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Vol. XXXI. 






Bebbers Township and the Dutch Patroons of Pennsylvania. 

Hon. Samuel W. Pennypacker, LL.D. .... 1 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge Philadelphia No. 2 of the 

Moderns. By Julius F. Sachse. (Illustrated.) . . .19 

The Historical Value of TrumbulFs "Declaration of Indepen- 
dence." By John H. Hazelton .30 

Letters and Documents from the "Clymer Papers" ... 43 

Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. By Louis Richards . 48 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. (Continued.) 

53, 176, 320 

' 'Account of Servants Bound and Assigned before James Hamil- 
ton, Mayor of Philadelphia." By Qeorge W. Neible. (Con- 
tinued.) 83, 195, 351, 461 

Joseph Andrews. By Mantle Fielding .... 103, 207 

Notes and Queries ...... 114, 239, 368, 491 

Book Notices . ..... , . . 125,256,383,511 

Facsimile of title-pages of two rare publications of Andrew Brad- 
ford (Frontispiece.) 

Some Extracts from the Papers of General Persifor Frazer. (Con- 
tinued.) 129, 311, 447 

John Jennings' ' 'Journal from Fort Pitt to Fort Chartres in the 

Illinois Country," March-April, 1766 . . . .145 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. By Oliver 

Hough. (Continued.) 157, 429 

Letters of Governor John Penn to Lady Juliana Penn, 1774 . 232 

The Twenty-eight Charges against the King in the Declaration of 

Independence. By Sydney George Fisher .... 257 

John Jennings' Journal at Fort Chartres and Trip to New 

Orleans, 1768 304 

The Bishop of London and Penn's Indian Policy. By Charles P. 

Keith. (Portrait.) .385 

"The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." By Hon. 

Samuel W. Pennypacker, LL.D. 393 

Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. Extracts from the 
Journal of Sergeant Thomas Sullivan of H. M. Forty-ninth 

Regiment of Foot 406 


iv Contents of Volume XXXI. 

Arctic Expeditions sent from the American Colonies. By Edwin 

Swift Balch . . 419 

Letters from the "Penn Papers" . ... . . 452 

Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. By Lothrop Withington . 474 

Letters of William Penn 483 

A History of Some Loans made to the United States during the 

Kevolution. By Herbert DuPuy ..... 486 

Officers of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania . . . 513 

Index 517 





VOL. XXXI. 1907. No. 1 





Since the publication of a Biography of Hendrick Panne- 
becker thirteen years ago, additional facts have come to light 
which give a broader significance to his life, and make him 
a more conspicuous, and almost a unique figure in the early 
history of the Province of Pennsylvania. Kesearch had dis- 
closed that he spoke three languages, Dutch, German, and 
English; that he wrote a conveyancer's hand and drew deeds; 
that he surveyed for the Penns' a number of their manors and 
laid out most of the early roads in Philadelphia County ; that 
he owned four thousand and twelve acres of land ; that he 
possessed a library of books, one of which in MS. has re- 
cently been secured by the Rev. A. Stapleton, and in it a 
contemporary theologian has written " Henrich Pannebecker 
habet virtuosem uxorem ; " that he was described in certain 

1 This paper has been prepared mainly from deeds and original docu- 
ments in my own possession, for some of the most important of which I 
am indebted to the thoughtful kindness of Mr. Franklin S. Reiff of 
Skippackville, Pa. 

VOL. XXXI. 1 (1) 

2 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

recorded instruments as a gentleman, and offended Henry 
Melchior Muhlenbergby his pride and sense of "important 
family connections ; " and that he was on terms of personal 
friendship with Edward Shippen, Israel Pemberton, Richard 
Hill, James Logan and Isaac Morris. It now appears that 
he became the head of an inland colony, and the proprietor 
of an extensive Township, since divided into two of the 
present townships of Montgomery County, with certain 
manorial privileges and at least a quasi jurisdiction over the 

On the 10th of March 1682 William Penn conveyed to 
Dirck Sipman of Crefeld five thousand acres of land in 
Pennsylvania, and on the llth of June, 1683, to Q-overt 
Remke, likewise of Crefeld, one thousand acres, upon the 
condition that a certain number of families were to be taken 
across the ocean to settle upon them. The arrangement 
was more than a sale of land, since it contained this pro- 
vision for a settlement, and when Sipman sold two hundred 
of his acres Aug. 16th, 1685, to Peter Schumacher, then in 
Rotterdam on his way from Kriegsheim in the Palatinate 
to Germantown, the purchaser agreed for "himself and his 
family to settle upon and dwell on the said two hundred 
acres of land", and to secure compliance he bound " his 
person and all his goods without reservation". It is plain 
from the letter of Pastorius of March 7th, 1684, that the 
Dutch and German immigrants who founded Germantown 
expected to receive their grant along a navigable stream, to 
have a little province of their own, free from the sway ot 
the English, or, as Penn described it, " a new Franckenland," 
and that promises to this effect had been made on his behalf 
by Benjamin Furly, his Rotterdam agent. Of the purchase 
of Sipman, five hundred and eighty-eight acres, and of the 
purchase of Remke, one hundred and sixty-one acres were 
located and surveyed in Germantown. By a deed in the 
Dutch language Jan. 14th, 1686, Remke sold his unlocated 
land to Sipman. By another deed in the Dutch language, 
Sipman sold his entire interest, including the lands of 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 3 

Remke, to Matthias Van Bebber, a Dutch merchant, who 
came to Germantown in 1687, son of Jacob Isaacs Van 
Bebber, one of the first Crefeld purchasers. 

The deed was irregular and was confirmed by the attorneys 
ot Sipman May 13, 1698. Van Bebber had the lands located 
upon the Skippack Creek, a branch of the Perkiomen, and 
the first stream of any importance met in going northwest- 
ward after leaving the Wissahickon. The tract was sup- 
posed to contain five thousand acres, but a more accurate 
survey showed that it included six thousand and one hun- 
dred and sixty-six acres, or nearly ten square miles. Van 
Bebber paid the difference in value to Penn, and secured a 
patent Feb. 22, 1702. It was described by rather perish- 
able marks as follows : 

''Beginning at a Hickory Sapling at the corner of Edward Lane's 
and, from thence by a line of marked trees northeast one thousand and 
forty four perches to a stake by a white oak marked from thence by 
a line of marked trees northwest nine hundred and eighty eight perches 
to a stake by a marked black oak thence southwest five hundred and 
thirty four perches to a stake in William Harmar's line thence by the 
said line eighty eight perches to a stake again by the said William Har- 
mar's land southwest five hundred and ten perches to a white oak by the 
corner of the said William Harmar's land, then southeast by the said 
Edward Lane's land nine hundred perches to the place of beginning." 

At the time of the issue of the patent, the tract was 
already called Bebber's Township, and it bore that name as 
late as the publication of Scull's map of the province in 1759. 
It covered substantially the same territory as is included 
within the two present townships of Skippack and Perkio- 
men. The patent gave to Van Bebber " all mines, minerals, 
quarries, meadows, marshes, swamps, cripples, savannahs, 
woods, underwood, timber and trees, ways, passages, waters, 
liberties, profits, commodities and appurtenances," the right 
to " Hawke, Hunt, Fish and Fowl," and to hold the lands 
" in free and common socage by fealty only." Van Bebber at 
once began the settlement of his Township and since it ex- 
tended across two considerable streams of water, and was 

4 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

further removed from English influence, he no doubt be- 
lieved that it would possess advantages over Germantown 
and prove to be more attractive to the Dutch and German 
incomers who had been disappointed in that location. In all 
probability he had had a previous understanding with 
Pannebecker, who, immediately after the grant, with his 
brother-in-law, Johannes Umstat, removed from German- 
town to the Skippack. Other settlers in 1702 were Johannes 
Kuster, Glaus Jansen, and Jan Krey. In 1704 came John 
Jacobs who founded one of the most influential of our colon- 
ial families. A grandson, Joseph Jacobs, a merchant in 
Philadelphia, was a signer of the non-importation resolutions 
of 1765, and Treasurer of the Association Library. His 
brother John was the last speaker of the assembly before 
the revolution, and of him Benjamin Rush reported that he 
had been in favor of a Republican form of government for 
twenty years before that time. Another brother, Ben- 
jamin, was a member of the Philadelphia County Commit- 
tee of Safety in 1775, and signed some of the Issues of 
Colonial Currency; a fourth brother, Israel, was a mem- 
ber from Pennsylvania of the second United States Con- 
gress; a sister Elizabeth married Col. Caleb Parry, killed 
at Long Island; and a sister Hannah married the famous 
astronomer and mechanician, David Rittenhouse. In 1706 
came John dewberry, Thomas Wiseman, Edward Beer, 
Dirck Renberg, William Renberg, together with Gerhard 
In de Hoffen and Herman In de Hoifen (De Haven) known 
of old in the Dutch books of Martyrology, and whose great 
tombstones, with their ancient inscriptions, give dignity to 
the Mennonite meeting house on the Skippack. They were 
followed in 1708 by Daniel Desmond, a name evidently 
French in origin, and now converted into Dismant, Johannes 
Scholl, some of whose descendants became manufacturers of 
iron and achieved distinction in the wars ; Christopher Zim- 
merman, Hermannus Kuster, one of my own forefathers in 
the sixth generation, who is said, with what truth I know 
not, to hark back to Peter Kuster, the martyr, and Lawrence 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 5 

Koster, the inventor of printing at Haerlem, and forward 
to Gen. George A. Ouster, killed on the plains ; and by Cor- 
nelius Dewees and William Dewees whose son, Col. Wm. 
Dewees, was Sheriif of the County, and owned a mill at 
Valley Forge which the British burned in 1777. In 1709 
came Andrew Strayer and three brothers from the village 
of Wolfaheim in the Palatinate, Martin Kolb, long a noted 
Mennonite preacher, Johannes Kolb, who owned a Dutch 
copy of Erasmus, and Jacob Kolb, later killed by a cider 
press; in 1716 Solomon Dubois from Ulster County, New 
York; and in 1727 Paul Fried. Ere long the settlement on 
the Skippack became known over the continent of Europe. 
There are many references to it in the Geistliche Fama, the 
Biidingische Sammlung, Fresenius Nachrichten, the Hal- 
lesche Nachrichten, and similar publications. A pamphlet 
published in Holland in 1731, giving information concern- 
ing " De Colonie en Kerke van Pensylvanien" is confined 
almost exclusively to affairs on the Skippack. When George 
Whitefield came to America he did not go to the ^Chester 
valley, or to the Susquehanna, but he did preach at Skip- 
pack. The Skippack road, laid out in 1713 to the Settle- 
ment, and a few years later extended four miles further to 
Pennypacker's Mills on the Perkiomen, became one of the 
three main thoroughfares to Philadelphia, over which a part 
of Braddock's army marched, going westward in 1755, and 
the Continental army marched under Washington, going 
eastward in 1777. 

Van Bebber never lived in his Township, but in 1704 
moved from Philadelphia to Bohemia Manor, Maryland, 
where he died in 1739, owning a part of the manor and 
many lands, and leaving a large family, the later members 
of which became distinguished in the life of Delaware, Mary- 
land, and the West. The name has been introduced into 
modern literature by Richard Harding Davis. The repre- 
sentative of Van Bebber in the settlement and the man of 
affairs among its people, laying out their roads, survey- 
ing their lands, supervising their real estate transactions, 


6 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

drawing their deeds, and* taking charge of such matters as 
brought them into relations with the Province and other 
communities was Pannebecker. An examination of the 
deeds which have been saved from the maw of time almost 
invariably shows his participation in the arrangements 
made between the parties, and, in most instances, he ap- 
pears as a witness. In the deed from Yan Bebber and Her- 
mana his wife to Johannes Fried, April 8, 1724, for 123 
acres now in my possession, they describe Pannebecker 
as their attorney with power and authority to deliver seisin 
of the land, and it is altogether probable from the absence 
of Yan Bebber, the necessity for some personal direction of 
affairs and the prompt movement of Pannebecker after the 
patent had been secured, that some such relation had existed 
from the beginning. 

The people of Skippack, June 2, 1713, presented a peti- 
tion to the county court saying that " pretty many families 
are already settled and probably not a few more to settle" 
in that region, but that no road had yet been laid out, that 
" what paths have been hitherto used are only upon suffrance 
and liable to be fenced up" and asking that a road or cart 
way be established " from the upper end of said Township 
down to the Wide Marsh or Farmer's Mill." Favorable 
action was taken resulting in the laying out of the Skip- 
pack Road, the surveys for which there is reason to believe 
Pannebecker made. He was one of the signers of the 

On the 8th of June, 1717, Yan Bebber and his wife, in 
consideration of " the true love and singular affection he the 
said Matthias Yan Bebber bears to them and all theirs," 
conveyed one hundred acres of land to Henry Sellen, Glaus 
Jansen, Henry Kolb, Martin Kolb, Jacob Kolb, Michael 
Ziegler and Hermannus Kuster, reserving an annual rental 
ot one shilling and four pence to hold to them " the surviv- 
ors and survivor of them and to the heirs and assigns ot 
the said survivors or survivor for ever" upon the trust 
that " it shall be lawful for all and every the inhabitants of 

Bebber's Township andjthe Dutch Patroons. 7 

the aboves'd Bebbers Township to build a school house, 
and fence in a sufficient Burying place upon the herein 
granted one hundred acres of land there to have their chil- 
dren and those of their respective families taught and in- 
structed, and to bury their dead." So far as I know these 
provisions are without precedent in our annals, and have 
never been followed elsewhere. There are many instances 
where men have given lands and money for the support of 
some church, or philanthropic scheme, with which they have 
been associated or in which they were interested, but the 
recognition of a duty to provide for the education of all ot 
the children of a township and the burial of all of the dead, 
and that for all time, the setting apart of so large a do- 
main as one hundred acres, for the purpose, and the expres- 
sion of his affection for them, are not at all characteristic of 
a mere sale of lands, but indicate the patroonship or over- 
lordship of the extensive Dutch grants, like that of Van 
Rensselaer at Albany, accompanied by a sense of obligation 
to see that the needs of the people are anticipated. The 
deed was written by Pastorius and witnessed by Panne- 
becker. Since the two parties and the other witness, Isaac 
Van Bebber, were all then living at Bohemia Manor, it is 
probable that he took the deed there to be executed. 

The trust so established led to consequences which in one 
respect at least were more important than could have been 
foreseen. The School was conducted by Christopher Dock 
" the pious Schoolmaster on the Skippack," whose memory I 
some years ago revived, and who has since been written about 
by Edward Eggleston, Martin G. Brumbaugh and become 
famous ; and it was here in 1750 that he wrote the earliest 
American essay upon Pedagogy and in 1764 upon Etiquette. 

All of the trustees were members of the Mennonite 
Church and their selection was due no doubt to the fact 
that the greater number of the settlers belonged to that 
sect, and that the affiliations of Van Bebber were with it. 
Eight years later, March 30th, 1725, they, being then all 
still living, executed a declaration of trust, brought about 

8 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

doubtless by the determination to build a meeting house, 
which purpose was that year accomplished. This declara- 
tion set forth : 

"Which s'd land & premisses were so as afores'd convey' d unto us 
by the direction and appointment of the Inhabitants of Bebberstownship 
afores'd belonging to the meeting of the people Called Menonists (alias 
Menisten) & the above recited deed poll was so made or Intended to us 
in trust to the Intend only that we or such or so many of us as shall 
be & Continue in unity & religious fellowship with the s'd people & 
remain members of the s'd meeting of the Menonists (alias Menisten) 
whereunto we now do belong should stand & be seized of the s'd land 
& premisses in & by the s'd deed poll granted To the uses & Intendi 
hereinafter mentioned & declared & under the Conditions provisos & 
Restrictions hereinafter limitted & expressed & to no other use Intend 
or purpose whatsoever, that is to say For the benifit use & behoof of 
the poor of the s'd people called Menonists (alias Menisten) in Bebbers- 
township afores'd forever And for a place to Erect a meeting house for 
the use & Service of the s'd people, & for a place to bury their dead, 
as also for all & every the Inhabitants of the s'd Bebberstownship to 
build a school house & fence in a sufficient burying place upon the s'd 
one hundred acres of land there to have their Children & those of their 
respective families taught & Instructed & to bury their dead Provided 
always that neither we nor any of us nor any other person or persons 
Succeeding us in this trust who shall be declared by the members of the 
s'd meeting for the time being to be out of unity with them shall be 
Capable to Execute this trust while we or they shall so remain But 
that in all such cases as also when any of us or others Succeeding us in 
the trust afores'd shall hapen to depart this life then it shall & may 
be lawfull to & for the members of the s'd meeting as often as ocasion 
shall require to make Choice of others to mannage & execute the s'd 
trust instead of such as shall so fall away or be deceased. And upon 
this further trust & Confidence that we & the Survivor of us & the heirs 
of such survivor should upon the request of the members of the s'd 
meeting either assign over the s'd trust or Convey & Settle the s'd one 
hundred acres of land & premises to such person or persons as the 
members of the s'd meeting shall order or appoint To & For the uses 
Intends & Services afores'd Now Know Ye that we the s'd Henry Sel- 
len, Glaus Jansen, Henry Kolb, Martin Kolb, Jacob Kolb, Michael 
Ziegler & Hermanus Kuster do hereby acknowledge that we are nomin- 
ated in the s'd recited deed poll by & on the behalf of the s'd people 
called Menonisten (alias Menisten) and that we are therein trusted only 
by & for the members of the s'd meeting and that we do not claim to 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 9 

have any right or Intrest in the s'd Land and premises or any part 
thereof to our own use & benifit." 

By this declaration the trustees endeavored, while main- 
taining the original trust of providing for the education of 
the children of all the inhabitants of the township, and for 
the burying of their dead, to so extend its purposes that the 
land should be held for the benefit of the poor of the Men- 
nonites, and for the erection of a meeting house for the 
people of that sect, and, on the other hand to so restrict it, 
that only members in good standing in this meeting could 
act as trustees. They also make the statement that their 
selection was due to a nomination made by the members of 
the meeting. It is plain they were acting under the guidance 
of some one more or less familiar with the forms of con- 
veyancing, but unacquainted with the principles of the law. 
The deed shows the characteristic peculiarities of the hand- 
writing of Pannebecker. For many years Pastorius used a 
seal with the device of a Sheep above which were his initials 
U F. D. P." He had been dead seven years. His seal, how- 
ever, was used upon this declaration seven times, and like- 
wise upon the deed to Johannes Fried before referred to in 
1724, which indicates that it was at that time in the posses- 
sion of some one living in Skippack. It could be no other 
than Pannebecker, and this leads to the query as to whether 
or not he had secured the forms and other paraphernalia of 
Pastorius after the death of the "Pennsylvania Pilgrim." 
The witnesses were Hans George Reiff, a member of the 
German Reformed Church, who wrote a neat signature, and 
Antonius Heilman, a Lutheran living at the Trappe. 
Whether this selection of witnesses was the result of chance 
alone, or had some purpose, it is impossible to determine. 

In the deed of 1717 from Van Bebber there was a reser- 
vation of an annual rent of one shilling and four pence 
" current silver money of Pensilvania " to be paid to him 
and his heirs on the first day of each March for ever. It is 
evident that this reservation was not intended in any sense 

10 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

as the consideration for* the conveyance or any part of it. 
The consideration is fully stated. It was customary in the 
proprietary deeds of the time to reserve the payment of a 
modicum of corn, wheat, roses, money, or other tangible 
thing, in recognition of the fealty due to the lord of the fee, 
and in retention of the idea of the duty of service which was 
incident to the feudal system. This thought, insisted upon 
by Van Bebber, as something owed to him and conceded by 
his purchasers, will be found in all of his deeds, and it is 
further evidence that his relation to the people of this settle- 
ment was considered by him and them to be that of a 
Patroon as well as a vendor. It was regarded as so impor- 
tant that it was expressed even in a gift to the Trustees of a 
charity. On the 17th of June, 1737, two years before his 
death, Van Bebber executed to six of the trustees, Jacob 
Kolb being then dead, a release of his annual rent to the 
extent of "six pence sterling for fifty acres of the within 
specified or mentioned land, the other fifty acres being for 
the use and benefit of the Dutch Baptist Society, being 
excepted, reserved and foreprized together with the pro- 
portionable part of the yearly Quitrent accruing to the Chief 
Lord of the Fee." This language is somewhat obscure, but 
it shows that the reservation was to the lord of the fee, there 
being likewise a quitrent to Penn, the Chief Lord of the Fee. 
The amount was of so little importance that the four pence 
were forgotten entirely. The lands have ever since been 
retained and still belong to the Mennonite meeting, so 
early and well endowed, and the venerable place with its im- 
portant associations and hallowed graveyard deserves more 
attention than it has hitherto of recent years received. The 
Dutch Bible used in the meeting house is still in existence. 
By order of the Court of Quarter Sessions of Philadelphia 
County, upon petition of the residents, the township was 
regularly laid out and surveyed in 1725 and given the 
name of "Skippack and Perkiomen," and thereafter the 
earlier name of Bebber began to fade and disappear into 
the distance. The effort was made, under the direction of 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 11 

Pannebecker, who secured the signatures to the petition, and 
gave his assistance to those who were unable to write. The 
names attached to the petition are Klas Jansen, Johan 
Urastat, Peter Bon, Henry Pannebecker, Hermanns Kuster, 
Paulus Frid, Johannes van Fossen, Johannes Friedt, Hans 
Tetweiller, Jacob Scheimer, Paul Friedt, Willem Weirman, 
Nicholas H st, Henrich Kolb, Martin Kolb, Jacob Kolb, 
Jacob Merckley, Arnold van Fossen, Isaac Dubois, Huppert 
Kassel, John Pawling, John Jacobs, Richard Jacob, Michael 
Ziegler, Christoph Dock, Hans Yolweiller, Valentin Hun- 
sicker, Richard Gobel, Matthias Teissen, Arnold Van 
Vossen, Jacob Op de Graff, George Merckle, Daniel Dees- 
mont, and Peter Jansen. 

In the spring of 1728, horrid war raised its grisly front 
almost in the midst of this scene of quiet and peace, caus- 
ing untold agitation throughout the settlement, and terror 
to the inhabitants. During the month of April, there were 
repeated rumors of threatened attacks by bodies of hostile 
Indians. On the 29th a communication was sent to Phila- 
delphia to Governor Patrick Gordon, signed by a number 
of people living on what was then the frontier, mostly 
Germans and Welsh, informing him " That the Indians are 
Consulting against us;" that the people were so disturbed 
that " Several Families have left their Plantations with 
what Effects they could possibly carry away Women in 
Childbed being forced to Expose themselves to the Coldness 
of ye air whereby their lives are in Danger;" and asking 
him to take such measures with respect to the situation that 
they might be freed from these alarms. This warning does 
not appear to have aroused the Governor to the necessity 
for action. A few days later eleven Indians in their war 
paint, fully armed, and under the command of a " Spanish 
Indian," appeared only five miles beyond the borders of 
Bebber's Township, and, going from house to house, com- 
pelled the people to supply them with victuals and drink. 
Twenty men gathered together for defence, some of them 
armed with guns, and some with swords, started in pursuit 

12 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

of the Indians, and, overtaking them, sent two of their 
number to parley with the leader. He refused to receive 
the messengers and, raising a sword, ordered his braves to 
fire. They obeyed, and two of the settlers were wounded. 
The latter returned the fire, the doughty Spanish Indian 
was hit and fell, but arising, " run into the Woods after his 
Party, having left his Gun and Match Coat behind him." 
As was to be expected, the affair was much exaggerated. 
It was widely reported that there was a general uprising of 
the savages, that this band was only the advance guard of 
the host with which the forests were filled, and that already 
several of the German settlers at Tulpehocken and else- 
where had been killed. The whole country was aroused, 
and in a state of commotion. The waters of the Skippack 
and the Perkiomen seemed to take a tinge of red and to 
murmur of disaster. 

There was living at that time on the east side of the 
easternmost of the three roads Avhich ran northwestward 
from Philadelphia through Philadelphia, now Montgomery 
County, near where the road crossed the Skippack creek, 
and three or four miles further up the stream than Panne- 
becker, a man named John Roberts, who was evidently 
thrown into a .state of mental excitement by the stirring 
events occurring around him. On the tenth of May he 
wrote a petition to the Governor. It is headed "Van 
Bebbers Township and ye Adjacencies Belonging," and 
proceeds : 

" We think It fit to address your Excellency for Relief 
for your Excellency must Know That we have Sufered and 
Is Like to Safer By the Ingians they have fell upon ye 
Back Inhabitors about falkner's Swamp & New Coshahopin. 
Therefore We the humble Petitioners With our poor Wives 
and Children Do humbly beg of your Excellency To Take 
It into Consideration and Relieve us the Petitioners hereot 
whos Lives Lies at Stake with us and our Poor Wives 
& Children that Is more to us than Life." 

The first signature to the paper is that of John Roberts, 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 13 

the second John Pawling, who lived on the east bank of 
the Perkiomen about a mile below Pennypacker's Mills, 
and was a warden of St. James Episcopal Church, the third 
Hendrick Pannebecker, the fourth William Lane, who gave 
forty acres of glebe land still retained, to that church, and 
then follow: 

John Jacobs, Isaac Dubois, Israel Morris, Benjamin Fry, 
Jacob Op den Graeff, Johannes Scholl, Richard Adams, 
George Poger, Adam Sellen, Dielman Kolb, Martin Kolb, 
Gabriel Shouler, Anthony Halman, John Isaac Klein, Hans 
Detweiler, William Bitts, Heinrich Ruth, Hupert Kassel, 
Henry Teutlinger, Christian Weber, Gerhard In de Hoffen, 
Lorentz Bingaman, Richard Jacob, Hermannus Kuster, 
Peter Bun, Jacob Engers, Hans Weierman, Conrad Custer, 
Jacob Marieke, Christian Neuswanger, Conrad Reiff, Jacob 
Kolb, Hans Ulrich Bergey, John Myer, Henrich Kolb, John 
Fried, Paul Fried, William Smith, Peter Rambo, David 
Young, Christopher Schmidt, Garrett Clemens, Johannes 
Reichardt, Matthias Tyson, Peter Johnson, Hans Joest 
Heijt, Christian Allebach, Hans Reiff, Daniel Stauffer, 
Abraham Schwartz, Johann Valentine Kratz, John Johnson, 
Ulrich Heffelfinger, Nicholas Haldeman, Michael Ziegler, 
Christian Stoner, Johannes Garber, John Haldeman, Claus 
Jansen, Nicholas Hicks, Johannes Leisher, Jacob Sheimer, 
Michael Krause, Peter Reiff, George Reiff, George Meyer, 
Bastian Smith, Edward In de Hoffen, Christian Kroll, Jacob 
Grater, Jacob Stauffer, Henry Stauffer and Paul Fried Jr. 1 

Forty-four of these seventy-seven names were written by 
Roberts himself, and it is probably a fairly complete list of 
the residents at that time. 

A man upon horseback rode " with speed " into Philadel- 
phia, bearing this pathetic message to the Governor, who 
the same day, accompanied by Andrew Hamilton and 
several others, hastened to Manatawny, where he remained 

1 This petition in the Pennsylvania Archives Vol. I. is given a mis- 
taken heading and misprinted. 

14 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

until the 14th. He found the country in very great dis- 
order, many of the houses deserted, a number of Ger- 
mans "gathered together at a mill 1 near New Hanover 
Township in order to defend themselves," and a man 
who had been " wounded in the Belly." An angry feel- 
ing was rife, indicating a purpose to kill whatever Indians 
could be found. He issued a commission to John Paw- 
ling of Bebber's Township, Marcus Huling and Mordecai 
Lincoln, ancestor of the President, authorizing these persons 
to organize the settlers for defence and protection, and he 
distributed some powder and lead among them. The 
hostile Indians were a band of Shawanese on their way, as 
their chief afterward alleged, to aid the Delawares in a war 
with the Flatfeet. Altogether five of the settlers and several 
of the Indians had been wounded more or less seriously, 
but notwithstanding the wild rumors, none were killed. It 
is interesting as the only engagement with the savages 
which ever occurred in the vicinity of Philadelphia. 

For twenty-five years, from 1702 to 1727, the settlement 
had grown in size and importance with Van Bebber far 
away at Bohemia Manor, and Pannebecker living on the 
Bkippack, acting as his attorney, and representing those 
interests of the community which arose in the course of its 
gradual but steady development. Now Van Bebber was 
getting old, the cares of life were becoming more of a 
burden, and a great change, interesting to the individuals 
concerned, and important to the settlement, was impending. 
At that time there was living in Pennsylvania, a young mer- 
chant from Holland, a member of the Assembly, whose 
family were of theological, literary, and social conse- 
quence in Europe, named, Lodowick Christian Sprogell, 
born at Quedlinburg, July 16, 1683. His father was an 
eminent divine and author who presided over the Seminary 

1 The only mills then in existence which could possibly have been 
meant were Meyer's, Yelger's, Zimmerman's, Boone's, Maak's, Welker's, 
and Penny packer's, the last then owned by Hans Joest Heijt, and of 
these the three first were in Hanover, and not near it. 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 15 

at Quedlinburg ; his mother Susanna Margaretta Wagner 
was the only daughter of the noted composer of music 
Michael Wagner; his sister Anna Maria married Godfried 
Arnold who wrote the most valuable church history 
of his time, still recognized and studied as an author- 
ity; his brother John Henry Sprogell recovered in an eject- 
ment suit against Pastorius the lands of Germantown and 
Manatawny, and brought from Berlin miners to mine the 
first copper found in Pennsylvania, and when he was bap- 
tized at Quedlinburg his sponsors were Herr Jacoby Nich- 
olas, the pastor, Anna Maria, Countess of Hesse, and Angel- 
ica, Princess of Anhalt. Sprogell and Pannebecker con- 
ceived together the great scheme of getting control and 
possession of Bebber's Township, and their efforts resulted 
in success. On the 7th of July, 1727, Van Bebber conveyed 
to Sprogell alone, though with knowledge that it was in the 
interest of both " all the remaining part of the s'd six thou- 
sand one hundred and sixty six acres of land which was 
unsold and not conveyed by the s'd Matthias Van Bebber 
at the date of the s'd Lease and Release together with the 
appurtenances excepting one hundred and twenty acres of 
land in the s'd Release reserved". 

How often the anticipations of men, even those which 
seem to rest on the surest foundations, are blighted and 
come to naught. For Sprogell it proved to be a brief owner- 
ship and a short season of importance. Ere two years had 
gone by, on the fifth of June, 1729, he was dead. Another 
period of two years rolled along, and then, November 17th, 
1731, Catharina Sprogell, the widow, and John Lodowick 
Sprogell and Susanna Catharina Sprogell, the children, con- 
veyed to Hendrick Pannebecker of Bebber's township, recit- 
ing the deed from Yan Bebber " all the Remaining part of 
the s'd Tract of land herein above described which now 
Remains unsold & not Conveyed by the s'd Matthias Yan 
Bebber or the s'd Lodwig Christian Sprogel excepting the 
one hundred & twenty acres of land in the s'd Release 
Reserved" and all of the interest inherited by them. Neither 


16 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

of these two deeds have any reference to the number of 
acres transferred. They conveyed a Township subject to 
such rights as had become vested in other prior purchasers. 
The sales which up to that time had been made so far as 
they have been ascertained by my own investigations and 
those of James Y. Heckler, the local historian who wrote 
upon the subject, were as follows : 

Hendrick Pannebecker . . . 404 acres 

Johannes Umstat 204 " 

Dirck & William Kenberg . . 300 " 
Gerhard & Herman In de Hoffen 440 " 

Gerhard Clemens 100 " 

The Mennonite Meeting . . . 100 u 

Andrew Schrayer 100 " 

Glaus Jansen 306 " 

Daniel Desmond 150 u 

Johannes Kolb 150 " 

Solomon Dubois 500 " 

JohnKrey 306 " 

Johannes Fried 123 " 

Reserved 120 " 

3303 acres 

As might have been expected there was some friction. 
Where people have through a long time become accustomed 
to the conditions surrounding them radical changes always 
result in a feeling of annoyance. There must have been 
some contention and disturbance, some dissatisfaction with 
the new order of things, some unhappy feeling engendered 
by the new proprietorship, but what it was, and what was 
the cause of it, and to what extent it proceeded, we do not 
know and probably never shall know. However, nearly a 
year afterward, Van Bebber issued this proclamation to the 
people : 

' ' To all Persons in Bebbers Township who have bought formerly of 
me M. Bebber Any Land in s'd Township Know Yea That on the 7 th 
day of July 1727 I sold & Convayed unto L. C. Sprogel all the Land 

Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 17 

that I had Leaft unsold at that Time in s'd Township & whereas s'd 
Land was Convayed to s'd Sprogel notwithstanding that all the unsold 
Land was Convayed to s'd Sprogel yet ye True Meaning & Agreem* 
was that Henry Pannebecker was to have a Share of s'd Land he paying 
his Share also of Ye Consideration into s'd Van Bebber. Now Know 
Yea that my desire & will is for every of you to Injoy all which I Sold 
& Convayed unto you and No More & that ye Rest the Said Henry 
Pannebeckers May Injoy according his Deed of Sprogell's heires having 
Date ye 7 th of 9 mo Ao. 1731 & that without Quarling or hinderance. 
Given under my hand the 22 nd 8 br 1732 


Upon the back of this impressive document Pannebecker 
has written " Matthias van Bebber's deseier and will too the 
peopel." It was folded so as to make a long and narrow 
slip, and the back is rubbed and soiled, showing that he 
carried it about with him, probably in a leather wallet, for 
months, in order that it might be exhibited to all interested. 
Its tone of paternal authority, lingering after all rights of 
property had been abandoned, is quite manifest. 

At last Pannebecker had reached the foremost position 
in a movement with which he had been connected for thirty 
years, had become the head of a Settlement and the sole 
proprietor of a great Township. He owned many other 
acres elsewhere, on the branches of the Perkiomen, in 
Salford, the site of the present Harleysville, and in Hanover, 
but none which had the same importance or could have 
given the same satisfaction. He was now fifty-eight years 
of age, and this step may be said to have been the culmina- 
tion of the efforts of a life. For some unexplained reason 
neither Van Bebber nor Sprogell had provided for the quit 
rents due to the Proprietaries. The account books of the 
Penns' show that 4 mo. 20, 1735 Pannebecker paid these 
rents upon " 6166 As Bebber's Township 83 years in full 
15 5s 3d" and that six years later, May 22, 1741, he paid 
in full a balance due for the intervening period of 10. 15s 
Id. These entries make it plain that Pannebecker had 
assumed the relation of Van Bebber toward the Township 
VOL. xxxi 2 

18 Bebber's Township and the Dutch Patroons. 

along with its responsibilities l He gave of his lands to each 
of five sons, and they all became millers, almost the only occu- 
pation in which at that early day, in a rural community, 
capital could be invested at a profit. The sale by one of his 
sons of a bushel of " Deer's hair " gives a bit of color to the 
picture. He made surveys for the Proprietors and individ- 
uals and trained a grandson named for him, Henry Vander- 
slice, afterwards sheriff of Berks County, in 1768, to succeed 
him. He shipped flour to Philadelphia to the Penns'. 
His teamster, Abraham Yungling, drove to the recently 
erected furnaces and forges in Philadelphia, Chester and 
Berks Counties at Colebrookdale, Pine Forge, Pool Forge, 
Warwick Furnace, Coventry Forge, and Reading Fur- 
nace, and hauled the iron, one ton at a time, to the 
Philadelphia merchants. He drank his wine, I am sorry to 
say occasionally his rum, and, according to Muhlenberg, 
who had been frowned upon as a carpet bagger (Neulander), 
he was fond of them. He was engaged in at least five 
lawsuits. He read his Bible, printed at Heidelberg in 
1568, and his other books of mystical theology and what 
not, and generously, though unwisely, loaned of his store 
to his neighbors. Another quarter of a century rolled 
away, and one morning the 4th of April 1754, he fell over 
dead at the ripe old age of eighty years and two weeks, and 
thus fitly ended the career of the last of the Dutch Pa- 
troons in Pennsylvania. 

1 With the first "payment Jacob Kolb appears to have had something 
to do. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 19 


Compiled from the original Records by Julius F. Sachse. 

, On September 23, 1743, the Right Honorable John 
Ward, Grand Master of England, nominated Thomas 
Oxnard, of Boston, Provincial Grand Master (as was 
supposed at the time), of all Forth America, who on the 
tenth of July, 1749, appointed Benjamin Franklin, Provin- 
cial Grand Master of Pennsylvania, with authority to 
appoint other Grand Officers, hold a Grand Lodge, issue 
warrants, etc. 

On the fifth of September, 1749, the first Grand Lodge 
under this warrant was held at the house of Brother Henry 
Pratt, known as the " Royal Standard," on Market Street 
near Second, Grand Master Franklin having appointed Dr. 
Thomas Bond, Deputy Grand Master ; Joseph Shippen, P. 
G. M., Senior Grand Warden; Philip Syng, P. G. M., 
Junior Grand Warden; William Plumstead, P. G. M., 
Grand Treasurer ; and Daniel Byles, Grand Secretary. 

Among the important actions taken by this Grand Lodge, 
was the granting of a warrant for a new Lodge, which for 
a time was known as the " First Lodge," as its charter was 
the first to be granted under the new regime in Pennsyl- 
vania. Franklin's term, however, as Provincial Grand Mas- 
ter, under the Oxnard dispensation was of short duration, 
as at the Communication of the Grand Lodge, held March 
13, 1750, William Allen, Esq., then the Recorder of the 
City of Philadelphia, presented to the Grand Lodge a 
Commission direct from the Grand Master of All England, 
appointing him Provincial Grand Master of Pennsylvania, 
which was at once recognized. 



Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 

Henceforth our new lodge assumed its proper place in 
the roster as No. 2; St. John's Lodge being No. 1, and the 
Tun Tavern Lodge No. 3, all holding their meetings in the 
Freemason's Lodge in Lodge alley. 

The Treasurer's Ledger of this old Provincial Lodge has 
lately been found among the Archives at the Masonic 
Temple in Philadelphia, giving the names of the members 
and their financial standing, together with the general 
finances of the Lodge. The entries begin on St. John's day, 
December 27, 1749, and end with December 27, 1763. 

A careful transcript has been made of the names of the 
various members as they appear upon the yellowed pages; 
together with their Masonic record, and where no record is 
given, it is taken for granted that they were original or 
charter members. 

Arnold, George 

Austall, Robert Elected 

Appoen, Samuel 
Alii cock, Joseph 
Adlam, Joseph 
Anderson, William 
Allen, William 
Anderson, Ephriam 
Ayers, William 
Allen, John Holder 

Made a Mason Feby. 13, 1750. 

Jany. 31, 1750/1, Died before 

Made a Mason April 20, 1755. 

" " " Dec. 1755. 

" " " March 1, 1757. 

" " May 28, 1759. 

" " " April 25, 1763. 

a a 

" June 1, 1763. 
Dec. 3, 1762, 

Bartholemew, Austin Admitted a Member April 9, 1759. 

Ball, William Made a Mason Jany. 9, 1750/1. 

Blair, James 

Benning, William 

Bowman, Ephriam 

Bayly, John 

Barries, William 

Brozer, Nicholas " 

Brewster, John 

June 24, 1752. 

July 31, 1754. 
June 24, 1754. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 


Brice, Thomas 
Black, Robert 
Biddle, James 
Bedford, Thomas 
Brown, Joseph 
Bayard, James 
Bradford, Cornelius 
Bevan, George 
Barns, William 
Burrows, John 
Billinge, James 
Berry, John 
Brown, Henry 
Burt, Thomas 
Budden, William 
Brickland, Philip 
Bevan, Davis 
Banks, Richard 
Burk, Thomas 
Bishop, John 
Barns, William 
Boyer, Jacob 
Bonnin, Gouse 
Biddle, Edward 
Backhouse, Richard 
Bridges, Capt George 
Bonham, Ephraim 

Raised to third degree Dec. 16, 1754. 
Made a Member July 14, 1755. 
Passed to second Degree May 31, 1756. 
Made a Mason July 6, 1756. 
" JSTov. 29, 1756. 
Passed to Second degree April 15, 1757. 
Made a Mason June 27, 1757. 
" " Dec. 26, 1757. 

