the enemy, protected
by stone walls, — we exchanged musketry fire until the cannon
were in position and opened on them, — the enemy fell back
and we drove them to Windmill Hill, inflicting a heavy loss
on them.
August 30. — The enemy left the island, although we had
only 6000 men, far less than their force.
September 1. — Gen1 Clinton came with a fleet and troops to
strengthen the British force, but as usual too late.
September 3. — He sailed away again with ships and men.
September 6. — Corporal Lindemeyer x of Capt, v. Beust's
Company was made 2nd Lieutenant.
September 19. — Admiral Byron arrived with a fleet of 10
men of war, 7 Frigates and some small Galliots, — I was on
board the Admiral's ship with the Band of our Regiment.
October 11.—3QQ Recruits joined with 20 officers, among
them Lt. Frederic Nagler and Chaplain Erb 2 and Captain
von Dieskau.
October ./£.— The chaplain preached from the 37th Psalm.
October 29. — Went into winter quarters in Newport, in old
empty houses, very badly suited, and the food worse, — little
bread and that made of rice and Indian corn meal, — instead
of meat bad fish, and of that not enough to thrive on and too
1 Johann Hermann Lindemeyer.
2 Chaplain Johann Georg Philip Erb.
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Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 33
much to die of starvation. We had to bake our own bread
out of wretched corn.
December 14- — Admiral Byron sailed for the West Indies.
It began to snow on Christmas night and continued until the
27th, the snow lay 3 to 4 feet deep, the cold was very severe,
nine men of one of our regiments were frozen to death,
twenty-three men had their hands and feet badly frost bitten,
— a woman with two little children was frozen to death in
her house. Even the supply of drinking water was frozen.
December 29. — Marched out into the country, — could buy
only frozen potatoes at 2 Spanish Dollars the bushel, — for-
tunately a boat brought meat and rum which helped us to
stand the cold.
1779. January. — We got little food and that very poor.
February 19. — A supply of food from New York.
Marcji. — Half of the Regiment was sick with scorbutic dis-
eases and many died.
April 26. — Our arms and equipments arrived at last after
being a year and more on the way.
June 10. — Captain v. Seitz l was promoted to be Major of
the Anspach Regiment.
July 7. — Moved our Camp from Tammany Hill nearer to
the town, and protected and decorated it with boughs and a
hedge row.
September 18. — Received orders and got ready to embark
October 16 — on a fleet of transports for New York.
October 22. — A Fleet of over 100 sail carried the entire
army to New York.
October 31. — Landed and went into camp in the Bowery
— very cold in our tents.
November 19. — Salutes fired in honor of victories in Georgia
and the West Indies.
November 22. — On account of the cold broke camp and
were quartered in an old brewery on the North River.
1 Captain Friedrich Philipp von Seitz, of the Grenadier company.
He was captured at Yorktown. The account of his death at sea is re-
lated farther on in this journal.
VOL. XXVI. — 3
34 Poptfs Journal, 1777-1788.
December 14. — Our invalids were sent back to Germany.
December 21. — Alarm caused by a rebel attack at Paulus
Hook, which was resisted successfully.
1780. January. — The Forth River was frozen so hard
that heavy guns were carried over the ice, — the cold weather
lasted all the month.
January 12. — An English sentry was frozen to death on
his post. Many soldiers were frost bitten in their quarters.
January 15. — On report of a spy that the Eebels were
moving on Amboy a large force was prepared to move there.
January 16. — A force from several regiments moved to
Paulus Hook and through Bergen and captured a rebel
picket of 30 men.
February 22. — A rumor that the English had captured a
Spanish fleet from Mexico for Cadiz with gold and silver to
the value of £6 millions.
March 24-. — Marched to Hackensack in New Jersey,
plundered and destroyed and brought back gold and silver
ware and furniture and clothing.
March 25. — Started for Morristown, but the enemy at-
tacked us in force costing us some killed many wounded
and more prisoners.
April 8. — Went to Hackensack for hay and straw.
May 10. — Reviewed by Gen1 Knyphausen and many other
officers.
May 26. — Received news that Gen1 Clinton had captured
Charleston in South Carolina with Gen1 Lincoln, 6000 men,
200 cannon and many ships.
June 4. — Celebrated the birthday of King George the 3rd
of England.
June 6. — Gen1 Knyphausen led a force of 6 to 7000 men
over Staaten Island to attack the rebels at Elizabethtown,
New Jersey.
Jane 7. — Attacked the enemy with heavy loss on both
sides, — moved to Springfield, destroying houses on the way,
but losing many officers and men, especially of the German
forces and in the Anspach Reg*.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 35
June 8. — It took 3 boats to carry the wounded to New
York.
June 17. — Moved again under Gen1 Knyphausen.
June 19. — Were inspected and reviewed by Gen1 Clinton.
June 23. — Attacked the enemy beyond Elizabethtown,
drove them, but they stood up manfully like good soldiers
with their light cannon, until our heavy guns and large force
pushed them on both flanks back to Springfield, where we
burned houses and churches, — in one a hundred wounded,
— but a spy brought word that Gen1 Washington was on his
way from Morristown with reinforcements, and on our way
back we lost many men, from 4 to 500, — while the Eebels
lost 400 killed and 300 wounded. Among our's were Capt.
v. Roeder and Lt. Diemer.1 We fell back all night, hungry
and thirsty and tired, to Staaten Island, but a heavy thunder
storm kept us from rest.
June 25. — Moved by water to King's Bridge and Fort
Knyphausen and biouvacked at Phillippspoint, — sheltering
ourselves from the great heat by boughs.
July 1. — Received our tents from !N"ew York — went into
Camp and extended our lines from the North to the East
River. Many of the Anspach and some of our Regiment
deserted.
July 20. — Moved camp to Bloomingdale.
July 24-- — Marched to New York and went into camp in
an orchard in the Bowery, — the shade of the trees was a
great protection from the hot sun.
July 25. — Gen1 Hyhner 2 died and was buried the next
day with great military service.
1 Captain Friedrich Wilhelm von Eoeder and First Lieutenant Just
von Diemer.
2 "On Tuesday the 25th inst. departed this life, Major General De
Hayne, of the army of his Serene Highness the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel,
in the 60th year of his age, and 42d of his service in the armies of his
Prince. He went with his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, upon the last
successful expedition against the rebels in South Carolina, and returned
to this after the reduction of Charles Town ; but while there, he was
attacked by a consumption, which eventually carried him oif, to the
36 Poppas Journal, 1777-1783.
July 27. — Paymaster Herrenbauer * of our's died.
August 2. — A deserter Glatz of the Eyb Regiment, and 8
days later one of the Anspach Regiment were shot.
September 22. — Great celebration in New York of Lord
Cornwallis' defeat of Gen1 Goetzsch [Gates ?] in South Caro-
lina and the capture of his colors and cannon.
September 25. — Gen1 Arnold of the Rebels arrived in E"ew
York on a shallop.
October 9. — Gen1 Arnold was gazetted a Brigadier General
in the British army.
October 15. — The Rebels hung Major Andre, Adjutant
General, at Washington's Camp at Tappan, to our great
grief. He ventured in other clothes than his uniform into
the Rebel Camp, to spy out their strength at Fort Hany-
beint [West Point] and to see where their Regiments were
posted, so as to determine where it was best to attack them,
—this he had discovered and was on his Avay back when at
the last of the Rebel outposts he was stopped and asked
what he was doing there, — he said he was the son of a
gentleman living near the river, but the guard said he knew
no one of the name he gave, — he offered money, as much
as $1000, but the men took him to the post headquarters,
there he was searched, and in his shoes were found the
plans of the Fort,— he was tried by a Court Martial, found
guilty of being a spy and was hanged, — he behaved with
inexpressible regret of all the gentlemen of the British and Hessian
army here, by whom his merit, as a most gallant officer, polite gentleman,
and sincere friend, was highly valued. The many virtues he possessed
endeared him to all who had the honour to be intimate with him, and
his death is universally lamented. Last Wednesday afternoon his funeral
was attended by all the general officers in this garrison, amongst whom
were his Excellency Lieutenant General Eobertson, and Major General
Tryon, Patison, Philips, Lossberg, and Hackenberg. The regiment of
Donop, and a company of Anspach grenadiers, with three pieces of
cannon, (from each of which three rounds were fired) marched to the
place of interment, where his remains were deposited with the honours
of war." — New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury, July 31, 1780.
1 Herrenbaur had formerly been adjutant of the regiment.
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great bravery, and said if he had a thousand lives he
would give them all for the Crown of England and Great
Britain.
October 18. — 150 recruits joined us, — they left Anspach
on March 3rd. — We got orders to go into winter quarters.
October 19. — Quartered in the same Brewery — Lippner's
— where we spent the winter a year ago. The Anspach
Regiment was quartered in a church in Bloomingdale.
November 12. — A fleet of 200 ships with provisions arrived
from England.
November 23. — An alarm on Staaten Island, that the
Rebels were coming from Amboy with 8000 French from
Rhode Island, and we were all in readiness to move, but
nothing came of it.
December 25. — A boat with 19 men was lost in a heavy
storm in the East River.
1781. January 2. — The Rebels came in a Flag boat from
Sandy Hook with 40 men and 4 cannon, up in the night to
try to seize Gen1 Clinton at his Head Quarters near the
North River, but they were discovered and captured.
January 17. — Gen1 Arnold in a fleet of 40 sail with a body
of troops mostly volunteers [Free Corps ?] sailed for Vir-
ginia to land and seize that region.
January 24- — Invalided and disabled soldiers sent back to
Germany.
January 25. — The Rebels made a foray in our lines, cap-
tured many prisoners and cattle and plundered and burned
our barracks at Maryfina [?] .
February 4.. — Gen1 Clinton announced the safe arrival of
Gen1 Arnold in Virginia, and his capture of Richmond with
many magazines.
February 13. — A spy arrested in New York with letters
hidden in his wig and the lining of his hat.
March 18. — News that war had begun against Holland,
Admiral Rodney captured the island of Eustachie, and an
English fleet had sailed to the East Indies to seize the Dutch
islands there.
38 Pcpp'9 Journal, 1777-1788.
April 28. Great bonfires in Fort George in honor of Lord
Cornwallis' victory over Gen1 Greene in South Carolina.
April 29.— Keceived orders to sail to Virginia and
April 30 — went aboard ship, making with the English
troops a fleet of 30 sail.
May 1. — Dropped down to Staaten Island, — the 43rd Reg*
embarked with us.
May is. — Our fleet now counted 40 sail, — of these 13
men of war, — one of them the London with 104 guns.
May 14. — The frigate Rohbook [Roebuck] after a long
chase captured an American vessel fall of meal.
May 19. — Arrived in Chesapeake Bay, — in a heavy fog,
and it was 12 hours after the other ships.
May 20. — Saw the coast of Virginia, — on one side Hamp-
ton, on the other Newport news, — sailed up the James River,
— with fine farms on both banks, and rich crops of corn,
tobacco, cotton [?] and orchards.
May 22. — Heard of the death of the British General
Phillips.
May 25. — Ordered back to Chesapeake Bay.
May 27. — Landed at Norfolk and pitched our camp at
Portsmouth, — plenty of fish and oysters, and caught crabs
after the rain in our tents [?] . Norfolk was a pretty town,
but it was burned down by the Rebels.
June 11. — A negroe was arrested for poisoning our wells,
by his master's order, — who escaped, — many of the English
soldiers died. In Portsmouth Lord Cornwallis had over
a thousand negroes, employed to cut wood, work on the
trenches etc.
June 20. — Gen1 Leslie issued an order cautioning the
soldiers against exposing themselves by day to the sun or by
night to the heavy dew. We were ordered to send every
8 days 100 men to protect the lines at Great Bridge, 12
miles out, — with its 4 guns, sheltered in a heavy forest.
June 26. — A force of 30 of our men were sent to attack
a rebel outpost 30 miles from Norfolk — it was taken with
20 prisoners and 4 guns dismounted.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 39
July 11. — Made a raid into the country and brought back
cattle and other provisions.
July 15. — Went aboard ship and were kept for 12 days
moving and anchored alternately.
July 29-31. — Eeached Yorktown, — a little village, —
most of the owners of the houses had left them, — opposite
is Gloucester.
August 1. — Landed and went into camp. Lord Corn-
wallis was already here with most of his army, — only a small
force left in Portsmouth.
August 11. — Trenches dug and lines thrown up in Glou-
cester,
August 24- — and in Yorktown too, — but there are reports
that we are in a very bad situation.
August 26. — A French Fleet has arrived from the West
Indies, — men of war and transports with troops — day and
night we are at work strengthening our lines, — have hardly
time to eat and little food, — but we are getting ready to
make a stout defence.
August 31. — The French ships are in full view — landed
many troops from Rhode Island — French soldiers and rebels
are marching from the James River and Williamsburg, we
are in daily expectation of an attack by land and by water,
— our ships landed all their stores, — their guns put on our
lines, fire ships got ready, — every preparation made as
rapidly as possible.
September 2. — Four French men of war guarded all the
approaches. Much sickness in our force— 1300 said to be in
the hospitals.
September 4- — Lt. Schiihardt 1 of our's died. Our camp
moved forward, so as to be out of reach of the heavy guns of
the French men of war.
September 14- — The woods in our front cut down to pre-
vent the enemy from attacking our position. All roads
blocked. Tarleton's Corps and the Light Infantry sent out
every day on patrol.
1 Second Lieutenant Carl Gottfried Schuchard.
40 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
•
September 19.— Reports that the enemy had sent a large
force by small boats from Baltimore. Many houses torn
down to strengthen our lines. Palisades and deep trenches
put in front. Powder magazines protected. All prepara-
tions made for a stout resistance.
September 22. — At night 5 fireships were started to attack
four French ships, but the French raised anchor and moved
out, while the fireships burned up and did no harm, — the
Captain is reported to have set fire to them too soon.
September 28. — Alarm in camp of an attack, — struck our
tents, sent all baggage into the town.
September 29. — One of our men killed and two wounded
— many of the English and Hessians too, — at night moved
into our lines, as the enemy was advancing on them, — 3 of
our men deserted to them.
September 30. — A wounded rebel Colonel captured by our
light horse. The rebels made three attacks on our right
redoubt, but were driven back by our batteries'ahd the fire
of our frigates, — with heavy loss. The French sent a flag
of truce asking leave to bury the dead and carry off the
wounded, — this was granted, provided they came without
arms, — this they agreed to, and the dead were buried, the
wounded removed to Williamsburg where there were hos-
pitals,— their loss was over 440, — we have had a trying
month, — much labor and little food.
October 1. — The enemy strengthened his lines, working
day and night, — but had no guns in position, so with our's
we fired and destroyed as much of their work as possible,
but we had no rest — always waiting for the alarm.
October 9. — Still no firing by the enemy, although we kept
discharging our guns at them, — the French protected their
lines with sand bags, our batteries too were sheltered. De-
serters came over, telling us that Gen1 Washington had
come from Jersey by way of Baltimore, with 8 to 10000
men, regulars and militia, and had joined Gen1 Greene, —
the French were commanded by the Count Rochambeau,
the Marquis cle la Fayette, the Prince of Saarbruck [Deux-
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 41
Fonts] — 15,000 strong, some German Regiments among
them.
October 9. — At 3 P.M. the enemy opened from their left a
heavy cannonade on our right — with a battery sheltered in
a wooded hill, 18 and 24 pounders. At night their right
opened fire on our left, and set on fire a frigate, which was
burnt up.
October 10. — The heavy fire forced us to throw our tents
in the ditches, — the enemy threw bombs, 100, 150 and 200
pounders, — their guns were 18, 24 and 48 pounders, — we
could find no refuge in or out of the town, — the people fled
to the water side and hid in hastily contrived shelters on the
banks, but many of them were killed by the bursting bombs.
More than 80 were thus lost, besides many wounded and
their houses utterly destroyed. Our ships suffered too, —
under the heavy fire, for the enemy fired in one day 8600
shot from their heavy guns and batteries. Soldiers and sailors
deserted in great numbers, — the Hessian Regiment v. Bose
lost heavily, although it was in our rear, in the second line,
but in full range of the enemy's fire, — our two regiments
lost very heavily too, — the Light Infantry posted at an angle
had the worst position and heaviest loss, — sailors and marines
all served in defending our lines on shore.
October 11. — A transport ship was fired by the enemy's
guns and burned.
October 12. — Another transport ship burned.
October 13. — The enemy lessened their fire, but worked
steadily strengthening their lines, bringing them nearer and
nearer, and armed another battery with 16 heavy guns, 36,
42 and 48 pounders.
(To be continued. )
42 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
THE LANDS OF EDWABD JONES AND COMPANY IN
MEKION.
BY BENJAMIN H. SMITH.
An original draft and return of survey on file among the
records at Harrisburg, a copy of which is herewith repro-
duced, is of interest and value as showing the first subdi-
visions of the tract the outlines of which are represented
on Holme's map of the Province of Pennsylvania and
designated as the land of " Edward Jones and Compan
17 Families," and on the original draft of the Welsh Tract
" Edward Joans and Company Containg 2500 acres being
17 devisions." Attached to the draft is the certificate of
David Powell, deputy surveyor, to the eifect that the land
was " laid out and subdivided" 1 mo. 25, 1684, in pursuance
of a warrant from the Surveyor-General dated the 24th day
of the same month. We have some evidence, however,
that the tract was subdivided nearly two years earlier by
Charles Ashcom, then a deputy surveyor, for a note below
the certificate reads " first p War* per me datd 24th 6mo 82
directed to C Ashcom" and " After p War* from ye Govr
datd 22d lmo 83." In a letter from Edward Jones to John
ap Thomas, dated « Skoolkill River ye 26th of ye 6 mo 1682,"
the first survey by Ashcom is evidently the one referred to
in the following passage :
" Ye name of town lots is called now Wicoco ; here is a Crowd of
people striving for ye Country land, for ye town lot is not divided, &
therefore we are forced to take up ye Country lots. We had much adoe
to get a grant of it, but it Cost us 4 or 5 days attendance, besides some
score of miles we traveled before we brought it to pass. I hope it will
please thee and the rest yt are concerned, for it hath most rare timber,
I have not seen the like in all these parts, there is water enough beside.
The end of each lot will be on a river as large or larger than the Dye at
Bala, it is called Skool Kill Eiver. I hope the Country land will within
9.4
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The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 43
this four days [be] surveyed out. The rate for surveying 100 Acres [is]
twenty shilling, but I hope better orders will be taken shortly about it."
At the date of this letter the summer was far advanced
and the settlers were naturally anxious to have their allot-
ments located as soon as possible. Owing to this urgency,
it is likely that the original lines were hastily run and im-
perfectly marked on the ground, to correct which the sub-
se.quent warrants were obtained and the Powell survey of
1684 executed. Although several changes in title had been
made prior to that date, they are not noted on the draft. It
shows seventeen divisions, the several areas of which prac-
tically agree with the allotments called for in the original
deeds to the seventeen grantees. Hence we may safely con-
clude that this draft shows the original subdivision that was
being made on the ground, while Edward Jones was writing
that " each lot will be on a river as large or larger than the
Dye at Bala."
The seventeen persons l concerned in this purchase had
their homes in the neighborhoods of Bala and Dolgelly,
Merionethshire, Wales, and besides being neighbors and
friends, were more or less connected by ties of blood and
intermarriage. Prominent and respected citizens in their
own country, those who came to Pennsylvania took a leading
part in the development of the new colony, and many of
their descendants have borne distinguished names in litera-
ture, science, and public affairs. Being all, by convince-
ment, Quakers, and having suffered for many years much
annoyance, loss of property, and even imprisonment by
reason of the severe laws against non-conformists, they were
among the first to appreciate and welcome the " Concessions
or Constitucons" published by William Penn July 11, 1681.
In accordance therewith they subscribed one hundred pounds
for the purchase of five thousand acres to be allotted and
set out in the Province of Pennsylvania. The deeds of
1 For biographical and genealogical notices of these first settlers ot
Merion, see Dr. Levick's papers in PENNA. MAG., Vol. IV. pp. 301,
471, and Glenn's " Merion in the Welsh Tract."
44
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
lease and release are dated September 16-17, 1681, the
grantees named being John Thomas, of Llaithgwn, and
Edward Jones, of Bala, who afterwards executed deeds, or
declarations of trust, to the other contributors and to each
other, covenanting to release and confirm the proportion of
land to which each was entitled by reason of his contribu-
tion, as soon as the five thousand acres should be laid out.
The following is a list of the contributors in the order in
which their names appear on the draft, with the dates of
their deeds, amounts subscribed, and the number of acres
to which each was entitled.
£
s.
d.
Acres.
1.
John Thomas, of Llaithgwn . .
Apr.
1,
1682
25
0
0
1250
2.
Hugh Eoberts, of Kiltalgarth
Feb.
28,
1681
12
10
0
625
3.
William ap Edward, of Ucheldre
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
156J
4.
Edward Eees, of Kiltalgarth . .
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
5.
Edward Jones, of Bala . . .
Apr.
1,
1682
6
5
0
312£
6.
Edward Owen, of Doleyserre . .
Apr.
1,
1682
6
5
0
312J
7.
John ap Edward, of Nant Lleidiog
Mch.
18,
1681
6
5
0
312£
8.
Eobert David, of Gwernevel Is-
mynydd .
Mch.
18,
1681
6
5
o
312£
9.
Eees John William, of Llanglynin
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
10.
Thomas Prichard, of Nant Lleidiog
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
11.
Gainor Eobert, of Kiltalgarth .
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
12.
Cadwalader Morgan, of Gwernevel
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
156J
13.
Thomas Lloyd, of Llangower . .
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
156J
14.
William John, of Bettws . . .
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
15.
John Watkin, of Gwernevel . .
Apr.
1,
1682
3
2
6
1561
16.
Hugh John, of Nant Lleidiog .
Mch.
18,
1681
3
2
6
1561
17.
Evan Eees, of Penmaen . .
Mch.
18,
1681
6
5
0
312£
£100 0 0 5000
Having thus secured land rights in the new Province
which would enable them to settle together in one place
and at the same time afford means of support, these people
made active preparations for the long voyage which was to
separate them permanently from their old homes. The first
to depart were Edward Jones, Edward Rees, Eobert David,
William ap Edward and probably his brother John ap
Edward, and William John, with their families and servants,
who arrived in the Schuylkill River 6 mo. 13, 1682, on the
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 45
ship " Lyon," from Liverpool, John Compton, master, and,
as we have seen, lost no time in selecting a suitable tract of
land for their future homes. Remembering their native
county in Wales, they called the new settlement Meirion or
Merion, which name, for some time, was confined to the tract
under consideration. It extends along the city line from
the Schuylkill Eiver to a short distance beyond Overbrook,
and northwestward to a point opposite Manayunk, having
an average width of two miles. It includes Merion and
Narberth on the main line, and Bala and Cynwyd Stations
on the Schuylkill division of the Pennsylvania Railroad.
The old Lancaster Road traverses the tract diagonally for
two and a half miles.
The grant from William Penn carried with it the privilege
of taking up " in the first great town or city" the propor-
tion of ten acres for every five hundred acres purchased,
which in this case amounted to one hundred acres. Edward
Jones, in the letter above mentioned, says " ye town lot is not
divided, & therefore we are forced to take up ye Country lots."
We accordingly find that the town lots were not surveyed
at that time, and, on account of the urgent demand for " y°
Country land," the remaining four thousand nine hundred
acres could not be taken up in one place convenient to the
city. It was determined, therefore, to locate half of the grant
at once on the Schuylkill River, and have it subdivided so
that each purchaser should have half of his allotment there.
The draft shows how closely this plan was carried- out, the
areas of the several lots thereon aggregating two thousand
four hundred and forty-four and three-quarters acres.1 The
other moiety of the grant was surveyed in G-oshen by virtue
of the general warrant for the survey of the Welsh Tract
dated 1 mo. 13, 1684, and is shown on the draft of the
Welsh Tract at the head of Chester Creek, bearing the
name of " Griffith Owen and Corny 2400 acres." The one
hundred acres of city lots appurtenant to the grant, denomi-
1 The actual area, according to modern surveys, is about three thousand
two hundred acres.
46 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
nated Liberty land, was surveyed in one tract in Blockley
2 mo. 23, 1692.
Upwards of twenty years elapsed before the titles to
these Merion and Goshen lands were confirmed by patents,
and in the mean time many changes both in ownership and
boundaries had been made, either through inheritance from
the original owners or by sales or exchanges of lands, with
or without formal conveyances. Taking up the subdivisions
in the order shown on the draft, the following notes will '
illustrate some of the changes and furnish the names of
subsequent owners, who should also have the credit of being
among the first settlers of Merion.
1. Katherin Thomas ye Relict of John Thomas 612a. John
ap Thomas, of Llaithgwn, Commot of Penllyn, trustee
with Edward Jones, and owner of a one-fourth interest
in the purchase, was not destined to come to Pennsylva-
nia, but died at his home in "Wales 3 mo. 3, 1683, having
devised his rights in the twelve hundred and fifty acres
to his four sons Thomas, Robert, Evan, and Cadwalader
John in equal shares. The widow Katherin, with her chil-
dren, accompanied by Hugh Robert and his wife -Jane (ap
Owen) and children, his sister Gainer Robert (ap Hugh),
and probably Hugh John Thomas, Cadwalader Morgan, and
John Roberts, of Caernarvon, arrived at Philadelphia about
the middle of November, 1683, on the ship " Morning Star,"
from Liverpool, Thomas Hayes, master. Katherin Thomas
settled upon the tract of six hundred and twelve acres, which
had been laid out for her husband the preceding year, and
which they called " Gelli yr Cochiad." The records show
that she soon acquired other real estate. The following
summer she purchased a dwelling-house, " lately erected,"
with one hundred and fifty acres on the west side of the
Schuylkill in Philadelphia, between the lands of Barnabas
Willcox and Joseph Harrison. Five years later she bought
of Joseph Wood, of Woods Mount, Darby, five hundred
acres of land on the Schuylkill, immediately north of the
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 47
Merion land, the deed being dated December 10, 1689.
This plantation was called " Glanrason," and doubtless was
first settled and improved by Katherin Thomas or her sons.
It is the tract bearing erroneously the name of William
Sharlow on Holme's map. It was, however, first surveyed
to William Wood 7 mo. 30, 1684, and confirmed by patent
to his son Joseph in 1689. The next tract above, of five
hundred acres, was the one surveyed at the same time to
Sharlow, and was afterwards called " Mount Ararat Planta-
tion." Robert Jones, son of Katherin, obtained a patent
for one hundred and sixty-five acres of the Sharlow tract
February 12, 1704. Katherin Thomas died 11 mo. 18, 1697,
and her son Evan a month later.
The remainder of the John Thomas purchase was laid out
in Goshen, on Chester Creek, between the lands of Hugh
Robert and Edward Rees. Thomas, Robert, and Cadwalader
Jones obtained a patent for both the Merion and Goshen
tracts 11 mo. 3, 1703, the former having been found, on
resurvey, to contain six hundred and seventy-nine acres and
the latter six hundred and thirty-five acres. Some of these
lands still remain in possession of the family.
& Hugh Eobart 306a. Hugh Roberts, of Kiltalgarth, who
arrived in Pennsylvania in November, 1683, settled with his
family on the tract that had been allotted to him, containing
three hundred and six acres. In addition, he bought the
share of John Watkin 4 mo. 23, 1684, and the adjoining
seventy-six and a half acres of William ap Edward 6 mo.
17, 1694. He soon became an extensive land-owner, the
records showing conveyances from John ap John and
Thomas Wynne for nine hundred acres, from Peter Young,
of Bristol, for five hundred acres, from Francis Cook (in
right of James Claypoole) for four hundred acres, and from
Wood and Sharlow. These lands were surveyed in the
upper part of the Welsh Tract and in Merion and Blockley.
The Goshen tract, containing five hundred and forty-nine
acres, was surveyed on Ridley Creek, between the lands of
48 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
the Jones brothers first mentioned, John Eoberts, and
Griffith Owen. The upper portion, containing two hundred
and ninety-five acres, was sold to Cadwalader Ellis, and the
balance, containing on resurvey three hundred and thirty-
eight acres, was confirmed by patent to the executors of
Hugh Roberts, March 26, 1706. On March 23, 1701, Hugh
Roberts obtained a patent for two hundred acres in Blockley,
on the old Lancaster Road, which he called " Chestnut Hill,"
and where he resided until his death 6 mo. 18, 1702. This
plantation, with adjoining lands purchased of Wood and
Sharlow, was devised to his youngest son, Edward Roberts.
A large part of these lands is now within the limits of
Fairmount Park, that portion known as George's Hill having
been presented to the city by Jesse and Rebecca George,
whose ancestors derived their title from Edward Roberts.
Hugh Roberts devised his Merion lands to his sons Robert
and Owen, who, on March 26, 1706, obtained patents for
them in two tracts containing two hundred and twenty and
two hundred and thirty-one acres respectively. By deed
dated October 16, 1707, Robert Roberts, then residing in
the Province of Maryland, conveyed the above two hundred
and twenty acres to Edward Rees, together with ten acres
at the head of Mill Creek, which had also been willed to
him by his father under the name of " Clean John3 Meadow."
The tract conveyed to Edward Rees extended along the old
Lancaster Road from the Merion Friends' Meeting-House
to the junction of the Gulf Road. As to the two hundred
and thirty-one acres comprising the easterly end of the
original purchase, Ann Roberts, of Nantmell Township,
Chester County, widow of Owen Roberts, conveyed the
same to Jonathan Jones, of Merion, by lease and release
October 13-14, 1726.
3. William Edward 76]j2a. William ap Edward or Bed-
ward^ son of Edward ap John, of Cynlas, near Bala, with
his wife Jane (ap John ap Edward) and daughters Elizabeth
and Katherin, arrived in 1682 on the ship « Lyon," as before
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 49
mentioned. The draft shows one hundred and fifty-three
and a quarter acres in his name and that of his fellow-
passenger Edward Rees, with the division line partly drawn.
William ap Edward's half extended from that line to the
Schuylkill, with the courses of the side lines changed to
conform to a small stream flowing into the river, and on this
tract he doubtless built his temporary cabin or dugout in
the fall of 1682, in which the family continued to live until
their removal to Blockley. The one hundred acres of
Liberty land, surveyed in Blockley 2 mo. 23, 1692, as above
related, were conveyed by the owners to William ap Edward
10 mo. 27, 1693, which may approximate the date of his
removal. Having purchased other rights to Liberty land,
he obtained a patent for the whole in one tract of two
hundred and seven acres nine perches 3 mo. 4, 1702. The
present suburban town of Overbrook is upon this land.
William Edward conveyed his original purchase of seventy-
six and a half acres in Merion to Hugh Roberts 6 mo. 17,
1694, and his seventy-five acres in G-oshen to Robert William
January 21, 1703. He continued to reside upon his Blockley
plantation until his death in 1714, having devised the same
to his only son Edward William, whose wife Ellin or Eleanor
was the daughter of David Lawrence, of Haverford. Wil-
liam ap Edward's first wife, Katherin, was a daughter of
Robert ap Hugh and therefore a sister of Hugh and Gainor
Robert.
4. Edward Eees 763I*. Edward Rees, of Kiltalgarth,
settled in 1682 on the west half of the tract on which his
name is associated with that of William Edward on the
draft. He purchased one hundred and twenty-five acres of
the adjoining land of Thomas Lloyd, the deputy Governor,
5 mo. 5, 1691, and two acres of Edward Jones, which, with
his original purchase, were confirmed to him by patent
January 1, 1704, the three parcels containing together one
hundred and ninety acres. The Merion Meeting-House lot
occupies the northeast corner of this patent, being divided
VOL. XXVI.-
50 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Marion.
from the main portion by the old Lancaster Road. Having
purchased the adjoining plantation on the north, containing
two hundred and twenty acres, of Robert Roberts in 1707,
as before related, he granted one moiety of both tracts to
the use of his son Rees Frees and his wife Sarah, only
daughter of David Meredith, late of Plymouth, in a mar-
riage settlement dated August 7, 1708. Edward Rees sold
his land in Goshen, together with seventy-eight acres bought
of John William in 1697, to Ellis David January 9, 1707-8.
This land was on Chester Creek, between the lands of
Thomas Jones and brothers and Evan Jones and company,
and, with other lands, was confirmed by patent to David
Davis, son of Ellis, October 10, 1735. Edward Rees died
at his home in Merion in 1728.
5. Edward Joans 153^?. Edward Jones, of Bala, Chi-
rurgeon, sometimes called Edward Jones, Senior, who arrived
in 1682, was trustee with John ap Thomas, and took a leading
part in the selection and subdivision of the land in Merion.
The draft shows his own allotment as a narrow strip ex-
tending from the Schuylkill to the west boundary of the
grant, but his patent for one hundred and fifty acres (4 mo.
22, 1703) comprises the west half only of that strip and
the west half of the adjoining allotment of Edward Owen,
implying an exchange in ownership before the date of the
patent. At about the same time (4 mo. 21, 1703) he ob-
tained a patent for the adjacent tract on the south containing
one hundred and eighty-eight acres, which he had purchased
of Edward Jones, Junior. Dr. Edward Jones and Mary
his wife were still living upon their Merion lands in 1731,
when they gave them by deed to their son John Jones, who
afterwards removed to Philadelphia, and sold the lands to
Anthony Tunis in 1741. The road leading eastward from
Merion Meeting-IIouse forms part of the north boundary of
this tract, which crosses the Pennsylvania Railroad near
Narberth Station.
With the above patents to Edward Jones were included
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 51
two tracts of one hundred and twenty-five acres and four
hundred and two acres in Goshen, located to the eastward
of Griffith Owen's land, the title to which was derived from
his original purchase and rights bought of Edward Jones,
Junior, and Richard ap Thomas. He sold three hundred
acres of these lands to Robert Williams in 1707 and the
balance to Ellis Williams in 1720. He also held a patent
for one hundred and sixty-one acres in Blockley on the old
Lancaster Road, adjoining the Merion line, and bounded by
lands of William Edward, Jonathan Wynne, and Hugh
Roberts. Dr. Edward Jones died in 1737, aged ninety-two
years.
6. Edward Owen 153^?. The time of the arrival of Ed-
ward Owen is not known, but at the date of his deed
(April 1, 1682) he is mentioned therein as late of Doleyserre
in the county of Merioneth, and may have been in Penn-
sylvania or on his way there at that early period. At that
time the Merion lands had not been surveyed, which may
account for his settlement at Duck Creek in New Castle
County, at which place he resided when he executed (1 mo.
9, 1684-5) an assignment of his interest in his three hundred
and twelve and a half acres to his brother Griffith Owen,
" Practicioner in Physick," who in the mean time had settled
upon the Merion allotment. By deed dated 1 mo. 1, 1694,
Dr. Griffith Owen conveyed the latter to Robert David, who
owned the adjoining tract. It then comprised the east half
of the lands of Edward Jones and Edward Owen, as shown
upon the old draft. Griffith Owen, having purchased other
land rights of Richard Davis, of Denbigh, and of the Com-
missioners of Property, had the whole surveyed in one tract
in Goshen containing seven hundred and seventy-five acres,
which was confirmed to him by patent December 13, 1703.
The Goshen Friends' Meeting-House and graveyard are
located near the middle of this tract, the land having been
granted by Griffith Owen to trustees for those uses. He
afterwards conveyed thirty-three acres to Robert William,
52 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
the deed being dated October 21, 1707. He also bought
four hundred and forty-one acres in Goshen of John Fincher
November 17, 1705, a tract which had been formerly sur-
veyed to Hugh Eoberts, but resurveyed and patented to
Fincher by order of the Commissioners May 27, 1705.
Griffith Owen devised this land to his four daughters, Sarah
Minshall, Rebecca Minshall, Jane Coppock, and Ann Whit-
pain, and the large tract to his three sons, John, Edward,
and Griffith Owen, who in 1725 sold it to Stephen Beaks,
of West Town. At that time the eldest son, John, was a
" mariner," and Edward and Griffith " practicioners in phys-
ick" in Philadelphia. Dr. Griffith Owen's will is dated
1 mo. 15, 1716.
7. Edward Joans Jur ISS1!^. John ap Edward, who proba-
bly arrived with his brother William on the ship " Lyon" in
1682, died the following year, and his eldest son, Evan, to
whom his three hundred and twelve and a half acres had been
devised, having also died, the land descended to his surviving
son and heir at law, Edward ap John, who was commonly
called Edward Jones, Junior, to distinguish him from Edward
Jones, Senior, the surgeon. The Merion allotment was trav-
ersed by the old Lancaster Road, and extended across the
present line of the Pennsylvania Railroad between Merion and
ISTarberth Station. Edward Jones, Junior, soon after attaining
his majority, conveyed both his Merion and Goshen lands to
Edward Jones, Senior, 2 mo. 13, 1703, as before mentioned.
8. Robert David IJ^S1^. Robert David, of Gwernevel,
settled on the tract bearing his name on the draft in the fall
of 1682 and lived there for fifty years. Having purchased
the adjoining one hundred and fifty acres on the north (1 mo.
1, 1694) of Dr. Griffith Owen, he sold off twenty-five acres
to Richard Walter in 1694 and obtained a patent for the
remainder, containing two hundred and eighty acres, 5 mo.
20, 1703. In addition to his original purchase, Robert David
bought one moiety, or one hundred and fifty six and a quarter
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 53
acres, of that of Evan Kees, of Penmaen, 5 mo. 28, 1683,
seventy-five acres of which he sold to Richard Walter De-
cember 1, 1694. The balance, together with his own rights
and land purchased of Richard Thomas, was surveyed in
one tract of three hundred and forty-six acres in Goshen
and included in the patent above mentioned. Robert David
died in October, 1732, having devised his plantations in
Merion and Goshen to his only son Thomas David. The
Goshen land was located on Chester Creek, between the
tracts of Griffith Owen and John Roberts.
9. Rees Joans 761\2a. Rees John William, of Llanglynin,
commonly appearing in the records as Rees John or Jones,
arrived with his wife Hannah and three children on the
ship " Vine," of Liverpool, 7 mo. 17, 1684. Before leaving
Wales he had purchased (July 16, 1684) the rights of
Thomas Prichard to one hundred and fifty-six and a quarter
acres, so that he was entitled, in all, to three hundred and
twelve and a half acres. He settled upon the tract bearing
the name of Thomas Richard on the draft, and which in-
cludes the present site of Merion Station. By deed dated
4 mo. 18, 1694, he conveyed seventy-six and a half acres of
his land on the Schuylkill to Cadwalader Morgan, who
owned the adjacent land. Rees John William died in 1702,
having devised his dwelling and plantation in Merion to his
son Richard Jones, and his land in Goshen to his sons Evan
and John Jones. The latter tract was on Chester Creek,
between the lands of David Davis and Richard ap Thomas.
Richard Jones (November 8, 1720) bought thirty-nine and
a half acres adjoining his Merion land, of John Roberts, a
nephew of Thomas Lloyd, of Llangower, and having re-
moved to Goshen, he and his wife Rebecca, by lease and
release dated June 26-27, 1729, conveyed their Merion
plantation, then containing one hundred and fifty-five acres,
to Hugh Evans, in Merion. His tract of one hundred and
fifty-seven acres in Goshen adjoined that of his brothers
Evan and John, and was bounded by the lands of Griffith
54 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
Owen and Thomas Lloyd. The title to a portion of this
tract was derived from his uncle Evan John William, a
purchaser under Eichard Davies.
10. Thomas Richard 761j2a. Thomas ap Eichard, or
Prichard, did not come to Pennsylvania, but assigned his
rights in the purchase to Eees John William July 16, 1684,
as above related.
11. Gaynor Eobart 761]?. Gainor Eobert, of Kiltalgarth,
spinster, was a passenger, with her brother Hugh Eobert,
on the ship " Morning Star." She became the wife of John
Roberts, of Caernarvon, 1 mo. 20, 1784. John Roberts
arrived at Philadelphia 9 mo. 16, 1683, probably also on the
" Morning Star," and settled at the place he called Pencoid,
which is on the easterly end of the tract bearing the name
of Evan Eees on the draft, which land he held in right of
his wife's original purchase, and it has ever since continued
in possession of the family. Under the notice of Eobert
David (No. 8) it was mentioned that Evan Eees, of Pen-
maen, by deed dated 5 mo. 28, 1683, had assigned one
moiety of his purchase to Eobert David, the Merion portion
of which was the half of the tract, or seventy-six and a
half acres, next the Schuylkill. But as this half was soon
after in possession of John Eoberts and wife, and the
original tract of Gainor Eobert, of the same area, in the
ownership of Eobert David, we may, in the absence of
records, infer that an exchange of the lands was made at
about that time. By deed dated December 1, 1694, Eobert
David conveyed the last-mentioned tract (originally Gaynor
Eobert's), with twenty-five acres adjacent, to Eichard Walter,
who obtained a patent for the same 4 mo. 8, 1703, the area
on resurvey proving to be one hundred and seventeen acres.
This land is on the old Lancaster Eoad about half a mile
north of the city line.
John Eoberts purchased (7 mo. 7, 1687) the Goshen allot-
ments of Hugh John and Cadwalader Morgan, containing
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 55
one hundred and fifty-six acres, which, with the land there in
right of his wife, was resurveyed by warrant dated 10 mo.
22, 1701, and found to contain two hundred and sixty-two
acres. This land was on Chester Creek, between the large
tract of Hugh Roberts on the east and the land of Robert
David on the west.
12. Cadwalader Morgan 761j2a. Cadwalader Morgan, of
Gwernevel, also probably a passenger on the " Morning
Star" in 1683, settled with his family on his Merion allot-
ment on the Schuylkill, and increased his holding by pur-
chase of the adjoining seventy-six and a half acres of Rees
John William on the north and west, and the seventy-six
and a half acres of John Williams (son of William John)
on the southeast, the deeds being dated 4 mo. 18, 1694.
This land was all resurveyed in one tract of two hundred
and twenty-three and a half acres in 1701. Cadwalader
Morgan bought the adjoining land of Hugh Jones (Hugh
John Thomas), containing ninety-two acres, January 19,
1707-8, and on May 30, 1709, sold both tracts to Robert
Evans. These lands afterwards passed into possession of
the Roberts family. Cadwalader Morgan died in Merion
in 1711.
13. Thomas Lloyd 761j2a. Thomas Lloyd, of Llangower
Parish, Penllyn, devised his share in the purchase to his
nephew John Roberts, who sold the east end of the Merion
tract, containing thirty-seven and a half acres, to Griffith
John prior to 1703, and the west end, containing thirty-nine
and a half acres, to Richard Jones November 8, 1720. At
that time John Roberts and Mary his wife lived in Chelten-
ham Township, Philadelphia. John Roberts held about
one hundred and fifty-three acres in Goshen, half in right
of Thomas Lloyd and half through a grant or gift from
Evan John William, who had purchased one hundred and
fifty-six and a quarter acres of Richard Davies in 1682.
Thomas Lloyd did not emigrate to Pennsylvania.
56 The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion.
14. William Joans 76%a. It is not certainly known that
"William John, of Bettws, ever settled upon his Merion allot-
ment. His nuncupative will, proved 1 mo. 1, 1685, fur-
nishes us with the names of his four children, John, Alice,
Katherine, and Gwen "William, who had chosen Hugh
Eoberts and John Eoberts, of Merion, feoffees in trust. By
deed poll dated 4 mo. 18, 1694, the son John William con-
veyed the Merion tract to Cadwalader Morgan, and the
seventy-eight acres in Goshen to Edward Sees 6 mo. 13,
1697, who sold the same to Ellis David January 9, 1707-8.
15. John Wattkin 761l2a. John "Watkin, of Gwernevel,
Bachelor, by deed dated 4 mo. 23, 1684, conveyed his Merion
and Goshen lands to Hugh Roberts, who (5 mo. 26, 1688)
conveyed the seventy-six and a half acres in Merion, shown
upon the draft, to Abel Thomas, who was probably the first
settler thereon.
16. Hugh John Thomas 761l2a. Hugh John Thomas, of
ISTant Lleidiog, Parish of Llanvawr, commonly known as
Hugh Jones, and probably a passenger on the ship " Morning
Star," settled upon the tract allotted to him soon after his
arrival. He obtained a patent for his land November 8,
1703, the resurvey making the area ninety-two acres. Hugh
Jones removed to Plymouth, and by deed dated January
19, 1707-8, in which his son-in-law Rowland Richard joined,
he conveyed his Merion plantation to Cadwalader Morgan.
Hugh Jones sold his seventy-eight acres in Goshen to John
Roberts, of Pencoyd, as before related.
17. Evan Eees 153^?. Evan Rees, of Penmaen, by deed
dated July 28, 1683, conveyed one moiety of his three
hundred and twelve and a half acres to Robert David and
one moiety to Griffith John, and his name is no further
associated with the settlement of Merion. The moiety con-
veyed to Robert David has already been noticed. Griffith
John, having purchased, in addition, thirty-seven and a half
The Lands of Edward Jones and Company in Merion. 57
acres of John Roberts, the nephew of Thomas Lloyd, ob-
tained a patent for the whole in one tract of one hundred
and ninety-two acres November 8, 1703. This land was
on the old Lancaster Road, next the city line, and included
the easterly ends of the allotments of Thomas Lloyd and
John Watkin and part of the west half of that of Evan
Rees, as shown on the draft. Griffith John was a son of
John ap Evan, and therefore first cousin to Jane (ap Owen),
the wife of Hugh Roberts. He was the first settler on his
Merion land, and resided there until his death in 1707. He
devised his dwelling and plantation to his son John Griffith,
who married Grace Foulke, and whose descendants con-
tinued to occupy the land for many years.
58 William Biles.
WILLIAM BILES.
BY MILES WHITE, JR., BALTIMORE, MD.
At what time the Biles family first settled in Dorsetshire,
and whence they originally came, is uncertain. The earliest
recorded will of any of the name, in either the Consistory
Court or the Archdeaconry Court at Blandford, is that of
Dorothy Biles, of Dorchester, in 1693.1 The wills of Josiah
Byles, of Dorchester, in 1707, and of four others who resided
at Woodland, Holwell, Weymouth, and Shilling Okeford,
are all that appear of record prior to 1710, which would
seem to indicate that the family had not then been long resi-
dent there.
The Register of the Parish of St. John the Baptist, of
Devizes, Wilts, shows that 12 isTov., 1593, Josias Byle mar-
ried Anne Lye ; 2 and Alumni Oxoniemes 1500-1714 contains
the names of two Byles, as follows :
"Byle, William, < serviens' of Cornwall, Exeter Coll.,
matric. 26 Oct., 1660, B.A. 1664, M.A. 1667.
" Byles, John, s. Daniel of Dorchester, Dorset, p.p. Exeter
Coll., matric. 20 Nov., 1685; aged 16, B.A. 1689."
The latter was probably related to the subject of this
sketch, who, however, always spelt his name " Biles," though
in contemporary records it was frequently spelt " Byles." 3
1 Index Library, British Record Society.
1 N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol. li. p. 186.
8 A writer in the N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg. (vol. vii. p. 300)
has said that "this name has undergone more varieties of spelling than
one would suppose possible in so short a syllable. Farmer spells it
' Byles,' 'Byley' and ' Bylie.' In the H. and G. Reg. for 1849, p. 55, it
is spelt ' Byly.' Mr. Stone in his History of Beverly spells it 'Byles.' "
In the Visitation of Cornwwall, 1620 (Harleian Soc. Pub., vol. ix.),
the name appears as Bill, Byll, Beyle, Byle, Bile, Beele, Beile, Belli,
Beale, Biell, Biele, and Debyll, and it is stated that there are numerous
entries of the name of Beele in the Eegisters of the Parish of St. Ewe,
and that Roger Beyle and Walter Byle were both members of Parlia-
William Biles. 59
The names of the parents of William, Charles, and
Thomas Biles do not appear in any account of the first
ment in the time of Edward III., and that William Biell was an Alder-
man of the Towne and Borroughe of Saltashe in co. Cornwall in 1620.
The Hertfordshire family of Bill was a prominent one there from
about 1400. (Notes and Queries, 1st ser., vols. vii. p. 286, x. p. 530, xi.
p. 49 ; Diet. Nat. Biog., vol. v. p. 29.) Of this family was Kev. Wm.
Bill, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1546, Master of Trinity
College, 1551, one of Committee to prepare form of Prayer Book, 1559,
first Dean of Westminster Abbey, 1560, and Lord Almoner to Queen
Elizabeth. A branch of this family settled in Staffordshire and their de-
scendants now live at Farley Hall.
There were several early settlers of New England who were named
Bill, Bills or Billes, Byles and Byley (Savage's Geneal. Diet., vol. i. pp.
177, 179, 326) ; of these Josiah Byles, the father of the noted preacher
Eev. Mather Byles, came from Winchester, co. Hants, prior to 1695.
Henry Byley came, in 1638, in the "Bevis" of Southampton, from Sal-
isbury, where the name of the family is found in Eegisters of St. Ed-
munds Parish between 1582 and 1636 (N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol.
li. pp. 181-8) as Bile, Biley, Byle, Byley, and Bylie ; and his grand-
father describes himself in his will dated 18 Oct., 1633, proved 23 June,
1634, as Henry Biley the elder, of New Saruin, Wilts (Ibid., vol. Hi.
p. 44).
There was also a Thomas Bills, of Barnstable, Mass, (probably the
son of William, who settled at Barnstable in 1640, and who may have
been the Willen Bill of Great Torrington in Devonshire (Ibid., vol. xiv.
p. 341), who at the age of 28 took oath of allegiance at Dartmouth, 20
Feby., 1634), who 1st married 3 Oct., 1672, Ann, dau. of Wm. Twining,
by whom he had two daus. Ann and Elizabeth, mentioned in will of Wm.
Twining (Phila. Wills, Liber B, fol. 402) ; and 2dly married 2 May,
1676, Joanna Twining (said by Savage to be niece of above Wm. Twin-
ing and by Twining Genealogy to have been his dau.), by whom he had
three sons and three daus. ; most of whom were born at Eastharn, Mass.
(N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol. vi. p. 43), where he removed from
Barnstable, and where he was living in 1695. Wm. Twining removed
from Mass., and settled in Bucks Co., Penna., and Thomas Bills and
family settled in New Jersey, and were members of Shrewsbury Mo.
Mtg of Friends, the Kegister of which shows the dates of death of
Thomas and Joanna to have been respectively 2nd mo. 2, 1721, and 4th
mo. 4, 1723.
Some of the above-mentioned persons may have been of the same
family as the subject of this sketch, but no proof thereof haa been
obtained.
60 William Biles.
named, and it is not certain whether there were other chil-
dren or not, and very little is known of their early life and
occupations.
When William Biles became a Friend, and whom and
when he married, may possibly be shown by the Minutes of
Friends' Meeting in Dorsetshire ; but the Eegister does not
contain this information, nor does it make mention of any
of his brothers or their families. It does, however, show the
names and dates of birth of five of his children.
Pemberton's List of Arrivals 1 states that " William Biles,
of Dorchester, in the County of Dorset, vile monger, and
Johannah, his wife, arrived in Delaware river, in the < Eliza-
beth & Sarah' of Waymouth, the 4th of the 4th M° 1679.2
Children. William, George, John, Elizabeth, Johanah, Re-
becca and Mary Biles. Servants. Edward Hancock, to serve
8 years : loose the last of the 3d M° 1687. To have 50 acres
of land. Elizabeth Petty, to serve 7 years : loose the last
of the 3d M° 1686. To have 50 acres of land.
" Charles Biles, of the town and County above. Arrived
in the ship aforesaid, the time aforesaid."
Pemberton is in error as to Rebecca and Mary Biles hav-
ing come, with their parents, from England. His List was
not made until 1684,3 and he evidently recorded all seven
of William Biles's children, who were living at that time,
instead of the five who actually came with him.
Whether Charles Biles brought with him a wife is un-
known ; no record of his marriage or death has been found,
and as no wife or children are recorded in the List, it is
quite probable that he married in America. He was a
1 PA. MAG. HIST. AND BIOG., vol. ix. p. 225; Battle's Bucks Co., p.
677.
2 One recent account states that they " landed in New Castle County,
Delaware, April 4 [sic] 1679." I have been unable to find any corrob-
oration of this statement, and believe it erroneous, and that they landed
in New Jersey. See Smith's Hist. N. J., p. 109 ; also Hist. Delaware
Co., Pa., p. 447.
3 PA. MAG. HIST. AND BIOG., vol. ix. p. 223 ; Publications So. Hist.
Assoc., vol. v. p. 391.
William Biles. 61
brother of William, and appears to have always resided in
ISTew Jersey. He died and his widow remarried prior to
March 9, 1697/8, as shown by a deed, dated that day,1 but
signed June 8, 1698, between Joseph Wood, of Bucks Co.,
Penna., yeoman, and Sarah, late widow of Charles Biles, of
Maidenhead, Burlington Co., West Jersey, deceased, and
Alexander Biles, second son of said Charles Biles and Sarah
Biles, now Sarah Brearly, in which mention is also made of
" ye two daughters of Charles Biles," names not given.
Charles Biles also had a son John, for the will of John
Biles, of Maidenhead, Hunterdon Co., yeoman, dated May
29, 1740, was probated July 22, 1740.2 In it mention is
made of his wife Elizabeth, daughter Sarah, two sons John
and Charles, and the Executors were "my wife and my
brother Alexander Biles."
Charles Biles in 1694, in a deed, describes himself as " of
Maidenhead, Province West New Jersey, yeoman," and 10th
mo. 13, 1695,3 he purchased of John English, of Burlington
Co., 200 acres " above ye ffalls of the Delaware," 4
Proud mentions William Biles as among those of the
Society of Friends who arrived in the Province of ISTew
Jersey before the grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn,
and who appear to be mentioned as active and useful, not
only in their own religious society, but most of them also
in a civil capacity in and about Burlington.5
How long William Biles tarried in New Jersey is not
certain. The biographical sketch of him in The Friend6
says he " appears to have resided a time at Burlington," and
in the History of Burlington and Mercer Counties 7 it is stated
that he settled at Burlington ; while W. J. Buck, in his His-
tory of Bucks County* says he settled in Bucks County in
1 W. J. Deeds, Liber B, fol. 658.
' W. J. Wills, Liber 4, fol 247.
s All dates in this article are Old Style.
* N. J. Deeds, Liber B, fol 593.
6 Hist. Penna., vol. i. p. 159 n.
6 Vol. xxviii. p. 102.
7 P. 113 ; see also Eaum's Hist. N. J., vol. i. p. 106. 8 P. 20.
62 William Biles.
1679. He seems to have held large tracts of land in Few
Jersey, which, however, all seem to have been purchased
after he settled in Bucks County, Pa.
The first purchase appears to have been that tract described in a deed l
from Thomas Green, of Maidenhead, Burlington Co., West New Jersey,
yeoman, to William Biles, of County of Bucks, province of Penna., Mer-
chant, dated 10 day of ye month called Aprill, 1696, and acknowledged
the 3d of ye first month, 1697, before Mahlon Stacy, Justice, as 300
acres, being part of 400 acres, lying above ye ffalls within ye territories
of Maidenhead. Consideration £55.
In other deeds he is described as "William Biles of Bucks County,
Gent," "William Byles of Bucks County, yeoman," and " William Biles
of Bucks County, Merchant." His purchases were located principally
in Burlington and Salem Counties,2 and also included "^part of a
share of land in West New Jersey, America," and "T\ of T^ of a
whole propriety in West Jersey." In 1702 he was appointed by Wil-
liam Crouch, of London, Upholsterer, and James Wass, of London,
Chirurgeon, as their attorney,8 and as such conveyed various tracts of
land to John Bryarly and John Swift, of New Jersey, and to John
Hough, of Bucks Co., Pa.
In 1704 Joseph Wass, of London, sailed for America, and James Wass,
Sr., Chyrurgion, appointed William Biles and Edward Shippen, of Pa.,
Merchants, Joseph Wass, now on a voyage to Pa., and Joshua Barkstead,
late of London, now of W. N. J. his attys,4 and they in 1705 conveyed
to Eobt. Ayers, of Rhode Island, 2200 acres in Salem Co. and to Thomas
Stanford 300 acres called Quiahocking Islands.
September 15 and 16, 1707, James Wass sold to William Biles all his
several tracts of land in or near Quahoking, Cohanzie and Morris Eiver
in W. N. J.5 and William Biles, in 1709 (after he had made his will in
which he bequeathed these tracts), conveyed to Joseph Kirkbride, of
Bucks Co., Pa., and Thomas Lambert, of Burlington Co., W. N. J., parts
of two tracts, one called Quohokin containing 4500 acres and the other
being 10,000 acres in Salem Co., bordering on Morris Eiver and Dela-
ware Bay.
Through his large landed interest he became a member
of the " Council of Proprietors of Western Division of New
i N. J. Deeds, Liber B, fol 630.
3 N. J. Deeds, Liber E,fol. 741 ; AAA, fol. 132, 133, 134, 139, 140,
141, 142, 220, 252; BB, fol. 275, 309, 310.
3 Ibid., AAA, fol. 89, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154.
4 Ibid., AAA, fol. 115, 184, 203.
Ibid., BBB,/o£. 345 and 347; AAA, fol. 412 and 413.
William Biles. 63
Jersey," and when that body, 14 November, 1706, received
in Council from the Gov. Lord Cornbury a Prohibition to
granting any warrants for laying out lands &c., and a Peti-
tion from Proprietors and Purchasers of West Jersey, to Lord
Cornbury, was drawn up, asking for the removal of the
prohibition, we find William Biles l among the signers.
In 1680 the first regular correspondence between the
Friends in America and London Yearly Meeting was begun
by an epistle from the Monthly Meeting at Burlington,2 in
which it was particularly urged that, in order to prevent im-
postors and designing persons from coming among them, no
Friends should remove to them without certificates from the
Society where they had previously lived. This epistle was
signed by those present at the meeting, and afterwards by
William Biles 3 and some others who were not present.
The birth of William Biles's daughter Rebeckah in 1680
is entered in the Records of Burlington Monthly Meeting,
and he was doubtless then a member of that meeting, on
whichever side of the Delaware River he then resided.
For although in Bucks County " the Quakers had a regular
and established meeting, for religious worship, before the
country bore the name of Pennsylvania," 4 which meeting was
held at the houses of William Yardley, William Biles,5 and
others, yet there was no monthly meeting until 1683, when
the . first one was set up at the house of William Biles, and
continued to be held at houses of Friends till 1690, when the
first Falls Meeting-House was built near Fallsington, which
was the first building for worship erected in the county.6
It was probably on 'the door of William Biles's house that
Phineas Pemberton, in 1683, placed a notice of the estab-
1 N. J. Archives, 1st ser., vol. iii. p. 165.
2 Proud's Hist. Penna., vol. i. p. 159.
3 Smith's Hist. Penna. in Hazard's Register, vol. vi. p. 182 ; The
Friend, vol. xviii. p. 407.
4 Proud's Hist. Penna., vol. i. p. 217 n.
6 Smith's Hist. Penna. in Hazard's Register, vol. vii. p. 116 ; Friends'
Miscellany, vol. vii. p. 29.
6 Buck's Bucks Co., Penna., p. 81.
64 . William Biles.
lishment of the weekly post in response to the request 01 the
Governor,1 " carefully to publish" this information " on the
meeting house door, and other public places."
In 1679 Jasper Dankers made a copy of a map of the Dela-
ware Eiver from Burlington to Trenton, which has been
supposed to have been made by some English surveyors. On
this map 2 "William Biles is shown to have 309 acres on the
west side of the Delaware Eiver, and the road from Burling-
ton to " ye ffalls" passed through it. Holme's Map of Bucks
Co., Pa., begun in 1681, shows that he owned two tracts of
land fronting on the Delaware River, and that William and
Charles Biles owned together another tract some little dis-
tance back from the river.3
Davis, in his History of Bucks County, says 4 that " in the
summer and fall of 1679 and spring of 1680 several English
settlers took up land on the river bank just below the falls.
. . . William Biles, three hundred and nine acres. ... He
was a man of talent and influence and a leader;" and in
another place he says,5 " Of the original settlers in Falls,
several of them were there before the country came into
Penn's possession. They purchased the land of Sir Ed-
mund Andros, who represented the Duke of York, and
were settled along the Delaware from the falls down;
among whom were William Biles [and others] , whose lands
bordered on the river. These grants were made in 1678 or
1679, that of Biles embraced 327 acres, for which Penn's
1 Friends' Miscellany, vol. vii. pp. 28 and 29.
2 Burlington and Mercer Cos., p. 56.
3 This last-mentioned tract contained 472 acres, and was granted by
warrant dated 2nd mo. 13, 1683, laid out by Surveyor 4th mo. 13, 1683,
and confirmed by Letters Patent from William Penn dated 5th mo. 29,
1684. William and Charles Biles divided this tract 8th mo. 14, 1686
(Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 1, fol 102 and 105), and Charles sold his equal
half, containing 236 acres, to Abel Janney 7th mo. 12, 1694, and Wil-
liam sold his moiety of 236 acres to John Cuff or Luff 8th mo. 18, 1686.
4 P. 35.
5 Pp. 103 and 104 ; see also Buck's Bucks Co., Penna., p. 80 ; Hazard's
Annals of Penna., p. 468.
William Biles. 65
warrant is dated 9th, 8th month, 1684, surveyed 23d, same
month, and patented 31st, llth month."
These two accounts probably refer to the same tract, as the below
mentioned deeds (which I am informed by Mr. W. S. Ely, who made
the examination for me, are all under which William Biles obtained pos-
session, so far as the records show) do not convey two tracts of this size
and description. There are two patents recorded from Penn to William
Biles, one1 dated 1st mo. 31, 1684, for 306 acres, for which warrant had
been issued by Sir Edmund Andros in 1679 and from Penn 3rd mo. 9,
1684 ; the other8 for 173 acres, dated 5th mo. 31, 1684, containing the
same recital. This last tract of 173 acres William conveyed 2nd mo. 14,
1693, to Samuel Beakes,8 and the former he deeded 4th mo. 14, 1698, to
his son William Biles, Jr., cooper, as the "Farm and Tract in Falls
Township whereon I live, containing 309 acres."
3rd mo. 16, 1701, William Biles conveyed to William White* 100
acres which had been patented to Philip Conway 5th mo. 15, 1684, and
by him conveyed, by endorsement thereon, to Thomas Biles, brother of
William, ' ' and said William purchasing same had it confirmed by
patent from Penn dated March llth, 1692," but no such patent appears
of record in Bucks County. Ann Milcombe conveyed 8th mo. 6, 1685,
to William Biles 200 acres patented to her in 1684, which he, 5th mo. 5,
1688, deeded to Joseph English ; and said English, 10th mo. 10, 1688,
conveyed to Biles 102 acres patented to English in 1687. 6 Henry Baker,
7th mo. 1, 1698, conveyed to Biles two tracts of 100 acres and 190 acres,8
which William conveyed to his son John 3rd mo, 24, 1707, as 300 acres.
In 1705 there appears also to have been issued a patent to William
Biles 7 for 472 acres in two tracts, one of 343 acres for 300 made up of
Rowland's and Bennett's entries, and the other 129 acres for 100 of Har-
rison's ; and these two tracts correspond in size to those shown on Cut-
ler's map of 1703, as then belonging to William Biles, situated very
near the northwestern corner of the Manor of Pennsbury, on the Bris-
tol Township line, and it was probably to this tract, or the Atkinson one
mentioned below, that William Penn referred in his letter of 7th mo. 30,
1705, to Governor Evans.
1 Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 11, fol. 467.
1 Ibid., Liber 2, fol. 60.
8 Ibid., Liber 2, fol. 61 ; Liber 5, fol. 208.
*Ibid., Liber 3, fol. 38.
5 Ibid., Liber 1, fol. 9, 182, 196.
6 Ibid., Liber -2, fol. 205; Liber 5, fol. 133 ; Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol.
xix. p. 423.
7 Ibid., p. 473.
VOL. XXVI. — 5
66 % William Mies.
A tract of 800 acres which Thomas Atkinson took up but did not pay
for was, after the marriage of William Biles to his widow, released by
her three sons Isaac, William, and Samuel, as they severally became of
age, to George Biles for a consideration,1 and from him it passed through
Solomon Warder to William Biles, Sr., and from him in 1707 to William
Paxson.
Davis tells us that3 " Biles' s island, in the Delaware, a mile below the
falls, and containing 300 acres, was sold to William Biles about 1680 by
Orecton, Nannacus, Nenemblahocking, and Patelana, free native In-
dians, in consideration of £10, but was not actually conveyed by deed.
The 19th of March, 1729, Lappewins and Captain Cumbansh, two In-
dian 'Sackemen,' and heirs and successors of the Indians above named,
confirmed the said island to William Biles, Jr.,3 son of William Biles,
the elder, now deceased, in consideration of seven pounds in Indian
goods. The deed contained a warranty against the grantors, their heirs,
and all other Indians."
Davis furthermore states that 4 ' ' Biles became a large land owner. He
sold 5000 acres in this county near Neshaminy to William Lawrence
[and others], but the purchasers could find only 2000 acres. In 1718
James Logan issued an order to survey 3000 additional acres, not already
settled or surveyed." The Land Records show that William Biles, as
attorney in fact for Thomas Hudson, conveyed several thousand acres
in Bucks County to various individuals ; and that these 5000 did not
belong to him individually is shown by the Minutes of the Board of
Property of the Province of Pennsylvania,5 which state that William
Lawrence and others ' ' purchased of William Biles late of sd. County
5000 acres of Land in the sd. County belonging to one Thomas Hudson
whose Atty he then was," etc., and that "The whole 5000 acres was
formerly surveyed and sold to the above Persons of Long Island by Wil-
liam Biles, under certain Bounds, but the greater part being under an
earlier survey to Dennis Rochford, is taken by his assignees."
Proud also states that6 William Biles was a preacher
among the Quakers, among the first settlers there, where
he appears to have taken up land, under Governor Andros,
of New York, prior to William Penn's grant of the Prov-
ince. He is said to have been a very useful person both in
1 Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 3, fol. 86, 167.
* Hist. Bucks Co., p. 117.
3 Bucks Co. Deeds, Liber 26, fol. 380.
* Hist. Bucks Co., p. 104.
5 Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. xix. pp. 682, 693, 697.
6 Hist. Petma., vol. i. p. 237 n.
William Biles. 67
the civil and religious line, being often in the Council and
Assembly.1
In fact, he was an office-holder before the Province passed
from under the Duke of York to William Penn, for he
held office under the Pro-Provincial Government.2 It has
been said that in 1680 " the only European settlements
comprised within its [Pennsylvania's] limits were included
in Upland county, and were subject to the jurisdiction of
Upland Court;"3 and the records of that Court show that
October 13, 1680, land was laid out by order of this Court
" on ye west syde of delowr Rivr and on ye South East syde
of hataorackan Creeke,"4 which was about Pennsbury
Manor in Bucks County.
Though no record of the appointment of officers nor the
establishment of such a Court has been found (the Minutes
of the Governor and Council of New York, 1678-1683,
not being in existence, so far as known), yet Colonial docu-
ments still preserved at Albany show clearly that there was
in 1680 a Court at Crewcorne, or Creekehorne, and that
William Biles was a member thereof.
No mention of this Court has been found elsewhere than
in published records of the State of New York, and no his-
torians of Pennsylvania or of Bucks County allude to it.
In reply to inquiries, Dr. William H. Egle writes me
that " Crookhorne in Falls Township, Bucks county, was
the first seat of justice of the county," and General W. W. H.
Davis writes, " Crewcorne was on the Penna. side of the
Delaware at Trenton Falls. It had no surveyed bounds,
but a frontier settlement and local court was held there.
The Upland Court had jurisdiction in Bucks to the falls.
The Court at Manhattan had jurisdiction in Bucks in the
1 Vide Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. pp. 623, 752-754; Duke of York's
Laws, pp. 485, 507, 523, 536, 552, 559, 565, 576, 577.
a Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. p. 616.
9 Smith's Hist. Delaware Co., Pa., p. 125 ; Mem. Pa. Hist. Soc., vol.
vii. p. 81.
4 Ibid., vol. vii. pp. 185, 203.
68 « William Biles.
matter of Probate of Wills. My second edition of History
of Bucks Co. will have new matter about Crewcorne."
The " new town of Crewcorne" at the Falls must have
been the first settlement of what is now Morrisville. " Gil-
bert Wheeler called his house < Crookhorn,' a name long
forgotten," says Davis,1 and John Wood, whose plantation
included the present site of Morrisville, described himself
in his will, 1692, as "John Wood of Crookhorn in the
County of Bucks."
In N. Y. Colonial Documents 2 is a Petition of " Inhabitants
of the new town, near the falls of the Delaware, called
Crewcorne, against the sale of liquor to the Indians," dated
« April ye 12th 1680" and addressed " To ye Worthy Gover-
nor of New Yorke," and stating that Gilbert Wheeler's
and Peter Aldrixman's houses and another one had been
" broake open by Indians." This petition was signed by
ten persons, and the first name is " Wilh. Biles." He proba-
bly delivered it in person, for we find, under the heading3
" Memorandum of papers delivered to Wm. Biles, a mem-
ber of the new court at the falls of the Delaware," the
following :
«Wm Biles one of there new made Cort there & this day sworne
under the penalty of perjury. Apr. 21-1680.
lt 1. His Commission.
"2. A Warr* to summon Gilb. Wheeler & P. Abr. to appeare here
for selling drincks to ye Indyans.
" 3. An abstract about ye Eecords.
"4. An order to Dan : Willet to returne Power of Magistrate.
"5. An order to have a returne about Rolf. Hoskin, drowned by
Burlington. "
The matter was later presented to the Council, as appears
from the following entry : 4
1 Hist. Bucks Co., p. 104.
2 Vol. xii. pp. 645, 646.
8 Ibid., p. 646; Calendar N. Y. Hist. Mss., pt. ii. p. 87.
' N. Y. Col. Doc., vol. xii. p. 650.
William Biles. 69
"Sundry entries respecting Upland, New Castle and Burlington.
"At a Councell &c May 21. 1680.
"Pres* the Go : & Councell.
"A peticon from the Inhabitants at the Falls about abuse of drunken
Indyans &c.
"Peter Alricks house at his Island near ye Falls & Gilbert Wheeler
house broken open.
"A returne from the Commission" of Burlington at Delaware of 8
men for magistrates according to order.
"A returne from the Const, of Creekehorne at the Falls, of the
names of 4 for magistrates according to order likewise," etc.
The liquor question did not rest here, however, for there
is preserved the " Complaint of sundry inhabitants of Crew-
corne, on the Delaware, against Gilbert Wheeler for selling
rum to the Indians," dated " Crewcorne Sep. ye 13th 1680," *
addressed " To ye Honorable Governor of 1ST. Yorke," in
which, after detailing the great fear and damage they are
subjected to, they request that selling the Indians " strong
Liquors may be wholely suppressed amongst us by virtue
of a Warrant from yor Honor to make distress upon proof
given to ye Elected Commissioner for ye time to Come for
breach of that Abreviate of ye Law which Will. Biles
brought us ; woh when we made our Complaint to him he
told us his order ws nothing worth, wch we accounted ws
sufficient but by his words we perseave that he intends to
sell Rum himself; so hopeing yor Honor in charity will help
us we remain," etc.
The Minutes of Falls Monthly Meeting hereafter referred
to show the accuracy of the surmise of his neighbors as to
William Biles's intention to sell rum to the Indians, and
the records of Upland Court show that Gilbert Wheeler's
actions were not permitted to go unpunished.
The last actual session of the Upland Court under the
Duke of York was held at Kingsesse 14th June, 1681, and
William Biles was present and appeared in various roles.2
1 N. Y. Col Doc., pp. 658, 659.
3 Mem. Pa. Hist. Soc., vol. vii. pp. 189, 190, 194; Davis' s Hist.
Bucks Co., p. 40 ; Hist. Chester Co., Pa., pp. 18, 363; PA. MAG. HIST.
AND BIOG., vol. iii. p. 263.
70 William Biles.
•
He informed the Court that Robert Michill, next heir of
Robert Hoskins, deceased, was living in England, and desired
him to take care of the estate of the deceased in this
country. He was one of the jurors in the case of Lasse Dai-
boo against Swen Lorn. As " Constable att ye faals" he
gave information against " Gilbert wheeler att ye sd faals,
for selling of strong Licquors by retayle to ye Indians Con-
trary to ye Lawe & ye forwarning of ye sd Constable," and
"Wheeler was fined four pounds and costs. The last act of
the judges, before adjourning " till ye 2d Teusday [13th]
of ye month of Septembr next," was to appoint " William
Boyles to bee survr & overseer of ye highwayes from the
faales to Poetquessink Creek; hee to take care that ye sd
highwayes be made good & passable, wth bridges over all
myry & dirty places."
Before the time adjourned to had arrived, notice was
received 1 from " Commander and Councill," dated New
York, 21st June, 1681, that William Penn had obtained
Letters Patents to the Province, and the Duke of York's
authority had ceased ; " the old Court closed its session
the 13th of September and the new Court opened the next
day [?] . Among the business transacted was the appoint-
ment of William Biles and Robert Lucas, who lived at the
falls, justices of the peace,2 and pounds, shillings and pence
were declared to be the currency of the country." The
first entry in the Records of Chester County Court shows
that it was held at Upland September 13, 1681, and that
Mr. William Byles was one of the justices present.3
1 Mem. Pa. Hist. Soc., vol. vii. pp. 195, 196.
2 Davis's Hist. Bucks Co., p. 55; Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. p. 617.
3 Hist. Chester Co., Pa., p. 18 ; Hazard's Annals of Penna., p. 525.
(To be continued.)
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 71
LIFE OF MAEGAEET SHIPPEN, WIFE OF BENEDICT
AENOLD.
BY LEWIS BURD WALKER.
(Continued from Vol. XXV. page 497.)
[To Mrs. Arnold, No. 1 Mortimer Street, Cavendish Square, London.']
PHILADA 3 March 1793
MY DEAR PEGGY
Your favor of the 5th December was very acceptable, but am
very sorry my drafts arrived at such a period as obliged you to
sell Stocks at so low a rate, but as that cannot now be helped we
must not repine. The Money for which I sold the Bill was im-
mediately put into a State of Activity. £585 Currency was in-
vested in 3 shares in the Bank of North America £1220.9.0 in
Bonds and Mortgages in New Jersey at 7 p cent Interest & the
Eemainder has been employed in discounting Notes at 6 p cent
payable in a few months, that I may have the Money under my
Command to apply to such purposes as may appear most benefi-
cial to you. The Bank Shares were purchased at 30 p cent ad-
vance, so that your real Capital there is only £450, on which I re-
ceived a Dividend the 10th of January of 7£ p ct for half a year —
this however was an accidental large Dividend which is not to be
expected again being the product of receipts on account of large
prior Debts due to the Bank.
The state of this Bank has been altered within this month
owing to a project in our Legislature to establish another Bank
by the Name of Pennsylvania Bank, of which Government is to
hold a considerable Share ; this has lowered the price of Shares
in the other Bank & will certainly lessen its profits in Case the
project takes effect, which however is not yet perfected, as the
Bill has had but one reading in the lower House & may possibly
fall through, as it meets with much Opposition. I shall watch
Events, in order to make the most of your Money, either by
purchasing more Shares in the old Bank at the reduced prices ;
$
72 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
or if the new one succeeds by purchasing some Shares in that,
or by taking Advantage of other Occurrences as they arise.
I am more disinclined than ever to embark any of your
Money in trade, as daily proofs of its precariousness appear.
Mr Lea has lately met with an important Disappointment, which
however has neither affected his Capital or his Credit. A House
in Dublin sent him orders last Summer to purchase and ship a
quantity of Philadelphia Eum & to draw Bills on London for
his Eeimbursement. The quantity being great he could not im-
mediately make the purchases, he however compleated the order
in a reasonable time, and one of his own Vessels arriving, he
shipt the whole in her for Dublin. When the Eum arrived
there, the Demand for that Article had lessened & the price fallen
very considerably; this induced the House who gave the order
to refuse to receive the Cargo, upon the pretence that the orders
were not soon enough executed & that Mr Lea had delayed
shipping it till the Arrival of his own Vessel in order to give
her the benefit of the freight. — the Consequence was that the
Vessel was obliged to bring the Eum back again to Philadelphia,
so that she lost her whole freight both going and returning. In
addition to this they stopped the Payment of Mr Lea's Bills in
London, which would have subjected him to the payment of 20
p cent damages on about £6000 Sterling, if he had not had friends
there to take up the Bills for his honour. This being an object of
magnitude he found it necessary last fall to embark for Dublin
in order to get Compensation either by Arbitration or a Law
Suit, he is now there but expects to return in the Spring.
Sally bears her "Widowhood tolerably well, & living so near
our House, she spends most of her time with us.
The Situation of the french Affairs & the possible Effect they
may have on the political State of England has filled us with
much Anxiety on your Account. We are however in some
measure comforted with the Intelligence that most of the better
kind of people are likely to unite for the Support of the Gov-
ernment and Constitution of the Kingdom. We in this Country,
having a Eepublican cast, are apt to suppose there are many
abuses in England, which call for a Eeformation ; altho' this
may be true, yet surely it is wiser to submit to these abuses for
a time, than to risque a total Overthrow of the Edifice, by too
sudden an Attempt to repair the rotten parts of it. If a War
should really take place, it will smother the flame — and probably
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 73
be attended with another Consequence of a more private nature ;
that of providing for a certain friend of yours, in his own way.
We are all well, thank God — & wish every happiness to you
and yours. I am &c
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
P. S. Your Mama always wishes me to be particular in re-
membering her best love.
PHILADA 8 Aug« 1793
MY DEAR PEGGY
Your favor of the 5th of June came to hand by the packet,
which by the by, I take to be the most certain Conveyance,
your Sisters having complained of the miscarriage of many late
Letters sent to you in other "Ways. I have observed with pleas-
ure your prospect of Advantage from the plan for transferring &
paying the dividends of American Stock by the London & Mid-
dlesex Bank. It seems to afford a reasonable prospect of Suc-
cess, but must in its nature be principally confined to the In-
habitants of Great Britain ; as where people disposed to purchase
American Stock will be encouraged by the Confidence naturally
to be placed in so respectable a Bank & the facility with which
the business will be transacted. As to the other part of the
plan respecting the Sale of Stock remitted by the Americans,
the Success is more problematical. At present Stock is seldom
sent to England for sale but by way of Eemittance for the pay-
ment of Debts, in which cases they are usually sent to the Mer-
chants to whom money is due from the Remitters, and who
have hitherto charged only one per cent for selling. It is how-
ever suggested in the printed plan that the extraordinary advan-
tage of a Sale at a general & respectable Office, which may
probably concenter the greatest part of the Stock will more than
ballance the additional Commission ; it is not improbable that
this may prove to be the Case, if it should really become a gen-
eral Office resorted to by buyers and sellers ; — in which case the
Merchants in London to whom Stock is sent from America for
sale, will find it for the advantage of their Constituents rather
to place it there for sale, than to sell it themselves. The greatest
objection to the general plan seems to me to be the difficulty &
Expense of procuring the Receipt of the Dividends here & the
74 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
.9
Eemittance to England — it cannot be expected that this can be
done by private people without a Commission, which with the
fluctuating price & occasional risque of Bills of Exchange are
discouraging Circumstances. If indeed (as you suggest) the
Bank of the United States will pay the dividends in England
free from Expence and that payment can be procured to be
made to the London & Middlesex Bank, it will answer the Ob-
jection. But it must be understood that Mr. Willing as Presi-
dent of the Bank of the United States, altho' he may make this
Engagement with the Consent of the Directors of the bank, as
to Sank Stock, may not be able to do the like with regard to the
6 per cent & the 3 per Gent Stock of the United States, which he
has nothing to do with, except that those dividends are likewise
payable at the Bank by Act of Congress. It is however possi-
ble for aught I know, that the Instructions of the Secretary of
the Treasury may also justify him in this. As the thing is new
yet & I do not mix a great deal with the world, I am not able
to give you the Sentiments of the people here upon the Subject,
but it strikes me it must be considered in a favorable light as
tending to enlarge the Market for our Stock & to interest men
of property in your country in the success & prosperity of this.
I am not acquainted with Mr Isaac Bremson the Agent for
the Trustees at New York, but Col. Wadsworth of Connecticut
is of my Acquaintance & unquestionably a man of fortune &
Character — he is a Member of Congress & usually resides in this
City in the Winter, but during the Eecess of Congress is always
at home.
I have directed the Publishing in our Newspaper the printed
Plan you inclosed to me, having first made the Alteration from
Six to Sixty days.
We are much grieved, my dear Child, to hear of your Indis-
position, but you may rest assured it by no means resembles
your Mamma's Complaint nor can it be hereditary. She was
first attacked with the Eheumatism after a severe fit of the fever
& ague to which she attributes the Origin of her disorder, the
swelling of her Ancles &c, was only the Effect of Pain, & not at
all of the nature you describe yours to be. As you have the best
medical assistance, and have by nature a good Constitution,! have
great hopes of a speedy Recovery. The best Succedaneum for
Exercise & in general the best Cure for all chronic Complaints is
a rigid Abstinence in your Diet. Every Person's own Observa-
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 75
tion will instruct them what kind of food sits easiest upon them,
it is not enough to confine yourself to one dish at a meal but
this must be of the lightest & simplest kind & very little in
Quantity. I am under the necessity of practising this lesson for
an obstinate headache which I have laboured under for nearly
two years past. After trying all that Physicians could prescribe
I am compelled to be my own Doctor. I live chiefly on milk &
Vegetable diet & if I now & then take animal food it must be
of the softest & tenderest kind not so much at a time as would
fill a common Spoon ; — by this means & this only I am able to
enjoy any tolerable health. If I were to transgress any of my
own rules I am sure to pay for it — but with this rigid Absti-
nence I do tolerably well, altho' a little reduced in flesh for want
of taking the quantity of food I have been used to. Your
Mama has had a longer fit of her Disorder this year than usual. It
did not attack her till March, but continued three or four months,
& even now she can only hobble about the house with the As-
sistance of one Crutch. It is indeed time for us both to look to
our Journey's End. Your Sisters and their Families are all well.
I shall remit you this Fall the Interest Money arising from your
Deposit in my hands.
I am &c
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
PHIL AD A 24 Dec 1793
MY DEAR PEGGY
I wrote you on the 8th of November being then in a place of
retirement to avoid the Contagious Fever, which then raged in
this City & carried oif above 4000 people among whom, our
friend Mr Lea was one. We are again settled in town & the
disease seems entirely to have left us. Your Sister has recovered
her spirits tolerably well & remains with us during the Winter.
I have been endeavouring to procure a Bill of Exchange to
enable me to remit the Interest & Dividends of your Money.
Bills are at this time very scarce & high. I have however at
length got one for £143.8.9 Sterling at 170 Exchange which I
enclose payable to Messrs Dorset & Co your Bankers or their
order, preferring for prudential reasons the use of their name to
yours. I shall forward you another of the Bills by the next
Packet, and shall at the same time send you a Statement of your
Account. I have a few days ago purchased for you 3 shares in
76 Life of Margaret^ Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
our new Bank called the Bank of Pennsylvania at 7 p cent ad-
vance. This Bank is under the Patronage of our State Govern-
ment & promises to be a safe & profitable place to invest some
of your money. Altho' I gave 30 p cent advance for your 3
shares in the Bank of North America, yet it turns out advanta-
geously for you, as a dividend was made in January last of 7J
p C for half a year & another Dividend in July of 6 p Ct which is
13£ p Ct for the first year. In this Bank of North America no
shares are now to be purchased. I have had thoughts of getting
for you a few shares in the Bank of the United States, but the
vague reports of the danger of our being somehow or other en-
gaged in the War has hitherto deterred me ; that Bank would cer-
O O
tainly be more affected by National Measures than either of the
others. If however I see the prospect of our remaining at Peace
confirmed, I may yet invest some of your Money there. The Ease
& Certainty of receiving a handsome Interest from Bank Stock
disposes me to prefer that kind of property to any other pro-
vided Safety is not sacrificed. I send this letter by way of
Dublin, not having been able to get a Bill to go by the late Lon-
don Yessels at less than 175 p ct. Exchange.
We are all tolerably well and wish you & yours every felicity.
I am most affectionately Yours.
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
PHILADA 29 June 1794
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I received your agreeable favor of the 5th of March, but none
which it refers to — certainly too many of the Letters between
us miscarry — for which reason I would not wish you to explain
any thing which partakes of a public Nature. My dear Child
I have been almost broken hearted for some time past on ac-
count of the loss of your dear Mamma ; the stroke took me un-
prepared. I left her as well, or rather better than she had been
for some months to go a long Circuit. On my return I found
her dead. — Conceive my distress — I will not endeavour to paint
it — I have lost the Staff of my Age & care not how soon I follow
her. I have indeed affectionate Children who do their utmost
to console me.— Sally & her Children live with me, & will con-
tinue to do so. She is chearful & blessed with a natural Dispo-
sition to withstand affliction. I know my dear Child how the
first Account you received of your Mother's death must have
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 77
afflicted you. Your Sensibility is great & your Affection for
her was strong. God assist us all to bear the evils he thinks fit
to exercise us with. I am my dear Child
most affectionately yours
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
P. S. I wish much to hear whether the Bill I sent you is
paid — if however it should be protested there can be no loss but
delay.
PHILAD 9th August 1794
MY DEAR PEGGY
I received your favor of the 6th of May inclosing a protested
Bill of Exchange drawn by John Nicholson for £143.8.9 Sterling,
in lieu of which I have got from him & now inclose you two
other Bills drawn by James Green leaf & indorsed by Nicholson
& by Eobt Morris for £100 Sterling each amounting to £200.
which I hope will be paid. The difference I paid him in cash
being £27.10.6. Sterling which at 180 p Ct Ex amounted to
£49.10.11 Currency the protested bill being thus settled.
143. 8. 9 the Bill protested
7. 0 Cost of protest
28 13 9 Damages 20 p ct.
172 9~6
27 10 6 Balance paid to Nicholson
£200 0 0 Sterling in the two Bills
now sent you. Altho Nicholson's Bill which I sent you was
protested for non-payment, yet another Bill drawn & indorsed by
the same persons for the large sum of £5000 Sterling & remitted
at the same time by your sister Sally to Mr Gorman met with a
better fate : the contents having been paid to Mr Gorman after
an actual protest.
The last letter I wrote you was dated the 29th of June in which
I was under the painful necessity of informing you of the death
of your dear Mother, an Event which nothing could possibly
have reconciled to me but the knowledge that her disorder was
so painful, & so frequently repeated that death could scarcely be
considered an Evil, & that a Life of Virtue must have secured
her a blessed Existence in a better World.
The Family are all well & join with me in best Love to you
and yours Yours affectionately.
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
,
78 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
[ To Mrs. Arnold, Queen Ann Street, East, London^]
PHIL ADA 17 Sept 1794
MY DEAR PEGGY
We were made very happy in hearing of your welfare after a
certain Event. I sincerely hope the little one may contribute to
your happiness.
I sent you on the 9th of last month Per Capt Thompson via
Liverpool two Bills of Exchange for £100 Sterling each, being
the amount of Nicholson's protested Bill & Damages together
with the Sum of £27.10.6 Sterling added, to make up the total
of £200 Sterling. I now inclose second Bills of the same Setts.
As the fall advances, the Shipments from hence will increase,
which may possibly bring down the Exchange, which is at pres-
ent & has been for many months extravagantly high — at any
rate I shall forward to you a years Interest on your Bonds &
Mortgages and Bank Dividends.
I am much pleased to hear Mr Jay has had a favorable Recep-
tion at your Court & that there is a probability of Peace being
continued between the two Countries. The Situation of Ensr-
O
land must be very critical, as the french appear to carry all
before them in Flanders. On every Account & particularly on
Yours I wish to see a general Peace succeed to these dreadful
tumults which infest the World. We are not exempt from them
even here — there is at present a Call for 15000 of the Militia to
go to our Western Frontiers to quell an Insurrection of our own
People on Account of the Excise on Whiskey.
Every body you love here, are well. My Dear Peggy I sin-
cerely wish you every blessing which this World & the next can
bestow. Affectionately yours,
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
PHIL ADA 17th Decent 1794
MY DEAR PEGGY
Although it is long since I had the pleasure of hearing from
you, yet I natter myself that all is well with you & yours. I
wait with some degree of Impatience to hear of the fate of the
two Bills of Exchange of £100 Sterling each which I forwarded
you by two different Vessels in August & September last by Way
of Liverpool. I should have no doubt of their being paid, but
on Accot of their being drawn on Amsterdam payable in London.
Since which we have heard of such Disturbances in Holland that
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 79
it is possible some Obstructions to their being paid may arise on
that Accot. The Drawer & Indorsers are however very able to
make Amends. In truth there has been all the last Summer
& fall so great a Scarcity of Bills which had any prospect of
being good, that really I had no Choice. And now altho I have
been constantly upon the look-out I can find but one substantial
person who is drawing & that at the enormous Kate of 185 p
cent Exchange. I have however thought it best to purchase
one for £100 Sterling drawn by Mr John Wilcocks which I in-
close you indorsed to Messrs Dorset & Co to be negotiated on
your Accot. On the other side I give you a statement of your
Money transactions since I undertook the charge of them, by
which you will observe the present Eemittance of £100 Sterling
exceeds the Balance in my hands ; but as I shall soon be reim-
bursed by Dividends and Interest, I thought it best not to lose
the present Opportunity of purchasing and remitting so good a
Bill as Mr Wilcocks' s, altho the whole money was not received,
more especially as you have not had the good fortune to receive
the amount of the Bills I before remitted.
The family are all well & join with me in best Love to you &
yours. Your Sisters I believe have written you several letters
lately. God bless you my dear Child.
I am most affectionately Yours,
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
PHILADA 14* July 1795
MY DEAR PEGGY
I am happy to hear of your good health by your favor of the
6th of March. I find the fate of Mr Wilcocks' s Bill was not
known as it was to be negotiated at Hamburgh. Altho public
Affairs on the Continent are in a distracted way, yet I have no
doubt Mr Wilcocks's Bill will be honored.
I have had much trouble with regard to Greenleaf 's Bills, in-
dorsed by Morris & Nicholson ; the latter Gentleman gave me
every reason to expect that I should be reimbursed the money
with the Damages in a very short time after the Bills came to
hand — but I have been put off from time to time so that at
length I was compelled as all the other Bill holders were, to take
Mr Greenleaf 's Notes payable one half in four months & the
other half in Six Months. Finding however within these few
days that Mr John Swanwick was drawing on London & know-
80 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
ing him to be an able man I thought it best to purchase a Bill
from him with my own money amounting to the Principal In-
terest & Damages of Greenleaf 's Bills at 175 p Cent Exchange.
One of these Bills I now inclose & hope it will be duly honored.
I will take my chance of being reimbursed by Greenleaf 's
Notes when they shall become due.
While the War continues to rage in Europe I do not wonder
that many people in England should wish to invest some part
of their property in America. We have every reason to believe
their property would be safe in this Country. Our Government
is firm & heartily disposed to continue at peace with all the
World — some hot-headed people would willingly work up a
Quarrel with England, but their Attempts will all prove inef-
fectual. The Treaty made by Ld Greenville & Mr Jay is ratified
by the Senate except the 12th Article which regards our trade
with the British Islands in the West Indies. This & perhaps
some other parts of the Treaty will be the Subjects of future
discussion, there being many Complaints here of a want of
reciprocity in some of the Articles.
If any of your particular Friends should be at a loss for some
person here to negotiate an Investment of any part of their
property in this Country, I should, to oblige you, be willing to
give them my Assistance, or perhaps it might be as well either
to join Mr Burd with me or to appoint him alone, he being
now engaged with your Sister Sally in some Mercantile Business.
The Family are all in good health & join me in the sincerest
Wishes for your health & Welfare.
I am &c.
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
(To be continued.)
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 81
DEAJST TUCKEE'S PAMPHLET.
"A LETTER FROM A MERCHANT IN LONDON TO HIS NEPHEW IN
NORTH AMERICA," 1766.
(Continued from Vol. XXV. page 526.)
Perhaps you will say, and I think, it is the only thing left
for you to say in excuse for such Proceedings, that you have
other Public Taxes to pay, besides those which the British
Parliament now requires. Undoubtedly you have, for your
Provincial and other Taxes are likewise to be paid : But
here let me ask, is not this our Case also ? and have not we
many other Taxes to discharge besides those which belong
to the Public, and are to be accounted for at the Exchequer ?
— Surely we have : "Witness our County Taxes, Militia Taxes,
Poor Taxes, Vagrant Taxes, Bridge Taxes, High Road and
Turnpike Taxes, Watch Taxes, Lamps and Scavenger Taxes,
&c. &c. &c. — all of them as numerous and as burthensome
as any that you can mention.1 And yet with all this Burthen,
yea, with an additional Weight of a National Debt of 18 1.
Sterling per Head, — we require of each of you to contribute
only One Shilling to every Twenty from each of us ! 2 — yes ;
and this Shilling too to be spent in your own Country, for the
Support of your own Civil and Military Establishments ; —
together with many Shillings drawn from us for the same
Purpose.3 — Alas ! had you been in our Situation, and we in
1 And have we not all these Taxes too, as well as you, and our Pro-
vincial or Public Taxes besides ? And over and above, have we not new
Roads to make, new Bridges to build, Churches & Colleges to found, &
a' Number of other Things to do that your Fathers have done for you
and which you inherit from them, but which we are oblig'd to pay for
out of our present Labour. [B. F.]
2 How fond he is of this One Shilling and twenty ! [B. F.]
8 Who has desired this of you, & who can trust you to lay it out ?
If you are thus to provide for our Civil and military Establishments,
what use will there afterwards be for our Assemblies ? [B. F.]
VOL. XXVI. — 6
82 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
yours, would you have been content with our paying so
small, so inconsiderable a Share of the Public Expences ?
And yet, small and inconsiderable as this Share is, you will
not pay it. — No, you will not ! and be it at our Peril, if we
demand it.1
Now, my Friend, were Reason and Argument, were
Justice, Equity, or Candour to be allowed by you to have
any concern in this Affair; I would then say, that you
Americans are the most unfortunate People in the World
in your Management of the present Controversy. Unfor-
tunate you are ; because the very Attempts you make to-
wards setting forth your Inability, prove to a Demonstration,
that you are abundantly able, were you but truly willing to
pay this Tax. For how ? and in what Manner do you prove
your Allegations ? Why truly, by breaking forth into Riots
and Insurrections, and by committing every kind of Vio-
lence, that can cause Trade to stagnate, and Industry to
cease.2 And is this the Method, which you have chosen to
pursue, in order to make the World believe, that you are a
poor People ? Is this the Proof you bring, that the Stamp
Duty is a Burthen too heavy for you to bear ? Surely, if
you had really intended our Conviction, you would have
chosen some other Medium : 3 — and were your Inability, or
Poverty the single Point in question, you would not have
taken to such Courses, as must infallibly render you still the
poorer. For in fact, if, after all your Complaints of Poverty,
you can still afford to idle away your Time, and to waste
Days, and Weeks, in Outrages and Uproars ; 4 what else do
you prove, but that you are a prodigal, and extravagant
1 No. We will pay nothing on Compulsion. [B. F.]
2 The Americans never brought Riots as Arguments. It is unjust to
charge two or three Riots in particular Places upon all America. Look
for Arguments in the Petitions & Remonstrances of the Assemblies, who
detest Riots, of which there are ten in England for one in America.
[B. F.]
3 How impudent it is to insinuate that the Americans chose no other
Medium. [B. F.]
4 When? Where? [B. F.]
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 83
People ? For you must acknowledge, that if but half of
this Time were spent, as it ought to be, in honest Industry
and useful Labour, it would have been more than sufficient
to have paid double the Tax which is now required.
But you will still say, that though the Tax may be allowed
(nay indeed it must be allowed) to be very moderate, every
thing considered, and not at all excessive ; " It may never-
theless be laid on, very unseasonably; it may be wrong-
timed, and ill-digested."
Now, here I must own, that I am somewhat at a loss how
to answer you, because I am not quite certain that I under-
stand your Meaning. If, for Example, by the term ill-
digested^ you would insinuate, that the American Stamp
Duty would grind the Faces of the Poor, and permit the
Rich to escape ; — that it would affect the Necessaries, and
not the Superfluities of Life; — that it would prevent the
Building of Houses, or the Clearing of Lands, or the Cul-
tivation of Estates already cleared ; — or lastly, that it would
diminish the Number of your Shipping, or stop the Pay of
your Sailors ; — if these, or any of these are the Evils, which
you would lay to the Charge of the Stamp Duty ; nothing
upon Earth could be a falser Charge : and you could not
give a stronger Proof either of your Defect of Judgment,
or Want of Integrity than by uttering such Assertions as
these; — Assertions, which both daily Experience and the
Nature of Things evidently demonstrate to be void of Truth.
— We in Britain have been subject to a Stamp Duty for many,
very many years ; — a Duty much higher than that which is
intended for America : and yet we know by long Experience,
that it hath not been attended with any of the dreadful Con-
sequences which are here supposed.
Again, as to the wrong-timing , or the Unseasonableness of
this Tax : — If by this you mean to say, that it was laid on,
at a Time, when you were poorer, and less able to bear it,
than you were before ; — that is false also. For you never
were richer, and you never were more able to contribute
your Quota towards the general Expences, than at the June-
,
84 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
•
ture of laying on this Tax. To prove this, let it be observed,
that just before this Event, you had not only been draining
the Mother Country dry by the immense Sums drawn from
us to pay our Fleets and Armies, when acting in Defence of
America ; ! — and that your Jobbers & Contractors 2 had not
only been sucking our Blood and Vitals by their extortionate
Demands ; — but you had also been enriched by the Spoils,
and by the Traffic of the numerous Colonies of France and
Spain. For you were continually acting the double Part
either of Trade, or "War, of Smuggling, or Privateering,
according to the Prospect of greater Gain.3 And while we
at home were exerting our utmost to put a speedy End to
the War by an honourable Peace ; — you on the contrary
were endeavouring to prolong it as much as possible ; and
were supplying our Enemies with all Manner of Provisions,
and all Sorts of warlike Stores for that Purpose.4 Nay ; be-
cause forsooth a Part of these ill-gotten Riches were laid
out in English Manufactures (there being at that Time
hardly a Possibility of purchasing any but English, when
our Fleets were absolute Masters of the Sea) your Advocates
and Authors trumpeted aloud the prodigious Profits of this
North American Trade; — not considering, or rather not
willing that we should consider, that while a few Indi-
viduals were getting Thousands, the Public was spending
Millions.
Once more : If by the Epithet unseasonable, you would be
1 Defence of your Trade in America. [B. F.]
2 Your Jobbers & Contractors if you please. We had none of those
dainty Morsels. [B. F.]
3 Is the War we made on your Enemies then among our Offences ?
[B. F.] _
4 An infamous Lie ! They always have warlike Stores cheaper than
ours : Our supplying them with Provisions was a Cry only to found an
Embargo on for the Benefit of English Contractors, that they might buy
our Provisions cheaper. All this Page is Falshood & Misrepresenta-
tion. Money was actually much scarcer in the Colonies after the War
than before. This is a Fact known to all that know anything of them.
[B. F.]
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 85
understood to mean, that there was no need of taxing you at
all at that Juncture ; because the Mother Country was still as able
to carry the additional Load, which you had brought upon us, as
she had been to bear all the rest : l if this be your Meaning, I
must tell you once for all, that you are egregiously mistaken.
For we can hear no more : we cannot support ourselves
under heavier Taxations, even were we ever so willing : we
have strained every Nerve already, and have no Resources
left for new Impositions. Therefore let what will come
of the present Affairs, let the Stamp Duty be repealed, or
not ; still the Expences of America must be borne by the
Americans in some Form, or under some Denomination or
other.2
But after all ; perhaps you meant none of these Things ;
perhaps you meant to insinuate (though it was Prudence in
you not to speak out) that the late Act was ill-contrived and
ill-timed ; because it was made at a Juncture, when neither the
French,3 nor Indians were in your Hear to frighten, nor the
English Fleets and Armies on your Front to force you to a
Compliance. Perhaps this was your real Meaning : and if
it was, it must be confessed, that in that Sense, the late Act
was not well-timed ; and that a much properer Season might
have been chosen. For had the Law been made five or six
Years before, when you were moving Heaven and Earth
1 Infamous Lie ! [B. F.]
2 Undoubtedly. We don't desire you to bear our Expences.
[B. F.]
3 It seems a prevailing Opinion in England, that Fear of their French
Neighbours would have kept the Colonies in Obedience to the Parlia-
ment; and that if the French Power had not been subdu'd, no Oppo-
sition would have been made to the Stamp Act. A very groundless
Notion. On the contrary, Had the French Power continued, to which
the Americans might have had Recourse in case of Oppression from
Parliament, Parliament would not have dared to oppress them. It was
the Employm* of 50,000 Men at Land, & a Fleet on the Coast, five
years to subdue the French only. Half the Land Army were Provin-
cials. Suppose the British 25000 had acted by themselves with all the
Colonies against them ; what time would it have taken to subdue the
whole? [B. F.]
36 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
with your Cries and Lamentations j1 not a Tongue would
then have uttered a Word against it ; all your Orators would
have displayed their Eloquence on other Topics ; and even
American Patriotism itself would at that Season have made
no Difficulty in acknowledging, that the Mother Country
had a Eight to the Obedience of the Colonies in Return for
her kind and generous Protection.2
Upon the whole therefore, what is the Cause of such an
amazing Outcry as you raise at present? — Not the Stamp
Duty itself : all the world are agreed on that Head: and
none can be so ignorant, or so stupid, as not to see, that this
is a mere Sham and Pretence. What then are the real
Grievances, seeing that the Things which you alledge are
only the pretended ones ? Why, some of you are exasperated
against the Mother Country, on the Account of the Revival of
certain Restrictions laid upon their Trade: — I say,3 it has been
the System of every European Power, which had Colonies in
that Part of the World, to confine (as far as Laws can con-
fine) the Trade of the Colonies to the Mother Country, and
to exclude all others, under the Penalty of Confiscation, &c.
from partaking in it. Thus, the Trade of the Spanish
Colonies is confined by Law to Old Spain, — the Trade of
the Brazils to Portugal, — the Trade of Martinico and the
other French Colonies to Old France, — and the Trade of
Curacoe and Surinam to Holland. But in one Instance the
Hollanders make an Exception (perhaps a wise one) viz. in
the Case of Eustatia, which is open to all the World. Now,
that the English thought themselves entitled to the same
Right over their Colonies, which other Nations claim over
theirs, and that they exercised the same Right by making
what Regulations they pleased, may be seen by the following
Acts of Parliament, viz. 12 of Car. II. Chap. 18.— 15 of
Car. II. Ch. 7.— 22 and 23 of C. II. Cli. 26.— 25 of C. II.
1 It is wonderful where the English drew this Notion ! The Americans
know nothing of it. [B. F.]
2 The Protection was mutual. [B. F.]
3 Ever since the Discovery of America [false. B. F.] .
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 87
Ch. 7.— 7 and 8 of Will. III. Ch. 23.— 10 and 11 of W. III.
Ch. 22.— 3 and 4 of Ann. Ch. 5 and 10. 8 of Ann. Ch. 13.
-12 of Ann. Ch. 9.— 1 of G. I. Ch. 26.— 3 of G. I. Ch. 21.
—8 of G. I. Ch. 15 and 18.— 11 of G. I. Chap. 20.— 12 of
G. I. Ch. 5.— 2 of G. H. Ch. 28 and 35.— 3 of G. II. Ch. 28.
—4 of G. II. Ch. 15.— 5 of G. II. Ch. 9.— 6 of G. II. Ch. 13.
—8 of G. II. Ch. 28.— 11 of G. II. Ch. 29.— 12 of G. II.