" " " March 13, 1758. 
" " " Feby. 26, 1759. 
" " " " 28, 1759. 
Dec. 31, 1759. 
Passed to second degree Jany. 9, 1760. 
Made a Mason Feby. 5, 1760. 
" " Nov. 24, 1760. 
" Dec. 29, 1760. 
" " " Oct. 20, 1761. 
" " " Dec. 1, 1761. 
" " " Feby. 9, 1762. 
Admitted Jany. 30, 1758. 
Made a Mason June 4, 1762. 
" " " June 16, 1762. 
" " March 29, 1763. 
April 29, 1763. 
Sept, 26, 1763. 

Bayard, John Passed to second Degree April 25, 1757. 

Clamper, W m 
Craig (Crage), W m 
Cotton, John 
Copeland, Jonathan 
Cowman, Dr Atwood 
Carpenter, Jasper 
Clarkson, John Esq. 
Campbell, W m 

Made a Member Sept. 26, 1750. 

" " " Dec. 17, 1754. 

Raised to 3 d Degree Dec. 16, 1754. 

Made a Mason Oct. 18, 1755. 

Raised to Master Oct. 25, 1756. 

Made a Mason March 14, 1757. 

" " April 11, 1757. 

u a April 11, 1757. 


Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 

Chancellor, Samuel 
Clark, John 
Carson, Robert 
Clarkson, Gerardus 
Call, Ebenezer 
Coleman, Jacob 
Cronwell, Thomas 
Clutz, Lewis 
Clerk, Robert 
Craighead, George 
Corse, Isaac 
Clark, Jeremiah 
Clague, Edward 
Craig, Capt. James 
Clark, Thomas 

Made a Mason April 11, 1757. 

" " Sept. 19, 1757. 

u u Feby. 23, 1761. 

Made passed & raised Nov. 20, 1757. 

Made a Mason Sept. 14, 1758. 

" " " April 30, 1759. 

Passed to 2 Degree Sept. 11, 1759. 

Made a Mason Jany. 7, 1760. 

Passed to second degree Jany. 7, 1760. 

Admitted a Member April 28, 1760. 

Made a Member March 30, 1761. 

Made a Mason Nov. 13, 1760. 

Raised to 3 d degree Aug. 8, 1763. 

Made a Mason June 14, 1763. 

" " " June 27, 1763. 

Durham, Charles 
Dewees, Farmer 
Downer, John 
Dove, Thomas 
Dill, Solomon 
Donnell, Nathan 
Denny, William 
Davis, Samuel Dr. 
Dannills, George 
Dexter, Jarnes 
Dennis, Patrick 
Downer, John 

Made a Mason Dec. 3, 1762. 

" " " March 28, 1763. 

Passed to Fellow Craft June 28, 1762. 

Made a Mason Jany. 12, 1756. 

Made a Mason Aug. 28, 1754. 

Raised to Master July 26, 1756. 

Made a Mason Nov. 8, 1756. 

Raised to 3 d degree Dec. 27, 1756. 

" 3 d " Feby. 12, 1760. 

Made a Mason Dec. 19, 1760. 

April 9, 1761. 

Evans, Caleb Made a Mason in Extra Lodge Dec. 18, 1753. 
England, Daniel Made a Mason Dec. 26, 1753. 

Erenseller, Jacob 
Ent (End), Daniel 
Ellis, Joseph 
Edwards, John 
Eyres, "William 

July 11, 1757. 

Sept, 12, 1757. 

July 27, 1761. 

Jany. 31, 1763. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 


Fisher, Thomas December, 1749. 

Festus, Jacob Made a Mason Aug. 28, 1751. 

Faulkner, Nathaniel 

Fabre, Bartholomew Raised to third Degree Jany. 31, 1757. 
Fisher, Thomas (Carpenter) Passed to second Degree May 

30, 1757. 

Falconer, William Made a Mason July 27, 1761. 

Ford, John Admitted a Member Aug. 10, 1761. 

Forster, Henry Made a Mason Dec. 26, 1763. 

Guishard, Joseph 
Gr overs, Christopher 
Ghiselin, William 
Gerrard, William 
Gibbons, James 
Greenway, William 
Green way, Joseph 
Gignallet, John 
Gregory, Thomas 
Gibson, Capt. John 
Gass, John 
Gittens, Joshua 
Gray, Robert 
Gardner, Capt. William 


Goggin, Capt. John 
Griffith, Samuel 
Green, Samuel 

Hunt, Glover 
Hunlock, Bowman 
Harriss, William 
Hall, Richard 
Hughes, Caleb 
Hayes, William 
Hughes, John 
Hunter, Peter 

Made a Mason May 24, 1753. 

" " August, 1752. 
" " (1754?). 

Made a Member Nov. 20, 1754. 
" " Mason Dec 11, 1754. 
" " " Sept., 8, 1755. 
Raised to third Degree Sept. 26, 1757. 
Made a Mason Oct. 14, 1758. 
" " " Nov. 13, 1760. 
" " " July 27, 1761. 
" " " Jany. 25, 1762. 
" u " March 29, 1762. 
" " " March 29, 1762. 
" " " March 1, 1763. 
" " " July 25, 1763. 
" " " Nov. 26, 1759. 
" " " April 15, 1757. 

Raised to M. M. June 24, 1751. 

Made a Mason April 29, 1752. 

Aug. 28, 1754. 

" " Feby. 29, 1753. 

" " " Aug. 11, 1755. 

Sept. 8, 1755. 


Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 

Harding, James. Made a Mason July 12, 1756. 

Hatton, Peter " " u Nov. 8, 1756. 

Hassell, Samuel " " " Nov. 29, 1756. 

Hardie, Kobert " " " May 30, 1757. 

Hamilton, Alexander Eaised to third degree, Dec. 16,1757. 

Howard, Eobert Made a Mason Nov. 13, 1760. 

Harrison, Joseph (of the Jerseys) " 

Hodgson, Joseph 

Harrison, William " 

Hilborn, Miles 

Hill, John 

Howell, John Ladd " 

Howard, John " 

Harrison, Joseph " 

Howell, Abraham " 

Hog, Eichard 

Holaron, Lawrence " 

Jones, Doughty 
Janett, Thomas M o1 
Johnston, James 
Jenkins, George 
Joel, Thomas 
Jackson, William 
Johns, William 
Jago, Edward 

Knight, John 
Knight, Henry 
Kerne, Jacob 
Knight, Peter 
Kuhl, Mark 
Keen, Eeynold 
Knott, John 
Kidd, William 

























July 27, 1761. 

Oct. 30, 1761. 

Oct. 20, 1761. 
Jany. 31, 1763. 
Sept. 26, 1763. 
Sept. 26, 1763. 
Dec. 26, 1763. 
Aug. 29, 1763. 
Nov. 28, 1763. 
July 30, 1759. 

Oct. 10, 1759. 

Nov. 30, 1750. 


April 15, 1757. 

June 27, 1757. 

Dec. 31, 1759. 

Feby. 5, 1760. 
March 28, 1763 
April 24, 1758. 

Made a Mason Jany. 7, 1755. 

May 10, 1756. 
April 11, 1757, 
July 25, 1757. 
May 26, 1760. 
Dec. 27, 1760. 

1 See McJanett, Thomas. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 25 

Kennedy, Admitted a Member April 12, 1762. 

Kast, Martin Made a Mason June 4, 1762. 

Kerlin, William " " June 16, 1762. 

Kieft, Thomas " " " Jany. 10, 1763. 

Kinsey, Thomas " " " June 1, 1763. 

Leacock, John 
Leech, Joseph 

Leach, James Made a Mason June 24, 1754. 

Leach, Thomas " " " Dec 26, 1757. 

Lang, Samuel " " " Nov. 8, 1756. 

Lawrance,JSTathiel " " " Dec. 13, 1756. 

Lukens, John " " " Feby. 4, 1759. 

Lawson, John " " Oct. 14, 1758. 

Lukens, Daniel " " Feby. 26, 1759. 

Lone, James Passed to Second Degree Sep. 11, 1759. 

Lewis, John Made a Mason March 28, 1763. 

Lloyd, Kobert " " " June 1, 1763. 

McJanett, Thomas Passed to second Degree Feby. 12, 1751/2. 
Mathers, John 

McFarson, John Passed to Second Degree Feby. 27, 1750/1. 

Moore, William Made a Mason August 28, 1751. 
Monteigue, Samuel Made " Master & Member" Dec. 27, 1753. 

Mitchel, Joshua Made a Mason March, 1755. 

Morgan, Morris Made a Member Jany. 29, 1755. 

Moncreiff, John Initiated Nov. 29, 1756. 

Moore, John Raised to third Degree Dec. 3, 1756. 

Mellows, Philip Made a Mason June 21, 1755. 

Martin, George " " " Aug. 8, 1757. 

Meyrs, James " " " Oct. 14, 1758. 

Ming [Meng], Woolre " " " Dec. 25, 1758. 

Marsh, James. " " " Jany. 9, 1759. 

Milnor, Isaac Admitted a Member Jany. 9, 1759. 

Mease, James Made a Mason June 18, 1760. 

Maw, Crank Raised to third Degree April 29, 1760. 

Miller, Magnus Made a Mason Nov. 26, 1759. 


Roster of the Freemason's Lodge, 

Manning, John 
Moore, Allen, 
Mullan, Robert 
Meyer, Isaac 
McCullom, James 
Murphy, Francis 
McFun, William 
Mitchell, John 
McNeir, Andrew 
Marks, Levi 

Made a Mason Sept. 15, 1761. 

" Oct. 20, 1761. 

Admitted a Member March 29, 1762. 

Made a Mason June 4, 1762. 

" " " March 1, 1763. 
" March 29, 1763. 
" " April 25, 1763. 
Passed to Second Degree Nov. 21, 1755. 
Eaised to 3 d Degree June 14, 1762. 

McDowell, Alexander Made a Member March 31, 1755. 

Mcholson, George 
Nelms, Nathaniel 

Owen, George 
Osborn, Jonas 
Osborne, Samuel 
Ozeland, John 
Oldman, Samuel 
Ogden, William 

Poison, William 
Parker, Joseph 
Poole, William 
Parish, John 
Pain, Preston 
Perdue, Stephen 
Pines, John 
Patterson, Robert 
Pine, Benjamin 
Penrose, Joseph 
Phile, Frederick 
Powell, Thomas 
Philipson, William 
Price, William 
Place, William 

Admitted a Member Feby. 23, 1761. 
Made a Mason Sept, 17, 1761. 


Member prior to 1751. 

Passed to Second Degree Nov. 21, 1755. 

Made a Mason May 26, 1760. 

" " " June 14, 1763. 

" " Nov. 28, 1763. 

Made a Mason Aug. 28, 

" " " Sept. 25, 

Passed to Second degree April 25, 

Made a Mason Sept. 19, 

" " Sept. 27, 

Raised to third Degree Oct. 14, 

Made a Mason Nov. 27, 

" " " Jany. 9, 

" " " April 28, 



" " 
" " 

" Dec. 29, 1760. 

Dec. 29, 1760. 

" Sept. 17, 1761. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 27 

Philips, John jr. Made a Mason Dec. 1, 1761. 
Phipps, Thomas 

Price, John " " " April 26, 1762. 

Pratt, Mathew " " u March 28, 1768. 

Rouse, Emanuel 

Rice, William Made a Mason Nov. 30, 1750. 

Rawlinson, Robert " " " March 27, 1751. 

Redmond (Redman), Joseph " " Feby. 29, 1754. 
Roberson, Francis (Robbortson) Admitted F. C. March 14, 

1753. Raised June 24, 1753. 

Rowen, James Made a Member Sept. 25, 1754. 

Reese, John " " " Sept. 19, 1755. 

Ritchie, Peter Passed to Second Degree April 15, 1757. 
Russil, Nathaniel Made a Mason July 25, 1757. 

Reed, John " " " Jany. 9, 1769. 

Robinson, James " " " April 10, 1758. 

Robeson, Thomas " " " Feby. 5, 1760. 

Riche, John " " " Jany. 5, 1760. 

Rolfe, Captain John " " " March 30, 1761. 

Robeson, Edward Raised to 3 d Degree Sept. 17, 1761. 

Reading, Thomas Made a Mason March 29, 1762. 

Reynolds, David " " " June 25, 1759. 

Renton, James Admitted a Member June 14, 1762. 

Rudolph, Joseph Made a Mason Nov. 28, 1763. 

Skinner, Abram Dec. 27, gone to New York. 

Sheed, William 

Stillwaggon, John Made a Mason April 24, 1751. 

Shano, Isaac " " Aug. 14, 1751. 

Snider, Christian " Feby. 12, 1752. 

Smith, James " " Sept. 11, 1754. 

Salter, Elisha Made a Master and Member of this lodge Not 

Made a Mason in this lodge, June 26, 1754. 
Shute, William Made a Member Dec. 16, 1755. 

Shute, Samuel ." " Mason Sept, 29, 1755. 

Shute, John Passed to Second Degree April 15, 1757. 


Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 

Southcot, Richard Made a Mason June 13, 1757. 

Schryver, Elias " " " Aug. 8, 1757. 

Scott, Nathaniel " " " Au S- 8 > 175 ^ 

Sceaman, Richard Raised to third degree Sept. 26, 1757. 
Shannon (Sherman), Cornelius Made a Mason Sept. 14, 1758. 

Stevenson, George 
Stanley, William 
Smith, Samuel 
Sellers, William 
Stamper, Thomas 
Stakes, Benjamin 
Stevenson, Edmund 
Scull, Joseph 
Smith, John 

Jany. 9, 1760. 
Feby. 5, 1760. 
May 26, 1760. 
Nov. 24, 1760. 

" Nov. 26, 1759. 
Admitted a Member Feby. 23, 1761. 
Made a Mason Jany. 27, 1761. 
Made and passed Nov. 14, 1759. 
Made a Mason Sept. 17, 1761. 
Seyre, Henry Made a Mason & passed June, 30, 1761. 

Stevenson, James Made a Mason July 27, 1761. 

Sanderson, Robert 
Smith, William 
Shute, Barnaby 
Steel, James 
Shobl, Jacob 
Smith, David 

Townsend, Joseph 
Tanner, Benjamin 
Trump, Levi 
Taylor, Richard 

Oct. 1, 1761. 

Dec. 9, 1760. 

Feby. 9, 1762. 

Feby. 22, 1762. 

June 4, 1762. 

Made a Mason Sept. 29, 1755. 

" Aug. 8, 1757. 

Feby. 25, 1760. 

Admitted as a Member June 8, 1761. 

Van Bebber, Henry Made a Mason March 14, 1757. 

Van der Velden, Isaac " " " May 26, 1760. 

Vanlaer, Branson " " July 25, 1763. 

Viney, Jacob (Vining) Made a Member Jany. 9, 1750/1. 

Wooton, Thomas Spring 
Warner, Joseph 
Webster, Samuel 
Winder, Edmund 

Made a Mason June 14, 1763. 
previous to 1749. 

Roster of the Freemason's Lodge. 29 

Wineing, Jacob 

Walcot, How Eare Made a Mason Oct. 25, 1756. 

Walker, Richard " " " Feby. 14, 1757. 

Woulfe, John Raised to Master Mason March 14, 1757. 
Ward, Henry Made a Mason Aug. 29, 1757. 

Williams, John Admitted a Member April 16, 1758. 

Wells, John Made a Member Feby. 5, 1760. 

White, John " " Mason June 18, 1760. 

Watson, John " " " Jany. 27, 1761. 

Warner, John " Dec. 29, 1760. 

White, James Thomas Blanch Admitted a Member Nov. 9, 


West, Charles Made a Mason Oct. 30, 1761. 

Wingood, Samuel " Sept. 15, 1761. 

Witacre, Henry Jany. 25, 1762. 

Walsh, James " " " March 1, 1763. 

Whitebread, William jr. " April 29, 1763. 

Wharton, William May 30, 1763. 

Welder, Samuel Stainsbury Admitted July 11, 1763. 

30 TrumbuWs "Declaration of Independence." 



Probably no written instrument has received more con- 
sideration in histories or more often filled the thoughts of 
men than the Declaration of Independence. It is a part not 
only of the history of the United States but of the history of 
the world. It linked the Magna Charta with the Proclama- 
tion of Emancipation. 

It, indeed, " has grown so great " keeping pace almost 
in fame, one might say, with the Nation whose birth it 
heralded that now, when nearly 131 years have elapsed 
since its adoption, the most minute details of its history 
hold for us large significance and deep and lasting interest. 

We wonder what were the thoughts of Jefferson as he 
penned, at the home of Graff, in Philadelphia, his " Eough 
draught " of this immortal document. 

We wonder if, as he wrote, in the parlor of the - 2 d floor 
consisting of a parlour and bed room ready furnished " 
of this then " new brick house 3 stories high ", now demol- 
ished, at the Southwest corner of Seventh and Market 
'Streets, he realized what his work was to mean for ages yet 
unborn, and for himself? We wonder if he felt within him- 
self what Shakespeare must have felt when he wrote : 

Not marble, nor the gilded monuments 

Of princes, shall outlive this powerful rhyme ; . . . ? 

Perhaps Jefferson himself could not have told us. 

We know little other than that he was thirty-three years 
of age; that he was " here in the same uneasy anxious state 
I was last fall without mr's Jefferson who could not come 
with me "; that he had communicated to Dr. Gilmer, his 

TrumbuWs "Declaration of Independence" 31 

friend, and to Edmund Pendleton, President of the Con- 
vention of Virginia, his inclination to resign; that, just be- 
fore moving to Graffs, he had written to Thomas Nelson, 
Jr., also a Delegate to the Continental Congress, who was 
absent, in Virginia : " I am at present in our old lodgings, 
though I think, as the excessive heats of the city are com- 
ing on fast, to endeavour to get lodgings in the skirts of the 
town where I may have the benefit of the freely circulating 
air " ; that his landlord, where he wrote, was a newly mar- 
ried bricklayer of German descent ; that he dined usually 
at Smith's, the " new " City Tavern ; and that, on June 23d, 
he " p'd Graaf 2 weeks lodging etc 310 ", on the 25th, 
"p'd for a straw hat 10/", on the 27th, "p'd Byrne for 6 
weeks shaving and dressing 30/ ", and, on the 28th, " p'd 
m'rs Lovemore washing in full 39/9 ". 

His correspondence would seem to indicate that, at the 
time, he took much more pride and interest in the draft of 
a Constitution which he penned for his native Virginia, and 
which he can barely have completed when the committee 
of five to prepare the Declaration was chosen. 

We wonder what was said when he submitted his 
"Kough draught" to the aging Franklin, not long re- 
turned from Canada, who had been, since June 5th, and 
probably still was, kept " from Congress & Company al- 
most " by illness ; and we wonder what was said when he 
submitted it to John Adams, soon to be " the pillar of it's 
support on the floor of Congress, it's ablest advocate and 
defender against the multifarious assaults it encountered ", 
who, as well as Jefferson, was in Philadelphia without his 
wife, and who was " without a servant and a horse." 

We wonder why John Adams, in his own handwriting, 
made a copy of the " Rough draught " as submitted to him. 

It is not at all strange, therefore, that such a work as the 
" Declaration of Independence " by John Trumbull, pur- 
porting to depict in color the scene in " Independence 
Hall " and representing so much of the life-work of this son 
of " Brother Jonathan", Governor of Connecticut when the 

32 Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence. 1 ' 

instrument was adopted,*has attracted such wide attention, 
attention far in excess of that received ordinarily by even 
historical paintings. 

Whether or not this work of Trumbull is the highest 
form of art, or even whether or not it is the best of Trum- 
bull's art (as many believe), it will, we think, always have a 
place in the Nation's regard because of the subject, and 
because it contains authentic likenesses of so many of the 
members of this, to us, so important Continental Congress. 

It is these likenesses which must accredit the painting to 
the ages yet to be. 

Aside from them, and looking at the painting more par- 
ticularly as an accurate picture historically of the event 
which it seemingly portrays, much may, and perhaps ought 
to, be said. 

The original of the painting is now in the School of the 
Fine Arts of Yale University ; the larger painting in the 
rotunda of the Capitol, in Washington. With each is a key, 
showing who are represented. 

The larger painting (12x18 feet), mainly perhaps be- 
cause of its place of hanging, where thousands upon thou- 
sands annually see it, is the one more generally known. 

This was painted, by Trumbull, from the smaller painting. 

By a joint resolution of February 6, 1817, Congress 
authorized the President, James Madison, " to employ John 
Trumbull, of Connecticut, to compose and execute four 
paintings commemorative of the most important events of 
the American Revolution, to be placed, when finished, in 
the capital of the United States." 

Trumbull had written to Jefferson from New York under 
date of December 26, 1816 : 

Twenty-eight years have elapsed since, under the kind protection of 
your hospitable roof at Chaillot, I painted your portrait in my picture 
of the Declaration of Independance, the composition of which had been 
planned two years before in your library : the long succeeding period of 
War & Tumult palsied & suspended my work, and threw me, as you 
know into other pursuits . . . 

Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." 33 

The Government of the U. S. are restoring to more than their original 
Splendor the Buildings, devoted to National purposes, at Washington, 
which were barbarously sacrificed to the Rage of War [by the British, 
in 1814]. & I have thought this a proper opportunity to make my first 
application for public patronage & to request to be employed in decorat- 
ing the Walls of those Buildings with the paintings which have em- 
ployed so many years of my Life. 

The Declaration of Independance is finished Trenton Princeton & 
York Town which were long since finished & engraved I shall take 
them all with me to the Seat of Government, in a few days that I may 
not merely talk of what I will do, but show what I have done : and I 
hope it will be thought that the declaration of Independance with por- 
traits of those eminent Patriots & Statesmen who then laid the founda- 
tion of our Nation ; and the military pictures with portraits of those 
Heroes who either cemented that foundation with their Blood, or lived 
to aid the Superstructure, will be appropriate Ornaments for the Halls 
of the Senate & the House of Representatives. 

and, in response, Jefferson had, January 10, 1817, replied : 

I inclose you a letter to Col. Monroe, who without it would do every- 
thing he could for you, and with it not the less, his warm heart infuses 
zeal into all his good offices. I give it to him the rather also because 
he will be in place when you will need them. M'r Madison will be away 
and it would be useless to add to the labors of his letter-reading and I 
know moreover his opinions and dispositions towards you to be as fav- 
orable as can be wished. I rejoice that the works you have so long con- 
templated are likely to come to light, if the legislature, to the reedifica- 
tion of the public buildings will take up with spirit their decoration 
also, your' s must be the first objects of their attentions. 

I hope they will do it, and honor themselves, their country, and 
yourself by preserving these monuments of our revolutionary atchieve- 

In the debate on the third reading of the resolution in 
the House of Representatives, it was, among other things in 
support of the resolution, argued " that the time now was, 
which once passed away could never be regained, when a 
living artist of great ability, and a compatriot of the Revolu- 
tionary sages and heroes, could transmit accurate likenesses 
of them to posterity, &c." 
VOL. xxxi. 3 

34 Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." 

All of the four paintings finally decided upon, "Declara- 
tion of Independence ", " Surrender of General Burgoyne ", 
Surrender of Lord Cornwallis " and General Washing- 
ton resigning his Commission", the last of which "was 
scarcely finished in April, 1824," now hang in the rotunda 
of the Capitol, rather than in " the Halls of the Senate & 
House ". 

The " Declaration of Independence " was first " placed 
temporarily in a room of the north wing " of the Capitol 
" then used for the sittings " of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

On December 28, 1817 (evidently), following the passage 
of the joint resolution and the selection of subjects, but, of 
course, before the (large) " Declaration of Independence " 
was finished, Trumbull writes, again to Jefferson, from 
New York: 

I have made considerable progress in the large picture of the 
Declaration of Independance, for the Capitol. I devote my time 
entirely to that as being most interesting to the Nation, and most im- 
portant to my own reputation : and not forgetting that time or Health 
may fail me 

You recollect the Composition, which you kindly assisted me to 
sketch at Chaillot : the Committee who drew up the Declaration form 
the principal Group, by which means I place yourself & some other of 
the most eminent Characters conspicuously the figures large as Life. 
The Picture will contain Portraits of at least Fortyseven Mem- 
bers, for the faithful resemblance of Thirty Six I am responsible as 
they were done by myself from the Life, being all who survived in the 
year 1791. of the remainder Nine are from pictures done by others : 
One Genl Whipple of New-Hampshire, is from memory, and one M r . 
B. Harrison of Virginia, from Description aided by Memory. 

I at first dreaded the Sire of my Work but I have proceeded far 
enough to have conquered my timidity, and to be satisfied that this 
Picture as a mere work of Art will be superior to those which have been 
heretofore engraved. 

The universal interest which my Countrymen feel, and always must 
feel in an Event important above all others, must in some degree attach 
to the painting which will preserve the likeness of Forty Seven of those 
Patriots to whom we owe that memorable act and all its glorious conse- 
quences . . . 

TrumbuWs "Declaration of Independence." 35 

Unfortunately, he does not tell us the names of the thirty- 
six for whose " faithful resemblance" he himself was " re- 
sponsible" though some of them he tells us elsewhere, as 
we shall see. 

Indeed, he was still at work upon the painting late in the 
next year; for, on October 29, 1818, he writes, from New 
York to John Yaughan : 

I have received two letters from Philadelphia, proposing to me to ex- 
hibit my picture of the Declaration of Independence in that City, and 
mentioning two places proper for the purpose, & probably attainable . 
. . In the mean time I am offered the use of Faneuil Hall in Boston, the 
Cradle of the Revolution, for this purpose and this liberality has sug- 
gested the possibility of obtaining in Philadelphia the very room in 
which the Scene passed. I know no friend to whom I can suggest such 
an idea with so much propriety as to you : will you do me the favor to 
make the proper enquiries ? of course I cannot have the painting in 
Phil*, sooner than Christmass 

The painting early elicited criticism, as well as praise. 
Under date of September 1, 1818, John Quincy Adams 
writes in his Diary : 

Called about eleven o'clock at Mr. Trumbull's house [in New York 
City], and saw his picture of the Declaration of Independence, which is 
now nearly finished. I cannot say I was disappointed in the execution 
of it, because my expectations were very low ; but the picture is im- 
measurably below the dignity of the subject ... I think the old small 
picture far superior to this large new one. He himself thinks otherwise. 
He has some books on the President's table which Abb6 Correa advised 
him to letter on the backs, Locke and Sidney, I told him I thought* 
that was not the place for them. They were books for the members to 
read at home, but not to take with them there. I advised him to letter 
them simply "Journals." 

Following its completion, Samuel A. Wells, a grandson of 
Samuel Adams, under date of June 2, 1819, writes to Jef- 
ferson, at Monticello : 

The painting executed by col. Trumbull, representing the Congress 
at the declaration of independence, will, I fear, have a tendency to ob- 
scure the history of the event which it is designed to commemorate . . . 

36 Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence. 1 ' 

I confess, that I am not a little surprised at the favorable reception, 
which this badly executed performance has met, from the public. I 
will frankly avow that I was much disappointed at not finding it 
cording to my idea) executed in a style worthy of the subject. I ex- 
pressed my opinions with freedom on the work, through the medium of 
the newspapers under the signature of Historicus . . . 

Jefferson replies, June 23d : 
The painting lately executed by Col. Trumbull, I have never seen . . . 

It is to be regretted, historically, that we have not, so far 
as we know, an opinion of the painting from any of the 
men represented in it. 

As early as January 27, 1817, however, in the debate re- 
ferred to, in the House of Representatives, if the cronicler 
can be believed, at least " The talents of the artist were 
acknowledged on all hands, and the excellence of those 
paintings, exhibited as the models from which the large 
paintings are to be taken, was generally admitted". 

Naturally, the historical data which we have bearing 
directly upon the subject at issue deal with the earlier paint- 
ing, already referred to in Trumbull's letters to Jefferson, 
which John Quincy Adams in his Diary calls " the old 
small picture" (20x30 inches) and which hangs in the School 
of the Fine Arts of Yale University. 

Speaking of this, Trumbull, in his Autobiography, Remin- 
iscences and Letters, etc., (1841) says : 

In November, 1786, I returned to London . . . 

I resumed my labors, however, and went on with my studies of other 
subjects of the history of the Revolution, arranged carefully the com- 
position for the Declaration of Independence, and prepared it for 
receiving the portraits, as I might meet with the distinguished men, who 
were present at that illustrious scene. In the course of the summer of 
1787, Mr. Adams took leave of the Court of St. James, and preparatory 
to the voyage to America, had the powder combed out of his hair. Its 
color and natural curl were beautiful, and I took that opportunity to 
paint his portrait in the small Declaration of Independence . . . 

In the autumn of 1787, I again visited Paris, where I painted the 

Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." 37 

portrait of Mr. Jefferson in the original small Declaration of Independ- 
ence ... I regard these as the best of my small portraits ; they were 
painted from the life, in Mr. Jefferson's house. 

... I arrived in New York on the 26th of November, 1789, where I 
found the government of the United States organized under the new con- 
stitution, George Washington president . . . My brother, and my friend, 
Col. Wadsworth of Hartford, were members of the house of representa- 
tives in Congress, which was to meet in New York early in December. 
[Congress, in fact, had adjourned, September 29th, to the first Monday 
in January, 1790.] With them I returned to New York, for the purpose 
of pursuing my work of the Revolution ; all the world was assembled 
there, and I obtained many portraits for the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence . . . [Robert Morris, R. H. Lee (?), Gerry, Sherman, Floyd and 
Clymer attended upon the session of Congress beginning January 4, 

... In February [1791] I went to Charleston, S. C., and there ob- 
tained portraits of the Rutledges . . . Middleton . . . Heyward, &c. . . . 
On the 17th of April, I sailed for Yorktown in Virginia . . . thence rode 
to Williamsburg, and obtained a drawing of Mr. Wythe for the Decla- 
ration ; thence to Richmond ; thence to Fredericksburg . . . ; thence to 
Georgetown, where I found Major L'Enfant drawing his plan of the 
city of Washington ; rode with him over the ground on which the city 
has since been built where the Capitol now stands was then [May, 
1791] a thick wood . . . 

In 1793 I again went to Boston by the way of Newport and Provi- 
dence, and there obtained drawings of Mr. Ellery . . . 

He says also,, in a Catalogue of Paintings, by Colonel 
Trumbully etc., which seems to have been compiled after 

Important difficulties presented themselves to the artist at the outset; 
for although only ten years had then elapsed since the date of the event, 
it was always difficult to ascertain who were the individuals to be repre- 
sented. Should he regard the fact of having been actually present in 
the room on the 4th of July, indispensable? Should he admit those 
only who were in favor of, and reject those who were opposed to the 
act? Where a person was dead, and no authentic portrait could be 
obtained, should he admit ideal heads ? These were questions on which 
Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson were consulted, and they concurred in the 
advice, that with regard to the characters to be introduced, the signa- 
tures of the original act, (which is still preserved in the office of state,) 
ought to be the general guide. The portraits ought, however, to be 

38 Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence.' 1 

admitted, of those who were opposed to, and of course did not sign, as 
well as of those who voted in favor of the declaration, and did sign it, 
particularly John Dickinson . . . they particularly recommended, that 
in case of death, where no portraits could be obtained ... he 
should by no means admit any ideal representation . . . 

The artist was governed by this advice ... Mr. Adams was painted 
in London ; Mr. Jefferson in Paris ; Mr. Hancock and Samuel Adams in 
Boston; Mr. Edward Kutledge in Charleston, South Carolina; Mr. 
Wythe at Williamsburg, in Virginia ; Mr. Bartlett at Exeter, in New 
Hampshire, &c. &c. 

In order to give some variety to his composition, he found it neces- 
sary to depart from the usual practice of reporting an act, and has made 
the whole committee of five advance to the table of the president, to 
make their report, instead of having the chairman rise in his place for 
the purpose . . . 

The room is copied from that in which Congress held their sessions at 
the time, such as it was before the spirit of innovation laid unhallowed 
hands upon it, and violated its venerable walls by modern improve- 
ment, as it is called. 

Indeed, Trumbull has departed not only " from the usual 
practice of reporting an act" by making the entire commit- 
tee advance to the table of the President but (as shown by 
this Catalogue, etc., and by the keys) has made the commit- 
tee report on July 4th when in fact they reported on June 
28th; and, more than that, it seems to us at least very 
doubtful whether Franklin and at least very improbable 
whether R, R. Livingston the latter of whom, though also, 
as we shall see, a member of the committee to draft the 
Declaration, was not in favor of its adoption was present 
in Congress (on June 28th) when the draft of the Declara- 
tion was reported to Congress. 

It will be remembered that the initial resolution, that the 
" Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independ- 
ent States," which is still preserved, in the handwriting of 
R. H. Lee, was introduced on June 7th; that this was 
debated on the 8th (Saturday) and on the 10th ; that, on the 
10th, the further consideration of the resolution was post- 
poned to July 1st, though it was resolved that meanwhile, 
lest any time be lost, a committee should be appointed to 

Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." 39 

draft a Declaration ; that this committee, consisting of Jef- 
ferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman and R. R. Living- 
ston, was appointed on the llth; that the draft of the 
Declaration, in the handwriting of Jefferson, was reported 
to Congress on the 28th, when it was ordered to lie on the 
table; that the resolution was again debated in the com- 
mittee of the whole on July 1st, and adopted ; that it was 
adopted by Congress on the 2d ; that the draft of the Decla- 
ration itself was debated on the 2d, 3d and 4th of July, and, 
after numerous amendments, adopted on the 4th ; that, on 
July 19th, it was resolved that the Declaration "be fairly 
engrossed on parchment . . . and that the same when 
engrossed be signed by every member of Congress "; and 
that the Declaration on parchment was signed on August 
2d, though not then by all of the members who signed it. 

As to the statement that the original document was " the 
general guide " but that the portraits " of those who were 
opposed to, and of course did not sign," also were admitted, 
the key to the painting in the rotunda of the Capitol or 
that to " the old small picture " now at the school of the 
Fine Arts of Yale University for they are the same except 
that the heads only are shown, in their relative positions, in 
the latter key shows us, as stated, by name, who were rep- 
resented. It is true that we have found no direct proof 
that these keys were prepared by Trumbull or under his 
direction, but everything indicates, and we do not believe 
there can be any serious question, that they were. 

Comparing the picture with the Declaration on parch- 
ment, we find that Trumbull has represented Clinton, Will- 
ing, R. R. Livingston and Dickinson, whose names do not 
appear upon that instrument, and has not represented Mor- 
ton, Smith, Taylor, Ross, Penn, Stone, Nelson, F. L. Lee 
and Braxton, whose names appear upon that instrument. 

Clinton seems very properly to have been represented 
though he did not vote either for or against a declaration ; 
but Penn, Stone, Nelson, F. L. Lee and Braxton were 
unquestionably present on both days and should also, of 

40 Trumbull's "Declaration of Independence." 

course, have been represented. Braxton was bitterly 
opposed to the measure. Of the others we shall speak later. 

Even had Trumbull (been able to follow and) followed 
absolutely " the signatures of the original act," now in a 
steel safe in the Library of the Department of State, in 
Washington, however, he would not necessarily have been 

The following Delegates signed the Declaration on parch- 
ment, and yet : K. H. Lee, who departed for Virginia on 
June 13th, Wythe, who seems to have journeyed part way 
at least with him, both of whom were in attendance upon 
the Convention, in Williamsburg, as early as June 29th, 
Chase, who did not return from Canada until June llth 
and who departed probably on the 14th for Maryland, 
where he was very instrumental in securing new instruc- 
tions to her Delegates in Congress, to concur with the other 
Colonies or a majority of them in declaring independence, 
and Hooper, who left Philadelphia after March 13th and at- 
tended upon the Provincial Congress of North Carolina on 
April 15th, with Penn, but who did not return with Penn, 
were absent from Philadelphia on both June 28th and July 
4th ; Carroll though he had been one of the Commission- 
ers to Canada, with Franklin and Chase was not elected 
to Congress until July 4th and did not arrive in Philadel- 
phia, following his election, until July 17th; Robert Morris, 
a strong patriot but opposed to a declaration, according to 
McKean (and Jefferson), was absent from Congress on July 
4th, though it seems to us probable that he was absent on 
the 2d rather than on the 4th; Rush, Clymer, Smith, Taylor 
and Ross were not elected until July 20th ; Clark, Stockton, 
Hart and Witherspoon were not elected until June 22d and 
though Hopkinson, the other new Delegate, presented the 
credentials on the 28th seem not to have attended upon 
Congress before July 1st; Philip Livingston was absent 
from Philadelphia on June 28th, in attendance upon the 
Convention, though he had arrived, we know, from New 
York City, on July 3d; Thornton was not elected until 

TrumbuM's "Declaration of Independence." 41 

September 12th; Williams, who was an alternate, did not 
leave Hartford for Philadelphia until on or after July 22d ; 
Lewis Morris, who was made Brigadier-General of the Mil- 
itia of Westchester County, N. Y., on June 7th, was in 
White Plains on July 9th, and was absent probably, from 
Philadelphia, on both June 28th and July 4th ; Wolcott was 
in New York City, on his way to Connecticut, certainly on 
July 1st, and left Philadelphia probably on June 27th ; and 
Franklin, on June 21st, was "just recovering from a severe 
Fit of the Gout," so that he may not have been present on 
the 28th. 

At the same time, the following Delegates did not sign 
the Declaration on parchment, and yet : Alsop who re- 
signed his seat upon hearing of the ratification, on July 9th, 
by New York was present doubtless on both June 28th 
and July 4th; Dickinson the leader of the opposition 
" tall, but slender as a reed ; pale as ashes" was doubtless 
present on the 28th, though McKean says that he was absent 
on the 4th, and, we feel sure, that he was absent at least on 
the 2d, when the initial resolution was adopted, if not on 
the 4th ; Willing and Humphreys, who also did not favor a 
declaration, were doubtless present on June 28th, though, 
according to Jefferson, they " had withdrawn", on July 4th ; 
Biddle and Allen, the latter of whom soon put himself un- 
der the protection of the British, at Trenton, may have been 
present on both June 28th and July 4th, though we believe 
they absented themselves on or before June 14th, when the 
Assembly of Pennsylvania paid her Delegates ; Rogers was 
present on June 25th and, we believe, until after July 4th ; 
Clinton and Wisner were present doubtless on both June 
28th and July 4th ; and Thomas Lynch, Sr., was in Phila- 
delphia certainly as late as July 25th, and, though evidently 
in ill health, having " had an appoplectic stroke" on Febru- 
ary 18th, may have been in Congress on both June 28th 
and July 4th. 

We doubt very much, however, whether Trumbull, in 
his life time, could have ascertained all of these facts, for 

42 Trumbutt's "Declaration of Independence." 

much of the correspondence of the members of this Conti- 
nental Congress was not then available, and certainly not 
without a vast amount of research ; and, indeed, in any event, 
perhaps an accurate representation, showing those members, 
and those only, who were present on June 28th, or those 
members, and those only, who were present on July 4th, as 
to some of whom even now there is more or less doubt, as 
seen, would scarcely have been fair, especially to R. H. Lee 
and Wythe, the first of whom was the mover of the initial 
resolution and both of whom were important factors in 
Congress in the great event, both speaking in favor of a 
declaration, but neither of whom was present in Congress 
on either of these days. 

Certainly we can thus see how difficult, if not impossi- 
ble, it is to make Art and History agree ; and that, in this 
instance, Art and History do not wholly agree. 

Letters and Documents from " Clymer Papers." 43 



[During the Kevolution Daniel Clymer served as Lieutenant-Colonel 
of the Fifth Battalion Philadelphia Associators, Colonel Timothy Mat- 
lack, 1775 ; Lieutenant-Colonel of the Rifle Battalion Philadelphia 
Associatora, 1776, at the Flying Camp, Perth Amboy, N. J., and in 
1777 his battalion was attached to the Philadelphia Brigade, General 
John Cadwalader. In 1778 he was appointed Deputy Commissary 
General of Prisoners. Some of the letters and documents relative to 
these positions are in the Manuscript Department of The Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania.] 


Your favor of yesterday, I received in the afternoon and 
was much obliged by the contents. The 27- 24 pounders 
are an important acquisition, and may be made extremely 
useful. If the Field pieces were thrown into Timber 
Creek, I should suppose, they may be found by care & 
pains. They will be of great value if they can be got, and 
are worth a diligent search. 