Ch. 30.— 15 and 16 of G. II. Ch. 33.— With many others
of a later Date. I might also mention the Laws made in
the Reign of his present Majesty; but as these Laws are
now the Point in controversy, I forbear Revival; for the
same Restrictions have been the standing Rules of Gov-
ernment from the Beginning;1 though not enforced at all
Times with equal Strictness. During the late War, you
Americans could not import the Manufactures of other
Nations (which it is your constant Aim to do,2 and the Aim
of the Mother Country always to prevent) so conveniently
as you can in times of Peace : 3 and therefore, there was no
Need of watching you so narrowly, as far as that Branch
of Trade was concerned. But immediately upon the Peace,
the various Manufactures of Europe, particularly those of
France,4 which could not find Yent before, were spread, as
it were, over all your Colonies, to the prodigious Detriment
of your Mother Country.5 And therefore our late Set of
Ministers acted certainly right, in putting in Force the Laws
of their Country ; in order to check this growing Evil. — If
in so doing, they committed any Error ; or, if the Persons
to whom the Execution of these Laws were intrusted, ex-
ceeded their Instructions ; there is no Doubt to be made,
1 Not from the Beginning. Look below at your List of Acts. The
first of them is in the 12 of Cha. II. Threescore years after the Begin-
ning of Settlements in America. [B. F.]
1 An absolute Lie. [B. F.]
3 More conveniently if we had lik'd them. But the Truth is, that
Foreign Manufactures are not to the Taste of the Americans. [B. F.]
* Not a single Manufacture of France, except Brandy if that be one,
every used in America. [B. F.]
6 A vile Lie. [B. F.]
88 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
<%
but that all this will be rectified by the present Administra-
tion. And having done that, they will have done all that in
Reason you can expect from them. But alas ! the Expec-
tations of an American carry him much farther: For he
will ever complain and smuggle, and smuggle and complain,
till all Restraints are removed, and till he can both buy and
sell, whenever, and wheresoever he pleases.1 Any thing
short of this, is still a Grievance, a Badge of Slavery, — an
Usurpation on the natural Rights and Liberties of a free
People, and I know not how many bad Things besides.
But, my good Friend, be assured, that these are Re-
straints, which neither the present, nor any future Ministry
can exempt you from. They are the standing Laws of the
Kingdom ; 2 and God forbid, that we should allow that dis-
pensing Power to our Ministers, which we so justly deny to
our Kings. In short, while you are a Colony, you must be
subordinate to the Mother Country.3 These are the Terms
arid Conditions, on which you were permitted to make your
first Settlements : 4 they are the Terms and Conditions, on
which alone you can be entitled to the Assistance and Pro-
tection of Great Britain ; 5 — they are also the fundamental
Laws of the Realm ; — and I will add farther, that if we are
obliged to pay many Bounties for the Importation of your
Goods, and are excluded from purchasing such Goods, in
other Countries (where we might purchase them on much
cheaper Terms) in order to promote your Interest;6 — by
Parity of Reason you ought to be subject to the like Exclu-
sions, in order to promote ours. This then being the Case ;
do not expect, from the present Ministry that, which is im-
1 Infinitely more Smuggling in England ! Not a Member of Parl*
that has not Smuggled Goods on his Wrists. [B. F.]
2 They are Laws in the Kingdom. [B. F.]
8 To the King only. [B. F.]
* Ignorance. [B. F.]
5 By suffering us to enjoin our Eights, you may expect our Assist-
ance, & not otherwise. [B. F.]
6 Not at all to promote our Interest, but your own. See p. 23, 24,
25. [B. F.]
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 89
possible for any Set of Ministers to grant. All that they
can do, is to connive a while at your unlawful Proceedings.
But this can be but of short Duration : For as soon as ever
fresh Remonstrances are made by the British Manufacturers,
and British Merchants ; the Ministry must renew the Orders
of their Predecessors ; they must inforce the Laws ; they
must require Searches, and Confiscations to be made : And
then the present Ministers will draw upon themselves, for
doing their duty, just the same Execrations, which you now
bestow upon the last.
So much as to your first Grievance. And as to your
Second, it is, beyond Doubt, of a Nature still worse. For
many among you are sorely concerned that they cannot pay
their British Debts with an American Sponge.1 This is an
intolerable Grievance: and they long for the Day, when
they shall be freed from this galling Chain. Our Merchants
in London, Bristol, Liverpool, Glasgow, &c. &c. perfectly
understand your many Hints and Inuendoes to us, on this
Head. But indeed, lest we should be so dull as not to
comprehend your Meaning, you have spoken out, and pro-
posed an open Association against paying your just Debts.2
Had our Debtors in any other Part of the Globe, had the
French or Spaniards proposed the like, (and surely they have
all at least an equal Right,) what Name would you have
given to such Proceedings ? 3 — But I forget : You are not
the faithless French or Spaniards : You are ourselves : You
are honest Englishmen.
Your third Grievance is the Sovereignty of Great Britain.
For you want to be independent : You wish to be an Em-
pire by itself, and to be no longer the Province of another.4
This Spirit is uppermost; and this Principle is visible in
1 Another infamous Lie I [B. F.]
2 Who proposed this, you lying Villain ! [B. F.]
8 Had the French or Spaniards rais'd such a Lie on you, what
Name would you have given them. [B. F.]
4 We were always distinct separate States under the same Soverign.
[B. F.]
90 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
all your Speeches, and all your Writings, even when you
take some Pains to disguise it. " What ! an Island ! A Spot
such as this to command the great and mighty Continent
of Forth America! Preposterous! A Continent, whose
Inhabitants double every five and twenty Years ! Who
therefore, within a Century and an Half will be upwards
of an hundred and twenty Millions of Souls ! — Forbid it
Patriotism, forbid it Politics, that such a great and mighty
Empire as this, should be held in subjection by the paultry
Kingdom of Great Britain ! — Rather let the Seat of Empire
be transferred : And let it be fixt, where it ought to be, viz.
in Great America !" *
1 A Silly Speech Mr Dean has made for us. [B. F.]
(To be continued.)
No. J.
Wadelphjde Zeitung
S A MBS TAG, dor 6 Mey. 1732,
ir *//* tetitfihe Eitimbner der Vwvintz
ACHDEM ich von verfchic-
denen teutfchen Einwohnerh
dicfcs Landes bin crfuchet
worden,eine teutfche Zeitung
usgchen zu laflen, und ihnen daripncn
las vonxehmfte und merckwiirdigfte
ues, fo hicr und in Europa vorfallen
nochtc, zu communiciren ; doeh abcr
iiicrzu viclc muhe, grofle corfefpon-
jtentzundauchUnkoften erfordcrt wer
Jlcn ; Als habc mich entfchlofien, dc-
icn teutfchen zu lieb gegenwlrtiges
Jpccimen davon heraus iu geben, und
hnen dabcy die Conditioner wclchc
othwendig zu der continuation derfel-
en erfordert werdcn,bekcnt zu machen.
Erftiich, miifteii zum wcnigften, urn
ie unkoftcndicdarauflaufFen, gut zu
nachen, 300 ftucks konnen gcdruckc
ind debitiret werdcn, und miifte in je-
er Townfhip dazu ein mann ansge*
nachet werden, welchcr mir wiflen lief-
c,wie vielZeimrigenjedesmahlan thn
niiften gefandt werdcn, und dor fie dan
vciterscinenjeglichcn zuftellen und die
>ezahlung daVor einfordern miifte.
Vor jecje Zeitung mufs jahrlich 10
>hillinge erleget, unddavon allequar-
al ilh. 6d. bezahlet werdcn.
Dagegen verfpreche ich auf meiner
cite, dutch gute Cor.refpondemz die
ch in Holland und England babe alle
eit das merkwiirdigfte uad neuefte fo
a Europa und auch hier pafliret^
wocnc einaiahl, nemlich SormaEends ia
gegenwartiger form ciner Zeitung,
nebit denen fchliFen fo hier abgehen
und ankommcn, und auch das ftdgeW
cxler fallen des Preiflcs dcrQuter, uhd
was fonft fcu wfiea dienlieb
ZAI machen.
Advcrtiflemente oder Bekant
chungen, wclchc man an mich ichickert
mochte, follen das erftc mahJvof .3 fcill*
3 mahl aber vor 5 ihil; hinein gcfetzefc
werden,
Und weit ich nutzlich erachtt did
gantze befchrcibuqg der aufrichtung
dieferprovintz, mit alien derfelbcnprir
vilcgien,,rechten und gdetzen, bej* cr*
mangelung geni^famcr Neuigkeiten?
darincn bekandt zu machen; folte niche
undienlicb feyn, dafs ein jeder, zumaht
wcr kinder hat, dkfe Zeitungen wohl
bewah,re> und am ende des jahres an
einanderhefTte ; zumahlda folchedanti
gleichfam als eine Chronica dienen kon-
nen, die vorigen Gefchrchte daraus za
erfehett) und die folgendc'defto beilec
zu verftehen.
Auch wird anbey zu bedencJccn gc*
gcben, ob es nicht rahtfam ware, fa
jeder groflenTownfliipeinen reitenden
Boten zu beftellen, welcher afle woche
einmahl nach der ftadt reiten und was
ein jeder da zu beftellen hat, mit neh-
men konne
So bald nun -dip obgemeldte at ^.ah!
der Unterichreibcr vorhanden, wclchc?
fo bald als moglich crfuche in Phila-
delphia
r Wafer, odermGer-
nwntown an aniel Mackinct zu ubcr-
fcpdcn, foil die wochentliche continu-
ation erfolgen; bifs dahin bleibe Euer
illcrfeits Dierfwilliger
L. Timothee,
.
DAmit der gencigte Lefer die folgende Zei-
tungen und was darinnen foil g;emeldet wer-
«5cnj befler verftehen m6ge, habe dienlich erach-
tec cinen kurtz.cn hiftorifchen bcricht von denen
gcgcnwartigen conjun&uren in Europa vorab gc-
hcn zu laifeu.
T U H K E Y E N.
In Turkeycn hat fich verwichenes jahr cine
jnerkwuVdige revolution zugetragen ; cin gcrin-
ger menfch, gab vor dafs er cin Prophet ware,
und ein geficht gehabr hatte, dafs weil der kricg
ccgcn den Romifchen Keyfer ib wohl als gegen
Fcrficn fo unglilcklich ausgefailen, man den Sul-
tan abfetzen und einen neuenproclamiren mufte,
ftu welchec fich die Janitfcharen endlich gefu-
£et, das Serrail dberwaltiget, den fohn des ietzt
abgefetztcn Sultans heraus gCiOgen, und procla-
jnirct, und feinen Ohm in feine ftatt ins gefang-
•aifs gefetzt habcn, worauf iich der tumult zwar
<rft etwas geleget, doch aber einige zoic hemach
•vicder ausgebrochen, und durch die zeitige und
^utc voifehung des neuen Sultans und abfetzung
<ies eritenViiiers gcftillet wordea. Man fchreibet
«us fflen vom 12 Dec. Dafs die Turcken eine
Volkommeae Vi£loria ubei diePerfianererhalten,
40000 mann getodtct, und 103 Stftcke gefchuts
lamt allcr Sagage erobert habben.
Auch wird^von Witn unferm *)J#r.< 17^2. ge-
fchricben, dafs fo wohl der Sultan als auch der
grofs Vizier zu <iem Keyferiichen Refidenten in
Conftantinopel ibli gefagt naben, dafs die Pforte
7\var gerne den frkden unterhalten wolte, dafs
«ber das Volck und die imiit/. fo nach krieg ver-
langet mit dencn Cbriften, dafs marifaftgeiU'im-
gen fey ihncn nachzugeben,
i4ir.ffrd.t*n den 22 Feb. Zeitungcn aus Wien
bcrichtcn, <iafs man alda von Conihntinopel vcr-
nomrpscn, dafi die Pforte einen 2,0 jthtigen Waf-
feii-flillftarid wit Pcrfien getrotFen, und dai!s dec
Grofs-Sultan an den K6'n?g von Engelatid ge-
fchusben iabe, dafs im fall Ihre Britannifchc
Mujefta!:.fich dem vornehnsen der Turcken ^rk-
deifety.en niochte, das commerclum mit-Enge-
land foke verboten werdcn. Woraus man math
jnaflev4af$ ftc -.viiicns findgcgeu dk Chrilk
ITALIEN.
E$ ift ichon vor einiger /eit in der Infill Corj
fica, untcrdie Republic Genua gehorig, ein gro*
fct aufftand gefehehen der crft zwar gering fchien
doch nachhcro fchr /ugenommen, und zu einei
ftffentlichen rebellion aur.gefchlagen. Die Ein-
wohner derfelben Inful geben in ihrem Manifefll
vor, dais fie frey gebohrne Leute find und voi
den Genuefern als Sclaven behandeic werdenJ
deswegen fie ehren und pflichts halbcn angcdrun-j
gen waren , diefes unertr^gliche joch von der
Hals zxk werften. Die Genuefer haben daraul)
bey dem Key fer um HulfFe angehalten, wckhei
ihnen auch fchon zu 2 rnahlen Hu'lffs-Troupped
gefbnden , doch haben iie mit allcrihrer machJ
noch nicht -yicl konnen zu wege bringcn. Alad
hat disfals folgende Zeitung.
sfmjlerdam den \i Feb. 1732. Von Baftia wiic!
untcrrn 21. verwichenen monaths berichtet, dafSJ
einige Priefters von Corfica nach Cal vi gekommcnj
alwo 800 tcutfche Trouppen in feeletzung lagenj
und den Gouvcrneur deffelben orts verfichertj
dafs die Einwohner von Calefctana und ColbarJ
nur auf cine gute gelegenheit warteten, fich an
die Republic zu unterwcrffen, und begehretcn
dais einige trouppen mo'chten gefendet werdeoj
in diefen 2 pla'tzen poiTefTion ^u nehmen. Wo!
rauf der Governeur 400 Mann von der Garnifor
dahin abgefendet, welche aber, da fie nahe bcjj
Cale^tana kamen, von einer groflerj jnenge del
Malcontenten die fich da vcrborgen hadden, un-j
verfehens uberfaiien, umgeben und in ftucken pjcj
hauen worden, ansgenommen 80 die das Gliiclj
hatten iich mir der flucht zu falviren.
DEUTSCHLAND.
ImErti-StifFt Salt^burg hat man einige zeit hJ
angefangen die Protcftanten auf das hefFtigfte zn
verfolgen, die fie fich dann dariiber an verfchiel
denen protcitantiichen HSften beklaget docH
noch itur zeit damit nichts gewinnen konncnl
und wird deswegen folgerides berichtet :
Regetubitrg den 10. Sept, Die letttc BricfFI
von Sah'Sburg bringen mit, dafs alcia eine Coml
mifllon ift berahmet wordcn, die hefchvTehranl
gen dei Proteftanten zu tmtcifuclien. Aus eincji;
an die CommifTurien €bergel>enen Regiucr erhcj
let^ dafs die anzah! dtrer*ib fich zur proteilanta
Ichen Religion bekennen, fich auf 17800. per fa
r,cn crftrccket. Ihr begchren ift> dafs man snneJ
erlauben ibile ihren Gottc.-dienft in der ftille zi
haken, <iie Bfichei ra Icfen weiche davon ban!
delrjs and fie nicht zwingen in die RdmifdJ
Kirchea zu |jehen. Doch die Clerifey fetzet iicl
febr gegen diefe puncten,
^ Von Miinchen v/ird gefchrieben, dafs herein!
einige Beyerifche Regimenre nach den graatzeiH
you Salubuig im aarnanch begiifii-ri. wdche/lcl
Ml
f Ida iu 6'coo. K ayferltchen, und 4000, Reichs-
, tiouppen ftfgen, und denen Proreftanten, die die
WaHen ergriflfch haben, wiederftand thua fallen.
^Ue die Hauler fo auf den Baftionen der Sradr
Salrzburg getarxkn, find bifs auf deugrund de-
; moiiiefc* und den?n Malcontenren aller pals nach
j Infpruck acid Lentfc abgefchnitten.
Von Saitibarg hat man, dais den 2 2. October
550 Dragonew von des Printfcen Eugcnii Regi-
ment 22.geiangene dahin gebracht habcn in drey
i Wagens, welche der Bilchoft" vor feinem Pallaft
! Mirabel hat (ehenvorbey paffiren; und dafs 100
,5altsburger Soldaten nach dem Gcbdrge gefchi-
;cket die andereii zu verftsircken, weil die Rebel-
ilen drohcn, Priefter und Ambtleute tod zufchla-
gen, im fall diefe Gefangene nicht wieder ?<u-
ruck gefendet werden : Auch werden den 24.
noch 800 Mann von Oeftereich erwartet, weiche
ifich zu denen 200. die 4 tage iuvor angekom-
men, fflgen follen.
Auch wird von Wien berichtet, dafs oachdem
die Keyferlichen Regimenter von Jorger, Ait-
iDaun und Wurmbrand auf den (Jrantae
rantaen des
lEitxbilsthurns angekommen, die in dem Gebiir-
;ge Hch suf hakende Rebellen z-iemiich ftille wor*
den, und nur bisweilen Bittfchreiben eiugeben ,
; worinncn fie fich uber die unertr^glich« Taxen
(befchwehren, und Freyheit crfuchen aus dem
, lande zu gehen , welches ihnen aber von denen
( Dragonern des Printz Eugenii, die von Lentz bifs
.auf das Salt^burgifche Territorium gepoftiret
fe y n , ge weh ret wird.
Rejrensbur%fa\* 20* Dscemb. Am 15. diefcs mo-
naths hielten die Evangeliichen StSndc cine Con-
feienz, worinnen der Chur-Sachfifche Gefandte
,cinen Entwurf lals cines Memorials an den Mi-
i oifter von Saltsburg, den freyen abzug der ge-
dachten Proteftanten aus dem Ertfftittt betref-
fendet welches gucgefunden und befchloifeii wur-
de cs gedachten Nlinifter ZM libergeben. DieE-
vangelifchen StSnde haben ein Memorial von ci-
.iaem gewiflcn Saltiburger, tiahmens MeydSf em-
pfangen, diefes innhalts: Dais felbiojer, nach-
dem erfich von di rctiriict, und wieder zur&ck
gegangen fcine Verwandtcn lu bciuchen, zu
jKufitcin im Tyroliichen aireltner, mit ftiicken
gebunden und uach Salts:burg gebj-acht worden ,
Soch hcmachmals wieder loft gebffwnj mit be-
, fehl fich fa gleich fort zu packcn and weder fein
Weib ucd Kinder, noca et was von (einen G^-
,tcrn mit au nehmen , und im fall er wicder k2-
me, fbhe ev auf die Gaiercn gebracht werden.
Auch lauffet cia Geuiclu, da£ etliche handere
> Proteftanten unter eiuer Efcorte Soldaten auf die
Beyerifche Gramsen find gebracht worden, well
, ihnen aber von denen fkyern dei eingang in ihr
l-wid ift gcweigcrr* imd der pafi ubcrall verwch-
ret worden, haben fie 5 wochcn iang auf det
Landftraffe fich aufhahen, und acht tage und
nachte unter dem freyen Hinunel vie das Vteh
liegen mfifleu, bifs fie cndlkh eriaobnis bekom-
men habcn, nach Tyrol zu gehen.
Augsburg, den 26. Jan. Es wird uberirtupt
angemercket, dais die auHuhrungdcrSaltzhurgi-
fchen Proteftanten in ihremthun und wefenfehr
dberexn kommt mit dem Lcbcn der erilea Chn-
ften, unter den HeydnKchen Keyfera, zu zeiten
der Apoftcl. Einige unter ihnen haben cin Lied
oder Pfalm gemacht auf dem wege da fie ihr
Land verlaJfen muftent und fungen es tis ihrem
und ihrer GcfeiHchafit u oft ; cs lautet in xhrcr
SprachcaUb:
I. Icb bin ein arr/ter Extilavt ;
-Acb ! So tbu ich mtebjcbreibcn^
Man tbtit wKbaurdcmVaUrlatid^
Umb Gottes Won vtrtreibtn.
a. Das wsifs f
Es ift dtr aucbfo ga
yctzf wiU icb dtin Nacbfolg erfiyt?9
Herr^ macbs nacb dem
3. Ein Pilgrim bin icb bait
Mafs rctfivfrcmbdcjtrjffin}
Das bin icb dicb, mem Gott und Birr,
Dti witft wicb uicbt verlaffen.
4. Den Glauben bab icb frey beksmit>
Das darfficb iiiicb nicbl fibamei^
Waun man wicbgltich em Kerzer uexnt*
Und that mir$ leben nebmen.
5. Kelt en und Band war mirmein Ebr,
I] in yefus will en ztt did den ,
Und diefss tnacbt die Glattbens-tebr,
Und nicbt mem bSs vtrftbttlden*
<J. Mftfs icbgieicbfort^in Gottcs Nttbm%
So weifs icbfchon die Himmeh Krobn
Werd icb ein mabl be kommen.
7. So tnafs icb lent vox meinen Hartft
Di* &»*«n\m>ifsicb!aff^
Das wcuHgc 5 J M
Mein Gott^ es treibt wir zabren
Zit wavdercx frembde Straj/in>
8. Mein Gott fxbr mcb in etmn
W<* icb dein ffort kan balm*
Datm Mill icb micb ftubcyi/id ffatb
Iu meitteM bsrtzcn labcu.
V. Soil icb in diefem Jamnunbal
Nocb f anger in armutb lebev.
So bofficb docby Got* wird mir dorr
Em beflere Wobuung geben
GROSS BR1TT ANIEN.
Nachdem die Friedcnsund Kiiegs-afFairen in
Europe cine geraumc zcit her auf cinen fcfcr
wanckelbahrcn fufs geftanden, und man einige
Jahrc allexeit in den waf&n ftehcnd dcnen Fri*-
cienr-handlungen obgclcgen, fo hat doch cndlich
qcrKonig von Giof? Buttanien, durch dca ihm
beywohncnden Eiffer das befte feine/ Umertha-
ncn t\i bevotderen , die letxte hand ans we*ck
gcfchlagcn, und dutch cincii Tia&aat , wekheu
cr den id'. Mertz verwichenen Jahies zu Wien
rait dem Kcyfcr gemachcr, 4en Mriederf und die
Runc^n Europa befcftiget-; Z,u diefem Tra&aafc
ift Spanien-tmd Holland, aueh gdtreten-: Franc jt-
fj^ch allein lebeinet dariiber (ehir unverentfgt ?,u
fcyYi. Und ««il der JCeyfet und Engeland (idk
darinnen verpfiichret den Infant von Spanieri Dor.
Carlof, fls Erb-prin^ tier Hertiogthflmer ToT-
cana-cid Parma mit 6000 Maim Spanifchc TMU-
fco inltalicn eiewftihrca; foha; diefem zufol-
gc dcr K(5nig von Engcland cine ECquader uti-
ter dem Admiral Wager narh Baftelpna gcfchi-
-6ctf fich alda TU dcr Sjranifchen Fl6tte zu fflU
gen und die 6000. ^Spame*s nach Livorno zu
n-aiffpfirtirent wctehe IntfQdu&ion auch.gliick-
hch vo< fich gegahgen, und anlals gcgeben zU
ctacr Anr«de des K^mgs am 13. Jan. an die tcy-
•rfe Hlaftr dcs Parloments, welche' wir wegen en-
gc des raums aufeine andeie Geicgcnheit verfpa*
/en wollcn.
1 Lender, den 19. Jtx. Vcrwkhenen Mtttwoch a-
bends um 9 uhr, gab der Graff* Bothmar , eriter
Mimfter der Hajjnovenfchcn aiFairen, in feinem
Hauf? in S. James Park, nach ciner lang gewKhr-
«cn unpaiisHcljkeit, dcr 2/eirlichkcit guce aacht,
Er hat dber zo . Jahr in Engeland gewohnct.
SeirrLeichnam foU<t bnllhmiret, nach Hannover
gcbracht und bey. feincnVoreltern-^ur Erdenbe-
ihttet wciden.
Zow^den.;. Feb. -In c'mem Schreiben von
Barcelona wird gcmcldet, dafs vor 2 Tageti an
die daiigen Intendamer ordrc gckommcn, cine
Armec vor) ;ooco. M un ferb'g tu halren, und
puthjge'anftahrca rhachen, dafs felbige den ^5.
Merii ntfbft alter data gchiii^cn ArtHlerie Irfin-
'iic eingclchiffct werdcn dcx:h weifs noch nie-
woraufdictesmochte angefdien feyn.
PHILADELPHIA. 6, Mey.
Von Martha's Vineyard hat man, dafs die vot i|
einiger teit allda angekommene Pfaltwr, wcl-
che auf ihrer langen reife von Rotterdam fo ubd il
find behandett worden, mit Capitain Loyd ace I
coxdiret habcn fit hiehcr tu ftihren., \md werdenJ
nunmehro tfglich crwactct.
- VonEngcTand wild befcftiget, dafs dcr Pro- 1
prietor -dielen Frdhliog noch hier ankommen wctt i
de, auch dafs er alsdanA^fbtgcods dem Ver- 1
gleich mir My lord Baltimore gefroifea, die Linic
lauffcb laiten wolle.
Am vcTwichenen Sonnrag nachmittape untet -1
wahrcndem Gottesdienft cmftund hier eio hefitU
gcr bwntl in Mr Badcocks Bwdrhaufc. Einje»l
dec lief eilends aus der Kirchen, und rand fich
eine gioife menge Vokks bey dem Eeucr, doch I
konte das Geb& nicht errerter werden, Wenol
ts des nachts auscebiochcn.odcr das Waifer nicht
eben hoch in dem eraben gewcfen wSre; foltcjj
ein viel gr&Tetcr ichadc daraos Isaben ko'npen '
CMtftehen, weii tlio Flamme ichon vetfchcidcdd
anderc HSufer ergriffen. Die Brandfpru'fzen tha-^
ten bey dicfer Gelegwihcit groflfe dicnfte, und j*|
derman -war willig %u helffen, dergcitak, dais danj
Wohnhauf$ noch , w icwohl nicht oh o e ich*den,
ift ertettct worden,
VeigangeneWoGhe hat es fich bcg«ben,da&eJty
i^e Fratt> wclche einige wit savor fehr melancho-
ifiTch gcwefcn, in einem Sloop das Rivier hinab
gefahren, und die Gelegenheit wahrgcnommen,
wcnnniemand in der Qbins^war, eine Flintegc-i
nommen und an den fpringet dcsHahnsein ft rick
gebunden, das Miindloch imter dk Bruft |eftc^|
let und fich alfb ferbft-erfchoflen, dafs det Schull
linten ncben der Schuher heriu5 gangen, und Mi
wenige ftunden hertiach daran gettorben.
Hier fwd nattfolgetiJe Schifft ehtgelauffen.
Brig. Warren, Tho Ratnfty? von Dublin.
Snow Lovely Haonah, JWiIcocks,von
Sloop Dove, John Rice, von South Carolina*
Sloop Johns , Ahr Hayes, 'von North Carolina
Ship Diamond, Will. Donaldfbn, von Briftol. |
Snow Mary Ann, Lab Pearce, vonbv Chriftophcx
Preifs founder G&tet. Weit«en der Bufchcl a
ichill. 6- pence. Fein Mehl, der Centner 8 fch
Mittel Brod 12. fch. gemengt, 10. fbh, braun
9 If h. Rum, ein Gallon 2. fch. 4. p. Melaffe'i
1 5. p.
B E KE NT M A C H U N G.
rother Kleber-Saamcn vor WAjj
Ikhen preifszttbekommen bey George Fitzwater
> Ph/ladelphia.
Gedruckt bey B. Franklin in dcr Marck-ftrafs, we
^-citungen zu bekommen und Bckandtnvachungcn M b ftcllcn
Philadelphische Zeitung. 91
PHILADELPHISCHE ZEITUNG:
THE FIRST GERMAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED IN AMERICA.
In the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE for October, 1900, we
gave a fac-simile of the second number of the Philadelphische
Zeitung, published by Franklin, — the first newspaper printed
in the German language in America, — and we now take
pleasure in reproducing in fac-simile the first number, issued
on May 6, 1732.
The editor, Louis Timothee, announces " An alle teutsche
Einwohner der Provintz Pennsylvanien;" that at the solici-
tation of many Germans it had been determined to publish
a German newspaper to contain the most important and
reliable items of local and foreign news, shipping news, and
reports of the markets. In the event of a lack of news at
any time, a history of the founding of the Province and its
laws would be printed.
To insure success to the enterprise three hundred copies
should be printed and sold, and to accomplish this, agents or
canvassers should be appointed in every township. Caspar
Wistar, in Philadelphia, or Daniel Mackinet, in Germantown,
will receive subscriptions.
The enterprise, for lack of support, proved unsuccessful ;
for when the second number was issued, June 24, 1732, it
was announced that under fifty subscriptions had been se-
cured. As number one was issued as a specimen copy, at-
tention is directed to the difference in type and arrangement
of the title and imprint with that of number two ; otherwise
the make-up is the same.
92 Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784.
LIST OF PATIENTS ADMITTED TO AND DISCHARGED
FROM THE MARINE HOSPITAL, PHILADELPHIA,
1784.
TRANSCRIBED FROM THE ORIGINAL AT HARRISBURG, PENNSYLVANIA,
BY LUTHER R. KELKER.
List of People received into the Marine Hospital out of
Sundry Vessels in the year 1784.
Ship Queen of France.
Barnard Maleen, died July 4.
Brig Frances.
Catherine Moore, cured and discharged.
Ann McFadden, " «
Eliz. Osburne, " "
Eobt. King, " «
Eleanor McQuire " "
Jno. McKoble, " «
Thos Connelly, « «
Owen Boat, " "
Dan1 Fitzgerald, " «
Wm Fallen, «
Hector Dalton, " "
Jno. M°Cabe, " "
Miles Neal, died May 9.
Ship Etruria.
Anastia Pocowick, cured and discharged.
Christian Calabria, " «
Brig Jane.
Tho8 Mahool, cured and discharged.
Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784. 93
Ship Providence.
Eleanor Haley, cured and discharged.
Jno. Trainer, " «
Morris Conner, " «
Dan1 Murphy, " "
James Baltor, " "
Wm Ailton, « «
Jno. Barry, " «
Jno. Lynch, " «
Ed. Moore, " "
Denis Driget, " "
Mary Moore, " "
Eichd Welsh, «
Eob* Allen, «
Tho8 Coleston, « «
Jno. Sparin, " "
Humphrey Cohoon, " "
Andrew Cantler, " "
Wm Byron, « «
Eleanor Henesy, " "
Jno. Collier, " «
James Welsh, " "
Denis Hollard, " "
James Stapleton, " "
Peter Talbot, « «
John Calm, " "
Margaret Smith, " "
John Emerson, " "
Jeremiah Lynch, " "
Wm Pikleston, " «
Daniel Murphy, " "
Morris Conner, u "
William Ware, " "
Geo. Buckstone, " "
Eichard Welsh, « «
Jno. Dougherty, " "
Eliz. Ailton, " "
,
94 Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784.
Mary Leeson, cured and discharged.
Denis Hollard, "
William Storr, "
Geo. Buckstone, " "
William Moon, died June 10.
Schooner Polly.
Philip Prosser, died July 9.
Ship Sally.
Jno. Anderson, died July 19.
Ship Hankey.
Chas. Newman, cured and discharged.
James Butler, u "
Wm Halfpenny, "
Benj. Summerfield, " "
Jno. Galvin, " "
Pat. Reily, " "
Eichd Ruton, " "
Sam1 Bennet, " "
Martin Tully, « «
Jno. Hackett, " "
Wm McMahon, "
Jno. Summers, " "
Jno. Murphy, " "
Cubbin Kenam, u "
James Butler, " "
Jno. Sutton, " "
Henry Harris, " "
Ann Morris, u "
Mary Ennis, u "
Margaret Kenam, " "
James Quigley, u "
James Day, " «
Jno. Shanks, " "
Pat. Shannon, " «
Pat. Reily, » «
Jno. Welsh, " «
Flary Kenam, " «
Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784. 95
Robt. Beatty, cured and discharged.
Jno. Belgar, " "
Wm McMahoon, " «
"Wm Halfpenny, " "
Cameron, " "
Jno. Day, " «
Pat. Shannon, " «
Jno. Belgar, " «
Wm McMahoon, ". «
N. Kirkpatrick, died July 23rd.
Schooner Experiment.
Andrew Thunder, died September 7th.
Brig1 William.
Hugh Karney, cured and discharged.
James Fewal, " "
William Branson, " "
"William Young, " «
Tho8 Lodin, « «
Francis Barriett, " "
William Carr, " "
Daniel Contry, " «
Sarah McGomery, " "
Eliz. Finley, " «
James Kenny, " "
Mary Murphy, " "
Mary McClaine, " «
Mary McKenny, " "
Sarah Sale, " "
Francis Richmond, " "
Catherine Murray, " "
Rose Graham, " "
Edward Shields, " "
Pat. Hicky,
Pat. Boylen,
Pat. McHan, " "
Pat. Kelly,
Pat. Todd,
« "
« «
"
»
96 Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784.
Mack Pews, cured and discharged.
Owen Brady, " "
Jno. Rheagen, " "
Richard Kennedy, " "
Robert Johnston, " "
John Forsyth, «
Barney Connel, " "
Thomas Whagen, " "
Pat. Byrnes,
Feliz Fitzsimons, " "
Barney Cameron, " "
James McGanty, " "
Daniel Hogan, " "
Thomas London, " "
Barclay Murphy, " "
Isabell Connelly, " "
Isabell Evans, " "
Ann Morrison, " "
Jno. Burnside, " "
Pat. Moore, " "
Peter Cain, " "
Jno. Caming, " «
Els Donokony, " «
Cohburn McKin, " «
Peter Kelly, «
Robt. Johnston, " «
William Youn^, " «
O /
Margaret White, " «
Francis Richmond, " «
William Carr, " «
Brig1 Fame.
Barnett S\^ler, cured and discharged.
Jno. Tunks, " «
James Ellis, " «
William Brown, " «
Brig. P. A. [torn] .
Charles, a Negro, cured and discharged.
Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784.. 97
Ship Faithful Steward.
Charles Barr, cured.
Ship Three Brothers.
Mary Bell, cured.
Jane Carlisle, "
Robt. Gilber, «
Connelly Leeper, "
Arthur Crahen, "
Martha Henry, «
Chris. Buchanan, "
Buchanan, "
Jno. Buchanan, "
James Buchanan, "
Buchanan, "
Angus Moore, "
Daniel G-allaher, «
Ship Congress.
James Halfpenny, cured and discharged.
Susannah Murphy, " "
James Southerland, " «
James Ross, « «
Jane Coddin, " «
William McGee, " «
James Campbell, " «
Agnes Smith, " "
Samuel Smith, " "
Eliza Kagg, " «
Felix Kirk, « «
Martha Todd, « «
Eleanor Browne, " "
Hugh Dormis, " "
William Hockey, " «
Mary Waddle, " "
Jno. Fletcher, " "
Thomas Sherrin, " "
Jos. Farney, " «
Sarah Arthur, " "
VOL. xxvi. — 7
98 Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784..
Pheley Keith, cured and discharged.
Thomas Keith,
Francis Ethirington, "
Martha Campbell, "
Ann Morton,
Ann Widney,
Henry Lylly,
Jno. McElroy,
Charles Widney, "
John Phillips,
Pat. Mackey, "
Edward Sweeney, " "
John Magee, "
Sarah Smith,
Robert Grayson, " "
Robert Grimes, "
James McMullen, " "
Oliver O'Hara, "
James Carr, " "
Pat. Kean,
John Morrow, " "
Joseph McGallagier, " "
Pat. Williams, "
William Stewart, " "
John Spence, " "
John McGuire, " "
William Stewart, " "
Margaret Stewart, " "
Barney McCarney, " "
William Dempsey, " "
Jno. McGuire, " "
Malcolm McKain, " "
Mary McCroskin, " "
James McMullen, " "
John Collins, " "
John Hawthorn, " "
James McKeal, " "
Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784. 99
James Gallagher, cured and discharged.
Samuel Steele, " "
Thomas Eakler, " «
Charles Dougherty, " «
John McGuire, " «
Barney McCarney, " «
Dennis Dougherty, " "
James McLaughlin, " «
Pelick London, " «
John H [awkins ?] , " «
Pat. Landon, " « •
James McLaughlin, " «
Francis Moore, died.
Isaac Vincent, "
and three children, "
Ship Hope.
John E-odgers, cured.
Thomas Carborough, "
James "Watson, "
Edward Hart, "
Eliz. McEntire, «
Margaret Jones, "
Horatia Garnett, "
John Sprat, "
Neal M°Daniel, "
Pat. McGaggen, "
Michael McDiff, «
Eliz. Smith, «
Edward Hollywood, "
Thomas Templeton, "
Henry Harding, "
Ann Murphy, "
John Eodgers, died Sept. 25.
JSTegro man, died Oct. 6.
John Campbell, died.
Ship Gehemraaden.
Margaret Shields and child,
100 Patients in the Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784-.
Henry Gordon,
Peter Wathoner,
John Keyer,
Martin Myrnick,
Francis Sevin,
Paul Keblett,
Michael Shea,
John Conoch,
Albright Medasser, died Oct. 24.
Mr. Nicholas Fitzsimmons, the Steward of the Hospital,
diedJJune 4th.
Cured and discharged, 260
Died, 16
276 Total.
JOHN JONES,
Health Officer.
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 101
MEMOIES OF BBIGADIEK-GENEKAL JOHN LACEY,
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
(Continued from Vol. XXV. page 515.)
Gen1 Washington having collected his scattered Troops
made a Dash on the Enemy at Trenton, after the Capture
of the Hessions there, and giving Gen1 How the slip, the
detail of which Manuvre is already before the Public, by
this masterly stroke the Enemy was made to retire from
the Banks of the Delaware, and remained quiet at Bruns-
wick in the State of New Jersey untill the opening of the
Campaign the insuing summer. On his leaving our Neigh-
bourhood the tranquility and fearfull apprehentions of the
People were allayed ; but I soon discovered a radical change
had taken place in the Political sentiments of my Neigh-
bours and acquaintances, during my Absence. A sullen
vindictive and malignant spirit seme to have taken hold of a
large portion of the People in this County, whose Hostility to
the Revolution was too apparent not to be noticed, and semed
only waiting a good opertunity to brake forth openly in fa-
vour of England, and against their own Country — Threats
and meanances where used by them, when in Company of
those they dare to use them. Happy for the Whigs, how-
ever, the Tories were a set of Paltroons and Cowards, afraid
Openly to espouse their Cause, and declare themselves.
While the Whigs on the other hand acted Openly, avowed
their intentions, and determination to live free & Indepen-
dent or die gloriously in the struggle fighting for their
Country. The Tories sneekingly continued to Act under
Cover, giving secret information, when ever they could to
the British, rediculing the American Officers, and using
every means they could invent to discourage the Whigs —
and disswaid them from joining the American army — or
102 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
Militia In Bucks County it was hard to say which party
was the most numerous — a great part of the disaffected
were persons Who made a Plea of Consience in refusing
to bear arms — this was a deadly blow to the Party — & this
cause more than any other gave a strong preponderance in
favour of the Revolution, untill the active and unseasing
persiveriance of the Whigs, carryed all before them and
bore down all opposition by their sturdyness and firm persi-
verance in favour of the Revolution. The change of Pol-
liticks, and principles, when I left the country with my
company, all was peace and harmony among the People in
the neighbourhood on my return they appeared all hostile
to each other, Whig & Tory in a state little better than
open Enemies, they were Worse, especially the Tories, for
they were secretly doing the Wigs all the harm they could
possibly do — Traducing, villifying and in all ways and
means committing hidden acts to weaken the americans
cause, and applauding the British, representing the Power
of Great Britton to be Omnipotent — and that it was the
highth of madness & folly to oppose her, thus throwing
every Clog in the Way that lay in their power. I almost
begun to doubt whither I had not mistaken my Native
Country, for that of an Enemies — The Hostility of the
Tories was so great to Indipendance, that nothing but
cowardice alone prevented their Taking up arms and openly
declaring themselves in favour of and joining the British
Army. They actually did every thing they dare do, by en-
couraging the youth to go over and join the British, and
Actually did send many to them. The Legislature under
the New Constitution were Sitting in Philada — and were
progressing in Acts to Organize the Government — They had
a New Militia Law to make, which they passed on the 17th
of March A.D. 1777. It was requisite the People should
be Armed, organized and put in readiness as soon as possi-
ble to be ready to oppose the progress of the Enemy the
Next Campaign, Who it was expected, would make great
efforts to overrun the Country and take possession of Philad*
Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. 103
—It was highly important this Act should go into operation
immediately. I was applyed to by my Uncle Wilkinson one
of the Members of Assembly from Bucks County, to Ac-
cept the Commission of sub Lieutenant for the County
In order to fasilitate the operation of this Law — The Leg-
islature had provided in it — the establishment of a kind
of Civil and Military Trybunal under officers called — L*
Lieutenant — and Sub Lieutenants in each County — With the
of Colo1 and Lieu* Colonels — Who were to hold Courts
to Class and district the Millitia and to organize them into
Regiments and Companies, hold the Elections for Officers —
and to call out the Classes, find Substitutes in place of De-
linquents— To assess or cause the Assessments on Delin-
quents to be collected and paid into the State Treasury— with
other extensive Powers enumerated in the Law. I agreed
to Accept the appointment. Joseph Kirkbride Esq one of
the members of Assembly from this county was appointed
the Lieut — John Gill, myself — Sam1 Smith and Andrew
Keichline were chosen the sub Lieut8 — My Commission
dated 22 Day of March 1777. We were summoned to
meet by the Lieut Colo1 Kirkbride at New Town to enter upon
the Functions of our Office. Having seen some service and
knowing More of Military matters than any of my brethren
in office. I became a very active and useful Member. We
immediately commenced in our duty — Appointed persons in
each Township in the County to take the names of all Male
White inhabitants between the Ages of Eighteen and fifty
three, with orders to make returns to us on a sertain Day
named in their order to which time we adjoined; The
Persons so employed being urged to make all possible dis-
patch, executed their orders, with punctual exactness, when
we proceeded to divide the County into five Districts — allot-
ing each districts to Compose one Regimt — each Regiment to
be commanded by One Colo. Lieut Col and one Major. To
be divided into Eight Companies each Company to be com-
manded by One Capt one Lieut — and one Ensign — Elections
were held and the officers Chosen, with such Hasitity that
104 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
on my being sent with the returns of the Names of the
Officers Chosen, to the Executive Council in Philad* I was
Complimented by them on being the First of the Counties
who had made returns of their Elections of Officers. John
Armstrong Esqr of Cumberland County was Appointed by
the Executive Council a Major Gen1 he had been a Colo1
last French and Indian War where he served with Reputa-
tion, he was now an Old Man, but stood high as a Friend to
the Independence and Liberty of his Country, and in private
life of unblemished Character. John Cadwallader Sam1
Merridith and James Potter Esqrs were appointed Brigadier
Gen? — These were doubtless all good appointments, except-
ing Merridith Who was quite an unmilitary Character his
declining to accept the appointment was no detriment to the
service — Cadwallader's rejection was seriously to be re-
gretted, he was an Active, enterprising and spirited Man ;
but unfortunately these two Men had leaged themselves with
the party hostile to the New Constitution, determined to
oppose all measures used to carry it into operation — Their
enmity to it was so great, they intirely overlooked the fatal
effects their opposition might produce in distroying the
general Cause of Independence, by their disorganization,
and imbarisment, they would give the Goverment very un-
wisely Judging this to be the proper time to reform, the
Constitution, while the Enemy was at our Gates — indeed
Among us, within Our Doors, for we had a formadable
Enemy in the numerous Tories in the City and Philada and
Bucks Counties who ketched at this opposition, and fand
the Flame they had seen so Auspiciously began Among the
Wigs themselves as they conceived, and which they hailed
as a happy Omen of their sertain tryumph and victory.—
Many of the First Characters in the State, out of a dislike
of some of the Sections of this Constitution, on account of
giving too Much Power to the Legislature, it having but one
Branch, and on the whole being too loose and Democratic—
exhited a most formadable opposition by those who called
themselves the Nobility and better sort of the People.
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 105
The Militia of the District in which I lived chose me
Lieut Colo1 which I Accepted — this appointment not inter-
fering with my other Commission as Sub Lieut. I con-
tinued to act in both capasities — The Commission of Lieut
Colo1 was dated the sixth day of May 1777 — several drafts
were made from the Militia to join the Main Army under
Genl Washington to oppose the Enemy who had landed at
the Head of Elk in the State of Maryland and were ad-
vancing through the State of Dalaware arrived at the
Brandawine — Where a decisive engagement of the two
armies obliged Genl Washington to retire with his flying
Troops to the East Bank of the Schoolkill — The enemy
following — crossed the schoolkill and entered the City of
Philada without farther opposition, — Genl Washington hav-
ing taken a strong position in the upper end of Philada
County made no effort to stop the advance of the Enemy
to the City — Genl Howe having placed a part of his Troops
on the Hights of Germantown a village about 5 Miles from
the City. Genl Washington conceiving this a favourable
object put his troops in Motion and made a vigerous attack
on the Enemy who were unapprised of his movements untill
their Sentries hailed the advanced Colloms of our Troops —
WTio rushed forward drove the Enemy on all Quarters and
took possession of their Camp — this would have been a de-
cisive day in favour of america — had not the american
Troops halted to dislodge a few of the Enemy who had
taken shelter in a large stone House belonging to Benj
Chew — which so retarded their progress the Enemy had
time to Eally and being supported by fresh Troops from the
City — The American army were stoped in their persuit —
broaken parties coming up in persuit of the flying Enemy
to the new formed line of the British troops were unable to
force them a second time, had to fall back, the Enemy
taking advantage of their disorder advanced— the American
Troops not being able to form were pushed back in turn,
the Gen1 finding the Day lost ordered a retreat which was
done in Tollorable order — thus ended an affare that on the
,
106 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
onset promised so fair and which we had every assurance to
believe, had it not been for the stoppage at Chews House
would have been a Compleat victory ; but he that holds the
distinies of Battles and events in his own hands, had decreed
it should be otherwise. After this the Enemy retired to the
City and Genl Washington encamped in a very advantagaus
position on the Hights of White Marsh. Altho I had no
Command at this time I was with the Militia in the above
affare — They were posted on the right of the American
Army with orders to turn the Enemies left — before they
came to the place alloted them the Enemy were gone, and
their New line was formed so far to the left I saw their was
little likelyhood of their coming into contact with them.
I rode forward to where the Main Army was engaged and
had an opertunity of seeing the manner in which the affare
was conducted — We had full possession of the Enemies
Camp which was on fire in many places Dead and Wounded
Men laying strewed about on all Quarters — When the Order
for Retreat came the American Troops were in much dis-
order those in front who had been driven back by the
Enemy falling on those in the Rear increased the Confusion,
It was impossible to form Troops in such order as to oppose
the advancing Enemy a general retreat was inevitably neces-
sary to save the American Army from a general rout.
The affare of Chews House, was not, in my mind, the
only cause for the loss of this Battle, their were others equally
important. Genl Greens Division composing the left wing
of the Armey, was either led astray by their Guide, or mis-
took their way, wandered so far to the left, they never came
into the action — the right wing composed of the Pennsy*
Militia of about four thousand — in like manner being so far
to the right, neither of which, I have ever been able to learn
saw the Enemy that Day. Had they equally acted their
part with that of the Senter, commanded in person by Genl
Washington and pushed the Enemies flanks with spirit and
alairity, as they ought to have done — they must have been
prevented of forming a second line, as they did without
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 107
opposition, and after rallying having none to contend with
but the senter Division of the American Armey and only
part of that, the other having halted at Chews House — Those
who did advance in persuit of the flying enemy being broken
and out of Order, were unable to make any impression on
the Enemy, thus drawn up in Order, soon gave way — The
fate of the Day so favourable to the American Arms on
the onset instantly changed sides. Genl Washington per-
sieving the Day lost, gave a general order for retreat. —
The time of the Militia from Bucks County was up the
last of Oct. Others were Ordered by the Executive Council
to be ready to releave them. They were required by the
Lieutenants to rendesvous at New Town — their not being a
Collo18 Command, and altho, it was not my Toor according
to rotation, the Lieut Cornal whose duty it was to go, con-
sented for me to take his place. Having collected the Men
principly substitutes between three or four Hundred, left
New Town and joined Genl Potter's Brigade at White
Marsh the begining of the Month of November, not long
after Our arrival the British Armey advanced from the City
and took post on Chestnut Hill, the two Armies being in
sight of each other : frequent reincountres insued between
the advanced Parties, in one of which Genl. Ervine Com-
manding a Brigade of the Pennsya Militia was Wounded
and taken prisoner — my regiment was in several of those
combats — in attacking and driving in the Enemies Picquets,
who being reinforced, we were driven in turn, thus alter-
nately advancing and retreating schrimminsing was kep up
for several Days, a general engagement was daily expected.
The Enemy after reconitering, and examining the Ameri-
can Armey, finding them so strong and well posted declined
the Combat and retired to the City. After which Genl
Potters Brigade was ordered to take post on the West side
of the schoolkill we passed over at a Ford a few miles
below the Sweeds Ford and encamped about three Miles
from the Gulf Mills on the Main Road leading from thence
to Philada. Next morning the Day of about
108 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
day brake we were alarmed by Colo1 Edward Heston that
the British were advancing up the Gulf Road — My Regi-
ment was posted with its right to the Main road, on an
Ememance, two other regiments, one on my left the Other
on the right the remainder of the Brigade was drawn
off by Gen1 Potter and posted on a hight about half a
mile in our rear, to cover our retreat, on the Enemies ap-
pearance, about two Hundred Yards in Our Front I ordered
my men to commence firing, which was continued for three
rounds, when the Enemy opened a Battery of Cannon with
a discharge of small arms we however stood our ground,
the men not offering to give Way untill I saw the Enemy
advancing on Our Flanks both the Regiments to my left as
well as on my right gave way and retired on the first Fire,
left us exposed on both fianks, I ordered a retreat — three
or four Men were cut down by the fire of the Enemy whose
Bodies left — we retired into a Hollow — observing the Can-
non Balls fired by the Enemy pass over our Heads cutting
the Tops of the trees and striking the rising ground in our
front — the ground on which we were first formed and for
some distance back being Woods — I ordered the Men to
Halt a few Moments untill the Enemy seased firing — when
we passed the line formed in Our Rear by Gen1 Potter and
took post a few Hundred yards in their rear to cover their
retreat. The Enemy were soon up to the second line which
stood but one fire before they broak and fell back upon us.
I tryed, as well as Potter and many of the other officers to
rally them but in vain— the Enemy advancing we gave them
a fire or two when a Genl. rout insued — every one making
the best of his way — many of the men threw away their
guns, that they might be less cumbered in running — I was
among the Rear, and having in attempting to rally the Men
got some distance from the Road— came to a fence which I
got my Horse over without much difficulty; but on coming
to a second fence after passing over a field, it being one side
of a lane leading from the schoolkill to the Gulf road and
stout. I called to the men who were passing over it to throw
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 109
off a rider, all being in such a hurry thought of nothing
but self preservation, took no notice but left me to get over
as well as I could. Twice did I run my Horse against the
Fence without effect, on the third effort it gave way, I found
myself in a lane rode full speed to the Main Road about
two Hundred Yards on entering which I discovered a Collom
of the Enemies Horse on the top of the Hill about fifty
yards from me, they called to surrender. I halted ; but on
casting my Eyes down the Eoad saw our flying Troops
about two hundred yards below — by a mere machanical
movement without time to think I clapt spurs to my Horse
and laying flat upon his weathen went full speed after them
— The Enemy fired their Pistols or Carbines at me. — I heard
the Bullets wish by me. Two Dragoons persued me, finding
them gaining upon me on coming up with the hindmost
troops, I ordered them to turn about and fire, several
Muskets were discharged, as the men ran — by firing off
their sholders without stoping or turning about — conceiving
myself in more danger by this mode of firing from my own
men than the Enemy called upon them to seace firing or
they would shoot me. On my gaining the rear of the re-
treating Troops one of the Troopers took up his Horse, the
other being a Horse of too much mettle refused to yield to
his rider, dashed among the men and were both shot down
togeather. The event was so sudden, and instantanious, it
was impossible to save either man or Horse, more than
twenty guns being discharged at them on the same moment,
we passed the Gulf Mills, came to the s weeds Ford where
we found Genl. Washington with the american army. Who
had left White Marsh were on their Way to the Valley Forge
on the West side of the schoolkill to take up their Winter
Quarters. Genl. Washington in his Orders next Day re-
turned my Regiment his thanks for their Conduct in the
late reincountre with the Enemy. On the returns from the
Captains our loss was one Officer and seventeen Privates
missing, what part were killed Wounded or taken prisoners
could not be assertained. we were again Ordered to take
110 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
post on the West side of the Schoolkill. The main army
passed on to the Valley Forge, erected Log Huts in regular
Order of an encampment, the Ground heing covered with
Timber. Genl. Potter ordered a General Court Martial of
which I was appointed the Judge advocate, for the tryal of
those men who had thrown away their arms in the late re-
treat from the Enemy, several were found guilty of throw-
ing away their muskets Cartouch Boxes knapsack, some
Ordered to pay for them and others adjudged to be Pub-
lickly Whiped I was not a little grattifyed to find, not a
single Gun, knapsack Cartouch Box or Blanket missing in
my Kegiment, which was highly Honourable to them. Genl.
Potter ordered the sentence of the Court to be put in Execu-
tion, and several Men were actually whiped, from fifteen to
thirty lashes which caused much murmuring among the
Militia the General was highly s ensured for it, the Men
became so exasperated I really dreaded a mutiny but the
Brigade being Ordered to join the other part of the Militia,
under the Command of Genl. Armstrong at North "Wales —
the men became tranquil and passifyed. The following ex-
tract of a letter to me from Genl. Armstrong will give a
better Idea of what effect the severity of this Discipline had
on the minds of the People, whose friends were sufferers by
the Judgement of the aforesd Court Martial inflicted by Order
of Genl. Potter.
CARLISLE 28th Jany 1778
DEAR COLOL
The Bearers time will only admit me to tell you that a
great deal of heat and publick clamour hath gone abroad
against Genl. Potter and the Members of a Certain Court
Martial held by his Orders, the sentence of which they say
was to punish with whiping & also paying for the Arms
thrown away, which they consider as a double Punishment
for one offence. In this peice of discipline its like some
persons where Whiped who in other respects had been well
behaved, and when at home are Creditable People I am
persuaded on the other hand that the whole matter is not
Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. Ill
fairly stated, and really concerned that the thing happened,
which is still the more disagreeable as their is not a full
oppertunity of obviating the Peoples objections, they being
so far detached from one another — That instance of disci-
pline was no doubt too high ; but, .however some of them
might have fully deserved it, a necessary policy was against
it, and it grieves me that an Officer possessed of many good
Qualities as Genl Potter is, should have such a Clamour
raised against him on this occasion, as it is cheifly Western
People who have been offended, thears no mention made
of you, so that I suppose you will escape the Censure.
I am Dear Colo1 your Affectionate
Servt
JOHN ARMSTRONG
COLLN LACEY.
(To be continued.)
'
112 Extracts from the Journal of Charles Clinton, 1729.
EXTEACTS FKOM THE JOUENAL OF CHAELES CLIN-
TON, KEPT DUEING THE VOYAGE FEOM IEELAND
TO PENNSYLYANIA, 1729.
CONTRIBUTED BY CHARLES H. BROWNING.
[In the New York State Library at Albany will be found a few leaves
of the journal of Charles Clinton, kept during his voyage on the ship
"George and Ann," bound from Ireland to Pennsylvania, May 9 to
October 4, 1729. Some terribly contagious disease must have broken
out on the ship and become epidemic, for he records one hundred deaths
of men, women, and children as having occurred in about four months
at sea. The distress of these Pennsylvania emigrants can hardly be im-
agined. However grewsome reading the death-list is, it may be genea-
logically useful.]
A Journal of my Voyage and Travels from the County of
Longford, in the Kingdom of Ireland to Pensilvania in America,
Anno Dom° 1729.
I took my Journey from the county Longford on friday
the 9th day of May. Came to Dublin ye 12th do. Entered
on ship Board the ship call'd the George and Ann ye 18th,
sett sail the 20th, came to anchor at Glanarm on the 24th,
where Matt. McClawghry and his wife and 2 of his family
went on shoar and quit their voyage. Sett sail from
Glanarm on ye 25th, and came to anchor at Green Castle
in the Lough of derry the 26th, where we stay'd till ye
29th, then sett sail in company with the John of Dublin
bound for New Castle in the same country. . . . June
ya 2d, we had a fair breese for our westerly course. . . .
A Return of the pr'sons that Died on board ye George and
Ann.
Extracts from the Journal of Charles Clinton, 1729. 113
James Wilson's child, James McDowel's child,
a serv* of Mr. Cruise's, a child of James Thompson's,
another serv* of his, a child of John Brook's,
another serv* of his, . a child of James Majore's,
a child of James Thompson's, a child of Eobert Frazer's,
a child of Thorn. Delap's, a serv* of Cruice's,
a child of John Beatty's, a child of John Brook's,
a girle of Kobt. Frazer's, a child of Alex. Mitchel's,
a son of James Majore's, Rob* Todd,
a son of James M°Dowel's, a serv* of Cruice's,
another serv* of Cruice's, a child of Walter Davis,
John Darke, Thorn8 Cowan,
John McCay, a son of Robert Frazer's,
a son of Chris Beatty, another son of his,
a Brother of Will, hamilton's, will gray,
my own Daughter (at night) on 2 of August,
a child of James Majore's, a Daughter of widdow hamilton,
James Majore's wife, Thorn, delap's wife,
Alexr Mitchel, a child of James Thompson's,
Walter Davis his wife, Widdow Hamilton,
Rob* Gray, a child of widdow hamilton's,
Walter Davis, Jane Armstrong,
a child of Jam. Majore's, another serv* of Cruise's,
William Gordon, M°Cutchan,
my son James on ye 28th of August 1729 at 7 in ye morn,
a son of James Majore's, a brother of Andw McDowell's,
Two daughters of James McDowelPs, Robert Frazer,
a daughter of Walter Davis' s, Will Hamilton,
Patt McCann serv* to Tho Armstrong,
James Green serv* to Alex. Mitchell,
widdow Gordon's Daughter, Fran. Nicholson,
James Morray died Thursday 11th of Sr
a serv* of Mr. Cruise's, a son of John Beatty's,
a sister of Andw McDow ell's, Margery Armstrong,
a daughter of John Beatty's, a serv* of Mr. Cruise's,
two of Mr. Cruise's men servt3, James Brown,
James Thompson's wife, Two of John Beatty's children,
a Daughter of James M°DowelFs, a Daughter of Thorn. Delap's,
a serv* of Mr. Cruise's, a child of widdow Mitchell's,
John Oliver's wife, James Majore's eldest Daughter,
John Crook, a sailor, Jos. Stafford,
John McDowell, John Beatty,
and* M°DowelPs sister, James Wilson's wife,
James McDo well's wife, John Beatty's wife,
VOL. XXVI. — 8
J
114 Extracts from the Journal of Charles Clinton, 1729.
^
Sarah Hamilton will Hamilton's sister,
Thorn. Armstrong died monday ye 29th of 7br,
Isabella Johnston, Edwd Norris,
Marg* McClaughry, widdow Frazer's daughter,
And* McDowell's brother, Jos. McClaughry,
Mattw McClaughry, James Barkley,
a young sister of Andw McDowelPs,
Thorn. Delap, his daughter Katherine.
Discovered Land on ye Continent of America ye 4th day
of 8ber 1729.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 115
LETTEES OF PEESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES
AND "LADIES OF THE WHITE HOUSE."
(Continued from Vol. XXV. page 536.)
WASHINGTON June 23d 1840
GENTLEMEN,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
polite invitation of the 20th instant to join my fellow citi-
zens at Philadelphia in celehrating the approaching national
Anniversary — Nothing surely could give me greater pleas-
ure ; but I regret to say that my constant and unremitted
duties on the committee of Elections, which, for many
weeks past, have wholly excluded me from all participation
in the proceedings of the House, will, from necessity, compel
me to forego that enjoyment.
Certainly there has been no time since the close of the
Eevolution when the true friends of constitutional liberty
have had more reason, than now, to gather around the altar
of freedom, and light the torch of patriotism from its con-
secrated fires. I rejoice to feel that we are now witnessing
the expiring agonies of a dynasty that came into power
upon professions and pledges, the most sacred ; which have
been violated in a manner the most shameless and disgrace-
ful. Pledged to one presidential term, it continued two —
Pledged to retrench the expenses of government, it has more
than trebled them — Pledged to reform abuses in the Execu-
tive department, it has corruptly multiplied them beyond
all former example — Professing to give us a better currency,
it has destroyed the best the world ever knew — professing
to be the friend of the poor, it first deprived them of em-
ployment, and now proposes permanently to reduce their
wages to the verge of starvation fixed in European govern-
ments— professing democracy, it has its agents traversing
Europe hunting out the practices of Monarchical govern-
.
116 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
ments to introduce them here— professing abhorrence of
a National Bank; it proposes to establish one in the Sub
Treasury more powerful, more dangerous and more liable
to corruption than any with which a deceived and insulted
nation was ever cursed ; Professing Eepublicanism, its lead-
ing measures tend to consolidation and to the concentration
of all power in the hands of the Executive.
A party that has thus notoriously violated all pledges and
shamelessly thrown off the garb of hypocrisy by which it
sought power will be unscrupulous in the use of any means
to retain it. Hence the infamous slander and defamation
by which a subsidized press has attempted to blacken the
character and tarnish the fair fame of one of the purest,
noblest and most disinterested patriots of the present day,
merely because he has received an unsolicited nomination
for the Presidential chair. — Hence the bold and shameless
refusal of the Administration party in the House of Repre-
sentatives to permit any enquiry into the alleged abuses of
the government — Hence the arbitrary exercise of power to
suppress all debate in the House by which their infamy and
corruption would be exposed ; And hence the unparalleled
outrage by which a sovereign state of the Revolution has
been disfranchised.
But their mad efforts are all in vain — The days of this
abominable administration are numbered. The loathsome
stench of its corruption, hypocrisy and wickedness loads the
tainted air and calls down upon its unrighteous head, the
concentrated curse of an insulted and plundered nation —
The People with a unanimity unexampled and an energy as
resistless as the torrent of Niagara will sweep them from
the high places which they have desecrated and polluted,
and by electing WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON bring back the
government to its original purity and republican simplicity.
But I have already said more than I intended when I
took up my pen — I write in much haste and must be par-
doned for any verbal inaccuracies — At all events, my heart
will be with you on that great Jubilee, and you will please
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 117
accept my most grateful acknowledgements for the high
honor you have done me by your invitation ; and you will
please also pardon me for presenting through you to my
fellow citizens on that occasion the following sentiment.
THE UNION — The bond of brotherhood formed by the
patriotic Whigs of the Eevolution — May their true descend-
ants, the Whigs of 1840, preserve it from the foul touch of
nullification and the corroding rust of Federal Locofocoism.
I have the honor to be
Your most obt. sert &
Fellow citizen
MlLLARD FlLLMORE1
Messrs.
CHARLES A. REPPLIER
JOHN MILLAR
S. C. COOPER
PHILADELPHIA
WASHINGTON March 21st 1838
DEAR CYRUS
Last evening I had the pleasure of receiving your letter
of the 11th inst., and be assured it received a most hearty
welcome. I feel much depressed in spirits and melancholy.
The heartrending intelligence of my dear Mother's death
has withered the vivacity of my heart. I know not how to
be reconciled to it. The thought that my dear Mother has
gone forever — that I can no more see her smile greeting
my return — no more hear her voice speaking in accents of
kindness and affection, almost overwhelms me. Yet I can
scarcely realise that she is gone. —
Probably you have heard the particulars of her illness.
Tell your father that she died in full faith of finding a
better world, Yet she expressed a great desire to see her
children once more before in this world.
Oh, that she could have seen us all once more before she
died — Oh, that I had been with her what a consolation it
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
'
118 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
would have been to me, but it is past, I will not trust myself
longer to write on the subject.
You enquire about my health. It is very good now, but
I was quite ill after I arrived here, was under the care of
the Physician about 2 weeks. You recollect the dreadful
cough I had when you were at Buffalo. I was unable to
bear the fatigue of travelling but was obliged to come then,
if at all, I suffered very much on my journey from my
cough, and the only way I could relieve it, was to keep
my stomach nauceated with medicine. My system of course
became more and more deranged, my lungs weaker and
more irritable and my cough no better. I was besides
threatened with the bilious fever, but powerful medicine,
great care, and a mild climate, have restored me to usual
health.
I regret to hear of your lame hand, I suspect felons are
painful beyond description. That was a sufficient excuse for
not writing me before, but I hope that excuse will remain
no longer — I shall always be happy to hear from you, as
often as you find it convenient to write.
I understood you had dreadful travelling from Buffalo
home. It is to be regretted that you had not remained a
few days longer, but how imperfect is our knowledge of the
future. It is possible that Mrs. Charles Egan is no more —
both old and young are the victims of death. How uncer-
tain is life — Nothing certain but death.
The sensation created by Mr. Cilley's death is almost
universal particularly in the northern states — Petitions are
continually coming in, to be presented to Congress praying
that something might be done to prevent it for the future —
I sincerely wish a stigma might be affixed to the practice,
Nothing else would so likely prevent it.
It was indeed a dreadful sight to see his lifeless body
taken from the carriage, which but a few hours before had
conveyed him away in health. The spectacle seems before
my eyes now. I had but just learned that they had gone
out to fight, had heard nothing farther until the carriage
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House" 119
which brought home the body, too plainly told the result,
as I happened to step to my window and saw him carried
into his boarding house, which is opposite this, across the
street, it made a deep impression on me, as it has on many
others. Thus in one rash hour is a wife and 5 helpless
children deprived of their friend and protector. Another
Member, Mr Carter, from the same state, and in the same
boarding house died one week ago to day. His wife left the
city this morning to return home, a melancholy and singular
coincidence.
I have rec'd one letter from Mrs. Stow this winter, I re-
gret to learn her health continues poor. Her husband has
been sick also. Has she returned ? Our friends in Lagrance
were in usual health the last I heard. Ask your father to
write to me. remember me affectionately to him — also to
your Mother — write soon to your affectionate aunt — Heaven
bless you
ABIGAIL FiLLMORE1
Mr. Fillmore is at the Capitol, but I know he wishes to
send his love,
I shall return home in 2 or 3 weeks.
ANDOVER, MASS. Dec. 24, 1861
To HON. WM. H. SEWARD
Secretary of State, "Washington, D. C.
SIR
A package endorsed " Department of State TL S. A,"
franked by " W. Hunter Ch Ck" and addressed " to Frank-
lin Pierce Esquire Concord New Hampshire" was received
by me to day, having been forwarded from the place of my
residence. But for the stamped envelope and the hand-
writing of Mr. Hunter, with which I am familiar, I should
probably have regarded the enclosures, as an idle attempt
at imposition, in which your name had been surreptitiously
used. I must, I suppose, though I do so reluctantly, now
view it in a different light.
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
120 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
In the note bearing your signature, you say, " I enclose
an extract from a letter received at this Department from
which it would appear that you are a member of a secret
league the object of which is to overthrow this Govern-
ment. Any explanations upon the subject which you may
offer would be acceptable."
It is not easy to conceive how any person could give cre-
dence to, or entertain for a moment, the idea that I am
now, or have ever been connected with a secret league, or
with any league the object of which was or is the overthrow
of the Government of my Country. Surprize, however
only increases as I pass from your note to the " extract" to
which you refer, as a sufficient basis for an official commu-
nication. Incoherent and meaningless as this extract, from
the vagaries of an anonymous correspondent, seems to me
to be, it is not a little singular that it should have been sent
for explanation to one, who, during his whole life, has never
belonged to any secret league, society or association. My
name does not appear in the " extract" and as there is not
the slightest ground for any reference to me in the connec-
tion indicated I take it for granted that your inference is
wholly erroneous and that neither I, nor anything which I
ever said or did was in the mind of the writer. Nothing
but the gravity of the insinuation — the high official source
whence it emanates, and the distracted condition of our
recently united, prosperous and happy Country, could pos-
sibly lift this matter above ridicule and contempt. Not,
therefore, because " explanations" " would be acceptable"
but because this correspondence is to hold a place upon the
files of the Department of State, long beyond the duration
of your life or mine, and because I would leave, so far as I
am concerned, no ambiguity upon the record, it is proper,
perhaps it is my duty, to add, that my loyalty will never
be successfully impugned, so long as I enjoy the constitu-
tional rights which pertain to every citizen of the Republic
and especially the inestimable right to be informed of the
nature and cause of accusation and to be confronted face to
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 121
face with my accusers — Love for our whole Cpuntry —
respect for the reserved rights of the States— reverence for
the Constitution and devotion to the Noble Union which
for so many years reposed in security upon that sacred in-
strument, have been interwoven with my best hopes for
civil liberty, my deepest emotions and my sternest pur-
poses from youth to age. If I have failed to illustrate this,
in official station — in private life, and under all circum-
stances, where it became me to speak or act, I have labored
under a singular delusion, consciousness of which would
embitter more than anything else the present hour and
such remaining hours or years, as may be in reserve for me.
I am, Sir, your obedient Servant
FRANKLIN PIERCE*
REV. DR. FRENCH —
DEAR SIR —
I make an acknowledgment of your unexpected and in-
teresting letter lest you should suppose it met with an unap-
preciative reception — May you have divine aid in all the cares
and duties of your present position. Be assured of the sin-
cere interest with which I am respectfully yours
JANE M. PIERCE 2
WASHINGTON, Nov. 16, '56.
I respond most sincerely & earnestly to the excellent
prayers for our beloved country.
FRANKLIN PIERCE
Addressed
REV. DR. FRENCH
WEST POINT
N YORK.
WHEATLAND, NEAR LANCASTER, 21 January 1852
MY DEAR SIR
Numerous & pressing engagements, with the fact that I
had nothing of the least importance to communicate, have
1 Collection Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
2 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
122 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
prevented me from acknowledging your letter at an earlier
period. I have had to contend in my own State with a
violent & factious opposition. I never considered them
strong ; but their extreme weakness has surprised me. My
position with the Democracy of Pennsylvania is now stronger
than it has ever been heretofore ; & they will present my
name before the Baltimore Convention in an enthusiastic &
decided manner. The idea is deeply engraved on the minds
of our people, whether "Whig or Democrat, that after waiting
more than sixty years, they are entitled to a Candidate ; &
this will be pressed with all their energy.
I should 'ere this have visited Washington ; but I feel an
unconquerable repugnance against any thing like personal
electioneering for the highest office in the world. This
honor, above all earthly honors, shall never be degraded in
my person ; no, not even to secure a favorable result. I may,
notwithstanding, probably pass a week or ten days in Wash-
ington as quietly as possible during the month of February.
When you were last here we gave you a cold reception.
Since that time I have had a furnace fixed in the cellar
which renders the house comfortable in the coldest weather.
The thermometer yesterday morning at sunrise stood at 12°
below zero. When you visit us again which I hope may be
soon, besides a cordial welcome, we shall give you a warm
reception.
I have read Commodore Stockton's speech against flogging
in the Navy with peculiar pleasure. "What a reflection it
would be upon our country & the civilisation of the nine-
teenth century for Congress to enact that American Citizens
who enter the Navy as sailors shall be subjected to the in-
famous punishment of the lash. This very circumstance
has hitherto prevented respectable young men from entering
the service ; & those who have done so & been flogged have
lost all self respect. I hope there is no danger of the pas-
sage of any such law. Nothing could more effectually in-
jure the Navy in the estimation of the Country than the
restoration of the lash.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House" 123
Miss Harriet has been in Pittsburg for the last two months
& may probably pass the remainder of the winter there.
Miss Hetty desires to be kindly remembered to you.
from your friend
very respectfully
JAMES BUCHANAN l
GENERAL JAMES SHIELDS
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Friday May 18/60
DEAR MR. MACALESTER
The Japanese have come — but as they have had a long
journey they require much time to rest, etc — so that the
entertainments that are to be given in their honour will ex-
tend over the next month — during which time it is impos-
sible for Lily to fix any day for leaving, or think about
home in any way — so I hope you will not suggest it.
She went out this morning at 10 — for a romantic stroll
with Mr. Woodbury & I know not when they will return.
Col. Hardee is also here & is so agreeable that I almost
regret the deep impression Lily has made there — for it ex-
cludes me from all hope. I hope you will attend to all my
suggestions, & allow us to make our own arrangements
here — & believe me
Yours very sincerely
H. LANE2
SPKINGFIELD, ILLS. April 30, 1859.
HON. S. P. CHASE
DEAR SIR
Eeaching home yesterday I found your kind note of the
14th informing me that you have given Mr. Whitney the
appointment he desired ; and also mentioning the present
encouraging aspects of the Republican cause — and our Illi-
nois canvass of last year. I thank you for the appointment
— Allow me also to thank you as being one of the very few
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
2 Ibid.
124 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
distinguished men, whose sympathy we in Illinois did
receive last year, of all those whose sympathy we thought
we had reason to expect.
Of course I would have preferred success ; but failing in
that, I have no regrets for having rejected all advice to the
contrary, and resolutely made the struggle — Had we thrown
ourselves into the arms of Douglas, as re-electing him by
our votes would have done, the Republican cause would
have been annihilated in Illinois, and, as I think, demoral-
ized and prostrated everywhere for years, if not forever —
As it is, in the language of Benton " we are clean" and the
Republican star gradually rises higher everywhere —
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.1
EXECUTIVE MANSION
MY DEAR MADAME
Your bonnets were received on yesterday — The black
with colors — I liked very much. — Also the blk crape — I
wished a much finer blk straw bonnet for mourning — with-
out the gloss. Could you not get such a one ? I want you
to send me a bow of blk crape, for the top of the blk straw
bonnet, exactly like the one, on top the blk crape bonnet —
of the same crape two bows on each side of the loup —
bound — like the other — I wrote you about the veils — did
you receive the letter — I want you to select me the very finest,
& blackest & lightest long crape veil & bordered as they
bring them— Please get me the finest that can be obtained—
Want a short very very fine blk crape veil, round corners &
folds around— Want one of very fine blk silk net— with folds
around for summer — round at corners & short— The long
veil I should like to have by Friday — want it very fine blk
& light — please send this, immediately.
I liked the undersleeves & collars— Please have me two
more, white & blk collars mixed, with cuffs to match— no
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House" 125
undersleeves — I want the genteelest & tastiest you can find
or have made — I liked the style of the blk & white reversed
— Do not forget the bow, for the bonnet — And the long veil,
I want immediately I have your money ready for you —
Very truly yours
MRS. LINCOLN 1
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
(To be continued.)
126 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
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all of Bermuda
John Hazelwood
of Philadelphia
John Wilcox
of Philadelphia
Eobert Savage
of Bermuda
John Campbell
Alex. Eobinson
both of St. Chr:
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of Philadelphia
Henry Drinker
Abel James
both of Philade
Thomas Willing
of Philadelphia
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Abraham Judah
Andrew Franburg
Eichard McWillia
all of Newcastle
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Thomas Willing
of Philadelphia
Joseph Turner
John Mifflin
Samuel Mifflin
John Stamper
William Humphri
Wm Dowell
John Gibson
all of Philadelp
James Pemberton
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Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 17%6-1775. 141
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142 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
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both of Philadelphia
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144 In Memoriam Charles Roberts.
Hn flDemoriam Cbarles IRoberts*
We regret to announce the death of Charles Roberts, a
Councillor of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, January
23, 1902. He was elected a member of the Society March
27, 1871, and of its Council January 21, 1884.
Charles Eoberts, son of Elihu and Anne Pettit Roberts,
was born in Philadelphia August 21, 1846, and was a de-
scendant of Cadwalader Roberts, who came to Pennsylvania
in 1698 from Bala, Wales. He was educated in the Friends'
schools of this city, and graduated from Haverford College
in 1864. In the latter year he entered commercial life with
Whitall, Tatum & Co., and from 1869 to 1885 was a partner
in the firm. In 1891 he was elected Vice-President and in
1895 President of the Spring Garden Insurance Company.
At the time of his death he was also connected with the
following institutions : Academy of Fine Arts, Academy of
Natural Sciences, Horticultural Society, Zoological Society,
Franklin Institute, Photographic Society, Genealogical So-
ciety, Geographical Society, Colonial Society, Fairmount
Park Art Association, Apprentices' Library, Fuel Saving
Fund Society, William Penn Charter School, Commission
on the Restoration of Independence Hall of Philadelphia,
and the American Historical Association, Historical Society
of Salem, New Jersey, Wisconsin Historical Society.
Mr. Roberts was an enthusiastic antiquarian; his collec-
tion of manuscripts and printed works relating to Friends
is unsurpassed in this country, and he had also gathered
a large and valuable collection of autographs. .
For nearly eighteen years Mr. Roberts represented his
ward in Common Council, thirteen years of which as a
member of its Finance Committee, for which his sound
business habits so well qualified him. He was upright,
earnest, and useful in his services in the municipal legislature.
Notes and Queries. 145
NOTES AND QUEEIES.
Iftotes.
PAY EOLL OF CAPT. THOMAS FERGUSON'S VOLUNTEER
FROM 13TH AUG. TO 13TH SEPTEMBER 1778. —
Capt., Tho8 Ferguson; Lieuts., James Brandon, William Campbell;
Ensign Isaac Bodine.
Serg* Eob* Love.
Jona Ashbridge, Cleary Campbell,
Cooksong Long, Eobert Riley,
William Crawford, Jas. Armstrong,
Sam1 Campbell, Jno. M°Michael,
Wm McGrawdy, Henry McCracken,
James Irwin, James McSwaine,
John Price, Wm Hiddens,
Hugh Mckles, Jno. Baird.
Wm Mchatten,
LIST OF ARMED VESSELS FROM PORT OF PHILADELPHIA, 1776-
1777, WITH FORM OF BOND. —
Know all Men by these Presents, That we ... are held and firmly
bound to John Hancock Esqr President of the United Colonies of New-
Hampshire, Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New- York,
New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New- Castle, Kent and Sussex,
on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North- Carolina, South- Carolina, and
Georgia, in the Penalty of ... Thousand Dollars, to be paid to the
said John Hancock Esqr or his certain Attorney, Executors, Adminis-
trators, or Assigns, in Trust for the Use of the said United Colonies :
To which Payment well and truly to be done, We do bind Ourselves,
our Heirs, Executors, and Administrators jointly and severally, firmly
by these Presents. Sealed with our Seals, and dated . . . Day of ...
in the year of our Lord 1777.
The Condition of the Obligation is such, that if the Above-bounden
. . . who is Commander of the . . . called the . . . belonging to
... of Philadelphia in the Colony of Pennsylvania mounting . . .
Carriage Guns, and navigated by ... Men, and who hath applied for
a Commission or Letters of Marque and Eeprisal, to arm, equip and
set forth to Sea, the said ... as a private Ship of War, and to make
Captures of British Vessels and Cargoes, shall not exceed or transgress
the Powers and Authorities which shall be contained in the said Com-
mission, but shall in all Things observe and conduct himself, and govern
his Crew, by and according to the same and certain Instructions there-
with to be delivered, and such other Instructions as may hereafter be
given to him ; and shall make Separation for all Damages sustained by
any Misconduct or unwarrantable Proceedings of Himself or the Officers
or Crew of said . . . Then this Obligation shall be void, or else remain
in Force.
VOL. XXVI. — 10
146
•Notes and Queries.
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Notes and Queries.
147
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148
Notes and Queries.
A ROLL OF RECRUITS ENLISTED BY LIEUT. ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL
AND MUSTERED BY ESQR HENRY, APRIL 26, 1778.—
John Graham, William Flanagan,
John Grimes, Ludwig Warner,
James M°Gee, Michal Moran,
John Hundley, James Wright,
Joseph Holtry.
A RETURN OF RECRUITS INLISTED BY LIEUT. ARCHD CAMPBELL
OF THE 6TH PENNA REG? LT COL. JOSIAH HARMAR ESQ. AUG. 26,
1778.—
August 19.
John Shull,
Adam Swager,
Angus Mclntosh,
John Berry,
Terrence McDonald,
Robert Ormright,
Walter Motley,
Michael Kelly,
22.
23. Deserted.
23.
24.
24.
24.
26.
ARCHD CAMPBELL,
Lt. 6* P. R.
ENLISTING THREE RECRUITS FOR THE 5TH PENNA. REGT. PHILADA.
JULY 30, 1778.—
Michael Druit, John King,
John Gillespie.
JAMES M°CULLOCH, Lieut.
RETURN OF RECRUITS ENLISTED BY CAPT. ROBERT CONNELLY
FOR THE 4TH BATTLN OF PENNA. COL. WILLIAM BUTLER — OCT. 23,
1778.—
Sept.
Patrick Shannon,
John Welch,
Daniel Driskel,
John Merritt,
Peter Barry,
John Davis,
John McCoy,
Nicholas Revelee,
William Abbott,
John Kenan,
Thos Pentland,
Dennis Cliny,
Thomas Gilky,
John Jigney,
Peter Hay,
Charles Paster,
John Kean,
Nail Blue,
John Jemison,
George Kelly,
Richard Avis,
Henry Shannon,
Solomon Stonecomer,
Oct.
8
9
7
11
12
17
27
9
10
10
15
14
16
16
16
20
17
20
19
22
22
19
Deserted Oct. 14.
Deserted.
Deserted Oct. 19.
Deserted Oct. 23.
Deserted.
Notes and Queries.
149
A EETTJRN OF KECRUITS ENLISTED
LIEUT OF THE SIXTH PENNA. EEGT.
10TH, 1778—.
Joshua Still, Aug. 26
Patrick Lowry, " 26
Eichard Ward, " 31
John Alexander Sept. 1
Frederick Wiltmar, " 1
BY ARCHD. CAMPBELL CAPT
COL. HARMAR ESQR SEPTR
William Studley,
Shawnee John,
Eichard Eddows,
Abram Sing,
Sept.
2
8
4
10
ARCHD CAMPBELL.
EETURN OF EECRTJITS ENLISTED BY CAPT. EGBERT CONNELLY,
CAPT. JOHN PARSONS FOR THE 4™ AND 11™ PENNSYLVANIA
EEGIMENTS, FOR SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Nov. 8, 1778.—
John Smith, March 30.
Jn° Henry, April 1.
Peter Fritz, March 31.
William McKelwain,
April
13.
Hans Shank,
May
14.
Joseph Smith,
April
29.
Thomas Harrison,
May
24, deserted May 27.
Henry Hicer,
n
15.
James Callaghan,
April
23.
Casper Shleker,
«
22.
Conrad Hyne,
May
7.
Francis Herman,
April
22, deserted April 25.
William Davis,
a
5.
Jacob Weiss,
May
15.
Jeremiah Eichards,
April
5.
Frederick Hill,
June
8.
Abraham Solomon,
tt
14.
Stoffel Mingle,
May
12.
Christian Beckel,
June
9.
William Pink,
March
9.
William Douglass,
tt
16, deserted June 17.
Casper Hill,
tt
8.
Abraham Price,
April
5.
Nicholas Home,
May
7.
Jacob Crider,
C I
24.
John Hill,
April
29. Attestation lost.
Wm Depon,
tt
22.
Christian Lewalt,
March
3.
Jno. Lethrin,
(4
26.
LIST OF EECRUITS ENLISTED
1782. Daniel Sullivan
John Stewart
William Schutz
Jacob Shirk
Eichard Allison
William Eobinson
William Wade
William Maypowder
BY CAPT. JOHN DOYLE.—
John Gordon
Luke Jolly
James Anderson
1783. Eichard Hackett
Eichard Biggs
James Davidson
Daniel Mclntire.
EICHD HUMPTON,
Recruiting Service Penna Line.
* " '
150 Notes and Queries.
Q
ACCOUNTS OF THE COMPANY COMMANDED BY CAPT. JEREMIAH
LOCHEEY, STATIONED IN WESTMORELAND COUNTY FOR THE DE-
FENCE OF THE FRONTIERS, 1780. —
Commencement.
Ending.
Jeremiah Lochrey, Capt.
April 10
Dec. 15
James Irwin, Lieut.
" 10
Oct. 10
William Ralston, Sergt.
" 11
" 10
" " Ensign
Oct. 11
Dec. 15
Joseph Eobinson, Lieut.
" 11
" 15
Thomas McCall, Serg4
April 22
" 15
Norman McLeod, '
" 22
" 15
Geo. Brannon,
Oct. 11
" 15
Michael Hare, private,
April 25
Oct. 10
" Serg't.
Oct. 11
Dec. 15
John Mifflin, private,
April 17
Oct. 10
William Breavor,
a
" 13
" 10
John Hays,
a
" 11
" 10
Daniel McConnell,
it
" 15
" 10
Adam Pricker,
tt
" 19
Dec. 15
James Pinks,
(l
" 20
" 15
Abraham Festis,
a
" 20
Oct. 15
Isaac Pollings,
1 1
" 15
" 15
Jacob Rudolph,
it
" 14
Dec. 15
Solomon Aitkins,
i t
« 17
Oct. 10
George Hillis,
( i
« 17
Dec. 15
Andrew Herboch,
((
" 19
Oct. 10
Joseph Lynn,
t t
" 25
" 10
James Shellin,
tt
" 25
Dec. 15
Lewis Williams,
1 1
" 20
Oct. 15
Thomas Cunningham,
it
" 26
" 15
John Mellton,
1 1
" 26
" 15
Jacob Barrickman,
it
« 26
" 15
Joshua Kennedy,
tt
" 26
" 15
Jeremiah Gullion,
t
" 18
" 15
John Gullion,
t
Oct. 11
Dec. 15
Daniel Kahili.
t
" 11
" 15
Samuel Patterson,
t
" 11
" 15
Samuel Wilson,
(
" 11
" 15
Kerrey Quigley,
t
" 11
" 15
Walter McPherson,
t
" 11
" 15
Robert Donohoo,
t
" 11
" 15
John Hazleton,
t
" 11
« 15
Geo Donnelly,
'
" 11
" 15
John Brothers,
t
" 11
" 15
John Moore,
t
" 11
" 15
Michael Jordan,
t
" 11
" 15
Andrew Stewart,
t
" 11
" 15
JEREMIAH LOCHREY
ACCOUNT OF BALANCES DUE THE NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS
AND PRIVATES OF CAPT. BOYD'S COMPANY OF RANGERS. —
Sergeants: Henry Dugan, David Beates, William Ward, Dovington
Price.
Notes and Queries. 151
Corporals : William Alligans, Stephen Gobble, Abram Boddle, Mar-
shall Gallowy.
Privates: Torrence Grimes, Joseph Martin, dec'd., Felix McKinney,
Jno. Whelair, Richard Corps [?], John Thomas, dec'd., John Crossin,
James Grimes, Henry Simens, James Hall, Joshua Burton, Samuel
Hassell, William Jones, George Jones, Low Curtz, Eobert Aitkins,
John Downey, James Paxton, Jacob Creirston, John Conrad, dec'd.,
Samuel Samson, Isaac Arters, John Grimes, Daniel Colvert, Samuel
Kennedy, Solomon Sparks, Benjamin Frazer, Stephen Archer, William
Tucker, dec'd., William Nichols, dec'd., John Downey Jr., Moses Bow-
man, John Arters.
FROM THE LIST OF RECRUITS FOR THE FIFTH PENNSYLVANIA
LINE, made, by Lieutenant James McCulloch, we find that the follow-
ing names do not appear on the Roster of the regiment as given in the
Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, Vol. X. :
William Hollis, April 11, 1778.
John Watt, April 12, 1778.
James Haslet, May 9, 1778.
William Johns, May 26, 1778.
Michael Deburgh, May 26, 1778.
John McClean, May 27, 1778.
John Flaherty, June 1, 1778.
John James, July 25, 1778.
Nathaniel Weelwright, July 25, 1778.
Michael Druid, July 28, 1778.
LIST OF RECRUITS OBTAINED BY LIEUTENANT THOMAS BOYD,
PENNSYLVANIA STATE REGIMENT, 1777. —
Andrew Mills, April 25. John King, May 1.
William Spencer, " 28. Ferdinand Iwartz, " 5.
John Simmons, " 29. Philip Smith, " 5.
John Stewart, " 30. Baltzar Hartzough, " 18.
Archibald Dougherty, " 1.
A ROLL OF MILITIA STATIONED AT PRICKET'S FORT, MONONGA-
HELA COUNTY, UNDER CAPT. ZADOCK SPRINGER, 1777. —
Capt. Springer, enlisted July 15.
Ensign Hayman,
Serg* Husk,
Martin Hardin,
Valentine McDonald,
Christian Coffman,
David Reed,
23.
15.
15.
15.
15.
15.
Ichabod Stanberry, " " 15.
John Monear, " " 17.
Richard Fields, " " 17.
Elijah Kerr, " " 20.
Patrick Morgan, " " 23.
Jacob Feigley, " " 28.
Emas Pittegon, " " 19.
I hereby Certify that the above is a true account of the men stationed
at Pricket's Fort under my Command, this 3d day of August, 1777.
ZADOCK SPRINGER.
152 Notes and Queries.
£
PAY EOLL OF CAPTAIN ANDREW McKEE's Co. OF THE 4TH. CLASS
CUMBERLAND Co. MILITIA in the Service of the United States, Com-
manded by Col. Samuel Lyon, Commencing Nov. 4th 1777.
Captain, Andrew McKee.
First Lieut. Matthew Laird.
Second do. Alex. Litle.
Sergeants, John Watson,
do. Moses Watson,
do. William French.
Privates.
John Love. James Ealson.
German Jacobs. Alen Sexon.
John Parker. George Litle.
Win. Aplebee. William McKee.
Frederick Duie. Hugh McMulen.
John Wierhorn. Alen Leeper.
Jacob Clouser. Samuel Eead.
George Coiner. John Stitt.
James Eobinson. Christian Lafery.
John Leeth. William Greer.
Andrew Galbraith. Nicholas Bush.
George Jamison. George Nimmon.
Henry Deerfield. Henry Hays.
Eobert Stevenson. Charles O'Nail.
Frederick Eeinhart. John Caruthers.
Philip Miler. Pence Long.
Jacob Atchinson.
LIST OF EECRUITS OBTAINED BY WILLIAM HUSTON, ADJUTANT
OF COL. THOMAS HARTLEY'S PENNSYLVANIA LINE, 1778. —
Joseph Williams, Eobert Pendergrass,
James Johnston, William Hastings,
John Menholm, Ephraim Donnelly,
Hugh Sweeney, James Wright,
James Thornton, James Homes,
Joshua Green, John Smith,
William Adden, Barnabas Turner,
John Gray, James Dougherty.
Pat. Eyons,
THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA IN ACCOUNT WITH CAPT. ALEX.
PARKER FOR EECRUITING THE FOLLOWING EECRUITS, viz :
John Hackenburg, John McGinniss,
John Biddle, James Juson,
Patrick Handly, George Gee,
Ed. Price, John Merson,
Adam Clealand, James O'Neil,
John Hanah, John Jurden,
Thomas Gelty, James Eobinson.
ALEX. PARKER,
Oapt. 2d Penna. Regt.
Notes and Queries.
153
LIST OF EECRUITS FOR THE FIRST AND THIRTEENTH PENNSYL-
VANIA LINE, BY LIEUT. JOSEPH COLLIER, 1778. —
Thirteenth Penna. Line.
First Penna. Line.
Jacob Hardy, Oct. 14th.
William Burns, " 24th.
Kobert Hurst, " 26th.
William McMun, Nov. 9th.
Andrew Kays, " 16th.
Jacob Cleggs, " 28th.
John Wilcott, Dec. 7th.
James Learney, " 8th.
Eobert Squires, " 20th.
John Solsman, " 29th.
James McCartney,
James Jones,
EETURN OF CAPT. I. CRAIG'S COMPANY OF ARTILLERY, at Fort
Pitt, March 30, 1781.
Jacob Herst,
Martin Brahet,
Thomas Bigley,
James Christey,
Arthur McCue,
John Twener,
John Anderson,
John Coghran,
William Stewart,
Alexander Ewing,
Kobert Sternon,
John McCleand,
Jacob Slegal,
Jany 16th.
13th.
" 26th.
Feb. 6th.
" 12th.
March 2d.
" 3d.
" 7th.
" 19th.
" 19th.
" 28th.
April 20th.
" 23d.
Thomas Wiggins,
William Clark,
Timothy Lane,
James Fitzsimons,
Jonathan Trickle,
James Burns Senr.,
Patrick Crawford,
Charles Eitz,
Peter Olinger,
Barney Cunningham,
Elias Williams.
Corporals.
Bombadiers.
Matrosses.
Samuel Blackwood,
John Harris.
Peter Tybout,
John Tome,
Charles Conrad,
James Burns Jr.,
Conrad Hartman,
George Thompson,
John Gretzinger.
THE ANCESTRY OF EGBERT MORRIS, THE "FINANCIER OF THE
EEVOLUTION." — In the office of the Clerk of the Orphans' Court of
Dorchester County, Maryland, is a record-book which originally had
been Ledger B of Eobert Morris, the father of the ' ' Financier of the
Eevolution." On its first page is the account of "Eobert Morris
Junior," who is charged "To Bal. from Leg1" A to the time you left
Liverpool, £46.15.6 stg," and followed by sundry charges for cash,
clothing, books, etc., between 1748 and 1750.
Laus Deo Maryland — 1747 —
Ledger B.
Belonging to and containing the Accounts and Dealings of the sub-
scriber, son of Andrew Morris, mariner, and Mauslin his wife of Liver-
pool in the County of Lancaster in Great Britain, where the subscriber
was Born April the Seventh Day, in the year of our Lord one Thousand
seven Hundred & Eleven. On the 17th of April 1747 the Ballances
Transferred from a Former Ledger into this were Justly Due to and from
[signed] EGBERT MORRIS.
154 Notes and Queries.
Following the account of "Robert Morris Junior" is "An Acct. of
Merchandise Received at Sundry Times on Account of Foster Cunliffe
Esq & Sons," and of shipments of tobacco made on the "Cunliffe,"
Captain John Prichard, in June and November, 1743.
ROBERT MORRIS JUNIOR Dr.
Pennsylvau. ofprlin™
Currency. btemnS-
1748
To Bal from Ledgr A to the time you
left Liverpool . . . 14.15.6
Sept. 17. To Mr Robert Greenawaya Book 5/ paid
you - 10.0
Octo. 20. To Cash so much given you at sundry
times 3.10.0
To Cash paid for Books £4.2. forward-
ing 15/8 4.17.8
To Mr. Geo. Okill for Sundries to July
20 as per his bill . . . . 4. 5.5£
Nov 1. To Sundry Books as per Catalogue, Prime
Cost 8. 5.0
To Blue Braid Cloth with Shaloon &
buttons for suit of Clothes . 1.10.0
To Penknives 1 fountain Pen 1 Pencill
Sundries ...... 13.6
1749
May 1. To 4 White & Check Shirts, 6 Caps,
1 hankf 1 pr. gt. Canebank . . 2.15.6
June 9. To Mr Robt. Greenaway for Sundries to
this Day 15. 8.8
July 10. To 6 \ doz Bottles Ale .... 4.11.0
Oct. 11. To 4 p. light p. Dave Jones . . 1.10.0
To G. Okill omitted in a former a/c . 15.0
1750
Sept. 10. To Drs for a slate and 2 pr Stockings . 18.6
To Robert Greenaway for schooling
Books per Acct 18. 5.2
To Cash for 1 Pistole . . . . 1. 7.0
To paper money 23/1 1 Pistole pd for a
pr. Fustian 2.10.0
The Lord giveth and The Lord taketh
away Blessed be the name of the Lord.
THE REV. JOHN MONTGOMERY, A.M., whose untimely death is
noted by Mrs. Arnold in her letter of October 5, 1802, to her father
(PENNA. MAG., Vol. XXV. p. 481), was a graduate of the Philadelphia
College and Academy in 1766. On his return from England, whither
he went for ordination, he became rector of St. Anne's, Annapolis, and
in 1775 married Margaret, daughter of Hon. Walter Dulany, of that
city. In a few years they went to England, whither some of his wife's
Tory kin had preceded them, and for some time dwelt in London,
where he was occupied in clerical duties ; and about 1798 he was pre-
sented to the living of Ledbury by the Bishop of Hereford, where he is
buried. Many of his letters are preserved in the Dulany family in
Notes and Queries.
155
Maryland, and are quoted from by Miss Murray in her " One Hundred
Years Ago." The printer of Mrs. Arnold's letter gave his wife's name
"Miss Delancy of Maryland," and Hertfordshire instead of Hereford.
T. H. M.
A RARE WORK added to the library of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania. —
Beschreibung | Der in America neu-erfundenen | Provinz | Pensylva-
nien. | Derer Inwohner Gesetz Arth Sit | ten und Gebrauch: | Auch
samtlicher Keviren des Landes | Sonderlich der Haupt-Stadt | Phila-
delphia | Alles glaubwurdigest | Ausz des Gouverneurs darinnen erstat-
teten | Nachricht.
In Verlegung bey Henrich Hensz an der Banco im Jahr 1684.
Title, one leaf. Text, 32 pp. Plan of Philadelphia.
4to.
(Slueries.
MINOR. — Genealogical data is wanted of Nicholas Minor, who served
in Lee's Light Horse during the Revolution.
J. E. M.
STEDMAN — COOKE. — Alexander Stedman married, at St. Paul's
Church, Philadelphia, July 23, 1792, Juliet Cooke, of Virginia.
Wanted, names of parents of Alexander and Juliet.
C. H. C.
HULL. — Who were the parents, brothers or sisters, of Sergeant John
Hull, of the Thirteenth and Seventh Regiments Virginia Continental
Line, Revolutionary War? He died in Pittsburg about 1805.
0. S. DECKER.
GRINNELL. — Information is requested concerning Thomas Grinnell,
who during a part of the Revolution commanded the ship "Congress."
He was captured and taken to England, and afterwards returned to
America, and died in 1818.
E. G. P.
NEW YORK.
ALEXANDER. — In the ' ' Pennsylvania Archives,' ' Second Series, under
the head of "Pennsylvania in the Revolution," there is given the ser-
vices of Alexander Alexander. Can any reader of the Magazine state
anything further in regard to his history, such as from what county did
he go to the war, his nationality, and what became of him afterwards ?
TAYLOR. — John Taylor was born in Philadelphia in 1765 ; Sarah
Butler was born in Chester, Pennsylvania, June 1, 1766 ; they were
married in St. Paul's Church, Philadelphia, June 1, 1789. Afterwards
they moved to Trenton and New Brunswick, New Jersey. Can any one
give information which will aid in tracing the ancestry of John Taylor ?
W. H. T.
156 Notes and Queries.
MILLER.— Henry Miller, of Broad Top, Huntingdon County, Penn-
sylvania, was a soldier in the War of 1812 and was shot in the leg by an
Indian. Can any reader of the Magazine state in what company or
regiment he was or anything of his history ? Several Henry Millers
are found in the list of Pennsylvania troops in the war, but nothing has
been seen to clearly identify this one.
W. A. MILLER.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, WASHINGTON, D. C.
WASHINGTON PORTRAIT. — In Samuel's ''Index to American Por-
traits" in the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE for October, 1901, there is
a portrait noted of Washington in Noah Webster's Spelling-Book, Hart-
ford, 1783, Frontispiece. Can any of your readers give a description
of this portrait, as to whether it is engraved on copper, wood, or type-
metal, and where a copy of it may be found ? The author of the Index
has mislaid his notes of this picture.
CHARLES HENRY HART.
PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON. — The Burlington Library Company, of
Burlington, New Jersey, by bequest from Jane D. Gauntt, has recently
come into possession of a life-size bust portrait of George Washington. It
is painted on glass, and has been treasured by the family for many years
as a rare and valuable work. The tradition in the family is ' ' that there
were eight of them painted, and that this came from a relative of the donor,
a Mr. Allen, who was an importing merchant in the East India trade in
the early part of the nineteenth century."
It will be of much interest to the Library Company if any of the
readers of the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE can give any information
relating to it.
E. J. BUTTON.
BURLINGTON, NEW JERSEY.
PORTER FAMILIES OF CHESTER COUNTY AND YORK COUNTY,
PENNSYLVANIA. — In Egle's "Notes and Queries," 1897, p. 121, sub-
stantially identical with the version originally contained in the ' ' Sketch
of the M'Creary Family," by Miss Harriet M'Creary, Gettysburg,
Pennsylvania, 1882, it is stated that these Porters were descended from
John Porter, colonist, of Windsor, Connecticut, through his eldest son,
John Porter, Jr., the connecting link, according to Miss M'Creary's
account, being set forth as follows :
"3rd Generation — Samuel, fourth son of John and Mary (Stanley)
Porter, was born March 5th, 1664. He left Connecticut and went
southward — settled in the southern part of Chester County, Pa., where
his family appear to have been prosperous and respectable, and were
considered wealthy farmers in their day. And when the country west
of the Susquehanna Eiver was thrown open to settlers two of his grand-
sons, Nathaniel and William Porter (brothers) crossed the river and
settled in York (now Adams) County. Nathaniel, who was several
years older than his brother, had married Sarah Maffitt, a lady of Scotch
parentage, of Cecil County, Md."
In the "National Illustrated Magazine," Vol. I., No. 7, Washington,
D.C., 1884, the biographer of Governor James D. Porter, of Tennessee,
says of Samuel that he "settled in Chester County, Pa., married and
reared a large family ; his son William, born 1695, owned and lived
upon his father's homestead."
Notes and Queries. 157
That this pedigree is not correct is shown by a search of the records
deposited in the State Library at Hartford, Connecticut. "Samuell
sonn of John Porter was borne : march 5-1664" ("Connecticut Colony
Land Records/' Vol. I. folio 54, "Windsor children's age") ; "Samuel
Porter Dyed November 16th 1694." (Ibid., p. 50) ; Agreement dated
January 12, 1688, regarding the lands of "or father John Porter of
Windsor," signed by John Porter, James Porter, Nathaniel Porter, and
Samuel Porter ; " An agreement between ye brethern of Samuell Porter
deceased of Windsor concerning ye devition of his estate," signed by
John Porter, Timothy Lomas, Joseph Porter, '" w«» ye consent of his
guardean Jno Moore." James Porter, Hezekiah Porter, Enoch Drake,
Thomas Lomas, Nathaniel Porter, Nathaniel Lomas ; "A Speciall Court
held at Hartford Decembr 25, 1694." . . . " An Inventory of the estate
of Samuel porter was exhibited in court & oath made by John porter
that there was a True presentment of the estate of the deceased so far as
at prsent he knows & If more comes to knowledg he will cause it to be
aded to the Inventory. This Court Grants administration on the estate
to James & Nathaniel porter who are to pay the debt in the first place &
the remaynder of the estate is to be distributed to each of the brothers &
sisters by equall proportion and [ ?] heyden & return strong are to
distribute the estate to the legatees the lands to be wholly to the sonns &
If any land fall to the sons more then their portions comes to they are to
pay to their sisters what they shall be appoynted by the said Strong &
Heyden ;" " Windsor december 19 : 1694. An Inventory taken of the
Estate of Samuel porter deceased." Eeal and personal amounting to
£210. " The Legatees or those next of kind The Bretheren & sisters of
samuel porter John Porter James porter Nath Porter Hezekiah porter
Joseph Porter Sarah drake Hannah Loomys Eebecka Loomys Kuth
Loomys." ("Hartford Probate Records," Vol. V. p. 278, and Re-
verse End, p. 196.)
Accepting the above evidence as conclusive, the authentic pedigree
begins with William Porter, who married Mary Price, daughter of
Thomas and Ann Price. There appears to be no evidence that he
" owned and lived upon his father's homestead." His first land warrant
(Churchman Papers) was dated May 10, 1734, and was for land located
in Elk Township, a little west of Lewisville, Chester County. In 1688 a
"William Porter was among the witnesses who signed the marriage cer-
tificate of Henry Hollingsworth of New Castle, Pa." (PESTNA. MAG.,
Vol. XXII. p. 376); "1718. William Porter. Kennett. Servant-
unmarried" appeared on the list of taxables ; and April 16, 1727, Wil-
liam Porter was a witness to the will of William Reynolds, of West Not-
tingham. Probably the last-mentioned William Porter was the only one
identical with the subject of this note.
William Porter was commissioned a captain for the French and Indian
War, February 8, 1747-8, in the Associate Regiments of Chester County
("Penna. Archives," Second Series, Vol. II. p. 506). His will, pro-
bated at West Chester August 3, 1749, does not mention a son Nathaniel,
but there was one of that name who had a brother William, who was a
son of James Porter, of West Nantmeal.
William Porter, "heir at Law" of William and Mary Porter (Deed
Book Z, p. 429, West Chester, Pennsylvania), married Sarah Piersol,
daughter of John and Alice Piersol, of Chester County, and not Sarah
Percival, as in pp. 72, 73 and Chart, "The Ancestry of Benjamin
158 Notes and Queries.
Harrison," by Charles P. Keith, Esq. They were great-great-grand-
parents of Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States.
Further information concerning the ancestry and descendants of the
various Porter families of Chester County and York County, Pennsyl-
vania, and of Delaware and Maryland, will be appreciated by the
undersigned.
PORTER FARQUHARSON COPE.
4806 CHESTER AVENUE, PHILADELPHIA.
motices.
THE PIONEER WOMEN OF WYOMING. An Address before the Wy-
oming Valley Chapter Daughters of the American Kevolution.
By Frederick C. Johnson, M.D.
There is no field where women' s share of labor and suffering has been
greater than in the pioneer community of the Wyoming Valley. Of
her devotion, her self-sacrifice, and her undaunted courage and heroism
Dr. Johnson rehearses in his admirable historical address.
A COMPREHENSIVE METHOD OF ARRANGEMENT FOR GENEALOGI-
CAL EECORDS, by Frank W. Haskell, is the title of a handy little
volume, in which he presents his method of numerical designation,
decimal and digital, for the arrangement of genealogical records. To
those who are engaged in this work an examination of the system will be
of service. Copies may be had by addressing the compiler, Niagara
Falls, New York.
THE BATTLE OF PELL'S POINT (OR PELHAM), OCTOBER 18, 1776. By
William Abbott. New York, 1902. 8vo, pp. 26. Edition limited
to five hundred copies. Price, $2.00.
The battle of Pell's Point, or Pelham Moor, in Westchester County,
New York, was a stubbornly contested engagement between a large force
of British troops and a small detachment of Americans, which followed
the evacuation of the city of New York by Washington's army. The
work, which is based on original documents, is liberally illustrated with
scenes of the battle-field, portraits of the officers participating, and a
map.
A CALENDAR OF WASHINGTON MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF
CONGRESS. By Herbert Friedenwald, Ph.D. Washington, 1901.
Pp. 315.
The calendar is in two parts, — manuscripts that were written by Wash-
ington or under his authority and documents received by him. Notable
among the documents are the Virginia Articles of Association of 1770 ;
papers relating to Sullivan's Indian expedition, and letters relating to
the founding of the city of Washington. Of the documents to Wash-
ington are many dating from 1778 to 1782, illustrating the means em-
ployed for obtaining information respecting the movements of the enemy.
The index of names will greatly aid the investigator.
THE QUAKER : A STUDY IN COSTUME. BY Amelia Mott Gummere.
Philadelphia, 1901. 12mo, pp. 232.
The traditional idea of Quakerism always carries with it a suggestion
of peculiarity in dress, and this peculiarity has been so marked that
Notes and Queries. 159
Quaker life can hardly be portrayed without an understanding of the
garb. Quaker dress and customs have varied as the times have changed,
and they notably fall in the period of persecution, the reactionary
period, and the modern period. In developing these changes, the coat,
the hat, beards and wigs, the Quakeress and the evolution of her bonnet,
are exhaustively and interestingly presented. This handsome volume is
liberally illustrated with historic portraits and original designs of cos-
tumes, and is from the press of Ferris & Leach.
ATWATER HISTORY AND GENEALOGY. By Francis Atwater. Meri-
den, Connecticut, 1901. 8vo, pp. 492.
The ancestors of the Atwaters of America are traced to the county of
Kent, England, where the earliest mention of the name appears in a
cartulary of the Cathedral church of Canterbury before the year 1257.
The brothers Joshua and David Atwater, with their sister Ann, the first
of the family to come to America, arrived at Boston in 1637, and were,
with others, the founders of the New Haven Colony. The descendants
of Joshua having become extinct in the male line, the genealogy mainly
embraces the descendants of David, who married Damaris Sayre, and
died in New Haven, Connecticut, in October of 1692. The Atwater
arms in colors, a pedigree chart, numerous illustrations, and an ex-
haustive index of names add to the value of the work.
MASSACHUSETTS VITAL RECORDS. — The New England Historic
Genealogical Society proposes to publish, by a fund set apart from the
bequest of Robert Henry Eddy to the Society, the Vital Records (births,
marriages, and deaths) of towns in Massachusetts, from their beginning
to the year 1845, whose records are not already printed or in process or
contemplation of printing. There are about one hundred and ninety
of such towns, estimated to require an average of one hundred and fifty
printed pages for each town, and it is intended to issue, in books of oc-
tavo size, in clear type, on good paper, and with suitable binding, the
records of as many towns as practicable during each year until the work
is completed. The Society now offers, until July 1, 1902, the privilege
of subscribing to this invaluable series of records at the uniform rate of
one cent per printed page, which, if six hundred copies are printed,
will be about the actual cost. This includes binding. Only a limited
number of copies will be printed ; the type will then be distributed and
the extra copies held on sale at a considerable advance on the subscrip-
tion price. The records of each town will form a separate volume, and
any number of copies of the records of any one town may be had if or-
dered before the work goes to press.
All communications should be addressed to the editor, Henry Ernest
Woods, 18 Somerset Street, Boston, Massachusetts.
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS RELATING TO THE POTTS FAMILY. By
Thomas Maxwell Potts. 8vo, pp. 792. Rubricated Title ; Illustra-
tions, 69 ; Autographs, 37 ; Tabulated Pedigrees, 37. The Indexes
cover more than 10,000 references. Price, in buckram, $5.00;
half morocco, $6.00.
This historical and genealogical work is a handsome volume, and has
been compiled from the voluminous accumulations of many years of
labor and wide and critical research. It is divided into three parts :
160 Notes and Queries.
The Potts Family in Great Britain. By the late William John Potts.
This section is preceded by a chapter upon the arms of Pott or Potts,
and treats of the family from early periods in the counties of Chester,
Derby, Stafford, Salop, Norfolk, Bedford, Kent, as well as of Wales,
Scotland, and Ireland, embracing copious abstracts from parish regis-
ters, abstracts of wills, indexes to wills and administrations, memorial
inscriptions, heralds' visitations, coats of arms, biographies, and miscel-
laneous memoranda. The Potts Family in America. This section con-
tains some account of the first settlers in America bearing the name of
Potts, and also of branches of the family who settled in Pennsylvania,
New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Ala-
bama, Georgia, Mississippi, Kentucky, and other places. Tabulated
pedigrees are appended to many chapters, which show the family affilia-
tions at a glance. One chapter is devoted to the " Solution of the Old
Potts Puzzle,' ' and another to the kinship of the Potts of Pennsylvania.
David Potts, of Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and his Descendants.
This section is an historic genealogy of this particular line of the Potts
family, from the settlement in the latter part of the seventeenth century
down to the present time. The book is printed on heavy tinted paper,
and illustrated with portraits, homes, autographs, arms, etc.
Address all communications to the compiler at Canonsburg, Pennsyl-
vania.
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THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
VOL. XXYI. 1902. No. 2.
JOSEPH GALLOWAY, THE LOYALIST POLITICIAN.
BY ERNEST H. BALDWIN, PH.D.
A YOUTH AND LAWYER.
Joseph Galloway was born in the town of West River,
Anne Arundel County, Maryland, in the year 1731.1 His
great-grandfather, Richard Galloway, of London, England,
acquired considerable land in Lord Baltimore's province in
1662, thus indicating that he was a man of good fortune
and respectability.2 Richard Galloway's grandson, Peter
Bines Galloway, was married to Elizabeth Rigbie by
Friends' ceremony in Anne Arundel, " llth Month, 9th,
1715," and became the father of Joseph.3
In 1740 Peter Galloway removed with his family to Kent
upon Delaware, not far from the city of Philadelphia.4 The
1 Examination, edited by Balch. This is the date accepted by Tyler
(Lit. Hist. Am. Rev., Vol. I. p. 370); other authorities give "about
1730." See "The Thomas Book" and "Biog. Diet."
2 "The Thomas Book," pp. 318-320.
3 ' ' Minutes of Friends' Meetings, Anne Arundel County, Maryland. ' '
Peter Galloway's mother died in England and was buried in the Friends'
Burying Ground in Bunfields. Another relative, Ann by name, was a
Quaker authoress.
4 Ibid.
VOL. xxvi. — 11 ( 161 )
162 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
reason for this change of residence is not quite clear, but is
probably to be found in the possession of property interests
in that region.1 However that may be, its influence upon
the future career of young Joseph was very important, for
it placed Philadelphia, with all its advantages and attrac-
tions, within his reach.
The death of Peter Galloway, while Joseph was still
quite young, leaving a large landed property, may have
induced the boy to choose the study of the law, and thus fit
himself for the proper care of such an estate.2 And the
example of other sons of Maryland in seeking the more
attractive field of Philadelphia for the exercise of their
talents may have had some influence in fixing such a deter-
mination in his mind, and caused him to seek that city for
his legal studies and future home.
After suitable training, probably under the direction ot
some prominent lawyer, Mr. Galloway was admitted to the
Bar and allowed to plead before the Supreme Court ot
Pennsylvania as early as 1749, or before he was twenty
years old. In the meanwhile he had obtained a good
social standing, and as early as 1748 had been made a
member of the Schuylkill Fishing Company, a club com-
posed of the most prominent and aristocratic men of
Philadelphia.3
1 The Minutes of the Board of Property. (Penna. Archives, Second
Series, Vol. XIX. p. 758.)
2 That Peter Galloway was a man of large landed property appears
from advertisements concerning the settlement of his estate.
3 Martin's "Bench and Bar of Philadelphia." Just how old Joseph
Galloway was when he went to Philadelphia is uncertain. He was
made a member of the Schuylkill Fishing Company May 1, 1748
("History of the Schuylkill Fishing Co."), and it is reasonable to sup-
pose that he was a resident there for a year or two before he gained such
a social recognition.
There is no evidence that Mr. Galloway studied law in the Temple,
London. In his examination before the Parliamentary Commission in
1779 he made no mention of having studied in England. And in a
letter written by his friend, Ambrose Serle, in 1778, from New York,
where Galloway was then staying, is a statement of the latter's intention
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 163
Mr. Galloway still further enhanced his prospects by his
marriage in 1753 with Grace Growden, the daughter of
Lawrence Growden, an influential character and a former
Speaker of Assembly.1 The Growdens were the owners ot
the famous iron-works at Durham, Pennsylvania, and pos-
sessed large means. This alliance with a wealthy and in-
fluential family, added to his native talents, which were ot
high order, made Mr. Galloway, as yet but twenty-three
years old, one of the leading young lawyers of the city.
The court dockets of the time indicate that Mr. Galloway
rapidly acquired a large practice. And this was not con-
fined to the Pennsylvania courts only, but extended to those
of the Delaware Counties and to the Supreme Court ot
I^"ew Jersey.2 He was counsel in civil rather than criminal
cases, and was a real-estate lawyer primarily; his extant
briefs in both public and private libraries relate chiefly to
land claims, legality of surveys, and deeds of sale or lease.
The careless and inaccurate methods of surveyors and
the neglect in the recording of warrants resulted in con-
flicting claims, and the services of a lawyer versed in the
intricacies of real-estate law were in great demand.3 In
that branch of the law Mr. Galloway became a recognized
to visit England "for the first time" (Stevens, " Facsimiles," No. 2053).
Finally, correspondence with the four Inns of Court, London, elicits the
information that the name of Joseph Galloway nowhere appears upon
their records.
1 Mr. Galloway was married in Christ Church, Philadelphia, and, in
Quaker phraseology, " by a priest" (Marriage Eecords of Christ Church).
This marriage was a happy one, and its issue consisted of three sons, all
of whom died very young, and a daughter, Elizabeth, who lived to
share her father's exile and subsequently married in England. (See
Keith's "Provincial Councillors.")
It is an interesting fact that John Dickinson, Mr. Galloway's lifelong
rival, also married the daughter of a Speaker of Assembly, Mr. Norris,
and that both subsequently enjoyed the advantages of such political in-
fluence and advice.
2 Examination, edited by Balch.
3 See W. E. Shepherd, "History of Proprietary Government in
Pennsylvania."
164 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
authority. Suits for the recovery of debts, knotty ques-
tions connected with the execution of wills, and admiralty
cases also occupied his attention. Thus he was largely
concerned with matters relating to property rights. This
important fact should not be overlooked in seeking an ex-
planation of his later conduct. Not only was he a large land-
owner himself, but he was thrown into the closest relations
with property holders, and learned to regard them and their
interests as paramount and the protection of property as
one of the most essential duties of government.1
The autograph briefs of Mr. Galloway illustrate the great
care and thoroughness with which he prepared for the cases
placed in his charge, and show that he was systematic in the
conduct of them. The questions he proposed to ask wit-
nesses were carefully worded and written out beforehand ;
and the various courses to be pursued, depending upon the
different answers which might be given, were outlined.
The careful attention to detail and the close application
practised by him were excellent training for the leadership
he was to take in Provincial affairs in later years, and laid
the foundation for the place he occupied in the front rank
of Pennsylvania lawyers. It is not surprising that his ser-
vices were in demand in the most important civil suits in
the Province from 1760 on, especially land suits in which
the Proprietor was a party; or that in 1769 he was one of
the three members of the Ear called to testify before the
Supreme Court as to " the custom in the province in taking
acknowledgments of deeds by married women/7 2
Mr. Galloway's legal talents were of especial service in
1 Besides the large property inherited by Mr. Galloway and that
obtained by marriage, he came into the possession of considerable as a
legal adviser, often receiving a certain proportion of the land in dispute
as his fee (Testimony before the Loyalist Commission, MSB. Congres-
sional Library). This was a not uncommon practice. At the time of
the breaking out of the ^Revolution Mr. Galloway was one of the
wealthiest men in the Colonies. His estate, which was confiscated by the
State of Pennsylvania, was estimated to be worth forty thousand pounds.
2 MS. Penna. Reports 145, Law Association Library, Philadelphia,
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 165
the Pennsylvania Assembly, of which body he became a
member in 1756. In the drafting of laws the wording of
which required special care he was of great assistance. In
1758 he was manager of the prosecution before the Assem-
bly of the Moore-Smith libel case. In 1759 he was very
prominent in the advocacy of a bill for recording warrants and
surveys, a subject with which he was fully competent to deal.
As further evidence of his legal attainments, contem-
porary testimony may be offered. In the course of a debate
held in the Assembly in 1761, " Mr. Galloway remarkably
displayed his talents of eloquence and an extensive knowl-
edge of the laws of England and the judicial processes used
in our mother country." l Another writer mentions him as a
" favorite pleader" in the courts.2 He frequently met as his
legal opponents John Dickinson, Andrew and James Allen,
and James Tilghman, all famous Philadelphia barristers.3
In recognition of his attainments as a lawyer and public
man, Mr. Galloway was given the degree of LL.D. by Prince-
ton College in 1769.4 At that time he was the most promi-
nent lawyer and politician residing in the Province of Penn-
sylvania.5
A MEMBER OF ASSEMBLY.
Political conditions in the Province of Pennsylvania in
1756 were unusual. A Colony founded and largely con-
trolled by a religious sect whose principles forbade war
found it necessary to levy military taxes and provide for
military enlistments. The savage fighting of the French
and Indian War was going on right at its own doors. The
Quaker majority in control of the Assembly met this situ-
ation tardily and with reluctance ; they themselves claimed
1 Samuel Foulke's Journal, PENNA. MAG., Vol. VIII. p. 409.
2 PENNA. MAG., Vol. XIX. p. 266.
3 The Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer, p. 27.
4 Records of Princeton College. This honor may have been given at
the suggestion of William Franklin, Governor of New Jersey, and an
intimate friend of Mr. Galloway.
5 Benjamin Franklin was at that time residing in England, and Mr.
Galloway was Speaker of the Assembly.
166 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
exemption from military service by charter, and held it
to be the duty of the Proprietors alone to protect the
Province.
Although a militia law had been passed, it was not com-
pulsory, and was declared inadequate to the situation by the
Privy Council ; and that body further asserted that " there
was no cause to hope for other measures whilst the majority
of the Assembly consisted of persons whose avowed princi-
ples were against military services." l
Unwilling to support these military measures, however,
some of the Quakers, members of the Assembly, resigned.2
Others, opposed to more effective measures, following the
advice of their more conscientious leaders, retired and de-
clined a re-election.3 It then became necessary to send men
to the Assembly who would not scruple to vote suitable
military protection, and at the same time would serve the
interests of the Quaker party and its German followers.
Mr. Galloway was such a man. His qualifications for a
seat in the Provincial Assembly were conspicuous. Several
years' experience as a successful lawyer made him familiar
with the laws and the principles of legislation ; he was a
practised and effective speaker; the possession of consider-
able property made him conservative and a proper guardian
of such interests ; he had talent, social position, and influence ;
he was by training and association an adherent and sup-
porter of the Quaker party, and had not the slightest objec-
tion to voting that other men should go to war.4
The earliest mention of Mr. Galloway's name in coimec-
1 Gordon, "History of Pennsylvania," p. 339.
2 Votes of Assembly, Vol. IV. p. 564.
3 Isaac Sharpless, "A Quaker Experiment in Government," p. 224.
4 The name of Joseph Galloway does not appear on any of the records
of Friends' Meetings in Philadelphia ; but that he was of Quaker parent-
age and training admits of no doubt ("Kecords of Friends' Meetings,
Anne Arundel Co., Md."). In an autograph letter of 1756 (Smith
MS., Vol. V., Phila. Library Co.) he uses the Friendly expressions
"thee" and "thine;" in his later correspondence he ceased to use
these forms.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 167
tion with a seat in the Assembly, so far as has been discov-
ered, is contained in a letter from Edward Shippen to his
father, dated Philadelphia, September 19, 1756, only ten
days before the election :
"No ticket is yet settled for this county [Philadelphia]," he writes,
"nor can any be until the result of the yearly meeting at Burlington is
known. Galloway and Baynton are talked of by some — Jacob Duch6
and Coleman by others — nothing fixed.*' *
The question then being discussed at the " yearly meek
ing" was whether the former Quaker members of the As-
sembly should stand for re-election. Their refusal to do so
opened the way for Mr. Galloway. The stricter Quakers
objected even to taking part in the election, and sought to
prevent their sect from obtaining a majority in the next
House. Others, however, feared ill consequences might
result from inactivity, and probably supported Mr. Galloway
for reasons mentioned above.2 He was, therefore, elected a
member of the Assembly from Philadelphia County October
1, 1756.3
It will not be inappropriate at this point to consider for a
moment the character of the body of which Mr. Galloway
had become a member, in which he was to take such a
prominent position, and over which he was destined to
exercise so much control.
1 "Shippen Papers,'' edited by Thomas Balch, p. 63.
2 There is an interesting letter on this subject written by James Pem-
berton to Samuel Fothergill, "Eleventh month, 1756" (quoted in
Sharpless, "A Quaker Experiment in Government," p. 257) :
"... such friends who had most regard to the preserving our testimony inviolate,
thought it best to decline interesting themselves in the election any further than to
prevent a majority of those professing with us being returned as Representatives in the
Assembly and would have preferred that not one under the name should be chosen, and
for this reason declined voting themselves, and many others influenced by their ex-
ample acted in like manner ; but notwithstanding this there were too many under our
name active in the election, whom no arguments could prevail with to desist, and by
this means, and the apprehensions of others of the inhabitants of the ill-consequences
of being inactive, there are in this county of eight members of the House, two called
Quakers, and one that was owned last year, and another who comes to meeting, but
not joined in membership."
Was the latter not Galloway ?
3 Votes of Assembly.
168 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
The Colonial Assembly of the middle of the eighteenth
century was a very different body from that of its lineal
descendant of the twentieth. Its numbers were small, the
average degree of intelligence was moderate, its methods of
conducting business were careless, and its facilities for print-
ing, securing information, and communication with con-
stituents were extremely limited. And the majority, some-
what ignorant, inexperienced, and prejudiced, were apt to
follow, rather blindly, the leadership of a man of educa-
tion, and one who was able and disposed to take the initia-
tive and form policies.1
The Provincial Assembly of Pennsylvania, while it pos-
sessed the above characteristics, was in some important
respects different from its contemporaries. It was com-
posed of mixed elements, representing not only different
nationalities, but also various religious creeds. It possessed
valuable privileges not accorded to other Assemblies. It
met and adjourned at pleasure; it was not subject to disso-
lution and prorogation by the Governor. Its rules of pro-
cedure were in advance of those of its sister Assemblies ;
its Speaker possessed powers unusual for those times : he
could nominate members of committees and check dilatory
tactics.2
These rights had not been won without difficulty, and
they were adhered to with great tenacity. At the time of
Mr. Galloway's entrance to the Assembly, and for many
years preceding, that body regarded its interests and those
of .the people it represented as opposed to those of the Pro-
prietors. This idea found expression in endless quarrels over
such subjects as taxation, appointments to office, military
defence, and Governors' instructions.
Benjamin Franklin was the most influential leader ot
1 This estimate of the Colonial Assembly is based on extensive reading
of the proceedings of such bodies, contemporary descriptions, and
opinions of those who have made a more careful study of the subject.
2 L. G. McConachie, "Congressional Committees," Appendix; M.
P. Follett, "The Speaker of the House of Representatives."
Joseph Galloway j the Loyalist Politician. 169
the Assembly party in 1756, and it was partly due to his
exertions that military measures had been carried during
the last two years. The election of Mr. Galloway provided
Franklin with an able assistant in his efforts to secure suit-
able defence and at the same time compel the Proprietors
to bear their just share of the burden of taxation.
The minutes of the Assembly for the year 1756 reveal
the fact that Mr. Galloway took an active part in the pro-
ceedings of that body from the first, and that his talents
were immediately called into service. The Assembly met
October 14, 1756, and on the 20th Mr. Galloway was placed
at the head of a committee " to prepare and bring in a Bill
for prohibiting the exportation of provisions, naval or war-
like stores from this province to the French." * A few days
later he was sent with another member to wait on the
Governor with an inquiry.2 On the 28th he was placed at
the head of another committee, with Franklin as a member,
" to prepare and bring in a Bill for forming and regulating
a militia in this province." 3
On November 23 the following significant record ap-
pears : " Ordered that Mr. Galloway and Franklin do pre-
pare a draught of a message to the Governor desiring he
would be pleased to lay before the house such of the Pro-
prietary instructions to him as relate to matters of legisla-
tion ; also a copy of the late conference with the Indians at
Easton." 4 This was designed partly as a precautionary meas-
ure to prevent delay in legislation, and partly to learn whether
the Assembly would have just cause for complaint. A new
Governor, William Denny, was then in office, and better
things were hoped of his administration than had been
experienced under his immediate predecessor; but in this
they were disappointed. His - instructions infringed the
rights of the Assembly, they said, and prevented the enact-
ment of necessary and just laws. But Governor Denny was
1 Votes of Assembly, October 20, 1756. 2 Ibid., October 26, 1756.
9 Ibid., October 28, 1756. * Ibid., November 23, 1756.
I
170 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
determined to abide by his instructions, and consequently
soon became involved in a quarrel with the Assembly.
The first dispute arose over the question of excise, and
the Assembly, owing to the exigency of the war, yielded.
A disagreement over the quartering of troops on inn-
keepers in Philadelphia occupied its attention also. In
all these troubles Mr. Galloway was very prominent as a
committeeman or as a medium between the Assembly and
the Governor, duties which required tact and a knowledge
of the laws and facts. And in the discussions in the Assem-
bly he and Franklin did most of the gnawing on these
bones of contention.
But military affairs reached a low ebb early in 1757, and
a grant of one hundred thousand pounds had been voted by
the Assembly, in accordance with a bill drawn up by a com-
mittee of which Galloway and Franklin were members.1
This bill provided for the taxation of Proprietary estates,
and on this account was rejected by the Governor. Neces-
sity compelled the Assembly to yield again, and it was
further influenced by the fact that the Province was then in
disfavor at London, owing to complaints which had been
made to the Privy Council. But while it thus acceded
to the Governor's wishes, at the same time it resolved
" that a Commissioner or Commissioners be appointed to
go Home to England in behalf of the people, to solicit the
removal of the grievances we labor under by reason of Pro-
prietary instructions." The Speaker, Mr. Norris, and Ben-
jamin Franklin were appointed the Commissioners.2
The importance of this action in the career of Mr. Gallo-
way lay in the fact that upon Franklin's departure for Eng-
land the management of the Anti-Proprietary party in the
Assembly was left in his hands. One evidence of this ap-
pears in the minutes of the Assembly. Mr. Galloway was
immediately assigned to the places left vacant by Franklin
on the committees.3 The two most important of these
1 Votes of Assembly, January 22, 1757. 2 Ibid., January 28, 1757.
3 Ibid., April 1 and 9, 1757.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 171
committees were those of Grievances and Correspond-
ence.
A further examination of the minutes of the Assembly
for the years 1756-57 gives abundant evidence of the promi-
nence of Mr. Galloway in the public affairs of the Province
so early in his public career. In preparing answers to Gov-
ernors' messages, resolutions, congratulatory addresses, and
instructions to Commissioners his services were constantly
in demand ; measures for defence, equalization of taxation,
repair of roads, care of the poor refugees from Kova Scotia,
and for the regulation of trade and Indian affairs — all were
prepared with the assistance of Mr. Galloway.1
The conduct of this young lawmaker during his first year
as a member of the House marked him as an active supporter
of the Assembly party in its opposition to the Proprietary
pretensions, and, after the departure of Franklin, as one ot
its recognized leaders. And in no way was his attitude
towards the Proprietors more plainly manifested than in his
conduct as Indian Commissioner, an office to which he was
appointed by the Assembly April 9, 1757.2 The occasion
of this appointment was the attempt to bring about peace
with the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, who had joined
the French in the war, but who now seemed inclined to
bury the hatchet, provided their own grievances were re-
dressed. These Indians complained of injustice in connec-
tion with the sale of their lands and demanded satisfaction.3
They requested the production and examination of the title-
deeds, in order that the truth ot their claims might be
proved. These demands were opposed by the Proprietors,
but seemed entirely reasonable to the Quakers, who sought
to obtain justice for the Indians and thus secure a lasting
peace.
A " Friendly Association" had been formed by the lead-
i Votes of Assembly, 1756-57. 2 Ibid., April 9, 1757.
8 The famous "Walking Purchase" ol 1737 was one cause of com-
plaint. (Sharpless, "A History of Quaker Government in Pennsyl-
vania," p. 24.)
$
172 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
ing members of that sect with the object of furthering the
success of the negotiations by gifts to the Indians, thus
regaining and preserving peace by pacific measures. They
were seconded in their efforts by the Assembly agents, who
were not disinclined to have the Proprietary shortcomings
exhibited.1
Conferences held with the Indians in 1756 had been
inconclusive, but those planned for the summer of 1757
promised much in the way of a settlement of the troubles,
and neighboring Colonies were to be represented.
Soon after their appointment as Indian Commissioners,
Mr. Galloway and William Masters wrote Governor Denny,
urging that particular care be used to learn the cause for
the complaints of the Indians at the coming conferences,
and praying that a spirit of conciliation be shown in con-
ducting the negotiations. This was really in the nature of
a warning that the Indians would be supported in their just
claims by the Quaker party.2
The Governor objected to the plan of the members of the
" Friendly Association" to be present at the conferences and
forbade their giving gifts to the Indians. He was unable to
prevent this, however, and Tedyuscimg, the Indian chief,
refused to treat without their presence. The wily Indian
also demanded a clerk of his own, a suggestion which was
no doubt of Quaker origin and for which Mr. Galloway was
probably in part responsible. Evidence of this appears in
1 Sharpless, "A History of Quaker Government in Pennsylvania," pp.
24, 30, 36.
2 Lancaster, May 6, 1757 : " we now experimentally find that the
persons concerned in former treaties . . . have been too negligent in
making the proper inquiries into their complaints and searching into the
justice of them . . . too ready to postpone making them the small com-
pensation with which they might have been easily satisfied. . . . We
entreat your Honor to make a full disquisition of the Indians now
present . . . into the complaints and injuries . . . and into every other
piece of injustice that may be suggested against any person whatever
concerned in this government that . . . satisfaction may be made to the
Indians . . ." (Penna. Archives, Vol. III. pp. 160, 161.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 173
a letter of George Croghan, who was present at the Easton
conference, to Sir William Johnson, in which an account ot
the proceedings is given :
" In the evening [July 22] after the conference was over I met some
of the Provincial Commissioners in the Street who asked me if the
Governor had allowed the Indians a Clerk. I told them that Tedyuscung
was well satisfied that none but the Clerk I had brought with me should
take down the minutes : On which Mr. Galloway and Mr. Masters two of
the Provincial Commissioners said, if the Governor did not allow the
Indians a Clerk, they would set off home, and take the Provincial
presents with them and not give a single shirt to the Indians. Now as I
found Tedyuscung and his council was well satisfied without one both
before those people came to town and in the conference this day, I can't
help thinking that those people have insinuated to him that justice
would not be done him, and put him on asking one to carry something
that might favor themselves in some of their views. . . ." l
The following morning (July 23) Tedyuscung informed
the Commissioners that Governor Denny had refused his
request for a clerk, and that he would not treat without one.
The Commissioners then drew up a formal remonstrance
which they presented to the Governor the same day. This
was read to the Governor by Mr. Galloway, who insisted that
the Indian's request be granted.2 The Governor was com-
pelled to accede to the wishes of the Commissioners, but he
in turn remonstrated with them for their interference and
forbade them to transact any business with the Indians.3
1 "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York," Vol.
VII. p. 322.
2 Ibid., pp. 291, 292.
3 Gordon, "Hist, of Penna.," p. 360. That the Commissioners
used the clerk, Charles Thomson, to good advantage in embarrassing the
Proprietary Governor appears from Croghan' s letter.
" Those people by his having a clerk, they had a Counsellor for themselves, to put
Tedyuscung in mind what they wanted him to say, and it appeared very clearly one
day when he had got his speech drawn up in writing and desired his clerk to read it off
as a lawyer would put in a plea at the bar. ..."
Croghan objected to this also, made Tedyuscung deliver his own
speech, and complained to Sir William Johnson that the conduct of the
Quakers was derogatory to the Royal Prerogative, and based on private
interests.
'
174 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
In a reply to this, written August 1, 1757 (Easton), the
Commissioners vindicated their conduct, reminded the Gov-
ernor of their joint power in the disposition of public money,
and declared that they would always remonstrate when there
was reason for it.1 The incident left a rather bitter feeling
between the Governor and the Assembly party, and is impor-
tant in that it made Mr. Galloway still more prominent as
a leader of the opposition to Proprietary rule and caused the
succeeding quarrels with the Governor to take on a more
virulent character.
Two controversies in which Mr. Galloway was concerned
occurred during this early period of his career as an Assem-
blyman, and will be briefly mentioned here.
The first of these disputes, known as the Moore-Smith
affair, began immediately after the Indian conferences of
1757. Throughout the session of 1756-57 petitions had
been sent to the Assembly complaining of one "William
Moore, Esq., a justice of the peace in Chester County,
charging him with arbitrary and extortionate practices. No
action was taken upon these petitions until Mr. Galloway
was assigned to the Committee of Grievances (in the place
of Benjamin Franklin), when the subject was taken up and
referred to that committee.2 At the same time the clerk
was ordered to notify Moore that the House would inquire
into the charges against him at the next session. On August
25 the case was heard and Moore was granted further time
to prepare his defence. Upon his failure to appear later, it
was decided on September 27 that Moore ought to be
removed from office, and Mr. Galloway was appointed on
the committee to prepare an address to the Governor asking
him to make the desired removal. No further action was
taken on the subject until the first session of the next
Assembly.
Meanwhile Mr. Moore had written an address to the
Governor defending his conduct and criticising the action of
1 " Colonial Kecords," Vol. VII. p. 094.
2 Votes of Assembly, April 1, 1757.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 175
the Assembly. This was deemed libellous by the House,
and the Sergeant-at-arms was sent to apprehend Moore;
at the same time, William Smith, the college provost, who
was suspected of being the author of Moore's address, was
ordered to appear before the House.
The Governor, in a message to the Assembly, refused to
remove Moore without a hearing, and declared that that
was impossible because the House held the accused as a
prisoner. The Assembly then decided to impeach Moore,
and requested the Governor to appoint a day for that pur-
pose. At the same time Mr. Galloway was chosen to pre-
pare articles of impeachment. The Governor refused this
request, however, claiming the right to act independently of
the Assembly. At the same time both Moore and Smith
refused to recant and submit. The only outcome of the
affair was the increased bitterness it provoked between the
Assembly and the Governor, for the origin of it lay in the
fact that Moore was an obnoxious Proprietary officer, and
Smith the author of a slanderous pamphlet urging the
Crown to forbid Quakers the right of membership in the
Assembly.1
The animosities aroused by this affair probably influenced
the Governor in precipitating the next quarrel, which
occurred in 1758, and which served still more to widen the
gulf between the Assembly and Proprietors. The Governor
refused his assent to another money bill because of the
Commissioners named in the act. Mr. Galloway had the
honor to be one of these Commissioners. They were
charged with disregard of the Governor, expenditure of
money without his consent, and neglect to render proper
accounts.
The Commissioners answered these charges before the
1 The whole controversy appears on the minutes of the Assembly.
The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended as regarded the two accused ;
but they both secured their release and Smith went to England, where
he was successful in an appeal to the Privy Council ; the House was
censured.
I
176 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Assembly April 5, 1758; they were pleased that the Gov-
ernor had not charged them with appropriating money for
their own use; admitted their refusal to defray needless
expense; denied the charge of neglect; and showed that
the Governor had approved their expenditures.1 This spirited
defence irritated the Governor, and he vented his spleen
upon two members of the House who waited on him on
business. The Assembly resented this treatment of its
members and remonstrated, thus adding fuel to the fire. Mr.
Galloway appeared throughout as in no way inclined to con-
ciliation, and exhibited a disputatious, if not resentful, spirit.
He was only accumulating a measure of dissatisfaction with
Proprietary institutions which a few years later he was called
upon to express in terms which would serve as a party
platform in an exciting period of Pennsylvania politics.
The prominence acquired by Mr. Galloway as a leader in
the Assembly during the first year of his political career
continued without interruption during the following years.
A brief mention of the more important features of legis-
lation from 1758 to 1764 will indicate how his talents were
employed.
Late in 1758 he was again sent as a Commissioner to
Easton, to another conference with the Indians, at which
the Governor in vain sought to have Tedyuscung withdraw
his charges of fraud against the Proprietors. In his report
of this conference the Governor wrote as follows : " We
cannot but impute the said Tedyuscung's making the base
charge of forgery against the Proprietaries to the malicious
suggestions and management of some wicked people, enemies
to the Proprietaries.2 ..."
On account of his absence in connection with this con-
ference Mr. Galloway did not appear in the Assembly after
his third election until November 16, 1758.3 Abuses con-
nected with the military service and Indian trade then en-
1 Votes of Assembly, April 5, 1758.
3 "Colonial Records," Vol. VIII. p. 243.
8 Votes of Assembly, November 16, 1758.
Joseph G-alloway, the Loyalist Politician.
177
gaged his attention. In the following year (April 21, 1759)
he was on a committee ordered " to collect all the treaties
held with the several tribes of Indians by this province,
from the first settlement thereof, and to see the same
printed in a small folio volume, on good strong paper."
The same committee was to collect all the laws of the Prov-
ince and prepare bills : first, for amending the laws for
establishing courts of justice in the Province; second,
establishing an office for recording warrants and surveys ;
and, third, for regulating the inns and taverns within the
Province.1 A month later several of the religious sects,
hearing " with real concern" that a " company of Stage
Players would erect a theatre and exhibit plays," petitioned
the Assembly to prohibit " such ensnaring and irreligious
entertainments." So Mr. Galloway headed a committee to
bring in a bill prohibiting theatres and suppressing lotteries ;
and a few days later one for the " relief of heirs, Devises
and assigns of persons born out of the King's legiance."
Mr. Galloway's connection with the framing of some of
these bills is shown particularly in connection with that
concerning warrants and surveys. A bill was passed by the
Assembly, but vetoed by the Governor in a message which
contained some observations made by several prominent
lawyers, members of the Governor's Council, to whom the
bill had been referred for criticism.2 The bill was returned
to the Governor, who vetoed it again. On July 4 a new
bill was framed and passed by the House.
" A member then presenting to the chair a paper of remarks upon the
observations sent down by his Honor on the former draught of a bill for
the said purpose,"
the House decided to send it with the bill.3 And in the
message to the Governor occur the following words :
" We herewith send such remarks made upon those observations by
a gentleman of the law, a member of our house, in point of law and
reason. " *
1 Votes of Assembly, April 21, 1759.
3 Ibid., July 4, 1759.
VOL. XXVI. — 12
3 Ibid., June 13, 1759.
4 Provincial Archives.
178 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
^
These " remarks," the author of which was Mr. Galloway,
played a very important part in this controversy. They
give evidence of careful thought, an acquaintance with the
subject, and a skill in fencing which made Mr. Galloway a
dangerous opponent in all such bouts.1
In 1760 Mr. Galloway, in connection with a bill granting
one hundred thousand pounds for military supplies, fought
a successful battle with the Governor over the question of
preserving to the Assembly the disposal of the money and
forbidding the Governor to assist in its expenditure. The
Governor was compelled to yield the point, owing to the
determination of the Assembly to adhere to its resolution.
In the following year military measures engaged the
attention of Mr. Galloway largely, and as a Provincial Com-
missioner he was very active in the administration of affairs.
His activity was little affected by the return of Franklin
from his successful mission in 1763. He resumed his inti-
mate relations with the famous philosopher and continued
his opposition to the Proprietary rule. At the end of each
session he was granted a sum of money for extra services,
showing that his talents were much in demand in the
House.2 At the close of the French and Indian "War he
was one of the two most active politicians in the Province
of Pennsylvania.3
AN OPPONENT OF PROPRIETORS.
The year 1764 was an eventful one in the annals of Penn-
sylvania politics. That Quaker Colony was stirred from
1 A detailed account of this particular bill is not within the province ot
this thesis. It will not be out of place, however, to state that its object was
to prevent the injustice which often resulted from the confusion into
which the carelessness of Proprietary officers had thrown land titles. (See
W. E. Shepherd, " History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania.")
The method by which the Governor's sanction of the bill was ob-
tained and the uses to which it was put by some lawyers were causes for
serious charges later. Galloway himself was accused of taking advantage
of it to deprive some poor Germans of their lands.
2 Votes of Assembly, September 27, 1759 ; September 26, 1761, etc.
3 Franklin was the other.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 179
centre to circumference over the bold proposition to change
the form of government and make it a Royal Province.
Owing to the prominent part taken by Mr. Galloway in
this movement, the year was also an important one in his
career. He not only suffered a defeat at the polls, but,
what was far more unfortunate, he entered upon a bitter
feud with John Dickinson.
In the apparently irreconcilable differences between the
Assembly and Proprietors may be found the reason for the
measure which occasioned the heated political quarrel of
1764. The complaints made of the Quakers in the manage-
ment of Indian affairs, the quarrels over supply bills and
taxation, and the continual bickerings with the Proprietors
about assessors, Governors' instructions, and the appoint-
ment of judges had exhausted the patience of the popular
or Assembly party.
An affair which greatly aggravated the animosity between
the two parties early in 1764 was what is knowji in history
as the "Paxton Riot." This unfortunate occurrence had
its origin in the continued Indian depredations on the
western frontier, and the feeling among the excitable
Scotch-Irish in Lancaster County that suitable protection
could not be obtained from the Quaker party in control ot
the Provincial Assembly. In their desperation they took
things into their own hands. A party of fifty or more
frontiersmen deliberately massacred the few friendly Indians,
wards of the government, living at Conestoga. The act,
committed in the most shocking manner, met with the
most vehement denunciation in Philadelphia. This served
merely to still more irritate the frontiersmen, who not only
defended their conduct, but threatened a war of extermi-
nation against all Indians, friendly or hostile.
Fears were entertained for the safety of the Moravian
Indian converts, and they were removed to Philadelphia
and lodged in the city barracks. This open and avowed
protection of the Indians exasperated the westerners, and
they started for Philadelphia with the alleged purpose or
180 Joseph Galloway , the Loyalist Politician.
killing the Indians and punishing the Quakers. The city
was greatly alarmed. Military companies were organized,
and even the Quakers shouldered guns and drilled.1 The
wildest rumors were current as to the numbers and anger
of the Irish.
But the fierce Indian-hunters, when they learned of the
effective measures for protection taken in the city, halted at
Germantown. A delegation of leading men, among whom
were Franklin and Galloway, went out to meet the insur-
gents, heard their grievances, promised to consider certain
reforms, and persuaded the majority of them to return
home.2 They left a committee to enter the city and present
a petition to the Assembly. They demanded the banish-
ment of the Indians, a promise not to try the Paxton mur-
derers in the city of Philadelphia, and a larger representa-
tion in the Assembly for the border counties.3 These
demands were never acceded to, the murderers were never
tried anywhere, and the only result of the affair was the
bitter feeling it left against the Quakers and the Quaker
party. And they, on the other hand, were filled with appre-
hension lest the riotous Presbyterians should get the legis-
lative as well as the executive branch of the government
into their hands.4 The participation of Mr. Galloway in
this affair was never forgotten by the Paxton Boys; and
ten years later, when a greater quarrel was brewing, they
subjected him to insult.
The immediate occasion of the proposition to abolish the
Proprietorship, however, was a new quarrel over taxation,
which followed closely upon the excitement of the Paxton
riot. The agreement which Franklin had made with the
1 Muhlenberg, Diary.
2 "Shippen Papers," p. 204. Reed's "Life and Correspondence of
President Heed," p. 35. The action finally taken was to provide for the
more effective administration of the courts in the counties !
8 Sharpless, "A History of Quaker Government in Pennsylvania,"
p. 47.
4 Ibid., p. 67. Letter of James Pemberton to Samuel Fothergill.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 181
Proprietors in 1759 regarding the taxation of their estates
provided that the unimproved lands of the Proprietors
should be assessed as low as the lowest rate at which similar
lands of the people were assessed. Early in 1764 a bill
granting fifty thousand pounds for an Indian campaign was
returned by the Governor, with the demand that the best
unimproved lands of the Proprietors be taxed at the rate
paid by the people for their worst lands.
Owing to the pressing necessity of war, the Assembly, in
disgust at the mean advantage taken by the Proprietors,
agreed to the demand. But at the same time it ap-
pointed a committee, at the head of which stood Mr. Gal-
loway, to consider and report upon the grievances of the
Province.1
The report of this committee, presented March 24, 1764,
and consisting of twenty-six resolutions penned by Mr. Gal-
loway, placed at the door of the Proprietaries the responsi-
bility for all their troubles. The chief causes of complaint
against them were : their private instructions to the Deputy
Governor, their claims to exemption from taxation, their
appointment of judges during pleasure, their abuse of the
right to issue licenses to taverns, and their attempt to con-
trol the militia. Their growing power, resulting from the
continual increase of their estates, it was asserted, would
not only tend to render them absolute, but endanger the
prerogatives of the Crown as well as the liberties of the
people.2
The Assembly having adopted the resolutions, then
decided that
' ' as all hope of happiness under the proprietary government were at an
end, they would adjourn in order to consult the people, whether an
humble address should be drawn up, and transmitted to his Majesty,
praying that he would be graciously pleased to take the people of this
province under his immediate protection and government.8 . . ."
1 Votes of Assembly, March, 1764. 2 Ibid.
8 Ibid.
182 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
^
In the mean time petitions requesting a change of govern-
ment were circulated and signed by many of the Quakers.1
These were presented to the Assembly when it reconvened
a few weeks later. A resolution to send a petition asking
the Crown to resume the government of the Province was
then adopted. This measure encountered the strenuous
opposition of John Dickinson, and was disapproved by the
aged Speaker, Isaac Morris.
John Dickinson, while not a partisan of the Proprietors,
proved to be one of their best allies in this dispute. His
speech against the proposed petition was an able one.
Owing to ill health he had had no opportunity to offer his
objections to the measure until it reached its final stages in
the House.2 The substance of his argument was that the
time for seeking a change in the government was an ex-
tremely unfavorable one. The Province was in disfavor at
London, and the exceptional privileges then enjoyed might
be taken away. The Church of England might be estab-
lished in Pennsylvania and the Quakers disfranchised.
Besides, a standing army might be quartered among them.
He admitted their grievances, but believed that by obtain-
ing their request they would merely jump from the frying-
pan into the fire.3
Mr. Galloway's reply to these objections was as follows :
He said he would not " take up the time of the House in
making large protestations" of his sincerity, or that his con-
1 The Proprietary party declared that these petitions were obtained as
follows : " Taverns were engaged, many of the poorer and more dependent
kind of laboring people in town were invited thither by night, the fear
of being turned out of business and the eloquence of a punch bowl pre-
vailed on many to sign the petition for the good of their country."
(Plain Dealer, No. 3.)
Counter-petitions containing some ten thousand names were sent to
the Proprietors. It was charged that these were obtained by " persuad-
ing the inmates of barracks and children twelve years old to sign."
(Scribbler.}
2 Reply to the speech of Joseph Galloway.
3 Dickinson's speech in the Assembly.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 183
duct was " actuated by an ardent desire to restore the almost
expiring liberties" of his country. He had shown a " steady
uniformity of conduct in support of public liberty," and
needed to make no professions. He had not the "vanity
to hope" that if " we cannot now succeed in removing the
prejudices occasioned by Proprietary misrepresentations we
shall ever see the day, while the powers of government are
united with immense property, that Proprietary influences
of ministerial prejudice against us will cease." But he
feared a little time would show them "in the ridiculous
light that Horace shows his Clown, who meeting a river in
his road sat down on the bank to wait till the stream should
pass him." That the ministry should take advantage of the
circumstances and deprive them of any of their "just liber-
ties," he thought an unwarranted supposition. He expa-
tiated upon the virtues of the King, and pictured the
advantages of a royal government. He declared that their
condition would be far better if they enjoyed only such
privileges as were granted the neighboring provinces. He
pictured the armed mobs coming to the city, " nor was the
government capable of defending itself or the people under
its care. No, sir, our present safety, and, for aught I know,
our present existence, is owing to the King's troops, and a
few brave Volunteers, the friends of liberty, and of public
virtue." "A military establishment is already and will be
more effectually established in the colonies. This seems the
determined, unalterable resolution of the British Parlia-
ment." Nothing else would ever secure them protection in
their present disunited state. " There is no alternative be-
tween this measure and a general union to ensure us pro-
tection against the foreign invader. Such an union has
been already rejected and such an one we shall now never
enjoy. Our superiors think it convenient to keep us in
another state; and therefore we shall undoubtedly have
this measure . . . established whether the government is
changed or not." It would be far better to have it under
the King than under the Proprietors. In conclusion he de-
J
184 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
clared their condition comparable to a human constitution
with a disease. Some remedy was necessary, but waiting
for a more favorable opportunity was to act on the advice of
a " quack."
"The powers of legislation truly resemble the soul which animates
and directs the conduct and behavior of the political institution. An
upright administration of Justice resembles the active blood which by
its pure and uninterrupted course, preserves and supports its health and
vigor. In these two vital parts, with many others, the fever of ambi-
tion and arbitrary power is and has been continually raging with unre-
mitting violence. The powers of legislation are so checked and con-
trolled, that they are almost annihilated. The courts of judicature are
so dependent on proprietary influence that wherever proprietary interest
is in question, the stream of justice becomes so turbid and thick, that it
can no longer discharge its duty, security of life and estate is become an
empty name, and the spirit of liberty, distrest and worn out by ineffec-
tual efforts for her preservation, is verging fast to a dissolution. Nothing
but a Koyal medicine expeditiously administered can possibly revive or
restore her, and if such a medicine can be obtained before the midnight
gloom approaches and fatal death puts an end to our struggles, shall we
not do it?"1
Dickinson's attack on the Assembly's policy had no
immediate effect; no postponement of the question to
further consideration, even, could be obtained. The resolu-
tion was passed with but four dissenting votes, and a request
to have their protest entered on the minutes was denied the
minority.2
This debate between Mr. Galloway and Mr. Dickinson to
a certain extent prepared the way for the unfortunate feud
which was started a few weeks later. Soon after the ad-
journment of the Assembly Dickinson's speech was printed
as a pamphlet, with an introduction by "William Smith, the
college provost, and distributed by the Proprietary party as
1 This interesting specimen of Galloway's early attempts at the use of
figurative language was greatly derided by Dickinson in his "Keply,"
and Galloway seems to have given up the attempts in his later produc-
tions.
2 Votes of Assembly. Mr. Galloway was to meet with the same expe-
rience ten years later in the Continental Congress.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 185
a campaign document. Shortly after there appeared another
pamphlet entitled " The Speech of Joseph Galloway, Esq.,
in Answer to the Speech of John Dickinson, Delivered in
the House of Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania,
May 24th, 1764."
This pamphlet contained, besides the author's arguments
in favor of the Royal petition, several accusations against his
rival and opponent, Mr. Dickinson. The latter immediately
took umbrage at this, and sent Galloway a challenge, which
was declined.1 He then published a " Reply," in which he
designated Mr. Galloway's "speech" as "pretended," and
declared that not a sentence of it had ever been spoken in
the House.2 He " was not surprised to find that a person
who treated his own character with such license should not
be unsparing of others." Mr. Galloway had accused him of
1 " Writings of John Dickinson," Memoirs Hist. Soc. of Penna. The
Monthly Review, January, 1765. That a Quaker should challenge a
Quaker may well cause surprise. It only indicates what anger had been
aroused in Dickinson's breast. In his "Reply" he taunts Galloway
for his refusal thus : ' ' Presumptuous indeed must I appear should I
venture into these lists, against a person who wields the weapons of wordy
war — the only weapons he dares to wield. . . . "
2 That this speech was ever delivered in the Assembly as printed
Galloway never claimed. He did claim that the " substance" of it was
so delivered, however, and obtained affidavits from members of the
Assembly in support of his assertion. After Dickinson had finished
speaking, Galloway arose to reply ; but before he had proceeded very
far the aged Speaker, Mr. Norris, was taken ill, and the House ad-
journed. Mr. Dickinson was requested to leave his speech (which was
committed to paper) on the table, that members might peruse it. He
declined, giving as a reason that it was not in suitable form, although
he was told that only the substance was desired for examination, and not
the "stile or method." But he promised to perfect it and give it to
Mr. Galloway that evening. When Galloway called for it, it was not
ready. Taken to the House next day, no one called for it, and after
that time the resolution was not again debated at length. The "sub-
stance' ' of Galloway's speech had probably been delivered in the Assem-
bly when the question of a change was first broached, and long before
Dickinson delivered his speech. This whole controversy is contained
in Galloway's "To the Public," Philadelphia, September 29, 1764,
and Dickinson's "Reply."
I
186 Joseph G-alloway, the Loyalist Politician.
being influenced in his conduct by a " restless thirst after
promotion — a fondness to serve the purposes of power from
an expectation of being rewarded with posts of honor and
profit." But he had not " given himself an office of profit
every year since he had been a representative," nor had he
" enriched himself with a lucrative post torn from the old
age of a worthy man ;" he had not lined " his pockets" with
spoils in "vile jobs;" nor bought with the public money
" commissions of judges" in courts where he practised for
his "most intimate friends;" he had not "juggled in dirty
cabals" about the offices ot Chief-Justice and Attorney-
General ; he had not taken " raw councils" in " taverns" for
" regulating the conduct of Pennsylvania."
These counter-charges against Mr. Galloway it would
probably be difficult either to prove or disprove at this late
day. They are of such a nature that circumstantial evi-
dence alone could not prove them. And they are charges
which would be apt to be brought against a successful rival
for political honors, particularly at the time of this quarrel
between the two men. Mr. Galloway was a politician, and
his influence was, no doubt, exerted in favor of friends,
whose aid would be most useful to him in his political am-
bitions. His acts need not have been necessarily corrupt or
detrimental to the public service. Indeed, had they been
Mr. Galloway would not, in all probability, have maintained
his leadership so many years, and the fact that he did retain
the confidence of his constituents so long is a sufficient
answer to these charges.
Anger and hatred on the part of Dickinson, and malice
and envy on the part of Galloway, characterized the bitter
invectives they hurled at each other during this summer
campaign of 1764. The unfortunate breach between them
was never healed, and the resentment which rankled in
their breasts and frequently showed itself in the political
contests lasted throughout the rest of their days.1
1 There is reason to believe that Galloway's influence served to keep
Dickinson out of the Assembly for a number of years. And it was
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 187
But this pamphlet duel, while important, was but one
phase of the exciting pamphlet war which was waged
between the advocates of Royal government and their adver-
saries, the supporters of Proprietary rule. No denunciation
was too vehement, no accusation too bold, and no warning
too absurd to be printed and circulated by both parties.
And no clearer evidence could be given of the influence of
Mr. Galloway as a politician and leader in Pennsylvania
than is contained in some of the pamphlets and broadsides
issued during this campaign.
A pamphlet entitled The Plain Dealer, "No. 3, was espe-
cially severe in its denunciation of Mr. Galloway. It dealt
with his defence of the Assembly resolves, his conduct as
Indian Commissioner, and his connection with the purchase
of laws from Governor Denny.1
" Our Quaker Lawyer and Politician has the impudence
to deny everything that has been urged concerning the
inhumanity ... of a Quaker Assembly. He says, the
right and power of superintending the protection of the
frontiers were solely in the Governor. The Assembly never
had the disposal of a single farthing of the public money.
The Commissioners only had the power of applying the
money with the Governor's consent to particular uses.2
certainly due to his action that Dickinson was kept out of the first Con-
tinental Congress until near the close of the session.
Dickinson frequently took occasion to vent his spite on Galloway. In
the celebrated "Farmer's Letters" he clearly has Galloway in mind in
several instances.
During this campaign ol 1764 Dickinson published an article in
which he ridiculed Galloway's " Speech." It was entitled " A Receipt
to make a Speech."
1 It asserted that the law concerning "Warrants and Surveys," in
which Mr. Galloway was interested, had been obtained by purchase.
' ' I shall not tire the reader with observations on the rest of the laws
which we bought ; they are much of a stamp. I find that our lawyers
can say pretty things of them all." (Plain Dealer, No. 3.)
2 Mr. Galloway had published some "Explanatory Remarks" on the
resolves.
188 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Does this man believe there is such a thing as truth and
falsehood, when he abuses the public in this manner ?
" Were it not that this lawyer was the leading man in our
late Assembly and therefore a gentleman of singular con-
sequence, I should not have taken the trouble of conversing
so long with a person that discovers such an absolute con-
tempt of truth/'
The Anti-Proprietary party published a number of satirical
pieces with the object of bringing the Presbyterians into dis-
repute with the Quakers.1 One entitled " A Looking Glass
for Presbyterians" gave an account of the supposed proceed-
ings of a Council of Presbyterian ministers and elders, held at
Lancaster, August 28, 1764, to settle the election.2 A mock
prayer of the Moderator contained the following petition :
" Oh do thou confound these cursed Quakers, that are
endeavoring to bring us under a kingly yoke . . . confound
our enemies the Assembly . . . pour down in a particular
manner thy judgments upon F — n and G — y, and let the
thunderbolts of thy vengeance sink them down to the lower
regions ... let the King's name become odious and stink
in the nostrils of the Dutch and let them join heartily with
us thy servants in turning out the present members ot
Assembly and in putting in such men as shall be subservient
to all our present and future views for the good of thy
kirk. . . ." The meeting decided that if only Franklin and
Galloway could be turned out of the Assembly " the rest
would be like a body without a head."
1 The hostility of the Presbyterians towards the Quakers was a char-
acteristic feature of this campaign. In a pamphlet entitled " Plain
Truth" they declared that "to govern was repugnant to the avowed
principles of the Quakers." This was answered in "Plain Truth found
to be Plain Falsehood" with the retort, "to be governed is absolutely
repugnant to the avowed principles of the Presbyterians."
2 This pamphlet encouraged the Presbyterians to expect great things
when they secured control of the government : taxes to support their
ministers, laws compelling everybody to attend their meetings, and
exemption of Proprietary estates from taxation forever. The absurdity
of this must have served to defeat its purpose.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 189
The election which occurred October 1 and 2, 1764, and
at which the Proprietary party hoped to gain control of the
Assembly, and thus prevent the sending of the petition to
the Crown, was one of great excitement. The defeat of
Franklin and Galloway was particularly desired and the
greatest exertions were directed to that end. A contem-
porary letter gives a vivid account of the day's doings.1
"Our late election . . . was really a hard fought one, and managed
with more decency and good manners than would have been expected
from such irritated partisans as appeared as the champions on each side.
A number of squibs, quarters, and half sheets were thrown among the
populace on the day of election, some so copious as to aim at the general
dispute, and others, more confined, to Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Galloway,
with now and then a skit at the Doctor, but these had little or no effect."
The poll was opened at about nine o'clock in the morning
and voting continued until three o'clock the next afternoon.
The aged and lame were brought in chairs and litters;
horsemen were dispatched to Germantown for recruits ; in
all nearly four thousand votes were cast. The vote was a
close one, and both Franklin and Galloway were defeated.
"Mr. Franklin died like a philosopher. But Mr. Galloway agonized
in death like a mortal deist, who has no hopes of a future existence."
Mr. Galloway's activity and prominence in connection
with this Proprietary dispute were later referred to by his
enemies as evidence that at one time he was a leader of the
popular party and a bold defender of the people's rights,
but that he later deserted and joined the royalist side. But
this charge is irrelevant and deceptive. The affair had not
the remotest connection with the Revolutionary quarrel.
Furthermore, the " people" in this dispute were about evenly
divided between the two parties, and Mr. Galloway was a
leader of that party which desired a Eoyal government.
Whatever Mr. Galloway's hopes of a future political exist-
ence may have been after his defeat of 1764, he enjoyed a
i Mr. Pettit to Mr. Reed, November 3, 1764. (Reed's " Life of Reed,"
Vol. I. p. 36. )
190 Joseph G-alloway, the, Loyalist Politician.
political resurrection the very next year. And his corre-
spondence with Franklin, who had been sent abroad to
present the petition to the Crown, shows that he was among
the quick and not the dead. The proposed change of gov-
ernment was the burden of these letters, and further com-
plaints of Proprietary injustice and new arguments for the
change were forwarded to Franklin to aid in conducting
their petition to a successful issue. The partiality shown by
the Proprietors to the lower counties, their failure to execute
the laws and bring wrongdoers to justice, the reinstatement
of "William Moore as justice in Chester County, and the
offensive treatment of Quaker partisans were all offered as
additional reasons for the change.1
" A strange government this," wrote Galloway, " in which
loyalty and affection to the sovereign are made criminal,
while a servile submission and implicit obedience to the
unjust and oppressive measures of a private subject are the
only path to promotion." 2
But the measure so greatly desired by Mr. Galloway met
with little encouragement in England, and even the Quakers
who first supported it began to doubt the wisdom of it, and
instructed Franklin to move cautiously in the matter. Early
in 1765 a report was circulated in Philadelphia that the
petition had been refused even a hearing by the Crown.
Mr. Galloway was greatly agitated over this, and, while
Franklin's letters contained no confirmation of this story,
yet Mr. Galloway wrote him a long letter concerning it.3
He informed him how busy he had been trying to counteract
the bad influence of this report ; how anxious the Assembly
was to learn the result of the petition ; how determined they
were to persevere in their efforts ; and what distress would
ensue upon a failure.
'Galloway to Franklin, November 23, 1764. (Sparks, " Franklin's
Works," Vol. VII. p. 276.)
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., February 27, 1765. (Bigelow, " Franklin's Works," Vol. III.
p. 372.)
Joseph Galloway , the Loyalist Politician. 191
" Wherefore I hope the petitions, as you have written, and I have con-
fidently declared, are not rejected or laid aside, but will be resumed when
the more important American affairs are settled. Nothing less than a
change, I think, will satisfy the people ; certain I am a dismission with-
out a hearing never can, but, I fear, will throw this already unhappy prov-
ince into equal disorder and confusion with its neighboring colonies.
" You will therefore be pleased to inform me in what state the petitions
are before his Majesty's Council by the earliest opportunity, that I may
be enabled to satisfy the people, who rely upon us with certainty. In
the meantime, be assured that nothing in my power shall be wanting to
preserve the peace and render them easy ' '
Mr. Galloway's energies in behalf of this unwise measure
were wasted ; and its progress was interrupted by the sudden
rise of a new subject for discussion, far more important in
its influence upon the future, not only of Mr. Galloway, but
of the Colonies. This was the Stamp Act.
(To be continued.)
I
192 William Biles.
WILLIAM BILES.
BY MILES WHITE, JR., BALTIMORE, MD.
(Continued from page 70.)
William Biles, at different times, was a witness to many
wills, deeds, etc., and the fac-simile of his signature, given
herein, is taken from the
will of Jacob Janney, of
Bucks County, dated 8th
mo. 2, 1708, and still preserved in the office of the Register
of Wills at Philadelphia.
An election was ordered for February 20, 1682, for mem-
bers of Council and Assembly, to be holden at Philadelphia
March 10 following, when William Biles, Christopher Tay-
lor, and James Harrison were elected to the Council from
Bucks County.1
The first session of this first Council was held in Phila-
delphia 1st mo. 10, 1682/3, and was presided over by
William Penn in person ; 2 William Biles was present, and
seems to have been regular in his attendance during its
sessions and to have taken an important part in framing
the laws; on the 16th, 21st, and 26th insts. he was ap-
pointed on committees to which were referred the prepara-
tion of various bills for the Council,3 and on 7th mo. 8,
1683, he and three others were appointed " to bring in a
Bill concerning horses goeing out and comeing into this
Province." He was also present (2d mo. 2, 1683) when the
Great Charter was read and thankfully received, and was
one of those who signed it.4
We find that, according to the entry in the original
1 Davis' s Hist. Bucks Co., p. 65.
2 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 1 ; Proud' s Hist. Penna., vol i. p. 235 ;
Delaware Register, vol. i. p. 331.
3 Colonial Records, vol i. pp. 6, 8, 11, 24.
4 Ibid., pp. xl, 16 ; Proud' s Hist. Penna., vol. i. p. 239 ; vol. ii. Ap-
pendix, p. 28; Davis's Hist. Bucks Co., p. G5.
William Biles. 193
records of Bucks County of 16 84,1 showing ear-marks or
brands, that William Biles, "William Biles, Jr., and Charles
Biles were then owners of cattle.
On May 22, 1684, the Provincial Council appointed2
" One Inferior receiver in Every County, who shall receive
directions from ye Deputy Treasurer, who shall receive In-
structions from ye Govr and Councill; who Shall not be
allowed above 20 Ib. p. year;" among whom was "Wm.
Biles, for Bucks;" and on February 11, 1685, William
Biles and others were appointed to lay out a road in Bucks
County.3 The Council (2d mo. 6, 1685) " Ordered that a
Comission be drawne for James Harrison, Tho: Janney,
Wm. Yardley, Wm. Biles, Wm. Beaks, John Ottor, Edmd
Bennet & Jno. Swift, to be Justices of the Peace for ye
County of Bucks, the year Ensueing." 4 Until the Revolu-
tion, justices of the peace were judges in the County Courts
in Pennsylvania.
The Council 6 (10th mo. 1, 1685), having been requested
that a " Speciall Comission be granted for ye Tryall of David
Davis the next Court, who is a Prisoner in ye County of
Bucks, on suspition of killing his servant," unanimously
agreed " that a Comission be Expeditiously prepared for y-
authorising & Impowring of James Harrison, Arthur Cook,
Tho. Janney, Wm. Yardley, Wm. Biles, to be special
Comiss™ to hear and Determine all heinous and Enormous
Crimes that shall be brought before them in ye County of
Bucks, in a Court there to begin on ye 10th Ins*, by them to
be held."
The first session of the Assembly to which William Biles
was elected was that of 1686, beginning 3d mo. 10 at Phil-
adelphia, and on 3d mo. 11 he and Cornelius Empson were
fined twelve pence each for being absent the previous day ; 6
1 Colonial Records, p. 77.
3 Ibid., vol. i. p. 67 ; Battle's Bucks Co., p. 194.
8 Ibid., p. 184. * Ibid., vol. i. p. 76.
5 Ibid., p. 114 ; Battle's Bucks Co., p. 246.
6 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 37.
VOL. XXVI. — 13
194 William Biles.
and William Yardley and he were appointed a committee
to acquaint the Council that the Assembly desired to meet
the President and Council in a full body. He was a mem-
ber of the Council and Assembly for so many years that an
enumeration of all the committees on which he served
would occupy too much space, and mention of only some
of the more important ones must suffice. He was fre-
quently appointed to acquaint the Council of the acts or
desires of the Assembly, and was often a member of the
Committee on "Aggrievances," through the medium of
which much of the ordinary business of the Assembly was
first brought before the House.
In 1687 the tax levied was given to William Biles to
collect;1 and in this year we are informed2 that "Wm.
Biles, the only merchant along the Delaware who imported
and sold Rum, a leading Friend, and several times elected
to the Assembly, was called to account for selling rum to
the Indians, and Thomas Janney and William Yardley were
appointed to wait on him." He said to them 3 that it was
" not against the Law neither doth he know that it is any
evil to do so, but however, if Friends desire him not to do
it, he will for the future forbear it;" which caused a writer
in the Friends' Intelligencer to say, " It was a remarkable act
of a Christian man that he should discontinue to sell rum
to the Indians, on account of the desire of his brethren,
when it was neither a violation of law nor the Discipline."
In 1689 he served his second term in the Assembly, and
was present at the opening session, 3d mo. 10; and he and
Joseph Fisher were requested to find out whether the Gov-
ernor and Council could listen to some proposals from the
Assembly.4 He was appointed also on the Committee on
"Aggrievances."
1 Battle's Bucks Co., p. 189.
2 Da vis's Hist. Bucks Co., p. 835.
3 MS. Minutes Falls Monthly Meeting ; Friends' Intelligencer, vol.
Ivi. p. 489.
4 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 48.
William Biles. 195
On llth mo. 2, 1689/90, the Council1 ordered that
"Commissions of ye Peace be made for all y' Counties,
and these persons ffollowing to be Inserted, (viz) Bucks Co.
Arth. Cook, Jos. Growdon, Wm. Yardly, Tho. Janney,
Wm. Byles, ISTich. Newlin, Jon Brock, Hen. Baker."
In March, 1690, the grand jury thought it necessary that
the county be divided into townships, and the court, at its
next session, ordered Henry Baker and eleven others, in-
cluding William Biles, to meet together at the court-house
the day before the next court and perform this service ; for
some reason this order was not obeyed, and at the Septem-
ber term, 1692, the court again took up the matter and ap-
pointed a jury, on which were Arthur Cook2 and twelve
others, including William Biles (nine members of the
former jury being reappointed), and ordered them " or the
greater number of them to meet together at the meeting-
house at Neshaminah the 27th day of this instant, and
divide this county into townships," which they accordingly
did.
Only fragments of the minutes of Councils for 1692 and
1693 (prior to April 26, when Governor Fletcher arrived)
remain; and though William Biles was a member3 for
these sessions, it is not known whether or not he took an
active part in the proceedings.
The Council of 1693 4 " came on the scene in the midst
of very unsettled times; the dissensions of the past two
years were still rampant, while hardly had the Council
begun its administration when it was deposed by the arrival
of Governor Fletcher, with his commission from the Crown,
to assume Penn's government, and was supplanted by a new
Council appointed by him," and William Biles, who had
1 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 278; Buck's Bucks Co., Pa., p. 23.
2 Publications So. Hist. Assoc., vol. v. pp. 393, 394; Battle's Bucks
Co., p. 190 ; Davis's Hist. Bucks Co., p. 101 ; PA. MAG. HIST. AND
BIOG., vol. xviii. p. 24.
3 Charter to William Penn and Duke of York's Laws, p. 537 ; PA.
MAG. HIST. AND BIOG., vol. xi. pp. 151-159.
4 Ibid., vol. xviii. p. 25.
f
196 William Biles.
•j
been elected for the years 1692, 1693, and 1694, went out
of the Council.
In 1694 William Biles was again in the Assembly which
met 2d mo. 10, 1694, at Philadelphia, and served on the
Committee on "Aggrievances," * and on 4th mo. 9 he and
three others were ordered to attend the Governor and
Council, with the Remonstrance drawn in answer to the
Queen's letter and Governor's speech, and to inquire what
had been done concerning the bills sent up.
In 1695 Joseph Growden, Phineas Pemberton, and Wil-
liam Biles were elected from Bucks County to the Council
which met on April 20,2 and on the 22d the return of the
Sheriff of Bucks County of representatives in Council was
read and rejected, " becaus it did not mention the day of
their election, nor the rexive years for which the members
were to serve ;" 3 and on the 24th it was " Ordered, that new
writts be issued for their election of representatives upon ye
8th of May next," when William Biles was elected for one
year. On May 28 he and one member from each of the
other counties " were appointed to Consider of a new frame
& modell of governm* & to make report to the Governo1 &
Councill this afternoon." They reported, —
"That they had made some attempts, but Could not agree upon a
new frame," and Governor Markham appointed the same committee to
meet with him about it. The next day they reported4 " That nothing
could be agreed upon in ordr to a new modell of governm1 notwithstand-
ing all ye pains & time spent about ye same." The Governor addressed
the Council, and upbraided them for taking up much time in endeavor-
ing to lay aside the Charter, which had previously been thankfully
accepted, and endeavoring unsuccessfully to make a more easy frame of
government ; and since the object of their meeting was to advise with
him in matters relating to the government, he informed them that the
Queen, upon the 21st of August, 1694, had signified, "That a Quota
not exceeding eighty men, with their officers, or the value of the chairges
1 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 88.
2 Battle's Bucks Co., p. 200.
3 Colonial Records, vol. i. pp. 447, 448.
'Ibid., pp. 450, 451.
William Biles. 197
of maintaining y* same, be the measure of the assistance to be given by
ye sd province of pennsilvania & Countrie of Newcastle for ye defence
& securitie of the province of New- York," etc.
This question occupied the attention of the Legislature
for more than one session, for in 1696 * we again find Wil-
liam Biles a member of the Assembly which met 8th mo.
26 at Philadelphia, and on the 30th he was appointed on a
committee to consider a way to answer the Queen's letter
and preserve the people's privileges.2 On the 31st they
reported that they had an expedient ready to answer the
Queen's letter, but that they recommended before this was
put into effect the provisions of the old Charter (that before
Governor Fletcher's time) in regard to election of Council-
lors and Assemblymen should be put in force.
William Biles was returned, as elected, to the Council
that met in Philadelphia May 10, 1698, and took his seat on
the llth inst. ; 3 and likewise to the Council that met May
10, 1699,4 on which date he " did subscribe the declaraon
of fidelity, the profession of the Christian belief, & the test."
The Council which met March 30, 1700, received on
April 1 the return of the Sheriff of Bucks County of rep-
resentatives in Council, from which it appears that William
Biles was elected for two years,5 and appeared and took his
seat; and on April 10, the question of laws for securing the
people's property in Overplus Lands being debated and left
to the consideration of the Governor and Council, "y*
prov. Gov. appointed John Simcoke, Joseph Growdon
and Wm. Biles 6 to meet him att night to consider yrof, &
as neer as might be, to adjust ye rates of overplus Lands,
according to their neerness to or remoteness from ye town
of Philadelphia."
On June 7, 1700, the opposition between the members of
1 Colonial Records, p. 468.
2 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 94.
5 Colonial Records, vol. i. p. 515.
4 Ibid., p. 536. 5 Ibid., p. 568. • Ibid., p. 573.
198 William Biles.
the upper and lower counties about the number of members
and representatives, charges, etc., prevented an agreement
about the proposed new Charter,1 and it having been voted
that they would not be governed by the old Charter, but
that Penn should resume government under letters patent
of King Charles II., the Speaker, in behalf of the repre-
sentatives in Assembly, William Biles and John Hill, in
behalf of those in Council, for the Province and territories
respectively, by the unanimous consent of all members
present of both Council and Assembly, took the Charter
and delivered it up to the Proprietary and Governor.
On October 24, at a Council held at New Castle, the
Proprietary "sent for ph. pemberton, "Wm. Biles & Jn°
Blunston,2 who having been qualified to be of ye Council,
took yr places att ye board."
As William Biles went to England in 1701, he was
absent from the meetings of Council that year.
Not only was he a member of the Council for the years
1698-1701, as above stated, but he was also during the
years 1699-1701 a Puisne Judge, or one of the Justices of
the highest court in the Province.3 Prior to 1790 the Court
of Oyer and Terminer, for trial of higher crimes and appeal,
was held by the Justices of the Provincial or Supreme
Court, Avho made a circuit of the counties at stated times,
and we find that on April 18, 1699, Edward Shippen, Cor-
nelius Enipson, and William Biles held court at Chester.
In 1700 Phineas Pemberton, William Biles, and Richard
Hough were appointed Judges of a Court of Inquiry " For
the compleat Settling and Establishing of Affairs of Prop-
erty in this the County of Bucks." That the powers of this
Court were very extensive is shown by their commission
signed by William Penn 10th mo. 18, 1700, which is given
in full in Buck's History of Bucks County*
During the early days of the Province there were no
1 Colonial Records, p. 588. 3 Ibid., p. 592.
8 Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. p. 630 ; Hist. Chester Co., Pa., p. 370.
* P. 23 ; see Battle's Bucks Co., p. 366.
William Biles. 199
lawyers there, but William Biles and others appeared for
their neighbors and friends, and were called attorneys. It
also appears that in December, 1702, the court adjourned
to William Biles's house ; * this was soon after his return
from England.
At the Assembly begun at Philadelphia on October 15,
1703, William Biles was present and signed the declaration
and test,2 and on August 21, 1704, he informed the House,3
" that Nathaniel Puckle had a Letter from the Proprietary to
be communicated to several Persons here, encouraging
them to insist upon the Privileges of their Charter and
Laws, and not tamely give them up ; and instanced what
Advantage it has been to the People of Rhode-Island, Con-
necticut, and other Proprietary Governments, to assert their
Eights," etc.
James Logan, writing to Penn 9th mo. 22, 1704, says,4
" That ridiculous old man, W. Biles, frequently affirms they
will never grant one penny on any account till they have
all their privileges explained and confirmed."
In 1704 the animosity between the Proprietary's adherents
and his opponents, which had long been an undercurrent
in politics, broke forth with great violence, and the country
became distinctly divided into two political parties, the
Proprietary or Aristocratic and the Popular or Democratic,
the former under the leadership of Logan and the latter
under that of David Lloyd. William Biles belonged to the
latter, while some of his neighbors and personal friends be-
longed to the former, and were his bitter political enemies.
Logan spoke in such strongly adverse terms of the promi-
nent members of the Popular party that the editor of the
Penn-Logan Correspondence felt called upon several times to
make excuses for him, and to say,5 " such was the Secretary's
1 Battle's Bucks Co., pp. 250, 205.
* Proud' s Hist. Penna., vol. i. p. 455 n.
3 Historical Review of Const, and Govt. of Penna., p. 65 n.
4 Penn-Logan Corresp., vol. i. p. 344.
5 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 34.
200 William Biles.
•
zeal for the Proprietary interests that he was not inclined
to regard with favor those who were arrayed against them."
In his letters to Penn he says,1 —
"This people think privileges their due, and all that can be grasped
to be their native right. . . . They think it their business to secure them-
selves against a queen's government;" and again,2 "The generality,
however, are honestly and well inclined, and out of assembly are very
good men ; but when got together, I know not how they are infatuated
and led by smooth stories. "
The fact that Logan spoke in harsh terms of the public acts of Biles
and others does not seem to have affected his regard for and intercourse
with them personally ; for, after the Evans affair had occurred, we find
him writing to William Biles under date of 8th mo. 11, 1708,8 begin-
ning the letter, "Loving Friend," and closing it, "I am thy well-
wishing friend. ' ' This letter was partly in regard to a claim of certain
persons to Biles's Island, and Logan states, "I will spare no pains nor
cost to convince these persons, whoever they are, that they have been
in the wrong," etc.
William Biles was Treasurer of Bucks County in 1704,4
and also collector of money granted the Proprietary by the
Legislature ; and on March 28 5 he and the other collectors
of this fund were summoned to attend the Council, and " to
answer for their neglect in Collecting ye sd Tax within their
several Districts." He was also a member of the Assembly
which met at Philadelphia October 14, 1704, and was one
of the committee 6 to which the bill for " the Affirmations
to pass in Lieu of Oaths," etc., was committed, 8th mo. 26,
and 9th mo. 14 on the committee to prepare the Votes of
Assembly for publication, and on adjournment of the Assem-
bly (3d mo. 23, 1705) was sued by Governor Evans in an
action of £2000 pounds, as related by Logan,7 "for say-
ing these words on the llth-month last; < He is but a
1 Penn-Logan Corresp., vol. i. p. 299.
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 323.
3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 299.
4 Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. ix. pp. 744, 743.
9 Colonial Records, vol. ii. p. 124.
6 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 22.
7 Penn-Logan Corresp., vol. ii. p. 33.
William Biles. 201
boy ; he is not fit to be our Governour. We'll kick him out ;
we'll kick him out.' And at the ensuing Court, himself not
appearing, and David Lloyd, his attorney, demurring upon
a plea of privilege as an Assemblyman, which was over-
ruled, he was ordered to plead over and come to an issu-
able plea; but this he refused, and therefore judgment went
against him yesterday. A jury of inquiry sat upon the
damages, and found £300 to the Governour." l
"William Biles wrote a letter to Governor Evans, the
original of which is now in the library of the Historical
Society of Pennsylvania. It has never been published, and
is as follows :
[3d mo. 1706.]
"To John Evans Esqr Liftenant Govenr of the provience of pensil-
vania.
"the pettition of Wm Biles of ye County of bucks In all humble
manner sheweth
"that thou was pleased to comence an action against me upon Sup-
posesion that I had spoken sum scandelous words of thee but thorough
the Inadvertansy or desine of the shreife hee Sumoned me upon the day
that I was actually conserned In the servis of the assembley of this
provience which ocationed me to plead or Insist upon my priviledge as
I was and am a member of that assembley and for that and no other
Keason I declined Answering thy declaration and making further de-
fense to thy suit and had it not been for yt I doubt not but I would
have prodused such proofe as might have Invalidated that single evi-
dence given against me or at Least Rendered It In Efectuall to main-
taine thy — declaration and for my owne part I can singly say that I do
not Remember that I ever spoke those words as A Leaged In yt declara-
tion but In Regard thou hast given unto such Information and conserned
so much displeasure against me and although thou hast given mee sum
discouragement to make any further Application to thee upon that
account never the Less I hope thou will not be oifended at these few
Leines whear by I do signifie unto thee as before I have done that I am
1 The editor of Penn-Logan Correspondence (vol. ii. p. 131) remarks
that "The plain import of the words was that Evans was a boy, and
deserved to be turned out ; the correctness of which was shown in the
fact that suit was brought in a spirit of boyish petulance, and with the
hope that some money might be made out of it. His course (as shown
in Logan's letter of 4th mo. 12, 1706) fully establishes the truth of
Biles' s statement, and much more."
I
202 William Biles.
hearttily sorrey for any words by me spoaken at any time conserning
thee which hath given thee any Just ocation of ofence neither did I
ever act any thing against thee to thy hurt therefore I desiar that thou
would be pleased to pas by yt which cannot be recaled and for the future
I do Intend to be carfull of ofending thee
"WM BILES."
As this affair has caused William Biles more notoriety
than any other event, it will probably be of interest to note
some of the actions taken by the Assembly and Council in
regard thereto, as it occupied the attention of both Houses
on several days, and the Votes of Assembly and Colonial
Records contain the proceedings in full.1 Before doing this,
however, it will be well to make some investigation as to
Governor Evans.
John Evans, who succeeded Hamilton as Deputy Governor
in 1704, was at the time of his appointment only twenty-six
years of age, was an officer of the Queen's household, and
in consequence of his previous surroundings had little sym-
pathy with the life and character of Pennsylvania Friends.2
With his first interview with the Assembly began a quarrel
which, owing to his want of tact and his disorderly life,
eventually enabled the faction of David Lloyd to thwart all
his projects.3
Benjamin Franklin says of him,4 —
"So unpopular was he, that an unanimous Vote of Thanks to the
Proprietary was passed on his being removed, almost before his Face,
for he was still a Resident amongst them."
Rev. Edward D. Neill concludes his narrative of Evans's
chastisement by a countryman, whom he had ordered to
turn his loaded wagon out of the road so that he, who was
on foot, might pass, with the statement that "At length the
1 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 2, pp. 43-48 ; Colonial Records, vol. ii.
pp. 205-209.
2 Armor's Lives of the Governors of Penna., pp. 118-121 ; Egle's His-
tory of Penna., p. 61.
3 Keith's Lives of Provincial Councillors, p. 7.
4 Historical Review of Const, and Govt. of Penna., p. 71.
William Biles. 203
waggoner discovered that every governor was not a gentle-
man, and that he had assaulted Governor Evans ;" * and adds,
" the private life of Evans was as censurable as his public
conduct."
William Penn wrote to Governor Evans 7th mo. 30,
1705,2—
' ' Much is said of the Lewdnes of Pennsylvania. I beg of thee to have
regard to my Character and give not that advantage against ine either
with God or good or bad men whose ill use of it I most fear, on a publick
acct. I have just now Kec'd thine of 5th 5 mo (July) and am very Sorry
that wicked man D. L. could blow up any of his Mermidons to such a
pitch of brutishness as thy Acct. of William Biles relates that is a meer
vox et praeterea nihil, a Coxcomb, and a Prag-matick in graine. That
fellow's plantation is a Robbery upon Pennsbury,3 and if there be a
grant, was not a purchase from me, nor any Towed Land writs, for it
was surveyed long before and done in my absence, formerly, and Judge
Mompresson can tell if I may not be deceived, in my Grant as well as
the Crown, be it King or Queen, — Since, if confirmed, it was upon
Surprize, and rattle an Inquisition about his eares, if not a prosecution.
And know that when the time is expired of Session he may be taken to
task, Since the Service he may pretend he was to attend is over. And
first complain to the Friends, and if they wont or cant bow him to make
Satisfaction, take it by Law thy Selfe. Pray mind what I say, be
Secret, which is discreet, and fall on him or any other such unruly
People at once, and make Some one Example "to terrific the rest. Thou
hast not only my leave, but liking and encouragement whether called
Quakers or others. ' '
Governor Evans's subsequent action in regard to William
Biles is thus shown to have been fully approved by Penn,
who perhaps was aware that in 1629, having " obtained the
opinion of the judges that privilege of parliament did not
protect a member from prosecution after the close of the
session for offences committed during it," the Attorn ey-
1 N. Eng. Hist, and Gen. Register, vol. xxvi. pp. 423, 424.
2 Ibid., p. 427.
8 The plantation referred to must have been the one near the north-
western boundary of the manor, for which patent was issued in 1705,
as per minutes of the Board of Property, Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol.
xix. p. 473.
t
204 William Biles.
^
General, Sir Robert Heath,1 instituted proceedings against
Holies, Eliot, Selden, and other members, and obtained
judgment against them of imprisonment during the King's
pleasure.
Penn's description of William Biles is not upheld by later
historians, whose estimates are condensed in Dr. George
Smith's statement,2 that " He was a man of ability and the
strictest integrity." Logan, sharing Penn's animosity, said
of him,3 " he very much influences that debauched County
of Bucks, in which there is now scarce any one man ot
worth left."
However, we find that on 4th mo. 12, 1705, William
Biles complained to the Assembly "against the Justices
and Sheriff of the County of Philadelphia, for a Breach ot
Priviledge," and it was ordered to be considered the next
week. On the 19th the House decided4 "That it is a
Breach of Priviledge of this House, that any Member duly
elected to serve in Assembly, shall, without the Leave ot
the House, be summoned or drawn, or in any wise com-
pelled, during the Session or Continuance of Assembly, to
appear at any inferior Court in this Province, upon any
Pleas or Complaints, excepting for Treason, Felony, or
Breach of the Peace," and in the afternoon, upon further
consideration and debate, it was decided that the Sheriff
who summoned William Biles to answer the action against
him, and the four Justices of the Court who denied him " his
Priviledge by over-ruling his Plea in that Behalf, have com-
mitted a manifest Breach of Priviledge against this House."
On the 20th a message from the Governor to the House
of Representatives was drawn up, read in the Council,5 and
approved of, in which he stated that William Biles had used
the most scandalous and seditious expressions against him,
1 Diet, of Nat. Biog., vol. xxv. p. 347.
2 Hist. Delaware Co., Pa., p. 447.
3 Penn-Logan Corresp., vol. ii. p. 34.
4 Votes of Assembly, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 43.
5 Colonial Records, vol. ii. p. 205.
William Biles. 205
and he demanded that they expel Biles from the House and
advise him of their action without delay. This message
was read in the House that day and ordered to he read
again the next day. On the 21st, after it had been again
read and William Biles had withdrawn, and the matter had
heen debated,the minutes state that, "The Question being put,
that the said William Biles be expelled this House, according
to the Governor's Eequest ? It passed in the Negative.
" Ordered. That an Address to the Governor be drawn con-
cerning the said William. Biles, which shall comprize the Opin-
ion and Kesolves of this House relating to the Premises."
On the 22d the Address, which had been prepared, was
read before the House, agreed to, and ordered to be signed
by the Speaker and presented to the Governor, who on the
23d laid it before the Council. In it the House stated that,
while not justifying such words as were alleged to have
been spoken, nevertheless, the manner of proceedings against
William Biles was very offensive to the House, and that the
Sheriff who served the writ and the Justices who heard the
case committed a manifest breach of privilege against the
House ; and as they were tender of the privileges of the
House, so they would gladly show their resentment of all
indignities offered to the Governor ; but they found no suf-
ficient ground for expelling William Biles from the House,
and requested that he be given an opportunity to call and
vindicate himself, so far as he can.
The minutes of Council show that it was the unanimous
opinion of the Board that it was useless to spend longer
time conferring with the then present House, and was most
advisable to end further debates by dismissing them. Ac-
cordingly the Governor requested the attendance of the
Speaker with the whole House, made them a sharp speech,
refused to let the Speaker be heard in vindication of the
House, and dismissed them.
James Logan, in a long letter to William Penn,1 stated
substantially that —
1 Penn-Logan Corresp., vol. ii. pp. 131-133.
206 William Biles.
%
' ' The Yearly Meeting sent for Biles to town, and condemned him for
it, and made some intercession in his behalf, stating it would be gener-
ous in the Governour to forgive him all ; the Assembly also in 12th mo.
interceded for him and the Governour assured Edward Shippen and the
other messengers from the House that he never designed to injure W.
Biles, and gave them his word that if ever he found cause to give him
any further trouble he would first acquaint them therewith. In 1st mo.
William Biles relying upon the assurances of Edward Shippen and
others concluded he might safely venture to town. He met the Gover-
nour, shook hands with him, and all seemed well ; yet the Govr. went
to Robt. Ashton's and caused a writ to be drawn which he had signed
and at the same time wrote a letter to Edward Shippen and the others
which he took care should not be delivered until after the Sheriff had
arrested Wm. Biles. These members of Assembly hurried to the Gov-
ernour, with great concern, but could not move him, nor could I though
I pleaded with him for nearly an hour, telling him that the Government
would greatly suffer by such dishonorable proceedings. I laboured to
get others to speak to him on the subject, and prevailed on the Sheriff
to keep his prisoner at the public house where he had taken him, until
it was evident that all intercession was in vain, when he was committed.
Divers Friends were much concerned and the women took very good
care of William in prison. When I came home I wrote a long remon-
strative letter to the Governour, which I delivered the next day and for
about an hour endeavored by the most pressing and cogent arguments to
dissuade him from his course. William was kept a close prisoner for
about a month, until the Governour saw he could never get any money
by it, but lost his own interest with the Country and his Friends.
'Twas this, however, that first caused people to look about them. But
however this ended, the disgust at one time was high."
Another writer upon the subject says,1 —
"but finally finding the whole community incensed against him for
the course he was pursuing, he released his prisoner without the fine.
William was satisfied that he had allowed the warmth of his feelings to
get the better of his judgment when he had spoken the honest convic-
tions of his "mind, relative to the weak-minded, quarrelsome Governor,
and he hesitated not to condemn his so speaking. It does not appear
but that he was as useful in religious as well as civil concerns after-
wards, as he had been before this affair took place.'1
1 The Friend, vol. xxviii. p. 109.
(To be continued.)
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 207
THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF SAINT TAMMANY
OF PHILADELPHIA.
BY FRANCIS VON A. CABEEN.
(Continued from page 24.)
The Continental money at this time had risen to two
hundred and twenty dollars of it to one dollar of hard
money, and we are led to believe that our Whig friends
had little of either kind to invest in public dinners. In
this connection we wish to call the reader's attention to
a curious notice in the Journal l of "A Society of Gentle-
men," who proposed to punish all those people who had
settled or offered to settle debts contracted in hard money
in the depreciated paper money by publishing their names
in the papers. The article closes with " by order of the
society, John Fielding, Secretary." Who they were we
cannot say, but the sentiments expressed are very similar to
those held by our friends of the Tammany Society.
The fifth anniversary of Independence Day was celebrated
by a cold collation given to the officers of the allied armies
at the State-House. The account of it says, " No doubt
every WTiig will rejoice on the happy occasion, and every
Tory, when he views the situation of his friends the British
must hang his head and before the next it is highly probable
will hang himself."2 It is not within the scope of our
history to give all the public festivities that took place this
year ; but there is one account of an entertainment which
we think worthy of insertion, for the reason that it is ex-
actly in line with what the Saint Tammany Society did
themselves a few years later.
On the 17th instant about forty-two Indian chiefs and
1 Freeman's Journal, May 9, 1781. * Ibid., July 4, 1781.
208 Society of the Sons of Saint Hammany of Philadelphia.
warriors waited upon his Excellency the Minister of France.1
He offered them various presents, which they received with
great pleasure, and after having exchanged the following
speeches, they sat down to dinner, where they behaved with
cheerfulness and affability, and expressed by their toasts and
conversation their great attachment to Congress and their sin-
cere friendship for the French nation. His Excellency said, —
"Brothers, Sachems and Warriors of the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, and
Cachnewagues. — Open your ears and hear what I have to say to you as
the representative of your old friend and father the King of France.
Brother — It gives me great pleasure to see you face to face after your
long journey. I thank the Great Spirit for giving us this opportunity of
speaking together at this place ; I hope the road will soon be open and
freed from briars and thorns, that you may safely travel to and from
the great council fire kindled at Philadelphia by the United States of
America, the friends and allies of the King your father. Brother — I
have no doubt the council fire will burn brighter the longer it continues,
and for this end we must all strive together and heap so much wood
upon it, that it will reach the skies and be seen and felt by all the
nations, giving light and warmth to our friends and striking our ene-
mies with terror, and threatening their destruction. Brother — As your
Father and the United States of America have joined their councils and
arms in one common cause, they have now but one head and one heart,
and they have bound themselves together by a strong covenant of chain
which no power on earth is able to break. The King your father re-
gards with sincere friendship all those who take hold of the covenant
chain. He therefore will take particular pleasure in showing his esteem
for such faithful friends to the cause of France and America as those of
the Oneidas, Tuscaroras and Cachnewagues, who have submitted even to
abandon their country rather than have their eyes blinded like many of
your Indian brethren by British arts and deceitful practices. Brother —
I advise you to continue to hold fast this chain of friendship, and keep
your part of it free from all rust, making it so bright, that none can
look upon it whose eyes are not strong and clear and their intentions
honest, without being covered with shame and confusion. Brother —
You may rest assured that the King your father has sent powerful
succours to the assistance of his beloved friends the United States ot
America, and from our joint endeavours with the blessing of God, we
have reason to hope for the most prosperous end of the war. We will
then tie our covenant chain to a mountain, so that it will hold fast for-
ever and bind our two nations and all their friends together as long as
1 Freeman's Journal, October 3, 1781.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 209
the sun and moon endure. Brother — I beg your acceptance of a few
articles which I present as a small token of my esteem and which I give
to make the countenances of your wise men more cheerful, and sharpen
the tomahawks of your warriors that they may fight manfully against our
common enemy. Brother — I wish you a safe and speedy return to your
families, and I pray the Almighty to cover your heads with his holy
protection, that you and your children's children may sit down under
the shade of your own trees and smoke your pipes in peace, growing to
your own grounds like a strong oak which shall take such deep root that
no storm shall hereafter be able to blow it down. But all the nations
shall gather under its branches for shelter and shall hang up their belts
on its boughs, and being no more deceived by our enemies shall be ruled
by the wisdom of your counsellors, as long as the stars remain in the
Heavens or the rivers flow."
Answer of the Indian chief Arara (or Grasshopper) to
his Excellency the Minister of France :
"Father — We have heard thy words and we shall repeat them to our
warriors, to our women and to our children, and we shall bring them
thy presents. We have seen with joy the union subsisting between the
sons of our father that lives on the other side of the great lake, and our
brethren the inhabitants of the United States. Father — We have tied
to a mountain of rock the chain that binds us to thee, nothing is able
to break it, and we shall keep it clean from rust that it may last as long
as the stars of the firmament. Father — While we stayed in our habita-
tions at Schenectady we saw little beautiful birds that came to us, and
acquainted us with what they had seen on the other side of the great
lake. They have told us that our father and our mother are beloved by
their children but that they had not yet got a son who might at once
become our father and the father of their great family. Tell him that
we hope they will soon be blessed with a son, whom the children of our
children will call their father. Father — When the French and English
buried their hatchets in a hole as deep as the great lake, when they
broke their fire locks after the last war, the French Governor assembled
us and told us the following words : ' Take this wampum and preserve
carefully these hatchets. Be always the faithful friends of your father
the King of France. He is obliged to leave you to-day, and he
advises you to live in peace with the King of England ; but if ever
he treats you in a manner contrary to the laws of justice, the King ol
France your father, or his warriors will come to assist you by another
road.' Father — We see that thou hast not deceived us ; we shall main-
tain the fires of our councils in a constant friendship, with our father,
and inform our friends of what we have seen and heard."
VOL. XXVI. — 14
*
210 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
Here the Indian chief took out of a bag a large wampum,
on the extremities of which were the name of Louis and the
figure of two hatchets. He presented them to the Chevalier
de la Luzerne, that he might examine them.
While the newspapers did not give any account of our
Philadelphia Sons of Saint Tammany having a dinner,
there is in the possession of the Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania an original paper showing the organization, by-laws,
etc., of a Sons of Saint Tammany organized in New Jersey
on May 1 of this year. We give a copy of this docu-
ment, which follows closely the Philadelphia Society :
" The Constitution of the New Jersey Society of the Sons of St.
Tamminy No. 1.
"I.
"That we will meet annually on the first day of May for the celebra-
tion of our Saint at such place as shall be notified by the President in
the public prints : Provided however that if any of the days appointed
for the convening of the society should happen to be the Sabbath it will
be postponed untill the nionday following.
"II.
' ' That on the first of May annually the members of the Society shall
meet to choose a President Vice President & thirteen members for the
council three of whom shall be a quorum, to meet at such times & places
as the President shall direct to transact the business of the Society as
invested in them by these articles.
"III.
"That the President & Council on the 2nd of May annually shall
elect a secretary & Treasurer for the society.
"IV.
"That the Council shall have the power of admitting new members,
constituting them sons of St. Tamminy & issuing certificates to them
under the seal of the society & sign of the President attested by the Sec-
retary : Provided that no person be admitted as a member but such as
is of good report.
"V.
"That any member who shall behave in a disorderly & disgraceful
manner shall be suspended or expelled the society by a majority of
members at their annual meeting.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 211
1 'VI.
' ' That every person at his admittance pay into the Treasury the sum
of four dollars ; and that every member pay therein annually the sum of
one Dollar.
"VII.
"That the Council shall have the ordering and disposal of the public
money with rendering a satisfactory account to the society annually on
the last of May : Provided also that all charitable donations shall first
extend to the poor of the society.
"VIII.
' ' That the Treasurer on the first day of May annually shall lay his
accounts properly adjusted before the Council for liquidation.
"IX.
"That any article of the Constitution shall be subject to alteration or
addition for two years by a majority of voices at the annual meeting on the
1st of May ; but after that time they will not be subject to any alteration
but shall be subject to addition.
"X.
"That every person at his admittance into the Society subscribe to
the above articles.
"Signed on the 1st Day of May 1782.
" J. N. GUMMING, President
"EBEN ELMER, Secretary
"VLNER VANZANDT, Counsel
"W. HELMS, Counsel
"LR. HALSEY, Counsel
Nath'l Bowman Sam' el Seely
Ben. Osmun John Hopper
Derick Lane Sam. Beading
A. Weymon Sam. Conn
John Pintard Wm. Anderson
Mos. G. Elmer Jacob Harris
Sam'l M. Shute John Keucastle (?)
Francis Luse Absalom Martin
G. Mead Jona. Forman
John Bishop Jos. Breck
A. Brooks Peter Faulkner
Nathan Wilkison John Blair
Jacob Flyer Wm. Tuttle
Jere'h Bui lard Jona. Holmes
Jno. Holmes Edmund D. Thomas
Abr. Stout John Peck
Wm. Piatt Wm. Kersey"
212 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
Many reasons may be given as to why our friends did not
have a public celebration this year on the anniversary ot
their patron's day, but the real reason seems to us to have
been a reluctance on their part to compete with the elegant
affairs given by the French officials or the entertainments
ordered by Congress. They also may have felt that their
celebration, being of a purely American character, would
hardly seem gracious at a time when their country was
being assisted in its battles by a people that did not speak
their language, some of whom even had just then for the
first time set foot upon this continent. If the surrender of
Cornwallis had taken place in April of this year instead of
in October, we think that our followers of the brave old
Indian would have revived the well-known custom of their
aboriginal fathers, of having a feast after they had van-
quished an enemy.
The general condition of the country in the year 1782 is
so well stated in a newspaper, dated May 8, that we give it
at length : T
"A correspondent observes that though the advices from New York
most clearly indicate a very great change in the sentiments and councils
of our enemy, gentlemen of the best information see with some concern
that the reports and expectations are greatly exaggerated. Independence
is not acknowledged, as many have hastily supposed, nor is there any
declared intention of withdrawing the troops from this country, which
were the explicit terms held out by Congress as previous requisites to a
negotiation at a time when consistent with our engagements to our great
ally, we could have entered into a treaty ; but the ground is now changed
in that respect ; eventual engagements are become permanent ; and giving
the utmost stretch to our hopes of relief we cannot suppose Great
Britain seriously means to treat with us in America, but on terms utterly
inconsistent with our interest and honour. Prudence and policy both
dictate to us not to relax in any preparation, but while we wish for
peace to be provided for war. In fact there are too many concurrent
circumstances to leave us in doubt that the British Ministry are endeav-
ouring to sow discord among us, to weaken the happy confidence sub-
sisting between us and our ally and that aim by the arts of corruption
to effect what arms have failed to accomplish. Suspicion under these
1 Freeman's Journal, May 8, 1782.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 213
circumstances is wisdom and especially if we reflect that if Great
Britain really means fairly the path of negotiation in Europe is too
plain to be missed, but by design. Whenever she is disposed to ac-
knowledge our independence we have Ministers there to treat in concert
with those of our ally and that acknowledgement being made the great
object of the war between her and France is at an end. But the truth
is that she still natters herself with the delusive hope of retaining our
dependence in some degree and at all events to detatch us from the
alliance. By comparing all accounts there is reason to expect a third
set of olive branches commissioners from Britain gifted with a double
portion of lying deceitful and equivocal spirit that actuated Governor
Johnstone and the evil beasts that accompanied him to America."
The situation might be summed up by saying that the
community folded its hands and waited for peace. Where
we should expect to meet an account of our Society in May,
we find in its place a long description of the celebration l
held in honor of the birth of the Dauphin of France, which
was announced formally to Congress by the French Minis-
ter, after which a dinner was given at the City Tavern 2 at
5 P.M. by Congress, with the usual thirteen toasts, and fol-
lowed in the evening by fireworks on the State-House Green.
The celebration of the Fourth of July this year was as
follows:3
"The Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence was cele-
brated here in the true Kepublican style, as if every vestage of Mo-
narchical Trappings was done away. . . . An elegant cold collation was
provided at the house of the President of Congress, where a number of
gentlemen without formality partook of the fare ; and were plentifully
regaled with the best of liquors about 1 o'clock P.M. The Federal
salute was fired by a detachment of Artillery on the State House Green,
several companies of gentlemen assembled in different parts of the city
and spent the day and evening with that heart-felt joy which impreg-
nated every principled breast on the glorious occasion."
1 Independent Gazetteer, May 18, 1782 ; Freeman's Journal, May
15, 1782.
* Situated on west side of Second Street, north of Walnut, at south-
west corner of present Gold Street.
1 Independent, July 6, 1782.
' 9
214 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
That our patriotic Sons were still an active force in the
community is shown by the following poem which appeared
in one of the newspapers of this year. They also may have
been one of the " several companies of gentlemen" men-
tioned above.
" The Prophecy of King Tammany.1
"The Indian Chief who, fam'd of yore
Saw Europe's sons ad vent' ring here
Look'd sorrowing to the crowded shore,
And sighing dropt a tear :
He saw them half his world explore,
He saw them draw the shining blade,
He saw their hostile ranks display' d,
And cannons blazing thro' that shade,
Where only peace was known before.
' ' Ah what unequal arms ! he cry'd,
How are thou fall'n my country's pride,
The rural sylvan reign !
Far from our pleasing shores to go
To Western Rivers, winding slow,
Is this the boon the Gods bestow ?
What have we done, great patrons, say,
That strangers seize our woods away,
And drive us naked from our native plain ?
' ' Rage and revenge inspire my soul,
And passion burns without control ;
Hence strangers, to your native shore,
Far from our Indian shades retire.
Remove these Gods that vomit fire,
And stain with blood these ravag'd glades no more.
' ' In vain I weep, in vain I sigh,
These strangers all our arms defy,
As they advance our chieftains die I —
What can their hosts oppose ?
The bow has lost its wonted spring,
The arrow faulters on the wing,
Nor carries ruin from the string
To end their being and our woes.
1 Freeman's Journal, December 11, 1782.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 215
* ' Yes yes — I see our nation bends ;
The Gods no longer are our friends,
But why these weak complaints and sighs ?
Are there not gardens in the West,
Where all our far fam'd Sachems rest ?
I'll go an unexpected guest ;
And the dark horrors of the way despise.
" Ev'n now the thundering peals draw nigh,
'Tis theirs to triumph, ours to die !
But mark me, Christians, ere I go —
Thou too shalt have thy share of woe,
The time rolls on, not moving slow,
When hostile squadrons for your blood shall come,
And ravage all your shore !
Your warriors and your children slay,
And some in dismal dungeons lay,
Or lead them captive far away,
To climes unknown, thro' seas untry'd before.
"When struggling long, at last with pain,
You brake a cruel tyrant's chain,
That never shall be joined again,
When half your foes are homeward fled,
And hosts on hosts in triumph fled,
And hundreds maim'd and thousands dead,
A timid race shall then succeed,
Shall slight the virtues of the firmer race,
That brought your tyrants to disgrace,
Shall give your honours to an odious train,
Who shunn'd all conflicts on the main,
And dar'd no battles on the plain,
Whose little souls sunk in the gloomy day,
When Virtues only could support the fray,
And sunshine friends keep off, or ran away.
"So spoke the chief, and rais'd his funeral pyre —
Around him soon the crackling flames ascend ;
He smil'd amid the fervours of the fire,
To think his troubles were so near their end,
Till the freed soul, her debt to nature paid,
Rose from the ashes that her prison made,
And sought the world unknown, and dark oblivion's shade. "
216 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
•
The above poem was directed at Congress, whose tem-
porizing methods were greatly censured by all stanch
Whigs, such as were members of the Saint Tammany
Society.