From the accounts I have had, the Enemy certainly left 
some behind in their retreat. 
I am Sir 

Yr Most Obed. Ser. 

Head Q | 

October 27 th 1777 J 
To Col. D. Clymer. 

HEAD QUARTERS 11 th November 1777. 


I have received your Letter of the 4 th containing an 
apology for sending an agreeable piece of Intelligence 
which you have since discovered to be false mistakes of 
this kind are not uncommon and most frequently happen 
to those whose zeal and sanguineness allow no room for 

44 Letters and Documents from " Clymer Papers." 

Scepticism when anything favorable to their Country is 
plausibly related I beg you to be persuaded that my 
good opinion of you is not at all impaired by this circum- 
stance and that I am as before 

Your most obed* Serv* 


Daniel Clymer Esq r 

Daniel Clymer Esq r Deputy Commissary General of Pris- 
oners has permission to pass to Philadelphia with Twelve 
Head of Cattle, Thirty two Barrels of Flour and a parcel 
of Baggage for the Use of the American prisoners there. 

Given at Head Quarters at 
the Valley Forge the 2 d day of 
January 1778. 


To save the trouble of repeated orders, Gen 1 Irvine will 
be so obliging as to furnish Mr. Clymer D y Commissary of 
Prisoners with necessary guards to escort prisoners of war, 
whenever he shall need them, of such men whose times of 
service is near expiring. 

TIM - 

N. YORK April 11 th 1783 

To the Best of my Belief my Brother Charles James Fox, 
was born in the Month of March 1749. 

I am Sir 
Your most Obedient 

Humble Servant, 

Ogden Esq r 

The Rifle Battalion of the City and Liberties of Philadel- 
phia during their stay at Perth and South Amboy under 

Letters and Documents from ll Clymer Papers" 45 

the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Clymer, having 
behaved well and as good Soldiers are hereby discharged 
and ordered to return home they having furnished their 
Quota of the Flying Camp they have at the same Time 
my hearty Thanks for their Services whilst under my 
Command, and are dismissed with Honor. 


Br. Genl 
Perth Amboy Aug st 24 1776. 

To all Continental Officers & others whom it may Concern. 
Permit Daniel Clymer Esq* to Pass and Repass without 
any hindrance or Interruptions. 

Given under my Hand 
at Philadelphia this Twenty eighth 
Day of August 1777 

JOHN HANCOCK Presd fc . 



I enclose you a publication of mine on the Affairs of the 
State. It was my intention at the conclusion of the War 
to have laid down the Pen and satisfied myself with silently 
beholding the prosperity of a Country, in whose difficulties 
I had borne my share, and in the raising of which, to an 
Independant Empire, I had added my mite. But it is 
easier to wish than to obtain the object wished for, and we 
readily resolve on what is afterwards difficult to execute. 

Instead of that tranquility which the Country required 
and might have enjoyed, and instead of that internal pros- 
perity which her independant situation put her in the power 
to possess, she has suffered herself to be rent into Factions, 
and sacrifised her interest to gratify her passions. 

The proceedings of the Legislature for these two years 
past are marked with such vehemence of party spirit and 
rancarous prejudice, that it is impossible any country can 
thrive or nourish under such manifest misconduct. 

46 Letters and Documents from " Clymer Papers." 

I have often been at a loss to account for the conduct of 
the people where no visible interest appeared to direct them, 
and where it has been evident to me that the consequences 
of their own conduct would operate against themselves. 

I can easily account for a great part of the conduct of 
several of the distant Back county Members. They are not 
affected by matters which operate within the old settled 
parts of the State. They are not only beyond the reach 
and circle of that commercial intercourse which takes place 
between all the Counties on this side the Susquehanna and 
Philadelphia, but they are entirely within the circle com- 
merce belonging to another State, that of Baltimore. Some 
of them may probably think that it would be no disad- 
vantage to their situations if the Delaware, through which 
all the produce of the counties east of Susquehanna must 
be exported, were shut up. Some parts of their conduct 
cannot be fully accounted for without taking this envious 
disposition into the calculation. By attacking the Bank 
they have caused a considerable part of its Cash to be 
drawn out and removed to Baltimore by the holders of 
Bank Notes at that place ; and if they could affect a total 
dissolution of it at Philadelphia, and see one established at 
Baltimore, it would then be all very well. You would hear 
no more of their complaints against Banks. 

On this Ground their conduct in this Affair is easily 
accounted for. But on what ground the members of your 
County could join them in the business is very difficult to 
determine. Berks County can have no other channel 
through which her produce can be exported than thro' the 
Delaware, and no other market to draw hard money from 
than from Philadelphia. She cannot go to Baltimore. I have 
often been surprised that your Members should not have 
descernment enough to perceive this. It is one of those 
matters you should see yourselves rather than be told of. 
It is a misfortune to the State that her commerce is subject 
to this division, but since it is so and cannot be otherwise, it 
is but fair that one part should see what the other is doing. 

Letters and Documents from " Glymer Papers." 47 

I have an aversion to touch on matters which have in 
themselves the nature of discord and division. But in this 
case it can be no otherwise than it is, and the best remedy 
IB that you be on your guard. 

I wish [fora] to see all the Counties of the State in full 
Prosperity ; But I have a dislike to see one part privately 
and enviously working against the other and I would as 
readily do the same part towards them as I do now towards 
you did I see the same occasion. 

I hope the ensuing elections will put an end to these 
matters, and if there can be no way found to reconcile 
parties, let them at least stand on fair ground with each 

I am with 

Respect and Comp ts 

to yourself & Friends 
Dan 1 Clymer Esq r Your Ob* Hble Servant 


48 Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. 



With relation to James Wilson, signer of the Declaration 
of Independence, I have noted a few facts concerning his 
temporary residence in Reading, prior to the Revolutionary 
War, he having been at that period a practitioner for several 
years at the Berks County Bar. The date of Mr. Wilson's 
admission to the Philadelphia Bar is set down as 1767. 
There were at that time but eight counties in Pennsylvania, 
and the members of the Colonial Bar practiced in most of 
them, locating permanently in one or the other from time 
to time as circumstances warranted. Wilson came to 
Berks County probably soon after his entrance upon the 
profession. The date of his admission here is not now 
ascertainable. The records show that in 1772 he moved 
for the admission of Peter Zachary Lloyd. He married 
Rachel, daughter of William Bird of Berks County, the 
latter having died in 1762, intestate, leaving a very large 
estate, consisting principally of mills, forges, and extensive 
tracts of land in Amity, Union, Robeson, and Heidelberg 
townships, including the seats of iron industry subsequently 
known as Birdsboro and Hopewell. Bird's widow, Bridget 
(daughter of Marcus and Margaret Hulings), married John 
Patton, also a considerable landowner and pioneer iron 
manufacturer. In the proceedings in partition upon Wil- 
liam Bird's estate in 1763, the names of his children are 
given as Mark, Rebecca (wife of Peter Turner, Jr., merchant 
of Philadelphia), Rachel, Mary, William, and James. The 
four last mentioned were then minors under the age of 
fourteen years, for whom Thomas Rutter and William May- 
bury were appointed guardians. The real estate of Mr. 
Bird was valued at 12,939, 10 shillings, at which sum it 
was accepted by Mark the eldest son and co-administrator 

Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. 49 

with his mother Bridget Patton. The net balance of the 
personal estate was 8574, 7 shillings, 11 pence. In 1764, 
George Ross, Jr., having married Mary Bird, was appointed 
her guardian. James Bird died in 1780, in his twenty-first 
year. William Bird married, 1778, Juliana "Wood. 

How long Mr. Wilson remained a resident of Berks 
County is not known ; eventually he removed to Carlisle, 
where he had attained professional eminence at the out- 
break of the Revolution, with the events of which his name 
is so conspicuously connected. By his wife Rachel he had 
six children. Mrs. Wilson died in 1786 in Philadelphia, 
where the family then permanently resided, and it was 
beside her remains in Christ Church yard that those of her 
distinguished husband were reinterred, at the conclusion of 
the deeply interesting public ceremonies, on November 
22nd last. Mr. Wilson's second wife Hannah, a daughter 
of Ellis Gray of Boston, surviving him,married Dr. Thomas 
Bartlett and died in England in 1807. 

Mark Bird married, 1763, Mary Ross. He continued on 
an extensive scale the iron industry founded by his father, 
but failure in his enterprises resulted in the forced sale of 
his estate, and in the course of successive changes in title 
his brother-in-law, James Wilson, became in 1794 its pos- 
sessor. He held it but two years, disposing of it in 1796. 
During this period he was a resident of Philadelphia and a 
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and it 
is not presumable that he was actively engaged in the pur- 
suits of an iron manufacturer. It is probable that his 
ownership was but an expedient to preserve the pecuniary 
interests of his wife and brother-in-law. That the invest- 
ment was unfortunate to Mr. Wilson financially is matter 
of record, his estate being involved in litigation on account 
of it for some years after his death, which occurred in 1798. 

Of Mr. Wilson's professional career in Berks County 

there are no traditions whatever. Meagre indeed at this 

day are the tracings of the professional lives and work of 

any of the great lawyers of the Colonial period. Of the 

VOL. xxxi. 4 

50 Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. 


breadth of his legal attainments, the volumes of his lectures 
before the law students of the college of Philadelphia con- 
stitute, independently of his judicial opinions, an enduring 

An incident of the introductory lecture of this course 
delivered on December 15, 1790, comes unexpectedly into 
my view among the manuscripts of Mr. Charles Evans, long 
a leading lawyer of Reading, who died in 1847, leaving his 
adopted city under an enduring debt of gratitude by his 
beneficence in the foundation and endowment of the beau- 
tiful cemetery which bears his name. Mr. Evans was a 
native of Philadelphia, of Quaker ancestry ; studied law 
with Benjamin Chew, Attorney General and Chief Justice 
under the provincial government, was admitted to the Phil- 
adelphia Bar in 1791, and the same year began the practice 
of the law at Reading, where he continued to reside until 
his death. In the course of a public address delivered here 
about 1840, upon the anniversary of the birthday of Wash- 
ington, he made reference to the introductory lecture of 
Mr. Wilson, at which he was present as one of the law 
students, in the following terms : 

" In the winter of 1790, and while the President of the 
United States resided in Philadelphia, the distinguished 
professor (Wilson) and his class were honored with the pres- 
ence of General Washington. On that memorable occasion 
our learned preceptor, after passing a well merited eulogium 
upon the ladies, paid the General a highly wrought and ele- 
gant compliment, which I hope it will not be deemed amiss 
to recite in this connection : 

4 In the European Temple of Fame,' said he, i William 
Penn is placed by the side of Lycurgus. Will America re- 
fuse a Temple to her patriots and her heroes ? No, she will 
not. The glorious dome already rises ; the architecture is of 
the neatest and chastest order. Its dimensions are spacious ; 
its proportions elegant and correct, In its front a number 
of niches are formed. In some of them Statues are placed. 
On the left hand of the portal are the names and figures of 

Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. 51 

Warren, Montgomery, Mercer. On the right hand are the 
names and figures of Oalvert, Penn, Franklin. In the mid- 
dle is a niche of larger size, and decorated with peculiar 
ornament. On the left side of it are sculptured the trophies 
of War ; on the right the more precious emblems of Peace. 
Above is represented the rising glory of the United States. 
It is without a statue and without a name. Beneath it in 
letters very legible are the words: For the most worthy. 
By the enraptured voice of grateful America, with the con- 
senting plaudits of an admiring world, the designation is 
unanimously made. Late very late may the niche be 
filled ! ' 

" The feelings of sensibility with which this graceful and 
eloquent compliment was received by the audience the 
high sense of the exalted services the aptitude of the well- 
merited eulogium the presence of the great Patriot, Sol- 
dier and Statesman his acknowledged elevation of mind 
his distinguished military and civic talent and private 
worth excited and electrified the audience, and created 
emotions on the well-remembered occasion which it is much 
easier to conceive than describe. The large and brilliant 
assemblage of Fashion and Beauty the august figure of the 
Venerable Patriot the appropriate and well-timed compli- 
ment, and the strong and vivid impression of his exalted 
and matchless character animated every individual present 
with enthusiastic feelings of admiration, regard and affec- 
tion for the tried Friend and Father of his Country." 

In reading these heroic outbursts of patriotic fervor, so 
characteristic in their tenor of the orators of a by-gone time, 
it would be difficult to decide between the relative eulogistic 
gifts of the lecturer of 1790, and those of his admiring stu- 
dent at the interval of half a century later. As the pane- 
gyric was pronounced in the presence of both Houses of 
Congress, and of the Governor and members of the Pennsyl- 
vania Legislature, together with many other personages of 
distinction, it may well be imagined that the occasion was a 
more trying one to the Father of his Country than many of 


52 Hon. James Wilson at Reading, Penna. 

the battles he had waged in her cause. Judge Wilson had 
but the year previous been appointed by him to the Federal 
Supreme Bench. I hope it will not be invidious merely to 
suggest that the eulogium probably lost nothing of the 
warmth of its coloring from that fact. 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 53 


(Continued from Vol. XXX, page 478.) 

June. 1st. 

Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd. him to pay his weekly 

accounts 123.35 

House Exp's. p'd. Henry Sheaff for Wine 

etc. per bill . . . . . , . . . 157.50 
D. p'd. by F. Kitt for putting 

glass in the windows ... 8/. 

for a day's hire of a cook . . 12/. 

Rope for Mangle 12/. 

~82/. 4.27 
Contg* Exp 8 . p d by do. for 12 lb hair powder 

for Mrs W n 16/ 

pd. a man for mowing the Gar- 
den 7/6 3.14 

do deliv' d Eliz. P. Custis pr order . . 1.75 290.01 


Conting't Exps. D r . to Cash. 
Gave G. W. Custis to buy a Greek Gram- 
mar .37 

p'd. for a play ticket for Eliz P. Custis . 1.00 

for 8 yds. Chintz & 1 J yds Linen . . . 4.84 6.21 

- 4th. - 
Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash 

pd for a ps of Dowlas 10.20 

gave a poor man pr. order 1.00 

p'd. for 2 play tickets for Eliz. & E. Cus- 
tis 2.00 13.20 

54 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 


Sundries !>' to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco't 121.20 

Conting't Exp's. pd. by F. Kitt for 3 yd's 

stuff for house cloths 5/7 Twine 3/. 

Saltpetre, 3/9. 3 brushes 11/3 thread 

6/ 1.9.7. 3.94 

Stable Exp's. pd for 13} cwt. of Hay . 13.88 139.02 

10th. - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 13 bush Oats . . 5.92 

House Exp's pd in full for whitewash- 
ing the house 33.33 

Conting't Exp's. gave a beggar pr. 

order 1.00 

D. pd. for 3 play tickets for Eliz. Ellen 

& G. Custis 3.00 

T). p'd D r . Bass in full for Medicines etc 

pr. bill 37.67 80.92 

Cash D r . to the Treasury of the U. S, 

Rec'd on acco't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation 2000. 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

a/c's 169.33 

Contg't Exp's. p'd. by F. Kitt for paper 

2/. for meat 18/6 2.73 

D. gave a poor beggar per order . . . 1.00 
Stable Exp's. p'd. for 6 bush's shorts . . 3.60 
House Exp's. p'd. Ja's. Green in full for 

5 weeks services 15.00 

D. p'd. by F. Kitt for 4 day's hire of a 

Cook . . 8.00 199.66 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 55 


Coiiting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Gave G. W. P. Custis to buy Euclid's 

Elements & Murphy's Lucian . . . 3.00 

- 17th. - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. for a hox in N"ew Thea- 

tre ............ 8.00 

House Exps. p'd. Polly Glenn a mos 

wages ........... 5.00 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 4 of a hundred of 

Straw ...... . . . i . 3.75 16.75 

Contg't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

p'd. "W. Johnson bal'ce in full for a 

coachee for the President .... 236.42 
p'd. C. M c .Kay for 2 weeks working for 

Mrs. Washington ....... 2.98 

Gave a poor beggar ....... 1.00 240.40 

Sundries D' to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's ........... 136.59 

Contg't Exp's. p'd by F. K. for a pr. of 

stockings for Henry 7/. a bottle Noyo 

for Mrs. Washington 5/7. drayage for 

a harpsichord 3/9. sand 6/. 1.2.4. 2.98 
Ditto deliv'd. to Mrs. Washington . . 34.75 
Ditto p'd for a p's. of diaper p'r. bill . . 9.00 
House Exp's. p'd. F. Kitt on acco't of 

wages . . ........ 50.00 

Ditto p'd. Kennedy & Harding for soap 

per. bill .......... 31.43 

Ditto p'd. J. & E. Penington for sugar pr. 

bill 54.40 

56 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

Ditto p'd. Ben't Dorsey for Groceries 

r. bill ..... . ..... 61.81 380.96 

Sundries I> r - to. Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Jas. Andre on acco't 

of wages ......... . 9.00 

Stable Exp's. p'd. for 50J bush's Oats . 21.89 

D. p'd for 55. D ......... 23.83 54.72 

- 84th. - 
Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's for a cask of Lamp Oil . 54.93 
Stable Exp's. pd. Godfrey Gebler for 

shoeing horses to the 1st instant . . 36.00 
Contig't Exp's. pd for making stays pr. 

order of Mrs. W n 8.50 99.43 


Contingt Exp's. D r . to Cash, 

p'd. Eliz Rhodes for work done for Mrs. 

"Washington pr. order 12.58 

p'd. for an Ice Cream mould .... 7.00 

for a collar for Kelly Custis dog ... 1.00 

for G. W. Custis to see the fire works . .50 

for Castor Oil for Oney 50 21.58 

89th. - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts 178.62 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K for 1 mos. 
washing 45/. 

1 days cleaning house . . 6/. 

2 days cooking 30/. 

4.1.0 10.80 
Conting't Exp's p'd for bleeding sick 

Serv't 33 

D. for making 10 shirts etc pr. bill . . 20.47 210.22 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797\ 57 

July 6th. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd. him to pay his weekly 

acco't 158.62 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. for 2 

days hire of a cook 37/6. 4 days hire 

of a woman 20/. Hire of a man to carry 

water 6/ 3.6.6. 8.87 

Contingt Exp's. p'd. for Griffiths Map of 

Maryland for the President . . . . ... ' 7.50 

D. for a 9 qrs. tuition of G. W. Custis . 5.33 
D. Jas. Anthony Jr. for sund's. for Mrs. 

Wn per bill 11.30 

D. gave the workmen who made the 

President's Coachee 2.00 

Stable Exp's. p'd. for 6 bush shorts . . 3.60 197.22 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. E. Shaw for music 

bo't. for Miss Custis pr. order . . 16.87 
D ltto . p'd. Jas. Cox for teaching G. W. 

Custis to draw, materials etc. . . . 6.69 
House Exp's. p'd. John Gaceer 4 mos. 

wages to the 1st Sep't. next .... 54. 


Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

For a plated bridel & spurs for G. "W. 

Custis pr. order 10. 

Deliv'd. to Mrs. Washington .... 30. 

for 2 pr. of Silk hose for G. W. Custis . 5. 

Gave a blind man ........ 1. 

p'd. I Price for cleaning & repairing 

clocks etc 5.38 

p'd. freight of sundry articles sent to 

Virg*. by Capt. Hand . *v .. * -.. . 6.00 

58 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

Contingt Exp's. pd for Stewpans & 2 
pots with covers . 6.87 64.26 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Contingt Exp's. p'd. the following bills, 

Mrs. Smart's for 9 yd's. linen 1. 6. 3 
Mrs. Gable for 1 doz. Cott 

Hose 4. 16. 

E. Smith for 8 yd's of Chintz 1. 16. 
D. Kimpton for 8 yds of cotton 1. 14. 
J. Jones for shoes . . . . 16. 6 
H. Ingle for sund's . . . . 7. 13. 4 

18. 6. 1 48.81 

Ditto pd. Theo. Smith in full for Car- 
penter work from Jan'y 94 .... 126.36 
Ditto p'd. for fleecy drawr's & shirts for 

the President 39. 

Ditto p'd. for a looking glass plate for 

Mrs. W n 4. 

Ditto pd for 12 wooden bowls for ditto . 6.33 
Ditto p'd. for 6 Earthen pans & 4 pots . 4.10 
Stable Exp's ; p'd. "Wm Ball for 6 tons 

16 c & 1 qr of Hay . 155.41 

House Exp's. p'd. Jno Barnes for a tea 

pr. bill 27. 

D. p'd. I. & E. Pennington for 200 ft). 

loaf Sugar 53.33 

D. pd. Mrs. Palmer for cake pr. bill . 17.15 
D. p'd. Mrs. Roberts for 24 doz Lamp 

Wicks 6.00 487.49 

- nth. 

Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash, 

p'd. J. M. Barthelemi for teaching E. 

Custis french etc 24. 

p'd. E. Smith for sund's. for Mrs. Wash'n. 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 59 

p'r. bill .......... 55.36 

p'd. D. Breintnall for shoes for do. per 

Bill ............ 24.08 

p'd. W. McLaws for a Saddle for G. W. 

Custis pr. order ........ 15.50 

p'd. R. Monaley for bind'g shoes etc for 

Miss Custis ......... 1.13 120.07 

Cash. Dr. to the Treasury of the U. 

States Kec'd the 8th inst on a/c of 

the President's Compensation . . * 1000. 

- 13th. - 

Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Jas Andre on acco't 

wages . . . . . . ..... 10. 

Conting't Exp's. pd. Theo Fenton for 

shoes etc for Mrs W & Miss Custis . 13.53 
D. for a whip thong for the President . .33 
D. p'd. Ann Lemaire for Miss Custis . .67 
D. deliv'd the President when going to 

Virginia 100 Guineas ...... 473.45 503.38 

Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd. him to pay his weekly 

acco't ........... 183.70 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. for cleaning Miss 

Custis' watch ........ 2.00 

Ditto deliv'd. to Mrs. Washington . . 120. 

Ditto p'd by F. Kitt for Linen for a bag 
9/. mak'g 2 gowns for Moll & Oney 7/6. 
pr. gloves for Presd't 4/6 6 y'ds hair 
ribbon for G. W. Custis 4/6 hair rib- 
bon I/. Cravats etc & pr. hose for John 
13/. Shaving powder for the President 
2/. for bleeding Henry 3/. 2 pr. Small 
shoes pr. order of Mrs. W. 18/9 

3. 3. 3. 8.44 

60 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Kid & Co for tooth 

Brushesetcpr.bill. 6.37 

Ditto pd. for 3 pr. cott. hose pr. order 3. 
Ditto for 6 pr. Silk hose pr. order . . 10.50 
D. p'd. Tho 8 . Farroll for dying curtains 35.58 
Ditto p'd. D r Bass for medicines . . . 1.63 
House Exp's. p'd. Jos. Thompson a mo's. 

wages 9.00 

Ditto, p'd. Geo. Keppele for 33 Ibs. 

raisins 4.20 

Ditto, p'd. for confectionary p'r. bill . . 36.32 
Ditto, p'd. Isc Stine for Indian Corn . . 6.27 
Ditto p'd. for 18 Ib. of Chocolate . . . 4.80 
Ditto p'd. by F. Kitt for 4 Iron ladles & 
6 Skewers 23/. 9 Ib starch 12/. spt's. of 
turpentine 3/. 4 Salts 10/. Cook 4 days 
60/. 3 days hire of a woman to clean 
house 15/. Twine and paper 5/ 6.8.0 17.07 
Stable Exp's. p'd. for 2 postillion whips . 2.00 450.88 
Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. 
States. Rec'd. on acco't of the Presi- 
dents Compensation 1000. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't. Exp's. deliv'd to the Presi- 
dent 160. 

D. gave Oney pr. order to buy a pr 

of shoes 1.54 

House Exp's. p'd. Fr: Anspach his wages 

in full 16.50 178.04 

-October 5th. 

Sundries ]>. to Cash 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd. him to discharge his 
weekly accot's from the 13th of July 
ae rendered this day ... , 579.58 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 61 

House Exp's. p'd. F. Kitt for the follow- 
ing articles bo't. by him during the 
Presidents & family's absence, 
1 month and a days hire of a cook 
135/. 1 & f of a mos. hire of a chamber 
maid 67/6. 2 mos. hire of a washer- 
woman 90/. 12 days hire of do. 60/. 3 
bush of lime 9/. 6. bush of sand 9/. 2 
brooms 4/6. 3 brushes 9/. 10 Ib of 
starch 12/6. Twine and paper 9/. rotten 
stone 3/. 4 cords wood hauling & cut- 
ting 198/. 4 gross cork 12/. Lamp black 
2/ 31.0.6. 82.74 

Ditto p'd. for tinning kitchen utensils . 9.07 

House Exp's. p'd. for 1 doz lamp 

Glasses 2.67 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. for F. K. for the fol- 
lowing articles bo't. by him since the 
13th of July 5 books for the Presi- 
dent 28/1. 2 pr. stockings for serv'ts 
14/ 1 basket for Mrs. W. 5/. Salts for 
boy 2/. Court plaster for Prest 2/. hair 
rollers for do I/. Silk & lining for cur- 
tains 27/. drayage 1/10. shawl for house 
girl needles etc 5/9. 4 scissors sheaths 
for Mrs. W. 1/10 thread & tape for 
cha'r covers 7/ .... 4.15.6. 12.73 

Ditto- p'd. Thos. Farroll for dying sun- 
dry ribbons etc for Mrs. W. . . . 6.30 

Ditto p'd. Manley & Jones for Mrs. W 

etc. pr. bill 11.50 

Ditto p'd. tax on the Presidents car- 
riages 24. 

Stable Exp's. p'd by F. K for straw 50 
bundls 3. 

Ditto p'd. Jac. Stine for 30 bush 

shorts 18.13 749.72 

62 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Kennedy & Harding 

for Soap & Candles pr. bill .... 29.52 
Ditto p'd F. Kitt on a/c of wages . . . 50.00 
Contg't Exps. p'd. J. C. Moller in full for 

teaching Miss Eln r Custis Music etc . 69.80 
Stable Exp's. p'd for a load of Straw 80 6.50 155.82 
Cash. Dr. to the Treasury of the U. States. 

Rec'd. in September last on acco't 

of the Presid'ts compensation . . . 500. 
Rec'd. this day on a/c of do 3000. 3500.00 

- 8th - 
Sund's. D r . to Cash 

Contg't Exp's. p'd. for the following arti- 
cles while in Yirg'a. 1 desk lock, post- 
age of letter for Mrs. W .80 

1 Crooked Comb for Miss Custis, powder 1.00 

P'd. Cap: Gardener for freight of sund's 
& for B D' 8 passage from Philad a . . . 18. 

p'd. for a watch chain and keg and pow- 
der & shot for G. W. P. Custis ... 1.75 

paper 1.75 

1 Ib Salts 25 

House Exp's. p'd. Jos Thompson on 

acco't of wages 7.66 

D. p'd. James Andre do 2.00 33.21 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

House Exp's. p'd. Jno Shee Treasurer 

of the Corporation, one years rent of 

the House occupied by the President 

due 1 st inst 1333.33 

Contg't Exp's. p'd. Jno. Fenno for 2 
setts of Gazette IT. States to 1st July 
last . . . 7.50 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 63 

D. p'd. for 2 cakes of Shoe blacking . . .25 
Stable Exp's. p'd. Wm Crouch for 15 

Tons of Hay to be deliv'd. when 

called for 8. 10. pr. ton .... 340. 1681.08 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. for 30 cords wood cord- 
age etc. 321.71 

Contg't Exp's. p'd. for glazing pr. bill . 5.22 

Fred Kitt delivd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts etc. 137.05 463.98 


House Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

p'd. Ben't Dorsey in full, for Groceries . 80.07 

p'd. for hauling 30 cords of wood ... 20. 

p'd. for 12f cords of wood & wharfage . 136.67 236.74 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Contg't Exp's. p'd. Rd. Marley for shoes 

etc pr. bill 8. 

House Exp's. p'd. for hauling wood . . 10. 

Ditto p'd. for carry'g & piling wood . 10.50 

D. p'd. for sawing 42 cords of wood . 28.50 57.00 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to buy sundries . 48.54 
House Exp's. p'd. by F. K for 5 Ib. paint 

5/. for Coarse towels 5/. 13 lb of starch 

19/6. 2 days hire of a woman 10/. 2 

sweep'g brushes 8/9 . . 2. 8. 3. 6.43 
Contg't Exp's. p'd. for hair ribbon for 

Henry Waskan . ..,*>,. .27 

Stable Exps. pd. for 100 bundl's straw . 6.00 61.24 

64 Washington's Household Account Book, 179S-1797. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. gave a distressed woman 

from Charleston pr. order .... 2.00 
Ditto p'd. B. Dandridge on acco't of his 

Exps, traveling in the stage from Alex* 

toPhila .......... 16.00 

Ditto p'd. M. Carey for books & music to 

send to Miss Custis pr. order . . . 2.20 
House Exp's. p'd. James Andre on a/c 

wages to the 1st inst ...... 21.33 41.63 

- $8rd. - 
Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

deliv'd. to Mrs. Washington .... 5. 
gave a distressed Frenchman pr. order . 2.00 
p'd. Jno Jones pr. bill for sundry jobs . 5.51 12.51 

- 86th. -- 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay for his 

weekly accot's ........ 115.33 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. by F. K for clothes- 

line 5/6. paper & twine 5/. 6 Ib of hair 

powder 9/. pomatum 4/ . 1.3.6. 3.13 
D. p'd. for sundry Pamphlets for the 

Presid't .......... 1.75 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. for 1 days 

hire of a woman 5/. D. for a washer- 

woman 2 weeks 22/6 2 sieves 12/ 
.......... 1.19.6. 5.27 

Ditto p'd. Joseph Thompson in full to 

the 23 rd inst .......... 19.33 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 6 bush of Shorts . 3.60 148.41 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

The Presidents acco't. proper p'd Robt. 

Campbell for Anachasis travels & 

Washington's Household Account Book. 1793-1797. 65 

Rollins An't. History to send to Eliz. 

Custis pr. order of the President . . 28. 
The Presidents acco't. proper pd freight 

of sundries to Mt. Vernon . . . . 1.50 
Contingt Exp's. deliv'd to Mrs. W n. . 15.00 44.50 

__ 29th. 

Cash D r . to the Presidents acco't. proper 

Rec'd. of the President 763.79 

November d. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Jno. Gaceer 2 mos 
wages 28. 

Ditto p'd. by F. K for hire of washer- 
woman 12. 

for wax and sand 1.25 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 123.78 

Contingt Exp's. p'd. by D. for a pr of 
stockings for Waskan 8/. drayage of 
coffee 2/6 1.40 

Ditto p'd. Mr. Roberts for 1 Ib of Seal'g 
wax 2. 

Ditto p'd. Henry Horn for sundry jobs 

p'rbill 13.41 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd Jno 
Aitkin for a desk and book case for 
Eli. P. Custis 83.50 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 2 brushes and combs 2. 

I)*. for \ yd of baize. 50 267.84 

- 5th. 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

House Exp's p'd. Elias Boudinot pr. 
order of Lewis Pintard a bill of Ex- 
change 80 sterling for 2 pipes of 
Madeira Wine shipped for the East 
VOL. xxxi. 5 

66 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

Indies on boad the Ganges Cap. 
Tingey by Jno M. Pintard for the 

President 355.57 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. A M. Lean of New 
York for 4 years of the Daily Gazette 
to the 17 th of June '95 24.50 380.07 


Sundries Dr. to Cash' 

Stable Exp's p'd. for 74 bushels Oats . 34.53 
Contg't Exp's. p'd for a bottle of Opo- 
deldoc & Anderson's Embassy to China 

for Mrs. Washington 1.92 

House Exp 8 pd for 226 n best B coffee . * 53.25 89.70 

9th. - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 133.34 

House Exp's p'd. by F. K. for a broom 
2/6 twine 3/. rotten stone 3/. 6 Ib. paint 
6/. 12 tea Cups 8/. 4 doz plates 36/ 

2.18.6. 7.80 

Contingt Exp's. p'd. for 2 d Yol. Shakes- 
peare's works for Mrs. W 1. 142.14 

Cash. D r . to the Presidents acco't proper 

Eec'd. of the President 200.00 

13th. - 

Sundries Dr to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Jos. Thompson in full 

for wages 9.00 

Conting't Exp's. gave a distressed woman 

pr. order 2.00 11.00 

- 16th. - 
Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 58 bush of Oats . 26.79 
House Exp's. p'd. by Jas. Andre a mos. 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 67 

wages 10.00 

Ditto, p'd for 6 cords of wood, hauling 

etc 67.77 

Ditto p'd. for 50 bush Charcoal ... 10. 

Ditto p'd. Fred. Kitt on acco't. of his 

own & wife's wages 50. 

Fred Kitt delivd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 136.22 

Conting't. Exp's. p'd. T. Small for mend- 
ing Lamps etc. pr. bill 29.73 

Ditto p'd. by F. K. for 1 doz. silk- 
hand'ks 66/. & for 3 yd's. hair ribbon 
2/9. for the President 2 p'r. gauze 
stockings 8/. 3 p'ss. tape 15/. for Mrs. 
Washington 3 p'r. stockings for foot- 
men 27/. 1 yd Linen 2/. piling wood 
6/. Hair wash line 20/7 . . 7.7.4. 19.64 

Ditto p'd. for GL W. P. Custis to see 

Circus 1.00 

Ditto gave a poor woman 1.00 352.15 

Cash Dr to Sundries 

Rec'd. at the Treasury of the U. States 

on acco't of the P's Comp . . . .1000. 
To Presidents private acco't. rec'd of him 1000. 2000. 


Contingt Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Gave a man who had a very sagacious 
Dog, for the Family to see his per- 
formance , 3.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Exp's. p'd I. & E. Pennington for 

53 Ib db'le. & 100 Ib single sugar . 47.87 
Ditto p'd. Ben't. Dorsey for Candles & 

Tea p'r. bill 28.81 

68 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

Ditto p'd. for 19 cords of wood & haul- 
ing ... 214.60 

Contingt. Exps. deliv'd to Mrs. Wash- 
ington 10. 301:28 


Sundries D r . to Cash 

Conting't Exp's. p'd for Imlay's Hist, of 

Kentucky for Mrs. W 87 

House Exp's. p'd. for 33 cords & f hick- 
ory wood 336.93 337.80 

81st. - 

House Exp's. Dr. to Cash 

p'd. by F. K. for haul'g & piling 52 

cords | Wood 58.93 

P'd. for sawing 50 cords wood . . . 37.50 96.43 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt deliv'd. him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts 144.84 

House Exp's. p'd. Kennedy & Co for Soap 

& candles pr bill 46.27 

House Exp's. p'd. F. K. one months 
wages to the cook 6.00. washer- 
woman 1 mo's do 45/. 6 Ib starch 9/. 
sand 6/. paper 3/9 . . . 9.3.9. 24.50 

Conting't Exp's. pd by do for 8 p'r Nut 
Crackers 24/. & p's of stript stuff for 
Mrs. W. 45/. a man for bringing Can- 
vess backs 1/10J- . . 3.10.10J. 9.45 

Ditto p'd. for Coopers work p'r. bill . . 8.82 

Ditto p'd. for shoes for footman p'r. bill 5.15 

D. p'd. Rob't. Campbell for Yolneys 

Travels & Ruins for the President . . 7.75 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 2 doz. brooms . . 2.50 

Ditto p'd. for 6 bush of shorts . . . . 3.60 252.88 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 69 


Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid for a p'r. of Iron Dogs for the office 3.07 
P'd for the President & Mrs. Washington 

to see the Panorama 2.00 5.07 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 139.47 

House Exp's. p'd F. Kitt on acco't of his 

own & wifes wages 50. 

Ditto p'd by F. K. for a bbl. of starch 

181 Ib 226/3. House maid a mos. wages 

45/. Kitchen do. do 37/6. a porter 5 

weeks wages 52/6 a washerwoman 1 

week 11/3 18.12.6. 49.67 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. for the freight of 

Sundry trunks etc from Mt. Yernon . 3.67 
Ditto p'd. by F. K. for 12 Ib of hair 

powder 17/. baskets for Mrs. W. 5/. 3 

handkf's for servants 10/. porterage of 

coal 8/. Thread for Mrs. W. 18/ 

2.18.0. 7.73 

Ditto p'd. Turner Smith for mending 

bells, locks etc pr. bill 8.94 259.48 

December 1st. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 
Conting't Exp's. deliv'd to Mrs. Wash- 
ington 10. 

D itto p'd for 5 Concert tickets .... 5. 
House Exp's. p'd. James Andre 1 mos 

10 25.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 56 bush, of Oats . 24.27 
D. p'd. Godfry Gebler for shoeing horses 


70 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

6 mos to 1st Inst. 48.00 

Conting't Exp's. p'd for cutting a stone . 1.00 

Ditto gave James Germaine pr. order . 5.00 
House Exp's. p'd for 18 cords of wood 

wharfage & hauling 198.51 276.78 


Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. States. 
Rec'd on aceo't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation .......... 1000. 

- 5th. - 

Conting't Exp's D r . to Cash. 

p'd. B. F. Bache for the Aurora to 1st 

Inst ............ 5.67 

p'd. for four Circus tickets ..... 4.00 9.67 

7th. - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's ........... 148.00 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K for 2 Ib. Tea 

45/. 1 mos wages to washerwoman 45/. 

pil'g wood 18/9 ..... 5.8.9. 14.50 
Conting't Exps pd by do for Expenses 

attending Wilhelmina 37/6. a pr. of 

shoes for boy Henry 15/. Thos. Pass- 

more for sundries pr. bill 32/6 

........... 4.5.0. 11.33 173.83 

Conting't Exp's D r to Cash. 

P'd. Geo: Bertault (upholsterer) in full 

for sund's. by bill ....... 259.95 

Gave G. Custis to buy a writing book . .18 
Gave Molly to buy stockings for herself 

& Oney pr. order ....... 2.50 

p'd. H Capron in full for teaching Miss 

Custis music . . 12.53 275.16 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 71 

Sundries D*. to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. gave Jas. Germaine to 

buy wood .......... 10 __ 

Ditto deliv'd to Mrs Washington . . . 25. 

D. do. to the President ...... 8. 

Contingt Exp's. gave a poor woman by 

order ........... 2. 

House Exp's. p'd John Buttner a mos 

wages ........... 11. 56.00 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred. Kitt delivd him to pay his weekly 

accot's ........... 128.50 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. for three days 

hire of washerwoman 15/. 7} mos hire 

of a house girl 112/6. for mending of 

stove 7/6. Sand 5/7 Twine 3/ 7.3.7 19.14 
Ditto p'd I. & E. Pennington for Loaf 

sugar pr. bill ...... ... 60.93 

Ditto p'd for 16 bush of stove coal . . 6.40 
Ditto p'd for 6 Ib of tea for servants . . 6.80 
Ditto p'd for 25 cords hickory wood 

wharfage & hauling ...... 269.75 

Conting't Exp's. p'd by F. K for 2 pr. 

stockings for the Pres*. 33/. Cash given 

to Mrs. W 15/. 2 pr. gloves 5/6. 3 Ib of 

Sago 22/6. 2 hdkf's 13/. tooth powder 

for Mrs W. 15/. p'd on accot of Wil- 

helmina 15/. ..... 6.1.0. 16.13 507.65 


Sundry Exp's. D r . to Cash. 
Conting't. Exp's. p'd for Davis's Reposi- 
tory for '96 for the President 93 

for 2 phials best Ink 50 

72 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

House Exp's. p'd. Jno * Cramera mos 
wages . . . 10. 

Ditto p'd. Jno Gaceer a mos wages . . 14. 

Ditto for bringing in and splitting 25 

cords of wood 6.25 31.68 


Conting't. Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

p'd for Brakenridge's Incidents of the 
Western Insurrection and Eandolphs 
Vindication 1.37 

p'd. for a stone for the office stove (by 

way of back-log) 2.00 

for freight of a pipe of wine from Boston 2.50 

gave a distressed Frenchman by order of 
the Presd't 10. 

p'd. lac. Cox for 2f yds of Moleskin for 

the President 17.50 

P'd into the hands of the Rev'd M. 
Balch towards the erection & support 
of Greenville College in the S. W. ter- 
ritory pr. order of the Pres* . . . .100. 