The long-looked-for heralds of peace arrived in this
country March 12, 1783, in the shape of a preliminary
treaty, and on April 19 of this year there was a cessation
of hostilities, just eight years after the battle of Lexington.1
In consequence of such a joyful state of affairs, our loyal
Sons of Saint Tammany took occasion on May 1 to cele-
brate the event in a befitting style, as follows : "... On
Thursday May first many respected inhabitants of Phila-
delphia elated with the glorious proposals of peace and
public happiness and desirous of reviving the former good
old custom of the country in commemorating Tammany's
Day assembled on the Banks of the Schuylkill dressed and
distinguished in buck tails and feathers very expressive of
the occasion." 2 Thus starts one account, but a fuller one
runs this way : 3
" On Thursday last being the anniversary of the tutelar St. of Penn-
sylvania, the state flag was hoisted at Mr. Pole's seat on the Banks of
Schuylkill; the flag of France was displayed on the right, and that
of the States of Holland on the left ; The flag staff of each was decorated
with garlands suitable to the day. The constitutional Sons of Saint
Tammany being collected to the number of two hundred and fifty and
upwards, the day was celebrated according to the good old custom of
our worthy forefathers. At noon thirteen Sachems or Chiefs were
appointed and invested with supreme authority for the day. These
having retired awhile to council returned and proclaimed that they had
chosen a chief and a Secretary — that they had unanimously and firmly
' resolved to exercise to the utmost the authority committed to them to
compel every man to do perfectly as he pleases during the day. Pro-
vided always nevertheless that he shall leave every other man to do so
too ; by which means it is confidently expected that peace and good
order will be preserved ; but if any man shall presume to do otherwise
1 Hildreth's ''History of the United States," vol. iii. p. 433.
2 Independent Gazetteer, May 3, 1783.
5 Freeman's Journal, May 7, 1783.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 217
he shall be heartily laughed at for his folly.' The Company gave three
cheers the cannon fired and the band of music struck up St. Tammany's
Day. The Secretary then produced the hatchet, reminded the warriors,
hunters and young men that it had been war and was now peace ; that
like men we had struck that hatchet into the head of our enemy and he
had submitted. He asked if they would bury it? The affirmative being
agreed upon, it was interred in due form, each man casting a stone upon
it. The cannon fired and the band played Yankee Doodle. The Sec-
retary then reminded them of the good old custom used by our ancestors
on like occasions of smoking the Calumet or pipe of peace, whereupon it
was resolved it should then be done. A new calumet was produced,
the bowl of which was a huge ram's horn gilded with thirteen stars ;
the stem had a reed six feet in length elegantly decorated with thirteen
beautiful peacock feathers. This calumet was accepted with a general
shout of joy and being filled and lighted was smoked not only by our
chief and his Sachems, but also by all present. The cannon fired again
and the band played Great Washington. In the mean time the treat ot
the day being prepared in a proper cabin set up for the purpose at the
head of which was the portraiture of our brave old saint with this well
known motto Kawanio Chee Keeteru, above was an elegant design of
the siege of Yorktown in front of which were his excellency General
Washington and the count de Kochambeau. The company having par-
taken of the feast in a style of freedom and cheerful simplicity that
would have given a high relish to the homeliest fare, every countenance
was enlivened with a glow of generous joy and every heart opened.
The following thirteen toasts were drank.
"1. St. Tammany and the Constitution of Pennsylvania Kawanio
Chee Keeteru.
"2. The United States. May the thirteen stars shine with underived
lustre, and the thirteen stripes be a terror to tyrants forever.
"3. Louis the XVI, the defender of the rights of mankind, and the
French Nation. May the lily and the laurel flourish together as long
as the stars shine.
"4. The States of Holland.
"5. General Washington and the army. May justice gratitude and
respect amply repay their services and sufferings.
"6. The officers, soldiers and seamen of the army and navy oi
France, who have fought in the cause of America. May their blood
which has been spilt and intermingled with ours be a lasting cement of
mutual interest.
" 7. May the enemies of America never be restored to her confidence.
" 8. The immortal memory of those worthies who have fallen by the
savage hand of Britain ; whether in the field, in jails, on the ocean, or
on board their infectious and loathsome prison ships. Can the tears of
218 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
repenting Britons wash from their flag the stain of such precious
blood?
1 ' 9. Freedom to those, in every part of the world, who dare contend
for it.
"10. The friends of liberty in Ireland. May the harp be tuned to
independence and be touched by skillful hands.
"11. The yeomanry of the land. May those who have been Whigs
in the worst of times duly respect themselves.
"12. Free commerce with the world.
"13. 'Virtue liberty and independence.' May America be an
Asylum to the oppressed of all countries throughout all ages.
' ' At the giving of each toast the cannon fired, and the whole com-
pany gave three cheers, but when General Washington and the army
were named they swelled spontaneously to thirteen, and upon naming
1 the friends of liberty in Ireland' and the ' tuning of the harp to inde-
pendence' the Sons of St. Tammany anticipating the day in which the
brave Sons of St. Patrick shall be free and happy as ourselves burst
into thirteen shouts of joy, and the band struck up ' St. Patrick's Day
in the morning.'
" When the toasts were ended our chief sung the first stanza of the
original song in praise of St. Tammany, and the remainder was sung
with great spirit by Mr. Leacock.
" Song for St. Tammany' '$ Day.
" The Old Song.
( ' Of Andrew, of Patrick, of David, & George,
What mighty achievements we hear !
While no one relates great Tammany's feats,
Although more heroic by far, my brave boys,
Although more heroic by far.
" These heroes fought only as fancy inspired,
As by their own stories we find ;
Whilst Tammany, he fought only to free,
From cruel oppression mankind, my brave boys,
From cruel oppression mankind.
"When our country was young and our numbers were few,
To our fathers his friendship was shown,
(For he e'er would oppose whom he took for his foes),
And made our misfortunes his own, my brave boys,
And he made our misfortunes his own.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 219
" At length growing old and quite worn out with years,
As history doth truly proclaim,
His wigwam was fired, he nobly expired,
And flew to the skies in a flame, my brave boys,
And flew to the skies in a flame.
''Other songs in honour of our Saint were likewise sung. The war-
riors were so highly pleased with the gaiety and spirit of our chief that
they bore him on their shoulders from the green into his cabin amidst
the shouts of all present. After sunset the colours were struck by a
signal from the cannon ; our chief his sachems and warriors marched
into the city in proper file; the band playing 'St. Tammany's Day'
before them. They saluted the Minister of France, and proceeded to
the Coffee House, where giving three cheers every man returned in
peace to his own house."
It is well to call attention to the fact that the above account
says that the chief and his sachems were dressed in " buck
skins and feathers," for, as we have seen by Eddis's letters
from Annapolis in 1771, it was then the custom in Maryland
on May Day to celebrate Tammany's memory ; therefore, in
Pennsylvania it must have been followed long before the
celebration took root in what was then far-off Maryland.
Our Sons were merely returning to the early customs of the
followers of the brave old saint, which evidently had been
omitted when the Society was first formed, as no mention is
made of them by any of their chroniclers from 1772 up to
this occasion. The site of this jollification was at what was
known in those days as Mr. Pole's seat on the Schuylkill,
though the property was owned by Mr. D. Beveridge, and
was so designated in the accounts of this Society's proceed-
ings three years later. It was situated on the west bank
of the river, between what was then known as the Upper
Ferry bridge, now called Callowhill Street bridge, and the
lower end of the Fairmount locks. The extent of the
property was twenty-nine acres, and it was shaped like a
triangle, with the river for a base. Beveridge's house is
one of the houses that are marked on Yarley's Map. The
reason for its being called Pole's was that Edward Pole had
on the river banks of this property a place where sportsmen
220 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
could obtain all the facilities for indulging in their pastimes,
such as boats, fishing-tackle, etc. Pole's advertisement was
one of the most prominent in the papers of the day, and at
his place of business in the city he sold all kinds of fishing-
tackle, guns, etc. Pole was, of course, a member of the
organization, and most likely one of the organizers of the
feast. "We have seen that Pole was the Secretary of the
Constitutional Society, and probably was chosen on this
occasion to fill the same office for the Sons. From the
very detailed account which appears in the Freeman's Jour-
nal, we are satisfied that its owner, Mr. Francis Bailey, was
one of this goodly company, for he certainly subscribed to
their ideas in every way. We fortunately are able to give
the reader a short account of the singer of the " original
song." He was a Mr. John Leacock, and a member of the
Schuylkill Fishing Company, having held the office of coro-
ner in that organization. He was born in 1729, married
October 7, 1771, to Miss Martha Ogilby, died November
16, 1802, and was buried in Christ Church-yard. He was
one of the signers of the Non-Importation resolution of
1765, and in 1777 he owned a vineyard in Lower Merion,
Philadelphia County, and set up a lottery for the encourage-
ment of the vine. He also held the office of coroner of the
city of Philadelphia from 1785 up to the time of his death,
and was the owner of a house of entertainment on Water
Street, between Arch and Race.1 He was unquestionably a
man of prominence, and, from his having been selected to
render the song of the day, he must have had some reputa-
tion as a vocalist. Our " Buck Skins" certainly were great
believers in democracy of a very broad character, as shown
by the announcement for their guidance for the day.
Their adherence to State rights is evident, for the State
flag was given the post of honor, flanked on either side by
the flags of France and Holland, and nothing is said of any
United States flag being erected upon the ground. Their
1 History Schuylkill Fishing Company, p. 366 ; Philadelphia Direc-
tory, 1790.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 221
first toast further shows their predilections, for it was to
Tammany (a Pennsylvanian) and the Constitution of Penn-
sylvania, while the second place on their list was held by
the United States. However, they, like the rest of the peo-
ple, had caught "the epidemic phrenzy" of the supreme
sovereignty of the separate States,1 which was cured in
great measure by that able address of General Washington
to the Governors of the several States after his surrender ot
his commission as commander-in-chief. While closing this
year's account of our Society, it is worth while to note that
ten days later than the above meeting, on the banks of
the Hudson, was organized another society, — " The Order
of the Cincinnati," — to which our Sons were later on in
their existence much opposed. .
The next record of our Society is found in two news-
papers of 1784, in precisely the same words, as follows: 2
"On Saturday the first of May, the Sons of St. Tammany met at Mr.
Poole's seat on Schuylkill in order to celebrate the day. The State flag
was hoisted in the centre and those of France and the United Nether-
lands on the right and left, decorated with garlands suitable to the
occasion. Upon the discharge of three cannon, the colours were dis-
played and the festival began. The chief and sachems were elected —
council fire kindled — the law of liberty proclaimed — the calumet was
smoked, and the dance to the calabash performed. When the feast was
prepared, and the Sons of St. Tammany seated, intelligence was received
that General Washington had just arrived in the city. One of the
company with a voice of exultation cried out ' General Washington is
arrived huzza,' no sooner was the voice heard than the air was rent by
a general cry of ' General Washington is arrived huzza.' The sentence
was drank as a toast, and ' encore ! encore !' being heard on every side a
second bumper was filled, and the wigwam again shook with ' General
Washington is arrived huzza.' The ceremony of the feast being ended
and the company seated on the grass, the following thirteen toasts were
drank, under the discharge of the artillery, and with music adapted to
each, viz. :
" 1. St. Tammany, and the day, music St. Tammany.
"2. The United States — May the benign influence of the thirteen
stars be shed in every quarter of the world — Music Yankee Doodle.
1 Hamilton, vol. i. p. 403.
2 Pennsylvania Packet, May 6, and Freeman's Journal, May 5, 1784.
222 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
^
< ' 3. Louis XVI the defender of the rights of mankind. May his
people be as happy as he is great and good. Broglio's March.
"4. The United Netherlands. Washington's March.
" 5. George Washington — Clinton's retreat.
"6. The citizen soldiers of America, and the Army and Navy of
France — Capture of Cornwallis.
"7. The Militia of Pennsylvania — Levan's Cotillion.
"8. Our friends who have fallen in the war, may they live forever in
the hearts of a free and grateful people. Rosalind's Castle.
" 9. The best Whigs in the worst of times. Sweet Hope.
" 10. Encreasing lustre to the stars of America, and unfading bloom
to the lilies of France. Stoney Point and Broglio's March.
"11. May the people of Ireland enjoy the freedom of Americans.
St. Patrick's day in the morning.
"12. Free trade in American bottoms and peace with all the world.
Washington's resignation.
"13. The land we live in, and our free constitution. 'Kawanio
Ghee Keeteru' (i.e. : These God has given us, and we will defend them).
Music Liberty Hall.
"St. Tammany's song being sung, a gentleman in a complete powwow
dress appeared and performed a maneta dance. The dress was at once
ludicrous and terrible, but the character was well supported and the
dance performed with great spirit. The company having learned that
General Washington dined with the financier general,1 they marched
with the music before them to his door, where they halted, and gave his
excellency thirteen cheers, and at the same time thirteen cannon were
fired on the banks of the Schuylkill, then passing on to the houses of
the Ministers of France 2 and the United Netherlands,3 they gave each of
them seven cheers, and retired each man to his own home. Having
spent the day in the most perfect harmony, every man determined to do
his best to perpetuate the name of St. Tammany, who had so kindly
and cordially welcomed our ancestors to this fruitful country."
In this era of scepticism and carping criticism of the
patriots who made this great nation it is pleasant to find
from the foregoing account such a spontaneous outburst of
enthusiasm over the greatest patriot of them all, our vener-
1 Eobert Morris's house, on Market Street, between Fifth and Sixth,
next to corner of Fifth, on south side. — Philadelphia Directory, 1785.
2 M. de Marbois, Penn (Water) Street, between Pine and South
Streets. — Ibid.
3 Francis Van Berckel, 276 High Street (Market).— Ibid.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 223
ated Washington. We notice from the order of the toasts
upon this occasion that the State is not as prominent as it
had been the previous year, and that the United States seem
to be more in evidence. This change in sentiment was one
that Washington strove for with all his personal influence,
for he saw that peace had not been formally declared before
British interests were at work trying by inciting jealousy
between the different States to bring about the disintegra-
tion of the confederacy.1 In June of this year we find our
"Friends of the Constitution" once more calling their
members together " to prevent," as they say, " a change in
the fundamentals of our excellent government," 2 There is
also a notice later in the year that " the St. Tammany Fire
Company meet at the house of Captain John Barker on
Friday 1st October next at 7 o'clock in the evening."
Whether this company was composed only of members of
the Sons of Saint Tammany or not we cannot say, for the
above is the only notice we find of their existence.3
The Philadelphia City Directory of 1785 gives Captain
John Barker as " inn-keeper and taylor," at the sign of St.
Tammany, on Arch Street, between Second and Third
Streets.
1 Sparks, vol. ix. pp. 12, 13.
8 Freeman's Journal, June 16, 1784.
8 Ibid., September 29.
j(To be continued.)
224 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
LIFE OF MAEGAEET SHIPPEN, WIFE OF BENEDICT
AENOLD.
BY LEWIS BUBD WALKER.
(Continued from page 80.)
PHILADA. 20th Jany. 1796.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
xJ am much pleased to hear by your Letters to your Sisters
that you are in tolerable health. I shall be better pleased to
hear of your perfect Eecovery which from the soundness of
your Constitution & the good advice you are surrounded with,
we are sanguine enough to expect. I must at the same time
suggest that in most chronical Cases Experience proves an
Attention to diet and a strict regimen is generally more available
than any other thing the faculty can prescribe : indeed in those
cases it is little more than a Compliance with form to consult
Physicians at all. I have myself long done with them, being
convinced from a steady attention to my own case that they are
able to do very little, if anything more for me than I can do for
myself. The headache which has afflicted me for four years &
upwards I know proceeds from the Stomach, I therefore direct
all my attention to that Organ. If I transgress ever so little
either in quality or quantity of food I am certain of being tor-
mented Avith 3 or 4 hours headache ; if on the contrary I intirely
refrain from animal food or take only a very small quantity of
the lightest kind £ subsist chiefly on milk & Vegetables I am
as certain of escaping every symptom of the Complaint. This
you will say, is having a disorder more in my own power than
most people have ; this is true, but in a certain degree it is the
same with every chronick Case.
I am descending fast into the Yale of years, and altho I seem
now to have some command over my disorder, yet I cannot
reasonably expect it will long continue. You are in the prime
of life, and if you should find abstinence as much a Eemedy as
I have done, the good Effects may possibly continue with you
for a long Course of Years— which Heaven Grant !
I find you have passed some time in the Country during the
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 225
last Summer, which I concluded must have been the Case from
our not hearing from you for Six or Eight Months.
You have mentioned to Sally that Swan wick's Bill is paid, but
I have not yet heard of the fate of Mr. Wilcock's Bill, which
however I presume must have been honoured, or you would have
returned it with a protest.
I now inclose you a Bill for £100 Sterling drawn by Peter
Blight which I purchased at the rate of 60 per cent advance,
Exchange being now lower than usual ; I could I believe, have
got one for 58 but not from so substantial a Drawer.
I have lately at the request of your Sisters, got my Picture
taken by one Mr. Stewart, who is said to have been eminent in
London ; — it is thought to be a strong likeness ; I have therefore
employed a Mr. Trot a young man of talents in that way to take
a Copy of it in miniature. When finished I shall embrace the
first good Opportunity of transmitting it to you, as I flatter
myself it will be an acceptable present.
My best Love to all your family. I am my dear Child
Your affectionate father.
PHILADA. 19th April 1796.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 12th of January
and was made truly happy by hearing of the Eecovery of your
health, as well as of the good prospects of your two sons. I
sincerely pray that every Blessing may attend you & yours. 1
observe Swanwick's Bill is paid, and hope the same as to Peter
Blight's Bill for £100 Sterling which I transmitted to you in
January last.
I mentioned to you in my last that I meant to send you a
small portrait taken from an excellent picture drawn for me by
Mr. Stewart. I accordingly embrace the Opportunity of Mr.
Alexander Foster's going to London, to forward it to you ; he
has been kind enough to promise to deliver it himself. I am not
certain whether this Gentleman is known to you or not. You
may probably have heard that he formerly paid his Addresses to
your Sister Sally. And altho he was not a favored Lover & she
preferred another Gentleman, he still I am told continues his
Admiration of her, but without any prospect of Success ; he has
made a handsome fortune by trade & if he could divest himself
VOL. XXVI. — 15
226 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
of this Attachment might still be happy in a matrimonial
Connection.
Our Congress is now deliberating upon the Treaty with Great
Britain, and altho some warmth has appeared & there is a
majority who dislike the treaty ; Yet I have no doubt they will
finally make the Appropriations necessary to carry it into Execu-
tion. All the Commercial Cities are daily petitioning them to
that Effect.
My real Love and best wishes attend you, My dear Child.
I am &c.
PHILADELPHIA 26th July 1796.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
Your favor of the 2nd May now before me affords me real
pleasure, as it promises an effectual remedy for your Disorder.
If there is any one Specific for Chronical Complaints, it is cer-
tainly Abstinence.
I have received the Amount of Peter Blight's protested Bill
together with the 20 per cent Damages & costs of protest, and
immediately laid out the money in another Bill drawn by John
Swanwick in my favor for £120.7.0 Sterling. I have likewise
purchased another Bill of John Swanwick for £100. Sterling out
of money arising from the Interest of your Securities & dividends
of Bank Shares in my hands. Exchange at 162? p. C. advance:
both these Bills I have indorsed to Messrs Dorset & Co for your
Use & herein inclose.
I hope before this you have received the Picture I promised
you, it was committed to the care of Mr. Alex. Foster a merchant
who went passenger in the Ship and sailed from hence
about the 1st of May & promised to deliver it himself. I am
made happy in believing it will be to you an acceptable present.
You may be assured my dear Child, I can never be unmindful
of you. I know the tenderness of your nature, and that your
affectionate Endeavors, would not be wanting to contribute to
the comfort of my latter days, if our evil Stars had not sepa-
rated us.
There is one disagreeable business, which I am always averse
to make the Subject of our Correspondence. I mean the busi-
ness of your Brother Edward. I have repeatedly tried what
could be done with Footman, who always says that what with
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 227
the Losses they sustained in Common with almost all others who
followed trade at that time together with Neddy's Expenses in
going abroad & settling & maintaining his family in Philadelphia,
there is nothing left to satisfy your demand. I believe only a
part of this Story, but am obliged to rest satisfied with it. As
however he is my Son & has an encreasing family which are and
must be dependant upon me for a support unless he can be put
into some Situation to enable him to make provision for them
himself, which this heavy debt while it hangs over him will for-
ever obstruct.
I have therefore conceived the Idea of endeavouring to com-
pound it for him provided I can do it without in cumbering my
own Affairs for the short time I have to live. I would therefore
make this proposition for your & Gr. A's Consideration, which
you will either accept or reject as you think proper without any
fear of giving me the least displeasure by either Alternative.
As a consideration for discharging him from the demand, I
would agree to give my Obligation for the sum of fifteen hun-
dred pounds sterling ; the principal to become payable within
one year after my decease, but the Interest of Six per cent to be
regularly paid upon it every year during my Life. If this
proposition should be accepted and the Bond delivered up with
a discharge and acknowledgement of Satisfaction of the Judgment
entered in our Supreme Court, (which may be done by impower-
ing Mr. John Mifflin the Attorney who obtained the Judgment,
or any other person for that purpose) I will then execute a
Bond to Mr Burd as your Trustee, for the Sum and on the terms
above mentioned.
In this attempt of mine to get Neddy discharged of a debt,
which he will never be able to pay, I have no Yiew ever to put
it again in his power to trade or make any improper use of
Money, but simply to give him some heart to use his endeavours
to maintain his family : the present plan for that purpose is this
Doctor M°Ilvaine has all the best medical business at Burlington,
but being often confined with the Gout sometimes attended with
dangerous symptoms, is under the necessity of declining a great
part of his business, which he might retain if he could join him-
self in partnership with a healthy, active Man who could take the
laborious part, of riding &c. ; for this purpose he expresses a
willingness to take your brother into the business ; this we think
affords a reasonable prospect of procuring (at least in part) a
,
228 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
present Support for his family, and probably in the end lay the
foundation of his succeeding Doctor Mcllvaine in his whole
business whenever he shall be obliged or disposed to decline it
altogether.
The Family are all well & join me most cordially in wishing
you & yours all imaginable happiness.
I am &c.
PHILADA. 12th Aug. 1796.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
This serves to inclose second Bills of two Setts transmitted to
you about a fortnight since, one for £120.7.0 Sterling being the
Amo* of Peter Blight's protested Bill for £100. with Damages,
the other a new Draft for £100 Sterling. The first Bills of these
Setts 1 sent you in a letter of the 26th of last month, in which I
acquainted you of my having sent the Picture by Mr. Alex.
Foster, and in which I likewise mentioned a proposition relating
to your Brother Edward. That Letter I hope you have received
before this. I think it went by a Ship called the Hebe.
My best Love attends you & yours. My dear daughter
most affectionately yours
E. S.
PHILADA. 6 April, 1797.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I am much rejoiced to learn by your letter to your Sister Burd
that you are in a fair way of being restored to your health. I
was indeed much alarmed at the Situation you described in your
favor to me of the 7th of October last. I hope by Care and
Attention (qualities you always possessed) together with the
best medical assistance, you will be in no danger of falling a
Sacrifice to such dreadful Attacks as you have lately been sub-
ject to.
I am pleased to hear that Swanwick's Bills are paid ; I have
for some time past supposed that to be the Case, or I should
have long ago received a protest for non-payment. It is not
easy of late to meet with Bills of Exchange drawn by such men
as are altogether unexceptionable.
The Spirit of Enterprize has of late stalked with such gigantic
Strides as to infatuate all ranks of people, and there is by no
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 229
means such Confidence in men of reputed fortunes and prudence
as used to exist. I have however faith in the inclosed Bill for
£140 Sterling drawn by Willings & Francis, for which I gave
what is called par, viz 16f p Cent advance. I have endorsed it
as usual to Messrs. Dorset & Company for your use.
The Bank of Pennsylvania received a little shock last Winter
by the Misbehavior of Mr. Barclay the President, but it soon
recovered after an inspection into its funds and is now in
as good credit as ever. Shares in that bank sell at 20 p cent
advance.
The plan relating to your Brother's Debt, must I believe at
present rest. I have many reasons for not wishing to take an
Assignment of his Bond.
We are all sorry to hear that Lord Malmsbury's Mission has
failed of Success, we had hopes of Peace, they appear now to
be blasted and we in some danger of being implicated in the
War. We shall however be very shy upon that Subject, and
nothing short of hard blows will bring us to it.
I presume your Sister Betsy will give you the history of your
Cousin Nancy Allen's Affair. Women as well as Men seem in
these days to be alike infatuated. I would if possible have
assisted the family in this business, having a grateful remem-
brance of their friendly Offices to you, when you were last with
us, but I fear nothing will prevent that charming Girl from
rushing into destruction.
My best Love to you And all that you love.
I am &c.
PHILADA. 28th October 1797.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
Not having heard from you for many months, & your Sister
Betsy having rece'd a Letter from you by the William Penn with-
out your mentioning a Kemittance I made you last April, I am
apprehensive either that my Letters have not been received or
your Answer miscarried. On the 6th April last I enclosed you a
Bill of Exchange drawn by Willing & Francis on John & Francis
Baring & Co dated the 5th April 1797 for £140 Sterling in my
favor payable on [ ] days Sight & by me indorsed to Messrs
Dorset & Company for your Use. One Bill of the Sett went by
the packet & another by the Brig Friendship. I cannot but hope
one of them at least got safe to hand.
'
230 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
We returned but yesterday from the Country after an Absence
of near three months on Acco't of the Yellow Fever in the City,
which has at length subsided, & we esteem ourselves safe in our
old habitation ; the great number of the Citizens who retired
into the Country on this Occasion, has been probably the Cause
of the fever not proving so fatal as in the year 1793, when four
times the number died in the same time. I am happy to inform
you that none of our friends have felt the ill Effects of it. I
have been for the greater part of this month on the Circuit and
have one more County to go to before I settle down for the
Winter.
My kind Love to all your family & friends. I am &c
P.S. lest any Accident may have happened to my former
letters, I inclose you the third Bill of the Sett.
PHILADA. 16th July 1798.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
We have had such alarming Accounts respecting the intended
Invasion & probable Success of the all-powerful Frenchmen
against your devoted Country that my feelings regarding you
have been all alive & I have delayed writing till some favourable
Accots should arrive that I might be sure a letter would reach
you in London.
And altho' \ve do not yet hear of any Suspension of prepara-
tions for that purpose, yet I cannot now but conclude either
that the Invasion has been declined or if attempted will finally
fail. Our Situation here is indeed critical. We have mortally
offended the Conqueror of the World by making a Treaty with
England without their leave & in some respects unfavourable to
their Commerce. For this Offence we are never to be forgiven,
and are threatened with all the Evils they have inflicted upon
Venice, & Switzerland. Our Ladies particularly are fearful of a
Yisit, if not of the Guillotine, and are meditating some plans of
Retreat from the large Cities, where the depredations are most
likely to fall. I have myself no apprehensions of that kind.
We are making such preparations for their reception & there
seems to be of late such Unanimity in our people on the Subject
of Resistance that any Attempt upon us must prove fatal to
themselves. Our naval force is already such as to put our coast-
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 231
ing trade out of danger, & no privateers will hereafter venture
to consider this as cruising Ground. We have lately brought
one of them into port, and altho no express declaration of War
has yet taken place, Yet this Vessel is considered as fair game,
having made some prizes on the Coast, & will probably be con-
demned. War is a great Evil & I pray God to defend us all
from the direful Effects of it.
I inclose you a Bill of Exchange for £130 Sterling purchased
at par indorsed as usual to Messrs. Dorset & Co for your Use.
Really the times have been so critical, & there has been such
a Revolution as to the Fortunes of our Merchants that it has not
been an easy matter to get Bills free from some Risk. I know
not the drawer of this Bill, but the Indorser, Mordecai Lewis is
certainly safe, if there is any Safety among us.
The Family are all well & join me in best Love to you & Yours.
PHILADA., 18th Febry. 1799.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
1 was rejoiced to receive your affectionate Letter of the 28th
Oct., having received none before for a long time. Some time
after my return from our Asylum in the Country, a young Gen-
tleman called on me, of the name of Sheddon, who enquired
whether I had received a Letter from you, of which he was the
Bearer. On my answering in the negative, he informed me
that having arrived at New York, and not then thinking it safe
on account of the Sickness to proceed to Philada., he had com-
mitted the care of it to young Andrew Allen his fellow Passen-
ger. This Letter however has never come to hand, nor did Mr.
Allen ever call upon me, to make any Apology till about a fort-
night ago, having then heard from many of his friends that I
had frequently complained of his Negligence. All he could then
say was that he had put the Letter into the Post Office at Bristol
not knowing the place of my retirement in the Country. Mr.
Sheddon was certainly not to blame, he has been several times
since at our house & complains much of Mr. Allen's uncivil
behaviour.
I was very happy to hear of your receiving benefit to your
health from Sea bathing : it should of course be repeated at the
proper Season. I am likewise much pleased at the good Spirits
you seem to enjoy from the favourable Circumstances you men-
232 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedwt Arnold.
tion with regard to your Sons. God grant you may be made
happy in their prosperity & that of the rest of your family.
I am much delighted to hear of your acquaintance with my
old & good friend Mrs. Willis. I remember her & the kindness
she manifested to me with ye greatest pleasure. I felt a warmth
at my heart in reading her tender expressions with regard to me
which you have detailed. Your Saucy Sister Sally charges me
with betraying much Vanity in shewing your letter to many of
our friends ; it could only be, she says, to exhibit Mrs. Willis's
flattering Sentiments in my favour.
I inclose you a Bill of Exchange for £150 Sterling which I
purchased at the moderate Exchange of 57 £ p Ct advance. I
have as usual indorsed it to Dorset & Co for your use.
Some of your money has been paid in, and am now consider-
ing of the best way of Disposing of it. Our Government has
advertised for a loan of five Millions of Dollars at 8 p Cent
Interest. The Subscriptions are all to be made on the same day
& there is no doubt of their filling immediately. I am balancing
between a Subscription to this loan & buying 6 p Cent Stock
which may now be had at 160 in the pound. Bank Stock of the
United States sells at 20 p Cent advance, and that of the Bank
of Pennsylvania at about the same price : the North America
Bank stock is much higher & seldom to be got, the last that was
sold brought 50 p Cent advance ; the Dividends of the last are
generally 12 p Cent per annum on the original Subscriptions, the
2 former at about 8 p cent.
Our Quarrel with the French is not yet made up ; their late
bad Success in Europe has in some degree lowered their tone,
but no serious advances have been yet made by them towards an
Accommodation. We are determined to be in a State of prepara-
tion for fear of the worst, Congress have voted for an Equipment
of Six 74 Gun Ships, besides a large number of smaller armed
Vessels. Our trade is already rendered safer by the frigates and
armed Ships which are already on the Ocean, besides the benefits
we have received from British Convoys.
6 March 1799.
My DEAR PEGGY,
I wrote you by the Chesterfield packet, the 18th of last month ;
my letter together with the whole mail was sunk by the Captain
at New Yorkj out of resentment for being served with a Writ.
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 233
(Here I repeat part of former letter.)
I inclose you second Bill of Exchange for £150 Sterling (the
first having been sunk with the mail) which I purchased at
57| p Cent advance, & have as usual indorsed it to Dorset & Co.
for your use. Some of your money has been paid in, and I am
taking advantage of a loan to our Government of 5 Millions of
dollars at 8 p' cent Interest; the Subscriptions have much ex-
ceeded the loan, so that none will get the whole of what they
subscribed ; what the deductions from each Subscription will be,
is not yet known ; but I expect for you about 1400 dollars.
Bank Stock of the United States sells at about 23 p. cent
advance, that of Pennsylvania at about 20, & the North America
at 45 p cent, which last is seldom to be got.
We have had Mr. Sheddon frequently with us, on the presump-
tion that your lost letter contained a Eecommendation of him.
PHILADA 10th July 1799
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I much fear my two last Letters have miscarried, one dated
18th Feby last & the other on the 6th of March containing first &
Second Bills of a Sett of Exchange for £150 Sterling at Sixty
days sight by Philips Cramond & Co on Messrs Thellusson
Brothers, London dated 18th Feby 1799 in my favour & by me
indorsed to Messrs Dorset & Company or Order: the Letter
which inclosed the first of the Sett was intended to be sent by the
Chesterfield packet & was forwarded by the post to New York
for that purpose. In some Squabbel between the Capt of the
packet & the Sheriffs Officer at New York, the Mail was
thrown overboard & the Merchants here were advised to for-
ward Duplicates of their Letters to be sent by the same Vessel.
I did the like, but I afterwards learnt, that the first Letters
were recovered, so it is most probable both Letters went in the
same Vessel. I have lately seen an Account in the Newspaper
of the Chesterfield packet having been captured by the French.
I therefore now inclose you the third Bill of the Sett, altho' it is
the only remaining one in my hands.
Some of your Money having been paid into my hands last
Winter, I thought proper to invest it in Subscriptions to a loan
of the Government at the Interest of 8 p cent p annum. I could
only at first get in 1400 dollars, but some time after I purchased
234 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
an additional 1400 dollars at 5 p cent advance on the first pay-
ment. This sum of 2800 dollars I pay in by 8 monthly install-
ments, at 350 dollars each month, the last payment to be made
on the 10th of October next. I have now paid in 5 of the Install-
ments & shall soon be intitled to Certificates carrying 8 p cent,
Interest for one half of the Subscription ; the Certificates for
the other half of the Installments will I presume be delivered in
October when the whole will be paid into the treasury. This
mode of investing your money I believe will be the most bene-
ficial for you, as I expect the Interest will be regularly paid half
yearly.
The Family are all well & join with me in every Wish for your
health & happiness.
I am &c.
PHILADA I8' Nov 1799
DE PEGGY ;
On the other side you will find a copy of the last Letter I
wrote by the Ship Adriana, which I hope came safely to your
hands. Since which I have received your agreeable favor of the
9th of August, wherein you express your Apprehensions of our
Safety, on account of the prevailing fever which has raged here
for about three months past ; — it has now, thank G-od, intirely
subsided and we consequently a few days past returned to our
usual habitation in the City, all perfectly well.
You seem very desirous to prosecute a Scheme of Speculation
with the money you have in this Country. I shall give you all
the Assistance in my power to perfect it ; altho I am not quite
certain the train it is now in here would not prove as profitable
as the one you project.
I have been at some pains to interest you as far as possible in
our 8 p cent Loan, as apparently the most profitable of any plan
of disposing of your money here ; I have accordingly invested
for you to the amount of 2800 Dollars at 8 p cent Interest pay-
able half yearly ; — this Stock in order to comply with your
request I must sell in the Market, altho at present it has not
risen above par. — you have likewise three Shares in the Bank of
North America which will sell from 45 to 50 p Cent advance on
the original sum ; both these I shall as soon as possible convert
into money & invest in Bills of Exchange on London which at
present may be had at about £150 currency for £100 Sterling.
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 235
The five shares which you have in the Pennsylvania Bank 1
would not wish to sell immediately, as the price of that stock is
at present very low, not above 13 or 14 p Cent advance on the
original price, yet perhaps if I can find a cash purchaser and good
Bills I may likewise dispose of those shares in order to comply
with your wishes. The remainder of your money being at
interest, some at 7 p Cent & some at 6, I cannot expect to call in
on a sudden, but will do it as soon as it is practicable. As sev-
eral Yessels are put up for different ports in England, I expect
shortly to begin the operation you desire.
I am &c.
PHILADA 30 Dec 1799
MY DEAR PEGGY
I have been for some time past anxious to hear whether the
Bill of Exchange for £150 Sterling which I purchased for you
last Febry, has been received & paid — the two first Bills of the
Sett, I have reason to think were captured, the third & last
Bill I sent p the Ship Adriana last July, which I hope got safe
to hand, as I see by the News papers a Ship of that Name is put
up in London, to sail for Philada about the 1st of November.
There has been of late such a rise in Bills of Exchange that I
doubt whether your projected plan communicated to me by your
letter of the 9th of August last can be put in execution. I lost
no time after the receipt of that letter to employ a broker to
sell your bank stock for the purpose of investing the proceeds
in Bills of Exchange. I found in 2 or 3 days afterwards that
Bills were rising from 150 to 155 & soon to 160 and are now at
165 or par. I immediately stopt the sale of your Bank shares
to give a little time for the falling of bills. The Broker had
however sold one of your shares in the Bank of North America
for 50 p cent advance & two of your shares in the Bank of Penn-
sylvania at 13 p cent advance ; — the money arising from these
sales I deposited in the bank of the United States, where it yet
remains. I see no prospect at present of getting Bills under
par, so that unless I receive further orders from you, I shall
endeavour to reinvest that money in one or other of our banks.
I thought it lucky the Broker had not disposed of your 8 p
cents before this change had taken place especially as I have
lately heard that dollars in England have risen considerably,
which circumstance must likewise have interfered with your
236 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
project. As soon as I receive Dividends from the Banks & 8
per cent Interest from the Treasury I shall purchase a Bill for
you in order to remit your annual Interest, let the price of Bills
be what it may. I have been so much engaged in Court for six
weeks past, that I have had but little opportunity of knowing
how the mercantile Concerns of the Country go on.
My time has been the more engaged, as I have lately received
the Appointment of Chief Justice of the State in the room of
Mr McKean, who has been elected Governor.
The Salary of Chief Justice is one thousand pounds Currency
per annum, yet I do not think it will be prudent in me to hold
the Office for any great length of time even if Providence should
prolong my life ; the increasing labor of business to a man so
far advanced in years will probably tend to impair my faculties
as well as health. The story of the Arch Bishop of Granada in
Gil Bias has often occurred to me ; and I cannot bear the idea of
betraying the loss of Intellect to others before I discovered it in
myself. My health, thank God, as yet has not declined, indeed
my headache has in a great measure left me. Yet being turned
of Seventy, I have no reason to expect any long enjoyment
of that valuable blessing ; altho my friends are kind enough to
natter me that by constantly riding the Circuit, I shall long
retain it.
I hope your charming little daughter is in better health than
when you wrote. I have been told by others that she is very
delicate. Your niece Peggy Burd is to be married in a few days
to her Cousin Dan. Coxe, who has made a handsome fortune in
trade.
Your sister Sally enjoys fine health and does not pine for the
loss of Mr Foster who died with the Yellow fever last Summer:
it is thought he retained his unsuccessful passion to the last.
If Bills of Exchange return to the low price they bore two
or three months ago, your plan may be yet prosecuted if you
chuse it; — for which I will endeavour to get in what money
remains at interest in private hands & invest it in some Stock
which may be readily sold whenever you think proper. I am
with much love to you & yours
PHILADA 3 May 1800
DR. PEGGY
I received your very wellcome Letter of the 5th of February a
few days ago ;— and am glad to find the last years bill for £150
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 237
is paid. I now inclose you another for the same sum, which
cost at the rate of 172 £ p cent Exchange. I have reason to be
still better pleased that I had not an opportunity of remitting
your Money at the time you requested it, as most of the drawers
at that time have met with misfortunes and particularly Mr.
Peter Blight who was then the principal Drawer and tho before
esteemed a very prosperous man has since stopped payment &
will in all probability finally break for a very large Sum. The
three shares of Bank Stock which I wrote you I had sold in
order to buy Bills, I consider as still remaining yours, having
applied the money to my own use, as if my own Shares were
sold instead of yours.
You request to know the situation of the lands on Susque-
hannah River claimed by the Connecticut people. I am in
hopes that dispute is in a way of being at last settled. Our
Legislature passed a law last year to encourage the Pennsyl-
vania claimants to convey their property in the Seventeen Town-
ships settled by the Connecticut people to the State, to enable
them to convey to the Settlers at a less price provided 40.000
acres were conveyed to the State within a limited time ; — that
number of acres & more have already been transferred, and
Commissioners are appointed to value the Lands, who are limited
to estimate the best Lands no higher than five dollars p acre &
the worst Lands at one dollar & the others at intermediate
prices according to their Yalue, when the whole is completed
the State will pay the Pennsylvania Claimants at these rates, &
sell them out to the Connecticut Settlers at about half the prices
thus allowed, at which rate it is presumed there will be but little
doubt of their accepting them. There are however other lands
settled by the Connecticut people not within those Seventeen
townships, and not included in this Arrangement ; — these lands
it is presumed the Settlers will be compelled to give up, as the
Settlements on them were made after the decree at Trenton
which fixt the right to be in Pennsylvania. The Value of
Lands in that Country it is not possible to ascertain without
knowing their Situation and Quality. The Lands which lie on
the River are for the most part the most valuable : some of them,
bottom lands, may be worth perhaps Six dollars an acre, other
Lands may not be worth more than half or a quarter of a dollar
an acre. Many Mountains & stony & barren lands have been
included in some of the Surveys. Lands lying at a distance
238 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
Hf
from the Eiver, not settled by the Connecticut people & surveyed
some time ago under Pennsylvania Eights, good in quality, may
be bought here for about one dollar per Acre, taking a large
quantity together.
I am delighted to hear of the probable prosperity & good
establishments of your Sons & the returning health of your
charming daughter ; this pleasure is alloyed however by what
you say concerning your own Situation, the fullness of blood you
complain of can only be abated by a Eegimen & Evacuants. I
mean not however to prescribe as you live in a Country where
the best advice may be had.
Your Cousin Betsy Lawrence (formerly Betsy Allen) died a
few days ago of a Consumption. Mr Tench Francis died
yesterday of the Gout, and your Aunt Lawrence is expected to
go in a few days from the effects of more than one appoplectic
Stroke.
Your Cousin Nancy Allen, a charming Woman, is going off in
another way, being bent on marriage with a Mr Greenleaf, mau-
gre all the remonstrances of her friends.
All the branches of our own family are well and join sincerely
in best Love to you & Yours. I am my dear Peggy most Affect1*
Yours,
PHILADA 23 May 1801
MY DEAR PEGGY
I am this minute setting off on a Circuit & so hurried that I
have but just time to inclose you a Bill of Exchange fur £150
Sterling drawn by Jeremiah Warder on Eathbone, Hughes &
Duncan of Liverpool but payable in London, Exchange at 160.
All that you love and love you here are well & join me in best
affection to you & yours.
I am Dear Peggy most affect'ly yours
P.S. You have probably heard of your Sister Sally's loss of
her little boy, who died about 2 or three months ago. He was
a beautiful Child about 8 or 9 years old.
PHILADA 4th August 1801
MY DEAR DAUGHTER
With equal pleasure & pain I received your last letter of the 1st
of June thro' Mr Bond ; pleasure that you seem to have no com-
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 239
plaints as to your health & pain that you seem struggling with
some pecuniary embarrassments, which. you do not disclose, but
I presume must arise from some unsuccessful negotiation. I
have been always fearful of engaging in plans of Speculation
which, failing of success, might strike too deep in their conse-
quences ; — every calamity however is rendered heavier by being
suffered to dwell upon the mind ; exert yourself my dear child,
& permit not your spirits to be too deeply affected, or bad
health will follow.
I hope the Bill, I remitted to you on the 23rd of May last for
£150 Sterling has been received and paid. I have now agreeably
to your desire remitted to Miss Fitch for your Use a Bill of
Exchange for £500 Sterling drawn by Thomas & John Clifford
on Wm & John Dowell of Bristol but payable in London.
I hope you have heard of the Welfare of your Son James, as
the affairs of Egypt appear to be in a favorable train for England.
I am much obliged to Mrs Liston for calling upon you as she
promised us she would do ; you say she gave you much informa-
tion respecting the family, one article of which I presume (from
what you write to your sister Betsy) is that Sally is about to be
married ; if this had been a matter fixed, she would certainly
before this have communicated it to you, but the world is too apt
to pronounce positively upon such subjects before the parties
themselves have made up their minds upon them ; — the truth is
that Mr Lawrence has been very attentive to her for some time
past & I have reason to think him not disagreeable to her — but
there are two strong objections, which may possibly prevent the
match from ever taking place, lgt the Children by two former
Wives, two of them young Women living in his family & 2nd the
leaving Philadelphia to reside in New York which she seems
much averse to, at least during my life : — the latter objection I
believe he would have no difficulty in removing, as he is a Man
of handsome fortune & could reside without inconvenience in
any part of America — but the former objection cannot well be
obviated unless his elder Children could be married off; — in this
doubtful state the subject remains & will probably remain for
some time. I thought proper to apprize you of the truth as I
find the Report has reached England & you should know the
whole.
In order to raise the £500 Sterling I have sold four of your
Shares in the bank of Pennsylvania, at a good advance.
J
240 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
4
PHILADA 10th August 1801
MY DEAR PEGGY
On the 4th Inst I inclosed to Miss Fitch agreeably to your
direction a Bill of Exchange for £500 Sterling under cover to
John Lane, Esq., at the same time I wrote a Line to you. I
have now sent another Bill of the same Sett under the same
Cover.
Since the receipt of your last letter of the 1st of June, we have
seen a Newspaper Account of Gen1 A's death & most heartily
sympathize with you on this occasion. I am at a loss to think
what would be the most eligible plan of life for you in future,
probably you have by this time settled it for yourself; if you
should incline to come to America, I shall receive you into my
house & Arms with the most heartfelt Welcome ; in that case
your little lovely daughter will accompany you. I cannot help
however suspecting that the Situation of your dear Sons will
obstruct such a resolution ; their Country is certainly England ;
there they must expect their Advancement in life, to which you
will probably think your presence will abundantly Contribute,
independently of the uneasiness you would endure in parting
with them. Whatever your plan may be, you will undoubtedly
communicate it to me, & in whatever way I can afford you
assistance you may rely on my best endeavours to do it.
My best love attends you & yours. I am most sincerely yr
affect father.
PHILADA 10 Nov 1801
MY DEAR DAUGHTER
On my return from a long Circuit a few days ago I received
your two favors of the 5th of July & 5th of August. You may be
assured I could not read the distressing account of your Situation
with indifference, nor indeed without extreme Pain. I wish I
could fly to afford you every comfort & advice in my power, but
age & every circumstance of my life forbid it. You are in some
degree happy in having made friends who interest themselves
in your behalf, still you are deprived of your natural connec-
tions.
I will make no reflections upon the causes of your distress ;
sometimes the best planned Schemes fail through unavoidable
Accidents ; it is of less consequence to account for Misfortunes,
than to apply the most practicable means to alleviate them.
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 241
I observe the General's property, though not large, is much
dispersed and difficult to collect. If it were possible for me to
give any assistance with regard to the Canada Lands I should
with great alacrity make the Attempt, but that Country & ours
are as separate as to their internal Concerns as if they lay in
different quarters of the globe, nor have a friend there to whom
I could apply for help.
I am much grieved to find you have a reliance upon your
brother's debt. I thought you had long since been convinced of
his inability to pay it ; both he & his partner Footman became
insolvent & the latter when he died left many heavy debts which
his little property was totally insufficient to discharge. As to
your brother, he is not possessed of a single Shilling: he is in-
deed incapable of supporting his large family of Children by
the little business he has in his profession at Burlington without
my continual contributions ; without them he & they must in-
deed starve. As to my paying that large debt which he owes
to you, I am by no means bound or inclined to do it ; altho it be
a debt from one child to another. I never participated in the
contracting it, nor did I suspect it existed till more than two
years after. If the creditors of General Arnold should be dis-
posed to commence a prosecution against him he will doubtless
take the advantage of the general bankrupt Law of the United
States. Notwithstanding the unfavorable state of that busi-
ness, I have made a provision in my Will for compounding the
debt, altho with a sum much inferior to the demand ; this is all
I am capable of doing, considering my present Situation.
Altho' I may be said to be possessed of a handsome property,
yet it lies in such a way as that it cannot command money, it
consisting chiefly of back lands & houses in this City, the Eents
of which are much reduced & subject to heavy taxes. I indeed
hold at present an Office which yields £1000 a year our Money
but that Office I must soon resign, as my advanced Age, con-
sidering the severe duty, I am bound to perform, incapacitates
me from executing it to my own Satisfaction.
After this I shall have need of all the produce of my Estate
(which at most is but a very moderate one) for my Support, in
the way I have been used to live.
My son Edward altho entitled to less of my Confidence than
my other Children, must be prevented from suffering real want
& this will necessarily add to my Expenses.
VOL. XXVI. — 16
'
242 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
•
The Bill of Exchange for £500 Sterling which you desired me
to send, I hope is long since accepted, having transmitted it to
Miss Fitch as long ago as the 4th of August. Whatever upon
Reflection you desire me to do with the Eemainder of your
Money shall be complied with, altho I was in hopes that the
whole would have been suffered to remain here as yielding you
a better interest than can be got in England. This money I
have no idea of General Arnold's creditors having any hold of;
it was made up of the Savings of your own pension, trans-
mitted to me for the separate use of yourself & your Children &
never having been in his possession can in no way I think be
considered as his property or subject to his debts.
I most heartily sympathize with you in your distresses which
must likewise be increased by the public distresses of the Coun-
try you inhabit ; by a threatened Invasion & enormous taxes. It
is in vain however to repine, altho we cannot avoid feeling. God
send you fortitude to carry you through. I feel much obliged to
Mr Coxe & the Miss Fitch's for their very kind attention to you
& your affairs.
My best Love to your dear Children, and believe me to be
what I ever shall be in sincerity & truth,
Your very affect & loving
FATHER.
P.S. Please to tender my very respectful & grateful Compli-
ments to Miss Fitch for her most obliging Letter at a time
when your distress being so heavy upon you as to disable you
from writing yourself.
PHILADA 7th Feby 1802
MY DEAR DAUGHTER ;
I had the pleasure of receiving your Affectionate Letter of
the 2nd of December last a few days ago : — that pleasure how-
ever was far from being unmixed with Pain, considering the
distressed State of your mind arising from the embarrassed
State of your Affairs and the great trouble and anxiety neces-
sarily attendant upon your Situation. You have however natu-
rally a Strength of mind which with the Exertions you are
capable of, will I flatter myself enable you to go through your
arduous task to your Satisfaction. I am sensible of the great &
uncommon difficulties you have had to struggle with, beyond
which usually falls to the lot of most of your Sex. Yet I be-
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 243
Beech you, be not too much dismayed, call forth all your mental
& bodily faculties to your assistance, and let the well being of
your dear Children stimulate you to every exertion in your
Power : it is a very painful Eeflection, for an old man descend-
ing gradually to his grave, to find a beloved Child so distressed
without having the power of affording her any essential relief:
if I was a younger man I would not hesitate to take a voyage to
England to endeavour to comfort you : as it is I am too feeble
to attempt it. God bless you my dear Child, & support you
under your Afflictions. It must be some consolation to you (as
it is to me) that your two eldest boys are in so fair a Eoad to
prosperity. Their Activity with your good Advice, I fear not
will bring great Comfort to your mind — guard them against the
extravagance that young men in their Situation are frequently
prone to ; the Army is a School of Honor, but it is likewise a
School of Dissipation and the more their Spirit, the more their
danger.
As to your Claim to lands in Canada, it was natural for you
to suppose I might give you some proper advice, as I reside in
the same quarter of the Globe, but really there is not a creature
there that I have any knowledge of, nor do I know who to apply
to here, that can give me information or assistance on that
Subject ; — it seems to me that if you can get any thing of Value
for your Claim in England, it would be as well to sell it, unless
you have a prospect of sending over one of your Sons to look after
it, which is not likely to be the Case.
Every time I think of my Son's Debt to you, I feel a pang at
my heart. In my last I wrote you all I can say on that Sub-
ject ; I shall subjoin to this an extract from that letter, lest the
original should have miscarried. I applied to Mr John Mifflin,
to know what has been done with Edward's Bond, he tells me
that all the papers relating to that subject were forwarded to
Mr William Sheddin of New York from whom they had been
originally received.
As to the Estate at Mount Pleasant, M°Pherson's debt to
Osborne swallowed it all up, except about 30 acres which was
subject to similar Mortgage to one Mason, which I believe neither
General Arnold nor myself knew any thing of, this has not been
yet sold under the Mortgage, but I expect every day to hear of
the commencement of some proceedings against it. I believe
little if anything is to be expected from it. I will however agree-
244 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
ably to your request transmit you by the next opportunity a
Copy of the Settlement from the Office where it is recorded.
This being about the time of receiving your Bank Dividends,
and it being expected that Exchange will rise, I inclose you a
Bill of Exchange for £120 Sterling drawn by Jeremiah Warder
on William Barber & Co. Merchants in Liverpool, but payable in
London, at par, indorsed to yourself.
I am with true affection my dear Peggy,
Yours &c.
(To be continued.)
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 245
POPP'S JOURNAL, 1777-1783.
BY JOSEPH G. ROSENGARTEN.
(Concluded from page 41.)
October H. — Heavy attack in force, — the enemy seized one
of our redoubts and made an attack on our right wing, but
were forced back with heavy loss, — then attacked our left,
and the French grenadiers stormed our line, without firing
a shot, captured a hundred of our men on the advanced
line, killed and wounded those who refused to surrender, —
made a great noise with their shouting, seized our lines and
turned them, and with 3 or 4000 men held them. Our
whole force was sent forward to strengthen our left, for a
general attack was ordered and we could distinctly hear and
understand the orders given in German to the enemy's
German troops, — we did our best to save our guns and to
keep the enemy at bay.
October 15. — Heavy firing on both sides —
October 16. — Between 3 and 4 A.M. Major Anderson led
some 200 of the Light Infantry in an attack on the enemy's
lines, — directed on their centre, where there was a battery
of 14 guns, — but by his quickness he was able to return
with no very heavy loss, — at day break the enemy opened
fire from a new battery of 18 guns, and it was the severest
we had yet had. Our sick and wounded were carried over
to Gloucester. We saw another battery going up on our
right, with 10 Bombs and 24 to 32 Pounders, and knew
that it would soon open fire. That night the Light Infantry
was sent to Gloucester, and our two Kegiments replaced them
in their exposed position in the advance with 300 men, —
the hope was to force a way through on the Gloucester side
and beat a retreat to Maryland, for it was plain that our posi-
tion was no longer tenable unless we had reinforcements.
I
246 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
•
"We had no rest or sleep, for the enemy kept up heavy firing
and pushed their lines forward within a stone's throw, with a
battery of 14 guns and approaches and trenches so well
made that it was only a matter of a few days before we
would be completely surrounded and hemmed in under
their concentrated fire.
October 17. — The enemy opened a heavier fire than at any
time and from all sides at once. The Light Infantry re-
turned from Gloucester, reporting that it was impossible to
escape in that direction, for it was all closely surrounded by
the enemy, — French and American soldiers covering every
outlet. Lord Cornwallis himself visited the works and saw
how near the enemy had come. He returned to his head-
quarters and at once sent the first flag of truce, which was
very civilly treated. The English troops at once began to
destroy their tents, ruin their arms, and prepare for sur-
render. At 12 o'clock another flag of truce was sent, —
firing ceased, — there were messages going through the lines,
and we were all heartily glad the fighting was over. To-
wards 7 P.M. there was a violent explosion of one of our
magazines, — some of the English soldiers sent to fill bombs
with powder there had drunk too much brandy, were care-
less, and set fire, which cost 13 lives, — among them an
Anspach soldier standing guard near by.
October 18. — Quiet all day, while flags of truce were
coming and going, negotiating terms of surrender. 2 French
ships took position near the Hessian lines.
October 19. — The terms of surrender finally agreed on.
At 12 M. our lines were withdrawn and the French and
Americans marched in and took possession of our works,
lines, magazines, and storehouses, — nothing was disturbed,
and our arms and equipments were left to us. Everything
was done in regular military way. We were heartily glad
the siege was over, for we all thought there would be another
attack, — if Gen1 Cornwallis had delayed the surrender, the
French Grenadiers were to lead it, — during the siege the
enemy had fired more than 8000 great bombs, of from 100
Papp's Journal, 1777-1783. 247
to 150 and 200 pounds. On the day of the surrender
Corporal Popp was promoted to Lieutenant. The force
that surrendered consisted of the following troops :
English :
The Royal Guards (3rd Reg*.) 43d., 17th, 23d., 80th, 70th
(or Scottish Greens), 71st (or Scottish Whites), The Light
Infantry — six battalions, but weak in numbers, — they were
fine young fellows, picked out from all the Regiments; the
Royal American Rangers, a Squadron of English Light
Horse, — Tarleton's, the Carolina Militia, two companies of
English Cannoniers and Engineers, 60 men ; a force of Pon-
toniers, — Carpenters and Bridge builders; the sailors and
marines belonging to the ships.
German Troops:
The two Anspach Regiments, von Yoigt's and Seyboth's,
with Artillery and Yagers; Hessian Regiments, the Crown
Prince's and v. Bose's, with their Artillery and Yagers.
The Officers: Lord Cornwallis, Lt. Gen1; General O'Hara;
Cols. v. Yoigt and Seyboth; 14 Lt. Cols.; 16 Majors; 97
Captains; 180 Lieutenants; 55 Ensigns; 4 Chaplains; 10
Adjutants; 18 Quarter Masters; 18 Doctors; 25 Feld-
scherer [army surgeons] ; 385 Kon Commissioned Officers;
79 Musicians; 6339 Soldiers; 1 Town Major; 1 Commis-
sary; 1 Quartermaster Sergeant, — in all 7247. —
There were 44 Deserters during the siege, most of them
from our two Regiments.
The Artillery: 37 Brass Guns; 51 Iron; 15 Mortars; 29
Bombs; 31 Field Forges; 5 Ship's Guns, 169 in all.— 24
Flags and Standards— £2113 in the War Chest.
Provisions :
59 Casks Salt Meat; 97 Casks Meal ; 18 Casks Rum ; 43
Casks French Wine and Brandy; Sugar; Tea; Chocolate
248 Popp9s Journal, 1777-1783.
•
etc., on the Dutch ships in the harbor, in camp and in the
Magazines, besides the supplies burned on the ships valued
at £9600.
Of munitions of war there were left only 23 kegs of
powder.
The Ships surrendered were : 3 Frigates ; 5 Fire Ships ; 39
Transports ; 6 American vessels captured by us ; 19 Row-
boats and sailboats; 7 Private Ships; 2 Dutch Merchant-
men; 1 Cruiser of 20 guns, — in all 82, with 840 men.
Our dead and wounded were 753, — in our two regi-
ments 47.
October 19. — At 3-4 P.M. all of Lord Cornwallis' troops,
with all our personal effects and our side arms, colors covered,
marched out of our lines on the Williamsburg road, between
the Regiments of the enemy, which were all drawn up, with
colors flying and bands playing, — our drums beating, — the
French were on our right in parade, their General at the
head, — fine looking young fellows the soldiers were, — on
our left the Americans, mostly regular, but the Virginia
militia too, — but to look on them and on the others was like
day and night. "We were astonished at the great force and
we were only a Corporal's Guard compared to their over-
whelming numbers. They were well supplied and equipped
in every way. We were marched to a level plain, where
the French Hussars formed a circle around us, and there we
lay down our arms etc. All the French and American
Generals were there. — Count Rochambeau, the Marquis De
La Fayette, the Prince of Saarbriick, [Deux-Ponts] , Gen1
Washington, Gen1 Greene, Gen1 Sumter, who showed great
kindness to our men. After depositing our arms, we
marched back to our camps and had leave to go where we
pleased. The French were very friendly, the Americans
too. — No one was allowed to go into our Camp — The French
mounted guard and patrol over it. Lt. Hayder * [sic] of
our's returned and told us how he and some English and
German troops had been taken prisoners.
1 Query, First Lieutenant Moritz Wilhelm von der Heydte.
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 249
October 20. — Remained within our lines. The French
hoisted white flags on our ships, the Americans on our
ditches around Yorktown. We got no bread, but only
flour, — no rum, only water.
October 23. — At 3 P.M. marched as prisoners of war
out of Yorktown, guarded by the Virginia Militia under
Gen1 Loesen [?] and Major Jamens [?], — marched 5 or 6
miles, camped in the open air, — our tents were left behind,
— but we were glad to get off so well, — our officers were
allowed to keep their swords.
October 24- — Marched through Williamsburg and went
into camp on a hill beyond it, and got our first supply ot
provisions from the Americans, — fresh meat, meal etc., we
got wood and water in the town. A good many of our
deserters came to see us, but we gave them a rough welcome
to show our contempt. Much provision was brought for
sale by the farmers, who were glad to get our silver for it.
Williamsburg is an attractive place, with good buildings,
church with steeple, town hall and prison all built of brick.
The French and Americans had hospitals here for their sick
and wounded and kept them well guarded.
October 22-25. — Marched 18-20 Virginia miles, — two of
them make one of our's.
October 26. — Reached Fredericksburg, — where we found
a good many Germans settled — went 2 miles beyond and
camped on the banks of a fresh water stream the ' Krappa
Hannah' [sic for Rappahannock] , named after the first set-
tlers,— the Germans call it the Hannah River, — it is the
dividing line between old and new Virginia. [?] — Provisions
were offered us cheap but we had no money — There are a
good many Indians still in New Virginia, — and only seven
years ago, they fell on the farmers and settlers near Win-
chester. We had wretched weather, rain every day, poor
provisions.
October 31. — We rested for a day.
November 1. — Crossed the river and marched through
Falmouth.
250 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
£j
November 2. — Part of our force was sent to Maryland,
Fort Frederick, — including the two Hessian Regiments,
Crown Prince and Bose.
November 3. — Saw the high blue mountains on our left.
November 4. — Crossed the Eiver Scandar or Jonathan,
[sic] in some places it was very deep, and cold and wet
with little food we had to march to keep warm —
November 5. — Reached Winchester — a poor town in a poor
country — many German settlers — we went four miles further
to Fort Frederick Barracks in a thick wood, — a wretched
place. It was built of logs, filled in with clay, loose in
many places, — every where going to pieces, nowhere pro-
tected from rain and dew, — snow and wind drove in, —
the open fire filled it with smoke, — we went to the neigh-
boring farmers and borrowed shovels and hatchets and saws
and at last made ourselves at least some shelter. Each
hut was filled with from 32 to 36 men, — we had been
marching 20 days in making 240 Virginia miles from York-
town. We had no bread, only meal with which to make it, —
twice we got salt meat, once fresh meat and salt. We were
left free to come and go as we liked, many got work on the
neighboring farms, and we were often dependent on what
we got there for food. Hunger and cold we endured often.
1782. January 26. — Orders to march after 11 weeks in
Winchester. The English prisoners left for Fredericktown
in Maryland, thence to go to Lancaster, in Pennsylvania,
the birth place of the wife of our Captain v. Reitzenstein,
—her maiden name was Sehenkmayer.
January 27. — Marched from the Barracks at 10 A.M.
under orders of Col. Hanson and Woods of the local militia.
Our sick remained behind as well as those who were working
on the farms around. The people don't like our German
soldiers, although some of our officers got married and took
their wives home to Germany. Some of our officers went
to Philada. and tried to get Congress to release us, but did
not succeed. From Winchester to Fredericktown 40 miles, —
the first day we marched 12 miles and lay in the open field
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 251
all night, in the snow ; we built big fires, but could not keep
warm in the cold weather. We were badly clothed, — had
neither shoes nor stockings, — many sold their equipments
to get food, — our clothes were in rags, — there were no good
coats or breeches in the two Regiments. —
January 28. — Marched 9 miles, — forded the Opequan [?]
and halted half frozen for half an hour.
January 29. — Reached Schipperston on the River Bett
Thommak [Shepherdstown on the Potomac] . The river
was frozen, so that we could not cross either in boats or on
the ice, and it was fearfully cold, — fortunately we lay under
a hill which kept off the wind. The fires we made did not
keep us warm and we had to keep moving all night. Then
the Militia Colonel on horseback, its feet wrapped up in rags,
of which we had a plentiful supply, led us over the river
which was frozen solidly.
January 30. — We got men and baggage wagons safely
over, — the farmers said they had never seen the river so
frozen. — We marched to Sharpsburg, 4 miles, — were quar-
tered in the houses, — most of the owners were Germans
and very kind to us, — gave us good food and warm rooms,
and our supplies came from Fredericktown, — I got one
night's good sleep and it rested me.
January 31. — Marched early and reached Middletown at
noon, — 12 miles off, — and then 9 miles more brought us to
Fredericktown that night. Were quartered in the stone
barrack, — built by the King of England and very comfort-
ably arranged. The town is well laid out, houses built of
brick, — two churches, one German Lutheran, the other
German Reformed, — with towers and organs, and bells, —
besides those of the Dunkers, the Catholics and the English
Reformed, — but these have no towers or bells or organs.
The people are mostly Germans from Suabia, some are the
exiled Salzburgers. Our quarters were in bad condition,
except those in the Poor House.
February 1. — The English troops started for Lancaster in
Penna., — and the two German Regiments, Crown Prince
t
252 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
%
and Bose, were brought from the Poor House into the
Barracks.
February 26. — Finally got into our own quarters — the hall
of the Anspach Regiment was moved down, and the Bay-
reuth Regiment was one half up, the other half down stairs.
We got very impatient from our crowded condition, — 46
men in one little room, — we could not keep clean.
April 30. — Our clothing was hardly decent, and fortu-
nately a fresh supply came, with our pay for five months, —
we celebrated the birthdays of our Prince and Princess with
an illumination of 2 or 300 lights, — many people came from
the town to see it. We finally made our rooms warm and
comfortable.
1783. — Learned of peace between England and the Prov-
inces of ]STorth America, — could not at first believe the news
told us by some of our men, until it was confirmed by
people of the town. The two Companies of Militia got
orders to go home — we heard the bells of the town ringing
and the people hurraing and the two Militia Companies
marched through the town with white flags as emblems ol
peace. Then came a message from Philadelphia to the
Commander of the Militia in Fredericktown, which he sent
us. The Reformed Church celebrated peace on the 13th, —
Palm Sunday, and the Pastor preached on a text from Judges
verse 24. On the 3rd day of the Easter holidays there was
a general celebration, — cannon firing all day, — the two City
Companies and the Militia paraded with white flags with thir-
teen stripes for the thirteen Colonies. Our American guard
was withdrawn and we were left quite free. The American
officers and gentlemen gave a greatball, — at 9 P.M. there were
fire works, — which our cannoniers made, — the whole town
was illuminated and there was a great fire of small arms, — we
shared in the rejoicing, for we knew we should soon be free.
March 13. — At last after nineteen months we are free, —
marched into Pennsylvania, passed the Maanachges [Mo-
nocacy] River, had a fierce thunder, rain and wind storm, —
we marched for nineteen days and finally reached Staaten
Popp's Journal, 1777-1783. 253
Island, rested a day, then under orders from New York,
crossed to Long Island, — marched to Springfield, lay there
in the Farm houses several days, without any duty, then got
guns and sabres and were regularly assigned to our position
as part of the army again.
May 3. — Orders to go on board ship with our baggage.
May 5. — Left Springfield, but after an hour's march were
halted for the night until the baggage was loaded on the ship.
May 6. — Went on board ship to our great delight.
May 11. — At break of day with cannon firing we sailed
and were soon out of sight of New York, — we had another
ship in company, at 3 P.M. were out of sight of land. —
Soon lost sight of the other ship.
May 12. — Our ship is the Sibilla, — captured by the Eng-
lish from the French, — it was a Frigate of 32 guns, — quite
new and well equipped. We had at first favorable weather,
but the head winds flooded the ship with water, and 40 men
had to pump day and night to keep it out, for it filled from
5 to 8 feet, — the ship had received 18 cannon shot when it
was taken, and some of these were still open, so we worked
with a will to keep her afloat.
May 22 — The weather grew stormier and the ship's car-
penter said he might have to cut away the mainmast to
keep the ship steady.
May 23. — The storm grew worse and worse — Our Field
carpenters were called on deck to help the sailors cut away
the mast, — and after that was done the storm broke, but we
had to keep at the pumps, while a jury mast was rigged up.
The women and many of the men were dreadfully fright-
ened. Our Major von Seitz was very ill and his life des-
paired of. —
September 1. — He died — and after waiting until
September 5 — was buried at sea. Two hours later and
we saw land, — but it was the Scilly Islands, and we had to
keep out at sea, for many vessels had been wrecked and
plundered there. At 10 P.M. met a ship from Portsmouth
and warned it of the dangers of the Scilly Islands.
254 Popp's Journal, 1777-1783.
•
September 6. — At 3 P.M. were off Plymouth and fired tor
a Pilot, but he told us we could not get into the harbor on
account of the fog, so we kept on — and finally reached
Portsmouth and were soon safely anchored. We were
warmly greeted by the other transports for it was reported
that we had been lost. —
September 13. — Were put on another ship, — the Sibilla
had carried 834 soldiers, besides women and children. We
were now divided and half put on another transport. The
Sibilla was condemned. —
September 19. — Set out for Bremen, after taking a pilot.
September 26. — Anchored in the Thames and were be-
calmed for several days.
October 1. — Sailed at last and then saw the German coast,
— our men were delighted to be near home again.
October 4- — In sight of shore and saw the villages —
October 7. — Reached Bremerlee and anchored — ate our
last English provisions.
October 8. — Got into small sail boats, — in doing so the wife
of one of the soldiers fell into the water with 400 Spanish
Dollars, — and was lost.
October 10. — Reached Bremen, — remained there eight
days.
October 18. — Embarked in boats drawn by horses.
October 22. — Hoyen.
October 24.. — Mmburg.
October 25 — Stolzenau.
October 26. — Schlisselburg.
October 27. — Petershagen.
October 28. — Minclen.
November 2. — Hameln.
November 17. — Left our boats and marched until
December 10 — when we reached Bayreuth.
The author begs his reader to excuse his bad spelling, and
to preserve his little book, for it gave him pleasure to recall
his campaign in America.
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet 255
DEAN TUCKEE'S PAMPHLET.
"A LETTER FROM A MERCHANT IN LONDON TO HIS NEPHEW IN
NORTH AMERICA," 1766.
(Concluded from page 90.)
Now, my good Friend, I will not stay to dispute with
you the Calculations, on which your Orators, Philosophers,
and Politicians have, for some years past, grounded these
extravagant Conceits ; (though I think l the Calculations
themselves both false, and absurd ;) but I will only say, that
while we have the Power, we may command your Obe-
dience, if we please : — And that it will be Time enough
for you to propose the making us a Province to America,
when you shall find yourselves able to execute the Project.
In the mean time, the great Question is, What Course
are we to take ? And what are we to do with you ; before
you become this great and formidable People ? — Plain and
evident it is by the whole Tenor of your Conduct, that you
endeavour, with all your might, to drive us to Extremities.
For no kind of Outrage, or Insult is omitted on your Part,
that can irritate Individuals, or provoke a Government to
chastise the Insolence, not to say, the Eebellion of its Sub-
jects;2 and you do not seem at all disposed to leave Room
for an Accomodation. In short, the Sword is the only
Choice, which you will permit us to make ; — unless we will
chuse to give you entirely up, and subscribe a Recantation.
Upon those Terms indeed, you will deign to acknowledge
the Power and Authority of a British Parliament : — That
1 Your Thought, Mr Dean, avails little against Fact. [B. F.]
2 On the Contrary, It is you English that endeavour by every kind of
Outrage & Insult to drive us to Extremities. Witness your Troops
quarter' d upon us, Your Dissolution of our Assemblies, &c. &c. &c.
[B.F.]
256 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
is, you will allow, that we have a Eight and a Power to
give you Bounties, and to pay your Expences ; 1 — but no
other. A strange Kind of Allegiance this ! And the first
that has ever yet appeared in the History of Mankind !
However, this being the Case, shall we now compel you,
by Force of Arms, to do your Duty ? — Shall we procrasti-
nate your Compulsion ? — Or shall we entirely give you up ;
and have no other Connections with you, than if you had
been so many Sovereign States, or Independent Kingdoms ?
One or other of these three will probably be resolved upon.
And if it should be the first, I do not think, that we have
any Cause to fear the Event, or to doubt of Success.
For though your Populace may rob and plunder the
naked and defenceless ; this will not do the Business, when
a regular Force is brought against them. And a British
Army, which performed so many brave Actions in Ger-
many, will hardly fly before an American Mob; not to
mention, that our Officers and Soldiers, who passed several
Campaigns with your Provincials in America,2 saw nothing
either in their Conduct, or their Courage, which could in-
spire them with a Dread of seeing the Provincials a second
time. — Neither should we have the least Cause to suspect
the Fidelity of our Troops, any more than their Bravery —
notwithstanding the base Insinuations of some of your
Friends here ; (if indeed such Persons deserve to be called
your Friends, who are in reality your greatest Foes, and
whom you will find to be so at the last ;) notwithstanding,
I say, their Insinuations of the Feasibility of corrupting his
Majesty's Forces, when sent over, by Means of large Bribes,
or double Pay.3 This is a Surmise, as weak as it is wicked :
For the Honour of the British Soldiery, let me tell you, is
not so easily corrupted. The French in Europe never found
it so, with all their Gold, or all their Skill for Intrigue, and
insinuating Address. "What then, in the Name of Wonder,
1 We desire neither. [B. F.]
2 And who did little or nothing without 'em. [B. F.]
3 A ridiculous Imagination of the Author's own Head ! [B. F.]
Dean jfucker's Pamphlet. 257
have you to tempt them with in America, which is thus to
overcome, at once, all their former sense of Duty, all the
Tyes of Conscience, Loyalty and Honour? — Besides, my
Friend, if you really are so rich, as to be able to give double
Pay, to our Troops, in a wrong Cause ; do not grudge, let
me beseech you, to give one third of single Pay, (for we ask
no more) in a right one : — And let it not be said, that you
complain of Poverty, and plead an Inability to pay your
just Debts, at the very Instant that you boast of the scan-
dalous Use, which you intend to make of your Riches.1
But notwithstanding all this, I am not for having Recourse
to Military Operations. For granting, that we shall be vic-
torious ; still it is proper to enquire, before we begin, How
are we to be benefited by our Victories ? And what Fruits
are to result from making you a conquered People ? — Not
an Increase of Trade : that is impossible : For a Shop-keeper
will never get the more Custom by beating his Customers :
And what is true of a Shop-keeper, is true of a Shop-keep-
ing Nation. We may indeed vex and plague you, by sta-
tioning a great Number of Ships to cruize along your Coasts ;
and we may appoint an Army of Custom-house Officers to
patrolle (after a Manner) two thousand Miles by Land. But
while we are doing these Things against you, what shall we
be doing for ourselves ? Not much, I am afraid : For we
shall only make you the more ingenious, the more intent,
and the more inventive to deceive us. We shall sharpen
your Wits, which are pretty sharp already, to elude our
Searches, and to bribe and corrupt our Officers. And after
that is done, we may perhaps oblige you to buy the Value
of twenty, or thirty thousand Pounds of British Manufac-
tures, more than you would otherwise have done; — at the
Expence of two, or three hundred thousand Pounds Loss
to Great Britain, spent in Salaries, Wages, Ships, Forts, and
other incidental Charges. Is this now a gainful Trade, and
fit to be encouraged in a commercial Nation, so many Mil-
lions in Debt already ? And yet this is the best, which we
1 A silly Lie ! No such Boast was ever made. [B. F.]
VOL. XXVI. — 17
258 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
%
can expect by forcing you to trade with us, against your
Wills, and against your Interests.1
Therefore such a Measure as this being evidently detri-
mental to the Mother Country ; I will now consider the
Second Proposal, viz. to procrastinate your Compulsion. —
But what good can that do ? and wherein will this Expe-
dient mend the Matter ? For if Recourse is to be had at
last to the military Power ; we had better begin with it at
first ; — it being evident to the whole World, that all Delays
on our side will only strengthen the Opposition on yours,
and be interpreted by you as a Mark of Fear, and not as an
Instance of Lenity. — You swell with too much vain Im-
portance, and Self Sufficiency already ; and therefore, should
we betray any Token of Submission; or should we yield
to these your ill-humoured and petulant Desires ; this would
only serve to confirm you in your present Notions ; viz. that
you have nothing more to do, than to demand with the
Form of Authority, and to insist with Threatenings, and
Defiance, in order to bring us upon our Knees, and to com-
ply with every unreasonable Injunction, which you shall be
pleased to lay upon us. So that at last, when the Time
shall come of appealing to the Sword, and of deciding our
Differences by dint of Arms, the Consequence of this Pro-
crastination will be, that the Struggle will become so much
the more obstinate, and the Determination the more bloody.
Nay, the Merchants themselves, whose Case is truly pitiable
for having confided so much to your Honour, and for
having trusted you with so many hundred thousand Pounds,
or perhaps with some Millions of Property, and for whose
Benefit alone such a Suspension of the Stamp Act could be
proposed; they will find to their Costs, that every Indul-
gence of this Nature will only furnish another Pretence
to you for the Suspending of the Payment of their just
Demands.2 In short, you declare, that the Parliament hath
1 Here appears some Sense. [B. F.]
3 Infamous Scandal, without the least Foundation. The Merchants
never receiv'd better Paym' of the Debts, than during the Suspension
of the Trade. [B. F.] "
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 259
no Right to tax you ; and therefore you demand a Renun-
ciation of the Right, by repealing the Act. This being the
Case, nothing less than a Repeal can be satisfactory ; because
nothing else can amount to a Confession, that the Parlia-
ment has acted illegally and usurpingly in this Affair. A
bare Suspension is no Acknowledgment of Guilt; nay it
supposes quite the contrary ; and only postpones the Exer-
cise of this usurped Power to a more convenient Season.
Consequently if you think you could justify the Non-pay-
ment of your Debts, till a Repeal took place ; you certainly
can justify the Suspension of the Payment during the Sus-
pension of the Act.1 So that after all, the Question must
come to this at last, viz. Shall we repeal the Act, and Main-
tain you as we have hitherto done ? 2 or shall we give you
intirely up, unless you will submit to be governed by the
same Laws as we are, and pay something towards maintain-
ing yourselves ? 3
The first, it is certain we cannot do; and therefore the
next Point to be considered is (which is also the third Pro-
posal) Whether we are to give you entirely up ? — and after
having obliged you to pay your Debts,4 whether we are to have
no farther Connection with you, as a dependent State, or
Colony.
1 Never any Such Justification was offered by any American what-
ever, that I can hear of. [B. F.]
8 Never! [B. F.]
8 The Impudence of this Language to Colonies who have ever main-
tained themselves is astonishing ! Except the late attempted Colonies of
N. Scotia & Georgia, No Colony ever received Maintenance in any
Shape from Britain : And the Grants to those Colonies were mere Jobbs
for the Benefit of ministerial Favourites : English or Scotchmen. [B. F.]
4 Throughout all America, English Debts are more easily recovered
than in England, the Process being shorter and less expensive, & Lands
subject to Execution for the Payment of Debts. Evidence taken exparte
in England to prove a Debt is allowed in their Courts ; and during the
whole Dispute there was not one single Instance, of an English Mer-
chant's meeting with the least Obstruction in any Process or Suit
commenced there for that purpose. I defy this lying Priest to mention
one. [B. F.]
260 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
%
Now in order to judge properly of this Affair, we must
give a Delineation of two Political Parties contending with
each other, and struggling for Superiority : — And then we
must consider, which of these two, in the Nature of
Things, must be first tired of the Contest, and obliged to
submit.
Behold therefore a Political Portrait of the Mother Coun-
try;— a mighty Nation under one Government of a King
and Parliament, — firmly resolved not to repeal the Act, but
to give it time to execute itself,1 — steady and temperate
in the Use of Power, — not having Recourse to sanguinary
Methods, — but enforcing the Law by making the Disobe-
dient feel the Want of it, — determined to protect and
cherish those Colonies, which will return to their Allegiance
within a limited Time (suppose Twelve or Eighteen Months)
— and as determined to compel the obstinate Revolters to
pay their Debts, — then to cast them off, and to exclude them
for ever from the manifold Advantages and Profits of Trade,
which they now enjoy by no other Title, but that of being
a Part of the British Empire. Thus stands the Case ; and
this is the View of Things on one side.2
Observe again a Prospect on the other ; viz. a Variety o±
little Colonies under a Variety of petty Governments, —
Rivals to, and jealous of each other, — never able to agree
about any thing before, — and only now united by an En-
thusiastic Fit of false Patriotism ; — a Fit which necessarily
cools in Time, — and cools still the faster in proportion, as
the Object which first excited it is removed, or changed.
So much as to the general Outlines of your American
Features ; — but let us now take a nearer View of the Evils,
which by your own mad Conduct you are bringing so
speedily upon yourselves.
Externally, by being severed from the British Empire,
1 It did indeed execute itself. It was Felo de se before the Parliament
repeal'd it. [B. F.]
2 This was the Dean's wise Proposal. He at least, thought it wise.
The Parlia* thought otherwise. [B. F.]
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet 261
you will be excluded from cutting Logwood in the Bays of
Campeachy and Honduras, — from fishing on the Banks ot
Newfoundland, on the Coasts of Labrador, or in the Bay of
St. Laurence,— from trading (except by Stealth) with the
Sugar Islands, or with the British Colonies in any Part of
the Globe. You will also lose all the Bounties upon the
Importation of your Goods into Great Britain : you will not
dare to seduce a single Manufacturer or Mechanic from us
under pain of Death ; because you will then be considered
in the Eye of the Law as mere Foreigners, against whom
these Laws were made. — You will lose the Remittance of
300,000 1. a year to pay your Troops ; * and you will lose the
Benefit of these Troops to protect you against the In-
cursions of the much injured and exasperated Savages;2
moreover, in case of Difference with other Powers, you will
have none to complain to, none to assist you : For assure
yourself, that Holland, France, and Spain, will look upon
you with an evil Eye; and will be particularly on their
Guard against you, lest such an Example should infect their
own Colonies : not to mention that the two latter will not
care to have such a Nest of professed Smugglers so very
near them.3 And after all, and in spite of any thing you
can do, we in Britain shall still retain the greatest Part of
1 We have no Use for Logwood but to remit it for your Fineries. —
We join'd in conquering the Bay of St. L. & its Dependencies, won't
you allow us some Share. — The Sugar Islands, if you wont allow us to
trade with them, perhaps you will allow them to trade with us ; or do
you intend to starve them ? — Pray keep your Bounties, and let us hear
no more of them. — And your Troops who never protected us against the
Savages, nor are they fit for such Service. And the 300,000 £ which
you seem to think so much clear Profit to us, when in fact, they never
spend a Penny among us but they have for it from us a Penny's worth.
— The Manufactures they buy are brought from you, the Provisions
we could, as we always did, sell elsewhere for as much Money.
[B. F.]
2 You know your clear' d Road would do that. [B. F.]
8 Holland, Fr. & Spain, would all be glad of our Custom. And
pleas' d to see the Separation. [B. F.]
262 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
your European Trade ; because we shall give a better Price
for many of your Commodities than you can have any
where else : and we shall sell to you several of our Manu-
factures, especially in the Woollen, Stuff, and Metal Way,
on cheaper Terms.1 In short, you will do then, what you
only do now; that is, you will trade with us, as far as your
Interest will lead you ; — and no farther.
Take now a Picture of your internal State. When the
great Power, which combined the scattered Provinces to-
gether, and formed them into one Empire, is once thrown
off; and when there will be no common Head to govern
and protect; all your ill Humours will break forth like a
Torrent: Colony will enter into Bickerings and Disputes
against Colony; Faction will intrigue and cabal against
Faction; and Anarchy and Confusion will every where
prevail. The Leaders of your Parties will then be setting
all their Engines to work, to make Fools become the Dupes
of Knaves,2 — to bring to Maturity their half-formed Schemes
and lurking Designs, and to give a Scope to that towering
Ambition, which was checked and restrained before. In
the mean time, the Mass of your People, who expected, and
who were promised Mountains of Treasures upon throwing
off, what was called, the Yoke of the Mother Country, will
meet with nothing but sore Disappointments : Disappoint-
ments indeed ! For instead of an imaginary Yoke, they
will be obliged to wear a real, an heavy, and a galling one :
— instead of being freed from the Payment of 100,000 1.
(which is the utmost that is now expected from them) they
will find themselves loaded with Taxes to the Amount of at
least 400,000 1. instead of an Increase of Trade, they will
feel a palpable Decrease : and instead of having Troops to
defend them,3 and those Troops paid by Great Britain, they
1 Oho ! Then you will still trade with us ! but can that be without
our Trading with you ? And how can you buy our Oil if we catch no
Whales? [B. F.]
2 Just as they do in England. [B. F.]
s To oppress, insult & murder them, as at Boston ! [B. F.]
Dean Tucker's Pamphlet. 263
must defend themselves, and pay themselves. Nay, the
Number of the Troops to be paid, will be more than
doubled: for some must be stationed in the back Settle-
ments to protect them against the Indians, and others on
each Frontier to prevent the Encroachments of each Sister
Colony. — Not to mention, that the Expences of your Civil
Governments will be necessarily increased ; and that a Fleet,
more or less, must belong to each Province for guarding
their Coasts, ensuring the Payment of Duties, and the
like.1
Under these Pressures and Calamities, your deluded Coun-
trymen will certainly open their Eyes at last. For Disap-
pointments and Distresses will effectuate that Cure, which
Reason and Argument, Lenity and Moderation could not
perform. In short, having been severely scourged and dis-
ciplined by their own Rod, they will curse their ambitious
Leaders, and detest those Mock-patriots, who involved them
in so many Miseries. And having been surfeited with the
bitter Fruits of American Republicanism, they will heartily
wish, and petition to be again united to the Mother Coun-
try. Then they will experience the Difference between a
rational Plan of Constitutional Dependence, and the wild,
romantic and destructive Schemes of popular Independ-
ence.
And you, my Boy, after you have played the Hero, and
spoke all your fine Speeches ; — after you have been a Gus-
tavus Vasa, and every other brave Deliverer of his Coun-
try ; — after you have formed a thousand Utopian Schemes,
and been a thousand times disappointed; — perhaps even
you may awake out of your present political Trance, and
become a reasonable Man at last. And assure yourself,
1 These Evils are all imaginations of the Author. The same were
predicted to the Netherlands, but have never yet happened. But sup-
pose all of them together, & many more, it would be better to bear
them than submit to Parliamentary Taxation : We might still hare
something we could call our own : But under the Power claim'd by
Parliam* we have not a single Sixpence. [B. F.]
264 Dean Tucker's Pamphlet.
that whenever you can be cured of your present Delirium,
and shall betray no Symptoms of a Relapse, you will be
received with Affection by your old Uncle, your true Friend,
and faithful Monitor,
A. B.
FINIS.
The Author of this Pamphlet Dean Tucker, has always been
haunted with the Fear of the Seat of Government being soon to be
removed to America. He has in his Tract on Commerce some just
Notions in Matters of Trade & Politics, mix'd with many wild
chimerical Fancies, totally impracticable. He once proposed a De-
fence of the Colonies to clear the Woods for the Width of a Mile all
along behind them, that the Indians might not be able to cross the
cleared Part without being seen ; forgetting that there is a Night in
every 24 hours. [B. F.]
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 265
MEMOIES OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN LACEY,
OF PENNSYLYANIA.
(Concluded from page 111.)
On the arrival of the Brigade at Genl Armstrongs Camp
my Regiment recd Orders to proceed to the Cross Roads
on the old York Road near the Keshameny Creek, and to
take Post there, to which place we continued our March,
arrived there and incamped in a Woods about half way
between the Cross Roads and a Village called the Billit on
the 20th of Decr 1777. I took up my Quarters in a House
in the Rear of the Camp, and for the first time I had slept
in a Bead since I Joined the Regiment nearly two Months
at New Town — having only Blankets spread on the Ground
a good bead was no dispisable article at this season the
Weather being very Cold ; but the indulgence was of short
duration, and only served as a contrast to the vicisitudes
which were to follow. — It was late in the evening of the
same day of the date of the following Order when it arrived
we had only time to get ready before the Hour arrived
when we were to set off on the Execution of it.
SIR
In persuance ol Orders I have recd this Evening from his
Excellency Genl Washington you are to March your Bat-
talion tomorrow morning at 5 oClock to lower end of Ger-
mantown where you will be joined by other Troops & receive
farther orders : One ax, is to be taken along by each Com-
pany and all the Provision they have dressed. No Waggons
or Baggage. Each man takes his Blankets. — You are to
leave a small Guard at your Camp to take care of any
•
266 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
Prisoners you may have and your Baggage — If you over-
take any Persons going or Meet any coming from Town,
send them with a few men under guard to join Present
Camp.
I am sir
Your obedient & very Humble
Sert
JOHN ARMSTRONG.
COL. LACEY
CAMP NEAR BARTHOLEMIES
Dec 23rd 1777
having joined the whole body of the Pennsyl* Militia at
Grermantown at the Hour appointed in the foregoing order
the whole marched toward the City We drove in the
Enemies Pickets and commenced an attack at long shot
with a few field peices & small arms on a Redoubt thrown
up by the Enemy on a nole some distance from the City in
the Northern liberties — Our fire was returned from the Re-
doubt by some heavy Cannon the balls of which plowd up
the Ground about us — threw some dirt on us ; but did us no
other harm, we retired beyond the reach of their Cannon,
remained about two Hours under arms, when orders came
to return to our former Camp near the Cross Roads I
understood a corrispondent Party from the Main Army
had moved down on the opposate side of the schoolkill;
but for what austenciable object this movement was made,
I never learn't no other occurence worth relating hap-
pened during the time of this Corps of the Militia — The two
months service longer than which they could not be re-
tained in the field expired the last of this Month — I had
only time to have them Mustered and paid; before they
were discharged, every one as well officers as Men tho' glad
to be released from the ardious duty discippline of a Military
life, seme to leave the Camp and their brother soldiers with
evident regret. I had kept a strict discipline being always
present and partaking of every privation, equally accepting
Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna. 267
of Camp fare with them both night and Day, instantly
checking & regulating misunderstandings on the moment
of their appearance. The Eegiment resembled that of a
Band of Brothers & departed well satisfyed with their
officers and in good humour with each other.
Thiss ended the Campain of the year, 77, The main
British Army under Genl. Howe Coobed up in the City of
Philada — The American Army under Genl. Washington in
Hutts at the Valley Forge. The tumult and noise of War
seme to be over. The Combatants retiring to their homes or
other places of safety to repose for the Winter. I return to
my Fathers in Buckingham Township, with but little hopes
of enjoying much Comfort, as the Tories & Refugees began
to threaten hard against my life, and to burn my Fathers
House and Mills. They had become bold & daring, used
many threats and menances against the Whigs, threatning
great venjence against all who offered to oppose them as
to my own part I disregarded them or their Menances but
I was mortifyed to find the Whigs, Who had before been
active were seeking hiding places, and some of them even
Courting the Tories for Safety. An almost open and un-
interupted intercourse existed between the disaffected in
the lower part of Bucks and Philad* Counties along the
vicinity of the River Delaware, and the Enemy in the City
of Philad*. I had serious thoughts myself of removing
further from the City. These were indeed the times that
really tryed rnens Souls; but before I had time to adopt
any resolution, only being a few days at Home I recd a
letter from the President of the Executive Council of Pennsy*
covering a Commission from that Body to me of a Brigadier
Genl. of the Militia requiring me immediately to Join them
Encamped near Graham Park in Philad* County. I was
almost induced to reject the Commission, on account of the
very great and intire responsibility the Command of the
Militia at this time must lay me under Gen. Potter was to
leave them, Genl. Armstrong was already gone — I was to
command alone, no one to advise or consult with. I fore-
268 Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna.
saw many and weighty occurences unavoidable, that I
knew must happen but I did not contemplate Ninety nine
of a Thousand I afterward experienced, or I should doubt-
less shrunk from such an important undertaking. Had I
been supported as the Executive Council promised with
men and provision, the rigor of my Command would have
been greatly alliviated, and of more use to my Country, I
had no one to consult with on whose council I could rely on,
my Father being from home, he had gone to the State ot
Maryland to visit his old friend Joseph Ellicott. Colo1 Kirk-
bride was in the Legislature at Lancaster, his advice would
have had great weight in my decision, while deliberating
on the subject I recd a pressing letter from Genl Potter to
come to Camp — I determined to go and consult with him
on the subject, unfortunately for me he departed the Day
before my arrival. I found the Camp in a deplorable con-
dition, Major Genl. Armstrong and Genl. Potter gone, the
numbers of Troops reduced from three thousand to about
six Hundred : Those lately departed left their Camp Equi-
page strewed every where, Muskets, Cartouchboxes, Camp
kittles and Blankets, some in and some out of the Huts the
Men had left, with here and there a Tent — some standing
and some fallen down. No one seeming to have the charge
or care of them my first efforts were made to have them
Collected and sent off' to a place of safety, how easy would
it have been for a few of the Enemy to have driven the
Scattered Militia, at different posts on the Eoads to Philada
few of them not more than sixty rank & file being at this
Camp, the distraction of Near three thousand stand of
Arms and accoutrements here might have been easily
effected — which they moust sertainly would have done, had
they known the real situation and unprotected state they
were in.
Before I proceed to enumerate the occurences that in-
sued during the "Winter of 1778 I will close the Campain
of 77, by producing the Orders of Council to show the
Ardent manner they injoined the Lieut and Sub Lieut to
Memoirs of Brigadier-General John Lacey, of Penna. 269
execute the duty alloted them — some things will be here
unfolded which the Lieut, got much blame for at the time,
espessially from the Tories and disaffected part of the People,
some of them are in print the originals will be added to
these sheats.
PHILAD* April 25th 1777.
To JOSEPH KIRKBRIDE ESQR
Lieut of the County of Bucks
SIR
Agreeably to the inclosed resolve oi Congress and with
the advice of the Board of War, I have determined that the
Counties of Philada, Bucks, Cumberland, Berks and North-
ampton send their proportion of Militia to Bristol to form a
Camp, at or near that Borrough. The Counties of Chester,
Lancaster and York to form a Camp at or near Chester. —
Your County is to furnish four hundred Men to march
immediately to Bristol, with as many arms and accoutre-
ments as can be procured in the County. If the first class
does not amount to that number, the second class are also to
march.
You are to procure by purchase or otherwise a Blanket
for each man, which are to remain the property of the
State. Money will be sent you for this purpose. If they
cannot be purchased, they must be impressed and their
value paid, this is to be done in a way that will give the
least offence. You are to exert yourself to the utmost to
comply with this Order, with all possible expidition as the
Enemy are preparing to make an immediate attack on this
State.
I have the honor to be with great respect your most ob*
Humb1 Serv*
THOS. WHARTON JR President
PHILADA 11th Sept 1777.
IN COUNCIL
As the Enemy is near at hand and this moment Ingaging
our Army under the Command of Gen1 Washington.
Ordered, That every able Bodied Man in the County of
270 Memoirs of Brigadier- General John Lacey, of Penna.
Bucks turn out with 'his Arms, accoutraments and Blankets,
and that those that cannot furnish themselves with Arms,
to take With them Axes, spades and every other kind of
Intrenching Tools, and that Colo18 Roberts, Ervine, and
Heller, randesvous at the sweeds Ford, and that Colo9
Toom and McHwain randevous at this City.
Extract from the Minutes
TY MATLACK Seer*.1
1 Here the manuscript ends.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 271
LETTEBS OF PKESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES
AND "LADIES OF THE WHITE HOUSE."
(Concluded from page 125.)
PRIVATE.
WASHINGTON CITY
January 13th 1860 [1861]
HON. JOHN TRIMBLE
MY DEAR SIR
Your letter of the 27th ult was received a few days since
and was read with pleasure & interest and would have been
answered sooner; but for the great press upon me at
this time mentally and physically — And now write for the
purpose of tendering to you my sincere thanks for such
a letter ; for under the circumstances I needed just such
a letter — While I was gratified to know that the views
taken and the doctrines laid down in my speech met the
approbation of one esteemed so highly for talent and ster-
ling integrity it was encouraging to press on the cause of
right and if possible thereby to save the Govmt from
Treason and disruption — I repeat I was more than gratified
to recieve words of encourgment from such a source —
There has been an attempt here as in So* Ca' to get up a
reign of terror like that in Charleston, for the purpose of
silencing the timid and to carry the hesitating along with
them, and have here as well as there succeeded to some
extent. I think the true policy for Tennessee to persue is,
not to be committed to any moves that are now making —
There is no good reason why we should act in such haste —
Tennessee had better stay where she is until she can see
very clearly where she can do better — If there is a conven-
tion called by the Legislature let it be put off to the latest
period so that the people can have time to understand the
whole question and the follies of So' Ca' can be made fully
272 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House.'
manifest — I do not see why there should be any Convention
at all at present — The States which have seceeded would not
wait to consult the other States, and we should now have
the full benefit of their future proceedings.
My opinion is that if Tennessee will stand firm that in
the end she can and will act a very important part in
bringing back the seceding states into the Confederacy, in-
stead of being dragged out of the Union or drawn into a
Southern Confederacy by them. I think and am satisfied
that, if the middle states will remain in union that they
can obtain any reasonable guarantee they may demand from
the northern states which will protect and secure slave
property in the border states, which would be much better
than being separated into two hostile powers and that hos-
tility resulting from the instutution of Slavery — It would in
fact be moving Canada down to our northern border with
the difference of one being friendly and the other hostile —
It will be as hard for the border states to agree with So'
Ca' (and the gulf states as they are called) upon a form ot
Govmt as it would be with the northern States. And it
this doctrine of secession is to become a fixed principle in
any Govmt which may be organized including So' Ca' — It
would hardly be six weeks before some of them would be
for withdrawing again — I do not see what we are to gain by
the operation except it is to be involved in the quarrels ot
So' Ca' and to incur the inormus expense of building an-
other Govmt, Navy, Army &c. I can see no good reason
why the state should be now involved in buying large
amount of arms — The Genl Govmt is not going to make
war upon Tennessee nor no other state — unless we intend
to join So' Ca' in making war upon the Genl Govmt which
I hope we are not prepared to do — However this matter
which must be determined by future developments — If
Tennessee will stay where she is, that is in the Union there
will be no necessity to run the state in debt as some of the
states have been doing — South Carolina now begins to feel
the wait of her folly with debt created in a few weeks of
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House" 273
nearly a million and a half of dollars — The federal Govmt
does not intend to make war upon So' Ca' but she seems
determined to make war upon the Govmt and in fact has
done so in seizing the public property and in firing upon
the " Star West" while sailing under the flag of the IT. S.
I hope that Tenn will keep out of the present move until
she can see and understand what course she ought to take.
I must be candid and speak of the move as believe it
ought to be spoken of — The ostensible object is to obtain
protection in regard to slave property — This is in my
opinion a pretext and not the real design. The intention is
to disrupt the Govmt and then to form one in the South as
far removed from the people as they can get it — There is
not merely a conspiracy on foot against the existing Govm't;
but the liberty of the great mass of the people — Treason is
rife in the land and the Country full of Traitors — They are
moving heaven and earth to carry the country before there
is time for reflection by arousing their apprehensions in
reference to slave property. If we were in a Southern Con-
federacy now Tennessee would have her own slave property
to protect none of the states south of her would have it do,
So as to the protection of slave property we have that to do
our selves either in a Northern or Southern Confederacy.
Then what are we to gain by precipitating Tennessee out
of the Union without knowing where we are going or
what we are going to do — I do hope that Tennessee may
be kept out of this treasonable revolutionary move and
when she does move let her steps be guided by wisdom,
discretion, and moderation. As to all the effigy burning
and rabble denunciations I care not, or the abuse of a sub-
sidized and mendacious press, neither the one or the other
will draw me from a discharge of my duty — I feel and
believe that the best Govmt in the world is in the most
iminent peril, that traitors are trying to overthrow it, and
God being willing, to the utmost of my ability I intend to
expose and rebuke the vile miscreants who are engaged in
the nefarious work — I merely sit down to acknowledge the
VOL. xxvi. — 18
274 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House"
receipt of your very welcome letter and hope you will
pardon this incoherent scrawl.
The speeches you mentioned in your letter have been
sent. I thank you for your kind offer, all they will cost
will he your trouble of distribution —
May God and the people save the Country — for I fear
Congress will not.
You will please accept
assurances of my high esteem
and sincere regard
ANDREW JOHNSON.*
HOME,
Nov. 24th 1878.
MR. GEORGE "W. CHILDS,
DEAR SIR,
It will afford me great pleasure to furnish you with a
letter of my dear Father to bind with your letters of Presi-
dents. All family letters were lost or destroyed during the
late war.
At an early day I will look over all I have in my posses-
sion and make enquiry among old friends and if I find one
I think suitable I will forward at once.
Very Respectfully
MARTHA J. PATTERSON.2
HEAD QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE TN.
YICKSBURG Miss. July 14th 1863
SURGEON J. MOORE,
MEDICAL DIRECTOR.
SIR,
Gen. Smith, C. S. A. complains that the prisoners in
hospitals, in many cases have not received proper supplies
of either medicine or food. In some cases the sick have
only had hard bread and pork although requisitions have
been sent to the Medical Purveyor for articles required.
I wish you would have this matter enquired into as soon
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
J Ibid.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 275
as possible and have everything necessary for the health and
comfort of those confined in hospital supplied.
Let me know the facts about those supplies being fur-
nished as soon as you can.
Very Respectfully
U. S. GRANT.1
Maj. Gen.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 18th 1870
MY DEAR MRS. CHILDS
Your kind invitation is a great temptation for me but one
I shall have to resist having so much to do just now at
home — attending to the summer shopping for the chil-
dren &c.
Please present my regards to Mr. Childs & thank him
for the fine photograph of Mr. Borie — it is indeed very fine
& I prize it highly.
All join me in regards to yourself & Mr. Childs.
I will close with the hope of an early meeting at Long
Branch.
Yours truly
JULIA D. GRANT.2
JERSEY CITY, N. J.,
Oct. 28, 1879.
To HON. G. W. CHILDS,
Philadelphia, Penna.
DEAR SIR :
It gives me great pleasure to heartily thank you for your
agreeable letter. I hope my son will ever so act during the
remainder of his life as ta command the respect of the
people and win the love of all of his acquaintances.
I promise to myself much pleasure from the reading of
the very attractive volume which you were so good as to
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
2 Ibid.
276 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
send to me — it came to me in perfect order, and for the
beautiful book I would thank you with much emphasis.
With great respect,
Your Friend,
HANNAH GRANT
SPIEGEL GROVE
FREMONT, O.
25 Nov. 1882
MY DEAR SIR :
Your kind invitation for this evening came during my
absence from home, or it would have received an earlier
reply.
I would like very much to attend a meeting of the Satur-
day Club, and my regret is more than the usual formality,
that I can't do so.
With thanks and best wishes
Sincerely
R. B. HAYES l
MR. A. J. DREXEL
PHIL A.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON.
MY DEAR MRS. MOHUN, —
This morning as I passed through the Conservatory the
bright blooming plants seemed to say, Send iis to cheer the
sick room with our freshness and fragrance, and so, asking
you to accept them as an evidence of my true friendship
and sympathy, I send them.
Sincerely
LUCY W. HAYES.2
WASHINGTON Jan. 30, 1865
DEAR SIR ,
Your favor of the 28th is received. I thank you for your
kind expressions concerning me and my efforts in public
life, and I particularly thank you for your noble course
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
« Ibid.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House." 277
towards my dear old chief, Gen. Rosecrans. I regard his
case as standing almost alone in military history — Is there
another example of a General who made three great and
successful campaigns — and at the end of each was removed
by his government and sent into Exile ? He is now at his
home — Yellow Springs, Greene Co., Ohio — where he will
be pleased I have no doubt to receive from you any word ot
recognition and kindness —
I shall, in a few days, introduce a resolution, directing
the Committee on the Conduct of the War, to investigate
and report upon Gen. R's campaigns — beginning with that
in Western Ya. — where he outgeneraled and expelled Lee
from the territory. Indeed Gen. R. may strictly be said to
be the only man that has completely beaten Lee in a
campaign —
Enclosed please find a speech which I delivered on the
Constitutional amendment to abolish Slavery — I also send
you a Globe containing a short speech I made last week on
admitting Heads of Departments to the floor of the House.
I beg to apologize for my speeches as not having the
ornate character of elaborately prepared addresses. They
are all made as the current of debate dictated — and not
written.
Yery Truly Yours
J. A. GARFIELD l
DEAR MRS. CHILDS
Accept our thanks for your lovely flowers. Each hour
my heart is touched with some expression of the tenderness
felt for our poor suffering man, and my " faith" and " hope"
are sustained by this great loving kindness. Present our
kindest regards to Mr. Childs.
Yery Sincerely
Yours
LUCRETIA R. GARFIELD.2
Thursday P.M.,
Sept. 8th 1881.
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.. 2 Ibid.
I
278 Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House."
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON
February 18, 1882.
MY DEAR MR. CHILDS: ,
I beg to thank you for your kind letter of the 6th instant,
and for a copy of the Ledger containing an article which I
have read with much interest.
Very faithfully yours,
CHESTER A. ARTHUR.1
GEORGE "W. CHILDS ESQ.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON
April 2d 1890
MY DEAR SIR
I am very much obliged to you for placing in my posses-
sion the old letter of my kinsman Benjamin Harrison Jr.,
of Berkley Va. It is an interesting family relic.
Very Sincerely Yours,
BENJ. HARRISON.2
To FERDINAND J. DREER ESQ.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON
May 29th 1889
MY DEAR MlSS SCHROPP.
Your " Moravian Rag Baby" came in this morning's
mail. I cannot thank you enough for the loving and kind
thoughts that prompted the sending of it to our dear Grand
Child. He took to it very kindly — although he is a boy —
for the first thing I saw this morning after I returned from
my breakfast was Benjamin carrying it around.
These children are very dear to us, and Benjamin being
named for his Grandpa, and also looking very much like
the President, he has a very warm place in our hearts.
1 Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
1 Ibid.
Letters of Presidents and "Ladies of the White House" 279
Any thing done for his comfort and happiness, draws the
giver very near us. With many thanks for your thoughtful
kindness,
I am truly,
CAROLINE SCOTT HARRISON.
Miss RUTH C. SCHROPP,
BETHLEHEM, PENNA.
280 Step Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
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The Late Ferdinand Julius Dreer. 285
Gbe late fertnnanb Julius Dreer.
We regret to announce the death of Ferdinand Julius
Dreer, an Honorary Yice-President of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania, which occurred on May 24, 1902, in this
city, where he was born March 2, 1812. He was elected a
life member December 13, 1852, and at the date of his death
was the oldest member of the Publication Fund.
Mr. Dreer enjoyed a well-merited reputation for philan-
thropy, and was also known for many years as a collector of
autograph letters. In 1890 he generously presented to the
Historical Society " The Dreer Collection of Manuscripts,"
one of the most valuable collections of autographs and rare
historical documents made by a private collector. It is
arranged topically in volumes, and among the upwards ot
one hundred and fifty thousand manuscripts of special
interest to students of American history are eighty-five
letters of Washington (including the last letter written by
him), forty-three letters of William Penn, two sets of the
" Signers," members of the Continental Congress, generals
and officers of the Continental army, Presidents of the
United States, and numerous letters of Franklin, Lafayette,
Jefferson, Robert Morris, Lincoln, Grant, and others equally
well known. A few years later he supplemented this gift
by a donation of fifteen thousand dollars, the income from
which is to be used for the care and enlargement of the
collection. Under his will an additional sum will be
received for the same purposes.
286 Notes and Queries.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
notes.
LETTER or KEBECCA LEE TO ANNE SHIPPEN, AT LANCASTER,
1778.—
MY DEAR NANCY,
I received your agreeable Letter about an hour ago, and thank you
for it. The last time I heard of your Mamma, she was at General
Washingtons, on her way to your uncle Tom Lees. I dont like York
Town, at all, the place you are at present at, we hear was much
injured by the Enemy. I hear very frequently from Virginia, am much
obliged to you for your enquiries after my friends there, present my
Compliments to Mrs. Kogers. I am happy my dear, you are in the care
of so good a Lady, flatter myself you will to have in a manner to merit
her regard, Your Uncle if possible, is more closely engaged with
business than ever, but I am sure loves his Dear Niece, as well as her
tenderly
Affectionate Aunt,
KEBA LEE.
YORK TOWN Jaivr 3d 1778.
LETTER OF MARY LEE TO ANNE H. LIVINGSTON, 1784.—
I thank you My dear Cousin for your very kind Letter by Mr. Wash-
ington. Strange as it may seem the letter gave me both pleasure and
pain. I was pleased with your affectionate manner of writing, but much
grieved to know that my dear Aunt is in an ill state of health. My
hopes are great that my Uncle's skill will prevent bad consequences, and
I am sure that we shall be made very happy here if he should advise
my dear Aunt to try the effect of her native air, which I have heard my
Papa say was sometimes excellent for restoring health. Be so good my
dear as present my love and duty to my good Aunt and tell her that I
am extremely thankful for the pretty Cap, Apron and Kibbon, that she
has been pleased to send me, and except yourself of my thanks for the
pretty handkerchief. Our family are well as usual and present their
best affectionts to your family.
I am most truly my dear Cousins affectionate relation and sincere
friend
MARY LEE.
CHANTILLY April y<> 25 1784.
LETTER OF JAMES ALLEN TO COLONEL TIMOTHY MATLACK,
1778.—
NORTHAMPTON 9 Febry. 1778
RlR
The enclosed paper from his Excellency the General will inform you,
that I had his permission to go into Philada. with my family, on the
terms therein expressed. Consistent, however, with that prudence, that
I natter myself, has always governed my conduct, I chose to remain in
Notes and Queries. 287
my present situation ; till the late misfortune in our family has, in con-
sequence of the earnest sollicitations of my relations, constrained me
to depart from that resolution. I go therefore for a short time, to en-
deavour to comfort an aged father for the loss of a much loved Son, &
propose returning as soon as my wife's health will permit her to travel.
I understand my Father intends to remove his family into the Country &
it is one part of my errand to persuade him to fix himself here.
I persuade myself that the feelings of Humanity will fully justify the
measure I am about to take ; & that the uniform tenor of my conduct
will induce the Executive Council to grant me the liberty of returning
hither. The favor therefore I have to ask of you, is, to lay this letter
before them & transmit their answer hither, as soon as it can be obtained.
I am Sir
Your very humble Servant
To COLL MATLACK. JAMES ALLEN.
LIST OF SERVANTS who sailed from Dublin February 25th 1746/7 on
the Euryal, and arrived at Philadelphia April llth.
Catherine Gainer, Elizabeth Dunn,
Catherine Durcum, Eleanor Dwier,
Catherine Whitehead, Catherine Dwier,
Celia Byrne, Mary Fling,
Hannah Kow, Mary Brady,
Margaret Poor, Mary Mucklerow,
Catherine Cane, Elizabeth Fox,
Margaret Connor, Dorothy Jones,
Mary Whelan, Margaret Traynor,
Eleanor Hanlan, Mary Williams.
PHILADELPHIA July 17* 1773
HENRY WHITE PHYSICK
To THE TRUSTEES or THE COLLEGE DR-
For 1 quarter's tuition, quills and ink, due this day . . £1.0.6
Received the contents for the Trustees,
By FRA. ALISON.
tyseties.
PENN. — I am tryin to find out all the Information I kanabout Sir
William Penn and his descendents thar us to be writing in my fathers
famley but tha have ben lost by sum means. I wonto pruve my relashen
ship to the Penn if it can be dun. I wos told if I would write to you I
could find out all I wonted to know so if I can get eney Information of
his sons or grand sons I should lik vearey much to learn of them and if
you could tell me if you new of eney of his money or realastate that
hasent ben clamd by his descendents or his sons desendents and so on.
SAMUEL H. PENN.
BBOOKVILLE, N. J.
HOSS—BOONE.— Between 1780-85 Jacob Hoss removed from near
Hanover, Adams County, Pennsylvania to East Tennessee, then North
Carolina. He married before this time Margaret (or Catharine) Boone.
She had three sisters, who married Peter Miller, Sullivan, and
288 Notes and Queties.
Powder. I desire information regarding the ancestry of Jacob
Hoss and Margaret Boone his wife ; also information regarding the emi-
gration of the Hoss family to America.
BAYLESS — LAKE — TRODDING. — Daniel Bayless md. Johanna Lake,
John Trodding (or Troddy) md. Priscilla, and their son, William Trod-
ding, md. Mary. These three families removed from Pennsylvania or
Maryland to East Tennessee about 1780. They were members of the
Cherokee Baptist Meeting-House in 1783. Samuel Bayless, son of
Daniel and Johanna, md., after coming to Tennessee, Mary Trodding,
daughter of William and Mary. Information is desired concerning the
ancestry of Daniel Bayless, Johanna Lake, John Trodding, and of Pris-
cilla and Mary, wives of John and William Trodding.
BIGLER — LEASE — LESSLER. — Mark Bigler, b. 1747 ; d. April 14,
1826 ; md. Catharine Lease, who wasb. 1763 ; d. January 4, 1832. Their
daughter, Mary Bigler, b. March 14, 1780 ; d. March 2, 1865 ; md. John
Lessler, who was b. 1781 ; d. December 8, 1850. I desire information
regarding the ancestry of Mark Bigler, Catharine Lease, and John
Lessler. They removed from Pennsylvania to Virginia.
MARY Hoss.
2106 WEST END AVENUE, NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE.
•Replies.
PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON. — Referring to the note of inquiry (PENN-
SYLVANIA MAGAZINE, Vol. XXVI. p 156) about "the portrait of Wash-
ington painted on glass," I send extracts from two letters which came as
the result of said inquiry.
Louis C. Massey, of Orlando, Florida, writes, "I have a similar por-
trait which belonged to my grandfather Charles Massey, a merchant of
Philadelphia, who was in business from 1799 to 1856 or thereabouts."
A lady in Trenton, New Jersey, who also owns one of the portraits,
writes, ". . . Gilbert Stuart, while in Philadelphia, painted many
portraits of Washington, all of which were speedily sold. One of the
purchasers, Mr. Blight, a Philadelphia merchant engaged in the China
trade, took his to Canton, where he had fifty copies painted on glass,
and, returning to Philadelphia, offered them for sale at a much lower
price than he had paid for the original painting. Mr. Stuart was nat-
urally chagrined, and employed the eminent lawyer Horace Binney to
obtain an injunction forbidding their sale. Most of them, however, had
been previously disposed of, and they have been treasured heirlooms in
many old families during the past century. ..."
E. J. D.
GRINNEL (PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, Vol. XXVI. p. 155). —
"Last week died, at near seventy years of age, Capt. Thomas Grinnel,
a native of this State, who during the last war, was Captain of the Ship
Congress ; and on Friday his remains were interred in St. Paul's
Church yard, attended by his relations, the gentlemen of the Vestry, a
number of the Marine Society, and a numerous procession of our re-
spectable inhabitants." — New York, June 22, 1786.
ED. PENNA. MAG.
o
fc/)
c
o
S
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
YOL. XXVI. 1902. No. 3.
JOSEPH GALLOWAY, THE LOYALIST POLITICIAN.
BY ERNEST H. BALDWIN, PH.D.
(Continued from page 191.)
A SUPPORTER OF LAW AND ORDER.
The conduct of Mr. Galloway during the excitement at-
tending the passage of the Stamp Act was conspicuously
loyal ; so loyal, in fact, that he was openly charged with
having desired the execution of that measure.1 As a matter
of fact, he was opposed to Parliamentary taxation and was
much pleased when the Act was repealed.2 But the bold
threats of resistance to constituted authority and the riotous
proceedings of other Colonies, excited by the Stamp Act,
alarmed him more than the Act itself. Parliamentary tax-
ation with enforced law and order was, in his opinion, a
greater blessing than liberty with lawlessness. He feared
the tyranny of mob rule more than the tyranny of Par-
liament.
Mr. Galloway was not a member of the Assembly when the
1 "Six Arguments against Chusing Joseph Galloway an Assembly-
man," 1766.
2 Galloway to Franklin, May 23, 1766. (Sparks, "Franklin's
Works," Vol. VII. p. 317.)
VOL. xxvi. — 19 ( 289 )
J
290 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Stamp Act was passed, but that he influenced the action of
that body concerning the subject is not an unwarranted sup-
position. He was accused of having exerted his influence
to prevent the appointment of delegates to the Stamp Act
Congress, and of having done this at the request of William
Franklin, the Governor of New Jersey.1 But his influence
may be detected in connection with the resolutions passed
by the Assembly. They were much milder in tone than
a series presented by Dickinson, and were drawn up by a
committee from which that gentleman had been excluded.
In spite of his attitude towards this famous Act and his
intimacy with Hughes, the collector, and in spite of the
strenuous opposition of the Proprietary party, Mr. Galloway
was elected a member of the Assembly again in 1Y65.2
The disturbances in Philadelphia on the arrival of the
stamps were less tumultuous than was the case in other
Colonies, and this was probably due to the presence of the
Quakers.3 But no stamps were landed, and after November
1, when the Act went into effect, the courts were closed
and all legal business ceased. Soon after this, and because
of the distress it caused, a meeting of the members of the
Bar was held to consider the advisability of opening the
courts and proceeding without stamped paper. Mr. Gallo-
way expressed his willingness to act without the stamps, pro-
vided the judges would also agree to the plan. No definite
action was taken, however, and the courts remained closed.
Shortly after this meeting Mr. Galloway was boldly charged
with having embarrassed the anti-stamp movement by
opposing the opening of the courts without stamps. This
1 Franklin denied this in one of Galloway's broadsides, December 20,
1765.
2 Votes of Assembly. In a letter to Colonel Burd, dated September
20, 1765, Samuel Purviance writes that his party (Proprietary) had been
strengthened by the " opposition lately made by John Hughes and
his friends against sending commissioners to attend the Congress at
N. Y. . . ." ("Shippen Papers.")
3 Sharpless, "A History of Quaker Government in Pennsylvania,"
p. 80.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 291
accusation caused him so much annoyance that he issued a
broadside explaining his conduct and stating his position.
He said that he was unwilling to proceed without stamped
paper, unless the consent of the judges could be obtained;
that they ought to join with the attorneys in disobeying the
law, and not remain in a position to enforce its penalties in
case it was executed ; that no good argument was advanced
against his proposal ; that the same thing was done in New
Jersey, and business was going on. He did not see why
the " safety of the persons and estates of some men" should
be endangered and " those of others who hold the Execu-
tive Powers of government" be exempted from that danger.
He finally declared that an agreement had been entered into
at the meeting to divulge nothing of its proceedings, although
he himself had declared that there was nothing he had said
or done which he was unwilling should be proclaimed from
the State-House steps. Why he had been attacked in such
a manner he could not understand.1
The continuance of the disturbances and tumults in the
Colonies after the Stamp Act went into effect filled Mr.
Galloway with such grave apprehensions that he determined
to give expression to them. In a piece signed " Ameri-
canus," printed in the Pennsylvania Journal of January 9,
1766, he warned his countrymen of the evils to which their
seditious conduct would lead ; declared that they had justly
provoked the mother country, and only her tenderness had
prevented the enforcement of obedience ; and unless they
stopped it would become the indispensable duty of the
British Parliament to use compulsion.
This article aroused great indignation against him. He
was called a Tory and went by the nickname of " Ameri-
canus" for some time.2
Mr. Galloway had an extreme aversion to the Presby-
1 "To the Public," December 20, 1765. (Philadelphia Library,
Ridgway Branch.)
2 Testimony of William Franklin before the Loyalist Commission
(MS. in the Congressional Library).
292 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
terians. He associated them with rioters and the baser
elements of society. Their connection with and support of
the Paxton rioters convinced him that they were dangerous
characters, and he now deemed them responsible for the
Stamp Act disturbances. In a letter to Franklin, dated
January 13, 1766, he comments on the condition of affairs
and expresses his opinion of the Presbyterians :
"We impatiently wait for the resolutions of the British Parliament
respecting the Stamp Act. For while on one part the law is prevented
from being executed by the mobs in the principal colonies of America,
on the other no business is transacted in any of the courts of justice,
which is attended with inexpressible mischief. A certain sect of people,
if I may judge from all their late conduct, seem to look on this as a
favorable opportunity of establishing their republican principles and of
throwing off all connection with their mother country. Many of their
publications justify the thought. Besides, I have other reasons to think
that they are not only forming a private union among themselves from
one end of the continent to the other, but endeavoring also to bring into
their union the Quakers and all other Dissenters, if possible. But I
hope this will be impossible. In Pennsylvania I am confident it will." l
Mr. Galloway's anxiety lest the mother country be pro-
voked by the undutiful behavior of the Americans appears
in another letter to Franklin, dated May 23, 1766, in which
he relates the proceedings in Philadelphia upon receipt of
the news that the Stamp Act was repealed. He announces
that the news of the repeal had arrived :
"Upon its arrival, agreeable to your advice, our friends exerted
their utmost endeavors to prevent any indecent marks of triumph and
exultation. We opposed the intended fire-works, illumination and
cannon firing and advised more temperate and private rejoicing on this
great occasion. The chief justice, mayor, recorder and several other of
the magistrates were spoken to, but to no purpose. The city was illumi-
nated by the proprietary party. Our friends refused to join with them,
but were constantly patrolling the streets in order to preserve peace.
Found an indiscreet puff in Mr. Hall's paper on the occasion. Hope it
will not fix the complexion of the whole province. The Assembly will
meet June 2nd and will send an address of thanks for their care and
1 Galloway to Franklin, January 13, 1766. " A certain sect of people"
meant the Presbyterians.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 293
attention to the ease and happiness of the colonies. I have fixed the
measure with all the members our friends, whose hearts cannot utter th«
gratitude they owe to the present virtuous and worthy ministry for their
infinite trouble and fatigue. No doubt all discontent will subside in
America." *
The wording of the address of thanks which Mr. Gallo-
way had thus " fixed" with the members of the Assembly
is further evidence of his wish to avoid even the appearance
of disloyalty which might incur the displeasure of the
Crown. After expressing the thanks of the Province for
the repeal of the Stamp Act, they declared themselves
grateful to the King for his " approbation of the dutiful
behavior of the province of Pennsylvania amidst the too
prevailing distractions which have agitated the other colo-
nies." The remainder of this short address was an expres-
sion of Mr. Galloway's sentiments at the time, and evinced
his intention so early to head off the efforts which he sus-
pected were making for ultimate independence :
' ' Fully sensible how much the happiness of your people depends on
a perfect harmony and connection between Great Britain and her colo-
nies, we assure your Majesty that no care or endeavors shall be wanting,
on our part, to promote and establish that union of affections and in-
terest so essential to the welfare of both, and to preserve that loyalty
and affection to your Majesty's person and government which we esteem
to be one of their first and most important duties." 2
John Dickinson, in his "Farmer's Letters," pays his respects to this
"Address" of the Assembly. He warns his countrymen to be on their
guard against men who set examples of servility. "From them we
shall learn how pleasant and profitable a thing it is to be for our sub-
missive behavior well spoken of at St. James or St. Stephens ; at Guild
Hall or the Royal Exchange. Specious fallacies will be drest up with
all the arts of delusion to persuade one colony to distinguish herself
from another by unbecoming condescensions which will serve the am-
bitious purposes of great men at home and therefore will be thought by
them to entitle their assistants in obtaining them to considerable re-
wards."
And in the same letter Dickinson seems to refer more directly to
1 Galloway to Franklin, May 23, 1766.
2 Printed in the Pennsylvania Chronicle, February 2, 1767.
294 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Galloway when he says, "remarkable instances of wrecked ambition"
may be seen, men "who after distinguishing themselves in the support
of the Stamp Act, by a courageous contempt of their country, and of
Justice, have been left to linger out their miserable existence without a
government collectorship, . . . or any other commission. . . ."*
Thus it may be seen that Mr. Galloway was a thorough
loyalist in 1766 ; that he suspected the independent schemes
of the Presbyterian elements, and was determined to resist
them with energy.
SPEAKER OF ASSEMBLY.
Although he had taken a rather unpopular stand in the
Stamp Act controversy, and was opposed by the Presby-
terian party, which concentrated all its energies to accom-
plish his defeat, nevertheless, Mr. Galloway was not only re-
elected a member of the Assembly in 1766, but also chosen
its Speaker. James Pemberton, who was a member of the
Assembly, in a letter containing the political news of the
day, said that the Presbyterian party had been unable to
arouse much enthusiasm before the election : 2
" They at length concluded to attempt the change of one
member in this county, Jos. Galloway, concerning whom
they alleged he had written in favor of the stamp act; in
opposition they set up Dickinson, his former opponent,
which, it is said, was encouraged by a few of our friends,
but in this scheme they failed much beyond their expecta-
tion."
A broadside was issued just before the election, entitled
" Six Arguments against Chusing Joseph Galloway an As-
semblyman." This alleged that Mr. Galloway had " long
been the cause of contention" in the Province and had often
deceived people by his " pretended zeal for liberty." The
six arguments were : his slander of Americans by repre-
senting their efforts to preserve their liberties as disloyal
1 ' < Farmer's Letters, ' ' No. XII ; Memoirs Historical Society, Vol. XIV.
2 James Pemberton to Dr. Fothergill. (Sharpless, "A History of
Quaker Government in Pennsylvania," p. 89.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 295
menaces ; his attitude towards the Stamp Act ; his disposition
to surrender the rights of the Colonial Assemblies in the
matter of taxation ; his quarrelsome and overbearing dispo-
sition in the Assembly, making good men unwilling to serve
in the House with him ; his political connection with John
Hughes; and his efforts to rob poor Germans of their
land by means of the Act for recording warrants and sur-
veys.1
The answer to these "Arguments" was the re-election of
Mr. Galloway to the Assembly and his appointment to the
Speakership, an office which he continued to hold uninter-
ruptedly until 1774. His candidacy for this honor met
with considerable opposition, apparently. The same letter
of Pemberton quoted above says, —
"The present assembly . . . met . . . on the 14th ulto., and pro-
ceeded on the business appearing necessary at that time, having first
chosen a new speaker (Galloway) whose qualifications must be allowed
superior to the former speaker (Fox), but as there appeared too much
of a spirit of party, as I apprehended, I could not join therein ; the choice
has been an occasion of speculation among the people, but I hope will
not be attended with much ill consequence. ' '
The minutes of the Assembly indicate that Mr. Galloway
was not chosen Speaker by a very large majority of votes,
and that some of the more important privileges usually
granted the presiding officer were not accorded him.2 This
is especially noticeable in the matter of appointing com
mittees. The privilege of nominating members for com-
mittees was not accorded him until the following year,
when there were several changes in the membership of the
House and he was elected Speaker unanimously. He was
then given the power also " to stop all unnecessary, tedious
1 "Six Arguments," etc. "I attended the Supreme Court the other
day and had the pleasure to see, by the integrity of the judges and
equity of the jury, and the abilities of your antagonist Dickinson, one
of these causes determined against you. ..."
2 The minutes of the Assembly do not give the figures.
296 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
and superfluous disc6urse, and to command silence when
needful." l
The position of Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly
was one attended with peculiar difficulty, and the retention
of that office by Mr. Galloway during the years of agitation
preceding the Revolution is a sufficient testimony to that
gentleman's ability and tact. In the first place, the relations
between the Assembly and the Proprietors were not only
not cordial, but at times quite hostile. Furthermore, Mr.
Galloway represented the extremists among the opponents
of Proprietary rule. And then the disputes which arose
between the Colonies and the mother country over the
revenue acts of Parliament caused great trouble. Mr. Gal-
loway sought to uphold the rights of the Colonies with reso-
lution, but through " decent and respectful" petitions, and a
threatened attempt to abrogate their charters was firmly
resisted by him.2
Other difficulties which had to be met concerned their
relations with the Indians, disagreements over paper money,
and conflicts with the Connecticut settlers in Wyoming.3
In the midst of all these concerns Mr. Galloway was in
1 Votes of Assembly, October 16, 1767. The necessity for such a rule
would indicate that the Provincial Assembly of Pennsylvania was a
rather disputatious and " filibustering" one. By 1774 Mr. Galloway
had evidently put an end to all that. A description of the House in
that year by a contemporary (quoted in Keith's "Provincial Council-
lors") is interesting :
' ' Our Honorable House made but a scurvy appearance ... it was
enough to make one sweat to see a parcel of countrymen sitting with
their hats on, great coarse cloth coats, leather breeches, and woolen
stockings in the month of July. There was not a speech made the
whole time ; whether their silence proceeded from their modesty or
from their inability to speak, I know not. ' '
2 Gordon, "History of Pennsylvania," p. 453.
3 Mr. Galloway's labors and anxieties caused his illness in the spring
of 1769 and interrupted the proceedings of the House. He proposed,
however, to accommodate the members of the Assembly at his own
house, but this proved impracticable, and a Speaker pro tern, was ap-
pointed to serve the remainder of the session.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 297
continual correspondence with Benjamin Franklin in Eng-
land, persistently urging the old scheme for a Royal govern-
ment and at times expressing the most pessimistic views of
Colonial affairs. Mr. Franklin could give little encourage-
ment for the success of their petition, pictured the corrup-
tion at London, and urged Galloway to "try and lessen
the unpopularity of the American cause. Increase our
friends and be careful not to weaken their hands and
strengthen those of our enemies by rash proceedings on
our side, the mischiefs of which are inconceivable." * He
then suggests that if the Assembly was discouraged or
tired of the expense, he would not have him propose to
continue him as agent at the meeting of the new Assembly.
Mr. Galloway labored diligently to lessen the causes of
complaint and destroy the spirit of sedition, as desired by
Franklin, but used his influence to have him retained as
agent in England. On March 10, 1768, he wrote Franklin
a most doleful letter giving an account of the situation of
affairs in the Province. He enclosed messages of the
House :
"By them you will be able to form a proper judgment of the affairs
of this province, which, in the opinion of all good men here, are at
length reduced to the most desperate circumstances. All the mischiefs
we have long expected, if not come to pass, are now in full prospect.
We have long seen that the powers of government united in the same
hands, with immense property, would necessarily be attended with many
inconveniences both to the Crown and to the subject, and that those
powers, vested in the feeble hands of private subjects, would prove too
weak to support his Majesty's authority or to give safety to his people.
The first will ever naturally lead to acts of injustice, ambitions and op-
pressions ; and these things in private men will more especially beget
disrespect and that disrespect soon ripen into contempt ; the consequences
whereof in this province is we have the name of a government, but no
safety or protection under it. We have laws without being executed, or
even feared or respected. We have offenders but no punishment. We
have a magistracy but no justice, and a governor but no government.
And, you well know, we possess the warmest allegiance to our sovereign
1 Franklin to Galloway, August 8, 1767. (Bigelow, "Franklin's
Works," Vol. IV. p. 25.)
298 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
and our mother country ; and yet our persons and estates are every hour
liable to the ravages of the licentious and lawless, without any hope of
defence against them. ,
' ' The impunity with which offenders escape is a perpetual encourage-
ment to the licentious and wicked to commit new offences. . . . Take a
view, dear sir, of these facts with what you know has heretofore passed
in the government and add to them the declaration of our Governor
that he can do no more in his station towards bringing offenders to jus-
tice than issuing a proclamation and writing a few mild letters to his
magistracy, and tell me whether you think we can believe ourselves or our
estates safe under the present government. I do mest candidly assure
you, could I convert my estate into personalty, without great loss, I
should immediately remove it with my family into a government where
I could reasonably expect they would be safe from violation. In this, it
is the opinion of all who are active in supporting the honor of the gov-
ernment and the authority of the Crown, that their lives and property
are in great jeopardy and danger.
"Under these circumstances the Assembly think it their indispensable
duty to acquaint his Majesty and ministry of the state of the province,
for which purpose the papers are sent to the agents in hopes that our
distracted and distressed situation will draw his Majesty's attention and
compassion so far towards us as to take the government under his imme-
diate directions."
Franklin's reply to this pessimistic epistle was a letter
written to another friend, May 14, 1768. * He said that
there was no use in representing the riots and lawlessness
under the Proprietary government, for things were just as
bad in England, and a mob was a frequent occurrence in
the streets of London.
Notwithstanding this discouraging outlook for the petition,
Mr. Galloway returned to the subject in a letter dated Oc-
tober 17, 1768. He announced the reappointment of
Franklin and Jackson as agents and the renewal of instruc-
tions regarding the change of government, " every member
now approving of the measure save the chief justice."
' ' You really judge right. Should the petition be rejected or neglected
the Crown will never have the like request made by the people, nor
1 Franklin to Boss, May 14, 1768. (Bigelow, " Franklin's Works,"
Vol. IV. p. 163.) Mr. Galloway was referred to this letter by Franklin,
later.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 299
such another opportunity of resuming one of the most beneficial govern-
ments in America. Their own welfare will oblige them to court the
proprietary favor ; and should they continue to gratify the people, by
the lenient measures adopted during the last year, they will place all
their confidence in them and lose all ideas of loyalty or affection to the
person where alone they ought to be fixed." l
He then refers to the arrival of regiments at Boston, and
hopes no mischiefs will follow.
The burden of the correspondence between Galloway
and Franklin was then changed to the subject of paper
money, the issuance of which by the Colonies had been
prohibited by Parliament. Mr. Galloway greatly favored
the emission of paper money and wrote in support of it :
11 A farmer pledges his land to the government and takes paper.
When he comes to redeem his pledge ought he not to return the paper,
and ought not the government to be obliged to receive it in discharge of
the land?"2
Several years before this he had presented an argument
for this money which was the very common one at the time :
"Without money labor will be low; and manufacturing may and
must from necessity be carried on in America which must diminish our
British importations. Let us have money and we shall never think of
manufacturing, or, if we do, we shall never be able to perfect it to any
degree."3
One of the most annoying episodes in the life of Mr. Gallo-
way was his connection with one William Goddard in the
publication of a newspaper. This ill-tempered and quarrel-
some printer came to Philadelphia just at the time when
Mr. Galloway was entering upon his career as Speaker.
The opportunity thus offered to establish a newspaper which
would serve in a measure as his personal organ was gladly
seized by the Quaker politician, particularly as the existing
papers had abandoned the popular party and were support-
1 Galloway to Franklin, October 17, 1768. (Bigelow, " Franklin's
Works," Vol. IV. p. 210.)
2 Ibid., June 21, 1770. (New Jersey Archives, Vol. X. p. 197.)
3 Ibid., January 13, 1766.
300 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
ing the Proprietors.1 A partnership was accordingly formed,,
of which Mr. Galloway and Thomas Wharton were secret
members, and the publication of the Pennsylvania Chronicle
and Universal Advertiser, with Goddard as editor and man-
ager, was begun in January, 1767. Galloway and Wharton
supplied the necessary capital to start the enterprise, and
the partners agreed to consult one another in every material
step. Mr. Galloway was to see that the Assembly printing
was given to the Chronicle and the assistance of members
of the Assembly was to be secured in obtaining subscribers
in their respective counties.2
Notwithstanding its bright prospects of success, the en-
terprise proved a miserable failure. The partnership lasted
but two years, and was then broken up by a most unfortu-
nate quarrel between the secret partners and Goddard.
The cause of the trouble was political. The obstinate
Goddard refused to conduct the paper according to the
wishes of the dictatorial Galloway, and the Chronicle,
instead of supporting the Assembly party, became a bitter
opponent of its former patron.
The chief reason for Mr. Galloway's dissatisfaction with
Goddard, apparently was the latter's insistence on publish-
ing Dickinson's " Farmer's Letters," which first appeared
in the Chronicle. The profits from the increased circula-
tion of the paper caused by the publication of these pop-
ular letters appealed to Goddard, while Galloway could see
only greater encouragement to the independents and fame
for the hated author.3
1 Correspondence of David Strahan and David Hall. (PENNA. MAG.,
Vol. X. p. 229.)
2 Goddard, "The Partnership," 1770. William Franklin to Benja-
min Franklin, 1766. (Bigelow, " Franklin's Works," Vol. III. p. 509.)
The articles of agreement provided for the addition of Franklin to
the partnership should he desire to join on his return from England.
" The Partnership" was a history of the firm from its beginning in 1766.
It contained some bitter aspersions on Galloway's character.
'The following is an interesting extract from "The Partnership."
"Mr. Galloway ridiculed my notions about liberty and the rights of
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 301
The publicity given to this quarrel by Goddard served
to enliven the political campaigns of 1770 and 1772 and
greatly irritated Mr. Galloway. As there was some doubt
of his election in Philadelphia County in 1770, he ran for
the Assembly in Bucks County (where he owned a country
estate) and was elected.1
But the persistent attacks of Goddard and the apparent
loss of support in the Assembly, where in 1770, for the
first time since 1766, he failed to be unanimously elected
Speaker, tempted Mr. Galloway to retire from political life
in 1771. This proposition was opposed by Franklin, who
thought that he " could not be spared without great detri-
ment to the general welfare of America."2 But at the
meeting of the new Assembly in 1771 he was again unani-
mously elected Speaker.3
This success did not put an end to the attacks, however,
and he still thought seriously of withdrawing from the
field of politics.4 Franklin thought to cheer him up, and
wrote him as follows :
" I am glad you are returned again to a seat in the Assembly, where
your abilities are so useful and necessary in the service of your country.
We must not in the course of public life expect immediate approbation
and immediate grateful acknowledgement of our services. But let us
persevere through abuse and even injury. The internal satisfaction of a
mankind and observed that the people in America were mad — they
knew not what they wanted ; that such factious pieces (Farmer's Letters)
would answer for the selectmen of Boston and the mob meetings of
R. I. , but he was sure they would soon be despised here, Pennsylvania
being of a different make, of more solidity, none of your damned repub-
lican breed."
1 Edward Burd to Colonel Burd, October 4, 1770. ("Shippen
Papers.")
2 Franklin to Evans, July 18, 1771. (Bigelow, " Franklin's Works,"
Vol. IV. p. 410.)
3 Votes of Assembly, October 14, 1771.
* Early in 1772 Mr. Galloway received a threatening letter (anony-
mous) demanding fifty pounds. Goddard was suspected of having had
something to do with this and was arrested. No evidence could be pro-
duced, however.
« \
302 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
good conscience is always present, and time will do us justice in the
minds of the people, even those at present the most prejudiced
against us."
And a few weeks later he wrote again :
" I must . . . beg you will not think of retiring from public busi-
ness. You are yet a young man and may still be greatly serviceable to
your country. It would be, I think, something criminal to bury in pri-
vate retirement so early, all the usefulness of so much experience and
such great abilities. The people do not indeed always see their friends
in the same favorable light . . . therefore preserve your spirits and per-
severe ; at least to the age of sixty, a boundary I once fixed for myself,
but have gone beyond it." 2
Mr. Galloway's life during these years of political activity
and strife was not void of enjoyment, however. One of
his contemporaries has left a record of social activity in
which the name of Galloway appears repeatedly.3 Dinners
and " frolics" at Greenwich Hall, a favorite resort outside
the city, were frequently attended by the leading members
of the Assembly, and Mr. Galloway often entertained at
his own home. It is not in the least improbable that po-
litical questions were discussed at these meetings and meas-
ures " fixed" by what the Speaker of the Assembly was
often wont to call "interest out of doors," and with the
machinery of which he himself was perfectly familiar.
A DELEGATE TO CONGRESS.
In the quarrel which arose between the Colonies and the
mother country, and which reached such an acute stage at
Boston early in 1774, the concurrence of the Province of
Pennsylvania was necessary to the success of any plan of
resistance to Parliamentary authority. Its importance both
in wealth and number of inhabitants, as well as its position,
1 Franklin to Galloway, December 2, 1772. (Bigelow, " Franklin's
Works," Vol. IV. p. 549.)
2 Ibid., January 6, 1773. (Bigelow, " Franklin's Works," Vol. V.
p. 87.)
3 Jacob Hiltzheimer, " Diary."
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 303
made it the keystone to any Colonial arch, political or com-
mercial. The patriot leaders of Massachusetts and Virginia
recognized this fact, and lent their efforts to place the
Quaker Colony in sympathetic line with the Boston Sons of
Liberty. But they found the task a difficult one. The
controlling Quaker influence was strongly conservative and
avowedly opposed to revolutionary measures. This barrier
must be broken down before Pennsylvania could be induced
to join in, or even sympathize with, open resistance to con-
stituted authority. This conservatism — this aversion to
violence — was personified in Joseph Galloway; he repre-
sented the barrier ; nay, more, he was the barrier.
No person not ignorant of Mr. Galloway's character
could have expected the slightest sympathy from that gen-
tleman for the riotous conduct of the New Englanders in
1774. Their actions were abhorrent to all his feelings. He
believed that their deeds were those of lawless Presbyterian
and Republican mobs, and a mob was an execrable thing.
When, in the spring of 1774, the proposition was made
that the other Provinces send messages of sympathy and
approval to Massachusetts, Mr. Galloway was in the coun-
try. There was a popular demand in Philadelphia that the
Assembly Committee of Correspondence send such a mes-
sage ; but the members of the committee in the city were
unwilling to move in the matter without the approval of
Mr. Galloway. The following letter of that gentleman in-
dicates a disposition on his part to move slowly and with
great care :
' ' Your favor conveying me the request of the gentlemen appointed
by a considerable number of very respectable inhabitants of Philadel-
phia, that the Committee of Correspondence ' would take into their con-
sideration the Act of Parliament passed against the town of Boston, and
communicate their sentiments and advice thereon to the committees of
the sister colonies/ came to my hands yesterday, and I should have im-
mediately waited on you to have confered with you on the measure pro-
posed ; but in pursuance of an appointment made with a number of
people, I am under the necessity of meeting them to-morrow at Durham,
and the business I have to transact will not admit of my return before
I
304 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
the beginning of next week. Immediately after I shall be in the city ;
so that it will not be in my power, before that time, to consult with you
on the propriety of calling the Committee of Correspondence, or of their
undertaking, when met, to advise in a matter of so great difficulty, and
BO much importance to the liberties of all America, before it has been
fully debated and considered by the representatives of the whole prov-
ince, and without their special order. However, should you continue in
your opinion that ' the calling of the Committee can be attended with
no disagreeable consequences but will answer a good purpose' before my
coming to the city, I hope you will not delay it on account of my ab-
sence, which is unavoidable." ]
Meantime the proposal for a Continental Congress had
been received and met with favor, Mr. Galloway himself
approving of such a meeting. He thought, however, that
it was of the greatest importance that the delegates be
elected by the legally constituted Assemblies of the Colonies
and not by illegal and unauthorized gatherings of irrespon-
sible persons.2 His opinions are so clearly expressed in the
letter which the Committee of Correspondence sent to
Massachusetts, June 28, that it is here given at length :
' ' It behooves us cooly and dispassionately to meditate on the conse-
quences [of the Boston Port Bill] and to leave no rational or probable
means unessayed to avoid them and to obtain that relief which our
rights as English subjects entitle us to demand. What those means
ought to be, we think the several branches of the American legislatures,
in which the people are constitutionally represented and who are vested
with their whole powers, ought to determine. We therefore only pre-
sume to give you our private sentiments, which must ever be subject to
the amendment and control of the body of which we are only members,
when we again mix with them. We hope and earnestly recommend
that the great cause of American rights may be left to the management
of the representatives of the people in every colony, as they alone are
vested with the constitutional power of inquiring into and redressing
1 Manuscript letter of Galloway to Samuel Ehoads and Thomas
Mifflin, dated at "Trevose," May 30, 1774 (Historical Society of
Pennsylvania Collections). Trevose was the name of Mr. Galloway's
country-seat.
3 In his testimony before the Loyalist Commission (1784) Mr. Gal-
loway said that he expected to meet representatives from the various
Assemblies at the Congress, and had they been such, America would
never have revolted.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 305
those grievances, under which the subject may at any time be oppressed.
Until this measure shall be fairly attempted, and a failure shall ensue, we
cannot conceive the present dispute between Great Britain and the colo-
nies can with any propriety or prudence be assumed by any other person
whatever, or that in other hands any good consequences can be rationally
expected. And as we are in a state of society where order, reason, and
policy ought to prevail, every measure which can only serve to irritate
and not convince, every act of violence or even appearance of it, should
be carefully avoided, as they cannot, under our present circumstances,
obtain us that relief we desire, and have a right to expect ; but on the
contrary, may involve all America in difficulties which no after wisdom
or prudence can surmount. A Congress of delegates chosen either by
the representatives in Assembly or by them in convention appears to us
the first proper step to be taken. Nor are we dubious but that it may
be happily effected in a short time, should calm and prudent measures
be pursued to obtain it. In this Congress composed of the Representa-
tives constitutionally chosen, of all concerned and who would of course
act with weight and authority something might be produced, by their
united wisdom, to ascertain our rights, and establish a political union be-
tween the two countries with the assent of both, which would effectually
secure to Americans their future rights and privileges. Anything short
of this will leave the colonies in their present precarious state, disunited
among themselves, unsettled in their rights, ignorant of their duties,
and destitute of that connection with Great Britain which is indispen-
sably necessary to the safety and happiness of both." l
This circular letter, which was more of a protest against
the popular meetings then being held in the different
Colonies than an encouragement to the Boston patriots,
is interesting as containing the first suggestion of a plan of
union on the part of Mr. Galloway, for this, it must be ad-
mitted, was inspired by him. It was very severely criticised
by the popular party, however. It was what might have
been expected from " Americanus," they said. It was to
no purpose anyway ; nor was it clear by what authority its
signers called themselves the Committee of Correspondence;
certainly it was not the Provincial Committee of Corre-
spondence. But the people of the Province would disown
it and authorize their true Committee to write something
that would really be to the purpose.2
1 Force, American Archives, Vol. I. p. 486. f Ibid.
V(XL. XXVI. — 20
I
306 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
So pronounced were the views of Mr. Galloway, and so
opposed was he to the measures aimed at by the popular
leaders, that these were not disappointed when Governor
Penn refused to call a meeting of the Assembly to take
action on the proposal for a Congress and to appoint dele-
gates.1 It was thought advisable, however, to ask the
Speaker to summon a meeting of the Assembly to consult
on public affairs, and he assented.2 His action was unneces-
sary, though, for a sudden Indian uprising caused the Gov-
ernor to issue the summons.
Mr. Galloway's willingness to have the Assembly take
some action regarding the Congress was due, of course, to
his fear lest the popular party, under the leadership of John
Dickinson and Charles Thomson, should throw the influence
of Pennsylvania over to the side of what he was pleased to
call the independents. He was anxious to prevent what he
regarded as the illegal and meddlesome influence of those
spirits.3 And although the Provincial Congress, which
was then holding its meetings in the city, presented to the
Assembly some lengthy " instructions," these were ignored,
as was also the evident wish of the Congress that John
Dickinson be appointed one of the delegates to the Con-
tinental Congress. The Assembly appointed the delegates
from its own number (thus barring out Dickinson, who was
not then a member) and prepared their instructions con-
formably to the wishes of Mr. Galloway, who, upon this
condition, and at their earnest solicitation, consented to
serve as a delegate himself.4
1 Thomson to Drayton, Stille, Memoirs Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania, Vol. XIII. Appendix.
2 Keith's " Provincial Councillors. " Gordon's "History of Pennsyl-
vania," p. 490.
3 The night before the Provincial Congress visited the Assembly
(which they did in a body) a paper was distributed among the members
of the Legislature which was thoroughly Gallowayan. It warned them
to be on their guard against the insidious influence of the Provincial
committees. " It is the beginning of Kepublicanism, " it declared. It
also contained a quotation from Hume on "mobs."
4 Examination, p. 42; Bancroft, "History of the United States,"
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 307
Mr. Galloway's position and intentions regarding the first
Continental Congress are clearly manifest from both his
public acts and private correspondence. He was opposed
to the policy of the British ministry, but extremely averse
to the rash measures proposed by the Bostonians and Vir-
ginians,— measures which he believed could lead only to
revolution and were so intended.1 He realized that the
passage of the Stamp Act had had very unfortunate results
in both England and America, and thought that both coun-
tries should retreat a little and take other grounds.2 He
was also firmly opposed to allowing the fiery independents1
to take the lead in these important questions. In his opin-
ion, they comprised the baser elements of society, the danger-
ous classes, men without property or influence ; and as a
man of wealth and influence he feared the rule of men who
had nothing to lose and no property interests to subserve.
He thought that the establishment of a standing army in
their midst would be serviceable not only as a restraint upon
these turbulent spirits, but as a defence against the French
and Indians ; without the powerful aid of the mother coun-
try, America would soon sink into anarchy.3 And so far as
the particular point in dispute affected Pennsylvania, its
charter expressly reserved to the King and Parliament the
right of taxation by duties on commerce.4 Mr. Galloway,
Vol. IV. p. 33. His experience in political life, his familiarity with
affairs, and his controlling influence over the Assembly made his ap-
pointment eminently fitting and certain. But he was a man who would
not go unless he could go "his way.'7 His expressed conviction that
only legal Assemblies should act in the matter conveniently excluded
the famous farmer.
Galloway to Franklin, January 13, 1766. (Sparks, "Franklin's
Works," Vol. VII. p. 303.)
2 Galloway to Eichard Jackson, August 10, 1774. (Hist. MSS. Com-
mission, Vol. XIV. p. 10.)
3 Examination, note, p. 44.
4 Ibid. Mr. Galloway, in his " Eeply" to " An Address to the Author
of the Candid Examination," said, " Persuade not yourselves to believe
what one of you has said, that ' you can find employment in America
for all the British troops.1 For you may as well attempt to scale
308 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
as a representative frcfm that Colony, could not consistently
object to such taxation. And non-importation he did not
believe in, and hoped to prevent the adoption of such a
policy by the Congress.1
But Mr. Galloway did have a firm conviction that there
was a grave defect in the British Constitution, and that
the aim of the disputants should be to remedy that defect
and establish a closer political union.2 To this end he pre-
pared the instructions which definitely required the dele-
gates from Pennsylvania to exert their " utmost endeavors
to form and adopt a plan which shall afford the best pros-
pect of obtaining a redress of American grievances, ascer-
taining American rights and establishing that union and
harmony which is most essential to the welfare and happi-
ness of both countries."3
When Mr. Galloway was appointed a delegate to the
Congress he felt that there was little prospect of his doing
any good ; he realized that he was almost alone in his views
among the men who were taking the lead in the dispute.4
But as the delegates began to arrive and he found opportu-
nity to present his views to them in informal conversations,
he was more encouraged. In a letter to William Franklin
dated September 3, 1774, he comments on the temper of the
delegates, and mentions the efforts he has already taken to
form a party among them committed to his measures ; he
said that nearly two-thirds of the delegates had arrived :
" I have not had any great opportunity of sounding them, but so far
as I have, I think they will behave with temper and moderation. The
the moon and wrench her from her orbit as withstand the power of
Britain."
1 Governor Franklin to Dartmouth. (New Jersey Archives, Vol. X.
p. 474.)
2 Governor Golden to Dartmouth, December 7, 1774, "Documents
relating to the Colonial History of New York," Vol. VIII. p. 513.
8 See Appendix B.
4 Galloway to Eichard Jackson, August 10, 1774. ("Hist. MSS.
Commission," Vol. XIV. p. 10.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 309
Boston Commissioners are warm and, I believe, wish for a non-importa-
tion agreement, and hope the colonies will advise and justify them in a
refusal to pay for the tea until their grievances are redressed ; they are
in their behavior and conversation very modest ; and yet they are not so
much so as not to throw out hints, which like straws and feathers, tell
us from which point of the compass the wind comes ; I dined with
them on Thursday.
"I have had two opportunities, one with the elder Rutledge of Caro-
lina, whose sentiments and mine differ in no one particular, so far as I
explained myself, and I was reserved in no point save that of a repre-
sentation in Parliament. He is a gentleman of an amiable character,
has looked into the argument on both sides more fully than any I have
met with, and seems to be aware of all the consequences which may at-
tend rash and imprudent measures. His younger brother is rather warm.
My other opportunity was with the two New Hampshire gentlemen. I
found Col. Folsom very cool and moderate ; Major Sullivan rather more
warm, but very candid and has thought solidly on the subject. I think
neither of them intends to attach himself more to the particular cause
of Boston than will be for the general good. They requested opportuni-
ties of exchanging sentiments with me often on the occasion ; and all my
observations seemed to have full weight with them. The Marylanders
are not arrived and but three of the Virginians. . . .
"I have intimated to several of the delegates the necessity of sending
Commissioners over fully authorized to the British Court, as a mode
pursued by the Koman, Grecian and Macedonian Colonies, on every
occasion of like natures. That through them we may be enabled, in case
our first plan for accommodating our unhappy differences should not be
acceptable, to know the better what to propose next. That having these
gentlemen at the scene of action we shall be no longer misled by news-
paper accounts and private letters, but shall proceed on solid informa-
tion and principles of safety. That without this any petitions or plans,
not having any persons to explain or support them, will have very little
effect. That in all probability the measures of the present Congress will
be deemed illegal and unconstitutional, and that upon this point only
the necessity of sending persons home to insist in the right in the colo-
nies of being heard and to prove that the illegality of the Congress arises
of power in not suffering the Assemblies to meet ; and if, after all, those
reasons should not procure due attention to the propositions of the Con-
gress, to pray that the Governors may have orders to permit such meet-
ings and to give assurances that their conduct will be decent, respectful,
and dutiful to the mother state. That a conduct of this kind cannot fail
to give strength to our cause, and if not immediately, in the end bring the
government to attend to reason and redress our grievances. These inti-
310 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
mations seemed to have their weight ; and as far as I could observe met
with approbation. "
The first day's proceedings of the Congress did not en-
courage Mr. Galloway, however, but served rather to
dampen his ardor :
" The Congress this day met at Carpenters' Hall, notwithstanding the
offer of the Assembly Room, a much more proper place. 2 They next
proceeded to choose a Secretary, and to my surprise, Charles Thomson
(one of the most violent sons of Liberty so called in America) was unani-
mously elected. The New Yorkers and myself and a few others, finding
a great majority, did not think it prudent to oppose it. Both of these
measures it seems were privately settled by an interest made out of
doors.
"I cannot say but from this day's appearance of proceedings I have
altered very much my last sentiments. The Virginians and Carolinians
(Rutledge excepted) seem much among the Bostonians, and have at
their instance adopted the two above measures. The gentlemen from
New York have as little expectations of much satisfaction from the
event of things as myself." 8
This action of the Congress made it evident to Mr. Gal-
loway that his efforts to persuade that body to adopt a policy
of conciliation and plan of union would meet with serious
opposition. His view of the situation, as later expressed in
the " Historical and Political Reflections/' while extremely
prejudiced, was his honest conviction :
* ' Upon the meeting of the Congress two parties were immediately
formed with different views and determined to act on different princi-
1 Galloway to William Franklin, September 3, 1774 (enclosed in a
letter from Franklin to Dartmouth, New Jersey Archives, First Series,
Vol. X. p. 475).
2 Mr. Galloway had offered the use of the Assembly Room. The New
York delegates thought, if it was as convenient as the Carpenters' Hall,
it ought to be preferred, as it was a Provincial instead of a private house
(Flanders, "Lives and Times of the Chief- Justices," Vol. I. p. 82).
The desire to please the mechanics influenced the choice, however (Ban-
croft, Vol. VII. p. 127), and the Provincial Congress had held its meet-
ings there.
3 Galloway to William Franklin, September 5, 1774. (New Jersey
Archives, Vol. X. p. 477.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 311
pies. One intended candidly and clearly to define American rights and
explicitly and dutifully to petition for the remedy which would redress
the grievances justly complained of — to form a more solid and constitu-
tional union between the two countries and to avoid every measure
which tended to sedition, or acts of violent opposition.
' ' The other consisted of persons whose design from the beginning of
their opposition to the Stamp Act, was to throw off all subordination
and connection with Great Britain ; who meant by every fiction, false-
hood and fraud to delude the people from their due allegiance, to throw
the subsisting governments into anarchy, to incite the ignorant and vul-
gar to arms and with those same to establish American Independence."
As soon as the Congress was organized, several commit-
tees were appointed for the consideration of the various
matters which were to come before it. Mr. Galloway was
assigned to the Committee for stating the Rights and Griev-
ances of the Colonies, and from the notes in John Adams's
diary we find that he took a prominent part in the debates
of that important committee.
A lively discussion took place on September 8. The ques-
tion under consideration was a fundamental one, — namely,
the basis of their rights. Was it to be found in the law of
nature, in the British Constitution, or in the American char-
ters ? Mr. Galloway waited until he had heard the opin-
ions of the others, and then spoke at length.1 He said
that he could not find the rights of Americans in the refined
distinctions between taxation and legislation, between inter-
nal and external taxation, between taxes laid for the purpose
of revenue and for the regulation of trade, or between the
right in Parliament to bind the Colonies by some laws and
not by all. Those were distinctions without a difference,
and could they be supported they could not draw from them
anything beneficial to the freedom of the Colonies. He had
searched for them in the common law, in the usage and cus-
toms of England, in the statutes and laws and journals of
1 This analysis of Mr. Galloway's remarks is based on the ''Argu-
ments on Both Sides" and the "Notes" in Adams's diary. Their es-
sential agreement indicates conclusively that the remarks were substan-
tially the contents of the "Arguments," etc.
I
312 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Parliament, but they were not to be found. Nor could we
find them in the law of God and nature, because they were
not in a state of nature ; nor on the common rights of man-
kind, nor on American charters, but always in a state of
political society. " I have looked for them in the constitu-
tion of the English government" and the principles and
policy upon which it is founded, and there found them.
He then gave voice to an honest conviction which twenty
years of legal and legislative experience had formed and
which was the key to his whole political career, — namely,
that " power results from the real property of a society,"
and wherever it is lodged it is intended for its protection
and security. And as the lands of every community are
the most permanent and unchangeable of all kinds of prop-
erty, the supreme heads of most states, not despotic, derive
their power chiefly from the landed interest. The states of
Greece, Macedonia and Rome were founded on this plan, and
none but landholders could vote in the comitia or stand for
offices.
The English Constitution was founded on the same prin-
ciple. Among the Saxons the proprietors of the land were
obliged to attend the legislative council and shared the
power of making laws. The same principle was continued
in the Norman period. And when the landholders could
not all attend, the representatives of the freeholders came in.
Before the reign of Henry IV. an attempt was made to
give the tenants-in-capite a right to vote. This power of
legislation had ever been fully enjoyed by English subjects
and landholders, except when invaded by arbitrary power ;
but it had been uniformly restored. King John in Magna
Charta agreed not to impose any taxes without summoning
the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, and tenants-
in-capite, who held all the lands in England. And it is of
the essence of the English Constitution " that no laws shall
be binding but such as are made by the consent of the pro-
prietors in England."
" How then did it stand with our ancestors when they
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 313
came over here ? They could not be bound by any laws
made by the British Parliament excepting those made
before. I never could see any reason to allow that we are
bound to any law made since, nor could I ever make any
distinction between the sorts of law." Their rights, there-
fore, might be reduced to one, — namely, an exemption from
all laws made by Parliament since the emigration of their
ancestors. It followed from that that all acts of Parlia-
ment made since were violations of their rights. These
claims he held to be defensible upon the principles even of
their enemies.
He concluded by admitting that his arguments tended to
independency and opposed the " maxim that there must be
some absolute power to draw together all the wills and
strength of the empire." Whether he stated at that time
how he would meet the difficulty, Adams's notes do not
indicate. It is not unlikely that he did, for he later said
that he had previously mentioned his purpose to introduce
a plan of union. While he denied that the Colonies owed
obedience to the supreme authority of Britain, he thought
that such a denial, accompanied by an express desire of
establishing a political union with the mother country
which would remove all differences, would not be offensive
or indelicate, but justifiable.
Mr. Galloway vigorously combated the proposal for a
non-intercourse agreement, and he was not only not alone
in this (for Duane also opposed it), but was wiser than his
colleagues, in that he foresaw that the effect of it would be
more disastrous to the Colonies than to the mother country.
The policy was adopted, nevertheless, September 27.
When he had announced early in the Congress that it
was his purpose to introduce a plan of union, some objec-
tions had been offered. He postponed it, therefore, hoping
to " hear a more effectual one," determined to support any
measure which might tend to reconciliation. He was un-
willing to delay longer, however, and September 28 pre-
sented his plan with a speech in which he sought to prove
314 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
the necessity of a supreme authority over them, tracing
Colonial rights to their origin, and showing the necessity of
a union with the mother country for their recovery.1
He thought that non-importation would he too gradual
in its operation for the relief of Boston, and non-exportation
he considered an " undigested proposition." America could
not exist under a total non-exportation. Pennsylvania
would have " tens of thousands of people thrown upon the
cold hand of charity." Shipping would rot, seamen would
go hungry, shipwrights remain idle, and agriculture would
be affected. Then it would weaken them in " another
struggle" which he feared was " too near." In explaining
his plan he considered it necessary to state a number of
facts relating to the two countries, Great Britain and
America, which he hoped would not be disagreeable. He
called attention to the last war, when America was " in the
greatest danger of destruction." Massachusetts and the
Albany Congress of 1754 had declared it, and had called
attention to their disunion and lack of an " indifferent
arbiter" between them. " Requisitions came over. A
number of the colonies gave most extensively and liberally ;
others gave nothing or late. Pennsylvania gave late, not for
want of zeal or loyalty, but owing to their disputes with
Proprietors, their disunited state. These delinquencies were
handed up to the parent state, and these gave occasion to
the Stamp Act, America with the greatest reason and
justice complained of the Stamp Act.
" Had they proposed some plan of policy, some negotia-
tion been set afoot, it would have terminated in the most
happy harmony between the two countries. They repealed
the Stamp Act, but they passed the Declaratory Act.
" Without some supreme legislature, some common arbi-
ter, you are not, say they, part of the state,
" I am as much a friend of liberty as exists ; and no man
shall go further in point of fortune, or in point of blood,
than the man who now addresses you."
1 Adams, "Life of John Adams," Vol. II. p. 387.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 315
He sustained his arguments by quotations from the
political philosophers Burlamaqui, Grotius, Puffendorf, and
Hooker. He declared the necessity of a union of wills and
strength, and made a distinction between a state and a multi-
tude : " a state is animated by one soul." He again declared
that they were not within the circle of the supreme juris-
diction of the Parliament, but independent states. The law
of Great Britain did not bind them in any case whatever.
But they needed the aid and assistance and protecting arm
of the mother country. But protection and allegiance
were reciprocal duties. Could they lay claim to the money
and protection of Great Britain on any principles of honor
or conscience ? Could they wish to become aliens to the
mother state ? No ; they must come upon terms with Great
Britain.
He knew of no American Constitution ; each Colony had
a constitution, but they were totally independent of one
another. All agreed that Parliament ought to have the power
over trade, because Britain protected it and them. Then
why not declare it ? u Because Parliament and Ministry is
wicked and corrupt, and will take advantage of such decla-
ration to tax us, and will also reason from this acknowledg-
ment to further power over us." But "we shall not.be
bound further than we acknowledge it." " Is it not neces-
sary that the trade of the empire should be regulated by
some power or other? Can the empire hold together
without it ? No. Who shall regulate it ? Shall the legis-
lature of Nova Scotia or Georgia regulate it ? Massachu-
setts or Virginia ? Pennsylvania or New York ? It can't
be pretended. Our legislative powers extend no further
than the limits of our governments. Where then shall it
be placed ? There is a necessity that an American Legis-
lature should be set up, or else that we should give the
power to Parliament or king."
The plan for an American Legislature which Mr. Gal-
loway then proposed, and which will be considered at length
in a later chapter, was warmly seconded by James Duane,
I
316 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
considered a " perfect plan" by Edward Eutledge, and sup-
ported by John Jay. Colonel Lee objected that "it would
make such changes in the legislatures of the colonies"
that he could not agree to it without consulting his con-
stituents. But John Henry attacked the scheme most
bitterly. They would merely free themselves from a cor-
rupt House of Commons to " throw them into the arms of
an American Legislature that may be bribed by that nation
which avows in the face of the world that bribery is a part
of her system of government." No, " we are not to consent
by the representatives of representatives." 1
Mr. Galloway's forcible and earnest presentation of the
subject secured a sufficient number of votes to have the
plan referred to further consideration " under a rule for that
purpose."2 But it was never formally discussed again.
Its author tried in vain to secure it another hearing, but the
sentiments of the delegates underwent a change, and it was
rejected and all reference to it even expunged from the min-
utes of the Congress.3 The reasons for this action cannot be
certainly known, although Mr. Galloway held Samuel Adams
responsible for it. He declared that the fear lest the plan
meet with favor among their constituents, and so defeat their
measures for independence, led the Bostonians and Vir-
ginians to attempt to destroy all trace of it, believing its
author would not venture to publish it ; and, farther, that
intimidation was used by exciting mobs among the people
of Philadelphia against him and his supporters.4 And,
finally, that, at the close of the session, when a gentleman
from Virginia (Henry ?) challenged him to argument and
1 Adams * ' Notes. " John Henry expressed a great aversion for Mr.
Galloway, and could hardly tolerate him in the Congress !
2 Examination, p. 45. The vote to refer was six to five.
3 Candid Examination. The account as given by Mr. Galloway is
accepted by Adams in his "Life of John Adams." Kamsey ("History
of the Revolution," Vol. I. p. 411) says one of the rules of the Congress
was that "no entry should be made on their journals of any propositions
... to which they did not finally assent."
* "Historical and Political Reflections,"
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 317
he agreed, it was objected that the hurry and confusion of
closing afforded no suitable occasion, and that in the face
of the fact that it had been determined previously at the
New Tavern to expunge the subject from the minutes.1
Some other causes for the rejection of the plan doubtless
lay in the opposition made by its author to the adoption of
the revolutionary Sussex Resolves, and his support of the
motion made by Mr. Ross that " Massachusetts should be
left to her own discretion with respect to government and
justice, as well as defence." 2 Furthermore, the exclusion of
John Dickinson from the Congress no doubt surprised and
offended many delegates. Efforts were accordingly made
to secure his election to the Assembly October 1, 1774.
Success attended these efforts, and Dickinson was elected,
and soon after appointed a delegate to Congress, where it
is probable he exerted his influence against Mr. Galloway
and his plan of union.3
Historians have alleged that Mr. Galloway, notwithstand-
ing the solemn promise made by all the delegates not to
divulge the proceedings of the Congress, acted as a volun-
tary spy for the British ministry.4 This damaging assertion
appears malicious and is false. The charge is based upon
two letters which were written by Mr. Galloway to his
friend, Governor William Franklin, of ISTew Jersey, and ex-
tracts from which were sent by him to Lord Dartmouth,
1 Reply to the "Address to the Author of the Candid Examination."
2 Adams, < ' Life of John Adams,' ' Vol. IX. p. 349. The Sussex Resolves
were strongly opposed by Galloway and Duane. ' ' When overruled, they
asked permission to enter a protest against it on the journals, which was
refused. On leaving Congress they exchanged memoranda to the effect
that they had objected to it on the ground of its treasonableness. "
(Frothingham, " Rise of the Republic," p. 369.) They even thought of
leaving Congress, but were advised by friends to remain for fear of tumult
in the city.
3 The Plan is said to have been expunged from the minutes October 22
by a vote of six Colonies to five. (See Mag. Am. Hist., Vol. III. p. 259.)
4 Bancroft, "History of the United States," Vol. VII. p. 126. Wells,
"Life of Samuel Adams," Vol. II. p. 228.
318 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
September 6, 1774.1 '" The first of these letters contains an
account of the gathering of the delegates to Congress, with
comments upon their dispositions. This is dated September
3, 1774, two days before the Congress met. The second
letter, dated September 5, 1774, the day Congress convened,
gives an account of the first day's proceedings. These let-
ters purport to be from one of the delegates to the Con-
gress at Philadelphia, and are undeniably from the hand of
Mr. Galloway himself. Franklin said that they were " com-
munications made to me by a gentleman of character, in
confidence that they will be kept entirely secret." This
certainly indicates that there was no expectation of their
being transmitted to England. There was no impropriety
in writing them, and there was good reason for having such
correspondence kept secret at that time. They were writ-
ten by one friend to another on matters in which both were
extremely interested ; but Franklin was a Royal Governor,
and had it become known that Mr. Galloway was in corre-
spondence with him on matters connected with the Con-
gress, however proper such correspondence, the writer
would have been greatly embarrassed in his efforts to pro-
mote harmony in the Congress or secure the adoption of a
plan so contrary to the intentions of the patriots. De-
termined characters like the Adamses and Henry would
have taken advantage of such a thing and used it to dis-
credit Galloway and destroy his influence.
But these letters are dated and relate to matters previous
to the adoption of the rule forbidding members to divulge
the proceedings of the Congress. That rule was not adopted
until September 6, or the second day of the meeting of
Congress, and after Mr. Galloway wrote the letters to
Franklin.
One of the letters contained the following sentence:
" You may depend on my communicating to you from time
to time the transactions of the Congress." No evidence
has been discovered to indicate that Mr. Galloway ever did
1 Quoted ante, pages 308-310.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 319
this, and the fact that Governor Franklin knew nothing
about the proceedings of the Congress except what were
published, as is evident from his later correspondence, sup-
ports the contention. Furthermore, it may be noticed that
little is known of the proceedings of the first Continental
Congress, and particularly concerning its action on the plan
of union.
Still more interesting evidence in support of the theory
that Mr. Galloway, in his correspondence with Governor
Franklin, was unaware of the use being made of it, appears
in a letter written by the latter to Earl Dartmouth some
months after the meeting of the Congress, containing an
account of the proceedings in the Pennsylvania Assembly
early in 1775. Franklin wrote, —
' ' They were not wrote with the least intention of any such communi-
cation but merely as private intelligence from one friend to another."
And in the same letter he said, —
"As the persons from whom I may procure intelligence will most
probably be entirely ignorant of my intentions of communicating it to
his Majesty or his ministers, and as it is best they should be so, lest
they might be deterred from giving me information, it is of the utmost
consequence that it should be kept as secret as possible."1
Immediately after the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Gal-
loway went to New York, where he met Governor Colden.2
There is nothing in the latter's published correspondence,
however, to indicate that Mr. Galloway conveyed to him
any secret or improper information.
Benjamin Franklin received the intimation in England
that Mr. Galloway was concerned with Mr. Jay, of New
York, in giving the ministry private intelligence. He
1 Governor Franklin to Earl Dartmouth, April 3, 1775. (New Jersey
Archives, Vol. X. p. 570.) That Mr. Galloway sent information in-
tended for the ministry after he joined the British there is no question,
and he never denied it.
2 Governor Colden to Earl Dartmouth, December 7, 1774. ("Docu-
ments relating to Colonial History of New York," Vol. VIII. p. 513.)
320 Joseph G-alloway, the Loyalist Politician.
acquainted Mr. Galloway with the report, but told him he
did not believe it.1
Mr. Galloway's confidential correspondence with intimate
friends was conveyed to the authorities in England without
doubt, but without his knowledge or consent. That he
acted as a " voluntary spy" is certainly not borne out by the
facts.
After Mr. Galloway became a pronounced Tory he was
denounced for another act in connection with the Congress.
He had signed the non-importation agreement, but sought
to impede its execution. His own explanation of this is as
follows. Encouraged by his success in having the plan of
union referred to further consideration, and expecting the
rule would be regarded or some other rational plan take its
place, he was "weakly led to sign the non-importation
agreement, although he had uniformly opposed it." He
denied that he signed it as his own private act, or that he
considered it as binding on himself or his constituents.
Others did the same. It was not considered as his private
act in the Congress, since he had voted against many parts
of the Association and particularly the non-importation
agreement ; nor did he consider that a pledge that he would
see it executed ; he never would have signed it so. Con-
gress knew this, and to prevail on him to sign it it was said
it should be done by order of the Congress, and then it would
be the act of a majority and not of each private person, nor
his particular act. He compared it to the case of a Speaker
who signed a bill or other legislative act by order, though
against his judgment. The clause next preceding the dele-
gates' names proved the assertion :
" The foregoing Association being determined upon by the
Congress, was ordered to be signed by the several members
thereof, and thereupon we have hereunto set our respective
names accordingly"
" However just this reasoning may be thought," said he,
1 Benjamin Franklin to Galloway, February 25, 1775. (Bigelow,
"Franklin's Works," Vol. V. p. 435.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 321
" it was the reasoning of the Congress and it was one among
other reasons which prevailed on me and a number of other
delegates to sign it." l
Although Mr. Galloway had been disappointed in the
conduct of the Congress, and was convinced that the meas-
ures adopted were not the proper ones to lead to a settle-
ment of the quarrel with the mother country, yet he seems
to have continued to take an active part until its meetings
closed. On October 21 he was appointed to serve on the
committee chosen to revise the minutes. It was in connec-
tion with the report of this committee that the vote expung-
ing his plan probably passed the Congress. While his own
propositions had met with disfavor, and his plan of union
was rejected, he felt that he had acted for the best interests
of the Province he represented; and he had done so con-
scientiously, courageously, and persistently.
1 ' 'Reply to An Address to the Author of the Candid Examination."
In his testimony before the Loyalist Commission, Mr. Galloway said that
a further reason for signing the non-importation agreement was the fact
that his friends " outside" advised it for fear of trouble among the people.
(To be continued.)
VOL. XXVI. — 21
I
322 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
LIFE OF MAEGAEET SHIPPEN, WIFE OF BENEDICT
AENOLD.
BY LEWIS BURD WALKER,
(Continued from page 244.)
PHILADA. 28 March 1802.
MY DEAR DAUGHTER;
I am most sensibly affected by your feeling letter delivered
me by Mr. Bond, who was kind enough to forward my several
letters which you regret the not receiving. Whatever delays
may have prevented their safe or speedy conveyance, I have no
doubt they have reached your hands long before this.
I most sincerely wish it were in my power to alleviate your
Afflictions, what I can do I certainly will. I inclose you a little
present of £200 Sterling in a Bill of Exchange drawn by William
Wain on Bainbridge, Ansley & Co — besides observing your
directions as to sending £500 Sterling to Miss Fitch under cover
to Mr. Coxe for the payment of which, I have sold your shares
in the Bank of North America & Pennsylvania. I shall in
future endeavour to repeat a present to you annually of £100
Sterling to enable you to enjoy some few comforts which I fear
from your letter you have been deprived of by your distresses.
It is natural that you should assist your Sons for whose wel-
fare you seem so much concerned — but after the two eldest are
possessed of a present provision and probably in a way to
acquire a still better, I should suppose they would not in future,
when they knew your situation, oppress you with their draughts
for money ; they will rather pinch themselves a little & endeav-
our to proportion their expences to their incomes : — at my death,
which from the course of nature cannot be very distant, yon will
find yourself enabled further to assist them.
I feel very grateful to Mr. Coxe for his very kind exertions
in your behalf: if it should ever be in my power to shew my
sense of them, I shall certainly demonstrate it more than by
words. I am glad to find by the death of his Aunt Eebecca
Coxe that he will probably come in for a part of her Estate
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 323
which I am told in land & money will amount to the value of
near two Hundred thousand Dollars.
I am glad you have taken a smaller house, & shew such a
disposition to economise. I presume you find it necessary to
reside in London, otherwise I suppose you could live with as
much comfort, and at a much less expense in some convenient
Country town : but as I never had reason to distrust your pru-
dence I know you will do in this respect what is right.
All your friends here desire to be most cordially remembered
to you.
I am my dear Child
ever most affectionately Yours.
PHILAD. 13 May 1802.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I have been much affected by your last letter rec'd a few days
ago. I feel exceedingly for your distress as well as for the deli-
cate Situation you are in ; but do not my dear Child suffer your
mind to be debilitated by Anxiety, consider your future Welfare
& that of your Children may depend upon the firmness with
which you support present distresses. I wonder much that my
several letters have never come to hand, — three of them contained
Bills of Exchange, one for £120 Sterling, one for £200 & one for
£500, the latter enclosed according to your directions to Miss
Pitch : duplicates of all which I have sent by different oppor-
tunities.
If you should be obliged to give up the Affairs of Gren'l Ar-
nold to his Creditors, you must of course deliver up your
brother's bond, which however they may consider as a desperate
debt he possessing no property, & depending for the Support
of himself & family upon my occasional Assistance, his little
business as a Physician, being by no means sufficient ; if they
should push him, he will doubtless take the benefit of the Act
of Bankruptcy. I have desired Mr. Burd to write you his Sen-
timents on this Subject.
I would with the greatest pleasure afford Mr. Coxe every
assistance in my power respecting his Aunt's Estate, being fully
satisfied of his Merit & kind exertions in your behalf. I have
written him on this Subject, but find that Mr. Bond has before
informed him fully what may be expected. I sincerely hope no
well founded objections will be made to his just Claim, which
1
324 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
Q
amounts to something very handsome. The family here are
not disposed to throw any difficulties in his Way, and yet will
probably insist upon their legal rights whatever they may be.
If the Question of Alienage should be made in his case & not in
his Sister's (as she took no active part) it would not encrease
their Share of the Estate, and would only be a matter between
Mr. Coxe & Mrs. Kempe, about which they would probably
not concern themselves. I hope however no difficulties will
arise from any question, yet it would be prudent in Mr. Coxe to
get the best legal opinion from New York where the most valu-
able part of the Real Estate lies.
PHIL ADA. 18. June 1802
MY DEAR DAUGHTER,
Reflecting upon the disconsolate life you must lead in London,
as well from the absence of all your natural friends, as the
frequent attacks on your health and the distress of your mind, I
cannot feel myself easy without giving you another invitation
to my house — the Change of Scene and the Company and Sym-
pathy of your best & most natural friends & relatives here will
tend to dissipate the gloom which I cannot but discover from
your letters to have taken possession of your mind. If you
cannot bring yourself to consent to a permanent Stay with us
on account of your Children's interest, you can at least make us
a visit for a year or two, by which time I have no doubt you
will recover your health & Spirits, so as to enable you to form
your future plans with correctness.
Your Sisters are all happily situated & will have the highest
pleasure in contributing to your Agrement. If this plan should
meet with your Concurrence, you will bring with you, your
sweet daughter Sophia, and your youngest son William, who can
be accommodated with a good School either in the City or at
some Seminary in the Neighbourhood. I presume George is in
a better way of receiving a proper Education where he is & will
be within reach of profiting by his elder brothers wishes' to serve
him. Mr. Daniel Coxe has been so good a friend to you that I
dare say he will undertake to manage the business of the Gen-
eral's Estate in your absence, either alone or in conjunction with
one or two others whom he may recommend, and also to conduct
the business of your & your Children's Pensions under proper
Life of Margaret SMppen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 325
powers of Attorney. — the Eelief you will receive from the per-
plexing business of that Estate, by a temporary absence will
tend to tranquillize your mind & restore you to your wonted
health. Pray my dear Child give this matter your best Con-
sideration, and when resolved put the plan into immediate exe-
cution. We shall all receive you here with heartfelt Satisfac-
tion, and flatter ourselves we shall, under God, be the happy
means of adding to your felicity.
I make no doubt you have long since received my former
letters inclosing Bills of Exchange.
With my best love to my dear Child, I subscribe myself
Your ever affectionate father.
PHILADA. 30 Nov 1802
MY DEAR PEGGY.
It was with the utmost pleasure I received your last Letter
of the 5th of October, as it convinced me of the returned
Serenity of your mind as well as of the restoration of your
health. It is indeed a Letter fraught with good Sense and just
reflections & leaves me no room to doubt but that you will in
future possess all the Intellect you ever had : — the mind has
certainly a powerful Effect on the Body, from whence I like-
wise hope your health will be completely restored. It must
greatly conduce to your happiness that your Children have con-
ducted themselves so much to your satisfaction and that their
prospects are so promising.
You appear to have friends sensible of your Worth, which
gives me great Comfort, being certain that your correct Conduct
& good dispositions will secure to you a continuance of their
friendship.
I am sorry to hear that your friends Mr. & Mrs. Coxe have
met with so severe a loss as the death of their beloved daughter.
I shall always respect & love them for their kindness to you. I
had frequently told their Son Doct. John Eedman Coxe how
sincerely I was disposed to do every thing in my power to show
my gratitude. He has thought it right to apply to our Govern-
ment for a pardon for his father: he having been with divers
others in the early stages of our revolution attainted of High
Treason on account of his adherence to the British. I was the
first Signer of the Application to the Governor for that purpose
I
326 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
& hope it will be successful. This may be of use to him if he
should ever find his Affairs will call him to this Country.
I have given your Sisters a hint how pleasing it would be to
you to receive frequent Letters from them ; — they promise well
but have all lazy fits in the article of letter-writing.
My best love attends you & all your dear Children.
I am &c.
PHILADA. 3 April 1803.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
Your Letter of the 5th of January gave me great pleasure, not
only as it proved to me the restoration of your health & Spirits,
but as it gave me expectations that your late embarrassments
are subsiding.
I inclose you a Bill of Exchange for £250 Sterling, £100 of
which I mean as a present, the remaining £150 : I shall charge
to your Account of Moneys here which altho' not yet received,
will come to my hands in course; having an Opportunity of
purchasing what I esteemed a good bill, and thinking the Money
might be convenient to you at this time, altho' by way of antici-
pation I have ventured to send it, altho it will diminish your
next remittance.
You mention Mount Pleasant Farm. I thought I had before
explained this business to you. The Mortgage of Macpherson
to Osborne which lay upon the place when it was purchased,
was some years ago put in Suit & the reversion by this means
sunk ; about 25 or 26 Acres of the land was not included in that
Mortgage, but was incumbered by another Mortgage of Mac-
pherson to one Mason, who is now about selling it, & I am told
it will not yield sufficient to discharge his Mortgage. So that
no hopes can arise from any residue of that Estate. When • the
House part was sold under Osborne's Mortgage, I likewise sold
the life Estate which I had purchased from Maclanagan, for two
hundred pounds less than I gave for it.
I am pleased you have taken a house of small Rent in Lon-
don ; your Oeconomy can reflect no disgrace, but on the contrary
much Credit on you with all those who knew you before, and I
dare say you are not ambitious of making new friendships.
Your Sister Sally lives with me still, much to our mutual sat-
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 327
isfaction and happiness. Whatever Eeports may have gone
abroad as to changing her Condition by Marriage, all that
matter has been long at an end ; the Gentleman who wished to
have her, altho a Man of fortune is incumbered with so many
Children, some of them grown up, that Sally wisely foresaw evil
at a distance & declined the Connection, altho if he had been
differently situated as to family, I believe he was himself much
to her taste.
I think it probable one of your Sisters will write you by this
Opportunity ; from them you will hear any little details relating
to your family & friends. I feel myself tolerably well except
a little Sciatica and some Symptoms of advanced Age, which
remind me that a better world is in View. My best love to
your dear Daughter & your good Sons. I am always with truth
& sincerity,
Your affectionate father,
B. S.
PHILADA. 18 April 1804.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
With much grief I have heard of the precarious State of your
health : your family are greatly interested in it, and I hope in
God you will be speedily reinstated. It must be a great Addi-
tion to your Afflictions, that the public affairs of England are in
so distracted and hazardous a Condition. We have been in
continual Expectation of hearing of Buonoparte's attempt to
land in England ; it is strangely protracted if it is really in-
tended. I have no doubt of his eventual failure if he persists ;
his delay has given the British Administration ample time to
make full preparations for his reception.
I am grown old, after having experienced my Share of dis-
tress both public and private & hope in God I shall go out of
the World, without feeling more of either.
I inclose you a Bill of Exchange drawn by John Collet on
Thomas Wilson for £180 Sterling, which I hope will be duly
honored ; Eighty pounds of this is of your own Money & the
remaining hundred Pounds you will accept as a present.
My best love to all your dear family and believe me to be with
the utmost truth & sincerity,
Your ever affectionate father.
328 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
MY DEAR PEGGY,
I wrote you on the 18th instant a letter inclosing a Bill of Ex-
change for £180 Sterling of which £80 was your own money ;
the remaining £100 a present. I take this opportunity of send-
ing you a Second Bill of the same Sett.
I received a very kind letter from Mr. D. Coxe your very
valuable friend acquainting me with the very critical State of
your health & the apprehensions of your friends as to the Result,
and advising me to make a proper provision in my Will in favor
of your Children in Case of your death. I cannot bear to think
of the possibility of losing you thus early in life : but for fear
of Accidents, I shall certainly follow Mr. Coxe's advice & espe-
cially in favor of your lovely daughter.
Since the receipt of his letter I have the superlative pleasure
of hearing through the medium of Doct. Redman's family that
your recovery is almost beyond a doubt. I hope in God, I shall
be confirmed in this pleasing Intelligence by your next Letter.
I am &c.
March 28, 1802.
DANIEL COXE, LONDON.
At the request of my daughter Mrs. Arnold I have taken the
liberty to trouble you with the inclosures.
I feel infinitely obliged to you for the many acts of friendship
and kindness, which my daughter assures me you have con-
ferred upon her. Your Exertions in her behalf shall never be
forgotten, by
Sir, Your &c.
PHILADELPHIA May 13, 1802.
DANIEL COXE.
My daughter, Mrs. Arnold inclosed me a memorandum of
yours respecting your and your sisters claims to the estate of
your late Aunt Rebecca, with her wishes that I would afford
you my best advice or assistance on this subject.
I most sincerely wish it were in my power to manifest my
Sense of the kind assistance you have afforded to her in her dis-
tressed Situation. As I find Mr. Bond has investigated this Sub-
ject so as to give you a full and true state of every thing relating
to it, less will be necessary for me to say. I understand by the
laws of New Jersey and New York the personal Estate will be
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 329
distributed per capita, real Estate per stirpes. So that you and
your Sister will take one half of the latter, the males to take
double shares : in New Jersey however the real estate will not
be confined to the Brother's and Sister's Children but Grand-
children will come in as Eepresentatives of their deceased
parents. I would be fuller on this Subject if Mr. Bond had not
exhausted it; he has had conversations with Judge Coxe the
eldest son of your Uncle William, from whom he has received
all possible information.
I understand that branch of the family have consulted Law-
yers of Eminence in New Jersey and will probably act in con-
formity to their Opinions. I believe however they have not yet
obtained any Opinion upon the only point that can possibly
affect the case to your disadvantage, (there being it seems no
corruption of blood) I mean the question of alienage — this point
has been taken up in different lights in different States. Men
have been acquitted on a Charge of treason on the ground of
their having taken their Sides before the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and by that means changed their Allegiance before
any treasonable Act committed, from whence some have sup-
posed that from that Moment they became Aliens and incapable
of taking by descent. On this point, as well as how far the
case is affected by the treaty of Peace, I think you ought to
take the Opinion of good Counsel in the State of New York,
where the most valuable parts of the realty lies, — perhaps it
would be best to consult both Mr. Alexander Hamilton and
Brockhurst Livingston, who are among the heads of the two
parties there and both esteemed good Lawyers. I mean to
suggest this to your Son John as a prudent step.
The family here would no doubt take all they have a legal right
to, but I believe do not wish to act an unfriendly, much less an
unfair part by you or your Sister. If I can hereafter collect
any intelligence that would be useful for you to know, I shall
make a point of comnrtinicating it either to yourself or your Son.
PHILADA June 18 1802
DANIEL COXE,
MY DEAR SIR;
I cannot sufficiently express the Warmth of my gratitude for
your very kind and active exertions in behalf of my unfortunate
daughter Mrs. Arnold, and particularly for the last proof you
330 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
have given of it, by waiting me so fully the State of her mind
and health. I had before invited her to my Arms and house,
but from the Situation of her deceased husband's Affairs, and
from a belief that her remaining in England would benefit her
Children, she declined accepting my Invitation : but I have now
in consequence of your kind representation and Advice again
invited her to at least a temporary Yisit of a year or two, and
have endeavoured to enforce my invitation with such reasons as
I hope will prevail on her to oblige me. I have suggested to
her that from your former kind exertions I make no doubt you
will accept a power of Attorney in conjunction with any other
person or persons whom you may recommend, to manage the
affairs of the General's estate, and of her and her Children's
pensions. I doubt not but on the receipt of my Letter, she will
consult you on the Subject of it, your best advice will be ever
gratefully acknowledged.
PHILADELPHIA Sept 17, 1804
DANIEL COXE, ESQ.,
DEAR SIR :
I am unable to express in words my sense of your unparal-
leled kindness and attention to my dear daughter and her family.
You can easily conceive my feelings in reading your friendly
and foreboding Letter. G-od grant some unexpected turn may
take place altho after the Sentiments you express from such
good authority, I have scarcely any room to expect it. I must
lay my account upon the worst that can happen : my great
Comfort is that her well spent life will secure her a happy
Existence hereafter.
Among other things, I am much obliged to you for your kind
and well judged Advice as to settling the property I mean for
my daughter upon her Children in case of her untimely decease.
I did indeed in consequence of your former letter make a pro-
vision in my Will for that Event, allotting one half of my
daughter's share to her daughter and the remainder to the Sons
according to their wants. This was a sudden arrangement ; any
other which you may recommend considering your knowledge
of the family and kind disposition towards them, I shall gladly
listen to and be disposed to adopt.
In case of the Calamitous Event so much to be apprehended,
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 331
Sophia will be at some loss as to her future destination. I shall
think it my duty, if she can reconcile herself to a life of some
retirement, to give her an invitation to come over to America,
and reside in my family : in this way I shall be very happy to
provide for her, till my departure from this World, which con-
sidering my Age and growing Infirmities cannot be at a very
distant period, after which she will not want a decent provision,
tho' not an affluent one.
Pray present my tenderest Love to my dear Peggy, and
acquaint her with as much of the contents of this Letter as you
•think prudent in her Situation.
Accept my sincerest and most fervent thanks for all your
kindness and believe me to be, Dear Sir,
Your most affectionate Friend and humble Servant.
PHILADELPHIA Feby. 13, 1805.
DANIEL COXE,
DEAR SIR;
I received your obliging favor of the 7th of November last.
I observe you had not received my letters of the 8th and 14th of
November, answers to which I impatiently wait. The latter
was sent under the care of Mr. Warren, in which I suggested a
doubt which was excited in my Mind by some of our female
friends, whether my dear Granddaughter might not experience
some Mortifications in this Country from the remembrance still
retained of her Father's conduct. I however left it to her own
choice whether to come or not : her being here in the bosom of
her Mother's family would certainly be a very desirable thing to
us : but as I would wish of all things to promote her Ease and
happiness, I should be grieved if any unpleasant Circumstance
should induce her when she did come, to repent it. I observe
you suggest a considerable unwillingness in her to be separated
from her little brother William. As to his coming here, it would
certainly be an unadvised and imprudent Step ; his life would
be made uncomfortable even among the boys he must associate
with at School;— it must not be thought of; — England is the
country he must look to for advancement in the World. I do
not wonder at Sophia's solicitude about him ; it is a proof of the
goodness of her heart. Poor dear creature! I wish I could
determine with certainty what would most conduce to her hap-
piness: that surely should be my Choice; as it is, she must
9
332 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
choose for herself; if she should make up her mind to remain
in England, do let me know what it will be necessary for me to
do in her behalf. I shall cheerfully contribute to her support
and comfort as far as will be consistent with my ability and the
duty I owe to my other Children. My Income will be neces-
sarily much diminished, when I resign my Office, which will
probably take place very soon, as I am growing feeble and
unable to bear the fatigue of long Journeys.
You will doubtless confer with the dear Girl on this subject,
the result of which I should wish to hear as soon as possible.
I am, Dear Sir, with great Esteem
Your obliged humble servant.
PHILADELPHIA April 11, 1805.
DANIEL COXE,
DEAR SIR:
I am favored with your obliging Letter of the 2nd of January
last. I observe my dear Granddaughter Sophia is for various
good reasons averse to coming to America : happy as I should
be to have her with me, I cannot but approve her determination
to remain in England. I wish it was in my power to make her
life comfortable in whatever part of the World she should choose
for her residence. The Residue of the property my dear
daughter left in my hands consists of 48 shares of our 8 per
cent Stock of the value of one hundred dollars each Share. I
find however I remitted in advance to her more than I received
of the interest of this Stock, so as to leave yet a small balance
due to me. I however inclose you a Bill of Exchange for £100
Sterling which is to be considered not as on account of my
daughter's property, but as a present to Sophia, which she will
please to accept for her own Use, it may enable her to indulge
her generosity to her brother William.
As I am becoming feeble from my advanced age, and as Mr.
Burd is one of my daughter's Executors, I think it would be
proper for me to transfer the above mentioned Stock to him in
trust for the purposes of her Will.
He will be very careful to remit the produce to you as soon
as he receives it. I shall by this Opportunity answer my dear
Granddaughter's affectionate Letter.
I am Dear Sir
Your obedient and obliged humble Servant.
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 333
PHILADELPHIA April 11, 1805.
MY DEAR SOPHIA.
Your very affectionate Letter of the 25th of December came
safely to hand. I am not the least surprized at the repugnance
you seem to feel at the leaving your brothers, and what may be
almost called your native Country in order to embark for
America. Your ties there are strong, this would be a new
Country to you, and for which you have little reason to enter-
tain any affection, independent of that which is confined to the
individuals of your and your dear departed Mother's natural
friends and family: — they would all be extremely rejoiced to
have you in their bosoms, but by no means at the risk of your
happiness or comfort. Your Sentiments regarding the attach-
ment to your brothers do you honor, and I cannot but ap-
plaud the determination you make of remaining with them —
this indeed is not a Country for them and I strongly suspect not
even for you, even for a Visit. I find I remitted to your
Mother, at a time when I thought she would stand in need of
supplies more than arose from the Interest of her property, so
that nothing can be remitted to you now on that account, but
lest you should be straitened for money, I now send to Mr.
Coxe, a Bill of Exchange for £100 Sterling, to be considered
solely as a present to you.
Your dear Mother's property in my hands consists of 8 per
cent Stock in the funds of the United States, which I mean to
transfer to Mr. Burd, one of her Executors, for the use of those
she intended it for by her Will.
He will accordingly remit the produce from it as it comes to
his hands. What I can spare I shall occasionally send you my-
self, under the care of your good friend, Mr. Coxe.
Believe me, my dear Child, Your ever affectionate
Grandfather.
PHILADELPHIA April 30 1805
DANIEL COXE ESQ
DEAR SIR;
I take this opportunity of sending you the second of the sett
of Bill Exchange for £100 Sterling, which I mean as a present
to my dear Granddaughter Sophia Arnold. I inclosed you the
first of the sett in a Letter I wrote you on the 11th of this month,
which I hope you will have received before this arrives.
334 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
Since my last I have received your & Miss Arnold's esteemed
favours, yours without date, hers of the 29th of January. I
cannot sufficiently express my gratitude for the Interest you
take in her Affairs and for the communications you make of
your Sentiments on her Subject. I shall endeavour to avail
myself of every thing you recommend.
I am, &c.
PHILA. April 15, 1806
To EDWARD ARNOLD, ESQ., CALCUTTA.
DEAR EDWARD,
The Bearer hereof is Mr. George Emlen, a young Gentleman
of good Character and respectable family who goes to Calcutta
on mercantile business. As it may possibly be of some use to
him to be known to some Gentleman of that country, I beg
leave to introduce him to your acquaintance, more especially as
he has a prospect on his return to America of forming a nearer
connection with my family.
I lately received a handsome letter from your amiable Sister,
who is in good health, and situated in London to her Satisfac-
tion. She always expresses herself with much affection and
gratitude to her absent Brothers. I understand your brother
George is arrived in India with good prospects. Give my love
to him, and believe me to be
Your affectionate Grandfather.
(To be continued.)
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 335
THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF SAINT TAMMANY
OF PHILADELPHIA.
BY FRANCIS VON A. CABEEN.
(Continued from page 223.)
The account of the celebration of Saint Tammany's Day,
which took place on Monday, May 21, 1785, is as follows:
" On Monday last, the Sons of St. Tammany1 celebrated
the anniversary of their Saint, at Mr. Beveridge's seat on
the Banks of the Schuylkill. At 12 o'clock the flag of the
United States ornamented with a fine figure of St. Tam-
many drawn by Mr. Wright, was displayed in the centre,
that of France on the right, and that of Holland on the
left. The Chief and Sachems of last year then appeared,
grounded the ensigns of authority, and mixed with their
brethren, upon which a brother came forward, reminded
the nation of the presence of their Saint, arid that they had
neither chief nor councellors. Whereupon they unani-
mously re-elected their old chief, and such of their former
councellors as were present, adding as many new as com-
pleted the number thirteen. The compliments of his ex-
cellency, Gen'l. Washington for the attention and respect
paid him last year, being communicated by the Secretary,
produced thirteen cheers, which came from the heart. The
unlimited authority of the Sachem to do good to his chil-
dren was acknowledged, the old law which commands
* every man to do as he pleases' being proclaimed and
obedience on paiii of compulsion, the festivity of the day
began and continued throughout with that perfect liberty
which feels no restraint than affection and respect towards
each other which eminently distinguishes the Sons of this
i Pennsylvania Packet, May 5, 1785 ; Freeman's Journal, May 2,
1785 ; Mercury, May 6, 1785.
336 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
Saint. No healths* were drank nor any court made to
great men having no ambition to be greater, they deter-
mined not to be less than their fellow citizens. Among the
great number of Songs which were sung as St. Tammany's
due, the old song was sung with great spirit . . ." The
following ode was also composed :
"Ode for Saint Tammany's Day, May 1st, 1785.
"(Written by Tenxogrondi, a Delaware Chief.)
" Donna makoo makoonos !
Kuikoo donna makoo ;
Wawa nekoonos ;
Guahee honigee.
"(Full Chorus.)
' ' Ever sacred be this day,
Genial morn of rosy May.
"(Recitative.)
"To SchuylkilFs fair banks let us cheerful repair,
For pure is the aether, and fragrant the air ;
Soft Zephyrs shall fan us, and eke thro' the grove,
The genius of Tammany shield us with love,
No foes shall intrude with inquisitive eye,
Our orgies, our dances, our mystries to spy.
"(Air.)
" Adieu to your wives,
Come gird on your knives,
Your tomahawks, arrows and bows I
Your bodies besmear,
With oil of the bear,
And look undismay'd on your foes.
"(Recitative.)
" Kindle up the council fires,
Lo ! our Saint the flame inspires,
Whilst we pass the flowing bowl,
Let the smoky volumes roll,
From the calumet and pipe,
Of sweet Peace the welcome type,
Let our Sachems, healths go round,
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 837
Beat with nimble foot the ground ;
Till the woods and hills reply,
Vocal mirth and symphony.
"(Chorus.)
" Ever sacred be this day,
Genial morn of rosy May.
"(Recitative.)
"Now the hatchet we'll bury, since war is no more,
And peace with rich plenty revisits our shore ;
To hunt the fleet stag o'er the mountains we'll run ;
In sports we alone will employ the fell gun ;
Our fields shall be cloath'd with gay heavens again,
And friendship will brighten the blood rusted chain ;
But should war call us forth then adieu to our glee,
Each shoulders his rifle and takes to his tree.
"(Air.)
" Hail, Columbia Tutelar !
Tho' thy ashes distant are —
Hid beneath the mountain side,
Or below the rapid tide :
Still thy warlike shade attends,
Smiling on thy filial friends ;
Leads their dances, aids their pleasure,
Joys dispensing, without measure.
"(Recitative.)
"Now each Sachem join hands round the Liberty Pole,
And briskly again pass the heart cheering bowl ;
To Washington's mem'ry, the chief of our train,
The full flowing goblet, repeated we'll drain ;
Then next to each chieftain, who fought, and who bled,
Let's sing a Requiem, and toast him, tho' dead.
"(Air.)
" For Tammany's holy,
Let's fire a volley,
That hills, woods, and rocks may reply,
We'll found him in powder,
Still louder and louder,
Till echo shall rend the blue sky.
VOL. XXVI. — 22
338 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
"(Chorus.)
" Ever sacred be this day,
Genial morn of rosy May.
"(Recitative.)
' ' In volumes of smoke, and in spires of flame,
Our Tutelar flew to the spheres,
He left us his blessing, his weapons, his fame,
And hearts unacquainted with fears.
The shades of our ancestors cluster around,
To welcome our chief from the wars ;
With laurels celestial his temples they bound,
Then thron'd him on high 'midst the stars.
"(Air.)
1 ' Sound the horns, ye tuneful choirs,
JTis our Saint the notes inspires ;
Brace the drums and make them roll,
Martial music charms the soul ;
Soon, responsive to the chorus,
Tammany shall stand before us ;
On the mossy velvet green,
Smiling on us, tho' unseen.
"(Chorus.)
11 Charge the bowl again with liquor,
Pass it briskly, pass it quicker ;
Sachems, warriors, now advance,
Form the ring, begin the dance,
Music summons us to pleasure,
Mark the tune, and time the measure,
Full of mirth, and full of glee,
Thus conclude our jubilee.
" (Grand chorus.)
" Ever sacred be this day,
Genial morn of rosy May.
Exeunt Omnes — Indian file.
"To Captains
KAIAFCUTA,
KILL BUCK,
CORN STALK,
TURKEY TAIL, and
MYMNA,
Great Sachems and warriors. ' '
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 339
Another account of the above event says, u Mr. Chief
Justice McKean, Judge Bryan, and several other officers of
State mixed with their brethern on this happy festival." *
From the diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer is the following :
" Went to the St. Tammany Anniversary at David Bev-
eridge's place over the Schuylkill, late Reese Meredith's.
A large number of gentlemen collected, with tickets in
their hats which cost 8 s. 4 d. but afforded us ample food
and drink. The first thing done was the gentlemen formed
a ring, and chose James Read Esq., their chief: Timothy
Matlack, his Secretary and the following gentlemen the
Chief Council; George Bryan, Plunket Fleeson, William
Moore, Frederick Phile, Esqrs., General Daniel Heister,
Colonels Coats, Dean, Will, Boyd, Wade, Proctor, and
Jonathan Bayard Smith." 2
In order to give a clear idea of the kind of men that
occupied high positions in this Society we give some short
biographical sketches of those mentioned above :
Chief-Justice McKean was a signer of the Declaration of
Independence. Born in New London, Chester County,
Pennsylvania, March 19, 1734; died in Philadelphia June
24, 1817. He was admitted to the bar before he was
twenty-one years old, appointed Deputy Attorney-General
of Sussex County a year later, and in 1757 was clerk of the
Assembly. Was a member of the Assembly from 1752 to
1769. In 1774 was elected to the Stamp Act Congress,
and from 1774 to 1783 was a member of the Continental
Congress. He was Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania from
1777 until 1817.
George Bryan was born in Dublin, Ireland, in 1731 ; died
in Philadelphia January 27, 1791. He came to this country
in early life and was engaged some years in commercial
pursuits in Philadelphia. He was a member of the Assem-
bly, and in 1765 was a delegate to the Stamp Act Congress,
in which he took an active part. He was Vice-President of
1 Independent Gazetteer, May 7, 1785.
» Hiltzheimer' s Diary, May 2, 1785.
J
340 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania from the
period of the Declaration of Independence, and in March,
1778, was advanced to the Presidency. In November of
that year he sent a message to the Assembly pressing upon
its attention a bill proposed by the Council in 1777 for the
gradual abolition of slavery in the State. In 1779 he was
again elected to the Assembly, and on his motion the sub-
ject was referred to a committee of which he himself was a
member, and he proposed a draft of a law for gradual
emancipation. He was appointed a judge of the Supreme
Court in 1780, and remained in that position until his death.
In 1784 he was elected one of the Council of Censors. He
strenuously opposed the adoption of the Federal Consti-
tution.
James Head was born in Philadelphia ; he went to Read-
ing at an early period in its history, and, by appointment
from the Provincial government, filled the county offices of
prothonotary, recorder, register, clerk of the Orphans'
Court and of the Court of Quarter Sessions continuously
from the time of the organization of Berks County in 1752
till 1776. He was one of the first attorneys admitted to the
bar at Reading, and also practised his profession whilst
filling the offices above named. He officiated as one of the
justices of the county courts under the Provincial govern-
ment, and served as a member of the Supreme Executive
Council for two terms, from 1779 to 1782, and 1788 to
1791. Under the Constitution of 1776 he was elected, in
1783, to represent Berks County in the Council of Censors.
The numerous positions filled by him indicate that he was
a man of recognized ability.1
Timothy Mattock was born in Haddonfield, New Jersey, in
1730; died near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, April 15, 1829.
He had been a member of the Society of Friends, but at
the beginning of the Revolution left it for that of the Free
or "Fighting" Quakers, and is described by Christopher
Marshall as " one of the most active spirits of the days of
1 Montgomery's History of Berks County.
Society of the Sons of Saint lammany of Philadelphia. 341
1775-6." When he first wore his sword in the streets of
Philadelphia, some of the orthodox Friends ridiculed him
and inquired what its use was. " It is to defend my prop-
erty and my liberty," he replied. In 1776 he was a member
of the general Committee of Safety, and colonel of the
battalion that served against the Delaware Tories, who in
June of that year had cut off the land communication to
Dover. He was a deputy with Benjamin Franklin, Thomas
McKean, Colonel John Bayard, and others from Philadel-
phia, to attend the State Conference of June 14, 1776. In
1780-87 he was delegate from Pennsylvania to the Conti-
nental Congress, and for many years was Master of the
Eolls of the State, residing in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, but
on becoming prothonotary of one of the courts of Phila-
delphia he returned to that city. In 1783 the Committee
of Safety of Philadelphia presented him with a silver urn
" for his patriotic devotion to the cause of freedom, and the
many services rendered by him through the struggle."
With Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris, and others he
established and contributed funds to build the Free Quaker
Meeting-House of Philadelphia. He lived to the age of
more than ninety-nine years and retained his faculties to the
last.
Plunket Fleeson was commissioned a Justice of the Court
of Common Pleas ,and Quarter Sessions of the Peace and
Orphans' Court of Philadelphia on March 28, 1777, and
Presiding Justice of the Court of Quarter Sessions on
November 18, 1780. He was appointed Presiding Justice
of the City Court, January 13, 1781, by the Executive
Council, to hold his office during pleasure. He was in office
in 1785, and is buried in Roxborough, Philadelphia.1
William Moore was born, probably in Philadelphia, about
1735; died there July 24, 1793. His father, Robert, came
to this country from the Isle of Man. The son began a
mercantile career, and on December 11, 1776, was appointed
by the Assembly on the Council of Safety, which, on
1 Martin's Bench and Bar.
342 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
March 13, 1777, placed him on the newly organized Board
of War. In the same year he was chosen a delegate to the
Continental Congress, but declined to serve. He became a
member of the Supreme Executive Council of the State in
1779, was elected its Vice-President, and in 1781 was chosen
President and proclaimed " Captain General and Com-
mander-in-Chief in and over the Commonwealth of Penn-
sylvania." His term as Councillor expired in October,
1782, and the Constitution prohibited a re-election. In
March, 1783, Governor Moore was commissioned a Judge
of the High Court of Errors and Appeals, and was chosen
a member of the Assembly in 1784. In February of that
year he was made a director of the Bank of Pennsylvania,
and in July was chairman of a meeting of 'the citizens of
Philadelphia, convened to place the public debt on a per-
manent foundation. From 1784—89 he was a trustee of the
University of Pennsylvania. His only daughter, Elizabeth,
married the Marquis de Marbois, French charge d'affaires
in this country, who negotiated the treaty for the sale of
Louisiana to the United States.
Frederick Phile was a doctor of medicine, and during the
occupation of Philadelphia resided with Christopher Mar-
shall's family at Lancaster. Marshall notes in his diary that
he and Doctor Phile remained up until midnight celebrating
the surrender of Burgoyne, which they heard of at Lan-
caster October 20, 1777. On April 5, 1777, he took the
oath of office as ISTaval Officer of Philadelphia ; (his bonds-
men were John Bayard and Isaac Howell), and he held the
office until April 18, 1789. On his retirement the following
resolution was passed :
" Resolved, That Frederick Phile Esq., hath acted as Naval
Officer for the Port of Philada., from April 5, 1777, 'till
this present time, and hath executed the several duties of
the said office with fidelity and to the satisfaction of the
Board."
General Daniel Heister was born in Upper Salford town-
ship, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, June 25, 1747;
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 348
died March 8, 1804. In 1777 he was appointed colonel
of the Fourth Battalion Philadelphia County Militia. His
battalion, with others, was ordered to the defence of the
Swedes Ford, situated just below Norristown, at the time
of the battle of Brandywine. In 1782 he was promoted to
a brigadier-generalship, and in 1784 was elected to rep-
resent Montgomery County in the Supreme Executive
Council.1
Colonel Joseph Dean was the son of Eev. "William Dean,
a Presbyterian clergyman, and was born in Ballymena,
County Antrim, Ireland, August 10, 1738; died Septem-
ber 9, 1793. He became a large importing merchant in
Philadelphia previous to the Revolution, and was a signer
of the non-importation resolutions. In December, 1776, he
was appointed by the Assembly on the Committee of Safety,
and on the organization of the Board of War, a member of
that body. In January, 1781, the Supreme Executive
Council appointed him one of the auditors " to settle and
adjust the accounts of the books of this state in the service
of the United States," and in October following a warden of
the port of Philadelphia. In 1790 he was chosen auctioneer.
Colonel Alexander Boyd was ordered by the Council of
Safety, in 1776, to report on the movements of the British
from New York, which he did in a letter addressed to Mr.
Thomas Wharton, Jr., President of that Board. On No-
vember 2, 1780, he was commissioned auctioneer for the
Northern Liberties, and held this office until July 12, 1786,
when he tendered his resignation. In 1782 he commanded
a ranging company on the frontier.