- 21st - 
Sundries D r to Cash 

Fred. Kitt. deliv'd. him to pay his weekly 

account's 272.75 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. 1 mos wages 
to the cook 120/. paint 12 Ib 10/. dray- 
age of wine 5/. 2 sieves 10/. 3 brushes 
13/6. thread 10/. oil 7/6 .8.16.0 23.47 

Ditto, p'd. Kennedy & Harding for can- 
dles & etc pr. bill 34.72 

Ditto p'd Jos Gallagher for glass & China 

ware in full 13.42 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Chas Kirkham for 

Muslin etc & for Mrs. W. pr. bill . . 6.40 

Ditto p'd Jos Cook for sundries pr. bill . 3.50 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 73 

D. gavs J's Germain to buy necessaries 10. 

D. gave a poor beggar p'r. order ... 2. 366.26 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Isaac Parrish for 

Hats furnished the President's House- 

hold in full ......... 31.84 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd for a 

whip for E. P. Custis pr. order . . 3.33 
House Exp's. remitted to Tho. Russell 

Esq. for duties on a pipe of wine . . 55. 90.17 
Cash To the Treasury of the U. 

States Rec'd on acco't of the Presi- 

dents Compensation ...... 1000.00 

- 28th - 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's .... ....... 188.70 

House Exp's. p'd by F. K for 1 mos. 

wages to the chamb r maid 45/. 1 do 

to ye kitchen maid 37/6 . . 4.2.6 11.00 
Ditto p'd. Ben. Dorsey for a bbl. Sugar 30.83 
Ditto p'd James Andre a mos wages . . 10.00 
Conting't Exp's p'd by F. K for 6 hdkfs 

for the servants 18/10. spirits of tur- 

pentine 3/. for grinding chopping 

knives 4/. Comb & pen knife for "W. 

Custis 4/9. pr. stockings for boy Henry 

6/6 4 weeks boarding of Wilhelmina 

90/. . ........ 6.7.1 16.94 

D. gave a poor beggar by order ... 2. 
D. gave watchman a Christmas gift . . 5. 
D. gave boy who brought horse from 
D. deliv'd to Mrs. W. to pay bill . . . 27.25 

Eeading .......... .75 

Stable Exp's. p'd Paul Grosscup (pr. 

74 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

order of Gen' 1 . Bowers) for Escps of 

horse Turpin. 25.57 318.04 

January 1st, 1796. 

Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash, 

for 4 cakes shoe blacking a ruler & an 

almanack 1. 

Gave the carrier of the Penna. Gazette . .50 
D. do. for the Gazette of the IT. S. . . 1. 

D. do. for the Aurora 1. 

D. do. for the Dailey Advertiser ... 1. 

D. do. for the Philad a . Gazette ... 1. 6.50 

- 2nd 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Jas. McAlpin in full 

for tayloring done for the President & 

family 321. 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd. Jno. 
McElwee in May '95 for 2 pr Looking 
Glasses etc for T. Lear . 37.2.6 99. 
D. p'd for a fan for D. (to be charg'd to 

T. Lear's Ac*.) 3. 423. 

4th - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accounts 130.18 

House Exp's. pd Bt'. Dorsey for sundries 

pr. bill 11.50 

D itto p'd. for 27 yds. of coarse Diaper for 

towels 7.20 

Ditto p'd. for 52 yds of coarse linen for 

table clothes etc 7.51 

Ditto p'd by F. K. for 1 mos wages of a 

House maid 45/. paper 3/ 6.40 162.79 

_ 6th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's gave a beggar pr. order 2. 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 75 

D. p'd. Ann Lemaire for sundries pr. 

bill for Mrs. W ........ 5.50 

D. p'd. Jno. Jones in fall for sunds. pr. 

bill ............ 5.60 

Ditto p'd. Walter Johnston for repairing 

Carriages etc pr. bill ...... 49.73 

House Exps pd Henry Sheaff in full for 

wines, spirits, brandy pr bill .... 182.75 245.48 
Cash D r . to the Treasury of the U. States. 
Rec'd. on acco't. of the Presidents Com- 

pensation ..... . _. . . . 1000. 

- 9th 
Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. for 3 bales coffee . . 88.19 
Stable Exp's. p'd. for 114 bush of Oats . 57.00 
Conting't Exp's. p'd for a bottle of Ink . .50 146.69 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd pay him to his weekly 

accounts .......... 145.92 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K for Lamp Oil 

40/. lamp Glasses 5/7. wash woman a 

months wages 45/. 2 dishes & 2 pans 

15/9. a load of charcoal 90/. 9.16.4 26.18 

D itto p'd. I. & E. Pennington for 103 Ib 

loaf sugar .......... 27.47 

D. p'd J. Haslehurst for 10 Jars of 

Honey ........... 20. 

Ditto p'd. for 3} bush of Nuts . . . . 7.50 

Conting't Exp's p'd by F. K for whale- 
bone 4/6. a trunk 15/. 2 p'r. gloves 12/. 
for Mrs. W. 2 steels 7/6 Larding 
Needles 3/. Iron spoons 17/. drayage on 
Honey 3/9. twine 3/. . . . 3.5.9 8.77 

Contingt Exp's. deliv'd James Germain 10.00 
Ditto p'd. Roberts & Co for a floor cloth 14.82 

76 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

D. p'd. Jac. Jones for mending shoes . 1.67 
D. p'd. for 12 \ yds of coarse Muslin for 

aprons for servants 2.70 265.03 

- 13th ~ 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

House Exp's. p'd. for candles & soap pr. 

bill 39.71 

D. p'd. by John Cramer on acco't. of 

wages 15. 

Ditto p'd Fred Kitt on acco't of his own 

& wifes wages 20.00 

Stable Exp's p'd. for 33 bush of Oats . 16.50 
Conting't Exp's deliv'd Jas. Germain . 10.00 
Ditto deliv'd Mrs. Washington . . . 20.00 
Ditto gave a beggar pr order .... 2.00 123.21 

16th - 

Cash D r . to the Presidents acco't proper 
Kec'd at the Bank of the U. S. for In- 
terest etc. due on Certificates belong- 
ing to the President 330.22 

- 18th - 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 117.55 

House Exp's. pd by F. K. one months 

wages to the Cook 6. for sand 8/ . . 17.07 
Conting't Exp's p'd by do for Ribbon 

for Mrs. W'n. 10/6 gave a man who 

brought Salmon fish 5/7J 2.15 

Ditto p'd for 2 pc'ss Linen & Cambrick 

for shirts for servants 16. 

Ditto gave a poor woman pr. order of 

Mrs. Wn . 1. 

Ditto p'd. for tuition of G. W. Custis to 

the first inst 13.87 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 4 bushl's shorts 2.40 169.54 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 77 


Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 
Paid David Breintnall for shoes etc for 
Miss Custis & others pr. order of 
Mrs. Washington 24.92 


Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. States 

Rec'd. on acco't of the Presidents Corn- 
pen 11 1000.00 

P'd. F' 8 Childs of N. York in full to the 

end of 1795 for the Daily Advertiser . 41. 

D. p'd. Dunlap & Claypoole for the 
American daily Advertizer to the end 
of 1795. 8.00 49.00 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 81 bush, of Oats . 40.50 
Conting't Exp's. p'd Kid & Co for a box 

of paints for the Pres* 16.00 56.50 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco't's 150.22 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. for 1 mos. 
wages to Kitchen maid 37/6 2 chimney 
brushes 7/6 2 ginger bread for Mrs. W. 
2/10 2 scrubbing brushes 6/. 2 sweep- 
ing do 9/. & a broom 2/6 . . 3.5.4 8.71 
D. p'd. Ben. Dorsey for 3 bb. of Tea . 6.00 
Ditto p'd for 2 cheeses pr. bill .... 18.45 
Ditto p'd. Jno Puttner 2 mos. wages . 22. 
Conting't, Exp's. p'd. by F. K. for 2 pr. 
stockings for footman 15/. Sundry 
seeds for Mrs. W. 9/. J yd Calico for 

78 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

do. 3/3. thread & buttons for servt's 

shirts 8/. ' 1.15.3 4.70 

D. p'd. for tinning Kitchen utensils . . 10.74 
D. p'd. for binding Music book for Miss 

Custis 1-50 

Ditto gave a distressed woman by order 

of Mrs. W. . . 2.00 224.32 

- 80th - 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Conting't. Exp's. p'd. Thos Dobson for 

stationary & bookbinding to the end of 

1755 89.52 

D. p'd. Jesse Sharpless in full for sund 

prbill 30.37 

Ditto, deliv'd. James Germain .... 20.00 

Ditto gave a poor beggar 1.00 

D. gave Moll to buy a pair of shoes . . 1.50 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 109} bush. Oats . 54.75 197.14 

February 1st 

Sundries. Dr. to Cash 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his 

weekly accot's 149.43 

House Exp's p'd. by F. K. a mos. wages 
to House Maid 45/. 4 gallons Oil 48/. 

4.13.0 12.40 

Ditto p'd. John Gaceer 2 mos. wages . 28. 
Ditto, p'd. James Andre in full 1 mos . 

wages 10. 

Conting's Exp's p'd by F. K 2 pr. stock- 
ings for servants 15/. 4 handk'fs for 
do 8/. 4 yds. hair ribbon for Presid* 
2/8. 6 Ib of hair powder 12/. Gave 
G. W. Custis to buy a book 7/6 . . 

2.5.21 6.02 

D. p'd. Jac. Jones for repairing shoes . 1.33 
D. p'd. for 8 handkf's for G. W. Custis 2.84 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 79 

D. p'd. Jno. Whitesides for sunds for 

Mrs. W n . per bill 99.13 

D. p'd. Mich'l. Roberts for 6 setts table 
& 4 setts desert, white Ivory handl'd 
knives & fork', 2 pr. Carvers & steels 91. 400.15 


Cash D r . to the Treasury of the U. States 
Rec'd on acco't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation V 1000. 

- 3rd - 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 140 bush of oats . 70.00 
Conting't Exp's. p'd Jos. Anthony for 

sund's. for Mrs. W n . pr bill .... 107.36 
D. p'd. M. Carey for Jeffersons Notes 

13/1J American Remembrancer 22/6 

for the President, Anderson's Embassy 

8/5 William's Letters 7/6 for Mrs. W-n 

& Beaties Elements for Geo. W. P. 

Custis 13/1J 34.8 8.62 185.98 


Stable Exp's. D r . to Cash 

paid for 47 bush' 1 of Oats 23.50 

8th - 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his 

weekly accot's 128.46 

Conting's Exp's. gave a beggar by order 2.50 
House Exp's, p'd. by F. K to months 

wages for washwoman 45/. paper 3/9. 

paint 6/ sand 6/. lib tea 18/9 House 

clothes 6/. salts 2/. mend'g, baskets 4/. 

drayage 4/. brushes 9/4 . . . ..... 

5.4.10 13.98 144.94 

80 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 


Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Gash. 

paid for filling the Ice House .... 58. 

p'd S. T. Jones for sund's. for Mrs. W. 

pr bill 6.18 64.18 


Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

paid James Boyer in full for his services 
(recording etc.) from the beginning of 
Dec. last 93.50 

Deliv'd to James Germain 15. 

Deliv'd to Mrs. Washington to pay sun- 
dry bills and for pocket money . . . 70.00 178.50 

- 12th - 

Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Paid Thomas Palmer for shoes for Mrs. 

Washington, pr. bill 12.50 

- 13th - 

House Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Paid Wm. Crouch for potatoes & turnips 

as pr. bill 48.67 

Paid Jno. Crameron acco't. of wages. . 13.00 61.67 


Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts 183.29 

House Exp's. p'd. for F. K. on acco't of 

wages 20.00 

D. p'd. I & Ed. Pennington for Loaf 

Sugar per Bill 60.40 

D. p'd. Kennedy & flarding for soap & 

candles pr. bill 34.97 

Ditto for glazing pr. bill 1.50 

Ditto, p'd by F. K. for a mos. wages for 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 81 

washer woman 45/. 2 pitchers 13/. 2 
doz wooden spoons 15/. 5 days hire 
for wash woman 25/. 4 china pots 6/. 

5.4.0 13.87 
Conting't. Exp's. p'd by F. K for Castor 

011 3/. drayage for a bbl of hams 1/10} 

12 Ib hair powder 18/. Comb & hair 
rollers 3/ 1.5.10} 3.45 

D. gave a poor woman by order of Mrs. 

W 2.00 

D. p'd. for a Eing for Mrs W n . . 1.00 320.54 


Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Paid Mrs. Wright for sundries for Mrs. 

Washington & Miss Custis pr. bill . . 24.45 
Pd. Wm. Richardson for repairing 

spectacles etc 2.50 26.95 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. S. 
Rec'd. on accot. of the Presidents Com- 
pensation 1000. 


Conting't. Exp's Dr. to Cash, 

p'd. Pasquier & Co for China bill, pr 

order of Mrs. W 50. 

p'd. Jno Fenno for 2 setts of Gazette of 
the U. S. for 6 mos. ending 31st Dec 
1795 7.50 57.50 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 
Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his week- 
ly accot's 166.13 

House Exp's. p'd by F. K. for one months 
wages to cook 120/. 6 days washing 
30/. a mo's wages to Kitchen girl 37/6 
VOL. xxxi. 6 

82 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 


4 gallons oil 40/. hire of a man to fetch 
water etc IS/. .... 11.19.6. 31.94 
Conting't. Exp's p'd by do for bleeding 

servants 4/8 for paper 5/9 .... 1.39 199.47 

Qffth - 

Sundries D r to Cash 

Conting't Exp's. deliv'd to Mrs. W. . . 20. 
D. gave a poor beggar by order ... 2. 
D. p'd. carriage of a trunk in the stage 

to Baltimore for Mrs. W 1.33 

House Exp's p'd Jno Puttner a mos. wages 11.00 34.33 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 139.13 

House Exp's p'd. by F. K. for 1 mos hire 
of a house maid 45/. 3 days hire of a 
washwoman 15/. 1 broom 2/. 3 brushes 
12/ 3.14 9.88 

D. p'd Ben. Dorsey for 3 Ib of tea . . 9. 

D. p'd. for a bbl. of soft soap .... 4. 

Conting't Exps. p'd. by F. Kitt for Lav- 
ender Water for Mrs. W. 7/6. Garden 
seeds 12/. powder for cleaning silver 
3/9 play tickets for G. W. Custis 7/6 
neck cushion for do 3/9 . 1.14.6 4.60 

Ditto p'd for the box New Theatre . . 8. 

D. p'd for a pr. of shoes for boy Henry 2. 

Conting't Exp's. pd for 2 Ironing blankets 2.87 

Stable Exp's p'd for 63 bush of Oats . . 31.50 210.98 

(To be continued.) 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 83 



(Continued from Vol. XXX, p. 436.) 

October 23rd. 

James Cloyd assigns John Conelin (a servant from Ireland 
in the Snow Happy Return) to William Murdock for four 
years from Oct 12th 1745. Consideration 16. customary 

Isaac Hutchinson assigns Richard Welch (a servant from 
Ireland in the Snow Happy Return) to Nathaniel Scarlet ot 
Chester Co., for six years and a half from Oct 12th 1745. 
Consideration 14. customary dues. 

Michael Wooldridge, in consideration of fifteen pounds paid 
by James Payne of Phila. Cooper, to Robert Wakely for 
his passage from Ireland, and in further consideration of 
being taught the art or mystery of a cooper, indents himself 
a servant to James Payne for seven years and five months 
from this date, to have two suits of apparel at the expira- 
tion of his time, one of which new. 

James Cloyd assigns John Stuart (a servant from Ireland 
in the Snow Happy Return) to Robert Thompson of Phila. 
County for four years from Oct. 12th 1745. Consideration 
15: customary dues. 

Elizabeth Hoy assignes Mary Parker to William Morris 
of the County of Chester for the remainder of her time two 
years and a half from Nov. 29th 1745 Consideration 8. 

Edward Dowers assignes William Brian (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct. 4th 1745 Consideration 16 : 
customary dues. 


84 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 


Edward Dowers assignes George Qidnland (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct. 4th 1745, consideration 16 : to 
have customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assignes Thomas Landricking (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Mary- 
land for four years from Oct. 4th 1745, consideration 16 : 
customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assignes Patrick Morgan (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct. 4th 1745 Consideration 16 : to 
have customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assignes Christopher Lynch (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of 
Maryland for four years from Oct 4th 1745. Consideration 
15, customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assigns Moses Campbell (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct. 4th 1745. Consideration 16 : 
customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assigns Jonathan McNomara, (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Mary- 
land for four years from Oct. 4th 1745. Consideration 16. 
customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assigns William Kenny (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct 4th 1745. Consideration 16: 
customary dues. 

Edward Dowers assigns Bryan Carty (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Stephen Onion of Maryland 
for four years from Oct. 4th 1745. Consideration 16. 
customary dues. 

October %4th. 

Margaret Bullock by consent of her grandfather Nathan 
Watson indents herself a servant to Obadiah Eldridge of 
Phila. and his wife, for eight years and a half from Aug. 
19th. 1745, to be taught reading writing and sewing and at 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 85 

the expiration of her time to have two suits of apparel, one 
of which to be new. 

James Mitchell assigns Hugh Gallougher (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to John Gillcrest of 
Lancaster County for four years from Oct. 12th 1745 Con- 
sideration 15 to have customary dues. 

James Mitchell assigns John McKenny (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to John Neal of Lan- 
caster Co., for five years from Oct. 12th 1745. Considera- 
tion 15. customary dues. 

Patrick Coll assigns John Connaghan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to James Gillcrest of 
Lancaster Co., for five years from Oct. 12th 1745. Consid- 
eration 15, customary dues. 

William Robinson assigns John Willson (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brigg* Cleveland) to Francis Alexander of 
Chester County, for eight years from Oct. 5th 1745. Con- 
sideration 12.10/. customary dues. 

William Robinson assigns John Woodside (a servant from 
Ireland in the brigg* Cleveland) to Mathew Robinson of 
Chester County for five years from Oct. 5th 1745. Consid- 
eration 13, customary dues. 

Grace Obryan of her own free will and accord and by the 
consent of her father Christopher Obryan, binds herself a 
servant to Alexander Edwards of Phila. county for four x - 
years and seven months from this date, to be taught to read 
and write, and at the expiration of the said time to have one 
cow and calf and two suits of apparel, one of which shall 
be new. 

Isaac Hutchinson assigns Allen McDugal (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to Samuel Scott of 
Lancaster County for three years from Oct. 12th 1745. 
Consideration 14 Customary dues. 

John Karr assigns John Morrin (a servant from Ireland in 
the snow Happy Return) to Josiah Scott of Lancaster county 
for four years from Oct. 12th 1745. Consideration 15 
Customary dues. 

86 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

October 25th. 

William Robinson assigns John Stewart (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brigg* Cleveland) to Bristow Browne, 
mariner, to serve seven years from Oct. 5th 1745. Consid- 
eration 10., customary dues. 

Robert Wakely assigns Anne Doran (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow George) to John Reardon, of Phila,, for 
four years from September 22nd 1745. Consideration 10. 
customary dues. 

Edward Cathrall assigns Adam Stoles his servant to Hugh 
Roberts of Phila. for the remainder of his time for thirteen 
years from Feb. 12th 1738. Consideration 20 : custom- 
ary dues. 

October 26th. 

Robert Wakely assigns William McGlinn (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow George) to Francis O'neal of Chester 
Co, for four years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 
16 : to have customary dues. 

John Inglis assigns John Drummond (a servant from 
Scotland in the ship Anne Gaily) to Jonathan Robeson for 
six years from Sept. 20th 1745. Consideration 18:, cus- 
tomary dues. 

October 30th. 

George Okill assigns Magraret Hackabuck to Thomas 
Lacey, of New Jersey, for the remainder of her time eight 
years from Nov. 3rd 1743. Consideration 14 customary 

George Okill assigns Mary Magrogan. (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brigg* Cleveland) to Abigail Pedroe of Phila. 
for seven years from Oct. 5th 1745. Consideration 11:5/. 
customary dues. 

Abigail Petro assigns Mary Murray to William White of 
Kent Co. for the remainder of her time, four years from 
April 10th 1745. Consideration 13 :, customary dues. 

Thomas Breach of Newton, West Jersey, indents himself 
an apprentice to Ebenezer Zanes of Phila. for six years and 
eleven months from this date, is to be taught the trade of a 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 87 

house carpenter, to have six months evening schooling, and 
at the expiration of his time to have two suits of apparel, 
one whereof shall be new. 

Oct. 31st. 

Alexander Farquhar of Kent Co. in Delaware by the con- 
sent and approbation of his father-in-law James Gonele, 
binds himself an apprentice to William Russell of Phila., 
house carpenter, for five years and nine months from this 
date, to be taught the trade of a house-carpenter, and to be 
found in meat, drink, washing and lodging, but not in 
apparel, neither is he to have any freedom dues. 

John Mooney in consideration of fourteen pounds paid by 
George Kelly to Mathias Perrale for his passage from 
Ireland indents himself a servant to George Kelly for five 
years from this date, to be taught the trade of a blacksmith, 
and at the expiration of said term to have one new suit or 
apparel besides his old ones. 

November 1st. 

Robert Bulcock Jr. of Barbados by the consent and appro- 
bation of his father who was present, indents himself an 
apprentice to Thomas Penrose of Phila. shipwright for seven 
years from Oct. 30th 1745 to be taught the trade of ship- 
wright in every branch ; is to be at liberty to go to an even- 
ing school every winter at his fathers expense, and to be 
found in apparel at the expense of his father. 

November 5th. 

John Carroll assigns James Miller (a servant from Ireland 
in the ship Katharine) to Thomas Trueman of Phila. for five 
years and a half from Oct. 31st 1745. Consideration 15 
to have customary dues. 

James Foster assigns Matthew McCalley (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katharine) to Edmund Burk of Phila. 
for three years from Oct. 31st 1745. Consideration 14 ; 
to have customary dues. 

John Cook from Ireland in the ship Katharine in consid- 
eration of ten pounds for his passage paid by Thomas 

88 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

Herbert of Phila. indents himself a servant to said Herbert 
for five years from hence, customary dues. 
November 6th. 

Joseph Eaton by consent and approbation of his father 
John Eaton, indents himself an apprentice to Samuel 
Cheesman of Phila., cordwainer for five years and two 
months from this date, is to be taught the trade of a shoe- 
maker and at the expiration of his time to have two suits 
of apparel, one of which to be new. 

Stephen Maddin in consideration of fifteen pounds paid by 
Nathaniel Eavenson of Chester Co to Robert Wakely for 
his passage from Ireland indents himself a servant to said 
Nathaniel for six years, ten months and sixteen days from 
this date, customary dues. 

Thomas Locky assigns Bryan McG-inley (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katharine) to John Lewis of Phila. Co., 
for four years from Oct. 31st 1745. Consideration 15:5/ 
customary dues. 

John Arnold, in consideration of 12 to him paid by 
James Ward of Gloucester Co. in New Jersey binds himselt 
a servant to the said James Ward for three years from this 
date customary dues, all but the freedom dues. 

Francis Caughlan in consideration of 9 paid by Alex. 
Huekinbottom to Joshua Morris for the remainder of his 
time and in further consideration of being taught the trade 
of bricklayer, indents himself a servant to the said Huekin- 
bottom for four years from this date ; customary dues. 

November 7th. 

Jacob Cooper assigns Dorothy Calfinkin to Isaac Browne 
of Phila. for the remainder of her time nine years from 
Dec. 20th 1744 Consideration 8.8.6., customary dues. 

November 8th. 

Joseph Smith assigns Laughlin O'Stevin (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katharine) to Alexander Miller of Lan- 
caster Co., for four years from Oct. 31st 1745. Considera- 
tion 14 customary dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 89 

John Moore assigns Thomas White a servant, to Barnabas 
Koads of Phila. Co. for the remainder of his time seven 
years from August 27th 1741. Consideration 16 custom- 
ary dues. 

William Herbert assigns John Herbert his apprentice to 
John Stamper of Phila. for the remainder of his time nine- 
teen years from March 24th 1740. Consideration 5/ cus- 
tomary dues. 

Sarah Dearman with the consent of Mary Herbert, her 
mistress, hath put herself a servant to William Bingham of 
Phila. and Mary his wife, for four years from Nov. 1st 
instant customary dues. 

James Foster assigns Ezekiel Bullock (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katharine) to Andrew Stephen of 
Lancaster Co. for five years from Oct. 31st 1745. Consid- 
eration 10:7.6. customary dues. 

November 9th. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Darby Collings (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to John Kiveyans of 
Lancaster Co., for four years from Nov. 8th 1745. Consid. 
eration 16 Customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Dennis Horgan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to Andrew Miller of 
Lancaster Co., for four years from Nov. 8th 1745. Consid- 
eration 15. Customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Catherine Irley (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to William Nicholson of 
Phila. for four years from Nov. 8th, 1745 Consideration 14 : 
Customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns John Dunn (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow City of Cork) to George Kelly of Phila. for four 
years from Nov. 8th 1745. Consideration 22 : customary 

John Inglis assigns Neil Brown (a servant from Scotland 
in the ship Anne Galley) to George Houston for six years 
from Sept. 24th 1745. Consideration customary dues. 

90 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 


James Templeton assigns Andrew Christy (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brigg* Couli Kan) to Thomas Harris of 
Lancaster Co. for five years from Nov. 1st., 1745 Consider- 
ation 22 : customary dues. 

November llth. 

Clement Russell assigns John Doud his servant to Patrick 
Devor of Phila. marriner, for the remainder of his time for 
four years from June 15th., 1745. Consideration 16: cus- 
tomary dues. 

Joseph Smith assigns Arte McClaskey (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Catharine) to Isaac Jennings of Glou- 
cester Co. for four years from Oct. 31st, 1745. Considera- 
tion 13:10/. Custom ry dues. 

Daniel Rear don of Lancaster Co., in consideration of being 
instructed in the trade of a coppersmith puts himselt 
apprentice to William Love of Phila. for one year from this 
date, to have one new cloth waistcoat, two new checque 
shirts and one new pair shoes, at the end of his time. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Teague Hanan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to John Guthry for four 
years from Nov. 8th., 1745. Consideration 16 : custom- 
ary dues. 

.Daniel Jappie assigns Timothy Bryan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to Joseph "Walter of 
Chester Co., for four years from Nov. 8th., 1745. Consider- 
ation 16 : customary dues. 

John Dwyer, late of Ireland, in Consideration of 20 : 
paid by Andrew Farrell of Phila. to Cap. Daniel Jappie for 
his passage from Ireland indents himself a servant to the 
said Andrew Farrell for three years, eleven months, and 
twenty four days from this date at the end of his time to 
have one new suit of apparel besides his old ones and 5 : 
currant money. 

Daniel Pilliting, Jr. by consent of his father Daniel 
Pilliting (who signs his indenture) puts himself apprentice 
to Hugh Hodge of Phila. tobacconist, for fourteen years and 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 91 

nine months from this date, to have three quarters of a year 
day schooling to learn to read and write, and at the expira- 
tion of the said term to have two suits of apparel one of 
which is to be new and to be taught the trade of a Tobac- 
conist in all its branches. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Daniel Hurley (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to Samuel Burrough, of 
West Jersey, for four years from Nov. 8th, 1745. Consid- 
eration 16 : customary dues. 

Catharine Abel in consideration of 12 : paid by Christian 
Crasshold, for her passage from London, indents herself a 
servant to said Christian for three years and a half from 
this date. Customary dues. 

Abraham Collings assigns Thomas Linon (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Bolton) to Edward Collings of Phila. 
for four years from Oct. 4th, 1745. Consideration 12: 
customary dues. 

Nov. 12th. 

John Murrough, in consideration of 15: paid by Alex. 
Armstrong of Lancaster County to Elizabeth Ken for his 
time of his own free will and accord indents himself a ser- 
vant to said Alexander for four years and a half from this 
date at the end of his time to have two complete suite of 
apparel one of which is to be new. 

Conrad Abel in consideration of 6 : paid by Jacob 
Newman to Casper Wistar for his passage from Lon- 
don, indents himself a servant to the said Jacob New- 
man for eight years from this date. To have the customary 

Nov. 18th. 

James Templeton assigns John Kernell (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brig* Couli Kan) to George Curry of Chester 
County for four years from Nov. 1st, 1745. To have cus- 
tomary dues, consideration 16:10 

James Templeton assigns William Anderson (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brig* Couli Kan) to Mary Grimes of 


92 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

Chester County for four years from Nov 1st, 1745. Con- 
sideration 15.10/ customary dues. 

John Stinson assigns Anne Steven his servant to James 
Gault, of Lancaster County, for the remainder of her time, 
for three years, from April 30th 1745 Consideration 
11:1 0/. Customary dues. 

Nov. Hth. 

George James Ex r of Joseph James assigns Jacob 
Chrisstler late apprentice to said Joseph James deceased, to 
Christian Crosshold, of Phila., for the remainder of his time 
eleven years and ten days from Dec. 2nd, 1741, to have 
schooling to learn him to read and write English, and at 
the end of his time to have two suits of apparel, of which 
one is to be of new broadcloth, also a taylors goose and 
sheers and twenty shillings in money. Consideration 10 : 

Walter Jones assigns Arthur Mclaske (a servant from 
Ireland in Ship Katherine) to William Rush of Chester 
County, for four years from May llth, 1745. Considera- 
tion 13:10/ to have customary dues. 

Davies Bendall assigns Jacob Simson (a servant from 
Ireland in the Snow Martha) to Robert Bulcock of the 
Island of Barbadoes for three years and a half from Sept. 
14th, 1745. Consideration 16: customary dues. 

James Templeton assigns John Morrison (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brig* Couli Kan) to Henry Sloan of East 
Jersey for five years from Nov. 1st 1745. Consideration 
16 : customary dues. 

Philip Hime, by consent of his mother Mary Elizabeth 
Hime, who was present, In consideration of 13:12.6 paid 
by John Gebherd, for his passage from Holland to Benja- 
min Shoemaker, indents himself, a servant to John Gebherd 
for twelve years from this date to be taught to read and 
write the English and German languages and to have the 
customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Dennis Kitney (a servant from 
Ireland in the Snow City of Cork) to Joseph Seal of Chester 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 93 

County for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consider ation 
14:10/ customary dues. 

Nov. 16th. 

Daniel Boyle assigns Mary Dirrham his servant to Daniel 
Corbett of Chester County for the remainder of her time, 
four years from Sept. 18th, 1744. Consideration 10 custo- 
mary dues. 

Nw. 18th. 

George James Ex r ot Joseph James deceased, assigns 
Johannes Gebele, late apprentice to the said Joseph to 
David Tishell of Phila. for three years from Dec. 12th, 
1744. Consideration 12: customary dues. 

William Dean indents himself a servant to John McMinn 
of Chester County for two years and eleven months from 
Nov. llth, 1745. Consideration 16 : paid to Abram Will- 
son Customary dues. 

William Andrew in consideration of 18 : paid by John 
Kerr to Capt. Huston for his passage from Scotland, indents 
himself a servant to said John Kerr for five years and eleven 
months from this date, is to be taught the Art or Mystery 
of a plasterer and to have the customary dues at the end ot 
his time. 

Nw. 20th. 

James Templeton assigns James Cunningham (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brig*, Couli Kan) to William Fullerton 
of Lancaster County for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. 
Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

Margaret Piling in consideration of 8 : paid by Francis 
Creek of Lancaster County to George Rood for her mainte- 
nance and education, of her own free will and accord, in- 
dents herself a servant to Francis Creek for three years and 
a half from this date, at the expiration of her time to have 
one good yearling heifer and one new suit of good full'd 

Caleb Emlen assigns John Hill, his apprentice, to Joseph 
Armit of Phila. joyner for the remainder of his time seven 

' j 
94 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

years and fifty eight days from June 4th 1741: to be taught 
the trade of a joyner and to have customary dues. Consid- 
eration 12. 

Nov. 21st. 

Hugh Hall son of William Hall of Phila., taylor, by the 
consent and approbation of his father, indents himself an 
apprentice to John Kateringer of said City, taylor, to serve 
seven years from this date, to have two winters schooling at 
an evening school, to read and write, and at the end of his 
time to have customary dues. 

Robert Wakely assigns Bryon Campbell (a servant from Ire- 
land in the Snow George) to John Pass of Phila. for four 
years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 15 : custo- 
mary dues. 

Daniel Jones son of Mary Jones, by consent of his mother, 
indents himself apprentice to Richard Allen of Phila., brass 
founder, for six years from Nov. 20th 1745, to be taught 
the trade of a brass founder and at the expiration of his 
apprenticeship in case his mother should die before that 
time, to have a new suit of clothes. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Owen Quigley (a servant from Ireland 
in the Snow City of Cork) to William Browne of Lancaster 
County for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745 : consideration 
14 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Timothy Linchey (a servant from Ire- 
land in the Snow City of Cork) to Thomas Dewell, of Sa- 
lem County, in West Jersey, for four years from Nov. 5th, 
1745. Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns James Bryan, (a servant from Ire- 
land, in the Snow City of Cork), to Aaron Mendenhall of 
Chester County for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Con- 
sideration 5 : customary dues. 

Nov. 22nd. 

James Templeton assigns Robert Barnett (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brig* Couli Kan) to John Price of Lancaster 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 95 

County for six years from Nov. 1st 1745. Consideration 
17 : customary dues. 

Walter Jones assigns Cormick O'brien (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Samuel McCree of Ches- 
ter County for five years from Oct. 31st 1745. Considera- 
tion 14 : customary dues. 

Nov. 23rd. 

Christopher Gyger of Phila country labourer indents him- 
self a servant to Reuben Forster of Phila wheelwright for 
two years, two months and eleven days from this date ; is to 
be taught the Art or Mystery of a wheelwright in all its 
branches and to be found in meat, drink, washing and 

Daniel Jappie assigns Anne St. John (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to Gilbert Deacon of Phila. 
for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745. Consideration 14; 
Customary dues. 

Thomas Griffith assigns Daniel Beatty, his servant for the 
remainder of his time, five years from Nov. 1st 1744, to 
Thomas Kenton Jr. of Phila. County. Consideration 17 : 
customary dues. 

John Dight son of Abram Dight of Chester County with 
the consent of his father indents himself an apprentice to 
Benjamin Loxley, of Phila., house carpenter for five years 
and nine months from this date, to have one quarters even- 
ing schooling at reading and writing and at the end of his 
time the customary dues. 

James Templeton assigns John McDonald (a servant from 
Ireland in the Briggt. Couli Kan) to John Painter of Ches- 
ter County for five years from Nov. 1st, 1745. Considera- 
tion 14:10/ customary dues. 

James Berry late of Ireland indents himself of his own 
free will and accord an apprentice to William Hamilton of 
Lancaster County for five years from this date, to be taught 
the trade of a blacksmith and at the end of his time to have 
one complete suit of new apparel and three pounds in 

96 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

Nov. 25th. 

Jacob Grubb, son of Peter Grubb, late of Phila., indents 
himself an apprentice to Daniel Billger of Phila., Cooper, 
for five years from this date, is to have six months school- 
ing to learn to read and write the German language and at 
the expiration of his time, is to have given to him five hun- 
dred cedar hoop poles, fifty cedar blocks, two drawing 
knives, one compass, one joyner, one axe, and one saw, and 
one suit of new apparel besides his old ones. 

Edward Evans assigns William Maylan, his apprentice, to 
Thomas Overing of Phila. cordwainer, for the remainder 
of his time five years and three months from Nov. 1st 1741. 
Consideration 10 : to have customary dues and it is agreed 
between the said Thomas Overing and William Maylon 
that in case William Maylon does his six pairs of leather 
shoes a week (unless prevented by sickness), that the said 
master shall pay for two quarters schooling for the said ap- 
prentice at a evening school to learn to read and write. 

Nov. 26th. 

James Templeton assigns James Low (a servant from Ire- 
land in the Briggt. Couli Kan) to Thomas Ivans, of West 
Jersey, for five years from Nov. 1st 1745. Consideration 
15.10/. Customary dues. 

James Templeton assigns Charles Stewart, (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brig*. Couli Kan) to Joseph Reeve of Cohan- 
sie for five years from Nov. 1st 1745. Consideration 16: 
10/. Customary dues. 

James Templeton assigns Alexander Forrentine, (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brig*. Couli Kan) to Neal McClaskey 
of Chester County for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. Con- 
sideration 18 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns George Hill (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow City of Cork) to Joseph Chainpress of Salem 
County, for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 
14 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Solomon Walsh (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to John Elwell of Salem 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 97 

County, for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 
14 : Customary dues. 

Nov. 97th. 

James Templeton assigns William Willson (a servant from 
Ireland in the Brig*. Couli Kan) to Joseph Mackleduff of 
Chester County for four years from Nov. 1st, 1745. Con- 
sideration 14 : customary dues. 

Nov. %8th. 

Andrew Paterson with the consent of his mother Sarah 
Paterson, widow, indents himself an apprentice to William 
Sutor of the Northern Liberties, turner, for six years from 
this date, is to be taught the trade of a turner and to be 
taught to read, write and cypher, as far as the rule of three 
and at the end of his time to have customary dues. 

Nov. 29th. 

James Templeton assigns Samuel Forrentine (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brig*. Couli Kan) to John Dicky of 
Chester County, for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. Con- 
sideration 18 : customary dues. 

Nov. 80th. 

Michael Bikker assigns Philip Boogie his servant to Wil- 
liam Hinton of Phila. for the remainder of his time six 
years from Jan. 15th, 1744-5 : consideration 15:14/ cus- 
tomary dues. 

Dec. 2nd. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Daniel Kelly (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow City of Cork) to John Barnes, of Trenton, for 
four years from Nov. 6th, 1745. Consideration 15 : Custo- 
mary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Barnaby Grimes (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to Kendall Cole of West 
Jersey for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745. Consideration 
15 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns William Trow (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City ot Cork) to Benjamin Cooper of 
VOL. xxxi. 7 


98 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 


West Jersey for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745. Consider- 
ation 17: customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns John Jones (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow City of Cork) to Robert White of Bucks County 
for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745. Consideration 15 : 
customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Thomas Connor (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to Robert Hunt, of Burling- 
ton, for four years from Nov. 5th, 1745. Consideration 16 : 
customary dues. 

Dec. 4th. 

Samuel Boon son of Elizabeth Sims of Phila. with the con- 
sent of his mother, binds himself apprentice to John White 
of Germantown, house-carpenter, for seven years and ten 
months from this date, to learn his trade, and to be taught 
to read and write, and at the end of his time to have one 
new suit, besides his old one. 

William Dickeson, Jr., son of William Dickeson of Salem, 
with the consent of his said father binds himself apprentice 
to Ebenezer Zane of Phila. house-carpenter, for six years 
and six months from Nov. 15th, 1745, to be taught the trade 
of a house-carpenter and at the end of his time to have one 
new suit beside his old one. 

Dec. 7th. 

Garret Fiscus, of Phila., taylor, in consideration of twenty- 
one pounds paid by Conrad Reif, of Phila., to Benjamin 
Shoemaker for his and his wife's passage from Holland in- 
dents himself a servant to Conrad Reif, for four years from 
this date. Customary dues. 

William Silliker son of William Silliker deceased, by con- 
sent of his Uncle Benj. Leigh, binds himself apprentice to 
Benj. Ellis of Chester County, cooper, for nine years and 
seven months from this date to have six months schooling 
at reading and writing, to be taught the trade of a cooper 
and husbandman customary dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 99 

Dec. 9th. 

James McDonald, of Phila., mariner, indents himself a 
servant to Joseph Gaven of Phila., cordwainer, for five 
years from this date, to be taught the trade of a shoemaker 
to have one whole years schooling at an evening school, and 
at the end of his time to have one new suit of broad cloth 
besides his old ones. 

Dec. 10th. 

William Ellicot, of Phila., indents himself an apprentice to 
Richard Swan of Phila., hatter, for three years one month 
and twelve days, from this date, to be taught the trade of a 
hatter, and at the end of his time to have one new suit of 
cloath, besides his old ones. 

Richard Knowles, by consent of his mother Rebecca Clay- 
ton indents himself an apprentice to Richard Swan of 
Phila., hatter, for two years and one month from this date, 
to be taught the trade of a hatter, and reading, writing and 
cyphering as far as the rule of multiplication, and at the 
end of his time to have one new suit of apparel besides his 
old ones. 

Dec. llth. 

George James executor of Joseph James, deceased, as- 
signs John Smith, late apprentice to the said Joseph James 
to John Katteringer of Phila., taylor, for the remainder of 
his time ten years from April 25th, 1743 to be taught the 
trade of a taylor and to read, write and cipher as far as the 
rule of three, and at the end of his time to have two suits 
of apparel one of which to be new, and also a taylor's goose 
and shears to be given by his master. Consideration 5/7. 

George Pyall assigns John Smith, his servant, to John 
Warner of Phila. County for the remainder of his time 
four years from May 19th, 1744. Consideration 12 : 
customary dues. 

Dec. 12th. 

Jonathan Hanson by consent of his mother Esther 
Hanson, binds himself apprentice to Francis Holton, of 


100 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 


Phila. County, shipwright, for five years from Nov. 29th, 
1745 ; to be taught the trade of a shipwright and to be found 
in shoes by his master, but no freedom dues. 

George Doblewart, with consent of his uncle Jacob Maux, 
indents himself a servant to John Gibhart of Phila., turner, 
for twelve years from this date to be taught the trade of a 
turner and to read and write in the German language and 
at the expiration of his term to have one new suit of apparel 
besides his old ones. Consideration 10:15/, paid Jacob 

Elizabeth Keplery, in consideration of five pounds paid to 
Jacob Maux, by Peter Hind worker of Phila., with consent 
of Jacob Maux, indents herself a servant to Peter Hind- 
worker for ten years from this date, to have customary dues. 

Joseph Clayton with consent of his mother Esther Harris 
of Chester County, indents himself an apprentice to Joseph 
Govett of Phila., taylor, and Esther his wife, for four years 
and ten months from this date to be taught the trade of a 
taylor, to have two quarters schooling at an evening school 
and at the end of his time to have one new suit of apparel 
besides his old ones. 

Dec. 14th. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Lawrence Mahoney (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow City of Cork) to Ephraim Daten, of 
West Jersey, for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consider- 
ation 14 : customary dues. 

Dec. 16th. 

Hugh Carberry of his own free will and accord and in 
consideration of 13 : paid by Thomas Noorington to An- 
thony WTiitely for his passage from Ireland, indents him- 
self a servant to Noorington for six years from May llth 
1745, to be taught the trade of a loaf bread baker, and 
have customary dues. 

Dec. 19th. 

William Cuzzins assigns Maria Furnery his servant to 
Mathias Young, of the Borough of Lancaster, for the 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 101 

remainder of her time five years from Feb. 14th 1744/5 
Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

Abraham Wood, late of Burlington with the consent of 
his mother Ursula Rose indents himself apprentice to 
Jacob Lewis of Phila. house carpenter for five years seven 
months and a half, to be taught the trade of a house-carpen- 
ter, to have six months schooling at an evening school at 
reading and writing and at the end of his time to have one 
complete suit of new apparel besides his old ones. 

Dec. 23rd. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Michael Hogan (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to John Paul, of Phila. 
County, for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 
14 : customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns John Byrn (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow City of Cork) to Joshua Jones of Phila. County 
for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 14: 
customary dues. 

Dec. $4th. 

Daniel Jappie assigns Joan Sullivan (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to William Craig of Bucks 
County for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 
12 : customary dues. 

Dec. 27th. 

George Moore late of Ireland but now of Penna., indents 
himself an apprentice to Samuel Ho well of Phila., hatter 
for one year from this date, to be taught the trade of a hat- 
ter, is to be allowed by his master during his apprentice- 
ship three new shirts, three new pair of stockings, and 
three new pair of shoes, as the same shall become neces- 
sary for him, to work one month in wool if required by his 

Dec. 30th. 

Antonio Vosia, (a free negro man from Jamaica) indents 
himself an apprentice to Peter Allrick, of Phila. baker, for 

102 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

five years from this date to be taught the trade of a biscuit 
baker, customary dues. 

Honour Edwards, of her own free will and accord in con- 
sideration of seven pounds ten shillings paid by John Clem- 
son to Samuel King, for the remainder of her time, indents 
herself a servant to John Clemson for two years and three 
months from this date, to have cloathes during her service, 
but no freedom dues. 

John Bell assigns Catherine McGrinnis, his servant, to 
Conyngham and Gardner, for the remainder of her time, 
three years and a half from Sept. 3d 1745. Consideration 
12:10/ customary dues. 

Judith Williams of Phila., spinster, indents herself servant 
to John Bell of Chester County for two years from this 
date, to be found in meat, drink, washing, lodging and ap- 
parel, but no freedom dues. Consideration 4.17.8. 

(To be continued.) 

Joseph Andrews. 103 



It is an unfortunate fact that the collector of American 
Engravings very frequently finds that there has been little 
or nothing preserved or published about some of our fore- 
most artists and engravers. It seems like tardy justice to 
Joseph Andrews, as a man, and one of our best engravers, 
at this late date to attempt to gather together any sketch of 
him, or to form a complete or systematic list of his work. 
The descriptions of the engravings, hereafter noted, include 
only the prints that have been personally examined by the 
compiler, who is well aware of its incompleteness, but as 
this is probably the first published list of his works, it will 
prove of interest to the collector. An excellent memoir of 
Joseph Andrews was delivered before the Boston Art Club 
on May 17, 1873, by his friend, Mr. S. R Koehler, Curator 
of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, which I am indebted 
to for much of the biography. 

This meeting of the Club was held as a memorial of their 
fellow-member, Mr. Andrews, who had contributed much 
to the success of the Club on many occasions. A large 
collection of Mr. Andrew's engravings were also shown, 
and the meeting closed with an eloquent address from the 
Rev. E. C. Waterston, who paid a feeling tribute to the 
qualities of Mr. Andrews, both as a man and as an artist. 

Joseph Andrews was born at Hingham, Mass., August 17, 
1806. His father dying early, he was left in the care of his 
mother, who appears to have had some taste for drawing. 
This taste also developed itself at an early age in her son, 
who, even when a boy, preferred to stay at home and busy 
himself with his pencil, while others were playing. The 
first impulse in the direction of his future life pursuit was, 

104 Joseph Andrews. 

however, given to him by his brother Ferdinand, his elder 
by some years, who also had quite a fondness for drawing, 
but afterwards became a printer and an editor, editing the 
"Boston Traveller" during a period of several years. 
Joseph one day saw the brother engaged in an attempt to 
imitate a small cut upon metal with the aid of a knife, and 
he at once conceived the idea that he should like to be an 
engraver. Coming to Boston on a visit in his fifteenth 
year, he happened to see a sign, which read : " Abel 
Bowen, Engraver," and with the characteristic determina- 
tion and boldness of an American youth, he went into the 
house without much hesitation, to ask the proprietor of the 
place whether he did not want an apprentice. Although 
Mr. Bowen at first refused him, he still took an interest in 
the boy, lent him some books, and about six months later 
(in 1821) admitted him to his workshop as an apprentice. 
That young Andrews had not the opportunity of learning 
a very great deal in the establishment of Mr. Bowen, will 
be evident to those who are conversant with the quality of 
the latter '8 work. Wood engraving had at that period 
hardly emerged, even in Europe, from the low depth to 
which it had been allowed to sink during the previous 
century. Bewick, the regenerator ot the art in England, 
was still alive, and it was not to be wondered at, therefore, 
that this regenerating influence had not yet time to cross the 
Atlantic. Ani, indeed, there was nothing to regenerate on 
this side of the water. Wood engraving had just been, 
one might almost say, reinvented in the New World, and 
the historical value which will forever attach to the crude 
work of Abel Bowen, executed both upon wood and metal, 
arises from the very fact that he was one of the pioneers of 
the art of engraving upon wood in the United States, and 
probably, with perhaps one exception, the. first to practice 
it in the city of Boston. If we would attempt to measure 
the distance between now and then by the difference be- 
tween the work executed now and that executed then, we 
could hardly believe that only eighty years intervenes 

Joseph Andrews. 105 

between the two. And keeping in mind this fact, we 
shall be all the more ready to give fall credit to the men 
of the generation, who, like Andrews, were born upon 
an almost naked soil, but who, unaided by sympathy 
and appreciation at the commencement of their careers, 
and supported by hardly anything but the longings of 
their own higher natures, went bravely to work to turn 
the desert into a garden, and to sow the seeds of aesthetic 
culture, where almost nothing of the kind had grown 
before. We, who live in more favored days, although 
still, no doubt, deprived of many of the advantages which 
old Europe offers to the student of art, are apt to forget 
that those who went before this had to labor under yet 
greater difficulties, and it may not, therefore, be amiss to 
pay them this passing tribute, while lingering over the 
memory of one who formed so important a connecting link 
between the two periods, and lent the power of his heart 
and hand to assist in lifting American art to its present 

To Abel Bowen, then, our future engraver went, to be 
then and there initiated into the mysteries of wood en- 
graving, by being set to work upon the best thing that 
offered, which was nothing better than cuts for advertise- 
ments in the papers, and other jobs of a similar nature. 
But besides wood engraving, he also learned the art of 
lettering brazen door-plates, and to this more than to the 
other, although apparently more artistic occupation, he 
owed an advantage which, after all, repaid him for the time 
spent in Mr. Bowen's employ. It being necessary to dig 
the flowing lines of his letters deeply into the plates, Mr. 
Andrews himself attributed a great deal of his facility in 
using the graver to the power of hand acquired by this 

In the Sketch of Abel Bowen by William Henry Whit- 
more published by the Bostonian Society in 1887, mention 
is made that among Bowen's papers there was found an 
undated memorandum of his pupils as follows : " Persons 

106 Joseph Andrews. 

who have received instruction in the art of engraving. 
Charles Putnam, George Fowle, Sidney Bowen, Childs, 
Swett, Kelly, (S. S.) Kilburn, Joseph Andrews, Alonzo 
Hartwell, Crosman, Kuggles, Brown, Hammatt Billings, D. 
Bowen, Wait, Lloyd, William Munroe, Mudge, George 
Willis, Devereux, Emmons, Brown, William Croome, Hall 
(at Coopers town), and Perkins." 

Previous to the instruction received at Mr. Bowen's 
establishment, Joseph Andrews had none whatever. His 
next step in advance he attributed to a Mr. Hoogland, an 
engraver who had worked for Mr. Bowen before, having 
engraved a copper plate for the " Naval Monument," pub- 
lished in 1816, and who came to Boston in 1825. From 
him the subject of our sketch obtained the first knowledge 
of engraving on copper. Shortly thereafter a gentleman 
named Yicher, an entire stranger to the young artist (who 
was then, as he himself related, still quite small, although 
nineteen years old), seeing him engrave a certificate for a 
fire company, offered to head a list with $200, for the pur- 
pose of enabling him to go to Italy, and also advised him 
to make as fine a drawing as he was capable of, and to take 
it to Mr. Allston, so as to enlist his sympathies, if possible. 
Nothing however, came of this plan, and about the year 
1827, Mr. Andrews went to Lancaster, Mass., with his 
brother, where he set up with him in the engraving and 
printing business. He had thus far only had occasion to 
do maps and small illustrations for children's books, all the 
latter copied from English prints. The publication of 
" Annuals, 15 which was then in vogue in England and was 
soon imitated in the United States, gave him the first 
opportunity for a more fitting display of his talents, although 
even in this branch he was at the beginning forced to con- 
tent himself with the role of an imitator. This role, how- 
ever, he played so well, that when, in 1828, he imitated a 
plate entitled "The Cottage Legend," for the "Token" 
(edited by Mr. Goodrich, better known as " Peter Parley," 
was at this time having a wide circulation, all his books 

Joseph Andrews. 107 

being more or less illustrated or illuminated), the imitation 
was so exact that the English publisher himself could not 
tell the difference between the two, except upon close com- 
parison. His first engraving from a painting, and at the 
same time his first engraving upon steel, was made in 1829, 
from a painting by Alvan Fisher, entitled " The wicked flee 
where no man pursueth." Mr. Andrews used to tell, with 
a pleasant smile, a little anecdote connected with this picture 
to which its title gave rise. The latter being so long, it 
was usually cut down to its first three words, " The wicked 
flee." And when it became known among the friends of 
the engraver that he was engaged upon it, he was quite 
often beset with the question, what on earth he might be 
engraving, for all those who were not acquainted with the 
rest of the title took it for granted that in this case " flee " 
must be spelled with an " a " at the end, which, of course, 
gave quite a different meaning to the subject. During this 
and the next few years, Mr. Andrews engraved a large 
number of other small plates, mostly for " Annuals," among 
them a second after Alvan Fisher, " Crossing the Ford," 
and one from a painting by Greo. L. Brown, " The Panther 
Scene," from Cooper's "Pioneers." A special interest 
attaches to the latter plate, as it was the last executed before 
Mr. Andrews went to England. 

About the year 1829, Joseph Andrews joined the firm 
of Carter, Andrews & Co. The Mr. Andrews of this firm 
being a brother of Joseph Andrews who had started in 
business in Lancaster, Mass., as a printer and binder. A 
large number of the books of this period were illustrated 
by this firm, some of the finest examples of their portrait 
work being engraved wholly by Joseph Andrews. Hall, 
the engraver came to work in this house, and afterwards 
Atherton, Mallory, and Minot were taken as pupils. The 
plates of this time mark the first period of the engraver's 
career, they clearly show a great advance over the crude 
and stiff work of his first master, Abel Bowen. 

A second period commences in 1835. In the latter part 

108 Joseph Andrews. 

of that year Mr. Andrews, having lost his first wife, went to 
England. He felt that he was still lacking in many essen- 
tials, and he hoped to learn in Europe what he could not ac- 
quire here. What he was then especially in want of, as he 
himself explained it in later years, was a knowledge of how 
to express " tone." He could express " color " very well, 
he said ; but not knowing how to attain the other, he kept 
digging into his plates, which continued to bring out the 
objects, while he should have covered the plate by crossing 
and recrossing fine lines. Having seen a great many of the 
engravings produced at the establishment of the Findens, 
who were just then flooding the world with their portraits 
and illustrations of all sorts, his main desire was to gain 
admittance to their workshop. Mr. Danforth, however, 
probably the engraver of that name, to whom he had a 
letter of introduction, prevailed upon him to abandon this 
plan, by assuring him that Finden's place was simply a 
mechanical workshop, where he could learn nothing. And 
indeed, from what is related of the Findens, it was certain- 
ly fortunate for Mr. Andrews that he did not come into con- 
tact with them, for it appears that their establishment was 
nothing more nor less than a regular manufactory, where 
most of the work was carried on according to the principle 
of the division of labor, one man putting in the skies, 
another doing the vegetation, a third the water, a fourth 
the architectural parts, a fifth the figures, and so on. By the 
advice of the gentleman just named, Mr. Andrews applied 
to Mr. Joseph Goodyear, who was then extensively em- 
ployed by the English publishers to engrave the best plates 
for the best illustrated editions which issued from their 
presses; and although Mr. Goodyear had never had any 
pupils before, he consented to let the young American work 
under his eye, and it is to him, therefore, that Mr. Andrews 
always looked up as his real master. Under Mr. Goodyear's 
supervision he executed, among others, the small engraving 
"Annette Delarbre," after W. W. West, and which was 
afterwards published in " The Token " 1837. Andrews 

Joseph Andrews. 109 

appears very much pleased with his work on this engraving, 
and speaks of it as " a good start", and considers it a great 
improvement upon all his previous undertakings. He staid 
with his English master for nine months, and during that 
period went to France with him, remaining in Paris ten 
weeks. "While there he engraved the head of Franklin for 
the " Works of Franklin " edited by Jared Sparks, after an 
oil painting by Duplessis, then in Paris, but now in the 
Public Library of Boston. This portrait is indeed a most 
excellent piece of engraving, and shows an immense pro- 
gress when compared with some of his earlier heads. Mr. 
Goodyear put a few strengthening touches into the fur 
collar worn by the practical philosopher but otherwise left 
the engraving entirely as it came from his pupils hands. 

Having left an infant daughter behind him, our Artist 
felt himself powerfully drawn towards his home, and there- 
fore resolved to return, in the hope that, with the new 
knowledge and skill obtained in Europe, he would find 
ample employment upon " Annual " Plates. In this how- 
ever he was so sadly disappointed, that he soon regreted 
having left England, for he had hardly returned, when the 
great commercial crisis of 1837 broke upon the country, 
and left him with very little to do. With the exception of 
a head of Washington (Baker 1 177), after Gilbert Stuart 
(No.60), 1 the plate of which was unfortunately destroyed in 
the great Boston fire, nothing but private portraits offered 
for his graver, a task which was anything but congenial to 
our artist, whose aspirations looked towards a higher sphere. 

About 1840, he again went to Europe, and this time 
stayed nearly two years. While in Paris, misfortune would 
have it that a young friend whom he had taken with him 
fell sick, which made it incumbent upon him to support, 
not only himself, but the patient besides. He, neverthe- 
less, employed his time to good advantage, and not only 
engraved an " Annual " plate, and a number of bank-note 

1 These numbers refer to the Catalogue of Andrew's prints to be 
published in a following number. 

110 Joseph Andrews. 


vignettes for America, but also executed six plates for the 
"Galerie Historique de Versailles," among them being 
Cardinal Tencin. Pope Clement XII, Louis Duke of 
Orleans, and Princess Charlotte of Bourbon. Having made 
the acquaintance of Henriquel Dupont, whom, by the way, 
Mr. Andrews always revered as his bel ideal of an engraver, 
he was by him introduced to Calamatta, who gave him a 
letter to Perfetti in Florence. Thither he went, and 
through Perfetti's influence he there received an order to 
make a copper-plate engraving after Titian's "Duke of 
Urbino " (No. 56) for some gallery work then in preparation. 
This engraving, was ostensibly made after a drawing by G. 
Tubino, but the engraver consulted the painting as much 
as possible. This plate, the largest so far done by him, and 
said to be the best of the whole series, certainly, also, one 
of the best among his own work, was only partly engraved 
in Florence, and finished in America. 

A third visit to Europe, in 1853, was only of four 
month's duration, most of which time Mr. Andrews devoted 
to Germany, visiting Frankfort, Munich, Berlin, and Dres- 
den. Vienna he had also intended to visit, but on account 
of the Coszta affair, which had just then happened, and 
which created some fears of a passage at arms between Amer- 
ica and Austria, he changed his plans and returned home. 

In the period between these two visits, in 1848 namely, 
he produced the largest of his portraits, that of John 
Quincy Adams (No. 1) engraved on copper, after a paint- 
ing by G. P. A. Healy. His most ambitious plate, " Ply- 
mouth Rock, 1620 " (No. 90) after Peter F. Rothermel, of 
Philadelphia, he commenced in 1855. It was given to the 
public in 1869, and over one-half of the engraver's time 
during the whole intervening period of fourteen years, was 
devoted to its production, solely upon his own risk, and 
mainly to satisfy his longing for a higher sphere of labor. 
As this is his largest and most important subject plate a 
further description may be desired of the "Landing at 
Plymouth of our Pilgrim Forefathers." One who looks on 

Joseph Andrews. Ill 

this engraving will find the very texture of drapery or flesh, 
the character of the air, the water, and even the color, sug- 
gested by the skillful lines. There is no attempt to produce 
mere prettiness, or to display a facile handicraft. The effort 
is rather to endow the surface with life and just expression. 
Nor is the historical character of the engraving the least of 
its claims. In it is embodied the story of that great event, 
the landing on Plymouth Rock in 1620. The rock, of 
course, constitutes the base of the picture. The boat em- 
ployed for the debarkation is moored at the rock, in a 
rough sea, being held with rope .and pole by the strong 
arms of some of the Pilgrim band. The still lowering 
clouds and troubled waves indicate the breaking away of a 
cold and boisterous storm, and the fearful struggle with the 
elements which the hardy adventurers had endured in effect- 
ing their landing. The Mayflower, which as the transport 
of the pioneers of a new empire has become famous in 
history, lies at her anchorage in the distance. The central 
figures of the picture are those of Myles Standish, the 
military leader of the Pilgrims, and Rose, his young and 
beautiful wife. He stands upon the rock, with his accus- 
tomed decisive and soldier-like air, assisting his companion 
to step from the boat upon the shore. John Carver, who 
had already been chosen as governor of the colony, is seen 
in the stern of the boat, gazing with calm dignity and yet 
with solicitude, upon the land of expectation, and hope and 
promise. In the centre of the boat stands Isaac Allerton, 
the active and enterprising Allerton, as he is justly called. 
He is grasping a long pole, by which he is holding the boat 
in its position, to facilitate the landing of the women. Be- 
hind Allerton may be seen William Bradford and Edward 
Winslow, two of the guiding spirits of the exiles. Brad- 
ford stands in the boat's stern, engaged in pulling one of 
the ropes by which it is held to the rock, while Winslow, 
with thoughts that may be imagined, is gazing upon the 
new scene before him. Near Rose Standish, and preparing 
to follow her, are Mrs. Allerton and her daughter Mary. 

112 Joseph Andrews. 


In the foreground is John Howland, a vigilant member of 
the company, and subsequently a deputy or assistant gov- 
ernor. He stands in the water, holding the rope at the 
bow of the boat. At the other extremity of the rock is 
Stephen Hopkins, taking a turn of the stern rope around a 
jutting point. Elder William Brewster, whose submissive 
piety was as important in its effects upon the stability and 
prosperity of the colony, as were the more active virtues of 
his companions, is represented on shore in the attitude of 
thanksgiving, surrounded by a number of his fellow Pil- 
grims, including Mrs. White and her infant Peregrine, (who 
was the first born of the colony), and Mary Chilton, a 
young woman of confident and lightsome heart, for whom 
is claimed the honor of having first set foot on Plymouth 
Rock. John Alden and others of the Pilgrim heroes, may 
be distinguished in the thoughtful group by countenances 
which portray their distinctive characters. On the summit 
of a distance eminence overlooking the shore are dimly 
seen the figures of a few Indians. Well may they have 
looked with astonishment and alarm upon the scene before 
them, but they could not have seen in it what it really was, 
a portent of the destruction of their race. 

Looking over the work executed by Andrews during his 
long artistic career, we shall at first perhaps, incline to be 
surprised that there are to be found among it so few works 
of any pretension. But we must not allow ourselves to 
judge him from this fact. His ambition, as I have already 
remarked, soared higher, but the hard task of life chained 
him to the clay, and fettered the pinions of his genius. Of 
all artistic careers, that of a line engraver in modern times 
is perhaps the most thankless. And it was upon line en- 
graving especially that he had set his heart. More popular 
and more expeditious methods of reproduction have almost 
succeeded in supplanting this difficult and severe art, 
and even in Europe it is only supported in its struggle for 
existence by artificial means, such as the aid of governments 
and princes, and of societies especially formed to encourage 

Joseph Andrews. 113 

its practice. How much more difficult, then, must it be to 
bear aloft its standard in America, where the love of this 
art is restricted to still fewer persons, and where such arti- 
ficial means of support are not to be found. !N"o one, cer- 
tainly, felt this more keenly than Joseph Andrews, and his 
life was in a measure embittered by the unsatisfied cravings 
of higher aspirations and the perverseness of circumstances, 
which condemned him to devote most of his time to the 
execution of small portraits from lifeless photographs, a 
task which he especially disliked. And surely, when we 
examine his work carefully, even aside from the leading 
plates, such as the head of Franklin, the Duke of Urbino, 
the Washington, and the John Quincy Adams, we shall 
readily share his regrets, and shall mourn with him that the 
opportunities which he sighed for were denied him. For 
even in many of his smaller plates, and especially in those 
executed from paintings, and not from photographs, notably 
in the Sparks, the Amos Lawrence, and the poet Sprague, 
there is a delicacy and tenderness which is not often to be 
met with in plates of this kind, and which make even these 
small works gems in their way. It is no criticism upon 
him to say that his portraits were his best work, for he 
shares this peculiarity with some of the most renowned 
masters of by-gone times, and it is upon these portraits that 
his claim will rest to a prominent place in the front ranks 
of those whom future generations will term the early 
engravers of America. 

At the time of gathering together my collection of prints 
for forming a catalogue, or list, of the engraved work of 
Joseph Andrews I was particularly fortunate in being able 
to procure a number of examples of his own work in proof 
state taken from his own portfolio and disposed of after his 
death. This was also the case with a number of prints en- 
graved in conjunction with Mr. Andrews, by his friend and 
pupil William Warren and which were found among Mr. 
Warren's collection of prints. 

(To be continued.) 

114 Notes and Queries. 


LETTER OF JAMES MONROE, 1825. In the Manuscript Department 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

OAKHILL dec* 2, 1825. 


I transmit to you herewith several papers which bear on my claims, 
two, on the contingent expenses of the first mission, one of which from 
Mr. Skipwith, & the other from Mr. Gelston a third explanatory of 
the incident, relating to the house which I purchased in Paris ; of the 
motive of the purchase & of the loss which I sustaind, by my recall, 
not being able to attend to the afP myself, a fourth contains a detail of 
loans which I either arrangd myself, or contributed to the arrangm* 
of, while I acted in the dept of war, in the late war. 

All that I ask of the gov* is justice, to be administer' d to me by the 
rule which has been applied to others, for like services and to repair the 
injury which I have sustaind, by withholding it so long, by the pay- 
ment of the interest only ; & that simple, and not compound interest, 
which I have paid ; nor by indemnifying me, for heavy losses which I 
have sustained, by the sale of my property, to meet debts incurred in 
the public service, & which had I experienced the same treatment, 
extended to others, might have been avoided. I ask nothing, for extra ; 
services such as were render'd in the late war, by making loans of 
money to great amount ; by which in fact, the whole military opera- 
tions were carried on, at the most critical period, at a time too when I 
was charged with the dept of state as well as of war. Nor do I ask any- 
thing for the expenditure of my own money, in visiting our maritime 
& inland frontiers to promote objects of defense, which the experiences 
of the war had admonished us to be so necessary to the public safety. 

I can demonstrate by the clearest evidence to all impartial persons 
that the debts which I now owe have arisen altogether from my public 
services and from the causes above stated ; and also from my absence 
from home and the neglect of my private concerns ; that by a judicious 
investment of my patrimony tho small, and the profits of my pro- 
fessional labours prior to 1794 when I was taken from home, I held 
more property than I now own, and that had I remaind at home, and 
applied my exertions to my own concerns, only for a few years, which 
have been unceasingly devoted to the public, I could have saved the 
whole including niy military claim and the land above Charlottesville, 
on which the university is established, and now be free from debt. 

I have no object at this advanced age, and in my retirement, but 
peace, & this cannot be obtained unless justice is rendered to me in the 
fair & full extent of my statement, Indeed if that is allowed, I shall 
still be subjected to a life of labour, to pay the balance of the debts, 
which I shall still owe, unless I shall be fortunate in the sale of my 
lands in Albemarle & Kentuckey. The prompt demand of the sum 
claimd will save those lands from a sacrifice, and enable me to make 

Notes and Queries. 115 

arrangements which will be useful, and may be profitable, for I shall 
not fail in exertions, now that having performed my duty to my country, 
I may labour for myself & family. 

What course the affair may take in the house I know not. If they 
pass my claims freely, without misrepresentation, or illiberal imputa- 
tion, I shall be contented. I shall consider it a proof that all were sat- 
isfied, that the claims were just, and even short of justice, & that there 
was no ground for such imputation. But if a different course is pur- 
sued, it is my wish, that it may be met in full extent & that every 
transaction in which I have been engaged in the public service, bearing 
on character, be fully investigated. The furniture concern & transac- 
tion with Col: Lane, will come first into view. Let them be examined 
& rest on their special merits, was I forc'd to use my own furniture or 
purchase other furniture for immediate use, from the shops ? Could I 
have made a better bargain for the public, than to take it at a fair valu- 
ation, should the sale be confirm' d, which it could not be, without a sec- 
ond appropriation, nor even then, if not approved, by Congress. Was 
there any circumstance in the transaction, and in any stage of it, which 
showed a desire to take advantage of the public? On the contrary, did 
not my conduct in it, evince a consciousness that I did the best I could, 
& under a firm belief that it would be so viewd by every one, putting 
the entire control of it, in the hands of the opposite party, in whose 
hands it now is, and who had & still have, the means, under any view 
to be taken of it to indemnify themselves ? How did I apply the money 
obtaind for my furniture ? With respect to the acct with Col. Lane I 
need add nothing to what the documents exhibit. I declare solemnly, 
when he died, that I did not think that I owed him one thousand dol, 
nor more than 7 or 800, & without deducting anything, for his supplies, 
in my absences, from the city, while living in the house at my expense. 

If the question of character is adverted to, I hope that it will be 
gone thoroughly into. I neither asked the mission which was conferr'd 
on me, by genl Washington, or Mr. Jefferson, nor did I think of either. 
My refusal to accept a national building, on the first mission, & 
demanding as a favor, as well as a right, permission to pay for the use 
of horses sent to me, by the committee of public safety, which waa 
complied with, are incidents to that mission, which show no desire to 
derive a profit from it. The acceptance of the second, after I had servd 
in the office of ch: sec. of the state, 3 years, & resumd my station at the 
bar, without insisting on an outfit, and relying on the justice of my 
gov* & country after the service was rendered, are of the same character. 
I never accepted any favor, from either of the three powers to which I 
was sent, & came back from both missions, involved in debt. Altho' I 
ask nothing for the loans obtained in the late war, and I may say dis- 
bursed, for the whole proceeding was out of the ordinary course, yet in 
a question of character, the service ought not to be lost sight of. If not 
paid in that instance, for extra service, as others have been, yet I ought 
not to be abused, in other instances, especially when I do not deserve it. 

If a question is made respecting the interest on the outfit, in the last 
mission to Paris, for the time it was withheld, it will merit consideration, 
whether the services render'd in that mission, may not fairly be brought 
into view. When I presented my ace* for settlement, in 1810, I stated 
that the two papers, which I then presented, and as I presume, deposited, 
in the dep* of state would show the result was to be attributed in an 

116 Notes and Queries. 


eminent degree at least, to the measures which had been adopted by 
the gov*. The papers alluded to, were the letter of Mr. Talleyrand to 
Mr. Livingston, while I was at sea, & Mr. Livingston's letter to me, 
after my arrival. To touch that subject might be painful to the min- 
ister's friends who have always been mine, and particularly to his 
brother now in Congress, should reference be necessary, a communica- 
tion with, & his sanction, would be proper ; tho' I hope it will not be 

I have thought proper to give you these details, with the papers 
inclosed, to submit them to your consideration. I hope to hear from 
you occasionally. With best wishes for your health and welfare, I am 
dear sir your friend 



Bath . . . . 114.25 Lehighton . . . 54.01 

Butztown ... 8.08 Martin's Creek . . 32.42 

Cherryville . . 41. Of) Mauch Chunk . . 356.90 

Craig's Meadows . 19.61 Mt. Bethel . . 46.42 

Dill's Ferry . . 17.33 Mt. Pocono . . 2.72 

Dutotesburg . . 14.99 Nazareth . . . 261.34 

Easton . . . 1466.96 New Berlin . . 42.82 

East Penn . . 4.48 Katibsville . . . 17.20 

Experiment Mills . 21.56 Stanhope . 

Freemansburg . 4.73 Stone Church . .95 

Jacobsburg . . 5.39 Stroudsburg . . 118.14 

Kernersville . . 28.80 Tobyhanna . . 2.36 

Kreidersville . . 42.40 Towamensing . . 5.59 

LehigliGap 32.45 Wind Gap . 27.22 

Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

NEW YORK 10 January 1788. 

The very unsettled & fluctuating situation in which I have been 
almost ever since I had the pleasure of seeing you, together with my 
having been almost constantly absent from this city, I hope you'l please 
to admit as my apology for not writing to you sooner. The Occur- 
rences of my department as well as those of this country I have only 
Time but just to touch upon as they occur to me without paying any 
regard to that method and system which I well know to be so congenial 
to your disposition. Permit me therefore, to inform you that notwith- 
standing the political salvation of this country inevitably depends on 
the adoption of our new constitution, I am sorry to observe that the 
States are very tardy in admitting it, none having yet adceeded to it, 
but Pennsylvania, Delaware, and New Jersey Massachusetts, Connec- 
ticut, New Hampshire, North & South Carolina and Georgia are hourly 
expected to adopt it. Maryland, Ehode Island, New York and Vir- 
ginia will be last in acceeding to it, particularly the two last mentioned 
States. The Lees in Virginia lead a very powerful party in opposition 
to the new constitution. But General Washington and his party, who 

Notes and Queries. 117 

are both respectable and numerous, and friends to it, will, it is thought 
prevail, but many months will very probably first elapse, which will no 
doubt be the case with such of the other states that now evidence every 
disposition to prevent its adoption. Men of the soundest judgements 
and best hearts amougst us are decidedly of opinion that the adoption 
of the new Constitution will give energy to our Government and security 
and safety to Person and property, and without its adoption anarchy and 
confusion will be the consequence. From this rough statement you will 
be able in some measure to form an idea of our present situation and 
future hopes. 

The next object of importance which engages the attention of thou- 
sands of Families is the western country, the spirit of emigration from 
this to that part of the world far surpasses anything you can form any 
idea of. The Seven Ranges I was directed to Superintend the surveying 
of by the Ordinance of Congress of the 20th of May, 1785, are surveyed 
into Townships of Six Miles square the whole containing about 320 
thousand Acres the greater part of which is good land. About 100 
thousand acres of that most advantageously situated in the first four 
Ranges is already disposed of at an average for about Ten shillings the 
acre in Liquidated accounts and publick securities of the United States, 
which is worth at this time about eighteenpence York Currency. 
Should the purchasers of these lands chose to dispose of them they can 
get about a hard Dollar per acre, taking payment in Peltrys, Ginsang 
and as much Cash as the Buyers can advance. There is yet a great 
quantity of valuable land advantageously situated in the 5th. , 6th. and 
7th. Ranges, to dispose of which will probably be sold as directed in 
the Ordinance, That is at publick sale, and as something handsome may 
be made by purchasing advantageous spots, should you incline to be- 
come an adventurer, please to write to your* friend here, and on his 
calling on me, I will with pleasure give him every information with 
respect to the quality and situation of the land, in my power, to enable 
him to do you all imaginable justice. 

For further information relative to the late mode Congress has 
adopted for the disposal of large tracts of land, I beg leave to refer you 
to the Volumes of the Journals of Congress ; which I have the pleasure 
to transmit to you, accompanied with one of my maps. In which 
among other things you will see that the land between the Wabash, 
the River au Vase, the Mississippi and the Ohio is reserved for the 
late Continental Army Notwithstanding which I believe a very con- 
siderable part of it might be bought from the Soldiery at a very moderate 
price for ready money. 

My departure for the Western Country I expect will be about April 
or May next should there be as much hard Cash in the federal Treasury 
as will defray the expenses of my department. At present it affords 
scarcely sufficient to pay the civil list, and there is little prospect of its 
growing better unlill the new constitution takes place. 

General St. Clair is appointed Governour of the Western Country and 
is directed to hold a Conference with the Ohio Indians early next Spring, 
when it is expected he will make them such a satisfaction for their Lands 
as will remove all excuse of disputes with them in future. Though it 
has been much talked of, no compromise has yet taken place between 
Spain & the United Statesrespecting the navigation of the Mississippi. 
The settlers in the Western Country are very numerous and constantly 

118 Notes and Queries. 

increasing. They can assemble upwards of 25,000 Gun Men who are 
all heartily disposed to open that navigation and which I am apprehen- 
sive they will attempt doing in the course of twelve or Eighteen months 
be the consequence what it may. 

We have no Congress at present the new Congress is expected to 
meet in this City in about two weeks. 

If I remember right, the Eii of Eglinton has a Tract of Land bor- 
dering the Mississippi of about 20,000 Acres which in my opinion will 
fall within the State of Georgia, tho at present the Spanish are in pos- 
session of the Natchez and exercise jurisdiction in that country. This 
Tract is a few miles northerly of the Natchez, advantageously situated, 
has a fertile soil but in general is not very well wooded Seven years 
ago this Tract would have fetched a hard Dollar an Acre. Should you 
be inclined to purchase it, you will from this hint know what offer to 
make his Lordship. I ought to apologize for this rough Epistle but as 
I write to you as a friend I am sure you will make a friendly use of it 

As occurrences arise here you may expect to hear from . After 

wishing you health and success, I am in haste but with real sincerity 
Esteem and respect 

D' Sir 

Your most obedient 

and very hb le servant 

[Rough draft of letter.] 


S r 

The Sum which Sanruel Kiemer is indebted to me for Paper Sold 
him to finish Sewells History is Sixty Two pounds Eleven Shillings, 
I am 

S r your Hble Serv 1 

May 8ht 1729 THO LAWRENCE. 

Please to allow to Thomas Lawrence the above and it shall be al- 
lowed upon the accompt by thy sincere Friend 
62: 11: 


Esq: 23 d of 3 d month 1729. 

LAKE LEAK HEATH. The following records have been copied 
from an old Dutch New Testament, printed in Amsterdam, 1715 : 
1781, Sept. 25, b. Jacobus Lake. 
1745, May 2, b. James Leak Jr. 
1747, Aug. 21. b. John Stryker Lake. 
1750, Oct. 11. b, Dinah Leak. 

1769, Oct 24, John Heath married Dinah Lake. 

1770, Feb. 10 b. Lewis Heath. 
1775, Jam/. 7, b. Margaret Heath. 
1775, Feb. 21, b. Ann Heath. 

Notes and Queries. 






I I I I I I*].!* 

V \G> O <N *|* CO O OO V OO 
I rH rH rH I I rH 

,0 |- -rn y y y^ y 

O J 


& J 

s ~c j3 3 

ffJ^I 3 

^ I 

120 Notes and Queries. 

SHALLCROSS. In Note C, to my article, "Atkinson Families of 
Bucks County, Pennsylvania," in THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, 
Vol. XXX, on page 489, occurs the statement that "John Shallcross 
married Third month 29, 1710, Hannah Fletcher," and a foot-note 
refers for authority to "Begister of Abington Mo. Mtg." The day in 
this date is an error, and the authority is not the register but the minutes 
of Abington Monthly Meeting. I fell into this error by following the 
copy of some previous abstract (I do not know by whom), which care- 
lessly took the date of the monthly meeting at which the marriage was 
reported for the date on which the marriage actually took place. After 
my article was printed it occurred to me to look at the Genealogical 
Society's abstract of the Abington minutes, when I found this entry to 
read as follows: "Monthly Meeting held 3mo. 29, 1710: Whereas 
John Shorecross & Hannah Fletcher having declared their Intentions 
of Marriage, with each other before two mo : Meetings, Enquiry being 
made by persons appointed & found clear from all others on ye account 
of Marriage, did accomplish their marriage in ye Unity of Friends as is 
signified by their Marriage Certificate." From which it is evident that 
the marriage had taken place before the 29th. 

I wish to call attention to the fact that this particular kind of error 
(i.e., the mistaking thedate of declaration of intention or the date of 
the meeting at which it was reported for the date of the marriage itself) 
is entirely too frequently encountered in the work of genealogists who 
have to do with Friends' records, and while I acknowledge my own 
want of care in not verifying my data before going to press, my error 
originated in the carelessness of my predecessor in this field, on whose 
accuracy I had good reason to rely. Where dates of marriage come 
from the registers the date is, of course, the exact date of marriage, but 
where they are from the minutes the exact date is seldom given, but 
only the dates of monthly meetings at which declarations of intention 
were made, or at which the committees appointed to oversee the mar- 
riages report the same as having been "orderly accomplished." Most 
investigators in the past appear to have taken either of these dates (and 
especially the latter) as the actual date of the marriage, with the result 
that many MS. and printed abstracts of meeting records, and works 
compiled from them, on the shelves of various historical and similar 
societies contain a great mass of errors. 

In a few instances the committee reporting the marriage to the 
monthly meeting give the date on which it occurred, as the following: 
"Middletown (Bucks Co.) Monthly Meeting held 4mo. 4, 1724: Unto 
this meeting the ffriends appointed to see Thomas Lloyd and Mary 
Barker's Marriage Decently accomplished Eeporte they were Married 
on the 14th day of last Month," etc. But such instances are rare, the 
committee generally reporting the event without specifying the date. 