Colonel Francis Wade. On May 18, 1779, Colonel Wade
wrote to Colonel John Mitchell, from Wilmington, Dela-
ware, that the British had landed and taken possession of
Portsmouth, Virginia, and that they were four thousand
strong; marching to Suffolk; thought to be on their way
to Baltimore. 'He signed himself Deputy Quartermaster-
GTeneral. On May 28, 1780, he wrote to President Eeed
1 Perkiomen Kegion, by Henry S. Dotterer.
344 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
from "Wilmington, giving a very full account of a boat of
the enemy making captures of small boats, such as fishing
vessels, etc. He says " this boat is very long and light and
rows with ten oars. They took a small schooner with clams
but let her go on account of a sick man on board. They
laughed at our armed schooner and boats, and did not let
on to be under the least apprehension of danger from
them."
Colonel Benjamin Eyre was one of the three brothers Eyre,
shipbuilders of Philadelphia, who built some of the first
frigates for the government in the Revolutionary War, and
all three of whom took an early and active part in that
conflict. Benjamin G. Eyre was a volunteer aid de camp
on the staff of General Washington, with the rank of
colonel, during the Princeton and Trenton campaign in the
winter of 1776-1777". He is on Trumbull's famous picture
of Washington and staff at Princeton. He was engaged by
the government on several occasions to oversee the building
of boats, fortifications, gun-platforms, etc., and was with
General Sullivan, in charge of a party of ship-carpenters, in
the Newport expedition in 1778.
Colonel Thomas Proctor was born in Ireland in 1739 ; died
in March, 1806. He raised and commanded the first and
only regular organization of Pennsylvania artillery in the
Revolution. In 1776 he was made major, arid was so much
thought of as an artillery officer that he was given com-
mand of the Continental artillery during General Knox's
temporary absence. He participated in the battles of
Brandy wine and Germantown, and was with the army at
Valley Forge. On April 21, 1780, he was commissioned
by Congress colonel of the Fourth Battalion of Artillery.
He was sheriff of Philadelphia County from October 20,
1783, to October 14, 1785, and was a prominent Mason.
He was buried in St. Paul's Episcopal Church grounds^
Philadelphia, and a monument was erected to his memory
by the Carpenters' Association, of which he was a member
from 1772 until his death.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 345
Jonathan Bayard Smith was born in Philadelphia, February
21, 1742, and died there June 16, 1812. He was among
the earliest of those who espoused the cause of indepen-
dence, and was active in the Kevolutionary struggle. In
1775 he was chosen secretary of the Committee of Safety,
and in February, 1777, was elected by the Assembly a dele-
gate to the Continental Congress, and a second time from
April, 1777, to November, 1778. He was prothonotary of
the Court of Common Pleas. In December, 1777, he pre-
sided at a public meeting in Philadelphia of " Real Whigs,"
by whom it was resolved, " That it be recommended to the
Council of Safety that in the great emergency . . . every
person between the age of 16 and 50 years be ordered
under arms." During this year he was commissioned lieu-
tenant-colonel of a battalion of Associators under Colonel
John Bayard, who was Colonel Smith's brother-in-law, and
later commanded a battalion. In 1778 he was appointed a
Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions,
and Orphans' Court, which position he held for many years.
Colonel William Coats was lieutenant-colonel of the First
Battalion of City Militia, and on January 4, 1777, he re-
ported to the Council of Safety, from Bristol, Pennsylvania,
that General Washington had captured Princeton. Again,
on August 16, 1777, he urged Timothy Matlack to forward
certain commissions for some of the officers of his battalion,
fearing that, as they had orders to march, said officers would
not go without them, believing, as they did, that they were
not officers without their commissions. He wrote from the
camp at White Marsh to Matlack that he was trying to
organize some artillery out of those men whose time was
up, and desired money sent to him to help him do it. He
ended his letter with, " Shall be glad if I am wanted to
attend the House [Assembly]. You will please let me
know by the return of Col. Dewees. Our enernys to the
Constitution here say that, we can't make a house and that
we have given up the constitution [State] ." On February
4, 1778, he was captured by the British, but was paroled in
p
346 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
his civil as well as military capacity; and in 1779 he sug-
gested that he be exchanged for Mr. John Foxcroft, who
was formerly Postmaster-General. He was for many years
lieutenant for Philadelphia County, and held that position
at the time he attended this dinner.
Colonel William Will. In 1776-77 he organized a com-
pany known as Captain Will's Company of Associators.
In 1777 he was made lieutenant-colonel of the First Bat-
talion, also of the Third Battalion, of which Jacob Morgan
was colonel, and which he afterwards commanded. On
October 2, 1779, he was thanked in a letter by President
Reed, of Pennsylvania, for his care of the salt which was
under the supervision of the State, and later in the same
month was informed that some one was selling salt con-
trary to law. On December 16, 1780, he informed Presi-
dent Reed of a " suspitious carracter," cleared for Boston,
but thought bound for New York. He was a member of
the Assembly in 1785.
We must not forget our diarist, Jacob Hiltzheimer.
During the war of independence he sided with the
colonies, attached himself to the First Battalion City
Militia, and was also connected with the Quarter Master's
Department, in which he rendered valuable service to the
army in the field. He became a prominent member of the
Patriotic Association. As Street Commissioner for three
years he discharged the duties of the office in a manner
worthy the emulation of public servants at the present day.
He was elected in 1786 a Representative of the city in
the Assembly, and served eleven consecutive years, being
chairman of the committee on claims and on other impor-
tant committees.
That the men who were officers of the Saint Tammany
Society this year were the most prominent in affairs we
think we have shown by the foregoing short sketches of
them : judges, generals, colonels, and civic officers, all occu-
pying prominent positions in the community in which they
lived. If we look carefully into their records we will see
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 347
that many, if not all, were identified with the Constitu-
tional Society or party whose object was the preservation of
the State Constitution inviolate.1 Later in the year William
"Will and William Moore were on the Constitutional ticket
for the Assembly, and at the same time Edward Pole was
suggested as a candidate upon the same ticket.2 He, it will
be remembered, was in earlier years the secretary of the
Constitutional Society. We think, too, that the point made
earlier in this history is maintained, that the Constitutional
Society and Saint Tammany Society were so closely identi-
fied that it would at this late date be diificult to state the
difference, if any, which existed between them. Party feel-
ing ran very high at this period, and the language used by
Oswald, in the Independent, against Bailey, in the Freeman's
Journal, who espoused the constitutional side, was of such
a character that we are unable to reproduce it here.
That the singer (Mr. John Leacock) at last year's dinner
sang to some purpose is shown by the fact that he offered
himself as a candidate for the position of coroner at the
election held this year, and secured the office.
Our Society was now evidently in the heyday of pros-
perity and commanded a great deal of attention. An
almanac printer advertises that there will be offered in
Philadelphia and different towns through the State " Father
Tammany's Almanac For the year of our Lord 1786," with
a neat " engraving of Father Tammany Shooting a Deer."
We also see by the Directory of this year (1785) that
George Savell is inn-keeper at " St. Tammany's Wigwam,"
banks of Schuylkill near Race Street. This tavern was
situated on the east bank of the river, and later became a
noted meeting-place of the Society.
1 "The distinction was that the Eepublicans wanted an alteration in
the Constitution. They wished to have a House of Representatives
and a Senate. The other party (Constitutionalists) thought no altera-
tion necessary." — Autobiography of Charles Biddle, page 202.
2 Independent, September 17.
(To be continued.)
$
348 William Biles.
WILLIAM BILES.
BY MILES WHITE, JR., BALTIMORE, MD.
(Concluded from page 206.)
William Biles was a member of the Assembly which
began its session at Philadelphia October 14, 1707,1 and he
and John Bethell were sent with a message to the Governor
(Evans), to find out when the Assembly should meet him.
They waited on him, and he made an address, the beginning
of which was to the effect that he noticed that most of the
members were the same as those of last year, who had lost
so much time and fallen into unnecessary disputes. How-
ever, he addressed them as a new body and hoped that
they would begin afresh. He made no allusion to his per-
sonal affair with William Biles in the Assembly of 1704,
though this was the first time that Biles had been in the
Assembly since.
The Assembly which met in Philadelphia October 14,
1708, Charles Gookin being Lieutenant-Governor, was the
last one of which William Biles was a member, and on 2d
mo. 13, 1709, he was on a committee to draw up an answer
to the Governor's speech.
William Penn made several treaties with the Indians, the
last of which was in 1686, though the place where it was
held is not mentioned anywhere. After Penn's death a
document was found among his papers in England, which
was endorsed " Copy of the last Indian Purchase." Davis 2
says —
' ' there was never any attempt to prove the deed by calling the persons
who witnessed it ; and the only personal evidence is that of William
Biles and Joseph Wood, who declared they remembered a treaty being
held, but did not know that a deed had been executed."
1 Votes of Assembly, vol. ii. p. 1.
2 Hist. Bucks Co., p. 490.
William Biles. 349
William Biles's active participation in civil affairs was
not greater than in religious ones. As has previously been
stated, meetings for worship had been held at his house
before the arrival of Penn, and the first meeting for disci-
pline, which was the germ of Falls Meeting, took place there
on 3d mo. 2, 1683,1 as also the first Quarterly Meeting,
which was held 3d mo. 7, 1684.
Charles W. Smith, in his History of the Early Settlement of
Wrightstown? gives a copy of the opening minute of the first
Monthly Meeting. It was as follows :
"Men's Monthly Meeting held near the Falls of Delaware in the
County of Bucks in the Province of Pennsylvania.
"At a meeting at William Biles House the 2nd day of the 3d mo.
1683, then held to wait upon the Lord for his wisdom, to hear what
should be offered in order to inspect the affairs of the church, that all
things might be kept sweet and savoury therein, to the Lord, and by
our care over the church, helpful in the works of God"— " and we
whose names are as follows, being present, thought it fit & necessary that
a Monthly Meeting should be set up, both of men and women for that
purpose, and that this meeting be the first of mens meetings after our
arrival in these parts."
The friends present were William Yardley, James Har-
rison, Phineas Pemberton, William Biles, William Dark,
Lyonell Brittaine, and William Beaks. All of William
Biles's services in behalf of the meeting's interests are of
course not known, but the minutes record, among others,
the following : 3
On 1st mo. 4, 1685, the matter of difference so long depending be-
tween William Yardley and Eleanor Pownall was brought before the Mo.
Mtg., and Henry Baker and William Biles were appointed to settle
same, and on 4th mo. 3, they reported that the dividing line should
be run according as surveyor first laid it out by Governor's order. 6th
mo. 5, 1685, Thomas Janney, William Biles, Henry Baker and Eichard
1 Davis' s Hist. Bucks Co., p. 105 ; MS. Minutes Falls Monthly Meet-
ing and Bucks Quarterly Meeting.
2 P. 21 ; see also Hist. Sketches relating to Early Settlement of Friends
at Falls, p. 30.
3 MS. Minutes Falls Monthly Meeting and Bucks Quarterly Meeting.
350 William Biles.
Hough were appointed by the Qtly. Mtg. to adjust the difference be-
tween Jno. Brooks and Lydia Wharmby, and on 6th mo. 17, 1687,
William Biles was dealt with for selling liquor to Indians.
In 1690 the first meeting-house was built near Fallsington, and was
deeded to Thomas Janney, William Biles, Eichard Hough, and Joshua
Hoopes, in trust for the meeting. On llth mo. 6, 1691, certain
Friends, including William Biles, agreed to take the meeting's share of
all books that shall be printed in the unity of Friends and by their
approbation. On 12th mo. 1, 1692, William Biles took upon him to
pay the balance of carpenters1 account for the meeting-house. On 5th
mo. 1, 1696, William Biles and wife proposed to visit Friends in New
England, and were given a Certificate. On 9th mo. 3, 1697, it was
" agreed that a Testimony be drawn concerning Thomas Janney 's labors
and service amongst us in the Truth," and Joseph Kirkbride, William
Biles, Phineas Pemberton, Richard Hough, Jane Biles, and Margery
Hough were appointed to prepare the same. In 1 699 it was decided to en-
large the meeting-house, and William Biles, Eichard Hough, and Joshua
Hoopes were appointed to make the agreement with workmen. On 7th
mo. 4, 1700, Joshua Hoopes and his wife Eleanor, who had had some
differences', Avere present, but did not agree in their accounts, and
Eichard Hough, William Duncan, and William Biles were appointed to
hear them together and give an account to the meeting. On 8th mo. 2
they reported that Elinor did not sustain her position, and a paper of
Condemnation which Joshua had formerly brought in against his wife
was read and approved by the meeting. On 1 1th mo. 5 Jane Biles pro-
posed to go to visit Friends in some parts of Europe, and William said
he formerly had opposed it, but now gave his consent and would go
with her, and on 1st mo. 5, 1701, certificates for both were read and
signed. On 7th mo. 6, 1704, William Biles, Joseph Kirkbride, Eichard
Hough, and Jacob Janney were appointed to assist Elizabeth Brock to
settle her deceased husband's estate. On llth mo. 4, 1709, William
Biles was reported as being very weak, and unfit to take care of the
meeting's accounts, and on 5th mo. 5, 1710, he was reported as being
dead, and a committee was appointed to call on his son William for the
meeting's books and papers.
George Keith caused much trouble and dissension among
the members of the Society of Friends, and finally was dis-
owned by the meetings. On 4th mo. 17, 1692, William
Biles, William Yardley, and others wrote a letter to London
Friends about the difficulties and divisions occasioned by
Keith's separation.1
1 Evans's Exposition, etc., p. 218.
William Biles.
351
On 4th mo. 20, 1692, the Meeting of Public Friends, in
Philadelphia, gave forth its Testimony l of Denial against
him, and among the signers was William Biles; 2 and the
Yearly Meeting held at Burlington 7th mo. 7, 1692, sent
out its Testimony signed by over two hundred members,
including William Biles.
On account of the misrepresentations made by Keith in
regard to the teachings of the Society, it was deemed wise
to state clearly what these really were, and this was accord-
ingly done; and in 1695 T. Sowle published, in London, a
pamphlet entitled Our Antient Testimony renewed concerning
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the Holy Scriptures and
the Resurrection, given forth by a Meeting of Public Friends and
Others, at Philadelphia in Pennsylvania; and this was also
published in 1696 as an Appendix to the English translation
of TJie General History of the Quakers, by Gerard Croesse.
Among the thirty-nine signers of this statement were Grif-
fith Owen, William Biles, Richard Gove, and Thomas
Janney.
William Biles seems always to have been a clear-headed
advocate of the principles of Quakerism, and it has been
said that 3
* ' There appears to be good evidence in the testimonies of various kinds
left concerning this Friend, that he was one qualified by the Great
Minister of Ministers, to labour in his cause, and that his Gospel labours
were blessed to the good of the church. How much more useful in the
Lord's hand, he and many of his fellow-ministers would have been,, if
they had refused all public offices, we cannot tell."
William and Johannah Biles had eight children, five of
whom were born in England and three in America. The
dates of birth of the former are taken from Friends' Records
at Devonshire House, London, where the name is spelled
"Byles," and of the latter from Records of Middletown
1 The Friend, vol. xix. p. 86 ; Proud' s Hist. Penna., vol. i. pp. 365,
368 ; Hazard's Register Pa., vol. vi. pp. 279, 280.
2 Ibid., pp. 301, 302 ; The Friend, vol. xix. p. 109.
3 The Friend, vol. xxviii. p. 1 09.
$
352 William Biles.
Quarterly Meeting, Pennsylvania, where the name is spelled
"Biles." Many of the certificates of early marriages in
Pennsylvania were not recorded, and this is the case with
those of most of these children. From the minutes, which
show .when six of them received permission to marry, and
from their father's will, it appears that they married as
stated below.
CHILDREN.1
I. Elizabeth, b. 4th mo. 3, 1670 ; m., 1st, at house of William Biles,
8th mo. 31, 1688, Stephen Beaks, and had five children. She m.,
2d, Matthew Hughes.
II. 2. William, b. llth mo. 12, 1671 ; m., at Middletown Meeting,
llth mo., 1695, Sarah Langhorne, daughter of Thomas and Grace Lang-
horn e, and had nine children. 4
3. George, b. 7th mo. 4, 1673 ; bur. 12th mo. 27, 1708/9 ; m., 1697,
Martha Blackshaw, who d. 1720. They had six children. She m., 2d,
1713, Joseph Waite, of Philadelphia, who d. before her, in 1720.
4. Joanah,2 b. 1st mo. 1, 1675; m., 1695, Samuel Beaks, and had
six children.
5. John, b. 1st mo. 31, 1678 ; m., at Chesterfield Monthly Meeting,
New Jersey, 1707, Mary Lambert, b. 2d mo. 2, 1681, daughter of Thomas
and Elizabeth Lambert, and had five children.
6. Rebeckah, b. 10th mo. 27, 1680 ;3 m., at Falls Meeting, 6th mo.
18, 1703, Joseph Janney, b. 1st mo. 26, 1675/6 ; d. about 1728 ; son of
Thomas and Margery (Heath) Janney, and had six children, five of
whom moved to Loudoun County, Virginia.
7. Mary, b. llth mo. 1, 1682 ; m. Eobbins, and had one child.
8. Ann, b. 4th mo. 13, 1685 ; m., 12th mo., 1706/7, Thomas Yardley,
who came to America, in 1704, from Eushton Spencer, County Stafford.
They had ten children. For account of them, see the Yardley Gene-
alogy.
From Phineas Pemberton's letters 4 we learn that in 3d
mo., 1687, a great land flood and freshet at the Falls occa-
1 The number of children that each of William Biles's children is
stated in this list to have had is the number whose names have been
ascertained. Each of his children may have had more than herein
mentioned.
2 So spelled in English Eecords ; in American it is Johannah.
3 Burlington Monthly Meeting gives her birth as llth mo. 27.
4 Buck's Bucks Go., Pa., p. 23 ; Hist. Sketches relating to Early Settle-
ment of Friends at Falls, p. 55.
William Biles. 353
sioned much sickness. Whether this was the cause of the
death of William Biles's wife cannot now be stated, hut she
died that year and was huried 7th mo. 4.
On 10th mo. 11, 1688, he married, at his own house,
Jane Atkinson,1 widow of Thomas Atkinson, and it has
been said that
"in her he had a faithful helpmeet, and one well calculated to assist
him on his journey heavenward." She was a minister, and is said to
have had an eminent public testimony, and is shown by the Minutes
of Falls Monthly Meeting to have been useful in meetings for disci-
pline, and to have served on numerous committees. They appear to
have often travelled in the ministry of the Gospel. In 1st mo., 1689,
she visited Friends in East Jersey and on Long Island, and in the
summer of 1696, accompanied by her husband, she visited the meetings
of Friends in New England, to their satisfaction. A concern for a
long time rested on her mind to pay a religious visit to the land of her
birth, but her husband discouraged it as far as he could. In 10th
mo., 1699, she laid the matter before the General Meeting of Ministers,
and towards the close of that year William Biles, writing to William
Ellis, who had just returned from a religious visit to Friends in America,
said, "My wife talks of coming to you, but how it may be upon that ac-
count I shall at present leave to the ordering hand of the Lord ; the
voyage is great, and she but weakly in body." When the meeting
finally gave her liberty to go, "not being satisfied with the opposition
her husband made," he decided to go with her, and in the early part of
1701 they both went to England and Ireland and returned towards the
close of 1702, and the visit seems to have been well accepted there.
Quite a lengthy sketch of her life and labors was published in The
Friend* from which it appears that she resided in Yorkshire, and in
1678 married Thomas Atkinson, a minister in the Society of Friends ;
that in 1682 they removed to New Jersey, and brought a recommenda-
tion from Beamsley Meeting in Yorkshire. In 1687 she was taken very
ill, and both she and her husband thought she would die. After a time
he told her he believed she would be raised up again and that he should
be taken instead. This proved to be true, for that very day he became
unwell, and, after lingering for eight or nine weeks, died ; while she, by
1 Yorkshire Friends' Records at Devonshire House, London, show
the marriage of "Thomas Adkinson of Sandwich, Adingham psh.,
Yorkshire, to Jane Boid, 4th mo. 4, 1678, at Knaresborough Meeting."
No residence or parentage of Jane Boid being given.
2 Vol. xxviii. pp. 93, 102.
VOL. xxvi. — 23
I
354 William Biles.
whom much labor in the militant church was yet to be performed, grew
stronger and stronger.
Her testimony in regard to her husband, Thomas Atkin-
son, has been published in The Friend* She died in 1709,
and was buried 10th mo. 21, leaving three children by her
first husband and none by her second. William Biles did
not long survive his wife, but died in 1710, and his burial
took place 3d mo. 19.
His will appears not to have been recorded, but an abstract
of it was published in PENNA. MAG. HIST. AND BiOG.2 It
was dated January 5, 1709, and contained the following
bequests :
"To my son John Biles, 300 acres of land.
' ' To my daughter Elizabeth Hewes, wife of Matthew Hewes, the sum
of twenty shillings.
"To my three grandchildren, John, Mary, and Grace Beakes, the
sum of fifty pounds, to be equally divided between them.
' ' To my daughter, Johannah Beakes, the wife of Samuel Beakes, the
sum of twenty shillings.
"To my daughter, Eebeckah Janney, the wife of Joseph Janney, the
sum of one hundred and forty pounds.
' ' To their two daughters, Martha and Ann Janney, the sum of ten
pounds, to be equally divided between them.
"To my daughter, Ann, the wife of Thomas Yardley, the sum of one
hundred and fifty pounds.
"To my daughter-in-law, Martha Biles, the sum of five pounds.
' ' To my three grandchildren, Johannah, Phebe, and Sarah Biles, the
daughters of my children George and Martha Biles, the sum of fifteen
pounds, to be equally divided between them.
"To my three granddaughters, Ann, Grace, and Sarah Biles, the
daughters of my son and daughter, William and Sarah Biles, the sum
of fifteen pounds, to be equally divided between them.
"To my sister-in-law, Mary Biles, the widow of my brother, Thomas
Biles, of Dorchester, in the county of Dorset, in old England, eight
pounds.
"To my grandson, William Bobbins, the son of my daughter, Mary
Bobbins, the plantation where I last lived, lying betwixt the land of
Anthony Burton, and the land of my son John Biles. It being part of
1 Vol. xxvii. p. 172.
2 Vol. xv. p. 503.
William Biles. 355
the same land I purchased from Henry Barkar [Baker?] by estimation,
about 200 acres.
"To my grandchildren, Johannah and Eebeckah Beakes, the daugh-
ters of my son and daughter, Samuel and Johannah Beakes, the sum of
twenty-four pounds.
"To my son William Biles, all the rest, residue of my lands in West
Jersey, etc.
"Signed, published, and declared this fifth day of the Eleventh
month called January, 1709, in the presence of us,
"JER. LANGHORN,
"JOS. KlRKBRIDE,
"EGBERT SOTCHER."
It may be of interest to add, that upon William Biles's
plantation, near Penn's Manor, there now stands a large
brick dwelling of ancient date,1 which has been represented
by tradition and from the initials inscribed upon it as the
homestead of William Biles, Sr., who is said to have built
it of bricks brought from England.2
There is also a tradition that the Bible William Biles
brought to America had belonged to John Waite, and had
the latter's name in it, with the statement that he bought it
in 1633. It has been surmised by some that this John
Waite was the father of either William Biles's mother or
wife.
The children ot William Biles do not seem to have occu-
pied so prominent a place in the meeting as their father did,
Johannah, William, and Ann having been dealt with by
Falls Monthly Meeting, though they all retained their
membership.
II. William seems to have been the most prominent of
the sons in civil life, and he occupied many public posi-
1 Hist. Sketches relating to Early Settlement of Friends at Falls, p. 26 ;
Davis' s Hist. Bucks Co., p. 105 n.
2 Some few Colonial houses were built of "bricks brought from Eng-
land," but most of such brick houses were built of bricks made near the
spot. In those days bricks of two shapes or sizes were used, one called
"Dutch bricks" and the other " English bricks." From "English
bricks" to ' ' bricks brought from England' ' was an easy step for tradition
to take.
J
356 William Biks.
tions.1 He was Sheriff of Bucks County 1704-1707;
Coroner October 3, 1717 ; Justice of the Peace September
6, 1718 ; January 4, 1722 ; May 12, 1725 ; September 14,
1725; September 13,1726; September 10,1727; Novem-
ber 22, 1738 ; member of Assembly 1710, 1711, 1718-1725,
1732, 1735-1737; and Speaker of Assembly 1724-1725,
having been so elected October 14, 1724.2
In 1721 he and five others were appointed by the court
as viewers for a road from " Yardley's Ferry to the Cross
Roads near Neshaminy meeting-house," 3 and in 1724 he
was on the committee to build a new court-house and prison
at Newtown, the new county-seat of Bucks County.4 He
was admitted to the Bar in New Jersey December 5, 1721,5
was a member of the " Council of Proprietors of West
Jersey," and as such was one of the signers of the paper
sent by that body to Governor William Burnet, against
repealing an act for ascertaining the line between the eastern
and western divisions of New Jersey.6
He was a large land-owner, both in Bucks County, Penn-
sylvania, and in New Jersey, having inherited some tracts
from his father and bought others ; among the latter was a
half interest in 4000 acres in Evesham, Burlington County,
which he bought of John Borradail in 1717, and sold in
1726 to Thomas Marks for £284,7 in which deed he is styled
" William Biles of Bucks County, Penna., Esqr." .
In his will, made in 1737, he left certain lands on " Mor-
ris" River to his children, but they did not inherit them,
for he (and various members of the Lambert family), Jan-
uary 15, 1738/9,8 released for £1500 to Abraham Bennet
1 Pa. Arch., 2d. ser., vol. ix. pp. 742-759.
2 Votes of Assembly, vol. ii. p. 403.
3 PENNA. MAG. HIST. AND BIOG., vol. vii. p. 72.
4 Ibid., p. 73 ; Votes of Assembly, vol. ii. p. 238 ; Colonial Eecords,
vol. iii. p. 255.
5 Snell's Hist. Hunterdon Co., N. J., p. 206.
6 Smith's Hist. N. J., Eeprint 1890, pp. 551-554.
7 W. J. Deeds, Liber D, fol. 163.
8 Ibid., Liber E F, /0J. 108.
William Biles. 357
and others 10,000 acres, being part of several properties
situate in Quohocking, Cohansie, and Maurice Eiver, "West
New Jersey, which James Wass had released in 1707 to
William Biles, his father.
The wife of William Biles, Jr., was Sarah Langhorne,1
sister of Jeremiah Langhorne, who was Chief-Justice of
Pennsylvania, Speaker of Assembly, member of the same
for many years, and also filled other offices. Indeed, most
of those connected with the Biles family seem to have been
office-holders. Thomas Biles was Sheriff 1726-27; Lang-
horne Biles, Justice of the Peace 1749 and 1752; and other
connections of the family for years served as Justices, and
in the Assembly.
The will of William Biles, of Falls Township, was dated
December 3, 1737, and proved September 27, 1739. It is
recorded in Liber I,fol. 267,2 and in it mention is made of
his wife Sarah ; his sons William, Charles, and Langhorne ;
his daughters Sarah and Elizabeth Biles, Ann Pennington,
and Hannah Janney ; his grandchildren William, Jeremiah,
and John Beatts, [Bates], Edward, Mary, and Sarah
Pennington, Thomas and Margaret Biles ; to all of whom
he left land, mostly in West Jersey, on " Morris" River,
and to most of them some negroes. By a codicil he left the
Island to his son William, who also received the home
plantation after his mother's death.
The following is a list of his children and the persons
they married :
CHILDREN (ORDER OF BIRTH UNCERTAIN).
1. Thomas, b. 6th mo. 30, 1696 ; d. 1743; m., 12th mo. 1729, Eliza-
beth Lambert, daughter of Thomas, of New Jersey. She returned to
Chesterfield Meeting llth mo., 1763. Her will proved 1771 (N. J.
Wills, Liber 15, fol 474).
2. William, d. 1775; m., 1st, 3d mo., 1725, Ann Stevenson,3 b.
1 For account of Langhorne family, see PENNA. MAG. HIST. AND
BIOG., vol. vii. pp. 67-87.
3 Ibid., vol. xv. p. 382.
3 See Our Family Ancestors, p. 300.
J
358 William Biles.
12th mo. 6, 1704; d. 3d mo. 8, 1734; daughter of Thomas and Sarah
(Jennings) Stevenson; m., 2d, Jane ; d. 1777. William and
his two sons, Thomas and William, were disowned by Falls Meeting,
6th mo., 1756, for joining a military association ; his will is recorded in
Bucks Co., Liber 3, fol 385.
3. Charles, m., 1729, Ann Mary Baker, b. 4th mo. 16, 1704, daugh-
ter of Samuel and Rachel (Warder) Baker, for account of whom see
Publications So. Hist. Assoc., vol. v. p. 480. In 1732 Charles and his
wife removed from Falls to Buckingham Meeting.
4. Langhorne, m., 1749, Hannah Kirkbride, b. 9th mo. 23, 1726,
daughter of Joseph, Jr., and Sarah (Fletcher) Kirkbride. Langhorne
was disowned by Falls Meeting, 1748, for joining a military association ;
upon his marriage, his wife was taken under dealings, and in 1756 dis-
owned therefor.
5. Ann, b. 12th mo. 4, 1702/3; bur. 12th mo. 22, 1748/9; m. 10th
mo., 1725, Isaac Pennington, b. 1700, son of Edward and Sarah (Jen-
nings) Pennington.
6. Grace, d. before 1737 ; m. Bates, who was twice married.
The will of her daughter Sarah Bates, dated 1760 (Bucks Co. Wills,
Liber 3, fol. 21), mentions sister Hannah, wife of Saml. Yeardley;
aunt Hannah Janney ; cousin Charles Janney ; cousin Bettie Janney,
daughter of Abel Janney ; niece Sarah Bates, daughter of brother John ;
cousins Ann and Elizabeth Janney ; brother John Bates and half-
brother Job Bates.
7. Sarah, d. s. p. 1781 ; m., 1740, Lawrence Growden, who was twice
married. Her will is recorded in Bucks Co., Liber 4, fol. 336.
8. Elizabeth, m., 1740, Abel Janney. The marriage license, issued
in New Jersey June 5, 1740, describes them as Abel Janney, of Maid-
enhead, New Jersey, and Elizabeth Biles, of Bucks County, Pennsyl-
vania. It is not certain whether Abel was the son of Thomas and
Eachel (Pownall) Janney or of Abel and Elizabeth (Stacy) Janney,
though probably the former, whose wife was named Elizabeth, and
joined Middletown Monthly Meeting in 1745; she and her husband
moved to Virginia in 1746 and returned to Pennsylvania in 1748, he
dying that year (see Publications So. Hist. Assoc. vol. v. p. 481). The
latter Abel married out of meeting, prior to 1742, and that year was in
Virginia, whence he returned in 1745, and in 1752 and 1753 kept a
tavern in Ridley Township, Chester County, Pennsylvania. He mar-
ried a second time in 1755. Whether Elizabeth (Biles) Janney
had other children than a daughter Betty is not known. Records
of Race Street Meeting, Philadelphia, show the burials in 1758 and
1759 of four children of Abel Janney, but do not give their mother's
name.
William Biles. 359
9. Hannah, m., at Falls Meeting, 3d mo., 1735, Thomas Janney, son
of Abel and Elizabeth (Stacy) Janney. One of their sons, Thomas, was
a Lieutenant in the Falls Company Bucks County Associators in 1775,
(Pa. Arch., 2d ser., vol. xiv. p. 151), and later an officer in the Revolu-
tionary army (Ibid., vol. x. pp. 153, 449 ; PENNA. MAG. HIST. AND
BIOG., vol. vii. p. 167).
g6Q The Capture of Stony Point.
THE CAPTUEE OF STONY POINT.1
ORATION BY HON. SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKEE, LL.D., AT THE DEDI-
CATION OP THE NEW YORK STATE PARK, JULY 16, 1902.
Each year of the War of the Revolution, the struggle of
the Colonies for independence and for the establishment of
a nationality that should present to the world a new and
permanent system of government was marked by some
event which may be regarded as distinctive and represent-
ative of the campaign and the time. In 1775 the contest
was begun by the farmers with their shotguns and rifles
behind the stone walls running along the road from Concord
to Lexington. In 1776 the tide of disaster and depression was
turned, and the hope of final success dawned at Trenton. In
1777 there was victory over the army of Burgoyne in your
own beautiful valley of the Hudson, and there were valor
and tenacity shown in the attack upon the main army of
the British at Germantown. In 1778 were displayed the
sufferings and the persistence at Valley Forge. In 1780 were
begun the successful campaigns of Greene in the South. In
1781 the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown led to the
practical cessation of hostilities.
The important event of 1779, the central year of the
war, was of a character to catch and forever hold the
attention of mankind, one which the State of New York
has even now recognized by the opening of this attractive
park. "We are here to commemorate that event and to tell
it over again, though with meagre and inadequate words.
The main purpose of the campaign of 1779, upon the part
of Clinton, who was in command of the British forces, was
1 In the preparation of this paper I have been much indebted to
Dawson's "Assault upon Stony Point" and to Johnston's "Storming
of Stony Point," but I have differed from both of these authors in
assigning the credit for the plan which was adopted.
The Capture of Stony Point. 361
to break, and upon the part of Washington to maintain,
the lines of communication between the Eastern States and
those to the southward by means of the occupation of the
Valley of the Hudson. The most important position upon
the strongest of these lines was West Point, fortified in
such a way as to render it almost impregnable, and held by
the centre of the American army under General McDou-
gall. The American right, under command of Putnam,
lay near Dean Furnace, and the left, under command of
Heath, was on the opposite side of the Hudson, extending
eastward from the Sugar Loaf Hill. Into this position it
had been drawn by Clinton's seizure in May of King's
Ferry and its termini Stony Point and Verplanck's Point.
West Point was regarded as the key to the American Con-
tinent. To gain possession of it by force the British had
sent the army of Burgoyne in the year preceding, and in
an attempt to accomplish the same end by the persuasive
influence of money and rank, offered to the unfaithful
Arnold, were to send Andre to his death in the year to
follow. It was held fast in the clutch of Washington with
an army of about nine thousand men.
Fearing that his grasp could not be loosened by any direct
effort that might be made, and hoping to tempt him to come
down and deliver battle in the open plain, Clinton sent a
force, under Tryon, into Connecticut to devastate and lay
waste the towns and farmsteads, and there they burned two
hundred and forty dwellings, seven churches, and caused
a general destruction of farms, mills, stores, and vessels.
Fairfield and BTorwalk suffered the most severely.
These depredations and this diversion of a portion of the
army of Clinton failed utterly to persuade Washington to
leave the security of the hills, but he made response in a
way which was as unexpected to the foeman as it was
unsatisfactory. Thirteen miles below West Point, upon
opposite sides of the river, are the promontories of Stony
Point and Yerplanck's Point, and between them ran the
ferry which constituted a link in what was the shortest and>
'
362 The Capture of Stony Point.
most effective line of communication between the Eastern
and Southern Colonies. Since the beginning of June they
had been in the occupation of the British, and now Wash-
ington determined to make an effort for the capture of both
of these important positions. As to one of them, his plans
resulted in an entire and remarkable success which has
seldom been' equalled in the annals of warfare, and gave to
American arms a reputation such as earlier achievements
had never been able to win for them.
Stony Point was a rugged promontory, covered with
rock and wood, extending into the river for half a mile
from the western shore line, and rising to a height of one
hundred and fifty feet. It stood like a solitary sentinel,
ever keeping watch and ward over the gateway of the
Highlands. Bending around its western base and sepa-
rating it from the mainland, a marsh sometimes to the
depth of two feet crept from an entrance in the river to the
north to an outlet in the river to the south. An island
fortress, likened often in its strength and conformation to
Gibraltar, it seemed to present insurmountable obstacles to
any attacking force, and with quiet and sardonic frown to
threaten its destruction. Upon the summit the British had
erected a series of redoubts and had placed seven or eight
disconnected batteries, while immediately below them an
abatis extended the entire length of the crest. Within
this fortification were four companies of the Seventeenth
Regiment of Infantry, one company of American Tories,
and a detachment of the Royal Artillery. About one-
third of the way down the hill from the summit ran a
second line of abatis supported by three redoubts, on which
were brass twelve-pound cannon, defended by two com-
panies of the Seventeenth Regiment and two companies of
Grenadiers. At the foot of the hill near the morass were
five pickets, and the British vessels of war which rode in the
river were able to sweep with their guns the low ground of the
approaches. Four brass and four iron cannon, one howitzer
and five mortars, amply supplied with ammunition, were at
The Capture of Stony Point. 363
the service of the garrison, which consisted of over six
hundred of the best disciplined and most trustworthy
troops in the British army, under the command of Colonel
Henry Johnson, of the Seventeenth Regiment, a young and
gallant officer.
This formidable fortification so manned and protected
it was proposed to capture, not by slow approaches or the
modern convenient method of turning, but by storm.
Could the Continental troops which had been driven from
Bunker Hill, Long Island, Brandywine, and Germantown
be relied upon for such an unprecedented and heroic
effort ?
The hope of success depended upon the secrecy of the
preparations, upon the courage and morale of the troops,
and above all upon the character of their commander and
his capacity to take advantage of every opportunity which
might be presented. For this purpose the wise chieftain at
the head of the American army selected Anthony Wayne,
a Pennsylvania brigadier, thirty-four years of age, whose
soldierly qualities indicated a rare blending of keen intelli-
gence and impetuous courage, and who had won a dis-
tinction at Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth which
his defeat at Paoli, due to the wide separation by his
superior of the wings of the army, had failed to tarnish.
He was destined later to add to that high reputation by
numerous campaigns in the South, and to gain unperishable
renown when, as general in command of the armies of the
United States, he broke the power of the savages of the
West where others had failed, and secured that seat of
future empire for civilization. His sword was always drawn
from the scabbard, its edge was always turned towards the
foe, and in the councils of war it had come to be known
that the voice of Wayne was ever in favor of taking the
risks of battle. His force was selected from the Light
Infantry, the brawniest and pluckiest material in the Con-
tinental army, welded into shape and tempered by the
experience of four years of warfare. It consisted of four
I
364 The Capture of Stony Point.
regiments of three hundred and forty men each, the first
composed of troops from Virginia and Pennsylvania, under
Colonel Christian Febiger, of the blood of the old Norse-
men ; the second of troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland,
and Delaware, under Colonel Kichard Butler, one of the
most efficient officers of the Pennsylvania line ; the third
of troops from Connecticut, under Colonel Return Jonathan
Meigs, from that State, who had won laurels and gained
experience at Quebec ; and the fourth of troops from Mas-
sachusetts and North Carolina, under Colonel Rufus Putnam,
of Massachusetts, who had seen hard service at Saratoga.
Every feasible effort to secure accurate information had
been made. Light-Horse Harry Lee, with his partisan
legion, had patrolled the whole country and picked up
stray facts from farmers and deserters. Allen McLane had
gone to the post with a flag of truce and kept his eyes
open while there. Rufus Putnam, the chief engineer, had
made a careful survey from the vantage-ground of the
neighboring hills, and by the 6th of July both Washington
and Wayne had made personal tours of inspection.
' ' When all the doors were fastened,
And all the windows shut,
There was yet one little window,
And that one was forgot."
From a deserter it was learned that the Point could be
approached from the southward along a beach of sand
where the marsh reached the river, and here Washington
suggested the advance should be made. On the 10th he
wrote a letter to Wayne containing his views of a plan for
the assault, and even elaborating such details as the putting
of a white feather upon the cap of each man, but he left
the responsibility for its acceptance with Wayne, saying, —
" These are my general ideas of the plan for a surprise;
but you are at liberty to depart from them in every instance
where you think they may be improved or changed for the
better."
The Capture of Stony Point. 365
It appears that for some reason a delay had been pro-
posed and that Wayne was eager to make the attempt at
once, because Washington again wrote, on the 14th, giving
his permission for the following night, and adding, " You
are at liberty to choose between the different plans on
which we have conversed."
By the next morning at eleven o'clock the arrangements
were completed and the " order of battle" prepared. With-
out hesitation Wayne made a fundamental change in the
proposed plan. Instead of an assault in a .single column
from the southward, he ordered that Colonel Febiger form
a column upon the right, to be preceded by one hundred
and fifty picked men " with their arms unloaded, placing
their whole dependence on the bayonet," and that Colonel
Butler form a column on the left, " preceded by one hun-
dred chosen men with fixed bayonets" and with arms
unloaded. Major Murfree was directed to move in the
centre and, dividing a little to the right and left, await the
attack, and thereupon keep up a galling fire as a feint. It
will be observed that this plan involved an apparent frontal
attack accompanied by the noise of musketry, and that the
real attack should be made by the silent columns. Any
soldier who presumed to take his musket from his shoulder
or attempted to fire without orders was to be instantly put
to death. Any soldier so lost to a sense of honor as to re-
treat a foot or skulk in the presence of danger was likewise
to be immediately put to death by the nearest officer. At
the head of each column, sixty feet in advance, were to
march twenty men and an officer, designated as the " Forlorn
Hope," that on the right led by Lieutenant Knox, of the
Ninth Pennsylvania, and that on the left by Lieutenant
James Gibbons, of the Sixth Pennsylvania. Upon entering
the works the victorious troops were to shout the watch-
word, " The fort's our own !" Wayne, who was determined
to share in the danger and participate in the glory, as his
order declares, concluded to march with the right column.
On the morning of the 15th of July the troops, thirteen
366' The Capture of Stony Point.
hundred and fifty strong, "fresh shaved and well pow-
dered," were drawn up for inspection, and when that cere-
monial was completed, instead of being dismissed to their
quarters, they started on the road to the southward. Then
for the first time officers and men knew that some event of
more than ordinary moment was in contemplation. Over
a rough and narrow back road dwindling away at times to
a mere path, across rocky hills and through swamps and
ravines, they marched thirteen miles, and at eight o'clock
in the evening arrived at the farm of David Springsteel>
about a mile and a half to the westward of Stony Point,
IsTot a soldier had been permitted to leave the ranks, every
dog for miles around had been killed, and a detachment of
the Pennsylvania battalion, under Captain James Chrystie,
and the rangers of Allen McLane had meanwhile been
sweeping the intervening country and gathering into their
embrace all wandering countrymen who might perchance
give warning to the garrison. The secret had been well
kept and neither friend nor foe had yet heard a whisper of
the coming event. Ere the storm burst there was a lull of
three hours and a half until half-past eleven o'clock at
night.
Picture to yourselves, if you can, you who are here one
hundred and twenty-three years later to participate in this
anniversary, the strain and suspense of that interval. After
the columns had been formed and the " order of battle"
read to them, after he had ridden forward for the last time
to inspect the approaches, Anthony Wayne, upon whose
shoulders the responsibility rested, keenly alive to the des-
perate character of the venture, its uncertainties and the
personal danger, sat down " near the hours and scene of
carnage" at eleven o'clock in the old farm-house. Securing
a sheet of paper, he wrote to a near friend, " This will not
reach you until the writer is no more. ... I know that
friendship will induce you to attend to the education of my
little son and daughter. I fear their tender mother will
not survive this stroke. ... I am called to sup, but where
The Capture of Stony Point. 367
to breakfast either within the enemies' lines in triumph or
in another world."
The thought of the strong man, with the scythe of the
grim reaper flashing before him, was of his wife and chil-
dren in their far-away home near the banks of the Brandy-
wine.
The time had come. By half after twelve o'clock the
right column had crossed the marsh, two hundred yards in
width, with water up to the waists of the men, but ere they
had reached the far side the pickets of the enemy opened
fire and gave the alarm. Without a shot in return, in the
face of a rapid fire from cannon and muskets, the men, led
by Fleury and Knox, tore down the abatis and pushed for-
ward up the steep. The Connecticut officers, Seldon,
Phelps, Palmer, and Hall, and the Pennsylvanian, Hay,
were grievously wounded, and on every side soldiers were
falling ; but who could halt to minister to them ? At the
second abatis Wayne was shot in the head and brought to
the ground, but rising to his left knee and pointing to the
front with his spear, he cried, " Forward, my brave fellows ;
forward !" and later was carried bleeding into the fort. The
garrison within rushed to arms, and Colonel Johnson, the
commandant, with about half of his force, hastened to the
centre of the outer line, where he heard the rapid firing
from Murfree, thus paying tribute to the wisdom of that
part of the plan. In a few minutes Fleury was over the
parapet and grasping the British flag, and with the honor
of being first within the entrenchments, he shouted,
with French accent and enthusiasm, " The fort's our own !"
Following him and each other, and almost at the same
instant, in rapid succession, came Knox, of the " Forlorn
Hope;" Sergeant Baker, of Virginia, wounded four times;
Sergeant Spencer, of Virginia, wounded two times; and
Sergeant Donlop, of Pennsylvania, wounded two times.
So well were the arrangements planned and so efficiently
were they carried out that the two columns, with different
tasks and difficulties, separated in space, reached the para-
'
368 The Capture of Stony Point.
pet and entered the Tort almost at the same time. There
has been less detail preserved as to the occurrences in the
left column, but the fact that when Lieutenant Gibbons, of
Philadelphia, first of them all, crossed the parapet, seven-
teen of the twenty-one in the " Forlorn Hope" had been
shot, sufficiently attests the desperate character of the strug-
gle. Upon all sides now resounded the cry, " The fort's
our own!"
There were clashing of sword and spear, and bayonet
thrust; but the British, finding that the Americans had
surmounted their defences, and that farther resistance was
useless, soon cried for mercy. One old captain refused to
surrender and fell where he stood, fighting to the last.
Of the British, twenty men were killed, seventy-eight
were wounded, fifty-eight were missing, and four hundred
and seventy-two were taken prisoners. Of the victors,
fifteen were killed and eighty-four were wounded.
At two o'clock on the morning of the 16th Wayne sent
a despatch to Washington, informing him that " The fort
and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are ours. Our officers
and men behaved like men determined to be free."
Up to this time no event of the war had produced such
an ardor of enthusiasm in the minds of both the army and
the people. The newspapers of the day teemed with
praises of all the participants, and poets depicted the details
of the affair in their most stirring verses. The Congress
passed resolutions of thanks and voted gold medals.
Washington wrote that the officers and men " gloriously
distinguished themselves," and Greene, himself a hero, in
earnest words declared, " This is thought to be the per-
fection of discipline and will forever immortalize General
Wayne, as it would do honor to the first general in Europe."
Said John Jay, later the distinguished Chief-Justice of the
United States, " This brilliant action adds fresh lustre to
our arms." And General Charles Lee wrote, " I do most
sincerely declare that your action in the assault of Stony
Point is not only the most brilliant, in my opinion, through
The Capture of Stony Point. 369
the whole course of this war on either side, but that it is
one of the most brilliant I am acquainted with in history."
But even high tributes of respect came from the enemy.
General Pattison, who commanded the British artillery,
wrote to Lord Townsend in London that the unfortunate
event " has filled every one with astonishment," and Com-
modore George Collier did not hesitate to assert in his
journal that " The rebels had made the attack with a
bravery they never before exhibited, and they showed at
this moment a generosity and clemency which during the
course of the Rebellion had no parallel."
After the lapse of a century and a quarter, Stony Point
yet remains the most conspicuous and imposing illustration
of American military valor. At New Orleans the riflemen
of Kentucky and Tennessee triumphed over the veterans
of Wellington fresh from the fields of the Peninsula, but
they stood behind and not in front of entrenchments. At
Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, and Cold Harbor there were
desperate and sustained charges against fortified positions,
but in each instance they ended in failure. The great
Empire State of the Union does well to set apart this beau-
tiful park to commemorate the only instance in American
history where the soldiers of the country were victorious
over a disciplined European foe, protected by what seemed
to be impregnable fortifications. She is to be commended
for her effort again to brighten the memory of that remote
time in our annals when upon her soil the men of Pennsyl-
vania, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Forth Carolina, Con-
necticut, and Massachusetts, all wearing the buff and blue
of the Continental soldier, together faced death as they
clambered up these steep heights in the defence of their
own liberties and in the maintenance of those principles
which meant the welfare of the human race during the ages
that were yet to come.
VOL. xxvi. — 24
•
370 Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr.
INTERESTING LETTEES OF GEOEGE MOEGAN AND
AAEON BUEE.
BY HON. GL D. W. VROOM, TRENTON, NEW JERSEY.
Anything pertaining to the celebrated Reed-Cadwalader
controversy is of interest. The following letter closely con-
nected therewith has never before been published. The late
General William S. Stryker, in his " Battles of Trenton and
Princeton," refers to it for the purpose of fixing the time of
General Cadwalader's reply to General Reed as early in the
year 1783, and also as evincing that General Cadwalader,
after the publication of his reply to General Reed, expected
that Reed would challenge him. Colonel George Morgan
evidently was in this matter acting as the friend of General
Cadwalader and had in view a possible challenge ; yet, not-
withstanding his adroitness, he failed to draw out General
Reed. General Cadwalader forwarded this letter to his
brother-in-law General Philemon Dickinson at Trenton,
among whose papers it was found.
PHILADA. 17th April 1783— Thursday.
SIR
Agreeable to your desire I called this morning on Genl.
Reed at his house but he was engaged at the State House
in a Cause at Law & I could not get to speak to him then ;
but I took the opportunity of the Courts adjourning to dine
& waited on him at his own House ; where as you desired I
informed him that " you had last Friday sent him one of
your Pamphlets & that you had since then waited in Town
to give him an opportunity to call on you had he thought
proper — that you were now anxious to return home to
Maryland & intended to leave Town to-morrow morn'g at
nine o'clock, of which you had requested me to inform
him, lest it might be a disapointment to him — that at your
Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr. 371
request I would convey to you his reply." — He desired to
know whether this message imported anything more than
mere matter of information — I reply'd that it was merely
for his information & that he should not be disapointed if
he inclined to call on you or had anything to say to you
that I would with pleasure convey to you such answer as
he thought proper to give — He Reply'd that if it was mere
matter of information it was very well, but if it had any
other meaning he would be glad to know it — I again
repeated what I before mentioned to him & he changed the
conversation to another subject.
I am, your &c.
GEO: MORGAN.
To GENERAL CADWALADER.
At the time this letter was written Colonel George Mor-
gan resided in Philadelphia; he removed from there to
Princeton soon afterwards, probably in 1784, as Hageman,
in his " History of Princeton," says that his name appears
in that year in a subscription to the church. He occupied
the farm subsequently owned by Thomas Potter and now
forming part of the University grounds. In 1804 he sold
his Princeton farm and removed to Western Pennsylvania,
not far from Canonsburg in Washington County. It was
at the house of Colonel Morgan that Colonel Burr, in the
summer of 1806, made what Parton terms a "fatal visit;"
that Burr did at that time talk freely with both Colonel
Morgan and his family and with that indiscretion which
proved fatal to his schemes, whatever they may have been,
must be admitted. After his departure, Colonel Morgan,
thinking that there was danger in what he had heard from
Burr, narrated the conversation to the judges of the court
then sitting in the neighborhood, and these gentlemen
wrote a joint letter to the President giving him the infor-
mation and advising that Burr's future movements be
watched. According to Parton, Jefferson expressly said
that this letter gave him the first intimation of Burr's
designs.
372 Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr.
The following letter of Colonel Burr, written while con-
fined at Eichmond and during his trial, to Colonel Jonathan
Rhea, a prominent lawyer and Federal politician of Tren-
ton, New Jersey, is of great interest, and it will be noticed
that he emphatically denies the truth of the statements
made by Colonel Morgan :
RICHMOND, 25 July 1807.
DEAR SIR
It is with the utmost reluctance that I take the liberty of
troubling you on my personal concerns ; but there being
no one in your part of the State sufficiently well informed
and with whom I could use the freedom, I venture to ask
your attention to the matters following.
George Morgan late of Princeton; his sons John &
Thomas, the latter a lad of 18 or 19 have been swearing
before the grand-jury & will doubtless swear again before
the Pettit Jury to conversations with me of an extraordi-
nary nature ; such as never took place & by no probability
could have taken place. I am told that the characters o±
George & John, whilst inhabitants of your State, were
rather light & to say the least, equivocal in point of credit.
It is interesting to me to establish this fact — a gentleman at
Princeton to whom I wrote on the subject, recommended
to rne to summon as witnesses from that place Daniel
Agnew, John Hamilton and Win. Hight all of whom
would testify to the bad character & credit of George &
John ; but that they would come with reluctance & would
not without further compensation than the pay allowed by
Law.
It is to be wished that some men of higher grade could
be had to the same purpose ; but better any reputable man
than none — what I would propose is that you should pro-
cure the enclosed subpoenas to be served on such persons as
you may know or suppose to be willing to depose to these
things. — If A. Reckless should know their general char-
acters, he would have no hesitation to declare boldly his
belief and knowledge — I submit it wholly to your discre-
Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr. 373
tion. If you should be averse to meddle with it, you have
only to throw the papers into the fire.
The return of the subpoena or day of appearance may be
altered so as to leave the witnesses a reasonable time. The
expense will be repaid by the return of some of the gentle-
men who will be here from N. York.
With great respect
Yrs
A BURR
What has become of my indictment in your State ? Mr.
Reckless wrote me that it was disposed of; but I should be
gratified to learn how & whether finally.
It is singular that Burr should have sought to break
down in this manner the testimony of Colonel Morgan, one
with whom he had been associated during the Revolution,
and one whose hospitality he had sought and shared, and
who, as Parton admits, had " conceived for Burr a very
warm friendship, which his misfortunes and < persecution'
had strengthened." It would seem as if he had doubted
the possibility of contradicting the testimony of Morgan
and his sons and was forced to resort to an attack upon
their character and credit. Whether any effort was made
by Colonel Rhea to secure the presence of these witnesses
at the trial for the purpose of testifying to the bad character
and credit of Colonel Morgan and his son John is not
known, but I think it doubtful, as no further trace of any
letters upon this subject appears among his correspondence.
In any event it was unnecessary, as Colonel Burr was ac-
quitted on the case made by the government. It is highly
improbable, however, that any reputable witness could have
been secured in Princeton to testify against either Colonel
Morgan or his son Colonel John Morgan.
The query in the postscript to Colonel Burr's letter is
interesting. He was then on trial at Richmond for high
treason ; still, he was not unmindful of the indictment for
murder which had been found against him in November,
374T Interesting Letters of George Morgan and Aaron Burr.
180.4, by the Grand Jury of Bergen County, New Jersey,
for the killing of Colonel Hamilton, and he desired to know
what had become of it ; and, knowing that Colonel Khea
was Clerk of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, he added
this inquiry to the letter. This indictment had not then
been disposed of, and was, in fact, not quashed by the
Supreme Court until the November Term, 1807, when it
was done on motion of Colonel Aaron Ogden.
Marriages by Rev. John Conrad Bucher, 1763-1769. 375
RECOKD OF MARRIAGES PERFORMED BY REY.
JOHN CONRAD BUCHER, 1763-1769.
CONTRIBUTED BY LUTHER R. KELKER.
[The Rev. John Conrad Bucher was born in Switzerland, June 10,
1730. In 1755 he came to Pennsylvania and settled near Carlisle. On
February 26, 1760, was married to Mary M. Hoke, and shortly after
entered the Provincial service as lieutenant in the Second Battalion
Colonel Hugh Mercer ; and also served in the battalions of Lieutenant-
Colonel Turbott Francis and Asher Clayton. About the year 1762 he en-
tered the ministry of the German Reformed Church, and served as pastor
of various congregations. Early in 1768 he became a resident of Lebanon.
On August 15, 1780, he went to Annville to solemnize a marriage, where
he died suddenly. The original records, from which this copy is made,
are in the possession of his great-granddaughter Mrs. Eliza Bucher
Hummel, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.]
" Joyned in the Holy Bonds of Matrimony'' *
1763.
March ye 2d James Findley & Jane McQuisten
May ye 23d John Mold & Nancy Dougherty
Oct. ye 21st Lowrence Crawford & Jane Bethy
Nov. ye 1st Andrew Gillbreath & Cathrina Smith alias Robinson
ye 22d Samuel Brady & Jane Simison
ye 23d John Pirckins & Nancy Dougherty
ye 28th James Anderson & Elizabeth Poeples
ye 30th James Hamilton & Margreth Cisney, alias Gallacher
Dec. ye 6th Peter Pearis & Rebecca Ramage
John Dougherty & Ellse McDonald
Samuel Leach & Mary Fleming
1764.
Jany. ye 3d Jacob Boursman & Eliz : Streith
17th William Beard & Mary Lucas
19th Johanes Hamuth & Anna Margretha Herzeller
23d William Willson & Jane McFall
Febry. ye 3d William Sanderson & Jane Ervine
20th Johanes Fuhr & Nancy Murphy
21st Charles Bonner & Ann Gillpatrick
27th Andrew Schneider & Isabel Grayton
1 Places of Marriage not stated in record.
376 Marriages by Rev. John Conrad Bucher, 1763-1769.
May ye
Mar. ye 15th
19th
27th
Apr. ye 2d
16th
Apr. ye 19th
23d
May ye 7th
17th
18th
28
30
June ye 12th
25
July 18
25
26
31
Aug. ye 4th
Sept. ye 27
Nov. ye 30
Dec. ye 4th
1st
21
John DaVis & Jane Kofine
William Walker & Marry Herring
William Eobinson & Bethy Eager
Thomas Taylor & Ester Harley
William Kellsay & Agnes Goudy
Samuel McCrue & Martha McKnight
Samuel McClure & Elizabeth English
Isaak Botterum & Margreth Gallacher
Samuel Glen & Elizabeth Morrow
Abraham Adams & Elizabeth McCormick
James Kirkpatrick & McKellhenny
John Maghan & Marry Morrow
Jacob Grojean & Mary Magdalena Kistler
Thomas Askey & Elizabeth Baker
Willm Gallaghly & Hannah Gardner
Stephen Delph & Prudence McAlwain
Joseph Sample & Hannah Wallace
Willm McCalethon & Jenny Watson
John Wright & Susanah Armstrong
John Rose & Hanah French
Charles McKennis & Martha Buttler
Peter Rolleter & Judith Hickins
Benjamin Scitmore & Elizabeth Harribel
James Forster Carson & Sarah Reyanth
James Royl & Mary Willson
John Hutlass & Elizabeth Frex
John York & Amy Beyers
1765-
Jany. ye 5 John Philip Ebers & Elizabeth Taylor
21 Robert Gelilan & Jane Galliforth
Feby. 19 Grafener Mash & Jane Boyd
25 James Duff & Ester McGill
March 5 David Dumbar & Frances Steel
John Dumbar & Fanny Dumbar
March 14 David McBride & Margreth McFarlin
18 Saml Simpson & Eliz : Smith
29 Willm Collins & Margreth Poeples
Apr. ye 1st Andrew Forster & Elizabeth Guthrie
4th Willm Grahams & Mary Ann Brandon
May ye 2d James Snotgrass & Jane Brown
May ye 15th Abraham Jones & Mary Beard
17 James Collhoon & Mary Willson
Marriages by Rev. John Conrad Bueher, 1763-1769. 377
June ye 4th John Goblin & Pheby Ong
20 Willm Little & Grezil Means
E. D. Christoph Quigley & Mary Crawford
E. D. Francis Ellis & Mary Findley
27th Patrick Jack & Martha Findley
July 4th Joseph McKenny & Eebecca Latimore
24 Even Davis & Martha Martin
Augt ye 8th John Davidson & Agnes Grahams
20 Andrew Wait & Mary James
27 Samuel Beyers & Agnes Beyers
28 James Brakon & Mary Dill
E. D Georg Smith & Eleonora Grahams
Sept. ye 9th Cookson Long & Rebecca McNight
1 3th Robert Dickey & Agnes Dickey
Oct. ye 14th James Clendenen & Isabel Huston
20th Phillip Krafft & Anna Maria Keller
24 Johanes Goldenberger & Dorothea Lang, Gebohren
Grempelinan
28 John Rennels & Sarah Carnoughan
31st James Maxwell & Mary Leighlin
Novr. ye 4th Thomas Donn & Jane McEntekerd
12th Nicklas Schneyder & Cathrina Fischer
14th Moses Kerk & Mary Forster
22d Samuel Chambers & Jane Crean
24th Thomas Simpson & Mary Rose
27th Thomas Hunter & Elizabeth Beard
Dec. ye 9th Richard Long & Margreth Cample
24 Marcus Hulin & Mercer [Mercy] Dougherty
27 Thomas Gerdy & Ann Dotton
28 Jearad Pollock & Jennet Galliford
Dec. ye 30 Henry Dougherty & Sarah Baskin
1766.
Jany. ye 30th John Reed & Brotherintown
Feby. ye 7th John McDonald & Margreth Mitchell
13th James McCowan & Eliz : Leard
18th Edward McDuel & Margret Lormar
24 Francis Cample & Mary Rees
26 John McElhathon & Mary Little
March ye 18th Dennis Balf & Britchet Brady
20 William Patrick & Margreth Dorough
Apr. ye 1st Henry Schatto & Mary Cath : Stahl
30 Thomas Adams & Jane Shaw
22d James Thompson & Ann Hamilton
37§ Marriages by Rev, John Conrad Sucker, 1763-1769.
May ye 1st Bichard-Morrow & Elizabeth Willcock
June ye 6th John Beadle & Mary Dutton
E. D. Georg Koller & A. M. 0. Busholtz
24 John Williams & Eleanor Leard
E. D. Peter Dickey & Mary Barckley
July ye 1st Christoph Laubengeyer & Elizabeth Miller
6 Andrew Mehlhorn & Mar : Eliz : Breittingross
29th Willm Wright & Mary Smith
30 Hugh Sherang & Elizabeth Armstrong
Aug. ye 9th Fergus Moorhead & Jane White
llth Jacob Schaz & Prudence Williamson
12th Georg Habacker & Margreth Fresinger
21 Stephen Davis & Elenor Morrison
E D. Willm Morrison & Mary Carver
26 James Saye & Mary Keed
28 John Kistler & An : Marg : Strieker
Sept. ye 1 Jacob Weiser & Jane Mitchelltree
18 John Ulrich Seyler & Elizabeth Wolf
30 Michael Laplin & Ann Dorothea Eamberger
Ilia mortua est, March ye 16th 1767
Oct. ye 5th Samuel Thompson & Mary Nugent
7th Sain White & Cathr : Mitchell
15 Josua Ehoddo & Magdalena Kistler
25 William Martin & Isabel English
Novr. ye 3d Georg McCanighel & Beggy Kennedy
25th William Willson & Margreth Scot
Dec. ye 1st John Brownfield & Elizabeth Clark
2d William Campbell & Hanah Young
15 John Fiscus & Cathrina Fans
23 John McWever & Margreth Collins
27 John Burns & Elizabeth McGill
29 Samuel Jack & Martha Heran
31 Johanes Lanweyl & Maria Kistner
1767.
Jany. ye 2d Absolom Meret & Mary Cathrina Bubach
13 John Johnston & Eva Betwy
Febry ye 3d John W>le & Eliz : McCibbens
10 Johan Philip Lauer & Mary Cathrina Goldstett
23d John Davis & Isabell Hill
March ye 16th William Gobbins & Esther Eheins
21 Willm McMeen & Elizabeth Sherang
24 James Eotch & Sarah Forster
.Marriages by Rev. John Conrad Bucher, 1763-1769. 379
March ye 25th Georg Thoughly & Susanah Spray
E. D. James Mappin & Sarah Welsh
28 David Harkness & Ann Armstrong
Aprl ye 8th Lawrenz Kelleyah & Martha Smith
20 Philip Wegelin & Feronica Kraift
May ye 6th John Rothrock & Dorothea Gump
8th John Hunter & Jane Cuningham
E. D. Robert Donwan & Martha Turner
12 Andrew McMaghan & Eleonora Ray
25 Robert Chester & Eliz : Patterson
June ye 4th James Turner & Elizabeth Morgan
9 Samuel Adams & Margreth Fleming
23 John Arbuckle & Rebecca Ross
July ye 1st Georg Ezweyler & Mary Shorah
2d William Samuels & Sarah Brown
3d Jacob Seyler & Ferena Sherp
6th Georg Welsh & Agnes Bethy
8th James Morrison & Sarah Hodge
14th David Lewis & Eliz : McGafty
E. D. Isaak Worral & Hanah Calvert
E. D. John Moor & Eliz : More
E. D. Antony Herbich & Nancy Daviss
28 Heinrich Hein & Cathrina Kinzler
Aug. ye 3d Samuel Gorman & Nancy Kennedy
6th Ennis Willson & Isabel Roads
E. D. Alexander Brown & Deborah Clark
11 James Ross & Jean Steel
25 John Kearns & Sarah Galliforth
Sept. ye 9th Clemence McGeary & Rachael Smiley
11 James Stevenson & Elizabeth Thompson
22d Sebastian Grewass & Charlotta Pfannekuch
23d Stephen Hildebrand & Hanah Beals
30 Francis Worley & Ruth Collins
Oct. ye 6th John Marshall & Agness Clockstone
26 William Herron & Agness Brown
Nov. ye 5th Alexander McNett & Jenny Piper
18 William Hunter & Mary Donnelly
24th John Beard & Mary Erwin
Dec. ye 7th Christian Shally & Elizabeth Wattman
8th Johanes Meyer & Ana Cathrina Shaffer
17th Archibold Hanah & Margreth Brady
21st William Forster & Cathrina Lefever
28 Johan Georg Koch & Maria Elizabetha Schiiz
29 Jacob Frosch & Cathrina Koch
Marriages by Eev. John Conrad JBucher, 1763-1769.
1768.
Jany. ye 13th John English & Jane Chambers
26 Thomas Douglass & Elizabeth Woods
Feby. ye 12th John Cochran & Jane Fisher
15 Charles McCardy & Mary Skipton
Mch. ye 22 Hugh Hollan & Susannah Keed
E. D. John McCall & Jane Eobinson
Apr. ye 6th William Dorward & Mary Burns
7th James Newlon & Cathrina Bennett
16 Jacob Jordy & Ann Kingrich
May ye 17 Thomas Pumery & Mary Grahams
24 Jacob Bender & Magd : Stauffer
E. D. Joh : Nicklas Meas & Sussanah Laubsher
26 Franz Geib & Eliz : Schneider
27 Adam Keener & Christina Hoch
31 Abraham Abbrecht De Kocke & Elizabeth Graff
June ye 1st Alexander Setting & Mary Forster
13 Paul Cohan & Ann Gardner
20 Durst Thomah & Regina Spicker
21 Philip Graber & An : Cathr : Ebrecht
E. D. Joh : Hemmig & Eliz : Thomah
22d Nichlas Liverich & Cathr : Meyer
28th Jacob Strieker & Dorothea Saur
E. D. Franz Elias Daniel Ehinguer & Mary Magd : Cossey
29 Nichlas Cassel & Rosina Rambach
E. D. John Morrison & Mary Devire
July ye 15 William McGee & Sarah Logan
25 John Albrecht & Marg : Barbara Stoffelman
26 Robert Armstrong & Isabel Forster
E. D. Charles Stuarth & Eliz : Hunter
E. D. Samuel Meek & Cathr : Parkison
Augt. ye 6th Balthazer Fuclis & Dorothea Miller
8th John Benrad & Saly Davidson
11 Hugh McCardle & Elizabeth Murray
18 William McConnal & Rose Kennedy
30 Peter Blaser & Cathrina Newer
Sept. ye 13 Robert Pickin & Alice Gordon
E. D. John McAdams & Mary Ann Fisher
15 Elija Newland & Ann McGrew
26 Georg Lauman & Ester Kiinig
E. D. Edward Lee & Elizabeth Money
28 John McCord & Nancy Sillick
Oct. ye 3d Andrew Fleming & Ann Britewell
13 James McCean & Sarah Pierson
E. D. Hugh Colhoon & Ann Proctor
Marriages by Rev. John Conrad Sucker, 1768-1769. 381
Oct. ye 18th Fridrich Kauffman & Barbara Geitlinger
19 Alexander McGrue & Mary Blackburne
21 James Curry & Else Abbet
25 Georg Schank & Sussanah Meister
29 James Driskel & Jane Pierson
31 Joseph Reed & Mary Hoil
Nov. ye 19 John Woodfine & Christy Hargus
25 John McKinley & Sarah Robertson
Dec. ye 16th Thomas Dillon & Margreth McCrackon
E. D. Jacob Sweizer & Rahel Schadow
20 William Boggs & Eliz : Quirey
29 Georg Sweizer & Eleonora Ward
31 William Poeples & Elizabeth Finley
E. D. William Brownfields & Margreth Breyens
1769.
Jany. ye 2. Andrew Walker & Mary Grahams
E. D. James Thompson & Elizabeth Beyers
E. D. Nicklas Obreyan & Susanah McCutcheon
E. D. Hugh Logg & Nancy McCully
ye 9th Charles Mair & Polly Hillman
E. D. Nathaniel Miller & Margreth Cuningham
Feby ye 7. Philip Eckle & Cathr : Becker
22d Johanes Lauman & Magdalena Zindmeyer
28th James McEllway & Nancy Lean
March ye 5th Jacob Trewer & Susanah Shnebel
E. D. Christoph Bouman & An : Cathrina Baunian
8th Martin Billmeyer & Cathrina Thomas
March ye 9th John McClellan & Margery Rippy
E. D. Alexander Mitchell & Jenny Moorhead
20 Joh : Jacob Zufall. V. D. M. & Ferronika Brunner
22 Abrah : Korey & Jane Nees
27 Philip Schock & Eliz : Sanger
Aprl. ye 2 Heinrich Kuntz & Dorothea Pragunier
E. D. Jacob Cook & Eliz : Small
3d Christian Nesler & Sybilla Lincking
4th Peter Schlosser & Sussanah Regnas
5 Adam Umberger & Mary Gertrauth Wernan
6th Peter Schuck & Maria Margreth Ruth
E. D. Georg Danzer & Cathrina Simon
E. D. James Crutchlow & Jane Andrew
14 Wm Miller & Charity Calvert
18th Martin Bohler & An : Eliz : Dieffenderfer
E. D. Melchior Fortune & Margreth Meyer
25th Charles Finley & Hester Hodge
i
382 Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam.
LITHOGRAPHIC POETEAITS OF ALBERT NEWSAM.
BY D. MCN. STAUFFER.
(Addenda to Vol. XXV. page 113.)
This supplementary list of lithographic work by Albert Newsam is
made up from such plates as have been found by the compiler since the
publication of the fuller list and from notes sent in by others. In the
latter case the descriptions are often incomplete, but the names are
included in their proper order for the information of those interested.
ALEXANDER DALLAS BACHE.
Bust, face £ to right. Inscription — On stone by A. New-
sam | P. S.Duval,Lith.,Phira. | Alex. Dallas Bache (auto.).
| Size 5 x 4.7 ins.
WILLIAM BALDWIN.
Undescribed as to figure and size. Inscription — C. W.
Peale, Pinx't. | On stone by A. Newsam. | P. S. Duval's
lith., Phila. | Ever yours | W. Baldwin (auto.). | From
Selection from Correspondence of the late William Bald-
win, M.D., Surgeon in the U. S. Navy. Compiled by
William Darlington, M.D., Phila., 1843.
GEORGE W. BEHN.
The portrait of Captain George Washington Behn, in the
U. S. Military Magazine, Vol. L, is drawn on stone by A.
Newsam.
ANNA BISHOP.
Portrait on sheet music — " On the Banks of the Guadal-
quiver." Drawn on stone by A. Newsam.
THE BOLD BRIGAND.
Man in brigand dress among rocks, firing a pistol ; other
brigands in background. Title to sheet music. Inscrip-
tion— On stone by A. Newsam. | P. S. Duval, Lith., Phila.
| The Bold Brigand | etc. Size 9.6 x 7.4 ins.
Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. 383
HENRY CLAY.
Kectaogular, half-length, face front. Inscription — Painted
by Wood and drawn on stone by A. Newsam | Lith'd by C.
GL Childs, Philad'a. | Published by D. Mallery, 146 Broad-
way, New York. | Copyright secured. | Henry Clay. |
Size 9.4 x 7.3 ins.
NICHOLAS COLLIN.
Undescribed as to figure and size. Inscription — On stone
by A. Newsam. From a drawing by Eev. H. G. Morton |
Lehman & Duval, Liths., Phila. |
JOHN COLLINS.
Rectangular, £ length, seated, face front; hat on head,
gloves in right hand, cane in left. Inscription — On stone
by A. Newsam from a Daguerreotype by M. A. Root | P.
S. Duval, Lith., Phil'a | J. Collins (auto) | John Collins,
Esq'e, | Irish Comedian & Vocalist | Size 7 x 5.10 ins.
ESH-TAH-HlJM-LEAH.
Half-length, face } to left. Inscription — Painted by C.
B. King | Newsam | Lehman & Duval, Lith's. | Philadel-
phia, Published by E. C. Biddle | (Copyright 18§6) | Esh-
Tah-Hum-Leah | or the Sleepy Eye. | A Sioux Chief | Size
12.2 x 8.13 ins.
A. C. DODGE.
Full bust, face almost front. Inscription — On stone by
A. Newsam from a Dag't | P. S. Duval & Co. Steam lith.
press Phila. | Your friend | A. C. Dodge (auto.) | A. C.
Dodge | U. S. Senator from Iowa. Size 9.7 x 7.10 ins.
FIRST TROOP, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.
Figures representing the uniforms of this troop and pub-
lished in the U. S. Military Magazine, Vol. I, and litho-
graphed by A. Newsam.
384 Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam.
* PETER FRITZ.
Full length in uniform, seated, arm on table ; in middle
a soldier standing at rest; to left an officer holding the flag
of the National Greys, of Philadelphia. On a certificate of
Membership in the National Greys, filled out in 1835. In-
scription — From life on stone by A. Newsam | P. S. Duval,
Lith. Phila. Huddy & Duval, Publishers | Size - .
HENRY HERTZ.
Half-length, £ to right. Inscription — A. Newsam | P. S.
Duval's Lith. Philad'a | Souvenir | de | Henry Hertz. |
Probably from a title to sheet music. Size 5.3 x 4.8 ins.
JENNY LIND.
Three-quarter length, face front. On sheet music. In-
scription — On stone by A. Newsam. | P. S. Duval, Lith.
Phil'a. | Title cut oif. Size 10.8 x 8.14 ins.
N. M. LUDLOW.
Full bust, face f to right. Inscription — On stone by A.
Newsam | Lehman & Duval, Lith. Philad'a. | N. M. Ludlow
(auto) | Comedian & Manager of the Mobile and St. Louis
Theatre. Size 4.5 x 3.12 ins.
Half-length, face f to left, leaning on tomahawk under
chin. Inscription — On stone by A. Newsam | Painted by
C. B. King | Lehman & Duval Lithr. | (Copyright 1837) |
Young Ma-Has-Kah | Chief of the loways | Size 10 x
8.2 ins.
MARGARET MORRIS — COLLINS.
Full bust, with broad collar and large comb, face f to
left. Inscription — On stone by A. Newsam from Original
Painting. | Margaret Morris, Wife of Isaac Collins, Jr. |
(From a reproduction.)
Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam. 385
NE-SOU-AQUOIT.
Half-length, face front, right hand on top of staff, medal
of Andrew Jackson at neck. Inscription — On stone by A.
Newsam | Painted by C. B. King | Lehman & Duval Lithr
| (Copyright 1837) | Ne-Sou-Aquoit | a Fox Chief | Phila-
delphia, Published by E. C. Biddle. | Size 14.4 x 11.13 ins.
JOHN NEAGLE.
Undescribed as to figure and size. Inscription — Sully
pinx. | Childs direxit | ascribed to A. Newsam.
HENRY A. MUHLENBERG.
Half-length, face f to left. Inscription — On stone by A.
Newsam | Schoener Pinx't | P. S. Duval, lith. PmTa | Hon.
Henry A. Muhlenberg | Minister to Austria. | Size 5.14 x
5.14 ins.
WILLIAM F. PACKER.
Half-length, face f to left. Inscription — A. Newsam,
from an Ambrotype by Walter Denmore, Phil. | P. S.
Duval & Sons Lith. Press, Phil. | Wm. F. Packer (auto) |
Gen. William F. Packer | Democratic Candidate for Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania | 1857 | Size 9.8 x 8.8 ins.
B. FRANK PALMER.
Bust, face front. Inscription — On stone by A. Newsam
from a dag. by Root | P. S. Duval & Co. st'm lith. press,
Phila. | B. Frank Palmer. | Size .
Po-CA-HAN-TAS.
Three-quarter length, face to left, holding tobacco, etc., in
right hand. Inscription— On stone by A. Newsam | P. S.
Duval, lith. Phila. | Po-ca-han-tas | The original portrait
painted in London in 1616 — was copied by Sully in 1830.
From that copy | this likeness was engraved. For detailed
evidence of authenticity see McKenney & Hall's Work |
on the North American Indians | (Rice & Clark's edition,
Phila.) From T. L. McKenney's Memoirs, New York,
1846. Size 5.4 x 4.5 ins.
VOL. xxvi. — 25
I
386 Lithographic Portraits of Albert Newsam.
&EDOWA WALTZ.
Man and woman in Bohemian dress dancing. Title to
sheet music. Inscription — On stone by A. Newsam | P. S.
Duval, Lith. Phila. | Philadelphia, A. Fiot, No. 196 Ches-
nut Street, etc. | Redowa Waltz | A new | Bohemian Waltz
| etc. Size 7.8 x 6 ins.
READING ARTILLERISTS.
Vol. I. of the U. S. Military Magazine contains an illus-
tration showing the uniform of the Reading Artillerists,
drawn on stone by A. Newsam.
JOHN SCHWARTZ.
Full bust, face £ to left. Inscription — On stone by A.
Newsam, Photo'd by C. L. Phillippi, Reading, P'a. | P. S.
Duval & Sons Lith. Phil'a. | Major John Schwartz | The
Democratic Candidate for Congress in Berks | An Officer
of the War of 1812 | Commissioned by | Gov. Simon
Snyder. | Size 11 x 7 ins.
TAH-CHEE.
Half-length, face £ to left, with turban and feathers, knife
in belt. Inscription — A. Newsam | Philadelphia, Published
by E. C. Biddle | (copyright 1837) | Tah-Chee | a Chero-
kee Chief | Size 12.7 x 11 ins.
U. S. FRIGATE CONSTITUTION.
In Vol. I. U. S. Military Magazine is a lithograph by A.
Newsam of the U. S. Frigate Constitution.
Washington's Plan for the Attack at Germantown. 387
WASHINGTON'S PLAN FOB THE ATTACK AT GEB-
MANTOWN.
BY C. H. LINCOLN, OP THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.
The troops to be ready to march this evening at six
oclock —
The divisions of Sullivan & Wayne to form the right
wing and attack the enemy's left; they are to march down
Monatany road — The divisions of Green & Stephen to form
the left wing and attack the enemy's right; they are to
march down the Skippack road. General Conway to
march in front of the troops that compose the right wing,
and file off to attack the enemy's left flank. General Mc-
Dougall to march in front of the troops that compose the
left wing and file off to attack the enemy's right flank —
General Nash & General Maxwell's brigade form the
corps de reserve and to be commanded by Major General
Lord Stirling. The Corps De reserve to pass down the
Skippack road.
General Armstrong to pass down the ridge road pass by
Leverings tavern & take guides to cross the Wissahiecon
creek up the head of John Yandeering's mill-dam so as to
fall above Joseph Warners new house.
Smallwood and Forman to pass down the road by a mill
formerly Dan1 Morris' & Jacob Edges mill into the White
marsh road at the Sandy run: thence to white marsh
church, where take the left hand road, which leads to Jen-
kin's tavern on the old york road, below Armitages, beyond
the seven mile stone half a mile from which turns off short
to the right hand, fenced on both sides, which leads through
the enemy's incampment to Germantown market house.
General McDougall to attack the right of the enemy in
flank. General Smallwood & forman to attack the right
wing in flank & rear. — General Conway to attack the
'
388 Washington's Plan for the Attack at Germantown.
enemy's left flank & &eneral Armstrong to attack their left
wing in flank and rear.
The militia, who are to act on the flanks not to have
cannon.
Packs & blankets to be left, the men are to carry their
provisions in their Haversacks, or any other manner least
inconvenient.
All the pioneers of each division who are fit to march
are to move in front of their respective divisions, with all
the axes they can muster —
Pickets on the left of Vanderin's mill to be taken off by
Armstrong : one at Allen's house on Mount Airey by Sulli-
van— One at Lucans Mill by Greene —
Each Column to make their disposition so as to attack
the pickets in their respective routs, precisely at five oclock
with charged bayonets and without firing, and the columns
to move on the attack as soon as possible.
The Columns to endeavour to get within two miles of the
enemy's pickets on their respective routs by two oclock and
there halt 'till four and make the disposition for attacking
the pickets at the time above mentioned.
The Columns of Cont : troops & militia to communicate
with each other from time to time by light horse.
Proper flanking parties to be kept out from each column.
Endorsed by Washington : " Order of March
and Battle
German Town
4th Octr 1777."
Letter of Benjamin Franklin to David Hall, 1765. 389
LETTER OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO DAVID HALL,
1765.
(CONARROE COLLECTION, HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.)
LONDON, Aug*. 9. 1765
DEAR MK HALL
I received yours of June 20. & 22. I have wrote my
Mind fully to you in former Letters relating to the Stamp
Act, so that I have but little to add, except what you desire
to know about the 2 / one Advertisements. It is undoubt-
edly to be paid every Time the Advertisement is inserted.
As to the Paper sent over, I did it for the best, having at
that time Expectations given me that we might have had it
stampt there, in which case you would have had great
Advantage of the other Printers, since if they were not
provided with such Paper, they must have either printed
but a half sheet common Demi, or paid for two Stamps on
each sheet. The Plan was afterwards alter'd notwithstand-
ing all I could do, it being alledged that Scotland & every
Colony would expect the same Indulgence if it was granted
to us. The Paper must now be sent back again. But I
hope you will excuse what I did in Good Will, tho' it hap-
pen'd Wrong. — The Molds I still think you should have, as
you see that Paper from hence is much dearer than we can
make it, with all the Charge of Carriage, but that I hope to
get oft.
I would not have you by any means drop the Newspaper,
as I am sure it will soon recover any present Loss, and may
be carried on to advantage if you steadily proceed as I pro-
pos'd in former Letters. I am,
Yours affectionately
B FRANKLIN.
390 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
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Notes and Queries. 401
NOTES AND QUERIES.
note*.
RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF SEVEN COMPANIES, FOURTH BAT-
TALION LANCASTER COUNTY ASSOCIATORS, COLONEL JAMES BURD
MARCH 13, 1776.—
We the Subscribers Officers of the Fourth Battalion of Lancaster
County do Certify that the Following Gentlemen agreeable to their
Banks are voted by a Majority of every individual Private of the Bat-
talion as officers of the said Battalion and Bequest the Commissioners
may Issue accordingly. As Witness our hands this 13th. March 1776.
James Burd, Col.,
Thomas Murray, Lieut Col.,
Cornelius Cox, 1st Major,
Frederick Hummel, 2d Major.
!•* James Croutch, Captn., 5th John Beed, Capt.,
William Mackey, 1st Lieut., James Clark, lgt Lieut.,
Frederick Hubley, 2d Lieut., George Clark, 2d Lieut.,
Simon Snyder, Ensign. Samuel Oram, Ensign.
2d James Cowden, Capt., 6th James Murray, Capt.,
John Gilcrest, 1st Lieut., Peter Sturgeon, 1st Lieut,
William Cochrane, 2d Lieut., John Simpson, 2d Lieut.,
Thomas McArthur Jr., Ensign. John Byan, Ensign.
3d Joseph Sheerer, Capt., 7th Jacob Fridley, Capt.,
James Collier Jr., 1st Lieut., John McFarland, 1st Lieut.,
Samuel Butherford, 2d Lieut., Mathias Howver, 2d Lieut.,
Samuel Hutcheson, Ensign. Philip Blesing, Ensign.
4th Bichard Manning, Capt.,
Thomas Foster, 1st Lieut.,
Samuel Martin, 2d Lieut.,
Elijah Buck, Ensign.
There is two Companys more who have altered their officers on acco*
of Besignations ; when the Beturns are given in they shall be Punctually
Transmitted.
Signed at the Bequest of the Board of Officers, the original Bemain-
ing in my hands
JAMES BURD,
Col. 4th Batt. Lan. County.
TINIAN, 12* June 1776
o'n the other side is a Beturn of the officers of my Battalion which I
am Bequested to Transmit to our County Committee & to Bequest of
VOL. XXVI. — 26
402
Notes and Queries.
them that they will be pleased to procure the Commissions to the Offi-
cers as soon as they Conveniently can of the 7 Companys, the Return
of the other 2 Companys will be sent as soon as possible in order that
they may also have their Commissions. In the meantime I am with
much Respect
Gentm
Your most Humble Serv*
JAMES BURD
JASPER YEATES, Esqr Chairman, Col. 4th Batt.
& the other Members of the
Committee of Lancaster County.
RETURN OF THE NON COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND PRIVATES
OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, now actually serving in the
Southern Army ; specifying the Number whose time of enlestment will
expire on or before the first day of March 1782 and between the first
of March and the last of November in the same year.
Total Number in Service
South Carolina
I
S
1
I
.S
1
i
S
CQ
g
OS
°G
Camp at Pon-Pon 31 Jany 1782
B
»
|
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1
M
i
d
«
§
i
fi
a
3
3
3
2
78
40
1020
N. B. A part of Col. Craigs Battalion are only enlested to the first of
January 1783.
The Troops serving in the first Reg* of Cavalry — Col. Moylan's Regi-
ment— and the Artillery companies detached under General Wayne to
Georgia are not included.
A True Copy of Col. Williams' s return.
EDWD HAND. A. G1.
HENRY CHRIST'S ACCOUNT OF PAYMENTS MADE TO THE NON COM-
MISSIONED OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS, THRO' COL. RICHARD BUTLER,
who were enlisted for during the war & yet continue in service in the
Pennsylv* Line.
READING May 26, 1781.
Joseph Mileham,
Samuel Crawford,
Nicholas Delde,
James M°Elvain,
Andrew Wilson,
Cornelius Deveny,
Samuel Carson,
John Blackwood,
Isaac Vogan,
John Woelin,
John Andrew,
Adam Hill,
William Miller,
Charles Cooper,
John Van der Crummal,
John Person,
William Moody,
William Smith,
William Griffin,
Josiah Tomkins,
Tho8 Brown Jr.,
George Recroft,
John Ross,
Thomas Powel,
Notes and Queries.
403
Willm Thomas,
John Hamilton,
Thomas Sands,
Andrew Boge,
James Caruthers,
John M. Hink,
Thomas Hefferman,
Joseph Humphrey,
Everhardt Ferhyen,
Mahlon Forrest,
John Smith,
William Gordon,
John Beltly,
Peter Thomas,
James Evans,
Isaac Jackson,
Richard Leonart,
Benjamin Jackson,
Martin Delany,
Michael Ferrol,
George Bainer,
Elias Peters,
Charles White,
George Feipner Jr.,
John Williamson,
William Delaney,
Michael M'Cody,
James Smith,
James Johnston,
Samuel Reeder,
Thomas Hustler,
Francis Gowan,
Ambrose Comer,
Christian Freeh,
John Summers,
Martin Buchder,
Sebastian Marsheimer,
Michael Smith,
Jacob Hill,
Joseph Jackson,
Christian King,
Peter Dell,
David Rees,
John Philip Long,
William Hunter,
Peter Ferry,
Arthur Murphey,
Richard Wills,
John Day,
John Falls,
John Bivins,
John Fredk Conrad,
Roger Curry,
Paul Russel,
John Tracey,
George Stull,
Francis Needham,
Thomas Snowden,
James Rowland,
Arthur Keary,
Henry Harper,
Dennis Kennedy,
John Zanes,
George Hart,
Patrick Fernel,
John Welch,
Andrew Nelson,
William Feagan,
John Kergy,
Richard Lavering,
Matthew McEnally,
Archd McKendrick,
John Henry,
Joseph Cochran,
Robert Hamilton,
Thomas Service,
Jacob Rosewell,
Edward Nelson,
Robert Allen,
James Dougherty,
William Mably,
Samuel Woods,
William Johnston,
William Loughridge,
Aaron Lochart,
Laurence Burns,
John Dous,
Peter Phelan,
William Brooks,
Silvester Hogan,
David Campbell,
Thomas Peacock,
Thomas Brown Jr.,
Patrick McCrossen,
John Kelly,
William Mand,
John Deveny,
Francis King,
James Mahoney,
George Rowland,
Alex. Allison,
Dennis McGroty,
Frederick Stillwagon,
John Bachn,
Daniel Barnhart,
Christian Young,
404 Notes and Queries,
William Chambers, . John Hamilton,
John Marshall, William Mileham,
John Nocten, John Toppins,
Eichard Barrons, Isaac Harelton,
Robert Letford, John McMechan,
George Walton, Thomas Dodson,
Daniel Salleday, George Duffy,
Hugh Havean, John Hersh,
John Ripson, Henry Crone,
Lochin Morrison, William Fitzpatrick,
John Comer, George McLaughlin,
John Sutherland, Thomas Flower,
James Matthew, Patrick Rock,
John Cavanagh, James Baily.
Samson Dempsey,
ANTENUPTIAL AGREEMENT BETWEEN JACOB SPICEE AND DEBORAH
LEAMING, 1751 (original in the Collection of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania). —
To MRS DEBORAH LEAMING,
MADAM.
Seeing I Jacob Spicer have addressed myself to you upon the design
of Marriage, I therefore esteem it necessary to Submit to your considera-
tion some particulars before we enter upon that Solemn Enterprize which
may either establish our happiness, or Occasion our Inquietude during
life, and if you concur with those particulars I shall have great en-
couragement to carry my design into execution ; and since Happiness is
the grand pursuit of a Rational creature, so marriage ought not to be
attempted short of a prospect of arriving thereat, and in order thereunto
(should we marry) I conceive the following Rules and particulars ought
to be steadily observed and kept, viz.
1st. That we keep but one purse, a Severance of Interest bespeaking
diffidence, mistrust, and disunity of mind.
2d. That we avoid anger as much as possible, especially with each
other, but If either should be overtaken therewith, the other to Treat
the angry Party with Temper and moderation during the Continuance
of such anger, and afterwards If need require let the matter of heat be
cooly discussed when reason shall resume its Government.
3d. As we have different Stocks of Children to which we are and ought
to be strongly attached by Ties of Nature, so its proper when such
Children, or any of them need Correction it be administered by the party
from whom they have Descended, unless in the opinion of both Parties
it shall be thought necessary to be otherwise administered for the Chil-
drens good.
4th. That no difference or partiality be made with respect to such Chil-
dren who live with us in point of Common usuage Touching Education,
Food, raiment, and Treatment otherwise than usuage, Circumstance and
Convenience may render it necessary, to be agreed upon between us and
grounded upon reason.
5th. That Civility, Courtesy, and kind Treatment be all ways exercised
and extended towards such Child or Children that now is, or hereafter
may be removed from us.
6th. That we use our Mutual Endeavours to Instruct, Council, Im-
Notes and Queries. 405
prove, Admonish, and advise all our Children without partiality for
their General Good, and that we ardently endeavour to promote both
their Temporal and Eternal Welfare.
7th. That each of us use our best Endeavours to Inculcate upon the
Minds of our respective Stocks of Children a Venerable and Honourable
Opinion of the other of us, and avoid as much as possible any Insinua-
tions that may have a different Tendency.
8th. That in Matters where either of us is more capable of Judging
than the other of us, or best acquainted therein, that the person so most
capable of Judging, and best acquainted do follow his or her own Judg-
ment without Controul, unless the other shall be able to give a sufficient
reason to the Contrary, then and in such Case the same to be Conclusive,
And that we do adhere to each other in things reasonable and expedient
with a Mutual Condescension, and also advise with, and Consult each
other in Matters of Importance.
9th. That If any misunderstanding shou'd arise the same to be calmly
Canvassed and accommodated between ourselves without admitting the
Interposition of any other, or seeking a Confident to either reveal our
mind unto, or Sympathize withall upon the Occasion.
10th. That no Suspicions Jealousies of any kind whatever be har-
boured in our breasts, without absolute or good Circumstantial evidence,
and If conceived upon proof or Strong presumption, the same to be
communicated to the Suspected person in Temper and Moderation, and
not Told to another.
ll*h. That we be just, Chaste, and Continent to each other, and shou'd
either prove otherwise, that then we Separate notwithstanding the most
Solemn Ties to the Contrary, unless it shall Suit the Injured Party to
forgive the Injury and Continue the Coverture ; and in Case of Separa-
tion each of us keep such Share of Wealth as we were possessed of when
we came together, if it remains in the same state as to Quantum, but if
over, or under then in proportion to what we Originally had.
12th. That we neither give into, nor Countenance any 111 advisers,
who may have a Design to Mar our Happiness and Sow discord Be-
tween us.
13th. That in Matters of Eeligious Concernment we be at liberty to
Exercise our Sentiments freely without Controul.
IJph. That we use our Mutual Endeavours to Encrease our Affection,
Cultivate our Harmony, promote our Happiness, and live in the Fear of
God, and in Obedience to his Kighteous Laws.
15th. That we use the Relatives of each other with Friendly Kindness,
and that the same be extended to our Friends and Benefactors mutually
without grudging.
16th. That the Survivor of us, endeavour after the death of the other
of us, to Maintain the Reputation and dignity of the deceased, by avoid-
ing Levity of Behaviour, dissoluteness of life, and disgraceful Marriage,
not only so, but that such Survivour Perseveres in good Offices to the
Children of the deceased, as a Discreet, faithfull, and Honourable Sur-
vivour ought to do.
l?th That in Case Jacob Spicer after Trial shall not think it for his
Interest or agreeable to his disposition to live at the plantation where
Deborah Learning now resides, then and in such Case she to remove
with him elsewhere upon a prospect promising to better his Circum-
stances, or promote his Happiness, provided the Landed Interest of the
406 ' Notes and Queries.
said Deborah's late husband be taken proper care of for the Benefit of
her son Christopher.
18th. That the said Jacob Spicer be allowed from Time to Time to
purchase such Books from our Joint Stock, as he shall think necessary
for the advantage and Improvement of himself and our Children Jointly
or either of them without grudging.
19th. That the said Jacob Spicer do continue to keep Elisha Hughes
and Perform his express agreement to him according to Indenture already
Executed and discharge the Trust reposed in him the said Spicer by the
mother of the said Elisha without grudging or Complaint.
20th. And as the said Deborah Learning and the said Jacob Spicer
are now something advanced in years, and ought to Take the Comfort
of life as free from hard Toil as convenience will admit, Therefore
neither of them be subject thereunto, unless in Case of Emergence, and
this Exemption to be no ways Censured by each other, provided they
Supervise, Contrive, and do the light necessary Services Incumbent on
the respective heads of a family, not omitting to cultivate their Minds
when convenience will admit.
218t. That if anything be omitted in the foregoing rules and Particu-
lars that may Conduce to our future Happiness and Welfare, the same
to be hereafter Supplied by reason and discretion as often as Occasion
shall require.
22d. That the said Jacob Spicer shall not upbraid the said Deborah
with the extraordinary Industry and Good Oeconomy of his deceased
wife, neither shall the said Deborah Learning upbraid the said Jacob
Spicer with the like extraordinary Industry and good Oeconomy of her
Deceased Husband, neither shall anything of this Nature be observed by
either, to the other of us, with any View to Ofiend, or Irritate the Party
to whom observed, a thing too frequently practised in a Second Mar-
riage, and very fatal to the repose of the Parties married.
I Deborah Learning in Case I marry with Jacob Spicer do hereby
Promise to Observe and Perform the before going rules and Particulars
containing twenty Two in Number to the best of my Power — As Witness
my hand the 16th day of December 1751.
[signed.]
DEBORAH LEAMYING.
I Jacob Spicer in Case I marry with Deborah Learning do hereby
pjomise to observe and Conform to the before going rules and particu-
lars containing Twenty Two Numbers to the best of my Power, As Wit-
ness my hand the 16th day of December 1751.
[signed.]
JACOB SPICER.
MRS. WASHINGTON TO Miss MARY ANN AITKEN. — The following
in the handwriting of Tobias Lear is in the collection of Mr. C. Fitz
Henry Campbell, of Nova Scotia :
It is with regret that Mrs. Washington informs Miss Aitken that she
cannot accept the beautiful Screen which Miss Aitken has been so polite
as to send her. However painful it is to Mrs. Washington to deprive
Miss Aitken of the pleasure which her acceptance of this present might
have given her ; yet Mrs. Washington feels constrained to do it in con-
formity to a line of conduct which she has hitherto observed on such
Notes and Queries. 407
occasions. The taste and beautiful execution of the Screen are such as
to reflect the highest credit on the talents of Miss Aitken— and the time
in which it was executed does no less honour to her industry.—
Mrs. Washington begs that Miss Aitken will be assured that she has
the same sense of Miss Aitken' s politeness and respect towards her as if
her present had been accepted.
Thursday Feby. 24th-94.
Addressed to
Miss MARY ANN AITKEN,
MARKET ST.
GERMAN SCHOOLS OF PHILADELPHIA.— Recd of the Recr General
Fifty pounds 4/10d which with Fifty pounds paid me heretofore is in full
for the Money advanced in behalf of the Honble Tho" & Kichd Penn
Esq" and Lady Juliana Penn, towards carrying on the German Schools
to the 1st Instant.
WILLIAM SMITH.
SUICIDE OF MAJOR GAL VAN. —Major Galvan, a distinguished French
officer, who shot himself through the head on July 24, 1782, and was
buried the following day in the Potter's Field (Washington Square),
addressed the following letter to his friends, Lieutenant-Colonel Brock-
hoist Livingston, Major Matthew Clarkson, and William Bingham :
Adieu, my dear friends ; life has become a burthen too heavy for me :
I shake it off. Men who do not reflect will accuse me of weakness :
they will be mistaken. That same courage which enables me to meet
death, would have also supported me in bearing any degree of pain :
but what end would be answered by it ? Love, in extinguishing in me
every other passion, has disqualified me to follow any pursuit from which
my country, my friends or my family might receive any advantage.
Why then should I preserve a life useless to them and obnoxious to me.
I resign it cooly and deliberately : the only regret I carry with me is
that the sacrifice was made to my own case, and not to some nobler or
more disinterested motive.
I intrust you my dear friends with the execution of my last will :
have me buried decently. Pay all my debts and if what I leave here
was not sufficient draw upon my brother at Bayonne. I hope Bingham
will take the trouble of this if necessary.
Send a copy of my will to my mother, Madam Henry de Fadat, at
Dominica, and one to my above mentioned brother Francois Louis
Galvan De Bernoux. But let neither know the nature of my death.
Endeavour to conceal it or at least to make it as little public as possible.
Take care of Hector : I would be glad he would live with my brother,
and until he joins him, let him stay with either of you that he chuses.
Present my Picture to Miss Sally Shippen : Tell her my gratitude for
her friendship will be one of the last sentiments that dies in me.
Present my last compliments, (and let them be very affectionate), to
all my friends male and female ; You know them.
Let such letters as will be directed to me be kept by Bingham and
deliver or sent to my Brother as he shall direct. I recommend him to
the friendship of you three.
Seal the letters you'll find upon my table and send them to their
respective addresses.
408 Notes and Queries.
I have annexed to this* as exact an account as I can recollect of all
my affairs here. Sell all my effects except my linnen, which with my
pa'pers I desire may be well secured and kept under Keys at Bingham's,
to be delivered to my brother if he returns here or disposed of as he
shall direct.
The pistols are loaded ! Adieu for the last time ! Love me after I
am dead as I did you while I was alive. Defend my memory against
happy lovers, for I suppose no unfortunate one will attack it.
I march off gayly and almost as eagerly as when our Mend General
Wayne sent me to attack Lord Cornwallis, and hope I shall be more
successful in outflanking love than the British army.
GALVAN.
24* July 1782.
You will not my dear Clarkson, call my honor in question. My
torments are more than I can bear — be indulgent to me — forgive me.
GALVAN.
CERTIFICATE OF REMOVAL OF GEORGE WOOD, 1682. — Recorded in
Darby (Penna.,) Monthly Meeting Minute Book, Vol. II. p. 7. —
A certificate from ye monthly meetings of Friends belonging to
Matlock, Monyash & Ashford meeting Concerning our Deare Friend
George Wood ye 29th 5th month 1682. Darbyshire :
This is to satisfie friends in America or elsewhere y* George Wood the
bearer here of hath since ye time he hath been among friends walked
very orderly & faithfully amongst us & he his deare wife & children have
been of good Savour in their Country and in sweet unity with friends in
ye Blessed Truth in which precious love Unity is ye pure Truth we now
part with them tho sorry to be soo far Absent from them if ye Lord had
pleased to have ordered it otherwise : but yet in spirit we hope for ever
to feel them with us & are well satisfied in their going, desiring y6 Lord
may be ever with them & All His to the end. To the praise & Glory &
our eternal joy & comfort for ever : So be it. Oh Lord, let it be so.
Amen.
Given forth at our monthly on day & yeare abovesd by us whose
names are here subscribed
Sam1 Sykes, Sam. Johnson,
Will Bunting, Anthony Woodward,
John Galton, Hannah Souter,
Jonathan Fisher, Mary Foulke.
JOHN WARDER, OF PHILADELPHIA. — To the Friends' Quarterly
Examiner, London, Frederick G. Cash has been contributing a resume
of the manuscript "Recollections" of James Jenkins (no kin of the
writer of this), a merchant of London, a Friend, in the period 1761-1821.
In the course of it occurs the following :
" On the 21st of Fourth Month, 1778, I was an invited guest at the
marriage of Jasper Capper and my kinswoman Anne, the daughter of
my quondam master, John Fry. We dined (after the marriage) at the
White Hart tavern near the church in Bishopsgate street, and were a
pretty large company. Old is the saying that ' a wedding makes wed-
dings,' and so it happened this time, for John Warder, (a native of
Philadelphia, then boarding and lodging at John Fry's), was smitten
Notes and Queries. 409
with the charms of Nancy Head, daughter of John Head, of Ipswich,"
etc.
Readers of the Extracts from Ann Warder's Journal (kept after her
arrival in this country, 1786), published in the PENNSYLVANIA MAGA-
ZINE, Vols. XVII. and XVIII., will be interested to have these details
added to their knowledge of the lively journalist.
H. M. J.
EXTRACTS FROM THE MEMOIRS OF JONAS INGHAM, LATE CAPTAIN
OF BUCKS COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA, MILITIA. — About this time the
Revolutionary war broke out. I entered my name on the muster roll
and did my duty as a militia man, first as a lieutenant, then as a cap-
tain. In the years 1777 and 1778, I think it was, I served a pretty
hard tour of duty in the months of November, December, and January
near the British lines, who were then in Philadelphia. We suffered
much with cold, lying out of doors on the ground the whole of the time
with nothing to cover us but each of us a single blanket.
I was at the battle called Gulph Mills and so afraid of being called a
coward that I was the last on the battle ground (except two or three who
kept me company) and was very near being taken prisoner. After the
retreat when I came up with the company now at Sweedford I was among
them before they perceived me, and I overheard our Adjutant, Mr.
Kennada, relating to the company that he had seen me under the light
horsemen's feet and that I was taken prisoner. This was nearly the
case. A troop of light horsemen pursued me, were near me and fired
at me, I believe all of them, and then rode close up and called upon me
and those who were with me (I forget their names) many times, with
very hard words and hard names to ground our arms, but we escaped
by climbing high fences and taking to some woods.
But we remained yet a great while in the British lines, taking a new
position every night after dark, for fear the spies would bring the British
out again as they had done before. This made our duty very unpleasant
in all kinds of severe weather of which we had a good deal.
On the last day of January I was sent home very sick of a fever, in a
wagon, owing I suppose to a change in the way of our living as well as
suffering with cold and hardships. . . .
My "going to war," as it was termed, prejudiced the whole Society
of Friends against me. . . .
"FALL OF THE YEAR." — Conversing in England, on a recent visit,
my friends there remarked upon my use of the word Fall, instead of
Autumn, in describing the seasons of the year. I was able to point out
to them that in William Penn's narrative of his imprisonment in the
Tower for writing "The Sandy Foundation Shaken" (vide his frag-
mentary "Apology," in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsyl-
vania, Vol. III. Part 2), he says, "I was committed the beginning of
December, and was not discharged till the Fall of the Leaf following."