Yesterday I rec'd a letter from my dear D r Logan, in which he 
desires me to inform thee (and thro' thee, I suppose Uncle's executors) 
that if any seal of Uncle Logan's has his Cypher J. L. he wishes it to 
be given to James Logan, otherwise he desires to have the Family 

Notes and Queries. 121 

seals, and the gold watch or Repeating clock, and he begs thee to pro- 
cure for him the family papers, particularly a small bundle relating to 
the Loganian Library which he sent Uncle 4 or 5 years ago. Also a 
number of Family Letters, papers, and a diary of Grandfather Logan's, 
which are also D r Logans property. 

He desires his love to thee, but had not when he wrote rec'd my 
letter, about the Business thee mentioned. 

thy affect sister 



Your Favour of the 17 of Feb: and one of the 20 th of March I receiv'd 
within a few days of each other. By which I find myself under fresh 
obligations to you, I return you my Grateful thanks for your good and 
most Accaptable Presants of Wine and Olives, both w ch came safe, and 
are Exceeding good, the Books are very entertaining being good in 
each kind, that whatever humour Prevails I can fly to one either for 
Serious or diverting thoughts : 

In what manner shall I express my Gratitude for your tender care of 
me, in Promising the Annuity to me out of the Naval Officers Post 
May Heaven grant you Health and Peace ! all but good wishes are 
deny'd me, but they shall always attend you. 

I cannot help thinking its great Pitty Brother Eichard did not think 
it worth his while coming over unless you have hopes of the same Pros- 
pect you so much wish'd for I believe I may say the Generality of 
the People would be Exceedingly Pleas' d to have one of the Family 
over them. 

In my last I wrot you I was but in an ill State of Health, and Doctor 
Grame advis'd my Riding as much as Possible, which I have found 
Bennefishall to. me. I have taken a journey as far as Parcassea and 
North Wales and all Persons wonder no one of the Family thinks it 
worth there while to be over them ; they look on it as a slight to them 
thre is many harty honest People about the Country who would be will- 
ing to do any thing for the Pen Family, the great regard they had for 
our good Father, make us Welcome every whare, if I had been the first 
Dutchess of England that tittle would not have gained me so much re- 
spect, as the daughter of William Penn, I had the calves of there stalls ; 
and the firstlings of there flocks. 

If you find you are not Likely to dispose of it, the next Pleasure to 
Living in England would be, to here of your thinking on a second visit 
to this Place, you don't know how Grate a Name you have acquire' d 
Here & it is with no small pleasure I find the great regard you hold in 
the Hearts of the People ; but all this I fear will appear but faint to 
you, that are seated in that Deajr Land that every body must desire to 
Live in that has been once a pertaker of its Beautyes ; for my own part, 
I sometimes think it will never be my Lot to visit my native shore, I 
am no nerer than when you left me, time run one, and I whare I was. 

I ought, and do think, I am very much favour' d in having such good 
Brothers, But yet, if I see nothing turn out this fall to my liking I 
must be content to Live in some little Place in the Country if I cannot 
be so Happy as to see England. I own the Longer I stay the Place 

122 Notes and Queries. 

becomes more farmiler to me, and my Acquaintances begin to be more 
Pleasing. Mrs. Taylor is my Chief Friend who is a good mild agreable 
soul Mrs. Struttle and Family Well, and seem to like this Place. She 
appears to be a discreat woman & I hope all things will turn out to 
there advantage. 

I am obliged to you and also to my Friend Mr. Vigor for the Brushes, 
if He is in England or when you write I beg you will give him my 
Sarvis. I have waited on you with several Letters one of Mar. 22 in 
which I drew a bill for half a years intreast Paable to J. Samuell I 
send you now one also for the same sum. Little Tom Diser you to ac- 
cept of his Dutty and would have waited on you with a letter but the ship 
goes down this afternoon, a week sooner then anyone Expected. he 
keep close to his schoole and seems to take Pleasure in his Book when 
you are in London I should esteem it a favour if you would buy the 
Last Edition of the Cambridge Latin Dictionary and Littletonin's im- 
matation of the turky Spy. My chief Amusement this sumer has 
been fishing. I therefore request the favour of you when a Laisure 
Hour will admit, you will buy for me a four joynted strong fishing Eod 
and Eeal with strong good Lines and asortment of hooks the best sort 
Please to deduct these articles out of the money due & Pay the 
remainder to John Samuel. 

It is with great Pleasure I read of the notice, my Lord Cobham has 
taken of my Father and as there is a Buss to of him, from that I should 
think one might have his Picture, which if Possable would give great 
Pleasure to Many in this Place, besides a very Perticular one to us. 

I believe you will begin to think it is time for me to draw to a Con- 
clution which I shall with a request of my Sarvis to any of my Friend 
and Believe me wishing yon all Human Happyness. 

Your most aff* & Obliged Sister 

(Endorsed) M. Freame, no date but suppose about Aug 1 1737. 


KEVERENU THOMAS SMYTH. Can any of your readers give me any 
information as to the ancestors of the Eev. Thomas Smyth, who was 
born January 25, 1747, graduated at Princeton in 1768, and received 
the degree of A. M., probably in 1771? He was licensed by the 
Presbytery of New Castle, Delaware, about 1772, and installed as 
pastor of "The Old Forest Church," Middletown, Delaware, in 1773, 
which pastorate he held until his death, January 25, 1792. 

Rev. Thomas Smyth was the grandfather of the late Lindley Smyth 
and William Canby Smyth, of Philadelphia, and the late Clement 
Biddle Smyth, of Wilmington, Del. 

3412 Hamilton St., Philadelphia. Pa. 

SMITH CROPLEY. Information wanted of William Cfopley, whom 

tradition writes was a schoolmaster in Philadelphia or vicinity some 

time between 1775-1783. It is presumed that Mrs. Hannah Smith 

(widow), whom he married in New York, was connected first to the 

iths who moved into Pennsylvania from Bermuda. 


Marblehead, Mass. 

Notes and Queries. 123 

GEORGE CASTNER, of Whitpain Township, Philadelphia County, 
died in October, 1776. He was twice married. His first wife was 

Mary . He was by birthright a Friend, but lost his membership 

lor some years, because he married outside the Society of Friends. Can 
any one tell me what was the maiden name of his first wife ? 


Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia. 


To the Monthly Meeting held at Radnor the 12 th y e 4 m 1746 Whereas 
I the Subscriber hereof was brought up amongst frds nevertheless by 
giving way to Vanity I was Led to go out in mariage Contrary to my 
frds and gardians Consent therefore seeing sumthing of my folli I desiar 
frds to pass by that ofence and I for my part hope throw Gods assistance 
to Live more Sircumspect for the time to cum 

The 10 th 4 m 1746. 

1771. Copied from the parchment belonging to Morgan Grubb, by 
Mahlon Van Booskirk. 

' ' The Names of Ministering Friends who came from England & Ire- 
land to visit America both before and since the settlement of Pennsyl- 
vania. Although their life was counted madness and their latter end 
without honour, they will be numbered among the children of God, and 
their last end will be among the Saints. Wisdom, 5-4 & 5. 

"The righteous shall be held in everlasting remembrance, and they 
that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars forever and 

' ' These bright and glorious stars of the first magnitude being placed 
in the firmament of God's power were made the happy Instruments of 
guiding many to the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, 
where they had with thankfull hearts to worship the Lamb of God that 
takes away the Sin of the World and so offer unto him sweet incence 
and praises. 

1656. Mary Fisher ; Ann Austin. 

1657. Josiah Coale ; Mary Clark. 

1659. Wm. Robinson ; Marmaduke Stevenson ; John Taylor. 

1661. George Wilson ; Elizabeth Hooten ; Joan Brokesup ; Catherine 


1662. John Taylor, ye 2d time ; 

Ann Robinson ; ) ^ ,, .. , . T 
Oswell Heritage } Both dled m Jamalca - 
Mary Tomkins ; Alice Ambrose. 
1665. John Burnyeat. 
1670. John Burnyeat, ye 2d time. 

1672. George Fox ; Wm. Edmundson ; Robert Widders ; John Stubbs ; 
James Lancaster ; Geo. Pattison ; Solomon Ecles ; Jno. Cart- 
wright ; Thomas Briggs ; John Hull ; John Rouse ; Wm. 
Baily ; Elizabeth Hooten, ye 2d time ; Eliazbeth Miers. 
1675. Wm. Edmundson, ye 2d time. 

124 Notes and Queries. 

1676. Thomas Curwin & Alice, his wife. 

1678. Thomas Fletcher ; John Haddock. 

1680. Joan Vokings ; Sarah Clark. 

1682. William Penn ; James Martin. 

1683. Wm. Edmundson, ye 3rd time. 
1685. James Martin, ye 2d time. 
1687. John Hatton. 

1691. Thomas Wilson ; James Dickson. 

1694. Thomas Musgrove. 

1695. Eobert Barrow ; Robert Wardell. 

1696. Henry Pay ton ; Jonathan Taylor ; James Dickson, ye 2dtime; 

Jacob Fallowfield. 

1698. Wm. Ellis; Aaron Atkinson; Thomas Chalkley ; Thomas 

Turner ; Mary Rodgers ; Elizabeth M. Webb. 

1699. Roger Gill ; Thomas Story. 

1700. John Salkeld ; Thomas Thompson ; Josiah Langdale ; John 

Estaugh ; John Richardson ; Sarah Clement. 

1703. Samuel Bownas. 

1704. Thomas Turner, ye 2d time ; Joseph Gaster ; Mary Barrister ; 

Mary Ellerton. 

1705. John Fothergill ; Willm. Armstead ; Samuel Wilkinson ; 

Patrick Henderson. 
1709. Wm. Baldwin. 
1714. Thos. Wilson, ye 2d time ; James Dickson, ye 3rd time ; Thomas 

Thompson ; Josiah Langdale, ye 2d time ; Wm. Armstrong ; 

Jaus Graham. 
1717. Benjamin Holme. 
1719. John Dawson ; Isaac Hadwin ; John Oxl ey ; Lydia Lancaster ; 

Elizabeth Rawlins ; Rebecka Turner. 
1721. John Appleton ; John Fothergill e, ye 2d time ; Laurence King ; 

Margaret Pain. 
1723. Benjamin Kidd. 

1725. Abigail Bowlls. 

1726. Wm. Piggott. 

1727. Joshua Fielding; Joseph Taylor ; Rowland Wilson. 

1728. Samuel Bownas, ye 2d time. 

1731. John Richardson, ye 2d time ; Paul Johnson ; Henry Frankland. 

1732. Mungo Bewley ; Sam'l. Stephens ; Alice Aldeson ; Margaret 

Cowpland ; Hannah Dent. 

1734. Joseph Gill ; John Burton ; Wm. Backhouse. 
1736. Edward Tyler ; John Fothergill, ye 3d time ; Ruth Courtney ; 

Susan Hudson ; John Hunt. 

1743. Edmund Peckover ; John Harleam ; Samuel Hap wood ; Christo- 

pher Wilson. 

1744. Eleazar Sheldon. 

1747. Thomas Gawthorp ; Samuel Nottingham. 

1751. Jonah Thompson ; Mary Weston. 

1754. Samuel Fothergill ; Joshua Dickson ; Mary Peisley & Catherine 

Payton ; Thomas Gawthorp, ye 2d time ; John Hunt, ye 2d 

time ; James Tasker. 
1757. Samuel Spaford. 

1759. Wm. Rickert ; Mary Kirby ; John Storer. 

1760. George Mason; Susannah Hatton, formerly Hudson, ye 2d 

time ; Jane Crofield. 

Notes and Queries. 125 

1761. Robert Proud ; John Stevenson. 

1762. Hannah Harris ; Elizabeth Wilkinson ; Alice Hall, deceased at 


1765. John Griffith ; Wm. Hunt (from Carolina) ; Abigal Pike. 

1766. Thomas Gawthorp, ye 3rd time. 

1767. Wm. Hunt, ye 2d time. 
1769. Rachel Wilson. 

1771. Joseph Oxley ; Samuel Neal ; Wm. Hunt, ye 3rd time ; Mary 
Lever ; Elizabeth Robinson ; Robert Walker ; Thomas Gaw- 
thorp, ye 4th time. 

155 names on ye list. 

ELIZABETH STROUD, born April 29, 1708, married first, in 1730, 
George Mitchell ; second, Robert Johnson, 1750 ; and third, James 
Gill, January 21, 1764. 

JOHN BENEDICT PETER, son of Rudolph and Anna Peter, was born 
at Eggelbach in der Pfalz, January 1, 1730, and baptized four days later. 
Came to Pennsylvania on the ship Bennet Galley, Capt. John Wadham, 
and was qualified at Philadelphia, August 13, 1750. He married Eliza- 
beth Ruevel, June 20, 1753, in Philadelphia. She was a daughter of 
George and Catharine Ruevel and was born in Germany, February 2, 
1736, and came to Pennsylvania in 1752. Issue : 
JOHN, b. Oct. 13, 1754, d. Aug. 15, 1756. 
JOHN, b. Nov. 26, 1756. 

ELIZABETH, b. Jany 28, 1759, d. Dec. 6, 1759. 
ELIZABETH, b. Nov. 11, 1760. 

JBoofe IRotices. 

Resell L. Richardson. New York, 1906. 8vo. pp. 147. 
The work under notice gives the genealogy of Amos Richardson, 
who settled in Boston prior to 1639, and nine generations of his descend- 
ants, and the allied families of Gilbert, Edwards, Yarrington, and Rust. 
The compiler has devoted many years of research to his work, and 
gathered much valuable data relating to his ancestry. Copies may be 
obtained of the compiler at 403 West One hundred and twenty-sixth 
Street, New York City. 

COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Philadelphia, 1907. 8vo. pp. 206. 
Illustrated. Price, $3. 

Situated in a picturesque little valley, at the junction of three of the 
oldest townships of the county, stands St. David's or Radnor P. E. 
Church, one of the most interesting historical landmarks of Pennsyl- 
vania. The first services held at Radnor date from the year 1700, and 
were instituted for the benefit of the numerous Welsh Churchmen who 
resided in the neighborhood. Recent researches in the archives of the 
"Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," Lon- 
don, led to the discovery of a mass of hitherto unpublished letters and 

126 Notes and Queries. 

records, which have enabled 4he author to prepare this really valuable 
contribution to our local ecclesiastical history. Following the interest- 
ing history of the Church is an Appendix, which contains an alpha- 
betical list of the Church Wardens and Vestrymen, 1716-1906 ; names 
of early communicants and special contributors and a list of interments 
covering the same dates ; and extracts from the Journal of Eev. Samuel 
C. Brinckle*, 1822-1832. The work was prepared at the request of the 
Historical Society of Delaware County, by one of its members, Henry 
Pleasants, Esq. The book is handsomely printed on India tint paper 
and elaborately illustrated, and the souvenir edition limited to 1000 

FAITS. By Ernest Nys; Brussels and Paris, 1904-1906, 3 volumes. 

This work, replete with learning and written with clearness and force, 
is based upon a profound and exhaustive study of the sources and facts 
of International Law. The author, Judge Nys, who is a member of the 
Court of Appeals of Brussels, and one of the Belgian judges of The 
Hague Permanent Tribunal of Arbitration, has devoted more than thirty 
years to the study of the Laws of Nations, and has written many books 
that have gained him a high place in the estimation of scholars. In 
this, his latest book, he deals with many questions of interest to Ameri- 
cans, such as, for instance, The Monroe Doctrine, the rules governing 
the use of rivers and international lakes, the Panama Canal. Judge 
Nys in this magisterial work has made a valuable contribution to the 
science of International Law. 

COLONY, HERMANN, MISSOURI. By William G. Bek. Philadel- 
phia, 1907. 8vo. pp. 170. 

The organization of a German- American Settlement Society had its 
home in Philadelphia in August of 1836. Its founders were not of the 
old stock of Germans who came to Philadelphia during the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, and their purpose was to promote the estab- 
lishment of a colony in some portion of the United States, preferably in 
the West, which should be characteristically German in every particu- 
lar. The movement caused a great stir among the Germans in this 
country and abroad. Of prime importance was the acquisition of land, 
and in the choice largely depended the success or failure of the enter- 
prise. Finally a large tract of land was secured in Missouri, on the 
Missouri and Gasconade rivers, the town of Hermann laid out, and in 
the spring of 1838 colonists began to arrive. The growth and pros- 
perity of the town is followed to the present time. The history of the 
Settlement Society and its colony, Hermann, is the result of painstaking 
and exhaustive research, and will command attention. It is liberally 


By Dr. E. Grumbine. A Paper read before the Lebanon County 

Historical Society. 8vo. pp. 40. 

In those sections of the Commonwealth which were largely settled 
by early German emigrants may still be heard their proverbial sayings 

Notes and Queries. 127 

and superstitious beliefs of their ancestors. The paper of Dr. Grum- 
bine is of unusual interest for its topic, and as Lebanon County is rich 
in Folk-Lore hia contribution is very acceptable. He first notices the 
holidays of the Church, Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, Ascension 
Day, and Whitsuntide, and describes their mode of celebration. New 
Year's Day, Shrove Tuesday, Abdon, Ember days, and Hallowe'en, 
though not kept as holidays, still had their mark in the calendar, and 
their superstitions. Treating of Ghosts, Witches, Powwowing, Magic, 
Amulets, Remedies and Cures, Signs in the heavens and on earth, and 
Proverbs and old sayings, he has added much that is interesting and 
picturesque to local history. 


The E. W. Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of Pennsyl- 
vania celebrated the bi-centenary of the birth of E. W. Grand Master 
Benjamin Franklin with appropriate ceremonies at their Temple on 
March 7, and at his tomb on April 19 of last year. A detailed account 
of the ceremonies, with the addresses made ; a historical paper by the 
late Clifford P. McCalla, E. W. P. G. M. ; fac-similies of ancient Ma- 
sonic publications and one page from the record-book of St. John's 
Lodge of Philadelphia, 1731, the oldest original Masonic records in 
America, loaned by The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and the 
Loan Exhibition of Franklinana, have been published in an attractive 
volume by the committee, George W. Kendrick, Jr., E. W. G. M. ; 
James M. Lamberton, G. D., and Julius F. Sachse, P. M. Numerous 
illustrations are scattered throughout the text, and among the portraits 
three of Franklin, by Janinet, Thouron, and Nini, the latter a bas- 
relief on the cover. The make-up of the book is an exceptionally fine 
piece of work. 

MISSOURI HISTORICAL EEVIEW, published by the State Historical 
Society of Missouri, is a quarterly magazine of history, edited by 
Francis A. Sampson, Secretary of the Society. The Eomance of 
Western History, by Prof. E. G. Bourne, of Yale; Thomas Hart 
Benton, by Judge T. I. C. Fogg ; Early Settlements in Missouri, by 
Prof. E. M. Violette ; the Beginning of Missouri Legislation, by Pro- 
fessor Isidor Loeb ; The Lincoln, Hanks and Boone Families, by H. E. 
Eobinson ; Bibliography of Missouri State Publications of 1905, by the 
Editor, and Bibliography of the State Historical Society, are the prin- 
cipal articles of the number. 

Konkle. Philadelphia, 1907. Price, $3.50. 

Chief Justice Lewis was a Jeffersonian and Jacksonian Democrat 
who began public life in Pennsylvania when that State's championship 
of Jackson elevated the doughty General to the Presidency. He was 
an intimate of Wolf and Buchanan and Taney. Some most interesting 
letters of Buchanan while Minister at London, and also after his retire- 
ment, in which he comments on the various members of his Cabinet, 
are now published for the first time. So also are some from Chief Jus- 
tice Taney, one of which is on Jackson's career, and one written at the 

128 Notes and Queries. 

opening of the Civil War, indicating some of the chief causes of the 
outbreak. Letters of George M. Dallas, Stanton, and Jeremiah Black 
are also given. 

Some new light is thrown upon the great struggle in Pennsylvania, 
when her Democracy used to stand by both Jackson and the United 
States Bank. Lewis supported both, and was made Attorney- General 
of Pennsylvania, then a judge, and finally elevated to the first elective 
Supreme Court in 1851. Treatment is given of that interesting relic of 
the Constitution of 1776 the popular movement to discharge the last 
office-holder from the Constitution of Pennsylvania, with its contro- 
versy over whether a Chief Justice should receive a commission or not. 
Also the last letters written by Chancellor Kent, to supplement whose 
"Commentaries" Judge Lewis wrote his "United States Criminal 

Among the illustrations are the first and second county maps of the 
State. Thomas's map of Pennsylvania in 1698 is reproduced ; the por- 
trait of Major Eli Lewis, founder of the first paper in Harrisburg ; 
portraits of Chief Justice Lewis, of members of the last appointive 
Supreme Court, Gibson, Rogers, Burnside, Coulter, and Bell ; a cam- 
paign poster of the first Democratic ticket for the first elective Supreme 
Court, with its interesting portraits of Gibson, Black, Lewis, Lowrie, 
and Campbell ; the Supreme Court under the Chief Justiceship of 
Lewis, containing the last portrait of Justice John C. Knox; a rare 
engraving of "The Auld Lang Syne Party" of Philadelphia, giving 
portraits of some well-known men of Ante-Civil-War days ; a card 
photograph of Chief Justice Taney, etc. 

This volume is uniform in style and binding with the author's 
previous works. 

GENEALOGICAL OBSTACLES. By John F. Lewis. Philadelphia, 1906. 

8vo. pp. 24. 

In this excellent paper, submitted by its author for the consideration 
of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, he calls attention to some 
of the obstacles which the genealogist is certain to encounter in the 
course of his researches : the changes in the names of emigrants ; the 
absence in many of the States of early vital statistics and church rec- 
ords ; the destruction of early graveyards and the illegibility of the old 
tombstones, and the brevity of all early records. 

ILLINOIS LIBRARIES, by Katharine L. Sharp, B.L.S., Director Illinois 
State Library School. Part I. pp. 96. 

This valuable work of reference contains much information cred- 
itable to the author's care in assembling her material. It is published 
in University of Illinois Bulletin, Vol. Ill, No. 16. 





VOL. XXXI. 1907. No. 2 


General Frazer, the first in his direct male line who was 
born in this country, was the son of John Frazer the first 
immigrant who at the age of 24, came to Philadelphia with 
his bride Mary Smith in 1735, from Glasslough in Ireland. 
John's father Persifor was a Scot, who had settled in Glass- 
lough, County Monaghan, in the latter part of the XVIEth 
or the beginning of the XVIIIth century, having come 
from the neighbourhood of Inverness in Scotland: but 
whether he were the missing Alexander of Lovat or a 
soldier in the army of King William, or both or neither is 
not positively known. 

The first Persifor born in America had an eventful life 
between 1736 and 1792, which conformed well, both in his 
occupations and in his order of assuming them, with the 
sketch of the life of man, given by the greatest of all poets 
in " As you like it," so far as relates to those of his seven 
stages about which we have any authentic history. The 
first stage as infant, we may assume to be as Shakspere 
describes, but of the second or schoolboy stage we have no 
information. As the lover, soldier, and Justice we have 
ample records of him, while his death at the age of fifty-six 
VOL. xxxi. 9 (129) 

130 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

years mercifully spared 'him the stage of the lean and 
slippered pantaloon, and the last pitiable stage "sans 
everything." The following is a brief outline of his 

He was born August 9/10. 1735. In his 16th year 
(1751) he was probably acting as clerk in his father's office; 
in his 29th year, his father died, July 5. (1764.) In his 
30th year he signed the non-importation resolutions of the 
merchants of Philadelphia (1765) and in this year his 
mother died Sept. 7. He was married to Mary Worrall 
Taylor Oct. 2. 1766. 

He was chosen on the committee of Chester Co. to carry 
out the resolutions of Congress Dec. 20. 1774. In this year 
also he was elected a delegate to the Provincial Council, 
and appointed one of a committee of seven to draft a peti- 
tion to the General Assembly for the manumission of slaves 
Jan. 25, 1775. 

He received from Congress his commission as Captain of 
Co. A 4th Pennsylvania Battalion Jan. 5. 1776. After 
raising his company it rendezvoused at Chester in March. 
He left Camp with Dr Kennedy for Long Island May 16, 
arrived in New York May 18, and crossed over to Long 
Island Sunday morning May 19. 

From May 19 to June 29 he was serving in or command- 
ing detachments which scoured the island to arrest Tories ; 
and preparing for the expected attack by the British. With 
his command he started by boat for Albany June 29, and 
arrived there July 2. He set out for Lake George July 4. 
marching sixty of the seventy miles on foot, and arrived on 
July 7. At first his command camped about 3 miles from 
Ticonderoga, but very shortly after removed to a point just 
under the walls of the fort. During his service at Ticon- 
deroga occurred the skirmishat Three Rivers; reconnoitering 
expeditions in August, during which Brig. Gen. Gordon 
was killed; and the repulse of a reconnoisance in boats- 
Major Hausegger was appointed Colonel of a German regi- 
ment, and Capt. Frazer was appointed Major by Gen. Gates* 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 131 

in Hausegger's place in September. The engagement at 
Crown Point took place Saturday Oct. 12. and on Oct. 
13. the 6th Pennsylvania Battalion left Crown Point and 
arrived at Ticonderoga. Monday Oct. 28. fourteen flat 
boats of armed men of the enemy came in sight but soon 
retreated. The Americans retreated from Crown Point, 
Saturday Nov. 2. On Dec. 4. Col. Frazer was sent by Gen. 
Wayne to Philadelphia with despatches for Congress, which 
he duly delivered. 

From his arrival in Philadelphia, in the middle of Decem- 
ber 1776, till April 15. 1777, and probably later, he was 
engaged in recruiting duty. May 6, he was in command at 
Chester, Pa. 

On June 7, he arrived at Mount Pleasant (near Bound 
Brook K J.), June 22, with Wayne's division, of 500 Rifle- 
men, the enemy was pursued from hill to hill and finally 
driven completely back near New Brunswick. July 5 he 
was at Morristown N. J.; July 18 at the Clove, Orange 
County K Y.; July 29, at HowelPs Ferry; August 13. at 
the Cross Roads, Bucks Co. Penna. (now called Hartsville) ; 
Aug. 21 & 22 Graeme Park, Horsham township, Montgom- 
ery Co. ; September 4, in camp near Wilmington. Between 
this date and the next paper in his collection, the battle of 
Brandywine had been fought and lost, and Gen. Frazer had 
been captured (Tuesday Sept. 16.) by the British troops 
while on scouting duty in As(h)ton township Chester (now 
Delaware County) Penna. 

Sunday Sept. 28. he signed his parole in Germantown; 
Oct. 7. he was closely confined in the State House; Oct. 9. 
he sent a letter by his wife to Washington, which had an 
important consequence in causing the latter to re-open 
negotiations with Gen. Howe, which ultimately were suc- 
cessful in renewing the cartel for the exchange of prisoners, 
and in effecting the release of Gen. Charles Lee on whose 
account exchanges had been abruptly stopped for nearly a 
year, i.e. since Gen. Howe upon Lee's capture at Basking 
Ridge Dec. 13, 1776, had refused to exchange him on the 


132 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

ground he was a deserter; and at the end of December, he 
was removed to the New Goal." (S. E. corner of 6th & 
Walnut Street). 

About Jan. 20. 1778, he was allowed to occupy lodgings 
in the city; on Feb. 28. he was sent with others to the 
Golden Swan inn,which was guarded like a jail. St. Patrick's 
day, March 17, he escaped and made his way to the head- 
quarters of Washington, to whom he recounted the circum- 
stances of his escape, and was immediately returned to duty 
as Lieutenant Colonel, frequently in command, of the 5th 
Pennsylvania Regiment, owing to the numerous absences of 
Col. Johnston who was in bad health. June 28. 1778 (" a 
day ever to be remember'd by Americans ") he did honor- 
able service at the battle of Monmouth, commanding his 
regiment and, according to family tradition, during part ot 
the action, the brigade. June 30, with his command he 
was at Englishtown Monmouth Co. IS". J. ; July 23 at 
Greenwhich Conn.; July 26, the army was encamped at 
White Plains and remained there until October 2. 1778, the 
approximate date of the presentation of his resignation 
from the army, which was accepted Oct. 9. by the Com- 
mander in Chief. 

July 15. 1779 Congress appointed him Cloathier General, 
which office he respectfully declined. August, September, 
October some historians have reported him with Sullivan's 
expedition ? October 15. General Joseph Reed, President 
of the Supreme Executive Council of the State, tendered 
him the office of Adjutant General of Pennsylvania, which 
he also declined. 

April 1, 1780, he was appointed by the Supreme Execu- 
tive Council of Pennsylvania, Commissioner of Purchases 
for Chester County, which he held for a short time and 
then resigned. 

1781, March 22, he was appointed Treasurer of Chester 
Co. Oct. 15, he was elected from Chester County to the 
General Assembly of Pennsylvania. 

May 25, 1782, the Supreme Executive Council of the 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 133 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, appointed him a Brigadier 
General of the State. 

Oct. 12 he was reelected from Chester Co. to the General 

April 23. 1785. Set out with Col John Bayard and Col. 
George Smith, by order of the Assembly, as a commission 
to investigate the dissensions in the Wyoming region, 
caused by the conflicting claims of Connecticut and 
Pennsylvania to the territory. 

March 1. 1786 David Blttenhouse, Treasurer of the State 
of Pennsylvania appointed him an inspector of the paper 
then being manufactured for the Commonwealth's use by 
"Mr Wilcocks;" June 16, the Supreme Council of the 
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania appointed him one of the 
Justices of the County Court of Common Pleas (for seven 
years). April 8 he was appointed Eegister of Wills and 
Recorder and held these offices till his death on Tuesday 
April 24. 1792. 

In preparing his papers for the press, I noticed occasional 
sentences in letters written by Gen. Frazer to his wife, and 
his sister, which implied a lack of friendly feeling on the 
part of himself and his neighbors toward the New England 
people and troops. This struck me as peculiar in a man ot 
such a broad and just nature, and I was puzzled to explain 
it. But the evidence that the people, of Chester County at 
least, disliked and mistrusted the "Yankees" is undeniable. 

The first allusion to this feeling occurs in a letter to his 
wife written from Long Island May 23, 1776, very soon 
after he took the field. He says ... "If the JSTew Eng- 
land troops do not fight better than their appearance indi- 
cates, they will make a poor hand of it 1 ' ... In a later 
letter to her from Ticonderoga July 15, 1776, he writes 
... " Col Wayne arrived with three companies the day 
before we came to this place, and it is agreed on all hands 
that we shall not go further. The New England Troops 
are chiefly at Crown Point, they have for this many days 
past been sending their sick to Fort George, where a 

134 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

Hospital is provided to receive them, and all the sick of this 
army. The whole of the troops fit for duty in this quarter 
does not amount to more than 26 or 2700 men, though 
there are not less than 16 Regts and upwards. The Penna. 
and T. J. Troops are the greatest part of the army now fit 
for action". . . . Further on he adds ... " There is not 
that dependence in the New England men that I expected. 
They make a most wretched appearance from home, as 
they are not able to endure hardship equal to the other 
American Troops. About three-fourths of them are now 
unfit for service, by what I can learn "... 

In the next letter to her from the same place July 25. 
1776 . . . "We have heard that a large number of New 
England Troops are to be sent here to reinforce us. There 
are now at this place 12 Regiments of Troops, chiefly New 
Englanders, besides our Battalions, and the whole amount 
to 3100 effective, 2600 sick, & 1300 said to be on Command 
somewhere, but to the General and every one but them- 
selves unknown. Our Battalions amount to 1600 fit for 
duty. The miserable appearance, and what is worse the 
miserable behaviour of the Yankees, is sufficient to make 
one sick of the service. They are by no means fit to 
endure hardships. Among them there is the strangest 
mixture of Negroes, Indians, and Whites, with old men 
and mere children, which together with a nasty lousy 
appearance make a most shocking spectacle. No man was 
ever more disappointed than I have been in respect to 
them "... The explanation of this last sentence, which 
indicates that the writer had previously formed a high esti- 
mate of their prowess, will be found in his next letter as 
well as in one from his sister to him. Further on in this 
same letter he continues : " The Pennsylvania Troops have 
not much Connection with the New England Troops, and 
am sorry we cannot be on more friendly terms. They are 
encamped close to the Fort, and on a point just opposite on 
the other side of the Lake "... 

In a letter dated Triconderoga August 6th 1776 to his 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 135 

wife he says : . . . " Five hundred Troops from New Eng- 
land arrived at this place yesterday, and 1500 more are 
expected in a few days. I have not yet seen them but 
unless they are better than the greatest part of those that 
have been here before them, they had better stay at home. 
No man was ever more disappointed in his expectations 
respecting New Englanders in general than I have been. 
They are a set of low, dirty, griping, cowardly, lying 
rascals. There are some few exceptions and very few. 
They may do well enough at home, but every fresh man 
that comes here is so much loss to the army as they will get 
sick with the small-pox or some other lazy disorder, and 
those that are seasoned must take care of them and by that 
means weaken the army. Many of their regiments for 
many months past have not had above 100 fit for duty, and 
at some particular times 20 and sometimes none. This has 
been common among them. At the best their regiments 
are not half full. A Colonel came in the other day with 
only 60 men in his regiment and some of them had the 
small-pox. The General immediately sent them home 
again. You may inform all your acquaintance not to be afraid 
that they will ever Conquer the other Provinces (which you know 
was much talked o/), 10 000 Pennsylvanians would I think be 
sufficient for ten times that number out of their own Country. 
All the Southern Troops live in great harmony. The 
others we have little or no connection with. They are sepa- 
rated from us by the Lake "... 

Here then is the secret of the antipathy. Evidently 
everywhere out of New England, and in Pennsylvania as 
well as in the South, there was a wide spread apprehension 
that in case of victory to the American arms the Yankees 
would substitute their own tyranny for that of the mother 
country over the other Provinces. This is distinctly 
expressed in a letter to be later quoted. 

From the same correspondence Aug. 10. 1776, ... "A 
body of 5000 New England Troops are to reinforce us, 
near half that number are already arrived. I have not seen 

136 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

any of them as they are stationed on the other side of the 
Lake and as the whole of our Officers and men are con- 
stantly employed from Daylight till Dark on Duty or at 
Work have not yet had time to visit them tho' some of 
them have been here 8 or 9 days." 

Aug. 21. 1776 he says ..." Our army here has been 
lately reinforced by a Brigade of militia from Connecticut 
amounting to about 1500 men, who are encamped on our 
side of the Lake between us and the Fort. They appear 
better than others from that country that I have seen, but 
it is expected in a few days the small-pox and other dis- 
orders incident to camp, will break out among them which 
are always fatal to their countrymen "... 

In a letter from his wife, dated August 27, 1776, she 
says . . . " The people seem middling well reconciled to 
independency, but very much fear the heavy taxes that are 
to come upon us, but above all they fear the New Englanders 
should the Americans gain the day "... In her husband's 
letter to her, Ticonderoga Sept, 21. 1776, ... " Two or 
three Yankee Colonels have died lately, more of them are 
sick. Indeed, the most of them look like spectres, miser- 
able creatures they are, the more I am acquainted with 
them the worse I like them, I hoped it would be other- 
wise "... 

Col. Frazer's sister Anne writing to him at Ticonderoga 
about this time says ... " I am very sorry that the 
Yankees merit no better character than you give them, and 
Mr. Jones harbors no better opinion of them than you 
do. I would not for the world that it was known 
among our Tories here. There would be no living among 
them "... 

It is well known that New England's influence in the 
Congress was greater than that of any other group of the 
Colonies. While sympathising with her declarations 
of the tyranny and oppression of the mother country, and 
determined, should all other means fail, to appeal to arms, 
the middle and southern colonies were not firmly persuaded 

Extracts from, Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 137 

that the critical point had been reached, when the domina- 
tion of the New England contingent in Congress forced the 
hand of their colleagues and precipitated the war. It was 
doubtless due to this cause that the signatures of these 
colleagues to the Declaration of Independence were so slow 
in being affixed. 

But whatever be the reason it was unhappily true that 
the sections of this country in its infancy, like the sections 
ot all other countries, regarded each other with a suspicion 
and almost hatred only less intense than the foreigner. If, 
as seems probable, this prejudice was due to ignorance of 
each other, it is a consolation to think that the railroads and 
telegraph and telephones which have so enormously facili- 
tated the intercourse between the remotest parts of the 
country may minimise if not entirely destroy it in the 

The following letters have been selected from General 
Frazer's papers : 

JANUARY 26th 1776 


You are to Continue to Enlist men for the Purpose of filling your 
Company as soon as possible in the Fourth Battalion under my Com- 
mand in doing of which you are to be governed by the Rules and 
Resolves of Congress. 

You are at Liberty to Offer the men by way of Bounty One pair of 
new Shoes, a pair of new stockings a new Hat, the value of ten Shill- 
ings in other Clothing, in place of a hunting Shirt, a new Blanket or 
if they find one of their own Two Dollars for it, with liberty to take it 
away at the end of the Campaign Five Dollars pr month and one 
Dollar pr week Subsistance Money until they join the Batallion, 

Fifty Shillings pr month if Ordered for Canada ; Such of your men 
as can procure good muskets or Rifles will find their advantage in bring- 
ing them along 

By a late Resolve of Congress no Soldier is to be arrested unless he 
is justly Indebted to one Person more than 35 Dollars nor shall his 
Effects be liable to attachment at the suit or for the benefit of all his 
Creditors, unless their debts in the whole on being ascertained by their 
Oaths amounts to more than 150 Dollars 

138 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

You are to Render yourself at Chester on Friday the 9th of February 
next with all such men as you then have or can Enlist 

I wish you Success and am Dr Sr 

Your most Obt Huml Sert 


If you shou'd meet with any Opposition in Recruiting you'l apply to 
the Committee of the County where Such Opposition has been given 
who will afferd you Assistance 


This evening or tomorrow I go to Philada on Friday 
I expect to be at Home on Sunday my Company will march, Colonel 
Johnston says I must stay here wth him till the last of the men march, 
Please to send one of the Boys wth a Horse for me on Friday. I have 
nothing new. my best Love to you all 

Am yr. Affect. Husband 

Chester Apr. 8th, 1776 


Orders have come down this day from Genl. Wash- 
inton for our Regiment to March as soon as they can be Cloathed 
and Equip'd. I am just setting off for Philada with Colonel Johnston 
shall be at Home Sunday or Monday do get everything ready as soon 
as possible, the latter end of next Week will be the extent of my stay. 

I am Yr. Affecte Husband 


LONG ISLAND May 23d 1776 


I left Philada this day Week in Compy. with Doer 
Kennedy and arrived Safe at New York on Saturday Evening on Sun- 
day came over to this place and found everything and every Person as 
well aa I could desire. We are situated opposite to New York abt 3/4 
of a Mile from it, in the pleasantest place I ever yet beheld both for 
improvement and prospect, it is expected We shall continue here as 
an Armanent is dayly look for from England or Halifax. We have not 
yet got Arms for the Companys now here but expect shortly we shall be 
fully supply 'd, there are not less than 10 different Fortifications now 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 139 

very forward on this and the New York side wch it is thought will be 
sufficient for the defense of the Capital and disappoint our Enemies in 
their Schemes of making any great progress in this Country, the Force 
now in this Neighborhood amount to abt 10 or 12 Thousand Men and 
it is expected the other troops raisd in our Government will be order' d 
here. The news from Quebec is bad but not so much so as the first 
accts mention. We have lost but abt 200 of our Sick 14 pieces of 
Artillery and some Baggage, our Troops are now in good condition ab. 
45 Miles above Quebec where they propose to make a stand. 

Our Men with out flatterry exceed all the other Troops both in 
appearance and Subordination they are respected by all the inhabitants 
and hope we shall continue to deserve the character We have acquired. 
Jem Young deserted the other day if you can hear anything of him 
send word to Capt. Anderson at Chester to have him taken up and 
imediately confin'd and every Person that has harbour him ought to be 
dealt with with the greatest severity. The Blue Cloath at Darby if is 
good and looks well wou'd advise you not to dispose of it and it is 
likely I shall want a Suit of it for my own use, I have got one pr cotton 
Stockings the other cotton thread I left with the Stocking Weaver who's 
Name is deshong and lives on the South side of Market Street within a 
Door or two of furthest House next the Commons I did not pay him for 
Weaving the pair I have got if you should hear of any safe hand 
please to send them. 