So, too, Lieutenant-Governor Markham, writing home from Upland,
December 7, 1681, says, "In the fall of the Leaf, or after Harvest, here
are abundance of wild turkeys," etc.
. M. J.
410
Notes and Queries.
A PAY ABSTRACT OF 'CAPTAIN JOHN WHETZALLS COMPANY OF
BANGERS, Monongala County under the command of Col Daniel
M°Farland, Eanging in Monongahala and Ohio Countys from the 22nd
day of April to the 25th of July 1778 both days included.
Mens names
Commencing
Ending
Months
1
Pay per
month
Conti-
nental
Currency.
John Whetzall Captain
April 22 paid
July 25
3
5
40 Dols
47-10- 0
William Crawford Lieut
27
do
3
27 do
30- 7- 6
John Madison Ensign
27
do
3
20 do
29-10- 0
Peter Miller Sergeant
22 paid
do
3
5
8 do
9-10- 0
Christian Copley do
May 1st
do
2
26
do
8-12- 0
John Six - Private
April 28
do
2
29
25 do
27-16- 3
Samuel Brown
do
do
2
29
do
27-16- 3
Lewis Bonnell
May 1st
do
2
26
do
26-18- 4
Jacob Teasbaugh
do
July 14
2
15
do
23- 7- 6
Joseph Morris
April 20
25
3
5
6f do
7-18- 4
Benjamin Wright
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
William Hall
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Philip Nicholas
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
John Nicholas
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Henry Yoho
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
John Duncan
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Thomas Harges
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
John Provence Jr
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Harvey Franks
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Nicholas Cronsber
do
do
3
5
do
7-18- 4
Jacob Teasbaugh
do
April 30
9
do
15-0
John Six -
do
do
9
do
15- 0
Abram Eastwood
23
July 25
3
4
do
7-16- 8
Conrah Has
do paid
do
3
4
do
7-16- 8
Mark Has
do paid
do
3
4
do
7-16- 8
Martin Whetzall
do paid
do
3
4
do
7-16- 8
Enock Enocks
24 paid
do
3
3
do
7-15- 0
Jacob Kiffle
24 paid
do
3
3
do
7-15- 0
Palantine Laurense
do
do
3
3
do
7-15- 0
John Andrew
do
do
3
3
do
7-15- 0
John Smith
do
do
3
3
do
7-15- 0
William Gardner
25
do
3
2
do
7-13- 4
Notes and Queries. 411
A PAY ABSTRACT OF CAPTAIN JOHN WHETZALL.— Continued.
Mens names
Commencing
Ending
1
!
Pay per
month
Conti-
nental
Currency.
David Cook
May 25
July 25
2
2
GfDols
5-3-4
Joseph Yeager
21
June 21
1
2
do
2-13- 4
Philip Call
25
17
24
do
2- 0-11
George Call
25
July 25
2
2
do
5-3-4
Joseph Coons
28
do
1
29
do
4-18- 4
Matthew Kiffle
30
do
1
27
do
4-15- 0
Jacob Shandler
29
do
1
28
do
4-16- 8
Peter Goosey
June 26
July 3
8
do
13- 4
Philip Barker
April 30
May 17
24
do
2-8-0
£ 478 — 17 — 10
I do certify that the within officers and men was sent as Rangers by
my order given under my hand August 12-1778.
DANIEL M°FARLAND.
HEAD QUARTERS PITTSBUKG March 25-1780
SIR — Please to examine the within abstract and fill a warrant
accordingly.
DANIEL BROADHEAD
To ALEX FOWLER ESQR. Col Commanding W. D.
A. W. D.
The original is in the Historical Museum of the University of West
Virginia, Morgantown, W. Va.
SOME ABSTRACTS OF POWERS OF ATTORNEY on file in Phila-
delphia, contributed by Mr. William M. Mervine.
Abstract of Power of Attorney. (Exem. Deed Book No. 11, page
356, Philada.)
William Green of the Parish and Town of Farringdon in the County
of Berks in Great Britain, Yeoman, power of attorney to John Lee of
London. Whereas George Green * heretofore of the Town of Farringdon
aforesaid deceased, did on or about 1680 purchase Land in the Province
of Pennsylvania and whereas the said William Green is heir at law to
the said George Green, as it appeareth by the Parish Register's Books
kept for Marriage, Baptisms and Burials in the said Parish of Farring-
don aforesaid, that is to Say the said William Green is the Eldest Son
and Heir at Law of John Green who was the Eldest Son and Heir at
Law of another John Green who was the Eldest Son and Heir at Law
of another John Green who was the next Brother of George Green the
Purchaser of Farringdon aforesaid.
Signed June 9, 1777.
i An early purchaser of Pennsylvania lands was Henry Green, of Farringdon in the
County of Berks, Roper. See list of first purchasers, Penna. Arch., 3d Ser., vol. iii. page
332.
412 Notes and Queries. *_
(Page 360.)
John Lee of the City of London and John Hatter of City of Oxford
Writing Master declare they did examine the Registers Books etc., on
the 6th day of June 1777 and that the extracts or copies of Registers
hereunto annexed, marked with letter B, are true copies of Entries in
the Register's Books etc.
Signed June 10, 1777, before Edwd. Loth (or Losh) Mayor.
[The copies of entries above mentioned do not appear in the record
book.]
May 7, 1781. Power of Attorney, Francis Draper, Henry Draper,
Ann Grant, Leonard Draper, of Market Lavington in the County of
Wilts Great Britain &c heirs of John Brothers l of the same place who
died intestate and possessed of sundry Freehold Lands etc and Liberty
Lands in Province of Penna., and City and Suburbs of Phila., and in
the New Jerseys, to Charles Cecil of Chelso near London, who intends
to proceed to North America in order to recover the estate of said John
Brothers etc.2
John Williams Curate of Market Levington in the County of Wilts
and Diocese of Sarum. Francis Rogers, Minister of Stanton St
Bernard in the said County of Wilts and Diocese of Sarum, and
Samuel Bowden of Devises in the said County Gent. Severally make
oath and Say that the Several Certificates of Marriages and Baptisms
and Burials are true Extracts etc etc
From the Register of Parish of Market Livington in the County of
Wilts &c
Ambrose Draper and Elizabeth Brothers both of said Parish were
married August 26, 1695.
Ambrose Draper and Ann Bishop were married June 18, 1720.
William Grant and Anne Draper were married August 11, 1741.
Elizabeth, Daughter of John Brothers and Anne his Wife was bap-
tised October 22, 1674.
Ambrose the son of Ambrose Draper was baptised May 10, 1722.
John the son of Ambrose Draper was baptised Feby 2, 1723.
Anne, daughter of Ambrose Draper was bapt. July 19, 1783.
Leonard, son of Ambrose Draper, bapt. Dec. 11, 1737.
Henry, son of John Draper, bapt. May 19, 1752.
John Brotherest buried May 18, 1721.
Ambrose Draper, buried Dec. 22, 1721.
Anne Draper, Widow, buried June 9, 1747, aged 46.
John Draper, buried Aug. 4, 1763.
Extracts from the Register of the Parish of Stanton St Bernard in
the County of Wilts etc.
John Draper and Anne More were married June 20, 1751.
1 Among the first purchasers of Pennsylvania (Penna. Arch., 3d Ser., vol. iii. page 328)
appear the names of " John Brother, of Market Levington in the County of Wilts, and
Robert Serghill of Weadhampton in the same County, Yeoman."
8 The above-mentioned Charles Cecil seems to have made the proposed voyage to
America to recover the estate of John Brothers ; October 2d, 1783, Charles Cecil enters a
Caveat against the acceptance of a Survey of sixteen acres in Blockley Township,
in right of John Brother's original purchase. (Pa. Arch., 3d. Ser., vol. ii. page 644.)
(Also page 52 of same volume gives record of his proceedings regarding said estate.)
Notes and Queries. 413
BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. —The one hundred and twenty-fifth
anniversary of the battle of Germantown will be commemorated by the
Pennsylvania Society of Sons of the Revolution in the Market Square
Presbyterian Church, Germantown, on Saturday evening October 4th.
The address will be made by John W. Jordan, Registrar of the Society.
HESSELIU'S PORTRAITS.— In a letter of Richard Hockley to Thomas
Penn, "Philada. 9br 18th 1742," occurs the following : "Mrs. Penn's
and Mr. Freame's pictures with the Owl, allowed to be exceeding good
copys and according to my judgment the best I ever saw of Hesseliu's
paintings. "
THOMAS. — Information is requested as to what branch of the Thomas
Family the following records appertain. "Oliver Thomas's Book,
4»h July 1729, whose children by his wife Sarah" are as follows :
Evan, b. February 12, 1736/7.
Ann, b. January 1, 1738/9.
Mary, b. March 3, 1740/1.
Margaret, b. October 5, 1743.
Sarah, b. August 13, 1745.
Rebecca, b. May 31, 1749.
Elenor, b. October 15, 1752 ; d. October 26, 1752.
David, b. May 31, 1754.
"Mary Thomas was married with John Du — the 5th of May 1764,
and were also brought a bed a young Daughter named Mary, the 10th
of 1769, and Deceased in childbed the 14th inst.
"Margaret Spiering, wife of John Spiering, brought a bed the 5th of
September 1769, a daughter named Susanna Ursala Sauty Spiering.
"Rebecca Thomas, daughter of Oliver and Sarah Thomas, deceased
the 24th of September 1769, and Sarah Thomas, wife of John Hodgcock
Jr., deceased the 25th September 1769.
" Oliver Thomas, aged 55 years the 24th of June 1769, died the 3rd day
of October, and was buried the 6 inst. 1769."
FRANCIS M. HUTCHINSON.
MURRAY.— Wanted, the date of the death of George Washington
Murray, son of Francis Murray, Esq., born September 25, 1788, in
Newtown, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. j
CONNOLLY.— Information is requested of James Connolly, born April
1 1781 in Philadelphia, and his brother, Thomas Connolly, born April
9, 1783, in London, the sons of Lt. Col. John Connolly, of the British
arm^ NAZ. H.
JBooh notices.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE MASON AND DIXON LINE. By Morgan
Portiaux Robinson. 1892, 16 pp.
The article begins with the royal grants to the London Company ;
relates how, after much contention, the present State ot Maryland
was taken out of the territory originally granted to the London Com-
pany and given to Lord Baltimore, and how, later, Delaware was sliced
414
Notes and Queries.
out of the grant to Baltiftiore ; describes the trials of the surveyors in
the Indian-infested wilderness between Philadelphia and the Alle-
ghanies, as far as an Indian war-path on Duncard's Creek, where the
Chiefs of the Six Nations notified the surveyors that they must halt,
and finally traces the more modern steps that have been taken by the
States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware to preserve this line,
and describes the work of rehabilitation that is now being prosecuted
under the supervision of the Superintendent of the United States Geo-
detic and Coast Survey.
HISTORY OF THE CENTRAL HIGH SCHOOL OF PHILADELPHIA. By
Franklin Spencer Edmonds, A.M., Professor of Political Science,
Central High School, and Master of Archives of the Associated
Alumni. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1902. Small
8vo, 394 pp., with Appendixes, Illustrations, and an Index.
It would be difficult to name a book which so closely approaches the
model of what a history of an educational institution should be. It
would also be difficult to name a book which surpasses in form and style
and general appropriateness to the theme this recent issue from the best-
known publishing house of Philadelphia. Professor Edmonds has done
his work well, and printer and publisher have clothed it in an attractive
dress. The theme, — the Central High School, — the author, and the
publisher illustrate three things of which any city may be proud : an
educational institution of high rank, a member of the Faculty of that
institution competent to write its history, and a publishing house
willing to do for the book all that it deserves. The result is that one
reads the volume with pleasure, uncertain which to admire the more, —
the competency and art of the author or the skill of the printer.
At first thought it may seem a mere pastime to compile the history of
a notable educational institution, but a little reflection convinces one
of the peculiar difficulties which inhere to the undertaking. Of formal
reports, statistics, traditions, and fragments of information of the subject
there may be an abundance, but the mass is inert. The theme lacks the
life of biography, the comprehension of history, the causal relation of
science, and the ethics of literature. The narrative is of a corporation,
— a creature and creation of an act of Assembly, — living, it is true, from
generation to generation, and subserving the community as an instru-
ment, but to the end a corporation having legal integrity but not always
organic unity. An educational institution is a fluctuating quantity,
depending for its character on the men who from time to time direct its
functions. Primarily, therefore, the history of a school is the history of
the men who have controlled its work. But it is more than a series of
biographical sketches of professors and instructors. The school is a
public institution, supported by taxation, administered by officials who,
whether as members of its Faculty or of its Committee of the Board of
Education, or as members of Council, reflect public opinion, organize
the institution in harmony with that opinion, and thus align the
institution with the communal interests of their time. Again, the
students are a potent factor in its history. The Alumni of the Central
High School of Philadelphia have now for many years composed a
sufficiently numerous body to influence public opinion in the city.
They are found at the head and front of the learned professions and of
the industrial and commercial interests of Pennsylvania and the adjoin-
Notes and Queries. 415
ing States. Their influence has in part shaped the career of their alma
mater, at critical times in its history determining the appointments to
its Faculty, and even to membership of the committee of the Board of
Education in charge of the school.
Nor is this all. No great school remains isolated. It sooner or
later becomes a part of an educational life whose organs derive nourish-
ment from a wide domain. The school illustrates, during its career,
the rise and possibly the fall of many pedagogical theories. It is in
itself a comment on educational ideas which have at times held sway
over the public or over the minds of the directors of the school. Thus the
history of the school is a chapter in the history of education, and it may
be said to derive its chief interest from the relation of that chapter to
education as a science.
When Professor Edmonds undertook the task of writing a history of
the Philadelphia Central High School, he essayed all the labor implied
in preparing an outline of an important educational movement in which
the school has been a potent factor. One does not proceed far into the
pages of the book before he discovers that the task has been done ably and
in excellent spirit. The reader becomes interested in the narrative at
the opening paragraph, and the interest remains to the end. This is
somewhat remarkable. The theme is not propitious for absorbing
interest. One is led to expect a few sketches of the lives of eminent
teachers, a few anecdotes well told, a bundle of reports and statistics,
and weariness in profusion. The reader encounters not one of these dis-
tressing stops. He is carried along by the current of interest, — a current
reinforced by a charm and quality of style. Professor Edmonds is
careful, modest, generous, and strong. The book gives constant evidence
of reflection and sound judgment. Nowhere does he obtrude his
opinions. Everywhere there are signs of research and accuracy.
The Central High School, since its foundation some seventy years
ago, has fixed the educational pace in Philadelphia. It may be said
to have set the educational manners of the town. Its Faculty has at
all times enrolled scholarly men, and one of the continuously inter-
esting features of Professor Edmonds's book is his admirable series of
biographical sketches of the teachers identified with the institution.
Notable among these — not to mention the living — were Alexander
Dallas Bache, E. Otis Kendall, Eembrandt Peale, John F. Frazer, John
Seely Hart, James A. Kirkpatrick, Henry Hartshorne, and George
Stuart. But the biography of the school is complete. Professor Ed-
monds has by patient research recalled all that is worth recalling of
the life and work of every man who has been a member of the Faculty.
This forbidding task is done so admirably that the narrative nowhere
becomes merely encyclopedical. The art in the book is perhaps here
best displayed. Professor Edmonds has succeeded in giving unity to
his work by artistically weaving the life of the men with the life of
the institution. A less skilful writer would have failed here signally.
Running through the volume is a narrative of the evolution of educa-
tion in Philadelphia during the last seventy years. To many readers
this quality of the book will be its most attractive feature. The history
of courses of study in a public school is not of itself very exciting
reading. Professor Edmonds has succeeded in making this roster not
merely readable but interesting. The history of education is the history
of the human mind, and offers opportunities to the historian.
416 Notes and Queries.
reader of this volume need have no difficulty in following the struggle
for a curriculum as it was carried on in this school. The battle has
been lost and won by the classical party and by the commercial party.
Notable campaigns have followed in succession, culminating in crises in
the history of the school. President Bache inaugurated a regime of
scientific research, resulting in the growth of a curriculum strong in
scientific studies ; President Hart developed a curriculum equally
strong in the classics ; President Riche" devoted his strength to commer-
cial and practical studies ; President Taylor co-operated in breaking
with tradition, and inaugurated the era of university trained instructors ;
his successors have developed a curriculum notably strong in historical,
economic, and social subjects. In other words, the school has reflected
the times, — Bache, the time of the revival of science, in the early forties ;
Hart, that of the classical revival, in the decade before the civil war ;
Riche", that of the industrial revival which followed the outbreak of the
war ; Taylor, that of the extension of the influence of the University of
Pennsylvania under Dr. Pepper ; and the later Presidents of the
school the evident tendencies of our own times.
There was eminent propriety in Professor Edmonds's writing a history
of the Central High School. Himself a graduate, cum summa laude, of
the institution in 1891 ; an alumnus of the University of Pennsylvania,
at which his career was notable and most promising ; Fellow in Political
Science at Cornell University, and soon afterwards appointed professor
in this subject in the Central High School, he embodies the best
traditions of the institution, together with the training which comes by
the assiduous pursuit of knowledge under highly favorable conditions.
The High School is fortunate in its historian, and the cause of sound
education has been advanced by this excellent narrative. The educa-
tional institution of Philadelphia which is the theme of this admirable
volume will henceforth appeal more strongly to the loyal support of the
people of the city because its long and instructive history has been so
well written. T.
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OP
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
o _ _ ^ . • •-•• — '-• •-_ - ^j_ .— **
VOL. XXVI. 1902. No. 4.
JOSEPH GALLOWAY, THE LOYALIST POLITICIAN.
BY ERNEST H. BALDWIN, PH.D.
(Concluded from page 321.)
AUTHOR OF PLAN OF UNION.
The idea of a plan of union between England and
America was not a new one in 1774. Since 1754, when
Benjamin Franklin's plan of colonial union was rejected,
there had been considerable interest and thought regarding
the subject. The Stamp Act quarrel revived the discussion,
and in 1766 Franklin considered such a thing desirable,
but thought the sending of representatives to Parliament
would be too expensive, and " when we are more able, we
shall be less willing than we are now." 1
Plans of union had been mooted in Philadelphia also.
In 1770 quite an elaborate one had been printed and circu-
lated as a broadside there. It provided for proportional
representation of all the American Colonies and Ireland in
the British Parliament, and the creation of ten American
1 Franklin to Evans, May 9, 1766. (Bigelow, "Franklin's Works,"
Vol. III. p. 465.)
VOL. xxvi. — 27 417
418 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
lords.1 Although Mr. Galloway was in favor of sending
representatives to Parliament, it is not known that he had
anything to do with this proposition.2
In July, 1774, Thomas Wharton, a prominent Quaker,
wrote Thomas Walpole that a plan of union was being con-
sidered among Philadelphians, and would engage the atten-
tion of the coming Congress.3 That Mr. Galloway was in-
terested in these discussions and participated in them IB
very probable, for Wharton was an intimate friend.
Mr. Galloway's plan for a constitutional union, which he
presented to the first Continental Congress, contained a
prefatory resolution couched in the most respectful, loyal,
and lucid language :
" Resolved, That this Congress will apply to his Majesty for a redress
of grievances under which his faithful subjects in America labor, and
assure him, that the colonies hold in abhorrence the idea of being
considered independent communities on the British government, and
most ardently desire the establishment of a political union not only
among themselves, but with the mother state, upon those principles of
safety and freedom which are essential in the constitution of all free
governments, and particularly that of the British Legislature. And as
the colonies from their local circumstances cannot be represented in the
Parliament of Great Britain, they will humbly propose to his Majesty,
and his two houses of Parliament, the following plan, under which the
strength of the whole empire may be drawn together on any emergency ;
the interests of both countries advanced ; and the rights and liberties of
America secured."
The plan itself provided for a union of Great Britain and
the thirteen American Colonies by means of a British
1 Etting Collection, Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
It is interesting to note the relative importance of each Colony in this
plan : Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, and Ja-
maica were to have four representatives each ; New York, Maryland, and
Canada, three each ; Connecticut and New Jersey, two each ; New
Hampshire, Nova Scotia, Rhode Island, Delaware, Georgia, North
Carolina, West Florida, and East Florida, one each.
2 William Franklin to Galloway, March 12, 1775.
8Still4, "Dickinson," Vol. I. p. 115.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 419
American Legislature consisting of a President>General and
Grand Council, forming an inferior branch of the British
Parliament and incorporated with it.
This Legislature, so constituted, was to regulate " the ad-
ministration of the general affairs of America;" but under
this arrangement each Colony was to retain its existing
" constitution and powers of regulating and governing its
own internal police in all cases whatever."
The President-General was to be appointed by, and hold
office during the pleasure of, the King. It was to be his
duty to execute the laws, to call the Grand Council the first
time " as soon as convenient after his appointment," and
afterwards on such occasions as emergency might require ;
his assent was to be requisite to all acts of the Grand Coun-
cil ; and he was, " by and with the advice and consent of
the Grand Council, to hold and exercise all the legislative
rights, powers, and authorities, necessary for regulating and
administering all the general police and affairs of the colo-
nies, in which Great Britain and the colonies, or any ot
them, the colonies in general, or more than one colony, are
in any manner concerned, as well civil and criminal, as
commercial."
The Grand Council was to consist of representatives
chosen by the Colonial Assemblies once in every three
years ; representation was to be proportional, although the
proportions were not stated; vacancies by death, removal,
or resignation were to be filled by a new choice at the next
sitting of the Assembly in the Colony affected ; the place of
meeting was to be determined later ; the first meeting was
to be at the call of the President-General, the times and
places of subsequent meetings subject to the will of the
Council or the call of the President-General; but meetings
were to be held yearly if it should be thought necessary,
and oftener if occasions required; it was to choose its own
Speaker, and to "hold and exercise all the like righte,
liberties, and privileges as are held and exercised by and in
the House of Commons of Great Britain." With the
420 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
President-General, it* was to share legislative rights and be
" an inferior and distinct branch of the British Legislature,
united and incorporated with it for the aforesaid general
purposes."
Acts might " originate and be formed and digested" in
either the Parliament of Great Britain or the Grand Coun-
cil ; but such acts must be agreed to by both bodies to be
valid ; one exception was made to this, — namely, that " in
time of war, all bills for granting aids to the Crown, pre-
pared by the Grand Council, and approved by the Presi-
dent^General," should be valid and " passed into a law with-
out the assent of the British Parliament."
Mr. Galloway's object in proposing this plan was " to pre-
vail on the Congress to take the ground of accommodation,
and to avoid that of arms ; and therefore, in forming the
plan, I omitted several things that I thought might obstruct
their taking that ground. I do not, therefore, propose it as
a perfect plan, nor altogether as a plan of my judgment.
The reason why the plan was not altogether to my judgment
was, because I thought it would admit of some very material
additions, and not that I disapproved of the plan as far as it
went." l
What additions Mr. Galloway meant is indicated in a
letter to Governor Franklin. Franklin had objected to the
plan as deficient in not having an Upper House, consisting
of some of the principal men of fortune in each Colony
holding office for life.2 Mr. Galloway replied,—
4 ' Your sentiments and mine are not different respecting the proper
union with Great Britain, nor respecting the addition to my proposed
plan. I thought of it at the time, but omitted it because I knew the
plan would be less exceptionable to those democratic spirits to whom
it was to be proposed and by whom it was to be adopted in the first
instance, and because I thought it might be added in the negotiation.
The great end I had in view in offering the Plan I have often before
1 Examination, p. 47.
8 Franklin to Galloway, March 12, 1775. (New Jersey Archives, Vol.
X. p. 578.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 421
told you was to prevail on the Congress to take the ground of negotia-
tion and proposition." l
An examination of the document itself will show how
carefully Mr. Galloway kept this aim in view in its prepara-
tion. The brevity of it, in comparison with similar con-
temporary plans, shows it to have been intended as a merely
suggestive outline of a design which would necessarily
be elaborated and perfected later. It offered as few points
for attack as possible. This is evidenced by its omissions.
The place of meeting and the number of representatives,
with their qualifications, privileges, and salaries, were not
stated, all of which subjects would have caused contention.
Methods of taxation and regulations for money issues and
military levies were not mentioned. Such questions would
have provoked strife and endangered the success of the
whole project.
It was designed rather to win the approval and support
of both sides. The guarantee of the existing Colonial
governments with the rights of internal regulation would
attract the Colonies. The right of the Grand Council to
choose its Speaker and meet and adjourn at pleasure, with-
out which neither Pennsylvania nor Mr. Galloway himself
would have been content, was one which was essential to
any plan designed to meet the acceptance of the Colonies.
Provisions framed to secure the royal assent included the
right of the King to appoint the PresidenkGeneral, the
right of veto by the British Parliament, and the last clause
enabling the Colonies to grant aids promptly and at will.
No plan of union was likely to find general favor either
in England or America at that time. Had the Colonies
adopted such a policy it is very doubtful if the obstinacy of
George III. or the stupidity of his ministry would have
allowed its consummation.2 Could such a union have been
1 Galloway to Franklin, March 26, 1775. (New Jersey Archives, Vol.
X. p. 585.)
» This is opposed to the view of W. W. Henry. ("Patrick Henry,"
Vol. I. pp. 229, 230.)
422 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
effected at that perioci, however, and been maintained until
the invention of steam navigation and the telegraph, the two
great English-speaking nations would probably have been
united politically to-day.
It has been alleged that Mr. Galloway proposed his plan
of union in SECRET concert with the Governor of New Jersey
and Governor Golden, of New York.1 Whether this asser-
tion has any foundation in fact may be judged from an ex-
amination of the correspondence of those concerned. The
correspondence of Governor Franklin indicates that he did
know that Mr. Galloway intended to introduce a plan into
the Congress, but he did not know what it was. In a letter
to Lord Dartmouth dated September 6, and already quoted
above,2 he said that Mr. Galloway did so intend, and that
" the principal part of his plan, as I am told, is the making
application for leave to send representatives from each
colony in America to the Parliament in Great Britain."
But that was not the plan ! And when Franklin did see it
he did not like it, and wrote to Mr. Galloway his objections.3
That Governor Golden did not know of the plan is cer-
tainly implied in a letter he wrote to Lord Dartmouth, De-
cember 7, 1774. He said that Mr. Galloway had just been
to New York on a visit. " He furnished me with heads of
a plan for a government of the colonies proposed by him to
the Congress." 4 There is no evidence that Mr. Galloway
had had any correspondence with Governor Col den.
In connection with the formation of his plan, and in
order to " prepare the minds of the people for it, and put
them in a proper train of thinking on the subject," Mr.
Galloway wrote a pamphlet entitled " Arguments on Both
Sides in the Dispute between Great Britain and her Colo-
nies." 5 Although this was printed, it seems never to have
1 Bancroft, " History of the United States," Vol. IV. pp. 69, 70.
3 Page 74. 3 Vide p. 82.
4 " Documents Relating to Colonial History of New York," Vol.
VIII. p. 513.
6 New Jersey Archives, Vol. X. p. 474.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 423
been distributed. It is not unlikely that he judged the
temper of the independents to be such that its publication
would serve merely to arouse opposition and defeat his plan
before it could receive a fair hearing in the Congress.1
John Henry's remonstrance against the plan of union in
Congress has been mentioned. But the two chief objec-
tions raised there were answered by Mr. Galloway in his
" Candid Examination." The first, that " the delegates
were not authorized to consent to a political union between
the two countries," was replied to by quoting the instruc-
tions of the delegates which gave such authority or none.
The second, that it deprived the Colonial legislatures of a
part of their rights, was answered by showing that their
rights were not only not abridged but extended ; that they
received a new jurisdiction to decide upon regulations which
related to the general affairs of the Colonies.
The plan was " so formed as to leave no room for any
reasonable objection on the part of the republicans if they
meant to be united to Great Britain on any grounds what-
ever. It included a restoration of all their rights, and a
redress of all their grievances, on constitutional principles;
and it accorded with all the instructions given to them as
members of the Congress." :
Among the comments made upon Mr. Galloway's plan
after the meeting of the Congress, by friends who were able
to secure a copy of it, that of Benjamin Franklin is inter-
esting. In a long letter to Mr. Galloway, dated February
25, 1775, he recounts the preliminary steps which, in his
opinion, would be necessary before any plan could be
adopted. Among these steps was the repeal of the ob-
noxious acts of Parliament then in force. But his objections
concerned not the details of the plan, but the idea itself:
1 New Jersey Archives, Vol. X. p. 474.
2 "Historical and Political Reflections." Mr. Galloway was charged
with having an ambition to be an office-holder in the new government.
It is difficult to see why that, even if true, was any objection to the
plan.
424 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
" I have not heard whafr objections were made to the plan . . . nor
would I make more than this one, that when I consider the extreme
corruption prevalent among all orders of men in this old rotten state,
and the glorious public virtue so predominant in our rising country
I cannot but apprehend more mischief than benefit from a closer
The publication of the " Candid Examination" early in
1775, containing the plan of union, caused much bitter
criticism, aimed rather at the author than his plan. The
Pennsylvania Journal published Franklin's Albany Plan,
calling attention to its strong resemblance to that of Mr.
Galloway, and desiring thus to " take the child from its
putative and restore it to its real parents." 2 This was an-
swered in the Pennsylvania Gazette for April 26, 1775, by
pointing out the essential differences between the two plans :
The plan of 1754 provided for a union of the Colonies only,
that of 1774 for a union of the Colonies and Great Britain;
the former provided for an inferior legislature without con-
nection with the British Legislature, the latter, just the
opposite ; the former made acts subject to the King's veto,
the latter to that of Parliament; the former left the legisla-
ture subordinate, the latter on an equality with the British
Parliament; and, finally, the plan of 1754 left American
rights unrestored, while that of 1774 restored them. The
writer then stated that Mr. Galloway carried the plan of
1754 into the Congress for comparison and in order to have
improvements made.3
The knowledge of these attacks upon Mr. Galloway and
his plan rather pleased the British courtiers, for they con-
sidered them a confirmation of their belief that the Colonies
were weak and divided.4
1 Bigelow, "Franklin's Works," Vol. V. p. 435.
2 No. 1687.
3 "Among Mr. Duane's papers is found a copy of Franklin's plan of
1754, with an endorsement that it was offered to the Congress Septem-
ber 28th, by Mr. Galloway. . . ." (Documentary Hist, of N. Y.,
Vol. IV. 1072.)
4 Samuel Wharton to Benjamin Franklin.
Joseph Galloivay, the Loyalist Politician. 425
Mr. Galloway's failure to secure the adoption of his plan
of union by the first Continental Congress did not cause him
to abandon the hope that at a future time it might find favor.
In his examination before the Parliamentary Commission
in 1779 he presented the plan, and referred to it as though
still a factor in the dispute between the two countries.
And later his interest in such schemes was not destroyed.
Even after the thirteen Colonies were acknowledged free
and independent, he prepared a plan of union for those left
to the British Crown. This is of interest as indicating the
growth of the conviction in his mind that the predominance
of the royal power was necessary in Colonial administration.
The Governor-General, in this plan, was given almost un-
limited power over the Colonial governors, militia, and
laws. All ofiicers, civil and military, heads of colleges,
students, and lawyers were to take an oath to obey the laws
of Parliament. This oath was to be expressed " in as strong
terms as the English language can furnish." Town meet-
ings were to be greatly restricted in their privileges ; and
" in all colleges and other public seminaries of learning
caution ought to be taken to prevent the principal trusts
being lodged in the hands of gentlemen whose religious
tenets point them decidedly to republicanism." We could
not find a more characteristic illustration of Mr. Galloway's
political principles than this.
TORY SUSPECT.
The conduct of Mr. Galloway after the close of the
Continental Congress was both courageous and consistent.
After a journey to New York, where he visited Yonkers
and Long Island, he returned to his country-seat, Trevose,
the first week in December, 1774.2 But before he could
return to Philadelphia and take his seat in the Assembly,
1 MS. in the Library of Congress.
2 Galloway to Verplanck, December 7, 1774, and April 1, 1775.
. MAG., Vol. XXI. p. 477.)
42(5 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
that body, under the leadership or John Dickinson, had
ratified the acts of the Congress.1 Mr. Galloway entirely
disapproved of this, however, and when, a few days later,
they reappointed him a delegate to the next Congress, he
protested, but in vain.
" That I might not appear to undertake the execution of
measures which my judgment and conscience disapproved
I could not serve them as a delegate at the ensuing Con-
gress. And yet I could not prevail in persuading them to
a new appointment in my stead." 2
It was hoped that he would change his mind before the
next session, however, and even Mr. Dickinson sought to
obtain his consent, fearing his refusal would have a bad
effect on the public cause.3 But there was little likelihood
of this.
During the recess of the Assembly, through January
of 1775, though in very poor health, he was busily en-
gaged in writing his " Candid Examination," which was
published about the first of March, 1775.4
This pamphlet, which is the most well known of all his
pamphlets, contained a very clear exposition of the nature
and necessity of the supreme authority of Parliament over
the Colonies. It criticised very severely the acts of the
late Congress, and made it very evident that its author
would not have anything further to do with such assem-
blages. An attack upon this pamphlet, entitled " An Ad-
dress to the Author of the 4 Candid Examination/ " was
soon issued, for which Dickinson was in part responsible.
This was in turn answered by Mr. Galloway in a " Reply."
1 Votes of Assembly, December, 1774. Mr. Galloway took his seat
and qualified as a member December 13. The acts of Congress had
been ratified on the 10th.
2 Galloway to Verplanck, January 14, 1775. (PENNA. MAG., Vol.
XXI. p. 477.)
3 Eeed to Pettit, January 14, 1775. (Reed, " Life of President Keed,"
Vol. I. p. 91.)
4 Galloway to Verplanck, February 14, 1775. (PENNA. MAG., Vol.
XXI. p. 480.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 427
All this served to aggravate the growing hostility of the
independents towards him, — hostility which had been
thoroughly aroused by his conduct in the session of the
Assembly which reconvened in February, 1775.
Mr. Galloway was pleased to think that the situation was
rapidly improving at the beginning of 1775, and that the
people of Pennsylvania were "altering their sentiments
and conduct."
" We have been successful in baffling all. the attempts of the violent
party to prevail on the people to prepare for war against the mother
country. ... I hope ... all violence will soon cease and peace and
order take place of licentiousness and sedition. The Tories (as they are
called) make it a point to visit the Coffee House dayly and maintain
their ground, while the violent independents are less bold and insolent,
as their adherents are greatly diminished. " x
It is probable that at one of these meetings occurred the
incident related in " Notes and Queries," Vol. II. p. 351.
" In 1775 several Paxtang men were in Philadelphia, One of them,
who belonged to that vilified class of ten years previous, the ' Paxtang
Boys/ denounced, in the presence of Mr. Galloway and other gentlemen
whose loyalist sympathies were pronounced, those opposed to resistance
to English oppressions as Tories : One of the latter asked, * Pray sir,
what is a Tory?* 'A Tory,' promptly replied the patriot, 'is a thing
whose head is in England and its body in America and its neck ought
to be stretched."'
The Governor had sent a message to the Assembly ac-
quainting them with the King's expressed desire that the
dispute between the two countries might be accommodated,
and had suggested the passage of a suitable petition to his
Majesty. Such action, independent of the Congress, was
not agreeable to the independents; but Mr. Galloway
strove to induce the Assembly to adopt that policy. The
account of his efforts and of the proceedings of the As-
sembly was given by Mr. Galloway in letters to Governor
Franklin.
1 Galloway to Governor Franklin, February 28, 1775. (Pennsylvania
Archives, Vol. X. p. 573.)
428 ' Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
"On Thursday and Friday last, determined to abide the consequences,
whatever they might be either in respect to my person or estate, I
spoke my sentiments in Assembly without the least reserve. I censured
and condemned the measures of the Congress in every thing — averred
that they all tended to incite America to sedition and terminated in
independence.
' ' I stood single and unsupported, among a set of men every one of
whom had approved of the measures I was censuring, reprobating their
own conduct to them, and endeavoring by cool and dispassionate reason
and argument to convince them of their errors. The opposition as I
expected was violent and indecent. I kept my temper unruffled and
firm which gave me no small advantage. . . . The motion was to peti-
tion the King agreeably to the Governor's advice in his message. . . .
The success my arguments met with greatly exceeded my most sanguine
expectations. Fourteen members came over to me, but there being
38 in the house and finding I should lose the vote without 4 more con-
verts, I was obliged to alter my plan, and to move to postpone the
debate until next Wednesday week hoping that procrastination and news
by the next packet might assist me. My design being suspected a
warm opposition succeeded — however we carried the question 19 for it
18 against it. ...
' * On the Saturday before the day of the further debate the inde-
pendent party despairing of success in preventing a petition to his
Majesty, moved that the doors should be thrown open and the mob let
in upon me. I was secretly advertised of this design and had spoke to
a number of friends to be there in case the motion should succeed,
being determined it should have no other effect but to prepare myself
better and to speak with more firmness and more fully upon the meas-
ures of the Congress. However upon debating the motion we carried
it in the negative 24 to 14.1 This was an humiliating blow to my
opponents. I had hitherto carried every question and constantly by an
increased majority and yet altho' I had brought a number of the mem-
bers (not less than 16 out of 39) to petition upon proper grounds I
found it impossible as there were very little hopes of gaining 4
more. . . . '
He therefore changed his ground and determined to se-
cure an adjournment to a later day, thinking that a change
would come over the sentiments of the people.
' ' Under this resolution, I went to the House on the day appointed
for the debate ; and proposed 4 heads as the substance of an address
1 Votes of Assembly, March 4, 1775. But the vote is there recorded
18 to 13.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 429
to the Governor's message, the three first, after violent opposition were
at length unanimously (!) agreed to— the 4th in which I had men-
tioned the adjournment produced a long and warm debate, the inde-
pendents opposing any adjournment till after the sitting of the Congress.
Upon this the question was put and we carried it in the affirmative
24 to 14. Thus my great point was gained which did not a little
distress the other party — and upon this a committee was appointed
to bring in an answer to the Governor's message founded on my
propositions with only an amendment proposed by Mr. Dickinson to
the fourth. When the House adjourned Dickinson came to me and
agreed that I should reduce the answer to form and bring it in the next
morning. This I engaged to do. But I should here inform you, that
the Speaker acted the most shameful and particular part in the appoint-
ment of the committee, taking 12 of the 14 negatives and only two
of the 24 affirmatives for the adjournment — i.e. 12 of one side and only
2 of the other — I saw the partiality, but as things seemed to be
settled, and not suspecting the dirty manoeuvre which followed, I disre-
garded it.
" At this unlucky moment a ship from Bristol arrived and brought
those partial and fictitious accounts published in the papers — the inde-
pendents sounded it through all the streets in the city that all the acts
must be repealed, that the measures of the Congress were the measures
of consummate wisdom etc. etc. This gave rise to one of the most dirty
and scandalous measures which ever was transacted in public life. In
my absence and while I was engaged in drawing up the answer — the
committee met — Thompson and Koss and I suspect with the privity of
Dickinson, had previously drawn up the message you see published —
this was laid before the committee of independents where it was resolved
that that message should be considered without sending for me. It was
agreed to, carried into the House, read the first time and moved to have
a 2nd and final reading — this was opposed by my friends but they had
not brass enough to insist upon it. In the evening I was informed that
a member of the committee had bragged how the committee had de-
ceived, or to use his own expression, flung Galloway.
"On the next morning I moved that the answer should be recom-
mitted and after giving a short account of the facts — I assigned as
reasons 1st that the committee had acted a dishonorable, disingenuous
dirty and fraudulent part, one unbecoming men in public character —
that they had by art and fraud deprived me of the privilege of voting in
the committee. That they knew I was absent on my duty to the House
on the very business before them and that if they did not choose I
should do it, they should at least have sent for me etc. 2nd that they
had treated the House with insolent disregard and disobedience : for
that they had not inserted in the answer either sentiment or word of
430 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
what was yesterday unanimously agreed upon. 3rdly, that it contained
palpable untruths. To these I added many other arguments but all
was in vain. This was not a time when reason was to prevail — the
great news of yesterday had altered the minds of some of the weak and
irresolute of the Chester and Philadelphia members and upon the ques-
tion they carried it against the commitment 20 to 16. The answer
went through the House, I opposed it in eveiy stage — and upon the
question whether it should be transcribed it was carried 22 to 14 — and
in order to show that the House was divided — which they much dreaded
— I insisted upon the yeas and nays to be taken down and published as
you have seen. The House stands adjourned to the first of May.
' ' I intimated before, that I had met with insults during my stay in the
city. Shortly after the two first days debates — late in the evening a box
was left at my lodgings nailed and directed to me. Upon opening it
next morning I found in it a Halter with a threatening letter. l I read
the letter and nailed up the box — locked it carefully in my charriott
box, determined not to mention it to anybody — as I knew it would be
impossible that the person sending it should keep it long a secret and
hoping by that means to discover them ... it had no other effect on
me than to fix me in my former resolutions to oppose those lawless
measures at all events." 2
After this experience in the Assembly Mr. Galloway was
more determined than ever to refuse the appointment as
delegate to the next Congress. " I am determined to op-
pose the appointment in our sitting in May, and exert every
nerve to prevent it."
His success is thus recorded :
' ' Joseph Galloway, Esquire, having repeatedly moved in Assembly
to be excused from serving as a deputy for this Province in the Conti-
nental Congress, the House this day took his motion into consideration,
and do hereby agree to excuse him from that service. " 3
1 The box also contained an insurance policy that he would not be
alive in six days; and the lines "Hang yourself or we shall do it for
you." (Testimony before the Loyalist Commission.)
2 These letters were written by Mr. Galloway to Governor Franklin
the latter part of March, 1775, and may be found in the New Jersey
Archives, Vol. X. pp. 579 ff. Mr. Galloway's accounts of these pro-
ceedings are somewhat biassed, naturally, but seem to be true in the
main. (See Votes of Assembly.)
3 Votes of Assembly, May 12, 1775.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 431
This vote of the Pennsylvania Assembly (brief, yet frill
of significance) marked the close of Joseph Galloway's
active political career in that Province. And on the same
day, " owing to false reports industriously propagated with
the malicious design of injuring his character, charging
him with having written letters to the Ministry, inimical
to America," he published a broadside denying such
charges : •
"Now in justice to my own reputation and that the good people
of this province may not be deceived by such groundless falsehoods, I
do declare that these reports are malicious and without the least founda-
tion ; and that however easy it might have been to establish a cor-
respondence with administration, was I capable of entertaining a
thought inimical to the country where all I hold dear and valuable is
fixt, and where I am determined to spend the remainder of life, yet
I have, neither directly nor indirectly, any such correspondence, nor
ever wrote a sentiment to any man in Great Britain injurious to the
rights and freedom of America, nor ever recommended any measure
whatever to be persued in respect to the present dispute between the
two countries. . . .
" All that I have to request of my countrymen on this or the like
occasions is, that they will deal with so much candor and justice
towards me, as to discredit any malevolent reports until the authors
shall exhibit some proof in support of their charges, and this I think
no good man will think unreasonable, as he cannot but be aware that
the most innocent may be condemned unless this great rule of justice be
observed."1 "Joseph Galloway, Trevose, May 12, 1775."
Poor health was one motive which induced Mr. Galloway
to retire from " the distressing and ungrateful drudgery of
public life," 2 and the freedom from such cares apparently
conduced to his recovery :
"As to myself I grow fat and more hearty than I have been
during the last ten years. Retirement to a like scene to that in which
you are now engaged in and a consciousness of having acted my part
in it with firmness and integrity towards both countries, whose
1 Pennsylvania Gazette, May 17, 1775.
2 Galloway to Verplanck, June 24, 1775. (PENNA. MAG., Vol.
XXI. p. 483.)
432 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
interest is inseparable, as* long as there remained the least prospect of
my doing service and my own safety would permit, have greatly con-
tributed to restore my health beyond my most sanguine expectations,
and however I may differ with many respecting the mode of redress and
the means of accommodating the unhappy differences between them, and
preventing the effusion of human blood, of which the prospect daily
grows more distressing yet I shall be happy to find in the unforeseen
events of things that I have been mistaken and others in the right.
Hitherto in this respect, I own I have been unfortunate, as any im-
portant incident tends to prove, that we are on the brink of a precipice
' big with the fate of America.' " l
From the summer of 1775 until December, 1776, Mr.
Galloway remained at his country home, subjected to con-
tinually increasing insults and attempted violences.2 It was
during this time that Benjamin Franklin tried in vain to
induce his loyalist friend to join the cause of independence,
even offering to give security for his personal safety.3 And
there is reason to believe that Mr. Galloway at one time
during this period did outwardly espouse the patriot side,
possibly as a measure of personal safety; but when the
British forces began to arrive in America and occupied
New York, and the cause of the Colonies seemed hopeless,
he again conformed his actions to his convictions.4
He was, during the latter part of his stay at Trevose, a
virtual prisoner in his own house. Mobs visited him and
threatened to tar and feather him, and were deterred only
by the efforts of his friends. One of these mobs, composed
of drunken Dutchmen, planned to hang him. The inn-
1 Galloway to Verplanck, August 17, 1775. (PENNA. MAG., Vol.
XXI. p. 484.)
2 Testimony before the Loyalist Commission, MS. Library of Congress.
3 " Hutchinson's Diary," Vol. II. p. 237, and "Testimony."
4 Franklin to Bache, Passy, September 13, 1781. Franklin had left
some papers with Galloway when he went abroad again, thinking that they
would be safe in his house, which stood out of the way of the probable
inarch of troops. It was thought that they were scattered and lost, as
the house was later sacked, but his relatives found most of them again.
See letter of Mrs. Bache to Franklin, October 22, 1778. (Letters to
Benjamin Franklin, 1751-1790.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 433
keeper warned him, and he escaped from his house and did
not again venture to sleep there.1
With affairs in this condition, and an order for his arrest
having been made, news of the approach of General Howe
through New Jersey was not unwelcome to Mr. Galloway.
Hastily loading some valuables into a wagon, in company
with several other prominent loyalists, in December, 1776,
he quitted his home and made his way to the British camp
at New Brunswick, New Jersey.2
1 "Testimony."
2 Mr. Galloway's departure from home is said to have been hastened
by the discovery that his only daughter was about to elope with Judge
Griffin, a prominent Whig. (See Hazard, Annals, Vol. II. p. 260.)
Trumbull's M'Fingal, Canto III., thus celebrates Galloway's defec-
tion:
" Did you not, in as vile and shallow way,
Fright our poor Philadelphia:!, Galloway,
Your Congress, when the Royal ribald
Belied, berated and bescribbled?
What ropes and halters did you send,
Terrific emblems of his end,
Till, least he'd hang in more than effigy
Pled in a fog the trembling refugee?"
Trumbull said that Galloway began by being a flaming patriot !
General Howe's proclamation of amnesty, issued November 30, was
the immediate cause of Mr. Galloway's departure just at that time
probably. A Philadelphia paper noticed his flight with the following :
" Galloway has fled and joined the venal Howe
To prove his baseness, see him cringe and bow.
A traitor to his country and its laws.
A friend to tyrants and their cursed cause.
Unhappy wretch ! Thy interest must be sold,
For continental, not for polished gold ;
To sink the money, thou thyself cried down,
And stabbed thy country, to support the Crown.
Go to and fro, like Lucifer on earth,
And curse the being that first gave thee birth ;
Away to Scotland, and thyself prepare,
Coal-dust and brimstone is their only fare ;
Fit materials for such Tory blood,
Who wrong their country, and deny their God ;
There herd with Bute, Mansfield, and his brother,
Bite, twist, sting, and poison one another."
(Moore's Diary of the devolution, Vol. I. p. 369.)
VOL. XXVI. — 28
$
434 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
*
TORY.
To the activity and prominence of Mr. Galloway as a
Tory leader in the British camp and later in England are
due the unenviable place his name has had among the
characters of the American Eevolution. And yet the ex-
traordinary obloquy heaped upon his memory, and which
has served to discredit his whole career, was undeserved.
It is true that he labored as hard, if not harder, to defeat
independence after 1776 as he had done before that time;
but in this he was not inconsistent, certainly. Arid how-
ever much the alleged desire to save his large property may
have influenced him, a careful reading of his correspondence
and numerous pamphlets leads to the conclusion that his
conduct was inspired mainly by the honest conviction that
his countrymen were absolutely in the wrong as to the
means adopted to secure their true liberties.
Mr. Galloway was well received by General Howe, and
remained with the British army, acting in an advisory
capacity. He accompanied it on its retreat to New York,
early in 1777, and remained there until June. "I am yet
at New York," he wrote Richard Jackson, March 20,
" endeavoring to be of service to those entrusted with the
great work of reclaiming my countrymen from their delu-
sion . . . and I have reason to believe my information has
not been entirely useless or unacceptable." 1
His confidence in the speedy success of the British arms
was amazing, and he was still pondering over some plan of
union to settle the trouble between the two countries when
the Colonies were subdued. In the same letter quoted
above he said, " I am anxiously concerned to know what
will next be done. That I should be so, you will not be
surprised when you consider, I wish to conclude my days
here and to leave my posterity and country happy after
me."
He then spoke of the favorable opportunity which " the
1 Stevens, "Facsimiles," No. 2051.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 435
subjection of America will offer to establish a firm and
lasting policy of government." He traced the cause of the
Revolution to the " religious principles," " political tenets,"
" want of civil discipline," and " relaxation in the adminis-
tration of law," which had led to "want of respect for
the supreme authority." He considered it fortunate that
America had rebelled when she did, for her resources
would have been greater later, and she would have suc-
ceeded. But some policy to bind the Colonies to the
mother state must now be formed and by Parliament
alone.
Mr. Galloway joined the expedition for the capture of
Philadelphia in June, 1777, and advised General Howe to
take the Delaware instead of the Chesapeake route.1 He
rendered material services on the way, securing horses, pre-
paring charts of roads, and sending out spies.2
After the occupation of Philadelphia, Mr. Galloway was
appointed Superintendent-General of Police and Superin-
tendent of the Port. This made him the civil governor of
the city, and, under the direction of General Howe, he ad-
ministered municipal affairs. He made regulations govern-
ing trade and markets, entrance of boats and vessels, and
the care of streets and lamps. He was able to render as-
sistance to his old friends, especially in connection with
the quartering of troops, and there is reason to believe
that he did not inconvenience himself to lessen the dis-
tress of old enemies.3 He numbered all the inhabitants,
distinguishing the loyal from the disaffected.4 His duties
1 Examination. Jones (" History of New York during the Revolu-
tionary War," Vol. II. p. 109) states just the opposite, but his ac-
count of Galloway is wrong in so many respecte that no reliance can be
placed on it.
2 "Testimony." Some of these spies were captured and hanged.
("Letters to Washington," Sparks, Vol. I. p. 363.)
3 Dunlap's Lancaster Paper. See Scharf and Westcott, "History of
Philadelphia," Vol. I. p. 360.
* "Testimony."
$
436 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
were, therefore, of great diversity and required constant
attention.1
Mr. Galloway's acquaintance with the surrounding country
and people made his advice serviceable in all military move-
ments also. He was particularly useful in the erection of
some batteries against Mud Island Fort, and rendered its
capture more speedy.2 He raised and disciplined a troop
of light horse, which did some very effective service.3
When General Howe prepared to evacuate Philadelphia,
in September, 1778, he advised Mr. Galloway to make his
peace with the Americans. General Clinton advised against
it, however, and told him to remain with the army, for
success would attend the British arms in the end. Mr.
Galloway knew that it would not be safe for him to remain
in the city, however, and, leaving his wife to look after
their property, he retired with the army and went to New
York, taking his daughter with him.
During his stay with the British army, Mr. Galloway had
become convinced of the incompetence of General Howe
and disgusted with the general administration of military
affairs. The failure to destroy the American army (a " mis-
creant troop," he called it) encamped at Valley Forge, and
the neglect and even maltreatment of the loyalists incensed
him.4
1 Howe's proclamation appointing Galloway Superintendent can be
found in the Pennsylvania Ledger, December 6, 1777. The regulations
were also published in the same paper from time to time. The pub-
lished journal of Elizabeth Drinker, pp. 65, 75, contains some notices of
Galloway's activity in the city.
2 Captain Montresor's testimony before the Loyalist Commission.
3 Examination. Mr. Galloway was commissioned colonel July 1,
1777, on the way to Philadelphia. For an account of his services
during this period, see the Examination, edited by Balch, note on p. 72.
For all his services he received about five hundred pounds. General
Howe testified that " he was not anxious for rewards." At one time
he had desired a judgeship (early in 1774), if certain references in
Franklin's correspondence are correctly interpreted. As he was a
wealthy man anyway, he had little desire for money rewards, naturally.
* Stevens, " Facsimiles, " No. 2074.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 437
With the hope of inspiring the ministry at home with a
more energetic military policy, and desiring to escape from
his own perilous situation, Mr. Galloway sailed from New
York to England in October, 1778.1 He reached London
in safety, and immediately made the acquaintance of Thomas
Hutchinson, and was introduced to Lord Hardwicke. He
at once sought to convince the authorities that more efficient
measures would soon reduce America; that but a small
part of the people — not one-fifth — favored the rebellion;
that the cause was supported by disarming and intimidating
the loyalists; and that suitable protection and assistance
would encourage the larger part of the population to openly
support the government.2
These representations made by Mr. Galloway were un-
doubtedly biassed both by his zeal for the cause and the
indignities he had suffered. Letters from friends in America,
too, supported his claims, and he persisted in propagating
such beliefs.3
Charges of laxity in the prosecution of the American war
induced Parliament to institute an investigation of the sub-
lect in June, 1779. Mr. Galloway was one of the most
important witnesses at this hearing, and his testimony was
of such a damaging character, and reflected so severely upon
the management of affairs in America, that the investigation
1 Letter of Lord Stirling, October 25, 1778 (The Historical Magazine,
Vol. IT. p. 821). Upon his departure Mr. Galloway wrote a pathetic
letter to his sister which was published in the Remembrancer and con-
tained the following sentences :
"I call this country ungrateful, because I have attempted to save it
from the distress it at present feels, and because it has not only rejected
my endeavors but returned me evil for good. I feel for its misery ; but
I feel it is not finished — its cup is not yet full — still deeper distress will
attend it. Was it in my power, I would notwithstanding its severity
against me preserve it from such destruction. But it is not for mortals
to counteract the will of Heaven. "
2 " Hutchinson' s Diary," Vol. II. pp. 226-264 passim, and Gallo-
way's Examination, p. 11.
3 The Historical Magazine for 1861 (September, October, November,
and December) contains a number of letters written to Galloway.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
was dropped and no further action taken on the subject.
But Mr. Galloway did not allow the matter to drop there,
however, and in pamphlets and letters to the public he
sought to convince the English people and government that
the subjugation of America was perfectly feasible, and, for
the maintenance of the British power in the world, abso-
lutely necessary. In connection with the publication ot
these pamphlets occurred an unseemly controversy with
General Howe over his conduct in America during the
campaigns in the middle Colonies. General Howe replied
to these charges and cast some reflections upon Mr. Gallo-
way's character.
After the conclusion of the war and the acknowledgment
of independence, Mr. Galloway was indefatigable in his
efforts to obtain suitable indemnities for the loyalists. His
pen was again brought into service, and he published a
pamphlet dealing with the provision in the treaty of peace
for the loyalists ; and he acted as agent for them in Eng-
land.1 After an investigation of his own conduct by the
Loyalist Commission, he was granted a pension of five hun-
dred pounds a year.2
Forbidden the privilege ol returning to Pennsylvania,
Mr. Galloway devoted his leisure time to religious studies,
and as a result of this published a pamphlet discussing the
prophecies of the Scriptures. He here advanced the theory
1 In a letter written by Mr. Galloway's daughter, some years after his
death, are the following words : " . . . few men in the course of a long
life settled more business for others than . . . Joseph Galloway, and
perhaps seldom anyone gave so much advice gratis. This morning room
for twenty years was often crowded, and seldom empty of Americans
who received from him his best services in their own affairs." In MS. in
the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
5 ' ' The Board find that Mr. Galloway was a member of the first Con-
gress, but they are of the opinion that during that time he endeavored
to promote the constitutional dependence of the colonies on Great
Britain — that he has since conducted himself as a zealous loyalist and
rendered services to the British Government. ' ' (Decision of the Com-
mission.)
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 439
that France and not Rome was anti-Christ, and was soon in
a controversy with Dean Whitaker over the question. The
influence of the French Eevolution can be seen in these
" Commentaries" of Mr. Galloway, and they are but an
evidence of his hatred to " Republicanism," which seems to
have grown stronger with advancing years. With these
literary labors his life closed. He passed but a short dis-
tance beyond the threescore years and ten, and died at
Watford, Herts, England, August 29, 1803.1
CONCLUSION.
In forming a judgment of the character ol a loyalist ol
the American Revolution, although one has the advantages
of perspective in point of time and a mind free from ani-
mosity, yet it is difficult to appreciate a period when Ameri-
can independence was not a fact, or understand a man who
bitterly opposed even the suggestion of what seems to have
been a fortunate occurrence of history. And to the average
American mind the intimation that there could have been
any reasonable or disinterested objection to the Declaration
of Independence would be somewhat startling. Yef one
need not be an Anglomaniac to recognize that many of the
Colonial Americans were loyal to their King in 1776 from
honest conviction, and could give a reason for the faith that
was in them. Of this number was Joseph Galloway.
1 "The Thomas Book," p. 319. Mrs. Galloway, who had remained
in Philadelphia, hoping to save her own property, was subjected to in-
sults and suffered greatly at the hands of the returning patriots. She
was turned out of her house by force, and, after a period spent in vain
efforts to obtain relief from her distressing situation, died before peace
came. Extracts from the Diary of Ann Warder (PENNA. MAG., Vol.
XVIII.), the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker (p. 104), and the Colonial
Records (Vol. XI. p. 196) give abundant evidence of the pathetic efforts
she made to uphold the honor and interests of her exiled husband.
In connection with the attempt made by Mr. Galloway to obtain per-
mission to return to Pennsylvania, there is extant a letter which he wrote
to Governor McKean, in 1793, containing an account of his career in
connection with the Revolutionary quarrel and a defence of his conduct.
440 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
Although possessing traits of character which were far from
admirable, but which are rather common to mankind, Mr.
Galloway occupied a prominent position among his con-
temporaries, took a not dishonorable part in the American
Revolution, and exerted a marked influence upon his day
and generation. Talented, wealthy, and influential, his con-
duct was that of a firm and consistent loyalist through-
out his whole career. He was not only a loyalist, but a
royalist. History, observation, and experience convinced
him that a monarchy was the most fitting form of govern-
ment, and offered the best and surest protection to life and
property, especially property, the chief function of all gov-
ernments.
With a conservatism natural to wealth, and with inherited
aristocratic tendencies, Mr. Galloway observed with no small
concern the growth of republican ideas. That there could
be any true liberty, or any safety even, under a democracy,
or what he considered was nearly, if not quite, the same
thing, mob rule, he believed impossible. It was with no
small degree of apprehension, therefore, that he viewed the
growing differences between Great Britain and her Colo-
nies. With a property-holder's natural aversion to taxa-
tion, and with a realization of the injustice which might
result from measures of taxation by Parliament, he aided in
all ways that he considered proper to remove the causes ot
complaint. The very suggestion that the remedy for the
troubles lay in independence was repugnant to him. The
remedy lay rather in a closer union with the mother
country.
The political experiences of Mr. Galloway in Pennsylvania
made him naturally suspicious of the intentions of the noisy
elements among the people, and he soon came to the conclu-
sion that ultimate independence was their aim ; at least their
conduct could lead to nothing less. Hence he determined to
exert his best efforts to prevent such a deplorable occurrence.
How great a stumbling-block he was in the way of indepen-
dence may be judged by the anger aroused against him.
Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician. 441
An experienced lawyer, habituated to the forms ol law
and accustomed to argumentation, he thought the dispute
might be settled by reasoning. " Calm reason," " candid
examination," " reflection," and " cool and dispassionate ar-
gument" were his favorite expressions. And the discussion
of this question should be left to men who were capable of
reasoning and deliberating calmly, "men of property,"
" men of influence," and " men of consequence," as he
called them.
Mr. Galloway not only opposed independence, the logical
result of the measures proposed by the patriots, but he
offered another method in their place, — a method of settling
the dispute which would also prevent all future quarrels.
In this, his plan of union, he showed statesmanship. He
believed it the only proper or possible way to secure their
true liberties. Would not Great Britain accede to such a
plan ? Then he would go as far as any man " in point ot
blood or fortune" to preserve their liberties! Was this
dishonorable or treasonable conduct ?
The plan was rejected by the Congress; but, until this
method had been tried and proved ineffectual, he could not
consistently violate his oath of allegiance to the King.
Furthermore, his belief in the futility of resistance to the
power of Great Britain was an additional motive for be-
coming a Tory.
It was as a writer or pamphleteer, however, that Mr.
Galloway displayed his powers and exerted his greatest in-
fluence. Although some of his productions exhibit care-
lessness and haste, and lack literary finish, usually his
writing was forcible and his reasoning sound. Judged by
their final results solely, one might conclude that his efforts
had little or no influence ; but it is not unreasonable to be-
lieve that his writings did aid in retarding the progress of
independence. But for the bold and courageous stand
taken by Mr. Galloway in the Congress, and the " Candid
Examination," might not the Declaration of Independence
have been made earlier than 1776 ? It is a fair question.
442 Joseph Galloway, the Loyalist Politician.
The hesitancy and 'indecision of which Mr. Galloway
gave his contemporaries an impression before 1774 were
due, apparently, not to any lack of decision or want of
understanding on his part, but to policy. He did not wish
to embarrass his plans to prevent the adoption of indepen-
dent measures. He did not, therefore, foolishly and offen-
sively flaunt his loyalty in the face of the patriots whose
approval he wished to win for his plan of union. But when
a course had been adopted contrary to his beliefs, no one
was left in doubt as to where he stood.
Mr. Galloway's foresight and judgment were shown in
the accuracy with which he followed to its logical conclu-
sion the conduct of the patriots, and in the fact that, sooner
than John Dickinson, he saw to what the measures of the
Sons of Liberty were leading. And he rightly traced back
to the tenets and practices of the early Puritan colonists
the beginnings of independence.
Although Mr. Galloway showed the qualities of a states-
man in his plan of an imperial federation, — a plan which
over a century of statesmanship has failed to accomplish, —
he lacked that faith in the common people which gave
courage to the patriots and enabled them to persevere in
what at times seemed a lost cause. In this he failed to rise
to the height of the men of faith of his day.
Could Mr. Galloway have been persuaded to join the
patriot cause, and use his talents and give the benefit of his
experience in the task of establishing a new government, it
is not unlikely that his name would have been found in the
list of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. Cer-
tainly he would have supported the Hamiltonian view of a
somewhat centralized form of government, and later been
in favor of the Alien and Sedition Acts. He would have
hated Jeffersonian Democracy as thoroughly as the most
extreme Federalist, and government by injunction would
have had no terrors for him.
Society of tfo Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 443
THE SOCIETY OF THE SONS OF SAINT TAMMANY
OF PHILADELPHIA.
BY FRANCIS VON A. CABEEN.
(Continued from page 347.)
We now encounter a curious function performed by the
Saint Tammany Society.1
" On Monday last the Sachems of St. Tammany gave an
invitation to Cornplanter, commonly called Captain O'Beal,
a sachem and five others of the Seneca Nation to visit the
Wigwam on the Banks of Schuylkill where he was in-
formed the Sons of St. Tammany meet every year to cele-
brate the memory of their old Chief St. Tammany. Cap-
tain O'Beal accepted the invitation as an honor done to him
and said he was sure the Great God above (who directed all
our actions) put it in our hearts. .
" About three o'clock in the afternoon the Sachems waited
on the Chiefs at their lodgings at the Indian Queen, and
from thence attended them seperately to an appointed ren-
dezvous near the Wigwam ; they proceeded thence (a Sa-
chem of St. Tammany leading each an Indian Chief) to
the Wigwam. Three of the Indians had fallen in with a
corps of the Militia from whom a deputation had just been
sent to offer an escort to the Indian Chief and were by them
conducted to the Wigwam. On the arrival of the Chief at
the Wigwam a salute of cannon was given by the Sachems
and the colours of the State and St. Tammany with the
Dutch and French standards, and the Buck Flag, were imme-
diately displayed. They were then conducted into the Wig-
wam and after proper salutations, Captain O'Beal said he
must speak a few words to his brethern, the white folks, on
1 Independent, April 22, 1786.
I
444 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
|H
the civilities he now received. This he did in a manner
truly dignified, in the following words :
" 'BROTHERS :
" 'Hearken to what I tell you. You know that the Great God, our
greatest King, reigns in Heaven above us all. He sees all our doings,
so that we ought to be wise and virtuous. This great gathering of our
brothers is to commemorate the memory of our great-grand-father. It is
a day of pleasure (pointing to St. Tammany colors). You know that
your and our grandfathers loved one another and strongly recommended
to their children to live in union and friendship with all their brethren
and to bury the hatchet forever. I also wish (looking up to heaven) that
we may all live as our great-grand-fathers lived, in peace and unity !
' ' ' The business I am come on is to have us all united as one man, and
it will be my happiness to have it so. Let us keep fast the chain of
friendship, and put the same around us. Then we shall have nothing to
fear from the great kings on the other side of the waters. Brothers if we
can effect this to become brothers united as one man there is no people
that shall think evil of us, that a frown from us will not intimidate. I
heard it said our great-grand-fathers are dead. They are not dead. They
now look down upon us and know what we are doing. Much more ;
God looks upon us and sees what we are doing. I think God Almighty
at this time is sorry for the poor Indians. He is grieved at the afflic-
tions now come upon them. The cause of my sorrow is from the Eng-
lish on the other side of the water. They have brought it on us. You
thirteen Sires, I am now to speak a word to you. I hope you have ob-
served that I have always tears in my eyes. I am sorry that we have
been led astray ; I hope that you will do everything to put me right.
Then God will look down upon you and us and help us ; he will have
pity on us both, if we do right.'
" A discharge of thirteen cannon and three huzzas from
the company, consisting of upwards of 2000 persons, tes-
tified their approval. The Chief was then led by the Sa-
chems of St. Tammany to the council fire at the flag
staff, where they and the officers of militia, with a num-
ber of citizens, formed a circle round the same, and
smoked the great calumet of peace. The Indian Chief now
said : i that we have been refreshing ourselves with wine, it
is fit that our old friend who has gone before us (pointing
to the portrait of St. Tammany on the colors) shall have a
glass, and if we pour it on the ground, the ground will suck
Society of the Sons of Saint lammany of Philadelphia. 445
it in and he will get it.' On this he walked with one of the
St. Tammany sachems round the council fire pouring out
a libation of wine. The Chief then with his companions, at
the request of the company gave a war dance, and was
afterwards joined with the sachems of St. Tammany, and
the officers of the militia in a peace dance, and a dance of
mirth. The Chief and his people and sachems of St. Tam-
many, having seated themselves on the council seat of the
wigwam sent by the Kuskusy Nation, for some minutes after
which, one of the sachems of the Wigwam (The old Sachem
not being present), gave the following answer to Captain
O'Beal.
' ' ' Brothers we are glad to see you. You say that the great God above
sees us and that we ought to be wise and virtuous. He is our great
Father. We are his children, and you and we are all one family. He loves
us when we love one another and live as brethern. This is to be wise
and virtuous. We may say this is a day of pleasure. The Great Spirit
is pleased to see us meet as friends, and live as brothers. Our great-
grand-fathers lived as brothers, and wished it to be so forever. We meet
as brothers, and it is to us a day of pleasure. We remember our great-
grand-fathers. We meet here every year to remember our great-grand-
father Tammany, and three years ago we buried the hatchet in a great
deep hole near that stump ; we covered it with heavy stones because we
wished it never to rise again. You will see great trees growing over it
under which we wish that our children may sit. We kindled a fire here,
it is a bright fire, for our young men to sit by, and there are twelve other
fires. But there is a greater fire than all of them. We are glad you
are going to that great fire. You will find the road plain and bright.
They will bind the chain of friendship round their bodies, and it can-
not be broken, but by cutting them in two. We have nothing to fear.
Our great men will dry the tears from your eyes. Then we will help to
keep the eyes clear. We are pleased that you came ; to effect this God
sent you. He loves peace and friendship. We love you because you
are from the great-grand-father, and we shall never forget that you visited
our wigwam.'
" A salute of the cannon was then given and three huzzas
— the several colours were struck, and the Indian Chiefe
with the Sachems of Saint Tammany, were escorted by the
militia under arms to their lodgings at the Indian Queen.
446 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
(^
" The whole was conducted with great harmony and
good humor ; and the conduct of the chief and his nation
was grand and noble."
"We are led to believe that the company of militia re-
ferred to in the account of this council fire with the Indians
was a volunteer company called the Buck Tails, com-
manded by a Captain Sproat, and that the buck flag that
was unfurled was the flag of this command.1 We wish to
call attention to what purports to be a letter from Corn-
planter which appeared in the newspapers shortly after his
visit to Philadelphia, but which was never written by him,
and it was so understood at the time. From its construction
and language it evidently emanated from some member of
the Society of Friends, and was intended as a hit against the
Saint Tammany Society. We give it in its entirety ; though
antagonistic, it unwittingly adds lustre to the Tammany cele-
brations ; for while the writer did not approve of them, still
they were held by the community in such high esteem that
" gentlemen of the cloth" were willing to be seen at them.
" Translation of a letter from the Indian Chief, now in
this city, to one of his relations, a Chief of the Seneca
Nation.
" ' NEW YOEK, May 6—1786—
" ' RENOWNED KINSMAN :
" 'After an agreeable journey, we arrived in this city a few days ago,
where we have been kindly received and hospitably entertained by the
Wisemen who compose the perpetual council fire of the new nations of
our brothers of this island.
" ' You know, Kinsman how much pains our white brothers have taken
to cause us to renounce our independent and happy mode of life and to
exchange it for what they call the pleasures of civilization and religion ;
but they now think differently, both of their own and of our manner of
living from what they did when the great King over the water put dust
in their eyes and kept them in darkness. They now begin to see in
what the fine dignity and happiness of man consists and that labour,
trade, and the mechanic arts, are only fit for women and children ; and
as for the old stories they used to tell us about religion, no body believes
in them now but a few old women. As a proof of this preference of
1 Watson's Annals, Vol. III. p. 229.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 447
our manners and principles to their own, a large body of the citizens of
Philadelphia, assembled on the first day of May on the banks of the
Schuylkill every year, and then in the dress of Sachems celebrate the
name, character and death of old King Tammany, in eating, drinking,
smoking, dancing, and singing around a fire. This entertainment ends
as all such entertainments do with us, in drunkenness and disorder,
which are afterwards printed in their newspapers in the most agreeable
colours, as constituting the utmost festivity and joy. But the principal
end of this annual feast is to destroy the force of the Christian religion.
For this religion you know forbids self murder and drunkenness. Now
by honoring and celebrating the name of Tammany who killed himself
by burning his cabin over his head in a drunken frolic, they take away
all infamy from these crimes and even place them among the number of
virtues. Two or three Priests generally attend at this feast with the
ensigns of their professions, that is, with large white wigs and black
coats : and as the people here are more disposed to follow the example
than the precepts of their priests, the example of these holy Sachems,
has had a great effect in undeceiving the people as to their notions about
religion and in introducing among them our maxims respecting murder
and drunkenness. Let us hold fast renowned Kinsman, the customs
and traditions of our fathers and disdain to copy anything from a people
who are every day advancing to our state of simple manners and national
sobriety. Farewell.
" 'CORNPLANTER.' '
This year's (1786) celebration is mentioned in one paper
in not a very complimentary manner, but as the account
shows that " faction" — i.e., party influences — for the first time
is beginning to assert its power over the Society, we give it
at length.
" Monday last, being the anniversary of St. Tammany,
the day was generally observed, and happily spent and
commemorated at different places, by several companies of
citizens.1
" We should do much injustice to Mr. Pole, if we now
neglected our respects to him on this occasion. He indeed
deserves great credit for those tickets of invitation which he
took the liberty of presenting and without whose particular
services, he might have escaped every kind of notice or
distinction. The principal characters of the party of his
1 Independent, May 6, 1786.
«
448 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
leaders assembled at tlie Council Fire on Schuylkill and with
pleasure, it has been observed, many good and worthy in-
habitants of this place, among whom, some of the Sachems
claim, our most sincere respects joined them. Although
every mind might not have been altogether pleased and
reconciled with the arrangement of matters, yet from the
universal regard to St. Tammany, there is little if any reason
for serious complaint among generous Americans.
" When the anniversary again returns, it is to be hoped
that the natives and citizens of the country will not be
treated with the distance and reserve that has been too often
observed. The Poles and Fishing Tackle must be better
regulated. Indeed there are many striking circumstances to
justify the idea, that under the specious purposes of cele-
brating St. Tammany's day thefoxified objects of faction and
policy — like snakes in the grass, have crept into measures
other wise set apart for undisguised sociability. Nothing is
more odious and intolerable, than the sly impositions, the
craft and artifices of faction. And to an ingenious mind
nothing is more abominable than that man who devotes and
lays himself out for the scandalous speculations, and the
political cutiery of degenerated party. . . . This sort of crea-
ture is the tool for knaves to work with . . . and make use
of to serve their interests, while he intends only to pursue,
though in that line he is sure to shackle his own. He values
himself on the promising banquet, without regard to conse-
quences. He is an inflexable friend to everything that
resembles a mystery; thinks Common Sense too common
and political non sense to be always a proof of propriety and
inspiration. Right and wrong (unerring standards) he
measures not by the interests of mankind but by trifling
and unmeaning rules invented by his patrons and conductors
and calculated chiefly for their own benefit. He is a friend
to no man . . . envious, sullen, and morose ... all his
thoughts exceed our notions of social pursuits and manly
joy. ... A sour face and a bitter implacable heart are his
qualifications.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 449
"It is wonderful, observes a correspondent, how this
stupid animal could ever be in repute, how the most insig-
nificant and worst being in the universe could be any ways
acceptable to the best."
It is very evident from the above that Mr. Pole's back
had to receive the blows of the opposing party as adminis-
tered by the editor of the paper, and he also had to bear
the punishment intended for more exalted members of the
Society, that possibly it was deemed wise or expedient not
to mention by name, though most likely they were well
known at the time. Here, we may say, was the conception
of what in after-years became the Democratic Party, though
before it was born its sentiments materially changed from
what they were at this time.
The anniversary of the year 1786 is very minutely de-
scribed in the following account : *
" Monday last, the 1st of May, being the anniversary of
the tutelar Saint of America, the Sachems and brothers of
the Society of St. Tammany assembled at their wigwam on
the banks of the Schuylkill. Early in the morning, the
day was saluted by a discharge of the Society's artillery ; at
8 o'clock three guns were fired and the standard of St.
Tammany was displayed, supported on the right by the flag
of France, and on the left by that of the United States of
Holland. At the same time the Buck flag was displayed at
the council chamber — at 10 o'clock the brethren generally
assembled, and at 12 at beat of drum, the whole of the
brothers assembled round the flag staff : soon after which,
the sachems of the preceding year advanced from the council
chamber into the circle, where at a signal, they all laid down
their insignia of office.
" The secretary then came forward and informed the
brethren, that the time for which the sachems had been
chosen was now expired ; and that they were consequently
destitute of any officers, grand sachem and others. He
asked, whether they would proceed to the choice of 13
1 Penna. Evening Herald, May 6, 1786.
VOL. XXVI. — 29
J
450 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
sachems for the ensuing year ? This they agreed to do and
the following brothers were duly elected: Charles Biddle,
Esq., Jonathan Bayard Smith, Alex. Boyd, Thomas Fevill,
Fred. Phile, Daniel Hiester, Win. Coates, Joseph Dean,
Wm. Tharpe, Emanuel Eyres, Zachariah Endress, Thomas
Proctor, and Elias Boys. Upon the close of the election of
the sachems three guns were discharged, when the sachems
retired to the council chamber and then from among them-
selves, elected as chief or grand sachem the Hon. Charles
Biddle, Esq., Vice-president of the State of Penna.
" The whole of the sachems were now dressed and
invested with their gorgets and other insignia of office ; on
the chief's breast was his gorget with the following in-
scription surrounded with 13 stars ; St. Tammany the grand
sachem, or the chief to whom all our nation looks up.
" On the gorgets of each of the other sachems were in-
scribed the names of the following warriors, lontonque,
Tataboucksey, Hoowaniente, Pechemolind, Towarrah, De-
unquatt, Shuctongo, Simougan, Tediescung, Shaubonkin,
Kayashuta, and Hyngapushes.
" Upon the appearance of the sachems the brethren
again formed a circle round the flag — The sachems entered
the circle when the secretary came forward, and proclaimed
their choice of the grand sachem, who was ushered for-
ward to the brethren by two of his brother sachems. He
was received by the company who testified their approba-
tion by three loud and chearful huzzas supported by the
discharge of 13 guns — upon which brother (William)
Pritchard came forward and delivered the following piece,
which he had prepared for the day :
" ' When superstition dark and hauty plan
Fettered the genius and debased the man,
Each trifling legend was as truth received ;
The priest invented, and the crowd believed ;
Nations adored the whim in stone or paint,
And gloried in the fabricated saint.
Some holy guardian, hence, each nation claims —
Gay France her Dennis, and grave Spain her James,
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 451
Britons at once two mighty saints obey
Andrew and George maintain united sway,
O'er humbler lands the same odd whim prevails ;
Ireland her Patrick, boasts her David, Wales.
We Pennsylvanians, these old tales reject,
And our own saint think proper to erect —
Immortal Tammany of Indian Race,
Great in the fields, and foremost in the chase,
No puny saint was he, with fasting pale,
He climbed the mountains, and swept the vale ;
Rushed through the torrent with unequaled might ; —
Your ancient saints would tremble at the sight —
Caught the swift boar, and swifter deer with ease,
And worked a thousand miracles like these.
To public views, he added private ends,
And loved his country most, and next his friends.
With courage long he strove to ward the blow,
(Courage we all respect, e'en in a foe) —
And when each effort he in vain had tried,
Kindled the flame in which he bravely died !
To Tammany let the full horn go round ;
His fame let every honest tongue resound ;
With him let every generous patriot vie
To live in freedom, or with honor die !
Nor shall I think my labor too severe,
Since ye, wise sachems, kindly deign to hear.'
" The secretary then declared the laws which had been
enacted in the council for the government of the day,
which was that every brother should do just as he pleased ;
and if he did not the whole of the brothers were by com-
pulsion to enforce him to do so ; and if he did not then do
as he pleased, he was to be laughed at by the whole com-
pany— And also, that if any dispute arose between any two
brothers, which should tend in any measure to interrupt
the harmony of the day, in order to discountenance them,
they were both to be laughed at by the whole company.
" The laws being proclaimed, the grand sachem seated
himself, surrounded by his brother sachems, upon the
council seat presented to the society from the Hughkugh-
keagh nation, around the council fire when the calumet of
I
452 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
peace was lighted and smoked by the grand sachem and
his brethren and was afterwards handed around to the
whole of the brothers, who all in rotation took a whiff.
Several presents having been made to the society since the
last anniversary they were all brought forward, and shown
to the brethren assembled, who returned thanks thro' their
sachems and gave them severally three huzzas.
"Among the presents was an elegant portrait of the
Indian Chief (who was lately in this city) lontonkque or
the Corn Plant commonly known by the name of Captain
O'Bail taken from the life by Miss Eliza Phile and done in a
very masterly manner, 2 feet and a half by one foot and a half.
" During this interval, a cold collation was spread upon
the tables, at the head of which was the council chamber,
with feasts prepared for the sachems, under a canopy — The
signal being given, every brother repaired with his scalping
knife, to the repast, which they executed in a masterly man-
ner ; the provisions being tolerably well scalped the warriors
having played their parts well.
" The whole then retired forming a circle round the flag
staff went through their dances and then seated themselves
around the council fire, when the heart-cheering glass being
introduced, the grand sachem gave the following toasts
which were drank by the whole of the brethren during a
discharge of artillery and sky rockets.
" 1. St. Tammany and the day.
" 2. The Great Council Fire ot the United States— May
the 13 fires glow in one blended blaze and illumine the
Eagle in his flight to the Stars.
" 3. Penna., and the illustrious President ot the State
— May wisdom ever preside in our councils.
" 4. Louis the Sixteenth.
" 5. Our great grand sachem George Washington, Esq.
" 6. Our Allies and Friends — May the Lillies of France
forever bloom — the Lion of the Netherlands rejoice in his
strength and the Irish Harp ever be in union with the Thir-
teen Stars.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 453
" 7. Our Brother lontonkque or the Corn Plants-May we
ever remember that he visited our wigwam and spoke a
good talk from our great grand fathers.
" 8. The Friendly Indian Nations — our warriors and young
men who fought, bled and gave good council for our nation.
" 9. Our Mothers, Wives, Sisters and Daughters.
" 10. The Merchants, Farmers and Mechanics of Penna.
— May the manufactures of our own country ever have the
preference of foreign ones.
"11. The University of Penna., and all Seminaries ot
learning.
" 12. May the Whigs of America ever be united as a
band of brothers.
" 13. May the enemies of America never eat the bread ot
it, drink the drink of it or kiss the pretty girls of it.
" At this time a great number of the spectators rudely
broke in upon the company which obliged the grand sachem
to draw off the brethren to the city, which was done in In-
dian file with music.
" They then proceeded to the wigwam * of his excellency
brother Benjamin Franklin who appearing was saluted
with 13 huzzas from all the warriors, which he cordially
received and thanked them for the honour paid him, when
the brothers all retired to their own wigwams to see their
squaws and papousees.
" FOOT-NOTE. — The Sachems in behalf of themselves and their broth-
ers offer their cordial thanks to Miss Phile for the above present in the
following talk.
"These glowing colours our applause command,
The happy work of fair Eliza's hand I
Here as her genius and her taste we trace,
Each savage feature softens into grace,
What various merit must adorn the youth,
How must he shine in valour, wit and truth,
Who wins the heart of this accomplished Fair,
And finds his happy image pictured there."
1 Situated on the south side of Market Street, between Third and
Fourth Streets, old number 116.
454 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
The changes in the personnel of the Sachems this year
were as follows : Charles Biddle, who was made chief, was
elected in October of 1785 to the position of Yice-President
of the State of Pennsylvania. He early in life had entered
upon a seafaring career, and most of his services to his
country during the War of Independence were performed
upon the ocean, though he was a member of, and saw ser-
vice with, Captain Cowperthwaite's company of Quaker
light infantry. The above incident Mr. Biddle has seen fit
to omit in his autobiography, and we are at a loss to account
for the omission in view of the fact that occurrences of much
less moment are given with minuteness.
Elias Boys, merchant, resided at 80 Penn Street, between
South and Almond Streets. He was a member of the
Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick. He married Martha Scull,
at Christ Church, September 5, 1767, and died in October,
1792. In 1788 he was made a member of the Board of
Port Wardens of Philadelphia.
Zachariah Endriss, brewer, lived in Brewer's Alley, be-
tween Second and Third Streets. He was elected a member
of the German Society of the city in 1774.
Thomas Kevill, house-carpenter, was located on Front
Street, between Market and Arch Streets.
William Tharpe was one of the earliest of what were
known as " Fair Play" settlers on Indian lands in Lycoming
County, in 1773, and returned to his land after the Revo-
lution and secured his title to it. He with the rest of
these settlers had been squatters, but in those days it was
overlooked, and their titles were confirmed, owing to
their services and losses in serving their country during
the war.
William Pritchard, the author of the poem, was a book-
seller and keeper of a circulating library, and carried on his
business in Market Street, between Second and Front Streets.
The Hughkughkeagh nation mentioned is a little pleas-
antry, for the word represents the sound made by Indians
when they cheer.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 465
As to histories of the Indian chiefs whose names are
assumed upon this occasion by the Sachems of the Saint
Tammany Society, three can be identified. First, Tammany,
and of him we have given all the information obtainable.
Of lontonque, or Cornplanter, or Captain O'Beal we have
just given an account. Of Tediescung, or Teedyuscung,
Heckewelder writes that he was " the last Delaware Chief
in those parts east of the Allegheny mountains. His name
makes a conspicuous figure in the history of Pennsylvania
previous to the revolution, and particularly towards the
commencement of the war of 1756. Before he was raised
to the station of a chief, he had signalized himself as an able
counsellor in his nation. In the year 1749, he joined the
Moravian Indian congregation, and the following year, was
baptized by the name of < Gideon.' He had been known
before that under that of * Honest John/ and while at the
head of his nation, he was frequently distinguished by the
title of < King of the Delawares,' many people called him
the * War Trumpet.' He was ambitious, thought much ot
his rank and abilities ; liked to be considered as the King
of his country, and was fond of having a retinue with him
when he went to Philadelphia on business with the govern-
ment. His greatest weakness was a fondness for strong
drink, the temptation of which he could not easily resist.
This unfortunate propensity was the cause of his cruel and
untimely death; he was burnt in his cabin in 1763."
We assume that, as Timothy Matlack's name is not men-
tioned this year as being secretary, Mr. Edward Pole held
the position of master of ceremonies, and that in some way
he must have slighted the editor of the paper that attacked
him with such vigor.
The interchangeableness of the names Pole and Beve-
ridge is shown by the diarist Hiltzheimer in his accounts of
the dinners of the Saint Tammany Society.
That other States were worshipping at the same shrine
as the sons of Pennsylvania is shown by the following
account :
'
456 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
"KiCHMOND, VA., May 4th, 1786.
" Monday last, the 1st instant, the Sons of St. Tammany,
in memory of the anniversary of their American Saint,
gave a very sumptuous entertainment at the Capitol in this
city, to which were invited a number of gentlemen of dif-
ferent nations, who participated with them on the occasion,
when the following toasts were drank and the day spent in
the utmost good humor.
" 1. The Sons of St. Tammany. — May the gallant spirit
of their sire animate their hosoms and fire them with the
love of liberty and independence.
" 2. Congress. — May their wisdom and integrity for-
ever cement the union and secure the blessings of free-
dom.
" 3. Our late illustrious Commander-in-Chief. — May he
be as happy as he is beloved.
" 4. The Legislative, Executive, and judiciary, of Vir-
ginia.— May the execution of this important trust reflect
splendor on their public characters, and the love of their
countrymen attend them in retirement.
" 5. Our Ambassadors abroad. — May Republican zeal
direct their political talents and their hearts remain true
amidst the machinations of Courts.
" 6. The Sons of St. Patrick.— May the torch of friend-
ship lighted between them and the Sons of St. Tammany
continue blazing to eternity.
" 7. Agriculture and Commerce. — May they go hand in
hand to bless our country and meet that encouragement
they merit.
" 8. The Seminaries of Learning. — While they advance
Science may they diffuse the spirit of virtue.
" 9. The worthy sons of all Saints.
" 10. May the Hatchet ot American politics never be
turned against herself.
" 11. May the Sons of St. Tammany always be disposed
to exchange the bow and tomahawk for the peaceful
calumet.
Society of th£ Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 457
" 13. May the great spirit encircle the whole world in the
belt of friendship."
A letter to the Packet from Savannah, Georgia, dated
May 4, 1786, is as follows : l
" On Monday the 1st instant a number of gentlemen
from the northern states met at the hotel in this town to
celebrate the anniversary of St. Tammany, their tutelar
saint, where an elegant dinner was provided, and the day
spent in the true spirit of brotherly conviviality. At the
table the following toasts, in the ancient and expressive
style of their patron, were drank, viz :
" 1. St. Tammany and liberty of conscience.
" 2. Uncle Hancock and the great council.
" 3. Our great brother, the King of France and all his
children.
" 4. All our brothers beyond the great water.
" 5. Our Messengers to all the nations.
" 6. Brother Washington our head warrior.
" 7. Our old Good brother Franklin.
" 8. The ladies that love us and the children they
bear us.
" 9. Fat Bucks and full ears of corn in their season for-
ever.
" 10. A clean calumet and sweet tobacco to all that smoke
with us.
"11. A fair trade for good things with all nations.
" 12. Wise laws in full force throughout America.
"13. The true faith to our tawny brothers, and sound
morals and moderation to all Christians.
" Should the people of Georgia, according to the custom
of the nations of Europe, and the example of their northern
brethren feel the propriety of a patronage of this kind, they
will no doubt canonise this good, jolly old saint and pay
respect to this day."
1 Pennsylvania Packet, June 6, 1786.
J
458 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
" All Christian countries," says the Savannah Republican,
"have their tutelar Saint. England has her Saint George,
Scotland her Saint Andrew; Ireland her Saint Patrick,
France her Saint Crispan and Spain her Santa Jago. Li
this country, we have Saint Tammany. Through the Revo-
lutionary War the natal day of this saint was observed
with great respect by the army, as well as by the people.
It was not till Mr. Jefferson's administration, when General
Dearborn was Secretary of War that the observance of it
by the army was dispensed with and the change was made
then only with the view of carrying out the system of re-
trenchment which the President sought to introduce in the
administration of the government. The first fort built at
St. Mary's Camden County and perhaps the first in the
state was called Fort Saint Tammany. A gentleman now
residing in this city was present while a boy at a celebration
by the officers and soldiers stationed at the fort on Saint
Tammany's Day. The May pole used on the occasion was
a tree with its branches and bark removed ; and around that
the soldiers danced and celebrated the day."
Our Mr. Pole once more had to stand the lash from the
newspapers. To better understand the article which follows,
we would state that Pole's advertisement was one of the
most constant and conspicuous, — a wood-cut of a fish heads
it, then follows the offering of poles and fishing-tackle and
sporting goods, etc. Who S dd — S's was or what the
transaction referred to, at this late date is impossible to
state.
" MR. OSWALD :
" As you have hitherto by frequent encomiums bestowed
on me in your newspaper, contributed much towards the
establishment of my reputation as a citizen and by frequent
advertisements (for which you have generously made no
charge,) rendered my trade not only flourishing but rapid,
I take the liberty of requesting that you will out of your
neighborly kindness by inserting the advertisement annexed,
Society of the Sons of Saint lammany of Philadelphia. 459
endeavor to draw the attention of the public to that very
important article of Buck's Jails.1
" BUCK'S TAILS.
" For St. Tammany's Day may be provided at the Tuft
and Tackle Warehouse in Market Street.
" Ye lovers of frolic, who blithsome and gay,
Resolve to be merry on Tammany's Day ;
I Neddy the Sachem, by some surnamed P e,
For a moment would like your attention to call.
In barbarous days, ere America rose
The pride of her Friends, and the scourge of her foes,
Old Tammany bounding o'er valley and hill,
Every deer that he met would constantly kill :
So each of his sons in remembrance of that,
On his birthday displays a Buck's Tail in hig hat.
Now those who this tuft emblematic must buy,
To me let them come, and their wants I'll supply.
Since S dd — S's deer skins I plundered of late,
I their tails can retail at a moderate rate :
'Tis the joy of my heart all my neighbors to fleece ;
Come buy my fine Buck Tails at six-pence apiece.
"NEDDY THE SACHEM."
That the usual ceremonies prevailed on May 1, 1787, we
can most certainly infer, though an account of the meet-
ing is wanting in the public prints and in its place appears
the ode which follows.
"ODE FOR SAINT TAMMANY, THIS DAY MAY 1787.
" TAMMANY. Balance a straw.
"Once more on Fair Schuylkill we cheerfully meet,
Our Sachems, our warriors, our brethren to greet ;
The Great King above, has allow' d us again
To bury the hatchet, and brighten the chain.
Then your hands all my sons — who for freedom have stood,
Who rescued my land at th' expense of your blood :
Such honors in hist'ry's bright annals shall shine,
And I glory to think such bold heroes are mine.
Independent Gazetteer, April 21, 1787.
'
460 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
" FIKST SACHEM. Over the hills, &c.
"Our hearts and hands are always free,
To brave the storm for Tammany ;
When he commands, his sons obey,
Over the hills and far away.
" Chorus.
' ' Over the hills, like wind we fly,
To crush the foe, or bravely die ;
Our Saint's commands none disobey,
Over the hills and far away.
' ' De capo — the chorus, the whole.
" SECOND SACHEM. Peas upon a trencher.
"To Columbia's glory,
Recorded well in story,
We'll fill the glass,
And let it pass —
' Confusion to each Tory.'
' ' Chorus repeated.
"THIRD SACHEM. Once the Gods of the Greeks, &c.
"Push about the brisk glass, 'twill enliven the soul,
'Tis the wine that absorbs all dull thinking ;
E'er Cupid himself must give way to the bowl,
For his wounds are all caus'd by good drinking.
" Chorus.
" For 'tis wine, generous wine, that all sorrow destroys,
And routs our vexations and care :
The bottle was always a fountain of joy,
That wash'd oif the dregs of dispair.
' ' Chorus repeated.
" FOURTH SACHEM. The black rogue.
' ' Sing * guahee honigee — honigee, makoonos,
Siskee anarichee, saturana waa ;
Oroonyagh makoonos, satira nekoonos,
Sangua taverana kenan anungara.
" Chorus.
" Drink round, drink round, each sachem and brother,
Drink round, drink round, and heed what I say I
A day like this, you'll ne'er find another,
So let us be cheerful, brisk, merry and gay.
" Chorus repeated.
The Mickmack dialect.
Society of ttw Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 461
' ' TAMMANY. Vaudville-balancc a straw.
''Farewell ye fair banks, and ye fresh blooming trees,
Soft scenes of rich plenty and sweet smiling ease ;
Again I return to the regions above,
And leave you my blessing, my wisdom, my love.
"Guard your rights while you live, with your swords and your guns,
And may they descend, unalloy'd to your sons I
While Sol on this day shall propitiously shine —
Be Peace, Independence, and Liberty — thine.
" Four last lines repeated.
"J. P."
It is very well to know that the first line of the ode
makes the statement that
"Once more on Fair Schuylkill we cheerfully meet."
It is certainly very tantalizing that no mention of those
who took part on this occasion is given ; the only one we
can be sure of is Mr. Edward Pole. It is worthy of note,
however, that diarist Hiltzheimer, in his diary of May 1 ot
this year, states that he dined at C. Breton's place on the
banks of the Schuylkill by appointment with the following
gentlemen : N. Boys, A. Qeyer [Guyer] , William Richards,1
S. McLane, P. Ozeas, Philip Pancake, John Purdon, and
Mr. Forbach.
This house is marked on the map as being on the west
bank of the Schuylkill at the end of the Upper Ferry, just
across the public road from Pole's place. Whether this
was where the Tammany Society held its meeting or not,
we cannot say ; but as Hiltzheimer was pretty certain, as we
learn from his diary, to celebrate the 1st of May, we are
inclined to think that the party mentioned as dining
together were celebrating the day with our Sons.
The histories of those of the party that we locate point to
their being very patriotic in their ideas and actions. Geyer
held commissions in the Revolutionary army from 1777 to
1781. Philip Pancake was a captain under Colonel Jona-
1 Captain in the Pennsylvania navy.
462 Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia.
than Bayard Smith,* both having been associated in the
army with members of the Society that we have mentioned
before. One of the Boys family was prominent at a previ-
ous meeting. Ozeas took a prominent part in the year
following in a civic procession celebrating the adoption of
the Federal Constitution. The above with Hiltzheimer
seem to us to be a party that would seek to keep up
the customs of Saint Tammany's Day. About this time the
advertisement of Pole disappears from the papers, and
from what Heckewelder says, in his account of Tammany,
we are led to think that business misfortunes had overtaken
him, and we are confirmed in this by an advertisement of
his that appears in the following year, of which we will
speak later. It is likely that, on account of the above, the
nearest place, which was Breton's, was selected at which to
hold the festival this year.
We now notice for the first time mention of the Tam-
many Society of New York which appears both in the
Philadelphia and New York papers of this year. Strange
to say, in all the histories of the New York Society that
we have seen, it is mentioned as starting two years later.
Here follows the account of its first meeting.
" New York, May 4th.1
" Tuesday last being St. Tammany's Day (the Tutelar St.
of America) the St. Tammany Society of this city held
their anniversary meeting at the Wigwam at Hall's.
"At eight o'clock P.M., the Society sat down to an ele-
gant supper provided by Mr. Hall, after which the following
toasts were drank, viz :
" 1st. The Day ; all who honor it.
" 2nd. The land of Liberty.
" 3d. Congress and their Allies.
"4th. The State of New York, and all who wish its
prosperity.
" 5th. His Excellency the truly great and virtuous George
Washington, Esquire.
1 Penna. Packet, May 11, 1787.
Society of the Sons of Saint Tammany of Philadelphia. 463
" 6th. Louis XVI, King of France ; his amiable Queen
and Royal Family.
" 7th. Perpetual unanimity and prosperity to the Sons of
St. Tammany throughout the world.
" 8th. The noble Patriots who fell in the cause of Ameri-
can Liberty.
" 9th. May the war hatchet be buried, and the pipe of
peace be smoked 'till time shall be no more.
" 10th. May the industry of the beaver, the frugality of
the ant, the constancy of the dove, be the perpetual charac-
teristicks of the Sons of St. Tammany.
" llth. The daughters of St. Tammany and their pa-
pouces.
" 12th. May the American chain never be tarnished by
the rust of discord.
" 13th. May honor, virtue, and true sense of liberty and
a detestation of Slavery, be characteristicks of Americans
and all their adopted brethren.
" The evening being spent with that cordiality, good
humor and love that always prevails when Sons of St.
Tammany meet, after drinking the above toasts, and sing-
ing some excellent songs in honor of their Tutelar Saint,
and smoking the pipe of peace, every man departed to his
own Wigwam, and hunting ground —
"In hopes the ensuing year to spend,
In peace and love with every friend.
"A correspondent observes that the establishing the
St. Tammany's Society does honor to the promoters, and
makes not the least doubt but it will be the most respect-
able society in the city in the course of a little time."
(To be continued.)
464 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
LIFE OF MAEGAEET SHIPPEN, WIFE OF BENEDICT
AEJSTOLD.
BY LEWIS BURD WALKER.
(Concluded from page 334.)
THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF MARGARET ARNOLD.
I Margaret Arnold of Bryan ston Street, London, Widow, do
make & constitute this to be my last Will & Testament in respect
to all such Eeal and Personal Estate as I may die possessed of
in England & its Dominions — Attached by principles of the
strictest Integrity as well as in conformity to the Will of my
late beloved Husband, I am earnestly desirous of doing equal
justice to all his children, having had but little expended upon
them, and as a very small part of the property I have to be-
queath has ever belonged to their Father, I trust that in the
dispositions I am about to make of it they will believe me actu-
ated by principles of justice and not doubt my sincere regard
for them — It is my wish that my funeral may be as plain as is
consistent with the situation of my Family, avoiding all super-
fluous expense, and that my just Debts may be paid — To my
Daughter Sophia Matilda Arnold I give & bequeath all my Fur-
niture, Linnen, Cloaths, Trinkets, Glass, Books, Wine & all the
stores in my House in Bryanston Street, together with the
Lease of the said House — I also give & bequeath to her all my
Plate and plated Articles — As it is my intention, in conformity
to his own wishes, to send my son George to India, should I die
before he is equipped, for this purpose it is my wish that he
should have the means of doing it — I therefore give & bequeath
to him the sum of Five hundred pounds for this purpose, or to
fit him out in any other line of life that he may prefer, but in
case he may be fitted out at the time of my decease I then give
& bequeath him Three hundred pounds only — I give & bequeath
to my sons Edward & James Arnold One hundred pounds each,
and, after paying my Debts & Legacies as before & hereinafter
mentioned it is my Will that all the remainder of my personal
property in England may be divided into Three equal parts or
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 465
shares, one share to be paid to my daughter Sophia Matilda
Arnold, and the remaining two shares I give & bequeath to my
son William Fitch Arnold — And I intreat my tenderly & equally
beloved children to believe that in making this distribution, I
am actuated only by the consideration of their different neces-
sities— And it is my Will that the remainder of any property I
now have not otherwise herein disposed of, or that I may die
possessed of, both Eeal & personal in Great Britain & its Domin-
ions, namely, Canada, New Brunswic, to be equally divided be-
tween my sons Edward Shippen Arnold, James Eobertson
Arnold, George Arnold & William Fitch Arnold, and my Daugh-
ter Sophia Matilda Arnold, their Heirs & Assigns forever, But
in case of the death of either of them before having attained
the age of Twenty one years, that then their part or share go
to the Survivors of my before named children to be equally
divided between them, as also all such personal property already
herein specifically bequeathed to them — And should my Execu-
tors conceive it to be for the benefit of my Children to dispose
of any of the Property, either Eeal or Personal while they are
under age, They are hereby authorized to do so, but in the dis-
posal of Eeal Property I require that it should be with the con-
currence of those who are of age — Col. William Fitch having
bequeathed to my son William the sum of Five hundred pounds
which was paid & irrevocably given by his sisters Anne & Sarah,
and vested in the three per cent Consols, amounting at this
time, with the accumulated Interest to Eleven hundred & thir-
teen pounds & eight pence, and a Deed of Trust having been
executed by Miss Anne Fitch & myself, I hereby empower my
hereinafter named Executors to act jointly with Miss Fitch as
Trustees for him — And having authorized my son Edward with
the concurrence of Miss Fitch to draw Bills to the amount of
Eight hundred pounds to be paid out of the above Trust money
in order to obtain for it a better interest in India, it is my desire
should he draw previously to hearing of my death, that Miss
Anne Fitch as surviving Trustee, in concurrence with my Ex-
ecutors, should pay his Bills from the above Fund to the amount
of Six hundred pounds, the remaining Two hundred pounds
from the money that I have bequeathed to my Daughter Sophia,
the Interest of which Two hundred pounds to be appropriated
to her use, the principal also to be considered her property—
And I hereby constitute & appoint Miss Anne Fitch & Daniel
VOL. XXVI. — 30
466 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
Coxe, Esqr, and Jonathon Mallet Esqr and Farguer Esqr my
Executors to this my last Will & Testament, In Witness whereof
I have hereunto set my Hand & Seal this Twenty sixth day of
January in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred
& four 1804
(signed) MARGARET ARNOLD (seal)
Signed Sealed published &c
in the presence of
JANE FARGIUER No. 13 Portland Place
E. CARLOW, W. BULL Servants to Testatrix
A true Copy from the Probate of Mrs Arnolds Will in my
possession, except the above abbreviation of publishment &c.
(signed) DAN. COXE, Surv. Extr.
LONDON 24th Aug. 1807.
THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OP BENEDICT ARNOLD.
I, Benedict Arnold of the City of London being of sound
Mind and Memory do make and constitute this my last Will and
Testament in manner following.
Inprimis. It is my Will that all my Just Debts and Funeral
Expenses be first paid ; the latter I request may be only decent
but by no means attended with any expence that can possibly
be avoided.
Item. I give to my Sister, Hannah Arnold Forty pounds
Sterling per annum during her natural Life to be paid to her
annually out of Interest of such Monies or Income of such
Estate as I may die possessed of, provided she shall and does
give up to my Heirs or Executors all Obligations that she may
have against me ; and also does relinquish all Claims against my
Estate, except for the Annuity before mentioned.
Item. I give and bequeath to my sons Richard and Henry
all Sums of Money that they are in any wise Indebted to me ;
and having in the course of the last and present year written
to them to Draw Bills of Exchange upon me in London for the
following Sums of Money, Yiz ; One hundred and eighty pounds
Sterling (to make up a sum of three hundred pounds, part of
which I have paid to them) to enable them to Build and Stock
Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold. 467
their farm in Canada. Also two hundred and thirty pounds
Sterling to enable them to pay two protested Bills ; as also three
hundred and sixty pounds sterling to enable them to pay all
their Debts due in January 1801, to the total amount, adding
these sums, of Seven hundred and seventy pounds Sterling. I
give and bequeath the before mentioned Sums of Money to ray
Sons, Eichard and Henry equally ; and it is my Will and Pleasure
that these Bills of Exchange for the before mentioned Sums be
honored by my Executors, and paid out of the Estate I may die
possessed of.
Item. I Give Devise and Bequeath to my Beloved Wife her
Heirs, Executors and Administrators all my Estate both Real
and Personal that I may die possessed of, after paying my Debts
and Legacies as before and herein after mentioned, for her own
use and benefit during her continuing a Widow and to be dis-
posed of among all my Children at her Death, as she may think
proper, not doubting her doing them all equal justice. But
should she Marry again, Then it is in that case, my Will and
Pleasure that all my property shall be divided among my Chil-
dren upon her second Marriage, and in that case, I hereby Give,
Devise and Bequeath all my Estate both Real and Personal that
I may have, or die possessed of to my Children to be divided
among them in such equal proportions as my beloved Wife shall
think Just and Proper, consideration being had to these Sums
of Money that they have already received and that have been
Expended upon them for their Education, &c. And Considera-
tion being also had to their respective Ages and Situations in
Life, not doubting that she will do them all equal Justice as she
knows it is and has always been my intention (as my affection
has been equally divided among them) to make an equal provis-
ion for them all.