I have been Honoured with the Acquaintance of General Green who 
Commands on this Island in whose Company I have been frequently 
He is an Accomplish'd fine Gentleman and respected by all ranks, 
should be happy in being continu'd under his Command. 

If the New England Troops do not fight better than their appearance 
indicate they will make a poor hand of it. I have not more worth 
notice to inform you off. Give my best respects to Nancy Sally Thom- 
son, Betsy Taylor Isaac, Jemmy, Tommy Cheney, Tommy Taylor West 
town, Capt. Anderson and all other enquiring friends. My most ardent 
Wishes attend my Dr Children and wish you my Dr Polly Life Health 

and Prudence and am Yr. Affectionate Husband. 


Should you write direct to me of the 4th Pennsylva Regiment com- 
mand by Col Wayne at Long Island. This goes inclos'd to Mrs Ken- 
nedy by a person going to Lancaster 

LONG ISLAND June 7th, 1776. 


... I continue in my Usual health indeed the whole five Companies 
encamp'd here are remarkably healthy not above one or two any way 
disorder'd We have not yet got Arms but are in daily expectation of 

140 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

those that were taken lately near Boston, when I expect We shall be 
compleatly Arm'd, whether we shall go to Quebec or stay is not certain, 
but think it most probable this Island will be our station as General 
Green seems very fond of our joining his Brigade ; the Fortifications in 
this neighbourhood are very numerous one or two New Ones lately con- 
structed, those that were first began are nearly com pleat, and the whole 
make a very formidable appearance, the last news from Quebec is fav- 
ourable about 1500 of our Men under General Arnold have defeated a 
large Body of Regulars Canadians and Indians near Montreal some 
Accts say they have killed and taken the whole party consisting of 700. 
Two small parties of ours had been defeated by them before Genl. 
Arnold attac'k them. 

There are a very vast numbers of Tories in this Island and Neigh- 
bourhood there was information given the other day to General Putnam 
that a number of the most noted of them in this Government were to 
meet near thirty miles from this place on Tuesday last and Governor 
Try on with them. Colonel Johnston and myself were sent off in dis- 
guise to reconnoitre the Neighbourhood where they were to have met. 

On Monday night last. A number of Kifle men and the New England 
Troops amountg. to upwards of 250 set off in the night in order to bring 
those in We should discover. We proceeded to Jamaica and Hampstead 
two noted Tory Vilages the one abt 12 the other about 25 Miles from 
hence. We had not time to make all the discoveries We would wish 
before the Troops who had march' d very Quick came up with Us. The 
Tories took the Alarm through the Country where the Troops pass'd and 
Expresses were dispatch' d to their Leaders. Two of their principals 
were taken ; Tryon had not come on Shore nor can I think he intended 
it, but from the Conversation We had believe there was to have been a 
Meeting of some of them. We personated Tories so well that no one of 
them had any suspicion of our assum'd character, but all the men women 
and Children we met with were of the most villainous principles of any 
I ever yet heard, had the Honour the other day to be in Company with 
General Putnam and several other officers and went with him in his 
Barge from New York to visit the Fortifications on Governors Island 
and Paulus Hook, both of them opposite New York, he is a smart, active 
indefatigable Old Gentleman and appears very sensible in his profes- 

I am very sorry to hear there is likely to be such division in our Pro- 
vince I am clearly of Opinion the Convention scheme is very impolitic 
and unnecessary at this time, could wish the leaders of the contending 
parties wou'd take more pains to unite and conform to each others sen- 
timents for the General good, I am very well satisfied I am from among 
them at this time as contentions of any kind are very disagreeable to me. 
... I was yesterday about 12 miles from this viewing the shipping 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 141 

near the sea, I counted 6 large ships and 6 smaller ones most of the larger 
are ships of war and some of the smaller Tenders, none have yet arriv'd 
from England as We can hear. . . Major Hausegger Dr Kennedy and 
myself Lodge at a private House near the Camp, a very genteel commo- 
dious, pleasant place as ever I saw, and the people extremely agreeable, 
the other Officer Mess together at a House at the Camp Great Harmony 
has hitherto subsisted among the whole Officers and men indeed nothing 
is disagreeable only the troubles subsisting in the Continent and absence 
from my dear little Family. . . 

Your Affectionate Husband. 


Jnn 23d 1776. 


I have Injoyd a poor Steate of helth Cence our un- 
happy Partting your little ones is well Freidrich has been Sick Twoddel 
affair is left til your return I have received but little monney my Neigh- 
bors is Exceiding Good and redy to Searve mee you desire to know how 
your Neighborhood turn out to the best of my knowledge they are 15 
men Stronge the Convention Scheme has turnd Every thinge up side 
down I am preparing Cloath for a Surtout Coat Jacket and Breeches 
wosstid for Stockings please to let me know the Culler Mammy Nancy 
Sally Betsey Isaac Jemmy Polly Peirce the are in Good helth Sends 
there best respects to you little Sally Sends her Love to Daddy little 
Persifor is the Hansomest Child you have I have nothing more worthy 
of your notice Give my respects to all enquiring Friends I am my Dr 
Percy wishing every blessing Heaven can Shower on you your affection- 
ate wife 


you had 6 Shirts 7 white and 3 Black Stocks 8 pair of Silk Cotton 
linning and wossted Stockings 
To Capt Percifor Frazer 

of the 4th Pensylvn 

P. favr Regiment Command 

Doer Kennedy by Col. Wayne at Long 



Doctr Kennedy arriv'd here last night by whom I 
receiv'd your letter wch I do assure you gave me the greatest pleasure 
to hear of your, the Childrens and friends' Welfare. We are to embark 
for Albany on Saturday next without arms, unless a remonstrance which 
the Officers of our Regimt to General Washington may alter his Orders. 
We complain to him of the impropriety of the measure as there is no 

142 'Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

probability of our getting *ras there and of consequence We cannot 
pretend to go further than that place. We expect an Answer this day 
We have been promis'da number of arms wch arriv'd here a few days 
ago from Boston and our disappointmt causes great Uneasinesss among 
Us. We have heard that Genl Thompson has had an engagement wth 
some Troops in Canada and by his advancing too preciptately he and 
abt 40 others were made prisoners, Colo Wayne we hear was in the en- 
gagement and behav'd remarkably well with the Troops of our Eegimt 
that were with him, there has been a very great overhall among the 
Tories in this Government, their scheme has been found out to be an 
infernal One, the Mayor of York and some other principal men who are 
now in Goal were ringleaders they had by the influence of Cash Brib'd 
three of General Washington's guards and had enlisted many men into 
their infernal scheme which in a few days will bring down just retribu- 
tion on their devoted heads ; shall write you more fully of this affair in 
my next, shall expect you will not neglect to write every safe opportun- 
ity. You may make the Cloath you talk off the Colour of Doct Ken- 
nedy's surtout if you can conveniently, this goes by Eliza Young who 
has taken a notion to return she tells me she will certainly deliver this 
imediately on her going to our neighborhood, would be glad you 
wou'd enquire about her son Jem whether he has been in our neighbor- 
hood. I have nothing more to add only that I continue in good health 
and spirits, if our people shou'd be put to the tryal of their Courage 
make no doubt but that they will not disgrace the Couse they are 
engaged in. If I had a safe hand wou'd send you some money but that 
does not offer yet. My sincere Compliments attend all friends, relations 
and by best Wishes and Love to you and my Dr little Ones I am my 
Dr Polly 

Yr affectionate Husband 


Thursday morning, June 27th 1776. 


The Vessells are now ready and our Troops will em- 
bark this evening for Albany, it is not likely We shall go further than 
Crown Point or Ticonderoga, it is expected this place will be attack' d 
in a few days, as Vessells are still coming to the mouth of this Bay, It 
is said General Howe is now there, am very sorry We are obliged to go 
at this time when Action is so near at hand, but shall submit to what is 
allotted without repining, if there is not a propability of our Troops 
being soon arm'd the chief of our Officers will resign as it is very dis- 
couraging to be so long rais'd to no effect Our Canadian Army are 
entirely at the above Forts, as General Burgoyne and a large Army have 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 143 

arriv'd in Canada, they have had a Brush with our people abt 250 of 
whom are kill'd wounded and taken prisoners, General Thomson and 2 
or three other officers are among the latter, the greatest part of our 
Army are Sick the amt 3000, they made their retreat good leavg. 
Scarce anything behind them, it is not expected Burgoyne can advance 
as we have the entire Command of the Lakes by our Arm'd Vessells and 
it will be a very considerable time before they can build Boats for their 
Army and Provisions . . . May every blessing attend you and my Dr 
children shou'd any accident befal me inculcate into them the Principles 
of Virtue which will of course make them happy here and hereafter, I 
am my Dear Polly 

Your ever affectiont Husband 


June 29th, 1776 


My last to you gave an account of our being order' d 
to March to Albany, We left New York on Saturday Evening the 
29th, last month, We had a very agreable passage up the North River 
to Albany wch is reckond 180 Miles except the Misfortune of loosing a 
corporal in my Company, who laid himself down to sleep on some casks 
upon Deck and tumbled overboard, he was a fine young fellow in every 
respect, liv'd near Colonel Waynes, and his name Joshua Davis. We 
arriv'd at Albany Tuesday morning early, the place by no means answer' d 
the idea I had form'd of it, the buildings in general old fashion' d and 
very irregular the inhabitants as uncouth as their dwellings. We were 
there furnish'd with Arms (the greatest part ordinary) and some other 
necessaries and set off for this place on thursday morning by land and 
arriv'd on Sunday about noon the distance near 70 miles. I travell'd in 
a wagon about 10 miles at first setting out, and march' d the whole of the 
remainder without any complaint except a blister or two on each foot, 
but thank God am now in as good health and spirits as ever in my Life, 
indeed I have found my spirits increase as difficulties arise and Pray God 
it may continue, there is not any news worth relating, the Sick Troops 
are to be remov'd from Ticonderoga to this place the Hospital is now fit- 
ting up for their reception the Grand Hospital under the direction of Doc- 
tor Potts is to be here. We are all now preparing to get our Baggage 
on Board to embark tomorrow for Ticonderoga distant about 40 miles 
we are to go in Batteaus within 3 miles of that place, the Situation of 
this place is very agreable, the Lake close to our Camp, it abound wth 
great plenty of excellent Fish, the ruins of Fort William Henry i 
within 200 yards of the place I now write from. Our Troops are in 

144 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

high Spirits considering the warm weather and long march, We have 
all liv'd very happily and hope in three days to see our worthy Colonel 
and the rest of our Battallion who have gained great reputation for 
their steady, manly behaviour in the last Action. I am in great hopes 
we shall not Disgrace them I have beg'd Dr. Potts to forward this to 
his Brother Joseph who I hope will imediately send it to you, any 
Letter you may want to send or any thing else may be forwarded to the 
Doctor Potts at this place. I hear this day from Colonel Wayne, he is 
well and all the Officers except one who's name I cannot learn who has 
been wounded but is likely to recover. And now my dear Wife I beg 
and pray of you should any thing happen to me (as we are all liable 
to accidents of various kinds and Life without the proper enjoyments 
of it is not worth having) that you would use the utmost of your power 
to bring up the Children that God has blessed Us with, in the paths of 
Virtue, nothing I am sure can give you greater pleasure on reflection 
and nothing can be of greater advantage to them. Please God I am 
spared I shall see you the ensuing Winter. I hope no action of mine 
will bring disgrace on my Children, it is my determination to do my 
Duty how it may turn out on the day of trial is not for me to say but 
find as yet no great concern. . . 

your affectionate and ever loving Husband 


(To be Continued). 

John Jennings' Journal. 145 


[Copied from the original in the Manuscript Department ol The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

Saturday 8th March. 

At three 0' Clock this afternoon left Fort Pitt to proceed 
for the Illinois. At five joined Capt. Long & Major Small- 
man at Long Island, about Ten Miles down the River ; con- 
tinued here all Night. 

Sunday 9th. 

This Morning at Seven O'Clock, left Long Island and 
proceeded down the River, with the five following Batteaus, 
Viz : The Ohio Packet, which I commanded ; The Beaver, 
Capt. Wm. Long ; The Dublin, Joshua Moore ; The Good 
Intent, Win. Davenport, And the Otter, John Finley. At 
Nine O'clock past Log's Town, about Eighteen Miles from 
F. Pitt. At Eleven, past Beaver Creek, twenty five Miles 
from the Fort, the Old Indian Town which stands there, 
is very pleasantly Situated. At five, in the afternoon past 
the Senneca Town, At the two Creeks opposite each other, 
is reckoned Sixty five Miles from F. Pitt. At Six in the 
Evening, encamp'd about Twelve Miles below the Indian 
Town, for the Night. 

Monday 10th March. 

At Seven O'Clock this Morning left our Camp. At 
Twelve, Mr. Winston haled the Boats, to bring too, in a 
threatning manner, two of the Boats made for him, but 
Capt. Long ordered them to proceed down the River, & put 
on shore for him, not chusing to refuse his coming on board, 
as he observed some Ind n Women, & did not know but there 
might be Men concealed, to do us an injury, he put him on 
VOL. xxxi 10. 

146 John Jennings' Journal. 

' % 

Board the Good Intent Batteau, with Mrs. Sinclair, & as- 
sumed the command, w cb was at first intended for him. As 
I was at a great distance from the Boats, did not know what 
had passed till evening encamped. This Night, at the lower 
End of the Strait reach which hath many fine Islands in it. 

Tuesday llth. 

This Morning at Seven O'clock, left our Encampment; 
at half past twelve, we passed the Mouth of Muskingham 
River, computed to be one hundred fifty three Miles from 
F. Pitt. At three O'Clock in the afternoon passed by little 
Kanawa or lifting Creek. At five passed the Wanduxales 
Creek; At half past five encamped for the Night. This day 
very Cold. 

Wednesday 12th March. 

At Six O'Clock this Morning, left our Camp at Seven, 
passed the Hockhocking Creek ; At twelve entered the Big 
Bent. At two got through it ; passed by an Indian Encamp- 
ment, with several hunters there ; at five in the Evening 
came to the great Kanawa River, encamped opposite to it 
this Night; Still very Cold. 

Thursday 13th. 

At Six O'Clock this Morning, disencamped, at Ten 
passed two Indian Encampments, where was Several 
Indians supposed to be Hunter's. At twelve pass'd by 
Gyandot Creek. (Here the six Nations Indians throw away 
their Canoe's when they go to War against the Southern 
Nations). At half past one O'Clock, in the afternoon, 
passed Tottery, or Big Sandy Creek ; At four passed little 
Tottery Creek ; at five encamped for the Night, saw sev- 
eral Parrotkites : Continues very Cold. 

Friday 14th 

Set out this Morning, at Six O'Clock; At Nine, four 
Canoe's with twenty Shawanese, joined us, they gave us 
some fresh Meat, returned the Compliment with Biscuit, 
& Tobacco. At Eleven passed by the Sioto River. Three 

John Jennings' Journal. 147 

hundred forty five computed Miles from F. Pitt; here the 
Shawanese left us, & went up the River, the entrance of it 
is Narrow, & the Land low. At a small distance on the 
West side are some hills, & on the same side, on the point 
of the River, formerly stood the Large lower Shawanese 
Town, which was entirely destroyed by a flood in the Year 

. At five in the afternoon passed a large fine Island, 

At Six Encamped on the West side the River, for the 
Night, saw some parotkites, Cold still Continues. Note 
After we pass'd the Sioto, we always encamp'd on the 
North side the River, if possible, it being thought most 

Saturday 15tl\. 

At half past five this Morning left our Camp, which is 
about fifty Miles below the Sioto, At Nine passed by Elk 
Creek, saw some Indians Cabbins, At four O'Clock came 
up with, & passed Major Smallman, & the Indians, who left 
us last Night to go a Hunting ; At half past four, pass'd by 
the Little Mineami River; low land at the Entrance; is 
about forty Miles below Elk Creek ; at five encamped for 
the Night, where is a Buffalo Lick, with several beaten 
paths made by them, & near our own Camp is several In- 
dian Cabbins. At seven O'Clock this evening Major Small- 
man, with the Indians came to our Camp, brought us fish 
& Meat, & set out again immediately. 

Sunday 16th. 

At half past five this Morning left our Camp, A quarter 
past six, we passed by the great Salt Lick River, about six 
Miles below the little Mineami River, on the opposite side, 
At half past Nine, saw Several Indian Cabbins, with two 
Houses well built for defence, the Logs standing upright, & 
close to each other. At Ten passed by the great Mineami 
River, which appeared to be Large at the entrance, the Land 
at the Mouth low ; at a small distance on the East side, 
is a resing Ground, about twenty Miles below the great 
Salt Lick River. It rained, & blowed so excessive here, 

148 John Jennings' Journal. 

was obliged to encamp at* four this afternoon, where was 
two very large Indian Encampments, & from its appearance 
they had not left it, above two days ; near this is a Large 
Buffalo Lick, with a great many beaten paths. It rained, 
& snowed all this Night. 

Monday 17th. 

At six O'Clock this Morning, left our Camp. At eight, 
passed by the Salt Lick, back of which about four Miles, is 
the place where the Elephant Bones are found. At ten was 
obliged to bring too, & encamp for the Night, had such a 
great snow storm, & the Cold so intense, that we could not 
continue on the River ; saw several flocks of Parrotkites. 

Tuesday 18th. 

At half past six 0' Clock, this Morning left our Camp. 
At eight, passed some Warrior's Cabbins ; these are known 
by a Tree having the Bark strip'd of all round, about four 
feet from the Ground, with particular marks Cut on it, 
denoting what Nation they are, & their good or bad success 
in War, which is known by the Indians, who happen to pass 
that way. At Nine was obliged to encamp. It blowed so 
very hard & the cold so intense, that we could not continue 
on the River, the Otter Batteau who was astern, was not 
able to join us till four O'Clock in the afternoon ; contin- 
ued here all Night. 

Wednesday 19th. 

At six O'Clock this Morning sett off. At half past Nine, 
passed by the -Kentucke River ; Large at the Entrance, & 
pleasant Banks, on each side, is about thirty Miles below 
the Salt Licks, where the Elephant's Bones are found, At 
Eleven Maj r Smallman & the Indians joined us, with plenty 
of Buffalo & Bears Meat. At four O'Clock in the After- 
noon, saw some Warrior's Cabbins at the Point of a Creek 
on the West side of the River. At Seven encamp'd for the 
Night, on an Island full of Canes about ten Miles above the 
falls, & forty below the Kentucke River. 

John Jennings' Journal. 149 

Thursday 20th. 

Left our Camp at half past six O'Clock this Morning. 
At eight, passed a Large Island, about five Miles above the 
falls. At Nine came through them, but the Water being 
very high, was not perceptible, except a few small Whirl- 
pools. At the beginning of the falls, is a small Island, on 
the East side of the Eiver, which is necessary to keep close 
on board. The Land about them is low. 

At half past three O'Clock in the afternoon, we passed a 
fine Eiver, on the Cherrokee Side, Called the Big Dear River, 
about Thirty Miles below the Falls, At six encamp'd for the 
Night, about six Miles below the Big Dear River ; saw sev- 
eral Warriors Cabbins, this day, the Weather Moderate. 

Friday 21st. 

Left our Camp, at half past five this Morning. At six 
brought too. & took two Bundles each Batteau, from on 
board the Otter, to lighten her, that she may be able to keep 
up with us, in blowing Weather. Heard a Gun fire, not 
far from where we encamped, supposed some Indians a 
hunting. At One O'Clock this afternoen, the Wind rose so 
sudden, & blowed so very hard, that the Batteau's, Good 
Intent, & the Dublin ship'd a great deal of Water, before it 
was possible for them to make the Shore. 

At five encamp'd for the Night, which was very Stormy. 
Came about Sixty Miles this day ; near our Camp was seen 
some fresh tracks of Indians. This day saw several War- 
riors & Hunters Cabbins. 

Saturday 22nd. 

At Seven o'clock this Morning left our Camp ; about a 
Mile below it, was obliged to put on shore again, it blowing 
so very hard, with such a swell, that it was impossible to 
proceed any further. The Gale continuing all day, encamp'd 
here for the Night. 

Sunday 23rd. 

At six O'Clock this Morning left our Camp. At Twelve 
saw a smoke at a great distance ; at three in the afternoon 

150 John Jennings' Journal. 

passed it on the North side* the River, but saw no Indians ; 
it appeared about two hundred Yards back from the River. 
At Six put in Shore, near a Large Rock & dress'd some 
Victuals. Came about twenty Miles this Day. At half 
past seven this Evening sett off again; fastn'd the Boats 
together, & went all Night. Come about forty Miles by six 
O'Clock the next Morning. 


At half past six O'Clock this Morning passed a very 
fine River, near as large as the Ohio, on the Cherrokee Side, 
It's called the Green River by some & Big Few River by 
other's; the Mouth lies E: N: E: & W: S: W: the Land low 
about it. A Mile below this is a large Island. At two 
O'Clock in the afternoon passed a Large beautiful Island 
in the shape of a Lozenge ; about six Miles Long & fifty 
Miles from the above River. At five pass'd another Island, 
about three Miles long & two Miles from the other Island : 
At half past five went ashore, to dress some Victuals. At 
half after Seven in the Evening sett off again, fastened the 
Boats together, & went the whole Night. 

At half past Eleven pass'd the Wabash, a very Large fine 
River, but being Night cou'd not described the Land about 
it; It's about thirty Miles below our Last encampment. 
By six O'Clock the next Morning, come about thirty Miles 
from the Wabash ; the two last days have been very Cold. 

Tuesday 25th. 

At eight O'Clock this Morning brought too, at an Island, 
(it Rained, & blow'd very hard) opposite to which on the 
West Side the River is a Large Rock, with a Cave in it. 
At Nine Sett off again; At one O'Clock in the afternoon, 
it Rained, & blow'd so very hard, was obliged to bring too, 
the Gale continuing encamp'd for the Night. Came about 
forty Miles since Six O'Clock this Morning ; passed several 
fine Islands this day. 

Wednesday %6ih. 

At Six O'Clock this Morning left our Camp ; At eleven 
passed the Shawnese River, on the Cherrokee side. At 

John Jennings' Journal. 151 

one in the afternoon, brought too, & encamp'd ; it blew so 
very hard, & the Swells so great, cou'd not continue on the 
River. The Gale increased, staid here all Night. Came 
about forty five Miles since Six O'Clock; passed Several fine 
Islands. The Land overflowed for many Miles on the North 
side of the River. 

Thursday 27th. 

At half past Six O'Clock this Morning Sett off; at half 
past seven, passed the Cherrokee River, which is very Large ; 
on the East side of this River & about twelve Miles below 
the Shawnese River, with an Island at the Mouth, it lies 
about S: E: & N: W: five Miles below last Nights' encamp- 

At Ten O'Clock arrived a Misiac, or Cherrokee Fort, on 
the North side of the River, about ten Miles below the 
Cherrokee River. This Fort (which is now in Ruins) was 
four Square, with four Bastions, & a ditch, each square about 
one hundred feet, was built with Logs and Earth, & most 
delightfully situated, on a high Bank, by the River Side, 
the Land clear about four hundred yards round it, & very 
low for some distance. At half past Ten set off again, & at 
one in the afternoon, put in Shore, it blowing hard, the 
Boats were divided on each side the River ; at four went up 
River again about four Miles, to join the other Batteau's on 
the Cherrokee side ; the Gale Continuing encamp'd for the 

Friday 28th. 

At half past five this Morning left our encampment; At 
two in the afternoon came to the Mouth of the River. It 
lies N: W: & S: E: At this time about one Mile Wide. 
The Mississippi here lies N: E: & S: W: is about half a Mile 
"Wide ; The Land at the upper point of the Conflux of the 
two Rivers hath a great Number of small high Trees on it, 
but now overflowed; the lower point is low Land full of 
small Willows with a small Bank rising behind it. At some 
distance over this Point, saw a great Smoke. It's about 

152 John Jennings' Journal. 

fifty Miles from Misiac, tothe Mouth of the River, And 
from Fort Pitt by the best Ace*. I could keep, allowing for 
the great Number of Serpentine turns in it, I compute it to 
be about Twelve hundred Miles. Went about half a Mile 
up the Mississippi with the Batteau's, unloaded the small 
one, immediately put some necessaries on board, & at four 
O'Clock in the afternoon I set out for the Kuskuskee, accom- 
panied by Maj r Smallman & M r Joshua Moore Comiss 7 with 
6 Men. At six O'Clock encamp'd for the Night, on the 
English side of the River, came about six Miles, this after- 

Saturday 29th. 

Left our Camp, at Six O'Clock this Morning, passed sev- 
eral Island & a great quantity of Trees in the River; on 
those Islands are a great many Stumps of small Trees, 
which the Beaver's Eat through, & when the Tree falls, they 
either then Eat the Bark of the Top part of it, or else drag 
it into the River, & carry it to their holes to Eat, or build 
with ; sometimes both, which has been observed by those 
who have watch d their Actions. The Tree which seems 
most peculiar to them, is like the Willow. At Seven O'Clock 
in the Evening, encamp d on the English side for this Night ; 
passed several encampments, saw several flocks of Parrot- 
kites, heard a report like a Gun or fall of a Tree. 

Sunday 80th. 

At six O'Clock this Morning left our Camp ; At Nine 
brought too, on the Point of an Island were had been a 
Small place of defence; on the Island is a great quantity of 
Grape Vines ; passed several other Islands ; the Wind blow- 
ing fresh down the River, could not Stem the Current, was 
obliged to bring too, at two O'clock in the afternoon, & the 
Gale still continuing, encamp for the Night ; passed a great 
number of encampments, came about six Miles this day. 

Monday 31st. 

Left our Camp at Six O'Clock this Morning. At Ten 
came to some Rocks on the Spanish side, were the Current 

John Jennings' Journal. 153 

was too rapid for us to Stem ; Crossed over to the opposite 
side, & the Current there Runs so Strong that we was three 
hours in going one Mile. At four in the afternoon a Large 
French Boat came in Sight; I immediately hoisted our 
Colours, went on shore to meet them & know who they 
were. Row'd with fourteen Oars, Mons r Pichard Mar 8 from 
Ye Wabash, Maj. Smallman & M r Joshua Moore, went on 
board his Batteau as passengers for the Kuskuskes ; At six 
encamp'd together, on the English side for the Night, came 
about ten Miles this day. 

Tuesday April 1st. 

At half past five this Morning, left our Camp ; passed sev- 
eral places were the Current was very Strong; At two 
O'Clock, came through a Long Strait between two Islands : 
at Eleven went on shore, & dress'd some Victuals ; at Twelve 
sett off again; At Three O'Clock in the afternoon, the 
French Batteau left us the Current being so very rapid, 
cou'd not keep company with them ; soon after being obliged 
to tow our Boat along shore ; A very Large Beace Tree fell 
into the River, providentially we had passed it about ten 
yards before it fell, or in all probability the Boat would 
have been Crushed to pieces, & every Soul on board perished. 

The difficulties we have met with this day, prevented our 
gaining above ten Miles. At Seven encamped on the 
Spanish side the River, for the Night, the first part of this 
day very Cold. 

Wednesday 2nd. 

At half past five, this Morning left our Camp ; from 
Eight, to ten on the Spanish side of the River, passed by a 
great number of high Rocks, about two Miles in length, 
which have a very Romantic look, & are worthy of observa- 
tion to the Curious. They have Cedar Trees growing on 
them, & large holes, which possibly may lead to Caverns. 
At the upper End of these Rocks is a small Creek, the 
Banks at the Mouth are most delightfully situated, the Land 
on the side being pretty clear ; by the point of a Hill on the 

154 John Jennings' Journal. 

Top of which is a most Beatitifull prospect ; on the opposite 
side of a passage between an Island, & the Main Land, 
which hath the appearance of as grand a Canal as ever I 
saw ; this runs around the Island Yasse, at the other End ot 
the Island is another passage to an Island, which looks equal 
with the above, & between this upper Island, & the Main 
Land, is a passage little inferior to the other two. These 
two Islands are full of Willow Trees^ almost of an equal 
height, which must look very pleasant in the summer. Near 
the mouth of the aforementioned Creek is two inscriptions 
Cut on a Tree of two Frenchmen who were buried there 
in the Year 1765. At Six O'Clock encam'd on the 
Spanish side Eiver for the Night, came about twelve Miles 
this day. 

Thursday 3rd. 

Left our Camp at five O'Clock this Morning. At eight 
came to the Grand Tower, on the Spanish side the River, 
which is reckoned half way, from the Mouth of the Ohio to 
Fort Chartres. The Water which comes round this Rock, 
is too rapid for Boats to stem it, behind which is a large 
Whirlpool, where the Logs continually turn Round. Was 
obliged to Cross the River here, to the point of a Rock on 
the other side, where the Current was very rapid & with 
much difficulty passed it, encamp'd this Night on the Span- 
ish side the River, came about fifteen Miles this day. 

Friday 4th. 

At half past five this Morning left our Camp, passed sev- 
eral very large Islands, which must afford a beautiful pros- 
pect in the Summer. Encamped on the English side, at the 
Mouth of a large Creek, for this Night. Rained very hard 
all this day, came about twelve Miles. 

Saturday 5th April. 

At Six O'Clock this Morning left our Camp. At Eight 
heard a gun fire, & saw the St. George's Colours hoisted, 
which gave us great pleasure, immediately answered it, & 

John Jennings' Journal. 155 

hoisted the Union flag. At Ten O'Clock came up to them 
at the Mouth of the Kuskuskes River; they were two sol- 
diers sent by Ens n Robinson of the 34th Reg nt commanding 
Kuskuskes Village, Six Miles from the Mouth of the River ; 
the French Boat got in the day before us, gave intelligence 
of our coming, which was the reason the Soldiers was sent, 
to show us the signal. Went on Shore to clean ourselves, 
then proceeded up the River, & at Two O'Clock in the after- 
noon arrived at the Village, which is situated by the River 
side, on a very extensive plain, with some very rich soil 
about it. It hath a Number of houses, some Large, but 
meanly built, with good Lotts behind them for Gardens, 
but make little use of them, the inhabitants in general being 
very idolent. Yet some are wealthy. At this time most 
of the principal of them, are gone on the Spanish side the 
Mississippi, with their Cattle & Corn, which makes provi- 
sions very Scarce ; the Streets are Irregular, has a tolerable 
Good Church, & a Large Colledge, but is abandoned, all the 
priests being gone away. 

Sunday 6th. 

At two O'Clock this afternoon, left the Kuskuskes, to 
proceed for Fort Chartres by Land in a Calash, a very ruff 
immitation of our Chairs, were I arrived at five, and met 
with a very polite, & kind reception, from Major Farmar & 
the rest of the officers. There Fort is situated on a plain, 
near the River Mississippi which breaks in, upon it so fast, 
that it will soon be in great danger of falling into it. It's 
built with a high Stone Wall, about eighteen Inches thick, 
four Square, with four Bastion's, full of Loop-holes ; port- 
holes for Cannon, & a ditch round it; hath a very good 
Barracks. The Gate fronting the River makes a very good 

The Country between the Kuskuskes Village, & this Fort 
is a large plain, about eighteen Miles distance. The soil 
excellent, producing very fine Crops of everything that's 
sow'd on it, tho' the French are very bad Farmer's. On 
the Road leading to this place, about four Miles from the 

156 John Jennings' Journal. 

Kuskuskes is an Indian Town, the Nation of the above 
Name. Their Head Chief Tomera. It hath several Houses 
& a Large Church in it, on the same Road, about three 
Miles from this, is a small French Village, called Preve de 
Roche, is pleasantly situated with few inhabitants, who are 
chiefly farmers, & by their Fort, is another French Village, 
called after it's Name, hath several Houses, but most of 
them in a ruinous condition, the chief of the inhabitants 
having left it, & these Houses most of them rendered use- 
less, some quite destroyed. This evening went to a Ball, 
given by a Gentleman of the Army, to the French Inhabi- 
tants, who made a very droll appearance : it seems this is 
the only day of diversion among the French. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 157 



(Continued from volume XXX, page 502.) 


[For much of the following, concerning Christopher and John Atkin- 
son themselves, and their father, William Atkinson, I am indebted to 
Charles Francis Jenkins, Esq., one of their descendants, who very gen- 
erously put at my disposal material he ha.d collected and arranged ; the 
following extract of his letter to me under date of 9 mo. 29, 1904, on 
this subject, will explain itself: "I have your letter of September 28th, 
and will be entirely willing to let you have all my Atkinson matter, 
which along the lines of John and Christopher is almost complete. I 
had intended publishing it in book form, but seemed never to find time 
to get it arranged. If you care to have the material and increase it 
with your investigation, I have no objections and will be glad to let you 
have it. It is practically ready to put in the printer's hands." I 
shall quote frequently below from Mr. Jenkins' manuscript. 0. H.] 

1. WILLIAM ATKINSON, SENIOR, father of Christopher and 
John. Mr. Jenkins begins : "Among the group of listeners 
to the words of an early Quaker preacher one First day in 
1660 was William Atkinson of Scotford. Swarthmore Hall 
the home of Margaret Fell and of Geo. Fox where this un- 
lawful ' conventicle ' was being held is sixteen miles or 
more from the old town of Lancaster, the county seat of 
Lancashire. The distance is much less when the tide of the 

1 Correction to Part I. On page 482, (vol. xxx), fifth line from 
bottom, Sarah Pancoast, second wife of Ralph Cowgill, should be 
Susannah. Register Burlington Mo. Mtg. 

158 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

shallow bay is out for then the road stretches across the 
shining sands with a gently winding course avoiding here 
and there the deeper depressions which the retreating tide 
has turned into shallow pools. A few hours later the rush- 
ing waters have covered the road and greatly lengthened 
the path of the traveler from Lancaster to Swarthmore." 

On this particular day * we know the names of many 
who were gathered in this earnest company for before they 
had dispersed they were arrested and carried off to Lancas- 
ter castle for < unlawful conventicle/ Let us hope the tide 
was out and that the little band of prisoners was able to 
take the shorter road across the hard and level sands. 

How long William Atkinson was confined within the 
high wall of Lancaster castle Besse's Sufferings of Friends 
does not say. This gray pile was once the stronghold ot 
John of Gaunt whose storm-worn effigy still sits grimly over 
the entrance way." Besides this imprisonment Besse men- 
tions that in 1685 William Atkinson and Nathan Kennedy 
u for nine weeks absence from the national worship," had 
goods taken from them to the value of 3,5s.,6d. 

Mr. Jenkins continues with a description of the village 
where William Atkinson lived, called indiscriminately Scot- 
ford or Scotforth, but which he says was no doubt anciently 
Scotford, i. e. the Scot's ford for it is on the high road to 
Scotland : " Scotforth, the home of William Atkinson is a 
little cross roads village nearly two miles south of the city 
of Lancaster, on the high road connecting the northwest of 
England with the south. The houses are low and small, 
built of dark gray stone and mostly lacking the setting of 
flowers and climbing vines and roses which make attractive 
even the humblest cottage in many parts of rural England. 
To the east of the village are the rising lands and hills and 
from the hillside nearby the gray roofs of the hamlet seem 
to nestle down among the green trees in the valley, while 
at one side runs a little stream winding its way across the 
intervening flats and at low tide across the sands to mingle 
1 The day was Jan. 24, 1660/1. (Besse.) 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 159 

with the waters of Morecambe Bay. To the north the tall, 
smoking chimney stacks on the outskirts of Lancaster pierce 
the horizon." 

This, of course, is a modern description, and was written 
by Mr. Jenkins from personal observation, he having made 
a trip to Scotforth a few years ago when he was collecting 
his Atkinson notes. Samuel Lewis's Typographical Diction- 
ary of England, (3 ed., Lond. 1838) describes it: 

" SCOTFORTH, a township, in that part of the parish ot 
LANCASTER which is in the hundred of LONSDALE, south of 
the sands, county palatine of LANCASTER, 1J mile (s.) from 
Lancaster, containing 557 inhabitants." As to the parish 
Lewis says : 

"LANCASTER (ST. MARY), a parish, comprising the 
borough, port and market town of Lancaster, having separate 
jurisdiction, and several chapelries and townships, partly in 
the hundred of LONSDALE, south of the sands, and partly in 
the hundred of AMOUNDERNESS, county palatine of LANCAS- 
TER." The History of the County Palatine and Duchy of 
Lancaster, by Edward Baines, Es^ M. P. (London, 1836), 
says, (vol. iv, p. 474) : " The hundred of Lonsdale is formed 
into two districts, called North and South Lonsdale, the 
vast expanse of sands, constituting the upper portion of the 
bay of Morecambe, forming the broad boundary line 
between the two, and imparting to each the appellation of 
Lonsdale North of the Sands, and Lonsdale South of the 
Sands. This hundred is comprehended in twenty-one par- 
ishes ; of which nine are to the north of the Sands, in the 
district called Furness, and twelve to the south of the 
Sands." As we see by Lewis's description above, Lancas- 
ter parish is not all in one hundred, (although that part we 
are concerned with is all in Lonsdale Hundred), nor is it 
even all contiguous territory. Baines says of it (iv, 482) : 
" The parish of Lancaster comprises so many detached and 
distant parts, that it is not possible to describe its bounda- 
ries." .... "The length of the chief trunk of the parish, 
if it may be so called, is upwards of ten miles, from north ot 

160 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

south, and the breadth about nine, from west to east. The 
next considerable portion, consisting of Stalmine with Stain- 
all, and Preesall with Hackensall, in the hundred of Amoun- 
derness, is about four miles by one and a half, and in some 
places two miles. The total number of statute acres in the 
parish appears to be about 68,084." 

Of William Atkinson's station in life it may be said that 
he was of the upper yeoman class, for he was a freehold 
landowner, though on too small a scale for him to have 
claimed gentility ; and while we have no knowledge at all 
of his ancestors, it is safe to assume that their station was 
the same, for at that time families in this position almost 
invariable remained in the same state generation after gener- 
ation. Besides in William's time there were many Atkinsons 
in exactly similar station in the Hundred of Lonsdale, both in 
Lancaster parish, and in the neighboring one (that is across 
Morecambe Bay) of Cartmel. We have given an account 
of one of these, Thomas Atkinson, the preacher, in Note A, 
to Part I ; in his book there mentioned, The Christian's Testi- 
mony against Tythes, he speaks of a number of such Atkin- 
sons in Cartmel ; while Besse's Sufferings of ffiiends, in the 
chapter on Lancashire, mentions various others. 1 William 
Atkinson's freehold landownership is shown by the will of 
his son William, as will be seen later, as well as by his own, 
which, Mr. Jenkins says, " you will find in the records of 
the Archdeanery of Richmond, deposited at Somerset 
House, London. The inventory of the estate was taken 

1 ' ' There was in Scotforth about this time a Robert Atkinson, who 
may have been a brother of the elder William Atkinson. His will was 
dated June 23, 1668. His property was valued at 117, consisting 
mainly of amounts due him from his neighbors. Included among these 
was 3. 12s. due him by William Atkinson, which Robert in his will 
gave to William. The will also mentions Ann Sasson a 'sister,' also 
his nephew Sasson. On February 17, 1660 Robert Atkinson was arrested, 
with twenty-four others, at the house of John Hartley at Trawden 
' where they had assembled to worship God, by the High Constable and 
soldiers, and for refusing to take the oaths committed to Lancaster gaol, 
where they lay above five weeks.' Besse's Sufferings."" (Jenkins.) 
The date was Feb. 10, 1660/1. He was again imprisoned in October, 
1687. (Besse.) 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 161 

Sept. 17, 1679," but he gives no further particulars except 
to say: "His modest estate amounted to but 68 and 
included a drove of thirty two sheep." Of course, it is 
needless to remark that this amount, (and those named in 
the footnote also), had a value then of many times the same 
sum now. 