Item. I give, devise and bequeath to John Sage, now in
Canada, living with my Sons there (being about 14 years of
age) Twelve hundred Acres of Land, being part of a Grant ol
thirteen thousand four hundred Acres of Land made to me as
an Half Pay Officer for myself and Family by Order of the
Duke of Portland, by his Letter directed to Peter Russell Esqr.
President of the Council in Upper Canada, dated the 12th ot
June 1798, which said 1200 Acres of Land I give to him to be
located altogether in one place out of the before mentioned
Grant as my Executors may judge equal and fair. I also do
I
468 Life of Margaret Shippen, Wife of Benedict Arnold.
hereby give and bequeath to the said John Sage twenty pounds
per annum to be paid to my Sons Kichard and Henry for his
use for Board Cloathing and Education untill he shall be of the
Age of Twenty one Years to be paid out of the Estate I may
die possessed of — I also give and bequeath to the said John
Sage, fifty pounds to be paid to him when he shall attain the
age of twenty one Years.
1 do hereby Constitute and Appoint my Beloved Wife Sole
Executrix to this my last Will and Testament. And in case my
Wife should Marry again or die Intestate, I do hereby Constitute
and Appoint Miss Ann Fitch and Miss Sarah Fitch of Devon-
shire Street, Joint Trustees to manage my Estate, and carry
this my Will in Execution, and they are hereby authorized
(should it be necessary) to Sell any part of my Eeal Estate for
that purpose, and to give receipts to the Purchasers for the
Purchase Money which shall be considered as good and valid.
But should my Wife die Intestate, I do hereby give, devise
and bequeath to all my Children all my Estate both Real and
Personal, that I may die possessed of after paying my Legacies,
&c. Viz. The whole to be divided into twelve equal shares ; and
to Sophia I give four shares ; to William I give two shares ; to
George I give two shares ; and to Richard, Henry, Edward and
James, I give each one share, and I do hereby Appoint the be-
fore named Trustees to see the same carried into Execution.
And I do hereby Constitute and Appoint my Beloved Wife
Sole Executrix to this my last Will and Testament.
In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal in
London this 30th day of August in the year of our Lord One
Thousand eight. hundred.
BENEDICT ARNOLD. (Seal.)
Signed, Sealed, and Published by Brigadier General Benedict
Arnold as his Last Will and Testament in the presence of us
who subscribe our names as Witnesses hereof and in his Pres-
ence, and in the Presence of each other.
HARRIET NEWPORT
ANN PRINCE
WILLIAM YOUNG.
New Building for the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 469
NEW BUILDING FOR THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The following circular has been issued to the members
of the Historical Society :
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
No. 1300 LOCUST STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
DEAR SIR:
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is about to take a
very important step. Its invaluable and constantly growing
collection of books, manuscripts, portraits, etc., in many lines
unequalled by that of any other institution in the world, im-
peratively demands enlarged accommodations. The entire
available space in the present structure is so crowded that
proper facilities for the examination and consultation of these
original sources of historical information cannot be afforded.
The Society is therefore confronted with a grave problem, which
can only be solved by a modified reconstruction of the present
building, with such additions as will meet ever-increasing re-
quirements. The new work and the old, extended and improved,
must be of the best modern construction and absolutely fire-
proof, since much of the material intrusted to the care of the
Society is of priceless value, and, once destroyed, its loss would
be irreparable. Such reconstruction and addition will demand
an outlay of about two hundred thousand dollars. Towards the
accomplishment of this object, a distinguished President of the
Society, the late Charles J. Stille, LL.D., made a most liberal
bequest, and we hope for the cordial encouragement and finan-
cial support of other members and friends of the Society, who,
being apprised of the great urgency of our needs, will un-
doubtedly contribute to the work with their accustomed gener-
osity. The Trustees of the Building Fund ask your personal
interest and active co-operation in this enterprise, and an early
response on the enclosed subscription blank will be cordially
welcomed by them.
Yours respectfully,
SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER,
WILLIAM BROOKE RAWLE,
THOMAS G. MORTON,
Trustees of the Building Fund.
470 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
Ship Begisters for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
471
472 Ship Registers for the Port of Philadelphia, 1726-1775.
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476 The Late Charles Hare Hutchinson.
Xate Cbarles Mare IHutcbinaon*
We regret to announce the death of Charles Hare
Hutchinson, Esq., which took place at Paris, France, on
October 4, 1902. He became a Life Member of the His-
torical Society of Pennsylvania November 12, 1855 ; was
elected a Councillor May 25, 1885, and Vice-President
May 8, 1899. He was also a Trustee of the Publication
and Binding Funds and of the Gilpin Library.
Mr. Hutchinson was born at Lisbon, Portugal, February
13, 1833, while his father, Israel Pemberton Hutchinson,
was United States Consul at that city. He was a grandson
of Dr. James Hutchinson, Director of Hospitals, Physician-
General, and Surgeon-General of Pennsylvania during the
Eevolution, and of Charles Willing Hare, Esq., Professor
in the Department of Law in the University of Pennsyl-
vania, and a descendant of Charles Willing, mayor of Phila-
delphia in 1748 and 1754, and of Edward Shippen, Presi-
dent of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, 1702-04,
and mayor of Philadelphia, 1701. He was graduated
Bachelor of Arts at the University of Pennsylvania in 1852,
afterwards studied law, and was admitted to the bar of Phil-
adelphia. He was President of the Athenaeum, a director
of the Academy of Fine Arts and of the Genealogical So-
ciety, a member of the Colonial Society, the Society of
Colonial Wars, and the Pennsylvania Society of Sons of
the Revolution.
Mr. Hutchinson was distinguished for his interest in
history, literature, and art, and was a liberal benefactor of
institutions which fostered them. He had printed at his
expense an edition of Wood's " History of the University
of Pennsylvania," by the late Dr. Frederick D. Stone. His
death entails a loss not only on our own Society, but to the
higher interests of our whole community.
Notes and Queries.
477
NOTES AND QUERIES.
"Wotes.
ROLL OP MAJOR THOMAS CHURCH'S COMPANY, FOURTH PENN-
SYLVANIA LINE, with dates of enlistment. —
Sergeants.
January 15, 1777, Promoted Sergeant
October 5, 1777.
February 10, 1777, Corporal to Febru-
ary 11, 1780.
June 17, 1777, Corporal to June 7,
1780.
Corporals.
February 11, 1777.
March 5, 1778, Promoted Corporal
July 6, 1780.
Fifer.
March 1, 1779.
Michael Redman,
Alexander King,
George Donnelly,
Matthew Hamilton,
John Ward,
Abraham Vanbrimer,
Joseph Camp,
John Chickney,
John McCormack,
John Garvey,
Thomas Harvey,
Stophel Mingle,
Henry Harmody,
Maims Shank,
Frederick Hill,
Caspar Slicker,
Abraham Hodge,
Edward Lafferty,
Christian Beagle,
John Martin,
William Read,
MUSTER OP THE CORPS COMMANDED BY CAPT. JOHN PAUL SCHOTT,
taken from 1* October, 1779, to 1 April, 1780.—
John Paul Schott, Captain, September 6, 1776, acting Pay Master.
Antoni Selin, Captain, December 10, 1777.
Lawrence Myers, 1st Lieut., April 9, 1777, Adjutant.
Conrad Latour, 2d Lieut., April 29, 1777.
Privates.
January
1,
1777,
Promoted
Corporal
May 2, 1778, Ser-
geant June 19,
1780.
October
28,
1778.
August
1,
1777.
January
1,
1777.
February
25,
1777.
May
11,
1778.
June
28,
1778.
May
12,
1778.
May
12,
1778.
March
10,
1778.
January
1,
1777.
March
11,
1778.
May
12,
1778.
February
October
10,
15,
1777.
1778,
Promoted
Corporal
February 1, 1781.
478
Notes and Queries.
John Geelecke,
Hugh Cromwell,
Jonathan Bonwell,
Christian Swanhiser,
Jacob Reynert,
Tobias Ritter,
Peter Carback,
Gabriel Kline,
William Gennis,
Sergeant.
February 25, 1777, Discharged.
Privates.
March
March
January
March
1, 1777.
10, 1777.
1, 1779.
10, 1777.
February 18, 1777, Discharged.
March 1, 1777, Discharged.
May 8, 1777.
November 24, 1777.
CAPTAIN SELIN'S COMPANY.
Sergeants.
Henry Leiders, Q. M. S., April
Francis McGarran, July
Henry Singer, August
John Slinhiser, July
Martin Lantz, February
Frederick Lebe, March
15, 1777.
18, 1777, with D. Q. M. Gen1.
9, 1777.
27, 1777.
13, 1780.
22, 1777.
George Marx,
Samuel Hewlet,
William Mara,
Corporals.
January 24, 1777, Furlough Reading.
March 8, 1777.
Drummer.
March 22, 1777, Discharged.
Privates.
James Ridgway,
Christopher Felts,
John Leverin,
John Track,
George Kerse,
John Poorhan,
Martin Breckhall,
Jacob Frey,
Owen Cooley,
Henry Till,
William Durn,
John Breeker,
Adam Seibert,
Henry Tradcher,
John Bevgell,
Valentine Keyser,
John Roge,
Basil Lewis,
Michael Track,
October
February
March
March
March
August
March
March
June
March
February
March
May
February
February
February
April
25, 1776.
9, 1777.
20, 1777, Furlough Yellow
Springs.
9, 1777.
9, 1777.
6, 1778.
15, 1777.
25, 1777.
17, 1778.
22, 177 7, Furlough Baltimore.
13, 1780, Joined.
28, 1777.
9, 1777, Command Easton.
6, 1777, Discharged.
6, 1777, Discharged.
6, 1777, Discharged.
14, 1777.
Notes and Queries. 479
VACANT COMPANY.
Jacob Hiff, Sergeant, August 9, 1777.
Andrew Hamber, Corporal, March 12, 1777, Discharged.
Daniel Shitz, Corporal, March 12, 1777, Discharged.
John Kehler, private, September 6, 1777.
Adam Brandhefer, private, March 5, 1777.
Henry Keck, private, March 6, 1777.
Then mustered Cap. Schott's company as specified in the above
Eoll.
ZEBN BUTLER, Col. Om<u
by order of Mai. Gen. Sullivan.
WYOMING, 28 March, 1780.
" ACCOUNT OF THE OFFSPRING OF WILLIAM MAUL AND BETHIAH
GUTHRIE, ANCESTORS OF THE LOGAN FAMILY ;" the original manu-
script being in the possession of Mrs. Gulielma Rowland, Wilmington,
Delaware.
An Acco* of the Numerous of spring of Will™ Maul & Bethiah Outhrie hi*
Wife father to the great grandmother of James Logan Secretary of
ye Province of Pensilvania.
Willm Maul was son to Maul of Panmure & Arburthnet, daugh-
ter to the Viscount Arburthnet. He had 3 brothers 1 Maul of Pan-
mure whose son was created an Earl by K. James ye 1st of Engld & is in
an florishing condition at this day (2d James Maul of Guldie.) (3.
henry Maul of Skrein (?) he married Bethiah Maul daughter of y« Laird
of Lunnen chief of Guthries & Henderson daughter to the Laird of
Jordell. She had to her 2d brother Mr Alexander Guthries Heritable
Clark of Edinburgh whose son sold it for an Estate of 4000 Marks per
Anno her Ists Sister Guthry was married to the Right honble y*
Earl of Belleary of whom this present Earl is descended & another
sister married upon one Henderson a rich merchant in Edinburgh He
had by his wife bethiah Guthrie a son who dyed young & 7 daughters all
honourably married 1 Marrion 2 Bethiah 3 Margaret 4 Isabel 5 hellenor
6 Janet 7 Bessie.
1 Marrion was married to Sr Alex Seton brother to the Laird of
Touch. He was a Ld of ye Session (his Title My Lord Killereich) his
son was Sr Alex who bought the Estate of Greddon in the Mere & Willm
Minr of Greddon Sr Alex had to his son Sr Walter who bought the lands
of Abercorn & he had a son of the same name now alive who sold Aber-
corn and has another Estate & is an Advocate & married his own Cousin
youngest sister to Majr General Murray in holld He has a sister Lady
barbowrie near Edinburgh. These are the Most considerable of her
Offspring :
2d Bethiah was marrd to James Murray a brother of Philiphaugh a rich
Merch* in Edinburgh he bought y« Estate of Skirlen. He had by her
3 sons all Knights 1 Sr James Murray of Skirlen 2d Sr Rob* Murray of
Priestfield provost of Edinburgh. 3 Sr Patrick Murray of Deuchars
and a Daughter Bethia married to Elleis of Stenmelns. Sr James had
a son of the same name his Lady was Hamilton a daughter of Prestons
whose offspring yet enjoys the Estate & the Honour. Sr Robert has a
son now a Major Gen1 in holld & has a fine Scotch Regem1 & had the honr
to save the Duke of Malbour.
480 Notes and Queries.
^
to Mr Rob1 Row Minr of Abercorn by whom she had children 4 now
alive & yn Mr. Row dying she marrd Mr Luke Greenshield now Minr at
Dunagan in Ireland who has only by her James now Minr at Tynan in
the County of Armaugh writter of this acco* Eliz is yet alive having
Survived all her brothers sisters & Cousin Germans by her Mother &
is about 80 years of Age 1706 and is the only Surviving Grandchild of
Wm Maul & Bethiah Guthrie. 5 Helenor was marrd upon Sr Morison of
Prestongrange who bore him Sr Alex Wm & Robert (Sr Alex Succeeded
him & Married Colt Rougheads daughter by Whom he had several Chil-
dren Wm now Laird & a Daughter marrd to Sr Bennet of Grubbet
Marrd to my Ld Direleton.) Helen had 5 Daughters 1 Bethiah 2 Kathn
3 Bessie 4 Nicholas 5 hellenor Bethia was marrd to Sr Robert Spotswood
Ld President of the Session son to Prime Spotswood who has a grandson
John an Advocate & Laird of Spotswood Kathn Marrd Sr Hume of
Wedderburn an Accient Knight after Wedderburns death she Marrd the
Laird of [MS. ends].
HOWARD M. JENKINS, who died suddenly October 11, 1902, at Buck
Hill Falls, the Quaker Summer Colony, in Monroe County, Pennsylva-
nia, was an esteemed contributor to this magazine. The following
are some of his contributions: " Fragments of a Journal kept by
Samuel Foulke, of Bucks County, while a Member of the Colonial As-
sembly of Pennsylvania;" "The Name Gwynedd ;" "Genealogical
Sketch of Gen. W. S. Hancock;" "The Foulke Family of Gwynedd,
Pennsylvania ;" "The Family of William Penn ;" and " The Mother
of Lincoln." He was also the author of "Historical Collections of
Gwynedd," " History of the City of Philadelphia," and was engaged
at the time of his death on a history of the "State of Pennsylvania."
For many years he was a member of the editorial staff of the Friendi
Intelligencer. Mr. Jenkins was elected a member of the Historical So-
ciety of Pennsylvania, December 22, 1882.
PERSONAL. — Hon. Samuel Whitaker Pennypacker, LL.D., President
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, was elected Governor of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, November 4, 1902.
JOHN W. JORDAN, Assistant Librarian of the Historical Society ot
Pennsylvania, and Editor of the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HIS-
TORY AND BIOGRAPHY, has received from Lafayette College the hon-
orary degree of Doctor of Laws.
JASPER YEATES'S GOLD WATCH. — The following letter and bill are
in the possession of your contributor :
DEAR SIR.
I send by this opportunity the Watch you desired me to purchase,
in the Care of Mess" Carson, Barclay & Mitchell, to whom I have en-
closed a Bill of Lading signed by Falconer.
The watch is made by Wagstaffe whose character as a Workman, and
a man of Integrity is much respected here ; — he warrants her for seven
years, and if you should not like her, he will return your money or
give you another more agreeable to you. He will repair her at any
time you think proper to send her over, without making any Charge.
I shall think myself happy in rendering you any Service in my
Notes and Queries. 481
power while in England. My best Compliments to Mrs. Yeates and to
Mr. Shippen & his good family.
I am Dr Sr
Yr most hble Serv1
PHINEAS BOND Jr.
Middle Temple,
London,
Jan* 27th 1771.
[Endorsed "To JASPER YEATES ESQ», Lancaster."]
PHINEAS BOND,
Bought of THOS WAGSTAFFE,
A fine Gold Watch cap* 9 Jeweled, Silver Wheels — name
Tho8 Wagstaflfe London No 6267, with Gold Seal sett with
Coran & cut with Cypher & fine Steel Chain .... £27.0.0.
Eeceived the Contents in full for Tho8 Wagstaffe.
G. COOPER.
DANIEL DULANY THE ELDER (PENNA. MAG., Vol. XXIV. p.
395). — In the Dulany Papers in the Maryland Historical Society, which
has assiduously arranged and indexed them, one finds the epitaph pro-
posed to be inscribed on the family tomb to his memory in the hand-
writing of his son Walter. This paper was unknown at the time that
an inscription was by due authority placed, in July, 1900, upon the re-
maining space on the top stone, necessarily brief for lack of room.
Doubtless, Hon. Walter Dulany had designed it for one of the sides
of the altar tomb, but his filial intention was not consummated.
It is as follows :
Here are deposited the Eemains of the Honble Daniel Dulany Esqr one
of his Lordship's Council, Com'ry General and formerly Att'y General
& Judge of the Court of Admiralty in the Province of Maryland. In
the discharge of each of those offices he was conspicuous for his As-
siduity Uprightness & Abilities. But the first gave a more ample
Scope for the Exertion of his benevolent Disposition & umblemished
Integrity. To the Widow & the orphan he was ever a powerful Protector,
and the ignorant he advised with clearness & condescension, to the In-
iquities of designing men he was an unrelenting Enemy & to the simple
& oppressed a firm and persevering friend. His conduct in every
public Station every good Citizen wou'd wish his Successor to imitate he
was equall'd by few in Abilities & excelled by none in Integrity. In
all the Duties of a private charge what he was how amiable as a Hus-
band, a Father, a Friend, a Master, is remember' d with the deepest
Sorrow but cannot be described.
T. H. M.
KNICKERBOCKER. — Can you tell me whether any descendants of
Diedrich Knickerbocker belong to the wealthy, select society of New
York or this city ? I never see in the papers any one bearing his name,
so suppose if there are any relatives living they are known by other
names.
M. J. JOHNSON.
VOL. xxvi. — 31
I
482 Notes and Queries.
%
WOOD. — Can any one identify James Wood, whose marriage to Cath-
arine Davies took place at Christ Church 8mo. 19, 1732? Could this
be James Wood, of Whitpain Township, who was married about this
time, and family tradition says to Catharine Dawes ?
H. D. CRANOR.
CONSHOHOOKEN, PENNSYLVANIA.
BRECKENRIDGE. — Information is desired as to the record of the pas-
sage of Alexander Breckenridge and family from Ireland to Philadel-
phia, supposedly in the year 1728, and in a vessel bearing a name similar
to the "George and Annie" or the "Eliza Annie." Also a clue to his
place of residence between above date and 1738 or 1740, when he settled
in Augusta County, Virginia. Tradition says that he lived in the Cum-
berland Valley of Pennsylvania.
JAMES M. BRECKENRIDGE.
TWELFTH AND SPKUCE STREETS, ST. Louis, MISSOURI.
;fi$oofc Iflotfces.
SAYRE FAMILY — LINEAGE OF THOMAS SAYRE, A FOUNDER OF SOUTH-
AMPTON. By Theodore M. Banta. New York, 1901. 8vo. 759
pages.
The great amount of data collected by Mr. Banta relating to Thomas
Sayre, of Southampton, Long Island, the founder of the family in
America, his four sons and their descendants, indicates the energetic
labors of the compiler. The work is well printed, copiously illustrated,
and contains that valuable adjunct, a very full index.
THE PRONOUNCING GAZETTEER AND GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY
OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, with maps, charts, and illustrations, pre-
pared by DeB. Eandolph Keim, of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, War
Department, has just been issued. The work contains a wealth of in-
formation concerning our Oriental possessions, from authoritative and
official sources.
PROCEEDINGS AND COLLECTIONS OF THE WYOMING HISTORICAL AND
GEOLOGICAL SOCIETY for the year 1901. Vol. VII. 258 pages.
Wilkes-Barre, 1902. Illustrated. Edited by Kev. Horace E.
Hayden.
This volume contains several papers which will prove of great value
to historians and genealogists, the original manuscripts being in the
possession of the Society. The "Orderly-Book of Colonel Zebulon
Butler, at Wyoming, August to December, 1778 ;" "Correspondence of
Colonel Zebulon Butler, June to December, 1778 ;" "Original Eecords
of Putnam Township, Luzerne County, 1772;" "Marriage Eecords of
Eev. John Miller, Abington Township, 1802-1856;" and "Marriages
and Deaths in Wyoming, 1797-1810," will attract attention. A valu-
able geological paper on "Kansas Glaciation and its Eifects on the
Eiver System of Northern Pennsylvania," by Professor Edward H.
Williams, Jr., of Lehigh University, will repay a careful study.
Minutes of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 483
MINUTES
OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
1902.
A stated meeting of the Society was held January 13, 1902, Hon.
Samuel W. Pennypacker presiding.
General William Watts Hart Davis, of Doylestown, read a paper on
"Men I have met and Things I have seen," on the conclusion of which
the thanks of the Society were tendered.
A stated meeting of the Society was held March 10, 1902, Hon.
Samuel W. Pennypacker in the chair.
Dr. Herbert .Friedenwald delivered an address on "Duties and Di-
versions of Members of Congress in 1776." A vote of thanks was
tendered.
The President announced the gift to the Society, by Mr. William H.
Jordan, of portraits in oil of Governor Patrick Gordon and President
Joseph Keed, for which a vote of thanks was tendered.
Nominations of officers of the Society, to be voted for at the next
annual meeting, being in order, the following were made :
President.
Samuel Whitaker Pennypacker.
Honorary Vice- Presidents.
Craig Biddle, Ferdinand J. Dreer.
Vice-Presidents.
Charles Hare Hutchinson, Henry C. Lea
(both for three years),
George Harrison Fisher
(for the unexpired term of J. Edward Carpenter, deceased).
Recording Secretary.
Hampton L. Carson.
Corresponding Secretary.
John Bach McMaster.
484 Minutes of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Q
Treasurer.
Francis Howard Williams.
Auditor.
Richard M. Cadwalader.
Councillors.
Charlemagne Tower, George Harrison Fisher,
Effingham B. Morris
(all for four years).
Simon Gratz
(for unexpired term of J. Edward Carpenter).
The annual meeting of the Society was held May 12, 1902, President
Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker presiding.
The President announced the gift by the artist Albert Eosenthal of a
portrait of the late Charles E. Hildeburn, and addressed the meeting on
certain phases of his work, especially referring to his "Issues of the
Press in Pennsylvania and New York. " Justice James T. Mitchell re-
ferred to Mr. Hildeburn' s connection with the Commission appointed
by the Commonwealth to publish the laws of Pennsylvania from the
beginning to 1800. Hampton L. Carson, Esq., also referred to his
knowledge of prints and portraits. A vote of thanks was tendered to
Mr. Eosenthal.
The reports of the Council and Treasurer were read and filed.
A minute on the death of Charles Eoberts, of the Council, was then
read.
The tellers reported the election of the officers nominated at the stated
meeting in March. Alterations to the By-Laws of the Society were
reported for action at the next stated meeting.
A stated meeting of the Society was held November 10, 1902, Presi-
dent Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker in the chair.
General James Grant Wilson delivered an address on "Personal
Eeminiscences of Lincoln and Grant," after which a vote of thanks
was tendered.
The President read a minute on the death of Mr. Ferdinand J. Dreer,
an Honorary Vice-President of the Society, which took place on May
24. The death of Charles Hare Hutchinson, Esq., in Paris, France,
October 4, was also announced and a minute of the Council read.
The President announced the gift to the Society, by Mr. William H.
Jordan, of portraits of Governors William Bigler and William F.
Johnson.
The alterations of the By-Laws of the Society, proposed at the annual
meeting May 12, 1902, were unanimously agreed to.
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 485
OFFICERS
OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
PRESIDENT.
HON. SAMUEL WHITAKER PENNYPACKER.
HONORARY VICE-PRESIDENT.
HON. CRAIG BIDDLE.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
HENRY CHARLES LEA, HON. CHARLEMAGNE TOWER,
HON. JAMES T. MITCHELL, WILLIAM BROOKE EAWLE,
GEORGE HARRISON FISHER.
RECORDING SECRETARY.
HAMPTON L. CARSON.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
JOHN BACH MCMASTER.
J
486 Officers of the historical Society of Pennsylvania.
TREASURER.
FRANCIS HOWARD WILLIAMS.
AUDITOR.
EICHARD M. CADWALADER.
LIBRARIAN.
GREGORY B. KEEN.
ASSISTANT LIBRARIAN.
JOHN W. JORDAN.
HISTORIOGRAPHER.
J. GRANVILLE LEACH.
COUNCILLORS.
JOHN 0. BROWNE, EFFINGHAM B. MORRIS,
WILLIAM G. THOMAS, WILLIAM DRAYTON,
JOHN B. GEST, HON. WILLIAM POTTER,
WILLIAM H. LAMBERT, SAMUEL CASTNER, JR.,
CHARLES MORTON SMITH, JOHN F. LEWIS,
SIMON GRATZ, EDWARD KOBINS.
TRUSTEES OF THE PUBLICATION AND BINDING
FUNDS.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, HON. JAMES T. MITCHELL,
SIMON GRATZ.
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 487
TRUSTEES OF THE LIBRARY FUND.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, JOHN BACH MCMASTER,
GREGORY B. KEEN.
TRUSTEES OF THE G I L P I N LIBRARY.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, GEORGE HARRISON FISHER,
WILLIAM BROOKE EAWLE, HENRY CHARLES LEA,
SIMON GRATZ.
TRUSTEES OF THEENDOWMENT AND MISCELLANEOUS
TRUSTS FUNDS.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, HAMPTON L. CARSON,
RICHARD M. CADWALADER.
TRUSTEES OF THE FERDINAND J. DREER COL-
LECTION OF MANUSCRIPTS.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, WILLIAM BROOKE RAWLE,
HAMPTON L. CARSON, GREGORY B. KEEN,
EDWIN GREBLE DREER.
TRUSTEES OF THE PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL
STUDY ENCOURAGEMENT FUND.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, WILLIAM BROOKE RAWLE,
GREGORY B. KEEN.
TRUSTEES OF THE BUILDING FUND.
HON. S. W. PENNYPACKER, WILLIAM BROOKE RAWLE,
THOMAS G. MORTON, M.D.
488 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
STATED MEETINGS.
January 12, 1903. May 11, 1903.
March 9, 1903. November 9, 1903.
January 11, 1904.
Annual membership $5.00
Life membership . . . . . . 50. 00
Publication Fund, life subscription . . . 25.00
Pennsylvania Magazine, per annum . . 3. 00
Payments may be made to the Librarian at the Hall, 1300 Locust
Street, or to the Collector.
INDEX.
(Family surnames of value in genealogical research are printed in CAPITALS; names of
places in italics.)
Abstracts of Powers of Attorney on file
in Philadelphia, 411
Adams, Samuel, 316
Agnew, Daniel, to testify against sons
of George Morgan, 372
Aitken, Mary Ann, Mrs. Washington to,
406
Aldrixman, Peter, 68, 69
Alexander, Alexander, query concern-
ing, 155
Allen, , 388
Allen, Andrew, 165, 231
Allen, Betsy. See Lawrence, 238
Allen, James, 165, 286
Allen, Nancy, 229, 238
Alrick, Peter, 69
Amboy, 28, 34, 37
America, Plan of Union between Great
Britain and, 417, 418, 419, 420
" Americanus," nickname for Galloway,
291, 305
Anderson, Maj. , 245
Anderson, William, 211
Andre", Maj., 36
Andros, Sir Edmund, 64, 65
Anspach, regiment of, 25
Antenuptial agreement in 1751, 404
ARBUETHNET, 479
Armitages, , 387
Armstrong, James, 145
Armstrong, John, appointed maj.-gen.
in 1777, 104 ; commands militia at
North Wales, 110; writes concern-
ing court-martial ordered by Gen.
Potter, 110, 111; mentioned, 265,
267, 268, 387, 388
Arnold, Gen. Benedict, arrives in New
York, 36 ; in Virginia, 37 ; sketch of
Margaret Shippen, Wife of, contrib-
uted, 71, 224, 322, 464; death of,
240; debts of, 241, 323; will of,
466
Arnold, Edward Shippen, legacy for,
464, 465, 468
Arnold, George, 324, 334; legacy for,
464, 465, 468
Arnold, Hannah, legacy for, 466
Arnold, Henry, legacy for, 466, 467,
468
Arnold, James Robertson, 239 ; legacy
for, 464, 465, 468
Arnold, Margaret Shippen, Sketch of,
71, 224, 322, 464
Arnold, Richard, legacy for, 466, 467,
468
Arnold, Sophia Matilda, 324, 331, 333 ;
writes to grandfather, 333; legacy
for, 464, 465, 468
Arnold, William Pitch, 324, 331, 332;
legacy for, 465, 468
Arthur, Chester A., letter of, 278
Ashbridge, Jona., 145
Ashcom, Charles (deputy surveyor),
42
Ashford Monthly Meeting, 408
Atkinson, Jane, marries William Biles,
353
Atkinson, Thomas, 65, 66, 353
Atwater History and Genealogy, 159
Ayers, Robert, 62
Bache, Alexander Dallas, 382, 415, 432
Bailey, Francis, 220, 347
Baird, John, 145
Baker, Ann Mary, marries Charles
Biles, 358
Baker, Henry, 65; Special Commis-
sioner for Bucks Co., 195 ; to settle
difference between William Yardley
and Eleanor Pownall, 349 ; and
John Brooks and Lydia Wharmby,
350
Baker, , Sergeant of Virginia, 367
Baker. See Barkar
Baldwin, Ernest H., contributes sketch
of Joseph Galloway, 161, 289, 417
Baldwin, William, 382
Ballard, Jere'h, 211
Baltimore, Buchanan's name to be pre-
sented before Convention at, 122
Bank of North America In 1793, 71, 76
Bank of Pennsylvania, troubles of, 229
489
490
Index.
Banta, Theodore M., 482
Barclay, , President of Bank of
Pennsylvania, 229
Barkar, Henry, land of, 355
Barker, Capt. John, St. Tammany Fire
Company meets at house of, 223
Barkstead, Joshua, 62
Barry, John, Commodore, 2
Bartholomies Camp, 266
Bates, , marries Grace Biles, 358
Bates, Hannah, 358
Bates, Job, 358
Bates, John, 358
Bates, Sarah, 358
Bates. See Beatts
Batt, Thomas, expelled from Society of
Sons of St. Patrick, 17
Bayard, Col. John, appointed deputy to
Conference, 1776, 341 ; bondsman
for Dr. Phile, 342; mentioned, 345
Bayless, Daniel, data requested of, 288
Bayreuth, regiment from, 25
Beakes, Grace, bequest to, 354
Beakes, Johannah, Jr., bequest to, 355
Beakes, John, bequest to, 354
Beakes, Mary, bequest to, 354
Beakes, Rebeckah, bequest to, 355
Beakes, Samuel, 65, 355
Beaks, Samuel, marries Joannah Biles,
352, 354 ; bequest to children of,
355
Beaks, Stephen, Elizabeth Biles mar-
ries, 352
Beaks, William, commissioned justice
of the peace, Bucks County, 193 ;
attends first Monthly Meeting, 349
Beatts, Jeremiah, 357
Beatts, John, 357
Beatts, William, 357
Behn, George W., 382
BELLEARY, 479
BENNET, 480
Bennet, Abraham, 356
Bennet, Edmund, commissioned jus-
tice of the peace, Bucks County, 193
Bennett, , 65
Bergen, 34
Bergen County, N. J., Aaron Burr in-
dicted for murder by grand jury of,
373, 374
Berks County, Pa., ordered to send
militia to camp at Bristol, 269 ;
James Read represents, in Council
of Censors, 340
Bethell, John, 348
Bethlehem, Sisterhood of, presents
linen rags for wounded, 16
Beveridge, David, Society of Sons of
St. Tammany celebrate at house of,
219, 335
Beveridge. See Pole
Beyle, Roger, 58
Biddle, Charles, 2 ; chosen sachem and
grand sachem of Society of Sons of
St. Tammany, 450 ; elected Vice-
President of Pennsylvania, 454
Biddle, Nicholas, 2
Biell, William, 59
Bigler, Gov. William, portrait of, pre-
sented, 484
BIGLER, data concerning, requested,
288
Biles, Alexander, 61
Biles, Ann, 352; bequest to, 354;
dealt with by Falls Monthly Meet-
ing, 355
Biles, Charles, 59, 60, 61, 64, 193, 357,
358
Biles, Charles, Jr., 61
Biles, Dorothy, 58
Biles, Elizabeth, 60, 61 ; record of,
352 ; bequest to, 354 ; marriage of,
358
Biles, Elizabeth, Jr., 357
Biles, George, 60, 66 ; record of, 352 ;
bequest to children of, 354
Biles, Grace, bequest to, 354 ; record
of, 358
Biles, Hannah, record of, 359
Biles, Jane, appointed on committee to
prepare testimony in favor of
Thomas Janney,' 350 ; proposes to
visit Europe, 350 ; marriage of, 353 ;
sketch of, 353, 354
| Biles, Joanna, 60 ; children of, 351 ;
death of, 353
I Biles, Johannah, Jr., 60 ; record of,
352 ; bequest to, 354 ; dealt with
by Falls Monthly Meeting, 355
! Biles, John, 60, 61, 65 ; record of,
352; bequest to, 354
| Biies, John, Jr., 61
Biles, Langhorne, justice of the peace,
357 ; record of, 358 ; disowned by
Falls Meeting, 358
i Biles, Margaret, 357
Biles, Martha, bequest to, 354
Biles, Mary, 60, 352 ; bequest to, 354
Biles, Phebe, bequest to, 354
Biles, Rebecca, 60, 63, 352 ; bequest
to, 354
Biles, Samuel, 66
Biles, Sarah, 61 ; bequest to, 354
Biles, Sarah, Jr., bequest to, 354, 357,
358
Biles, Thomas, 59, 65, 354
Biles, Thomas, Jr., 357 ; disowned by
Falls Meeting, 358
! Biles, William, sketch of, 58, 192,
348
Index.
491
Biles, William, Jr., 60, 66, 193, 350,
352; bequest to, 354, 355; dealt
with by Falls Meeting, 355, 358;
sketch of, 355, 356 ; will of, 357
Biles, William (2d), 357; disowned by
Falls Meeting, 358
Biles's Island, 66, 200
Biley, Henry, 59
BILL, 58, 59
Bill, Willen, 59
Bill, Rev. William, 59
BUM, 265
Bills, Thomas, 59
Bingham, William, letter to, 407
Binney, Horace, 288
Bishop, Ann, 412
Bishop, Anna, 382
Bishop, John, 211
Blackshaw, Martha, marriage of, 352 ;
bequest to children of, 354
Blair, John, 211
Blandford, 58
Blesing, Ensign Philip, 401
Blight, , 288
Blight, Peter, 225, 226, 228, 237
Bloclcley, land surveyed in, 47, 48,
49
BlocJcley Township, caveat against sur-
vey of land in, 412
Blooming dale, 35, 37
Blunston, John, elected to Council
from Bucks County, 198
Bodine, Ensign Isaac, 145
Bold, Jane, 353
Bond, , 238, 322, 323, 329
Bond, Jr., Phineas, writes concerning
watch for Jasper Yeates, 480, 481
Boone, Catherine, 287
Boone, Margaret, 287
Borie, Adolph, Mr. Childs presents
photograph of, to Mrs. Grant, 275
Borradail, John, sells land in 1717,
356
Bose, , 41, 250, 252
Boston, Port Bill of, 304
Bowden, Samuel, 412
Bowman, Nath., 211
Boyd, Capt. , balances due com-
pany of, 150
Boyd, Col. Alex., chosen member of
Council of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 339; also sachem, 450;
sketch of, 343
Boyd, Lt. Thomas, list of recruits by,
151
Boys, Elias, chosen sachem of Society
of Sons of St. Tammany, 450 ; sketch
of, 454
Boys, N., attends dinner given in honor
of St. Tammany, 461
Brandon, Lt. James, 145
Brandywine, battle of, 3, 26; Gen.
Washington at, 25; British arrive
at, 105; Washington obliged to re-
tire from, 105
Brearly, Sarah, 61
Breck, Jos., 211
Breckenridge, Alexander, 482
Breckenridge, James M., query of,
482
Bremson, Isaac, 74
Breton, C., gives dinner in honor of
St. Tammany, 461, 462
Bricks, note on houses made of, 355
Bristol, 31 ; camp ordered to be
formed at, 269
Brlttaine, Lyonell, attends first
Monthly Meeting, 349
Broadhead, Daniel, 411
Brock, Elizabeth, estate of husband of,
350
Brock, Jon., Special Commissioner in
Bucks County, 195
Brooks, A., 211
Brooks, John, difference between, and
Lydia Wharmby, 350
Brotherest, John, 412
Brothers, Ann, 412
Brothers, Elizabeth, 412
Brothers, John, 412
Browning, Charles H., contributes
journal of Charles Clinton, 1729,
112
Brunswick, New, Galloway joins Brit-
ish at, 433
Bryan, George, member of Council of
Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
339; sketch of, 339, 340
Bryarly, John, 62
Buchanan, Harriet, 123
Buchanan, James, writes to Gen.
James Shields, 122, 123
! Bucher, Rev. John Conrad, Record of
Marriages performed by, 375
Buck, Ensign Elijah, 401
Buckingham Township, 267
Bucks County, Pa., Willfam Biles said
to have settled in, 61; meeting-
house in, 63 ; divided between Tories
and Whigs, 102 ; separated into dis-
tricts, 103 ; and townships, 195 :
two members from, elected to Coun-
cil, 1682, 192; bill providing for
laying out of road in, 193 ; Justices
of the peace for, 193 ; murder trial
in, 1685, 193; court established for
settling affairs of property in, 198 ;
William Biles appointed Treasurer
of, 200; Logan's opinion of, 204;
ordered to send militia to form a
492
Index.
camp at Bristol, 269, 270; Gallo-
way elected to Assembly in, 301;
William Biles, Jr., land-owner in,
356 ; Memoirs of Jonas Ingham, late
Captain of Militia of, 409
Buckskins of Pennsylvania, Address on
Liberty to, 10
Buckstail, Peter, 16
Burd, , 80, 227, 228, 323, 332, 333
Burd, Col. James, 290, 301, 401, 402
Burd, Peggy, 236
Burlington, N. J., Commodore Hazel-
wood takes fleet to, 5 ; William Biles
settled at, 61, 62 ; Monthly Meeting
at, desires certificates from Friends
moving into their midst, 63 ; Meet-
ing sends testimony against Keith,
351
Burnet, Gov. William, receives paper
concerning dividing line between
East and West New Jersey, 356
Burr, Aaron, visits Col. Morgan, 371 ;
letters of, 370
Burton, Anthony, 354
Butler, Col. Richard, commands regi-
ment at Stony Point, 364, 365;
makes payment to officers and sol-
diers, 402
Butler, Sarah, 155
Butler, Col. William, 148
Butler, Col. Zeb., 479
Byle, Walter, 58
Byle, William, 58
BYLES, 59, 351
Byles, Daniel, 58
Byles, John, 58
Byles, Josiah, 58, 59
Byles, Rev. Mather, 59
Byles, William, 62
BYLEY, 58, 59
BYLIE, 58, 59
BYLY, 58
Byrn's Tavern, 18
Byron, Admiral, 32, 33
Cabeen, Francis von A., contributes
sketch of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 7, 207, 335, 443
Cachnewagues, chiefs of, dined by
minister of France, 207, 208
Cadwalader, John, appointed brig.-
gen., declines, 104 ; accepts chal-
lenge from Gen. Reed, 370, 371
Campbell, Lt. Col. , 25
Campbell, Lt. Archibald, recruits en-
listed by, 148, 149
Campbell, C. Fitz Henry, 406
Campbell, Cleary, 145
Campbell, Samuel, 145
Campbell, Lt. William, 145
Capper, Jasper, marriage of, 408
Cash, Frederick G., 408
Cecil, Charles, 412
Cecil Court-House, 25
Charleston, 8. G., captured, 34 ; reign
of terror In, 271
Chase, Hon. S. P., letter from Lincoln
to, 123
Cherry Alley, 21
Chester, 25, 26; court held at, 198;
camp ordered formed at, 269
Chester County, first records of court
of, 70
Chester Creek, 45, 47, 50, 53, 55
Chestnut Hill, British at, 107
Chew, Benjamin, attack on house of,
105, 106
Christ Church, Philadelphia, Commo-
dore Hazelwood vestryman of, 6
Christ, Henry, payments made by,
to non-commissioned officers and
soldiers in Pennsylvania Line,
402
Chrystie, Capt. James, 366
Church, Maj. Thomas, roll of company
of, 477
Cilley, , death of, 118
City Tavern, dinner given at, 213
Clark, Alexander ' Guthries Heritable,
479
Clark, Lt. George, 401
Clark, Lt. James, 401
Clarkson, Maj. Matthew, letter to, 407
Clay, Henry, 383
Claypoole, James, 47
Clayton, Lt.-Col. Asher, 375
Clifford, John, 239
Clifford, Thomas, 239
Clinton, Charles, journal of, 1729, 112
Clinton, Gen., 25, 30, 32, 34, 35, 37,
360, 361, 436
Coates, Col. William, chosen member
of Council of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 339 ; also sachem, 450 ;
sketch of, 345
Cochrane, Lt. William, 401
Golden, Gov., 308, 319, 422
Coleman, , candidate for Assembly
of Pennsylvania, 167
Collet, John, 327
Collier, Commodore George, quoted con-
cerning victory at Stony Point, 369
Collier, Lt. James, Jr., 401
Collier, Lt. Joseph, list of recruits by,
153
Collin, Nicholas, 383
Collins, Isaac, Jr., 384
Collins, John, 383
Collins, Margaret Morris, 384
Compton, Capt. John, 45
Index.
493
Coneatoga, massacre of Indians at, 170
Conn, Sam., 211
Connecticut, inhabitants of, asserting
their rights, 199 ; land on Susque-
hanna claimed by, 237 ; part taken
by, in Plan of Union between Great
Britain and America, 418
Connolly, James, query concerning, 413
Connolly, Lt.-Col. John, 413
Connolly, Capt. Robert, recruits en-
listed by, 148, 149
Connolly, Thomas, query concerning,
413
Continental Congress, proposal for,
304 ; intentions of Mr. Galloway
concerning, 307 ; proceedings of, 318,
319
Continental money, value of, 207
Conway, General , 387
Conway, Philip, 65
Cook, Arthur, Special Commissioner in
Bucks County, 193, 195
Cook, Francis, 47
Cooke, Juliet, data requested of, 155
Cooper, S. C., on committee to invite
President Fillmore to visit Philadel-
phia, 117
Corn Plant. See Capt. O'Beal
Cornwallis, Lord, 25, 31, 36, 246, 247,
248, 408
Cowden, Capt. James, 401
Cowperthwaite, Capt. , 454
Cox, Maj. Cornelius, 401
Coxe, Judge , 329
Coxe, Daniel, friend of Mrs. Arnold,
236, 242, 322, 323, 324, 325, 328,
333, 466
Coxe, John, 329
Coxe, John Redman, 325
Coxe, Rebecca, 322, 323, 329
Coxe, William, 329
Craig, Col. , 402
Craig, Capt. I., company of, 153
Cranor, H. D., query of, 482
Crawford, William, 145
Crewcorne or Crookhorne, 67, 68, 69
Croesse, Gerard, 351
Croghan, George, writes concerning
clerk for Indians, 173
Crouch, William, 62
Croutch, Capt. James, 401
Cuff, John, 64
Cumberland County militia, pay-roll of,
152; ordered to send militia to
camp at Bristol, 269
Cumming, J. N., President of New
Jersey Society of Sons of St. Tam-
many, 211
Cunliffe, Foster, 154
Cynwyd, 45
I Bankers, Jasper, copy of map of Dela-
ware River by, 64
Darby, 26
I Dark, William, attended first Monthly
Meeting, 349
Dartmouth, Lord, 308, 310, 317, 422
David, Ellis, 50, 56
David, Robert, early settler of Meriou,
44, 52, 54, 55, 56; death of,
53
David, Thomas, 53
DAVIES, 482
Davies, Richard, 54, 55
Davis, David, 50, 53, 193
Davis, Ellis, 50
Davis, Richard, 51
Davis, Gen. W. W. H., 483
DA WES, 482
Dean, Col. Joseph, of Council of Soci-
ety of Sons of St. Tammany, 339 ;
sachem, 450 ; sketch of, 343
Dean, Rev. William, 343
Dean Furnace, 361
Dearborn, Gen. , Secretary of War,
458
De Bernoux, Francois L. G., 407
Decatur, Stephen, 2
Decker, O. S., query of, 155
De Fadat, Madam Henry, 407
De Hayne, Maj.-Gen. , 35
De Kalb, Maj.-Gen. Baron, 5
De La Luzerne, Chevalier, 23
De La Touche, Chevalier, 23
Delaware, part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Delaware River, defence of, 2, 4 ;
Howe's fleet expected up, 3 ; Hazel-
wood's fleet passes up, 5 ; removal
of stores from, 17 ; Count Donop
crosses, 26 ; map of, mentioned, 64 ;
Gen. Howe advised to take route on,
435
Delaware and Shawanese Indians com-
plain of injustice, 171
De Marbois, Monsieur, 23
Democratic Party, origin of, 449
Denny, Gov. William, administration
of, criticised, 169 ; quarrels with As-
sembly, 170 ; warned concerning the
complaints of Indians, 172 ; refuses
to give Indian chief a clerk, 173;
receives address from William
Moore, 174, 175 ; refuses assent to
a money bill, 175; desires Tedyus-
cung to withdraw charge of fraud
against Proprietaries, 176; forbid-
den to assist in expending money
granted to Assembly, 178 ; accused
of selling laws to Galloway, 187
494
Index.
Destouches, Admiral, toast In honor of,
24
Dewees, Col. , 345
Dickinson, John, 11 ; marriage of,
163 ; rivalry between Galloway and,
163, 165, 179, 189 ; opposes petition
asking Crown to resume the govern-
ment of Pennsylvania, 182, 183, 184 ;
offers challenge to Galloway, 185,
186 ; mention of resolutions pre-
sented by, 290 ; quoted, 293 ; Pres-
byterians try to elect, to the Assem-
bly, 294 ; Galloway fears popular
party under, 306 ; Congress desires
to appoint, as delegate to Conti-
nental Congress, 306 ; exclusion
of, from Congress offends many,
317 ; elected to Congress, 317 ;
Assembly under, ratifies Acts of
Congress, 425 ; mentioned, 426,
429, 442
Dickinson, Gen. Philemon, 370
Diemer, Lt. , 35
DIRELETON, 480
Dodge, A. C., 383
Donlop, Sergeant of Pennsylvania
Line, 367
Donop, Col., 26, 29, 36
Douglass, , 124
Dowell, John and William, 239
Doyle, Capt. John, 149
Drake, Enoch, 157
Drake, Sarah, 157
Draper, Ambrose, 412
Draper, Ambrose, Jr., 412
Draper, Ann, 412
Draper, Francis, 412
Draper, Henry, 412
Draper, John, 412
Draper, Leonard, 412
Drayton, , 306
Dreer, Ferdinand Julius, thanks from
President Harrison to, 278 ; obitu-
ary notice of, 285 ; minute on death
of, 484
Drexel, A. J., 276
Duane, , 424
Duane, James, 313, 315, 317
Dublin, list of servants who sailed
from, in 1746, 287
Duck CreeJc, 51
Dulany, Hon. Daniel, inscription on
tomb of, 481
Dulany, Margaret, marries Rev. John
Montgomery, 154
Dulany, Hon. Walter, 154, 481
Duncan, William, 350
Duncard's Creek, 414
Dunop, Count, attacks Fort Mercer, 4 ;
mentioned, 29
Durham, Pa., iron-works at, 163
Dutch Lutheran School-House, 21
Dutton, R. J., query of, 156
East Florida, part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Easton, conference with Indians at,
169, 173, 176
Eddis, , 219
Eddy, Robert Henry, 159
EDGAR, 6
Edges, Jacob, 387
Edmonds, Franklin Spencer, 414
Edward, Edward William, 49
Edward, Elizabeth, 48
Edward, Jane ap, 48
Edward John ap, 44, 50, 52
Edward, Katherine ap, 48, 49
Edward, William ap, 47, 48, 49
Egan, Mrs. Charles, 118
Eliot, , 204
Elizabethtoion, 34, 35
Elk River, 25, 105
ELLEIS, 479
Ellicott, Lt. Joseph, receives order
from President Wharton, 268, 269
Ellis, Cadwalader, 48
Ellis, William, quotation from letter of
William Biles to, 353
Elmer, Eben, Secretary of New Jersey
Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
211
Elmer, Mos. G., 211
Ely, W. S., 65
Emlen, George, 334
Empson, Cornelius, member of Assem-
bly, 193 ; holds court at Chester,
198
Endress, Zachariah, sachem of Society
of Sons of St. Tammany, 450 ;
sketch of, 454
English, John, 61
English, Joseph, 65
Ephrata, 26
Erb, Chaplain, 32
Evan, John ap, 57
Evans, Hugh, 53
Evans, Gov. John, sues William Biles,
200 ; unpopularity of, 202, 203 ;
letter of William Penn to, 203 ; de-
mands that William Biles be ex-
pelled from the House, 205 ; treach-
ery of, concerning William Biles,
206; mentioned, 65, 348
Evans, Robert, 55
Evesham, Burlington County, 356
Eyre, Col. Benjamin, sketch of, 344
Eyres, Emanuel, sachem of Society of
Sons of St. Tammany, 450
Index.
495
" Fall of the Year," 409
Fallsinnton, first meeting-house built
at, 63, 350
Falmoutn, British march through, 249
Farringdon, parish and town of, 411
Faulkner, Peter, 211
Febiger, Col. Christian, 363, 365
Ferguson, Capt. Thomas, pay-roll of,
145
Fielding, John, 207
Flllmore, Abigail, letter of, 119
Fillmore, Millard, declines invitation
to visit Philadelphia, 115
Fin cher, John, 52
Fisher, Joseph, member of Assembly,
1689, 194
Fitch, Miss, 239, 240, 242, 322, 323
Fitch, Anne, appointed executor for
Mrs. Arnold, 465; also for Mr. Ar-
nold, 468
Fitch, Sarah, appointed executor for
Mr. Arnold, 465, 468
Fitch, Col. William, bequeaths a legacy
to William Arnold, 465
Fitzsimmons, Nicholas, steward of
Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784 ;
death of, 100
Fleeson, Plunket, member of Council
of Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
339 ; sketch of, 341
FLETCHER, 358
Fletcher, Gov. , arrival of, 195;
appoints new Council, 195
Fleury, Col., leads charge against
Stony Point, 367
Flyer, Jacob, 211
•Follett, M. P., 168
Folsom, Col. , 309
Footman, , 226, 241
Forbach, , attends dinner of So-
ciety of Sons of St. Tammany,
461
Forman, Gen. , 387
Forman, Jona;, 211
Fort Clinton, 25
Fort Constitution, 25
Fort Frederick, 250
Fort George, 38
Fort Hanybeint, 36
Fort Island, 2, 26
Fort Knyphausen, 35
Fort Mercer, 4
Fort Mifflin, 4, 5
Fort Montgomery, 25, 29
Fort Mud Island, 26
Fort Saint David Society, 11
Fort Saint Tammany, 458
Foster, Alexander, 225, 226, 228;
death of, 236
Foster, Lt. Thomas, 401
Fothergill, Dr. , 294
Fothergill, Samuel, 167
Foulke, Grace, 57
Fowler, Alex., 411
Fox, , Speaker of Assembly, 295
Foxcroft, John, 346
France, treaty between, and United
States, 19 ; minister of, dines Indian
chiefs, 207, 208 ; exportation of pro-
visions to, prohibited, 169
Francis, Tench, death of, 238
Brands, Lt.-Col. Turbott, 375
Franklin, Benjamin, attack before
Privy Council on, 7 ; comments of,
on Dean Tucker's Pamphlet, 81-90,
255-264; publishes the Philadel-
phische Zeitung, 91; goes abroad,
165-190; leads the Assembly
party in 1756, 168, 169, 170; ap-
pointed Commissioner to England
on behalf of Pennsylvania, 170 ; re-
turns, 178; hears grievances of
Westerners concerning the banish-
ment of the Indians, 180 ; defeated
at election, 1764, 189 ; opinion of
Gov. Evans, 202 ; correspondence
between Galloway and, 292, 297,
298, 299, 319, 320; reappointed
agent, 298 ; opposes the retirement
of Galloway, 301 ; informed that
Mr. Galloway has given the minis-
try private intelligence, 319 ; dep-
uty to attend State Conference, 341 ;
helps to build Free Quaker Meeting-
House at Philadelphia, 341; letter
of, to David Hall, 389 ; Plan of, for
Colonial Union, 417, 424 ; writes
objections to Plan of Union, 423 ;
tries to induce Galloway to join
cause of independence, 432 ; Society
of Sons of St. Tammany honor, 453,
457
Franklin, William, 165; accused of
influencing Galloway concerning
Stamp Act, 290 ; correspondence
between, and Galloway, 308, 309,
318, 319; objects to Plan of Union
between Great Britain and Amer-
ica, 420, 422; letters to, 427,
430
Frazer, John F., 415
Freame, , 413
Fredericksourg, 249
Fredericktown, 250, 251, 252
French, Rev. Dr., letters to, 121
Fridley, Capt. Jacob, 401
Friedenwald, Dr. Herbert, 158, 483
Fritz, Peter, 384
Fry, Ann, marriage of, 408
Fry, John, 408
496
Index.
GALLOWAY, 161
Galloway, Elizabeth, 163
Galloway, Joseph, sketch of, 161, 289,
417
Galloway, Mrs. Joseph, subjected to
insults in Philadelphia, 439
Galloway, Peter Bines, removes to
Kent, 161; death of, 162
Galloway, Richard, 161
Gal van, Maj., suicide of, 407
Garfield, J. A., letter of, 277
Garfield, Lucretia R., 277
Gauntt, Jane D., 156
George, Jesse, 48
George, Rebecca, 48
George's Hill, 48
Georgetown, 26
Georgia, part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
German newspaper, the first published
in America, 91
German schools of Philadelphia, dona-
tion towards, 407
Germans, Galloway accused of trying
to rob, of their land, 295
Germantown, position of Washington's
camp near, 26 ; General Howe at,
30 ; battle of, 105 ; Gen. Lacey to
march to, 265, 266; Washington's
plan for the attack at, 387 ; com-
memoration of battle of, 413
Geyer, A., at dinner in honor of St.
Tammany, 461 ; sketch of, 461
Gibbons, Lt. James, receives orders for
attack on Stony Point, 365, 368
Gilcrest, Lt. John, 401
Gill, John, appointed Sub-Lieut, for
Berks County, 1777, 103
Glanrason, 47
Glatz, , deserts, 36
Gloucester, 245, 246
Goddard, , 9
Goddard, William, editor of Pennsyl-
vania Chronicle, 300 ; quarrels with
Galloway, 300, 301
Gookin, Lt.-Gov. Charles, 348
Gordon, Gov. Patrick, portrait of, pre- i
sented, 483
Gorman, , 77
Goshen Tract, land surveyed in, 45, |
46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54
Gove, Richard, 351
Grabowsky, Count, 25
Graham (Graeme) Park, 267
Grant, Ann, 412
Grant, Hannah, 275, 276
Grant, Julia D., 275
Grant, U. S., writes concerning hos-
pital supplies, 274, 275
Grant, William, 412
Great Bridge, 38
Great Britain, mention of proposed
Plan of Union between, and Amer-
ica, 417, 418, 419, 420
Green, George, 411
Green, Henry, 411
Green, John, 411
Green, Thomas, 62
Green, William, 411
Greenaway, Robert, 154
Greene, Gen., toast drank in honor of,
24 ; Gen. Washington joins, 40 ; de-
feated in South Carolina, 38; criti-
cism on division commanded by, at
battle of Germantown, 106, 107 ;
quoted on victory at Stony Point,
368 ; mentioned, 248, 387, 388
Greenleaf, , desires to marry
Nancy Allen, 238
Greenleaf, James, 77, 79, 80
GREBNSHIELD, 480
Greenville, Lord, 80
Greenwich Hall, mention of entertain-
ment given at, 302
Griffin, Judge , daughter of Gal-
loway elopes with, 433
Griffith, John, 57
Grinnell, Thomas, query concerning,
155 ; newspaper clipping of 1786
containing death of, 288
Growden, Grace, marries Joseph Gal-
loway, 163
Growden, Lawrence, 163, 358
Growdon, Joseph, appointed Special
Commissioner in Bucks County, 195,
196, 197
Gulph Mills, battle of, 409
Gummere, Amelia Mott, 158
Guthrie, Bethiah, offspring of, 479
Guyer. See Geyer
Hackenberg, Maj.-Gen., 36
Hall, , mentioned as being indis-
creet in his paper on repeal of
Stamp Act, 292
Hall, , of Connecticut, 367
Hall, , of New York, provided sup-
per for Society of Sons of St. Tam-
many, 462
Hall, David, 300, 389
Halsey. See Van Zandt
HAMILTON, 479
Hamilton, , Deputy Governor of
Pennsylvania in 1704, 202
Hamilton, Alexander, 329 ; Aaron Burr
indicted for murder of, 374
Hamilton, John. See Daniel Agnew
Hancock, Edward, 60
Hancock, John, 10, 145, 457
Index.
497
Hand, Edward, 402
Hanson, Col. , 250
Hardee, Col. , 123
Hardwicke, Lord, 437
Hare, Charles Willing, 476
Harmar, Lt.-Col. Josiah, 148, 149
Harris, Jacob, 211
HARRISON, 158
Harrison, , 65
Harrison, Benjamin, letter of, 278
Harrison, Caroline Scott, letter of,
278, 279
Harrison, James, elected to Council
from Bucks County, 192 ; commis-
sioned justice of the peace, 193 ; at-
tends first Monthly Meeting, 349
Harrison, Joseph, early settler of
Merion, 46
Harrison, William Henry, eulogy on,
116
Hart, Charles Henry, query of, 156
Hart, John Seely, 415
Hartley, Col. Thomas, 152
Hartshorne, Henry, 415
Haskell, Frank W., 158
Hataorackan Creek, 67
Hatter, John, 412
Hay, , of Pennsylvania, 367
Hayder, Lt. , 248
Hayes, Lucy W., 276
Hayes, R. B., 276
Hayes, Thomas, 46
Hazelwood, Ann, 6
Hazelwood, Frances, 6
Hazelwood, Commodore John, sketch
of life of, 1
Hazelwood, John, Jr., 6
Hazelwood, Susan, 6
Hazelwood, Thomas, 6
Head, John, 409
Head, Nancy, marriage of, 409
HEATH, 352
Heath, Gen. , 361
Heath, Sir Robert, 204
Heckewelder, , 462
Heister, Gen. Daniel, member of Coun-
cil of Society of Sons of St. Tam-
many, 339 ; sketch of, 342
Heller, Col. , 270
Helms. See Van Zandt
HENDERSON, 479
Henry, , 148
Henry, John, remonstrates against
Plan of Union between Great Brit-
ain and America, 423 ; mentioned,
316
Henry, W. W., 421
Hensz, Henrich, 155
Herrenbauer, Paymaster, death of, 36
Hertz, Henry, 384
VOL. xxvi. — 32
Hesseliu's Portraits, 413
Heston, Col. Edward, 108
HEWES, 354
Heydte, Lt. Morltz Wilhelm von der,
248
Heysham, Capt. William, 11
Hiddens, William, 145
Hlght, William. See Agnew
Hildeburn, Charles R., portrait of, pre-
sented, 484
Hill, John, appointed to take Charter
and give it to the Proprietary and
Governor of Pennsylvania, 198
Hiltzheimer, Jacob, 11, 339, 346, 461,
462
Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
circular concerning new building
for, 469 ; minutes of, 483 ; officers
of, 485
Hockley, Richard, 413
HODGCOCK, 413
Hoke, Mary M., marries Rev. John
Bucher, 375
Hokessen, 25
Holker, M., 23
Holies, , 204
Hollingsworth, Henry, 157
Holmes, John, 211
Holmes, Jona., 211
Hoopes, Eleanor, 350
Hoopes, Joshua, receives deed in trust
for first meeting-house built at Fall-
si ngton, 350 ; trouble between, and
wife, 350
Hopper, John, 211
Hoskin, Robert, 70
Hoskin, Rolf, 68
Hospital, List of Patients in Marine,
in 1784, 92-100
Hoss, Jacob, 287
Hoss, Mary, query of, 287, 288
Hough, John, 62
Hough, Margery, appointed to testify
in favor of Thomas Janney, 350
Hough, Richard, Judge of Court of In-
quiry in Bucks County, 198 ; on
committee to prepare testimony in
favor of Thomas Janney, 350 ; on
committee to enlarge meeting-house,
350 ; on committee to Investigate
troubles between Joshua Hoopes and
wife, 350; and to settle estate of
husband of Elizabeth Brock, 350 ;
receives deed in trust for first meet-
ing-house built at Fallsington, 350
Howe, Gen. , demands surrender
of Pennsylvania fleet, 3, 4 ; map
of the landing .of, 25 ; is reinforced
by troops from Prussia, 28; at
Germantown, 30, 105; at Phlladel-
498
Index.
phia, 267 ; proclamation of amnesty,
433 ; receives advice from Mr. Gal-
loway, 434, 435 ; incompetency of,
436 ; prepares to evacuate Phila-
delphia, 436 ; controversy between,
and Mr. Galloway, 438
Howell, Isaac, bondsman for Dr. Phile,
342
Howver, Lt. Mathias, 401
Hubley, Lt. Frederick, 401
Hudson, Thomas, 66
Hugh, Robert ap, 49
Hughes, , collector of taxes, 290
Hughes, John, 290, 295
Hughes, Matthew, 352
Hughkughkeagh nation, 451, 454
Hull, Sergeant John, data wanted con-
cerning, 155
HUME, 480
Hummel, Mrs. Eliza Bucher, 375
Hummel, Maj. Frederick, 401
Humpton, Richard, 149
Hunter, W., 119
Huston, William, recruits obtained by,
152
Hutcheson, Ensign Samuel, 401
HUTCHINSON, 476
Hutchinson, Charles Hare, obituary no-
tice of, 476, 484
Hutchinson, Francis M., query of,
413
Hutchinson, Israel Pemberton, 476
Hutchinson, Dr. James, 476
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, of Massa-
chusetts, conduct of, criticised, 7, 8 ;
burned in effigy, 8
Hutchinson, Thomas, Mr. Galloway be-
comes acquainted with, 437
Indian Queen, chiefs of Seneca nation
entertained at, 443, 444, 445
Indian warriors, names of, inscribed
on gorgets of sachems of Society of
Sons of St. Tammany, 450
Indians, mention of liquor being sold
to, 69, 70, 194 ; conference at Eas-
ton with, 169, 173, 176 ; complain oC
injustice, 371, 172; demand a clerk
for their chief, 173 ; massacre of,
at Conestoga, 179 ; frontiersmen
threaten war of extermination
against, 179, 180 ; trouble with,
296 ; mention of treaty made by
William Penn with, 348 ; William
Biles punished for selling liquor to,
350
Ingham, Jonas, Extracts from Memoirs
of, 409
lontonkque. See Capt. O'Beal
Irwin, James, 145
Jackson, Richard, 307, 308, 434
Jamaica, part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Jamens, Maj., 249
Janney, Abel, 64, 358
Janney, Ann, 354, 358
Janney, Betty, 358
Janney, Charles, 358
Janney, Elizabeth, 358
Janney, Hannah, 357, 358
Janney, Jacob, will of, 192; settles
estate of husband of Elizabeth
Brock, 350
Janney, Joseph, 352, 354
Janney, Martha, bequest to, 354
Janney, Thomas, justice of the peace
of Bucks County, 193, 195 ; inves-
tigates charge of selling rum to
Indians, 194 : settles differences
between John Brooks and Lydia
Wharmby, 349 ; receives deed in trust
for first meeting-house built at Fall-
sington, 350 ; signs statement to re-
fute misrepresentations of Keith,
351 ; marries Hannah Biles, 359
Janney, Thomas, Jr., 359
Jay, John, 78, 80, 316, 319, 368
Jefferson, Thomas, during administra-
tion of, celebration of Society of
Sons of St. Tammany is first
omitted. 458
Jenkins, Howard M., mention of
writings of, 480
Jenkins, James, 408
Jenkin's Tavern, 387
JENNINGS, 358
John, Alice, 56
John, Griffith, 55, 56, 57
John, Gwen William, 56
John, Hugh, 44, 54
John, John, 56
John, John ap, 47
John, John William, 56
John, Katherine, 56
John, William, 44, 56
Johnson, Col. , 367
Johnson, Andrew, letter of, 271
Johnson, Frederick C., 158
Johnson, Col. Henry, 367, 368
Johnson, M. J., query of, 481
Johnson, Sir William, 173
Johnson, William F., portrait of, pre-
sented, 484
Johnstone, Gov. , 213
Jones, Dave, 154
Jones, Edward, Lands of, and Com-
pany in Merion, 42-57
Jones, Edward, Jr., 49, 50, 51, 52
Jones, Evan, 50, 52, 53
Index.
499
Jones, Hannah, 53
Jones, Hugh, 56
Jones, John, 50, 53, 100
Jones, Jonathan, 48
Jones, Mary, 50
Jones, Rebecca, 53
Jones, Rees, 53
Jones, Richard, 53, 55
Jones, Thomas, 50
Jones, William, 52, 56
Jordan, John W., makes address on
aniversary of battle of Germantown,
413 ; receives honorary degree of
Doctor of Laws, 480
Jordan, William H., presents portraits,
483, 484
JORDBLL, 479
Keichline, Andrew, Sub-Lieut, of Bucks
County, 103
Keith, George, disowned by Friends,
350 ; misrepresentations made by,
351
Kelker, Luther R., List of Patients in
Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 92-
100 ; Record of Marriages performed
by Rev. John Conrad Bucher, 375
Kempe, Mrs. , 324
Kendall, E. Otis, 415
Kennada, Adjt. , 409
Kersey, William, 211 -
Kidd's School-House, meeting-place for
Society of Sons of St. Tammany, 22
Kirkbride, Col., 268
Kirkbride, Hannah, 358
Kirkbride, Joseph, 62 ; Lieutenant for
Bucks County, 103 ; on committee
to prepare testimony in favor of
Thomas Janney, 350 ; settles estate
of husband of Elizabeth Brock, 350 ;
witness to will of William Biles, 355
Kirkpatrick, James A., 415
Knaresborough Meeting, 353
KNICKERBOCKER, query concerning
descendants of, 481
Knox, Brig.-Gen. Henry, 5, 344, 365,
367
Knyphausen, Gen., 25, 34, 35
Lacey, Brig.-Gen. John, Memoirs of,
101, 265
Lafayette, Marquis de, mentioned, 24,
40, 248
Lafayette College confers degree on
John W. Jordan, 480
Lagrance, 119
Lake, Johanna, data concerning, re-
quested, 288
LAMBERT, 352, 356, 357
Lambert, Elizabeth, 357
Lambert, Mary, 852
Lambert, Thomas, 62
Lancaster, 18, 26, 250, 251
Lancaster County ordered to send mi-
litla to camp at Chester, 269 ; re-
turn of officers of seven companies,
Fourth Battalion, 401
Lane, Derick, 211
Lane, H., 123
Lane, John, 240
Langhorne, Jeremiah, witness to will
of William Biles, 355; mentioned,
357
Langhorne, Sarah, marriage of, 352,
354, 357
Lawrence, , desires to marry Sally
Shippen, 239
Lawrence, Mrs. , sickness of, 238
Lawrence, Betsy, death of, 238
Lawrence, David, 49
Lawrence, Eleanor, 49
Lawrence, William, 66
Lea, , mention of business loss of,
72 ; death of, 75
Leach, Josiah Granville, contributes
sketch of Commodore Hazelwood, 1-6
LEACOCK, 6
Leacock, John, sketch of, 218, 220;
appointed coroner, 347
Learning, Deborah, antenuptial agree-
ment of, with Jacob Spicer, 404
Lear, Tobias, 406
LEASE, , data concerning, re-
quested, 288
Lee, Col. , 316
Lee, Gen. Charles, 277, 368
Lee, Harry, 364
Lee, John, 411, 412
Lee, Mary, letter of, 286
Lee, Rebecca, letter of, 286
Lees, Tom, 286
Leslie, Gen., 38
LESSLER, , data concerning re-
quested, 288
Letters of Presidents of the United
States and " Ladies of the White
House," 115, 271
Levering's Tavern, 387
Lewis, MordecaJ, 231
Lewisville, 157
Lincoln, Gen. , 34
Lincoln, Abraham, writes to Hon. S. P.
Chase, 123
Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, letter of, 124
Lincoln, C. H., contributes Washing-
ton's Plan for the Attack at German-
town, 387
Llnd, Jenny, 384
Lindemeyer, Corp., 32
Lippner's Brewery, 37
500
Index.
Listen, Mrs. , 239
Lithographic Portraits of Albert New-
sam, 382
Livingston, Anne H., letter to, 286
Livingston, Brockhurst, 329, 407
Lloyd, David, becomes leader of the
Popular Party, 199 ; defends Biles
in suit brought by Gov. Evans, 201,
202
Lloyd, Thomas, early owner of land in
Merion, 44, 49, 53, 54, 55, 57
Lochrey, Capt. Jeremiah, company com-
manded by, 150
Loesen, Gen. , 249
LOGAN, genealogical data concerning,
479
Logan, James, 66; extracts of letters
from, 199, 200, 205, 206; becomes
leader of Proprietary Party, 199 ;
denounces William Biles, 204
Lomas, Nathaniel, 157
Lomas, Thomas, 157
Lomas, Timothy, 157
Long, Cooksong, 145
Long Island, British cross to, 253 ; Mr.
Galloway visits, 425
Loomys, Hannah, 157
Loomys, Rebecca, 157
Loomys, Ruth, 157
Losh. See Loth
Lossberg, Maj.-Gen. , 36
Loth, Maj. Edward, 412
Love, Sergeant Robert, 145
Lucan's Mill, 388
Lucas, Robert, justice of the peace, 70
Ludlow, N. M., 384
Luff, John, 64
Luse, Francis, 211
Luzerne, Chevalier de la, 210
Lycoming County, William Thorpe one
of the early settlers in, 454
Lye, Anne, 58
Lyon, Col. Samuel, 152
Macalester, Mr. -, letter to, 123
Macalester, Lily, visits Executive Man-
sion, 123
McArthur, Ensign Thomas, Jr., 401
McCarter, , death of, 119
McClawghry, Matt., 112
McConachie, L. G., 168
McCracken, Henry, 145
McCulloch, Lt. James, 148
McDougall, Gen., 361, 387
McFarland, Col. Daniel, 410
McFarland, Lt. John, 401
McGrawdy, William, 145
McHatten, William, 145
Mcllvain, Col., 270
Mcllvaine, Doctor, of Burlington, 227
McKean, Chief -Justice, elected GOT-
ernor, 236; takes part in St. Tam-
many celebration, 339, 341; sketch
of, 339 ; Mr. Galloway writes to,
439
McKee, Capt. Andrew, Pay-Roll of
Company of, 152
McKee, Benjamin, 278
Mackey, Lt. William, 401
Mackinet, Daniel, agent to receive sub-
scriptions for the Philadelphische
Zeitung, 91
Maclanagan, , 326
McLane, Allen, 364, 366
McLane, S., attends dinner of Society
of Sons of St. Tammany, 461
McMichael, John, 145
McPherson, , 243, 326
McSwaine, James, 145 *
MAFFITT, 156
Malbour, Duke of, 479
Malmsbury, Lord, 229
Manning, Capt. Richard, 401
Marbois, M. de, 222, 342
Marine Hospital, Philadelphia, 1784,
List of Patients in, 92-100
Markham, Gov., 196, 409
Marks, Thomas, buys land in 1726,
356
Marriages, Record of, performed by
Rev. John Conrad Bucher, 375
Marshall, Christopher, 340, 342
Martin, Absalom, 211
Martin, Lt. Samuel, 401
Maryftna, 37
Maryland, part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Mason, , 243, 326
Massachusetts, part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Massey, Charles, 288
Massey, Louis C., 288
Masters, William, appointed Indian
Commissioner, 172, 173
Matlack, Timothy, 270, 286 ; secretary
for Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
339, 455 ; sketch of, 340, 341 ;
urged to send commissions for offi-
cers of Col. Coats's battalion, 345
Matlock Monthly Meeting, 408
MAUL, 479
Maul, William, account of descendants
of, 479
Maurice River, West N. J., 357
Maxwell, Gen. , 387
Mead, G., 211
Meigs, Col. Return Jonathan, 364
Mercer, Col. Hugh, 375
Index.
501
Meredith, David, 50
Meredith, Reese, 339
Merlon, 26; The Lands of Edward
Jones and Company in, sketch of,
42
Merridith, Samuel, appointed brigadier-
general, declines, 104
Mervine, William M., contributes some
abstracts of powers of attorney on
file in Philadelphia, 411
Meschianza, 19
Michell, Robert, 70
Middletown, 251 ; Records of Quar-
terly Meeting of, 351, 352
Mifflin, John, 227, 243
Mifflin, Thomas, 304
Mil combe, Ann, 65
Miller, Henry, query concerning, 156
Miller, Peter, 287
Miller, W. A., query of, 156
Milzenburg, Adjt.-Gen. Lt., 32
Minnigeroda, Lt.-Col., wounded, 26
Minor, Nicholas, data requested of, 155
Mitchell, , 480
Mitchell, Col. John, 343
Mohun, Mrs. , 276
Molitor, Capt. Christian, 31
Mompresson, Judge, 203
Monatany Road, 387
Monocacy River, 252
Montgomery, Rev. John, sketch of, 154
Montressor, Capt., 436
Monyash Monthly Meeting, 408
Moore, Elizabeth, 342
Moore, Surgeon J., Gen. Grant writes
to, 274
Moore, John, 157
Moore, Robert, 341
Moore-Smith libel case, 165, 174
Moore, William, petition against, 174;
removal of, desired, 175 ; reinstated,
190; member of Council of Society
of Sons of St. Tammany, 339 ; sketch
of, 341, 347
More Anne, 412
Morgan, Cadwalader, 44, 46, 53, 54,
55, 56
Morgan, George, 370, 372
Morgan, Hugh, 54
Morgan, Jacob, 346
Morgan, John, 54, 372
Morgan, Thomas, 372
MORISON, 480
Morris, Daniel, 387
Morris, Margaret, 384
Morris, Robert, 77, 79; ancestry of,
153; Washington dines with, 222;
contributes towards building Free
Quaker Meeting-House of Philadel-
phia, 341
Morris River, 62, 356, 357
Morristown, 18, 34, 35
Morrisville, 68
Morton, Thomas G., 469
Mount Ararat Plantation, 47
Mount Pleasant, 243
Mount Pleasant Farm, 326
Moylan, Col., 402
Mud Island Fort, 436
Muhlenberg, Henry A., 385
Murfree, Maj., 365, 367
MURRAY, 479
Murray, Francis, 413
Murray, George Washington, date of
death of, requested, 413
Murray, Capt. James, 401
Murray, Lt.-Col. Thomas, 401
Nagler, Lt. Frederic, 32
Nantwell Township, 48
Narberth, 45, 50, 52
Nash, Gen., 387
Neagle, John, 385
Neshaminy, William Biles's land near,
66; meeting-house near, 356; divi-
sion of Bucks County into townships
considered at, 195
Nevill, Thomas, sachem of Society of
Sons of St. Tammany, 450; sketch
of, 454
New England, William Biles and wife
propose to visit, 350
New Hampshire, part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
New Jersey, Society of Sons of St.
Tammany of, organize in, 210 ;
dividing line between Eastern and
Western division of, mentioned,
356; part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Newlin, Nich., special commissioner in
Bucks County, 195
Newport, 31, 32
Newsam, Albert, Lithographic Por-
traits of, 382
Newtown, Col. Kirkbride calls meeting
at, 103, 107 ; new court-house and
prison at, in 1724, 356
New Torlc, Prussian troops reach, 28,
29, 35; celebrates defeat of Gen.
Gates, 36; part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418 ; British occupy, 432 ;
Galloway at, 434, 436; account of
first meeting of Society of Sons of
St. Tammany In, 462
Nicholson, John, 77, 78, 79
Nickles, Hugh, 145
502
Index.
Norris, Isaac, daughter of, marries
John Dickinson, 163 ; appointed
commissioner to England on behalf
of Pennsylvania, 170 ; opposes peti-
tion asking Crown to resume the
government of Pennsylvania, 182 ;
illness of, 185
Northampton County ordered to send
militia to camp at Bristol, 269
North Carolina, part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
North River, obstructions to naviga-
tion of, 2 ; mentioned, 29, 34
North Wales, Gen. Armstrong com-
mands militia at, 110
Nova Scotia, mention of care given to
refugees from, 171 ; part taken by,
in Plan of Union between Great
Britain and America, 418
O'Bail. See O'Beal
O'Beal, Capt. , invited to visit
wigwam on Schuylkill, 443 ; writes
his views of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 447 ; portrait of, men-
tioned, 452 ; toast drank in honor
of, 453 ; sketch of, 455
Ogden, Col. Aaron, 374
Ogilby, Martha, 220
O'Hara, Gen., 247
Okill, George, 154
Opequan River, 251
Oram, Ensign Samuel, 401
Osborne, , 243, 326
Osmun, Ben., 211
Oswald, , 347, 458
Ottor, John, justice of the peace of
Bucks County, 193
Overbrook, 45, 49
Owen, Ann Whitpain, 52
Owen, Edward, 44, 50, 51, 52
Owen, Griffith, 45, 48, 51, 52, 53, 351
Owen, Griffith, Jr., 52
Owen, Jane ap, 57
Owen, Jane Coppock, 52
Owen, John, 52
Owen, Rebecca Minshall, 52
Owen, Sarah Minshall, 52
Ozeas, P., attends dinner in honor of
St. Tammany, 461 ; sketch of, 462
Palmer, , of Connecticut, 367
Palmer, B. Frank, 385
Pancake, Philip, attends dinner in
honor of St. Tammany, 461 ; sketch
of, 462
Paper money, disagreements over, 296,
299
Parker, Capt. Alex., 152
Parsons, Capt. John, 149
Patison, Maj.-Gen., 36
Patterson, Martha J., 274
Pattison, Gen. , 369
Paulus Hook, 34
Paxson, William, 66
Peale, Capt. Charles Willson, paints
portrait of Commodore Hazelwood, 6
Peale, Rembrandt, 415
Peck, John, 211
Pelham Moor. See Pell's Point
Pell's Point, battle of, 158
Pemberton, James, 167, 294, 295
Pemberton, Phineas, 63 ; elected to
Council from Bucks Oounty, 19B,
198 ; appointed judge to inquire into
affairs of Bucks County, 198; at-
tends first Monthly Meeting, 349;
appointed to prepare testimony in
favor of Thomas Janney, 350 ; writes
of floods, 352
j Pencader, 25
j Pencoyd, 54
I Penn, Gov. , refuses to call meet-
ing of the Assembly to appoint dele-
gates, 306
i Penn, Lady Juliana, gives donation to
support German schools in Philadel-
phia, 407
Penn, Richard, gives donation to sup-
port German schools in Philadelphia,
407
Penn, Samuel H., query of, 287
Penn, Hon. Thomas, gives donation to
support German schools in Philadel-
phia, 407 ; quotation from letter to,
413
Penn, William, presides over first ses-
sion of first Council held in Phila-
delphia, 192 ; signs commission for
Judges of Court to inquire into af-
fairs in Bucks County, 198 ; quo-
tation from letter of, concerning
William Biles, 203 ; approves of
Gov. Evans's actions towards Biles,
203; describes William Biles, 204;
mention of treaty made by, 348 ;
quoted, 409
PENNINGTON, 358
Pennington, Ann, 357, 358
Pennington, Edward, 357
Pennington, Isaac, 358
Pennington, Mary, 357
Pennington, Sarah, 357
Penn's Manor, mention of dwelling now
standing near, 355
Pennsbury, Manor of, 65
Pennsylvania, Assembly of, recommends
the disbandment of a large State
navy, 5 ; Com. Hazelwood appointed
Index.
503
Receiver of Provisions for militia
of, 6 ; citizens of, strongly op-
posed to being taxed, 9 ; threat-
ened invasion of, 17, 18, 19 ; fast |
day In, appointed, 21 ; toast drank i
in honor of, 24 ; character of
early settlers in, 43 ; distress of |
emigrants to, 112 ; names not ap- i
pearing in Fifth Line, 151 ; State of, '
in account with Capt. Parker, 152 ;
political condition of, 165 ; commis-
sioners appointed to go to England
In behalf of, 170; Provincial As-
sembly of, described, 168, 296;
proposition made to change form of
government of, 179 ; dutiful be-
havior of, concerning Stamp Act,
293 ; conservatism of, 303 ; return |
of non-commissioned officers and pri-
vates of, 402 ; part taken by, in
Plan of Union between Great Brit-
ain and America, 418 ; Assembly of,
excuses Joseph Galloway from serv- !
Ing as deputy, 430, 431 ; Mr. Gal- |
loway forbidden to return to, 438, |
439 ; toast drank in honor of, at !
St. Tammany celebration, 452, 453 ; I
Charles Biddle elected Vice-Presi- j
dent of, 454 ; Hon. Samuel W. j
Pennypacker elected Governor of, |
480
Pennypacker, Hon. Samuel W., con- |
tributes paper on Capture of Stony |
Point, 360 ; elected Governor of \
Pennsylvania, 480
Pettit, , 426
Petty, Elizabeth, 60
Phelps, , of Connecticut, 367
Philadelphia furnishes many sea-cap-
tains, 1 ; British enter, 3 ; pres-
ervation of, 4 ; public meeting held
in, to raise means to support army,
5 ; Commodore Hazelwood appointed
Commissary of Purchases in, and
Port Warden of, 5, 6 ; excited over
attack on Dr. Franklin, 7 ; inflamed
by news of conflict in Massachusetts,
12 ; wards in, form separate com-
panies, 12; contested election in,
16; many inhabitants leave, for
Lancaster, 18 ; British evacuate, 19 ;
capture of, 23 ; map of plan of, 26 ;
legend of, 26 ; Prussian troops
march through, 30, 31 ; yellow fever
in, 75, 230, 234; List of Patients
in Marine Hospital in, 92; returns
of elections in, 104; Legislature
under new Constitution sits at, 102 ;
British enter, 105, 106; President
Pillmore Invited to national anni-
versary at, 115 ; Ship Registers for,
126, 280, 390, 470; list of armed
vessels from, 145 ; Galloway resides
in, 162; trouble In, over troops
quartered on innkeepers, 170; citi-
zens of, denounce massacre of In-
dians at Conestoga, 179; election
for members of Assembly held in,
192, 200 ; efforts made In, in behalf
of British, 250; peace declared in,
252 ; British at, 267 ; list of serv-
ants from Dublin who arrived at,
287 ; arrival of stamps In, causes
little trouble, 290, 291 ; proceedings
in, on repeal of Stamp Act, 292 ; de-
mands messages of approval sent to
Massachusetts, 303 ; Committee of
Safety of, present T. Matlack with
silver urn, 341; Dr. Phile acts as
Naval Officer of, 342 ; Father Tam-
many's Almanac in, 347 ; William
Biles member of Assembly at, 348 ;
meeting of Public Friends in, to tes-
tify against Keith, 351 ; donations
towards support of German schools
in, 407 ; some abstracts of powers
of attorney on file in, 411 ; Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America mooted In, 417, 418; Mr.
Galloway joins expedition for cap-
turing, 435 ; Mr. Galloway appointed
Superintendent-General of Police ami
of Port of, 435 ; Gen. Howe evacu-
ates, 436 ; Mrs. Galloway insulted
in, 439; Cornplanter visits, 446;
Ellas Boys chosen member of Board
of Port Wardens of, 454
Philadelphia County, Gen. Washington
at upper end of, 105, 106 ; elects
Joseph Galloway member of Assem-
bly, 167 ; ordered to send militia to
camp at Bristol, 269 ; William Biles
complains against Justices and sher-
iffs of, 204
Philadelphische Zeitung, 91
Phile, Miss Eliza, paints portrait of
Capt. O'Beal, 452; receives thanks,
453
Phile, Frederick, chosen member of
Council of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 339; also sachem, 450;
sketch of, 342
Phlliphaugh, 479
Philips, Maj.-Gen., 36
Phillippspoint, 35
Physick, Henry White, bill of, 287
Piatt, William, 211
Pierce, Franklin, letters of. 119, 121
Pierce, Jane M.. 121
PIERSOL, 157
504
Index.
Pintard, John, 211
Pocahontas, 385
Poetquessink Greek, 70
Pole, Edward, Society of Sons of St.
Tammany assemble at country-seat
of, 21, 216, 219, 220, 221; sug-
gested as candidate on Constitu-
tional ticket, 347 ; criticised, 447,
448, 449, 455, 458, 461, 462
Popp, Corporal, 247
Popp, Stephan, 25
Popp's Journal, 25, 245
Porter Families of Chester and York
Counties, query concerning, 156
Portland, Duke of, 467
Portsmouth, Va., 343
Potter, Gen., 107, 108, 267, 268 ; cen-
sured, 110
Potter, James, 104
Potter, Thomas, 371
Potts Family, Historical Collections
relating to, noticed, 159
Poughkeepsie, 2
Powder, , 288
Powell, David, deputy surveyor, 42, 43
POWNALL, 358
Pownall, Eleanor, has difference with
William Yardley, 349
Presbyterians, hostility of, towards j
Quakers, 80, 188 ; aversion to, 291, I
292, 294, 303 ; oppose Galloway's |
election to Assembly, 294
PRESTONS, 479
PRICE, 157
Price, John, 145
Prichard, Capt. John, 154
Prichard, Thomas, 44, 53, 54
Pricket's Fort, 151
Princeton College confers degree upon
Galloway, 165
Pritchard, William, delivers address on
anniversary of St. Tammany, 450 ;
sketch of, 454
Proctor, Col., chosen member of Coun- j
cil of Society of Sons of St. Tam-
many, 339 ; sketch of, 344 ; chosen
sachem of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 450
Puckle, Nathaniel, 199
Purdon, John, attends dinner in honor
of St. Tammany, 461
Purviance, Samuel, 290
Putnam, Gen., 361
Putnam, Col. Rufus, 364
Quakers slow to levy military taxes,
165, 166 ; seek to obtain justice for
Indians, 171, 172, 179; bitter feel-
ing against, 180 ; desire change of
government, 182 ; hostility of Pres-
byterians against, 180, 188 ; prevent
disturbance in Philadelphia over ar-
rival of stamps, 290 ; influence of,
303 ; A Study in Costume noticed,
158 ; Meeting-House of Free, funds
for building of, 341
Quarterly Meeting first held in 1684,
349
Quohocking, 62, 357
Rawle, William Brooke, 469
Read, James, chosen chief of Society of
Sons of St. Tammany, 339 ; sketch
of, 340
Reading Artillerists, 386
Reading, Sam., 211
Reckless, A., 372, 373
Red Bank, 4, 26, 29
Redman, Dr., 328
Reed, Cadwalader, 370, 371
Reed, Capt. John, 401
Reed, President Joseph, 343 ; portrait
of, presented, 483
Rees, Edward, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 56
Rees, Evan, 44, 53, 54, 56, 57
Rees, Frees, 50
Rees, Sarah, 50
Reitzenstein, Capt. V., 250
Reucastle, John, 211
Reynolds, William, 157
Rhea, Col. Jonathan, letter to, 372
Rhoads, Samuel, 304
Rhode Island, inhabitants of, assert
their rights, 199 ; part taken by, in
Plan of Union between Great Britain
and America, 418
Richard, Rowland, 56
Riche, George, 416
Richmond, Va., Society of Sons of St.
Tammany celebrates anniversary at,
456
Ridley Greek, 47
Rigbie, Elizabeth, 161
Riley, Robert, 145
Robbins, , marries Mary Biles, 352
Robbins, William, bequest to, 35
Robert, Gainor (ap Hugh), 44, 46, 49,
54
Robert, Hugh, 54, 55
Robert, Jane (ap Owen), 46
Roberts, Col. , 270
Roberts, Ann, 48
Roberts, Anne Pettit, 144
Roberts, Cadwalader, 144
Roberts, Charles, obituary notice of,
144, 484
Roberts, Edward, 48
Roberts, Elihu, 144
Roberts, Hugh, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51,
52, 55, 56, 57
Index.
505
Roberts, John. 46, 48, 53, 54, 55, 56,
57
Roberts, Mary, 55
Roberts, Owen, 48
Roberts, Robert, 48, 49, 50
Robertson, Lt.-(ien. , 36
Robinson, Morgan P., 413
Rochambeau, Count, 24, 40, 248
Rochford, Dennis, 66
Rodney, Admiral, 37
Rogers, , 286
Rogers, Francis, 412
Ross, , 317, 429
ROUGHEAD, 480
ROW, 480
Rowland, , 65
Russell, Peter, 467
Rutherford, Lt. Samuel, 401
Rutledge, Edward, 309, 310, 316
Ryan, Ensign John, 401
Saarbruck, Prince of, 40, 248
Sage, John, legacy for, 467, 468
St. Andrew's Society, 17, 20
St. Clair, Maj.-Gen. Arthur, 5
St. George Society, Commodore Hazel-
wood one of the founders of, 6, 17,
20
St. Mary's, Camden County, Ga., first
fort built at, called Fort St. Tam-
many, 458
St. Patrick, Society of Sons of, 17,
20
St. Peter's Church, burial-place of Com-
modore Hazelwood, 6
St. Tammany, Society of Sons of, or-
ganized in New Jersey, 210 ; sketch
of, 7, 207, 335, 443
Salem, 26
Salem County, 62
Savannah, Ga., Society of Sons of St.
Tammany celebrates anniversary at,
457
Savell, George, 347
Sayre, Damaris, 159
Sayre, Thomas, 482
Scandar River, 250
SCHENKMAYER, 250
Schipperston, 251
Schlammersdorf, Lt., 26
Schott, Capt. John Paul, muster of
corps of, 477
Schropp, Miss Ruth C., 279
Schiihardt, Lt., 39
Schuyler, Hon. Maj.-Gen., 18
Schuylkill River, 42, 45, 105, 107, 110 ;
Joseph Galloway member of Fish-
ing Company of, 162, 220; chiefs
of Seneca nation invited to visit
wigwam on, 443 ; Mr. Breton gives
dinner at residence on banks of,
in honor of St. Tammany, 461
Schwartz, John, 386
Scotch-Irish complain of insufficient
protection from Indians, 179
Scull, Martha, 454
Seely, Samuel, 211
Selden, , 204
Seldon, , of Connecticut, 367
Selin, Capt., muster of corps of, 478
Seneca nation, chiefs of, Invited to
visit wigwam on Schuylkill, 443
Serghill, Robert, 412
Serle, Ambrose, 162
SETON, 479
Seward, Hon. William H., letter to, 119
Seyboth, Maj. von, 30, 247
Seymour, Commodore Thomas, 3
Sharlow, William, 47, 48
Sharpsburg, 251
Sheddin, William, 243
Sheddon, , 231, 233
Sheerer, Capt. Joseph, 401
SJiepherdstown, 251
Shields, Gen. James, letter to, 121, 122,
123
Ship Registers for Port of Philadel-
phia, 126, 280, 390, 470
Shippen, , 481
Shippen, Anne, letter to, 286
Shippen, Betsy, 229, 239
Shippen, Edward, 62, 206, 476 ; letters
of, to his daughter Margaret, 71-80,
224-244, 322-328 ; death of wife of,
76 ; quotation from letter of, 167 ;
holds court at Chester, 198 ; ap-
pointed Chief-Justice of Pennsyl-
vania, 236; invites Mrs. Arnold to
visit him, 324, 325 ; writes to Dan-
iel Coxe, 328-332
Shippen, Margaret, sketch of life of,
71, 224, 322, 464
Shippen, Sally, 72, 76, 80, 225, 232,
236, 239, 326, 407
Shute, Samuel M., 211
Sichart, Lt. , 30
Simcoke, John, 197
Simpson, Lt. John, 401
Skippack Road, 387
Smallwood, Gen. , 387
Smith, Gen. , complains concern-
Ing supplies for hospitals, 274, 275
Smith, Benjamin H., contributes sketch
of Lands of Edward Jones and Com-
pany in Merion, 42
Smith, Charles W., 349
Smith, Dr. George, quoted, 204
Smith, Jonathan Bayard, member of
Council of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 339; also sachem, 450;
506
Index.
sketch of, 345; Philip Pancake
serves under, 462
Smith, Samuel, appointed Sub-Lt. for
Bucks County, 103
Smith, William, ordered to appear be-
fore the Assembly, 175 ; writes in-
troduction to speech of Dickinson,
184
Snyder, Ensign Simon, 401
South Carolina^ Andrew Johnson on
secession of, 271, 272, 273; part
taken by, in Plan of Union between
Great Britain and America, 418
Southampton, 482
Southern army, return of the non-
commissioned officers and privates of
Pennsylvania serving in, 402
Southwark Theatre, Society of Sons of
St. Tammany hold dinner at, 20
Sowle, T., 351
Spencer, Sergeant, of Virginia, 367
Spicer, Jacob, 404
SPIERING, 413
SPOTSWOOD, 480
Springer, Capt. Zadock, roll of militia
stationed at Pricket's Fort, under,
151
Springetts'bury, 20
Springfield, 34, 35, 253
Springsteel, David, 366
Sproat, Capt., 446
Staaten Island, 29, 31, 34, 35, 252
STACY, 358, 359
Stacy, Mahlon (Justice), 62
Stamp Act, Galloway accused of favor-
ing, 289, 292, 294 ; tumult in Colo-
nies over, 291 ; repeal of, 292, 293 ;
results of, 307, 311, 314 ; Franklin
writes concerning, 389
Stanford, Thomas, 62
STANLEY, 156
Staten Island. See Staaten Island
Stauffer, D. McN., contributes Litho-
graphic Portraits of Albert Newsam,
382
Stedman, Alexander, data requested of,
155
Stephen, Gen. , 387
STEVENSON, 357
Stevenson, Ann, 357
Stewart, , paints portrait of Ed-
ward Shippen, 225
Still6, Charles J., mention of bequest
of, 469
Stirling, Ma j. -Gen. Lord, 387, 437
Stocks quoted, 232, 233, 234, 235
Stockton, Commodore, opposed to flog-
ging in navy, 122
Stony Point, oration by Hon. Samuel
W. Pennypacker on capture of, 360 j
Stout, Abr., 211
Stow, Mrs. , 119
Strahan, David, 300
Stuart, George, 415
Stuart, Gilbert, 288
Sturgeon, Lt. Peter, 401
Suffolk, 343
Sullivan, , 32, 287, 309, 344, 387,
388, 479
Sumter, Gen., 248
Swanwick, John, 79, 225, 226, 228
Swedes Ford, 107, 109, 270, 343,
409
Swift, John, 62 ; commissioned justice
of the peace for Bucks County, 193
Tammany Hill, 31, 32, 33
Tammany, Saint, Society of Sons of,
sketch of, 7, 207, 335, 443
Tappan, 36
Tarleton, Col. , 39, 247
Taylor, , 416
Taylor, Christopher, elected to Council
from Bucks County, 192
Taylor, John, data concerning, re-
quested, 155
Tedyuscung demands a clerk, 172, 173 ;
charges fraud against the Proprie-
taries, 172, 173, 176 ; sketch of, 455
Teedyuscung. See Tedyuscung
Tennessee, Andrew Johnson fears for,
271, 272, 273
Terwey, Maj. Zeidharss O., 30
Tharpe, William, chosen sachem of
Society of Sons of St. Tammany.
450; sketch of, 454
Theatres, bill for prohibiting, men-
tioned, 177
THOMAS, query concerning, 413
Thomas, Abel, 56
Thomas, Cadwalader John, 46, 47
Thomas, Edmund D., 211
Thomas, Evan, 46, 47
Thomas, Hugh John, 45, 56
Thomas, John ap, 42, 44, 46, 47, 50
Thomas, Katherin, 46, 47
Thomas, Richard, 51, 53
Thomas, Robert, 46, 47
Thomas, Thomas, Jr., 46
Thompson, , 429
Thompson, Capt., 78.
Thomson, Charles, 11, 173, 306, 310
Tilghman, James, 165
Timotb.ee, Louis, editor of early Ger-
man newspaper, 91
Toom, Col. , 270
Tories, hostility of, 101, 102
Tory, definition of a, 427
Townsend, Lord, 369
Trenton, 101
Index.
507
Trevose, Galloway's country-seat, 304,
425, 431, 432
Troddllng, John, data concerning, re-
quested, 288
Trot, , 225
Trumbull, , 433
Truxton, Thomas, 2
Tryon, Maj.-Gen., 36, 361
Tucker, Dean, Pamphlet of, 81, 255
Tunis, Anthony, 50
Tuscaroras, chiefs of, dined by minis-
ter of France, 208
Tuttle, William, 211
Twining, Ann, 59
Twining, Elizabeth, 59
Twining, Joanna, 59
Twining, William, 59
Upland County, 67, 68, 69, 70
Valley Forge, 19, 109, 110, 267, 436
Van Berckel, Francis, 222
Vandeering, John, 387
Vanderin's Mill, 388
Van Zandt, Viner, counsel for New
Jersey Society of Sons of St. Tam-
many, 211
Vaughan, Gen. , 25
Verplanck, , 426, 431, 432
Verplanck's Point,, 361
Vidells Alley, 22
Virginia, part taken by, in Plan of
Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
Von Beust, Ernst, 30, 32
Von Dieskau, Capt., 32
Von Eckert, Capt., 29
Von Eyb, Col., 30
Von Roeder, Capt., 35
Von Seitz, Capt., 33 ; death of, 253
Von Seybothen, Ma;}., 26
Von Voigt, , 247
Von Voit, Col., 26
Vroom, Hon. G. D. W., contributes let-
ters of George Morgan and Aaron
Burr, 370
Wade, Col. Francis, chosen member of
Council of Society of Sons of St.
Tammany, 339 ; sketch of, 343
Wads worth, Col.,. 74
Wagstaffe, Thomas, 480, 481
Waite, John, 355
Waite, Joseph, 352
Walker, Lewis Burd, contributes sketch
of Life of Margaret Shlppen, 71, 224,
322, 464
Wain, William, 322
Walpole, Thomas, 418
Walter, Richard, 52, 53, 54
WARDER, 358
Warder, Ann, 409
Warder, Jeremiah, 238, 244
Warder, John, 408
Warder, Solomon, 66
Warner, Joseph, 387
Warren, , 331
Washington, Gen. George, convenes
council of war, 5; toasts drunk in
honor of, 24, 217, 222, 452, 456, 457.
462 ; seizes the heights of Brandy-
wine, 25; position of camp of, 26;
joins Gen. Greene, 40; attacks en-
emy at Trenton, 101; defeated at
Brandywine, 105 ; takes position in
upper end of Philadelphia County,
105; attacks British at German-
town, 105 ; encamps at Whitemarsh,
106; at Swedes Ford, 109; dines
with Robert Morris, 222 ; endeavors
to unite the separate States, 223;
issues orders to Gen. Lacey, 265;
goes into winter-quarters at Valley
Forge, 267 ; sends compliments to
Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
335 ; purpose of, in campaign of
1779, 361 ; at West Point, 361 ; at-
tacks Stony Point, 363, 364, 368;
plan of, for attack at Germantown,
387
Washington, Mrs. George, 406
Washington portrait, query concerning,
156 ; with reply, 288
Wass, James, 62, 357
Wass, Joseph, 62
Watkin, John, 44, 47, 56, 57
Wayne, Gen. Anthony, selected for
attack on Stony Point, 363 ; makes
tour of inspection, 364 ; changes
plan of attack, 365, 366 ; wounded,
367 ; reports victory, 368 ; men-
tioned, 387, 402, 408
WEDDERBURN, 480
Wedderburn, Alexander, attack of, on
Franklin mentioned, 7; burned in
effigy, 7, 8
West Florida, part taken by, in Plan
of Union between Great Britain and
America, 418
West Indies, French fleet arrives from,
39
West Nantmeal, 157
West Point, 36, 361
West River, 161
Westmoreland County, accounts of
company stationed in, 150
Weymon, A., 211
Wharmby, Lydia, difference between,
and John Brooks brought before
Quarterly Meeting, 350
508
Index.
Wharton, Samuel, 424
Wharton, Thomas, 300 ; writes con-
cerning Philadelphia's Plan of Union
between Great Britain and America,
418
Wharton, Thomas, Jr., 5 ; issues or-
ders to form camps at Bristol and
Chester, 269 ; President of Council
of Safety in 1776, 343
Wheeler, Gilbert, accused of selling
liquor to Indians, 68, 69, 70
Whetzall, Capt. John, pay abstract of
company of rangers of, 410
Whigs, actions of, 101, 102
Whitaker, Dean, 439
White Hart Tavern, 408
White House, Letters of Presidents of
the United States and Ladies of the,
115, 271
White, Miles, Jr., contributes sketch
of William Biles, 58, 192, 348
White, William, 65
Whitemarsh, 106, 107, 109, 387
Whitney, , 123
Wilcocks, , 225
Wilcocks, John, 79
Wilkinson, , member of Assembly
of Bucks County, 103
Wilkinson, Nathan, 211
Will, Col. William, member of Council
of Society of Sons of St. Tammany,
339
Willcox, Barnabas, 46
Willet, Dan., 68
William, Evan John, 53, 55
William, John, 50
William, Rees John, 44
William, Robert, 49
Williams, Col. , 402
Williams, Ellis, 51
Williams, John, 55, 432
Williams, Robert, 51
Williams'burg, 39, 40, 248; described,
249
Willing, , 74
Willing, Charles, 476
Willis, Mrs. , 232
'Wilmington, 25
Wilson, Gen. James Grant, 484
Wilson, Thomas, 327
Winchester, first settlers of, 249; de-
scribed, 250
Windmill Hill, 32
Wissahickon Creek, 387
Wistar, Caspar, appointed agent to re-
ceive subscriptions for Philadel-
phische Zeitung, 91
WOOD, query concerning, 482
Wood, George, certificate of removal
of, 408
Wood, John, 68
Wood, Joseph, 46, 47, 61, 348
Wood, William, 47, 48
Woodbury, , 123
Woods, Col. , 250
Woods, Henry Ernest, 159
Woods Mount, Darby, 46
Wright, , 335
Wrightstoivn, 349
Wynne, Jonathan, 51
Wynne, Thomas, 47
Wyoming, conflict with Connecticut
settlers in, 296
Yardley, Thomas, 352
Yardley, William, 63 ; commissioned
justice of the peace for Bucks
County, 193, 194, 19o ; attends first
Monthly Meeting, 349; has differ-
ence with Eleanor Pownall, 349 ;
writes concerning difficulties occa-
sioned by Keith's separation, 350
Yardley's Ferry, 356
Yeardley, Samuel, 358
Yeates, Mrs. , 481
Yeates, Jasper, chairman of Committee
of Lancaster County, 402 ; letter
concerning gold watch for, 480
Yellow fever in Philadelphia, 230, 234
Yonkers, Joseph Galloway visits, 425
York County ordered to send militia
to camp at Chester, 269
York Road, 265
Yorktown, 39, 249
Young, Peter, 47
Zeitung, PhiladelpMsche, 91
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