William Atkinson's wife was named Ann, but her family 
name is unknown, as the meeting records do riot go back 
to the time of their marriage; l it was perhaps Holme, as 
her son William, in his will mentions his " uncle Thomas 
Holme," but Holme might have been an uncle by marriage. 
William Atkinson died in 1679, and was buried 10 mo. 
[Dec.] 10, of that year, in Lancaster meeting house yard. 
William and Ann Atkinson had issue : 

2. WILLIAM ATKINSON, JUNIOR, of Scotford, eldest son, b. , 

d. unmarried, 1679/80 and was buried 11 mo. [Jan.] 14, in 
Lancaster meeting house yard. 2 Mr. Jenkins says : " Within 
a few weeks after the death of William Atkinson his oldest son 
William to whom he had left the disposition of his estate died 
also. William Atkinson, the younger, directed in his will that 
his body should be buried in Friends' burying place belonging 
to Lancaster meeting and he further gave ten pounds to ' such 
poor people as are in scorne called Quakers.' The little hold- 
ings in Scotford which had come to him from his father were 
all given to his brother Christopher, the next oldest son. He 
describes the property as 'those severall p'cells lying and being 
within the libertyis of Scotford and knowne by the names of 
Heron's Shreason, Cookstooll, Steell End and Great Acre all 
contayning by Estimacon six Acres and a halfe ' and also the 
half of one acre ' on the backside of the same ' which belonged 
to Christopher Atkinson but which was evidently not entirely 
paid for. The house where William lived, which was called 
Beckside, also in Scotford, was given to his brother John. 
After making provision for his mother, Ann, and numerous 
small legacies to relatives 3 and friends and after giving ' twoe 
of my best sheepe ' to ' little John Padgett (sonne of Francis 
Padgett)/ he appointed his brother John his executor." This 

*"An Anne Atkinson of Scotforth (probably widow of William) 
married 6 mo. 23, 1681 at Lancaster meeting house John Townson of 
Kadcliffe. Lancaster Monthly Meeting records." (Jenkins.) 

8 Register Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 

8 "The other relatives not already named were, 'My uncle Thomas 
Holme' and five [ten] shilling apiece to 'All my uncles and aunts/ " 

VOL. XXXI. 11 

162 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

will was dated Dec. 22,* 1679 and proved Feb. 11, 1679, (1679/ 
80), in the Archdeanery of Richmond. 

3. CHRISTOPHER ATKINSON, b. , d. July , 1699. 

Mar. 8 mo. 8, 1679, Margaret Fell. 

4. JOHN ATKINSON, b. , d. 1699. 

Mar. 2 mo. 8, 1686, Susannah Hynde. 

3. CHRISTOPHER ATKINSON, son of William and Ann, was 
born no doubt at Scotford, and probably about 1657, but no 
record of his birth has been found. He lived in Scotford 
until 1699, in which year, shortly after the middle of May, 
he, with his wife and children, accompanied by his brother 
John and family, and some sisters-in-law of John's, em- 
barked on the ship Britannia, from Liverpool, for Pennsyl- 
vania. There was much sickness on this ship, and in the 
month of July Christopher Atkinson died. Mr. Jenkins 
says of this voyage : " The ' Brittania ' reached Philadel- 
phia the 24th of Sixth Month (August) 1699, and immedi- 
ately the Friends of Philadelphia and of the nearby meet- 
ings addressed themselves to the nursing of the sick and the 
care and oversight of the widows and orphans. In many 
families the sorrowful voyage is still traditionally remem- 
bered, and the < Brittania ' is recalled as < The Sick Ship.' 
One-fifth of those who had so hopefully set out for the new 
world had found a grave in the ocean's deep. It would be 
difficult to fully realize the state of mind of the Widow 
Margaret, landing in a strange land with so many dependent 
on her and having undergone so many and so severe trials. 
Her sorrows however were not yet at an end, for during 
her stay in Philadelphia, her only son, William, together 
with Thomas Procter, a servant, was drowned." 

Christopher Atkinson was a member of the Society of 
Friends l and had obtained a certificate of removal for 
himself and family dated 2 mo [April] 3, 1699, from Lan- 
caster Monthly Meeting addressed to Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania ; 2 this, his widow, Margaret Atkinson, presented to 

J See Note A for another Christopher Atkinson, a member of the 
Society of Friends. 

2 See footnote under John Atkinson, below. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 163 

Neshamina (afterwards Middletown) Monthly Meeting in 
Bucks County, Pennsylvania, on 9 mo. [Nov.] 2, 1699. On 
that date Margaret Atkinson presented three certificates to 
that meeting, one as above, one for the children of her 
husband's brother John, (both he and his wife having also 
died on the voyage), and the third possibly for John Atkin- 
son's sisters-in-law Mary and Alice Hynde though the 
minutes of the meeting do not specify as to that. 

Christopher Atkinson made his will on board the Britan- 
nia ; it was dated July 1, 1699, and proved Sept. 6, 1699, 
after the vessel's arrival in Philadelphia; 1 in it he described 
himself as "late of Scotforth in County of Lancashire, 
husbandman." He left half of his 1000 acres of land to 
his only son, William, and the remaining 500 to his wife, 
Margaret, to enable her to bring up their other children, 
Hannah, Margaret, Isabel and " ye child unborn." He also 
left her 40 in money, twenty to be paid out of his effects 
on board the Britannia, and twenty out of property, which, 
he says, " I left in England." All residue of his personal 
estate in England or elsewhere to be equally divided between 
his wife and children, William, Margaret, Hannah, Isabel 
and child unborn. His wife Margaret was made sole execu- 
trix. The inventory made in September estimated his per- 
sonal estate at 209, a considerable sum as estates went in 
Pennsylvania before 1700. The will shows which of their 
children were living and accompanied them on the voyage. 
Besides those named in the will they had three others, 
Alice, Deborah and Joseph ; we have a record of Deborah's 
death in Lancashire in 1690, long before they started; if 
Alice and Joseph lived to embark with their parents, they 
must have both died very early on the voyage, before July 
1, the date of the will, but no doubt both had died before 
1699. Of the children mentioned in the will, William and 
Hannah both died in 1699, the former in September and 
the latter in October, while " ye child unborn " either 

1 Phila. Co. Will Book A, p. 472. 

164 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

remained unborn or died in infancy, as it does not appear 
in the settlement of the estate. 

By deeds of lease and release dated March 17 & 18, 1698, (1698/9 ?) 1 
William Perm conveyed to Christopher and John Atkinson, of Scotforth, 
Co. Lancaster, England, 1500 acres, "clear of Indian encumbrances," 
between the Rivers Susquehanna and Delaware, in the Province of 
Pennsylvania. Of this 1000 acres was Christopher's and 500 John's. 
After Christopher's death and his widow's arrival in Pennsylvania, she 
proceeded to have her husband's land laid out, and obtained a warrant 
dated 3 mo. 17, 1700, for the 1000 acres to be surveyed in Buckingham 
Township, Bucks County. In the List of "Old Rights," in Penna. 
Arch. 3 ser., vol. Ill, page 54, under Bucks County, occurs : 20. Mar- 
garet Atkinson, return for 500 acres, dated 7 mo. 6, 1700. 

On 4 mo. 8, 1702, 2 Margaret Atkinson, of "Bellemont," in Bensalem 
Township widow, relict and executrix of Christopher Atkinson, sold 
Joseph Gilbert, of " Weskickels," also in Bensalem Township, 500 
acres, 73 perches in Buckingham Township, part of 1500 acres granted 
to Christopher Atkinson, 3 by William Penn, by deeds of lease and re- 
lease, dated March 17 & 18, 1698, and laid out to Margaret Atkinson 
by warrant of 3 mo. 17, 1700. At the session of the Board of Property * 
held 2 mo. 3, 1704, it was stated that the Proprietary by warrant dated 

3 mo. 17, [1700], had granted Margaret Atkinson in right of her late 
husband Christopher Atkinson 500 acres which were surveyed 6 mo. 23 
following, and that Margaret as executrix of her husband, by deed of 

4 mo, 8, 1702, had granted the same to Joseph Gilbert, of Bensalem, 
who requested a patent. The patent was ordered for him with special 
restriction to be in right only of Christopher and John Atkinson of 1500 
acres, reference being made to the patent to William Atkinson [John's 
son] dated 8 mo. 12, 1702. Joseph Gilbert, by his will dated April 
15, 1707, devised his whole estate after his wife's death, half to his son 
Thomas, and half to his daughters Sarah and Mary. And by deed 6 
of Nov. 22, 1715, Margaret Hillborn, of Newtown, widow, and Isabel 
Atkinson, of Newtown, spinster, daughters and co-heiresses of Christo- 
pher Atkinson, confirmed the said 500 acres, 73 perches to Thomas 
Gilbert, Sarah Stackhouse, (wife of Benjamin), and Mary Gilbert. This 
tract is shown on Cutler's survey (1703) map of Buckingham Town- 
ship, 6 under the name of "Margaret Atkinson now Jos. Gilbert." 

By deed T of 1 mo. 8, 1702/3, Margaret Atkinson, then of "Belle- 
mont," sold the other 500 acres of her husband's land to William 
Cooper, of Buckingham Township . The deed states that it was in right 

Co. Deed Book F vol. 6, p. 127. 
2 Bucks Co. Deed Book 3, p. 82. 

8 This should have read "part of 1000 acres, Christopher Atkinson's 
share in 1500 acres granted to Christopher and John Atkinson," etc. 
4 Penna. Arch., 2 ser., XIX, 422. 
5 Phila. Co. Deed Book G 9, p. 91. 

6 Reprinted in Davis's History of Bucks Co., 1st ed., p. 267. 

7 Bucks Co. Deed Book 3, p. 200. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 165 

of Christopher and John Atkinson, purchasers from William Penn, that 
Christopher had left his wife Margaret 500 acres by will dated July 1, 
1699, and that it was laid to the said Cooper 6 mo. 25, 1700, under 
warrant of 3 mo. 17, 1700 ; (Margaret Atkinson must therefore have sold 
Cooper the warrant before this deed was made ; a not unusual procedure). 
This tract is shown on the Cutler survey map of 1708 above mentioned, 
in Buckingham Township, in the name of u Wm. Couper." William 
Cooper by will 1 dated 11 mo. 30, 1709. [Jan. 30, 1709/10], proved 
Feb. 17, 1709/10, left the greater part of this in a somewhat indefinite 
manner to his son Joseph (who died 7 mo. 14, 1712), and directed some 
to be sold. Part of it seems to have come back in some manner to the 
heirs of Christopher Atkinson, for on Sept. 27, 1739, Samuel Hillborn, 
(son of Margaret, daughter of Christopher Atkinson), and Abigail his 
wife, conveyed 150 acres of the same tract to David Dawes. 2 

Christopher Atkinson married 3 8 mo. [Oct.] 8, 1679, at 
Height, in the parish of Cartmel, Lancashire, Margaret 
Fell, daughter of Christopher Fell, of Newton in Cartmel. 4 
Her father was a member of the Society of Friends, who 
suffered persecution for his religion, as mentioned in 
Thomas Atkinson's The Christian's Testimony against Tythes. 
Christopher Fell, of Tarnegreen, died 12 mo. 2, 1705, [Feb. 
2, 1705/6], and was buried 12 mo. 6 at Height. 5 Though 
we have not been able to exactly locate Tarnegreen, it was 
surely in the same locality as Height and Newton, perhaps 
the name of a small estate, and there can be little doubt 
that this Christopher Fell was father of Margaret (Fell) 
Atkinson. Newton and Height were in the Township of 
Upper Allithwaite; Baines (History of the County Palatine 
and Duchy of Lancaster, 1836, iv, 735) says: u At a place 
called Height, above the village of Newton, is a Friend's 
meeting-house, coeval with the establishment of that body 
in North Lonsdale." Neither of these places is of suffi- 
cient importance to be described in Lewis's Typographical 

Co. Will Book C, p. 195. 

2 Recited in deed of 1 mo. 25, 1742, Dawes to Kinsey, Bucks Co 
Deed Book 27, p. 296. 

3 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 

4 For some account of the parish of Cartmel, see Note A to Part I. 

5 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 

166 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

Christopher and Margaret (Fell) Atkinson had issue, all 
born in Lancashire, and probably all at Scotford, (births of 
5, 7, 8 and 9 from register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg.) : 

5. ALICE ATKINSON, b. 4 mo. 28, 1680 ; probably died young, before 
her parents started for America, as she is not mentioned in her father's 
will, July 1, 1699. 

6. DEBORAH ATKINSON, b. , d. 1690, bur. 9 mo. 24. l 

7. HANNAH ATKINSON, b. 8 mo. 1, 1685, d. 8 mo, 9, 1699, 2 She 
survived the voyage which proved fatal to so many of her relatives, only 
to die shortly after her arrival in Philadelphia, or just after reaching 
Bucks County. 

8. JOSEPH ATKINSON, b. 12 mo. 22, 1687, died young, before his 
parents embarked for Pennsylvania. 

9. MARGARET ATKINSON, b. 5 mo. 7, 1691, d . She accom- 
panied her parents to Pennsylvania, living there with her mother, first 
at "Bellemont," in Bensalem Township, Bucks County, and afterwards 
in Newtown, until her marriage. She and her sister Isabel were the 
final surviving co-heiresses to their father's estate ; their deed of confirm- 
ation of the sale of the 500 acres, 73 perches to the Gilbert heirs, on 
Nov. 22, 1715, has been mentioned above. 

She married 3 first, 9 mo. 8, 1711, at the house of Stephen Twining, 
in Newtown Township, Samuel Hillborn, son of Thomas and Elizabeth 
Hillborn, of Newtown Township. They had only one child, a son, 
Samuel Hillborn, (born 6 mo. 13, 1714) 3 who married in 1736, Abigail 
Twining, daughter of Stephen and Margaret (Mitchell) Twining, of 
Newtown Township, and granddaughter of the Stephen Twining, at 
whose house her husband's parents were married. Samuel Hillborn, 
Sr. died in 1714 and was buried 10 mo. 15 3 . "The death of Mar- 
garet Hillborn's husband about this time and the fact that her sister-in- 
law, Elizabeth Hillborn, had married another Aston settler, Abraham 
Darlinton, no doubt induced her to follow her sister Isabel to Chester 
County. In the fall of 1717 Margaret Hillborn, Isabel Carter and 
Elizabeth Darlington applied for certificates of membership from Mid- 
dletown Meeting. A committee of the meeting was appointed to assist 
Margaret in settling her affairs " (Jenkins.) 

Margaret (Atkinson) Hillborn, then of Aston Township, Chester (now 
Delaware) County, married second, 2 mo. 10, 1718, at Gwynedd 
Meeting-house, 4 John Jones, a widower, of Gwynedd Township, Phila- 
delphia (now Montgomery) County. At the Gwynedd Monthly Meet- 
ing held 12 mo. 25, 1717, [Feb. 25, 1717/8], John Jones requested a 
certificate to Chester [Mo. Mtg.] in order to marry Margaret Hillborn ; 
this was signed for him 1 mo. [March] 25, 1718. At the women's 
meeting held 4 mo. 24, 1718, "Margaret Jones having Produced a 

1 Kegister of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 

2 Register of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 

3 Register of Middletown Mo. Mtg, 

4 Register of Chester Mo. Mtg. ; there is no record of this marriage in 
the register of Gwynedd Mo. Mtg., though it took place at one of the 
latter' s constituent meetings. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 167 

Certificate from Province l Monthly Meeting relating to her Life and 
conversation which was Read att this Meeting approved of and order* to 
be recorded." (Minutes of Gwynedd Mo. Mtg.) 

10. WILLIAM ATKINSON, b. , d. 7 mo. [Sept.] , 1699, buried 

7 mo. 30. 2 He was drowned in Philadelphia, about a month after his 
arrival there ; Thomas Procter, a servant, being drowned at the same 
time. The 500 acres his father had left him, being not then laid out, 
was inherited by his mother and sisters. 

11. ISABEL ATKINSON, b. , d. Co-heiress, with her sister 

Margaret, to her father's estate. Probably born about 1695. 3 Accom- 
panied her parents on the voyage to Pennsylvania, and on arriving 
there lived with her mother at "Bellemont" and in Newtown, Bucks 
Co., until her marriage. She married 3 mo. [May] , 1716, 4 John 
Carter, of Aston Township, Chester (now Delaware) County, son of 
Eobert and Lydia (Walley) Carter, and grandson of Edward Carter, 
formerly of Aston, in the parish of Bampton, Oxfordshire, England, 
who had settled in Aston Township, Chester County, Pennsylvania. 
Isabel had a certificate from Middletown Mo. Mtg., which she presented 
to Chester Mo. Mtg., 10 mo. 30, 1717. John Carter died in June, 
1760. His father Eobert Carter, was a member of the Pennsylvania 
Assembly 1698, 1699 and 1703, and his grandfather, Edward Carter, 
1688. John and Isabel had 6 or 7 children. 

The Britannia arrived in Philadelphia in August, 1699, 
and after staying a little over a month in that city, Margaret 
Atkinson, early in October, took her surviving children, 
Margaret and Isabel, and perhaps Hannah, (who died Oct. 

1 Providence, one of the particular meetings constituting Chester Mo. 
Mtg., and which name was sometimes applied to the monthly meeting. 

2 ' ' Records of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. ' ' (Jenkins. ) 

3 In view of the fact that she married a Chester Countian in 1716, it 
is quite a coincidence that an Isabel Atkinson, 21 years old, was bap- 
tized Dec. 23, 1716, at Holy Trinity (Old Swedes') Church, in New 
Castle County, now in the city of Wilminington, Delaware. (The 
Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wilmington, Delaware, p. 
234 ; published by the Historical Society of Delaware, Wilm., 1890.) 
This could hardly be Isabel daughter of Christopher, though the age fits 
very well, for she had been married the previous May, and in the follow- 
ing year obtained a certificate of membership with Friends from Middle- 
town Monthly Meeting, in Bucks Co. There was, moreover, an Atkin- 
son family in New Castle Co. , of which Sampson Atkinson died interstate 
and letters of administration were granted Ann Atkinson, widow, at 
Philadelphia, May 6, 1703 ; also Sarah Atkinson and John Butcher 
were married Aug. 15, 1722, at Swedes' Ch., Wilmington. (Records, 
as above, p. 270.) 

4 They "passed second meeting" 3 mo. 3, 1716, and on 4 mo. 7, the 
marriage was reported as having been "orderly accomplished." (Min- 
utes of Middletown Mo. Mtg.) 

168 Atkinson Families of Budcs County, Pennsylvania. 

9, either in Philadelphia OB just after their arrival in Bucks 
County), to Bucks County, and took up her residence on 
the plantation called " Bellemont " in Bensalem Township. 
Mr. Jenkins says: "Belmont was the name of a ridge 
crossing the northern corner of Bensalem township and 
running down the ^Teshaminy. It was also given in later 
years, perhaps even at that date, to a portion of the large 
estate of 1250 acres covering the northern portion of the 
township originally belonging to Joseph Growdon." A 
large part of the Growdon estate as well as that of John 
Tatham adjoining it, was, about the time Margaret Atkin- 
son settled there, in possession of Thomas Revell, of West 
Jersey, either as owner himself or as attorney for others. 
On Jan. 20, 1701/2, Revell sold 1000 acres, and on March 
16, 1702/3, 2500 acres, on the south and southwest banks of 
the Neshaminy, to Thomas Stevenson, Jr., of Long Island. 
"Bellemont" was included in one, or perhapo partly in each, 
of these tracts. As Margaret made n , purchase of land 
here, she doubtless rented the plantation, or the house 
alone, from Revell. Thomas Stackhouse, Sr., a childless 
widower, who had a plantation on the other side of, and 
further up I^eshaminy Creek, came to board with her. The 
minutes of Middletown Monthly Meeting in 1701 mention 
his living at " Widow Atkinson's," and on 3 mo. 1 of that 
year he appeared and " condemned his actions contrary to 
truth," beginning as follows : " Whereas there hath been 
some concern between Margaret Atkinson and I relating to 
marriage & some reports have passed of my behavior towards 
her whereby truth might suffer," etc. These reports appear 
to have been without proper justification and the circum- 
stance is only introduced here on account of its bearing on 
Margaret's residence. The judgment of the meeting was 
that he should not " make her house his place of abode to 
be at constantly;" but on 9 mo. 6, 1701, it was reported to 
the meeting that he was still living there. They finally de- 
clared their intentions of marriage to the meeting 12 mo. 
[Feb.] 4, 1702/3, committees were appointed to see that 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 169 

they were u clear" and to secure her children's estate, 
and they were married in March, 1 702/3. * They had no 
issue. For some account of Thomas Stackhouse, Sr., see 
Note B. 

After Thomas Stackhouse's death Margaret married 
third, March, 1708/9, John Frost, a prominent man of New- 
town. They " passed meeting " the second time March, 
3, 1708/9, and were married within themonth. 1 John 
Frost was a member of the Provincial Assembly in 1712 
and 1715. He was one of three trustees to whom the 
"Newtown Common" was patented August 16, 1716, for 
the use of the inhabitants of the township. Frost Lane, 
the upper or northeast boundary of the borough of New- 
town, was named for him. Margaret Frost (previously wife 
of Christopher Atkinson), died in 1714, 0. S., and was 
buried 1 mo. 19, [March, 1715, N. S.] 2 John Frost died in 
1716, and was buried 8 mo. [Oct.] 25, "in Friends' ground 
at Chester." 2 He was probably on a visit to his step- 
daughter, Isabel Carter, at the time, or perhaps had gone to 
live with her after his wife's death, though in his will made 
five days before his death he gives his residence as New- 
town. By this will, 3 dated 8 mo. 20, 1716, proved Nov. 16, 
1716, he left legacies to his " daughters-in-law" (stepdaugh- 
ters) Margaret Hillborn and Isabel Carter, and directed 
that if Isabel should die without issue, her share should 
go to Margaret's son Samuel Hillborn, when he reached 
the age of 21 years, naming Thomas Hillborn and John 
Stackhouse trustees for him in the meanwhile. (Isabel, 
however, did have issue.) He also made bequests to his 
brothers Joseph, Edmund, Samuel, Isaac and Thomas Frost, 
and to his sister Elizabeth Francis ; these brothers and sister 
probably did not live in Pennsylvania. To John Carter he 
left his servant man, John Jones. John Wildman was 
named as executor. 

1 Minutes of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 

2 Register of Middletown Mo. - Mtg. 

3 Bucks Co. Will Book 1, p. 31. 

170 Atlcinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

In the introduction to- this article, (vol. xxx, p. 58), 
attention was called to the entirely imaginary description of 
the landing of some early immigrants given in The Atkin- 
sons of New Jersey, and the similar account of the landing 
of the progenitors of one of the Bucks County Atkinson 
families. The latter is as follows : 

"ofm antt Christopher fttttiiuiaiu 

On the 3rd day of Second month (April), 1699, there 
also landed at the same wharf 1 in Philadelphia two other 
men, of middle age, and the heads of families. They came 
from the agricultural districts of Lancashire, one of the 
northern counties of England, and bringing with them all 
their worldly goods. They were Friends, as shown by their 
apparel and manner of speech, and were met by some of 
their relatives on the shore, who had preceded them to this 

wilderness country." " These men were John and 

Christopher Atkinson, who had landed with their wives 
and children, seeking a home either in Pennsylvania or New 
Jersey. Letters sent them from those already here, encour- 
aged their removal, giving florid accounts of the climate, 
the fertility of the soil, and, above all, the liberality of the 
government, and tempted them to leave the old hearth- 
stones in their native land." There is more in the same 

It is needless to remark that this is almost totally errone- 
ous, except the facts that they had lived in Lancashire and 
were Friends. The two men and the wife of John never 
landed at all, for as we have seen above, they all died on the 
voyage. The Britannia arrived in Philadelphia 6 mo. 24, 
1699, the date of their landing here given, 2 mo. 3, 1699, 
being that on which their certificates were signed at 
Lancaster Monthly Meeting, over a month before their 

4. JOHN ATKINSON, son of William and Ann, of Scotford, 

1 At the mouth of Dock Creek, Philadelphia. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 171 

Lancashire, was born about 1660 He was no doubt born 
at Scotford, and certainly lived there until 1699. He was 
executor of his brother William, who died in 1679/80 ; in 
papers connected with the executorship he is styled " carpen- 
ter," but as already explained, among Quakers these terms 
were no indication of social status, and in his marriage 
certificate he is styled " husbandman," a more appropriate 
designation for the son of a freehold landowner, following in 
his father's footsteps, and a very non-committal Biblical term 
besides, carrying no suggestion of rank, either high or low. 
In the latter half of May, 1699, John Atkinson, with his 
wife and three children, his wife's sisters Mary and Alice 
Hynde, and perhaps another, Lydia Hynde, and his own 
brother, Christopher Atkinson, and family, set sail on the 
ship Britannia from Liverpool, for Philadelphia. He had 
obtained a certificate from the Lancaster Monthly Meeting 
of the Society of Friends, addressed to Friends in Pennsyl- 
vania, for himself and family. 1 We have already told in 
the account of John's brother Christopher how sickness, (it 
seems to have been smallpox), made such terrible havoc 
among the Britannia 's passengers. Both John Atkinson 
and his wife succumbed to it ; the exact date of their deaths 
was not recorded, but they occurred sometime between the 
middle of May and the 24th of August, probably in July 
1699. Neither had made a will, so after the arrival of the 
Britannia in Philadelphia, joint letters of administration on 

1 His brother Christopher's was almost exactly similar, and with two 
exceptions (and perhaps these are copyist's errors) the names signed to 
it are the same. John's reads : 

The bearer hereof, Jno. Atkinson, having had Inclinations for sever- 
all years to remove himself family to Pensylvania, and now having an 
opportunity, did at our last Moth. Meeting desire a certificate from us 
to you of his conversation and affairs here when he left us. In order to 
which wee did appoint some friends to make Inquire into his affairs, 
who at this Meeting do give us an account yt they find he has settled 
his affairs to ye satisfaction of his neighbors (or who he was concerned 
with), and also wee do hereby let you know yt as to his and wife's con- 
versation amongst us have been as becometh truth wch they have made 
profession of from their youth, and have educated their children therein. 
Wee have nothing to certifie you of but well, so do recomend them to 

172 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

both their estates were granted, Sept. 6, 1699, to Mary and 
Alice Hynde, * sisters of the wife. 

John Atkinson had a right of 500 acres in the 1500 acres which he 
and Christopher purchased of William Penn, March 17 & 18, 1698. 
Mary and Alice Hynde, as administratrixes of his estate, obtained a 
warrant for this, 7 mo. 12, 1700. At the session of the Board of Prop- 
erty 2 held 4 mo. [June] 15 & 16, 1702, it was stated that the Proprie- 
tary by Lease and Release dated March 17 & 18, 1698, granted Christo- 
pher and John Atkinson 1500 acres, who coming over to this province 
on the ship Britannia from Liverpool, both died, and John's wife also, 
the said John leaving issue, William, Mary and John ; and that the 
Proprietary by warrant dated 7 mo. 12, 1700, granted Mary and Alice 
Hind, sisters to said John's wife, and administrators on his estate, to 
take up 500 acres which were laid out in the country of Bucks, and re- 
turned by Edward Penington, (Surveyor-General) 4 mo. 24, 1701. 
The said Mary and Alice requested a patent to the children for the said 
land, which was granted. This tract was laid out in Buckinham Town- 
ship, and appears on the map 3 of Cutler's survey of 1703, in the names 
of "Mary and Alice Hinde." 

you for your advice and assistance in what may be necessary for their 
settlement amongst you. With our salutation in dear love to you wee 
rest your friends and bretheren. 

From our Month Meeting at Lancaster ye 3 : of ye 2 : month* 1699. 
To our friends in ye province of Pennsylvania, these, 
Signed by 

Tho. Dockery, Deborah Lawson, Mary Waithman, 

Tho. Green, Elizabeth Patchet, Elizabeth Jenconson, 

Robt. Hubershe, Elizabeth Green, Agnes Wilde, 

Tho. Wither, Elizabeth Baynes, Elizabeth Goucon, 

Robt. Mayer, Ellin Coward, Ellin Godsalm, 

Willm. Wylde, Margret Wither, Mary Hubershe, 

Tho. Dillworth, Agnes Tomlinson, Margret Cornthwait. 
Willm. Stout, Jannet Backhouse, Martha Hodgson. 

Willm. Skirrow, 
*April O. S. 

^hila. Co. Adm'n Book A, p. 286. 
2 Penna, Arch., 2 ser., XIX, 320. 

3 Some of the maps of the Cutler survey of 1703, are now (1907) in 
possession of the Bucks County Historical Society, being part of the 
collections of Dr. John Watson, (author of a history of Buckingham and 
Solebury Townships), a descendant of John Watson, an early Surveyor- 
General. These are probably copies made for his own use by-Surveyor- 
General Watson, the originals no doubt being in the Survey or- General's 
office, (now part of the Interior Department at Harrisburg). It is cer- 
tain the latter office had the Cutler maps, whether originals or copies, 
for Robert Smith, of Bucks County, obtained a certified copy of that of 
Buckingham and Solebury, from the Surveyor-General's office April 30, 
1794. Gen. Davis, in the first edition of his History of Bucks County, 
page 267, reprints a map of these townships, probably from the Smith copy. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 173 

By deed 1 of April 1, 1713, William Atkinson, of Warminster Town- 
ship, his sister Mary Atkinson and brother John Atkinson, heirs to 
their father, sold the above tract to Christopher Topham. The deed 
stated that the amount for this land issued to Mary and Alice Hynde 
was dated March 13, 1700, which do not agree with the statement before 
the Board of Property, but the land was the same. 

At the same time that Margaret Atkinson, widow of 
Christopher, presented her husband's certificate to Nesha- 
mina (Middletown) Monthly Meeting, she presented his 
brother John's, 9 mo. [Nov.] 2, 1699 ; this, of course, in- 
cluded the three children. On the same date the meeting 
passed the following resolution : " It is agreed & concluded 
upon by this meeting that the meeting take care of all 
friends children that are left as orphans & unsettled, to 
inspect & see that all such be taken care of & settled in the 
best & sutablest maner according to their capacity." 2 Mary 
and Alice Hynde had brought their sister's children to 
Bucks County to live, somewhere within the compass of 
Middletown Monthly Meeting ; it is possible that they lived 
first with Margaret Atkinson at"" Bellemont." They con- 
tinued the care of them under the supervision of the meet- 
ing, according to the above resolution, until Alice Hynde 
married William Stockdale in 1703, when the three chil- 
dren went with her to live on her husband's plantation, in 
"Warminster Township. At the meeting held 1 mo. 6, 1700/ 
1, a request was sent to Mary & Alice Hynde to come to 
the next monthly meeting and give an account of the chil- 
dren's estate in their possession. They appeared then (2 mo. 
3, 1701) and at subsequent meetings, and at that of 4 mo. 
5, 1701, the meeting finally adjusted their accounts, settling 
the allowance for the children's keep, etc. At this last 
meeting some books sent by the Quarterly Meeting were 
distributed, Mary Hynde getting two, a very desirable 
acquisition in those days when reading matter was scarce 

Co. Deed Book F 6, p. 154. 
2 This and the following abstracts from the procedings of Middletown 
Mo. Mtg. are from the official minutes thereof. 

174 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

in the colony. At the meeting of 7 mo. 6, 1705, William 
Stockdale was desired to bring the two younger children, 
Mary and John, with him to the next monthly meeting, 
which he did and arrangements were made with him for 
their care. 

John Atkinson married 2 mo. 8, 1686, at Lancaster 
Mtg., 1 Susannah Hynde, daughter of Richard Hynde of 
Scotforth, Lancashire. Richard Hynde of Oreangle or Ove- 
angle (a place not identified), Lancaster, died 9 mo. 24, 
1693, buried 9 mo. 25 ; 2 though his residence is not given 
as Scotforth, he was doubtless Susannah's father, Lancaster 
being only a short distance away. Mary Hynde, widow, of 
Lancaster, most likely Susannah's mother, died 3 mo. 
26, 1695, buried 3 mo. 27 at Lancaster 3 (meeting house 

Of other members of Susannah's family circle the Roger 
Hynde who signed her marriage certificate (see footnote) 
was probably a brother or uncle, most likely the latter. 
The first Richard Hynde on that document was without 
doubt her father. The second Richard Hynde probably a 
brother, and the Elizabeth Hynde following, his wife. John 
Hynde was doubtless a brother ; John Hynde, son of Rich- 
ard, of Lancaster, died 1689, and was buried 2 mo. 26. 4 
Lydia Hynde seems to have been a sister ; she started for 

1 Register of Lancaster, Mo. Mtg. Mr. Jenkins gives the text of the 
certificate : * ' John Atkinson of Scotford in ye county of Lancaster, 
Husbandman, and Susannah Hynde daughter of Richard Hynde of 
Scotford aforesaid did take each other in marriage ye eighth day of ye 
Second month 1686 in a public assembly of the people of God called 
Quakers mett together for yt purpose in ye public meeting house at 
Lancaster ye party's and themselves publishing their names before these 
witnesses. Roger Hynde, Alice Thornton, Henry Bishersle, Richard 
Hynde, Tho. Tomlinson, John Ecroyd, Ann Tomlinson, Robert Mayor, 
Christopher Atkinson, Wm. Gunson, Wm. Wylde, An. Wylde, Thomas 
Dottery, John Tomlinson, Timothy Taylor, Thomas Skirrow, Margt. 
Hodshan, Henry Coward, Richard Hynde, Elizabth Hynde, Ann Gun- 
son, Eliz. Midlton, ffrancis Walling, Tho. Davison, Thomas Hadson, 
Ellon Coward, Lydia Padgot, John Hynde, Isabel Coward, Lydia 
Hynde, Sarah Davison, Isabel Taylor." This certificate was copied 
from the original record book in Somerset House, London. 

2 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 3 Ibid. * Ibid. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 175 

Pennsylvania 1 with her sister and family in the Britannia 
but as she is not heard of again, no doubt she died on that 
ill-fated ship. Though they did not sign the marriage cer- 
tificate, (being perhaps too young), Susannah positively had 
two other sisters, Mary and Alice Hynde, who accompanied 
her on the voyage to Pennsylvania, and took care of her 
orphan children after their arrival in that province. Mary 
Hynde married Thomas Parsons, 4 mo. 1704, he bringing 
a certificate from Abington Mo. Mtg. ; they passed their 
second meeting at Middletown 4 mo. 1, 1704, and at the 
meeting of 5 mo. 6, the overseeing committee reported it 
had been accomplished. Alice Hynde married 2 mo. 
[April], 1703, (they passed second meeting at Middletown 
2 mo. 1), William Stockdale ; for account of him see IN'ote 
C. Several persons named Hinde, [Hynde] among them 
a Richard, are mentioned in the Lancashire chapter of 
Besse's Sufferings of Friends. 

John and Susanna (Hynde) Atkinson had issue, all born 
at Scotforth, Lancashire ; (births from register of Lancaster 
Mo. Mtg.) : 

12. WILLIAM ATKINTON, b. 1 mo. 31, 1687, d. 1755. 
Mar. 1st, June , 1716, Phoebe Taylor. 

2nd, Sept. 22, 1728, Mary Hugh. 
3rd, August 1730, Lowry Evans. 

13. MARY ATKINSON, b. 7 mo. 25, 1689, d. 
Mar. 2 mo. 12, 1716, Cephas Child. 

14. JOHN ATKINSON, b. 8 mo. 25, 1692, d. 9 mo. 6, 1694, buried 
9 mo. 7, at Lancaster Friends' burying ground. 2 

15. JOHN ATKINSON, b. 9 mo. 25, 1695, d. Jan. , 1752. 

Mar. 8 mo. 30, 1717, Mary Smith. 

1 Her name was either included in the certificate with Mary and Alice, 
or else she had one of the same date. Mr. Jenkins quotes from the 
minutes of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. of 1 mo. 6, 1698/9: "Its ordered at 
this meeting that certificates be drawn for Christopher Atkinson, John 
Atkinson, Thomas Laynfall, Thomas Willson and their families and for 
Elizabeth Tomlinsou, Mary Hynd, Alice Hynd and Lydia Hynd and 
Jane Cotton in order to their transportion to Pennsylvania to certifie 
friends there of their Departure from us in Unity with us and of their 
clearness from Debt," etc. While each man had a separate certificate, 
there is reason to suppose Mary & Alice and perhaps Lydia Hynde had 
one between them, or perhaps all five of these women, in which case 
Elizabeth and Jane were most likely sisters of the others. 

2 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 

(To be continued.) 

176 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 


(Continued from page 82.) 

March 2nd. - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash, 

Contingt Exp's. p'd Starr and Bedford 

for Shoes & Boots furnished for the 

family to the end of the year 1795 . 42.00 
D. p'd Jno. Bedford for shoes from the 

first of Jan. in full 35.87 

D. p'd for Muslin pr. bill by Mrs. W. . 20.50 

D. delivd to Jas. Germain 15.00 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd Starr 

& Bedford for shoes & boots pr. bill for 

Tobias Lear, (to be charged to him) . 19.50 132.87 

7th - 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd. C. 
Roberts for 3 bush Clover Seed to 
send to Virginia Cask & freight to 
Alexandria @ 18 D 55.62 

D. pd for J bush'ls of Clover seed Cask 

etc for Col. B. Ball 31.03 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accounts 140.63 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. Kitt for 4 gallons 

Lamp Oil 4.67 

Ditto p'd for a box of Mould Candles . 13.10 

Conting't Exp's. p'd by F. K for Bears 
Oil & Spermaceti to make Pomatum 
for Mrs W. 4/9 for a trunk for do. 18/9 
for Shoe Black'g & home 6/3 2.9.9 3.96 

Do. p'd for a p'r of shoes for Henry . . 2.25 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 177 


Contgt Exps. Dr. to Cash, 
p'd. Jno. Fenno on acco't. of N". Webster 
of N. York for advertising the Presi- 
dents lands' etc 21.25 

Ditto p'd. for Mrs Washington & Mrs. 
Lucy W. etc to see Panorama & 
Columbian Gallery's 3.00 24.25 


House Exp's. p'd James Wilkes for a 

months services 11.00 11.00 

To the Treasury of the U States Rec'd. 
on acco't of the Presidents Compensa- 
tion 1000. 

14th - 

Conting't Exp's gave a poor soldier by 
order of the President 2. 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts 119.92 

House Exp's p'd. by F. K for 1 mos 

wages to Wash woman 45/ .... 6.00 

D* p'd. Jno Cramer 1 mos wages . . 11.00 

D. p'd I. Pennington for 102 Ib sugar . 27.20 

D. p'd. Ben't. Dorsey for a box of Sper- 
maceti Candles ........ 19.63 

Contg Exp's p'd by F. K for 2 pr. stock- 
ings for Boy Henry 8/ smoaking meat 
13/6 Drayage of do 3/9 a pr Clasps 7/6 

1.12.9 4.37 

D. p'd R'd. Allen for Sweeping Chim- 

nies pr. bill 16.60 

D. p'd. for Linen, Muslin etc for Mrs W. 

pr. bill 10.17 216.69 

- 81st 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's 137.46 

VOL. xxxi. 12 

178 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

House Exp's p'd. F. K for 1 mos. wages 
to the Cook 120/. 1 do to the Wash- 
woman 45/. 5 Ib Gingerbread 6/. 1 load 
of Charcoal 75/ 12.6.0 32.80 

D. p'd P. Gravestine for a Box of Sugar 

to send to Mount Vernon 40.45 

Conting't Exp's. p'd by F. K for Ribbon 

for Mrs. Washington .75 

Ditto deliv'd to Mr. Jas. Germain . . 10. 

Do gave a poor beggar pr. order ... 1. 

Do. deliv'd to Mrs Washington ... 25. 247.47 

_ 83th 

House Exp's. p'd. Jno Puttner a mos 

wages 11. 

Conting't Exp's, p'd. David Bnentnall 

for shoes p'r. bill pr order of Mrs 

Washington 23.17 34.17 


Contg't Exp's. p'd. Cap't Ellwood for 

freight of Sundries to Alexandria . . 9.00 
Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

aeco't 143.36 

House Exp's p'd. by F. K. for a mos 

wages to Chamber Maid 15/. 1 mos 

do to Kitchen Girl 37/6. Lamp Oil 15 

Gal 150/ 11.12.6 31. 

D. p'd. Ben't. Dorsey for a bbl. of sugar 31.07 
Stable Exp's, gave John to buy a Currey 

Comb 1. 

Conting't. Exp's p'd by F. K for sand 9/. 

Paper 2/9 8 Ib of paint 7/6 Drayage 

5/7 Earthen Cream Pans 12/. 3 yds of 

Linen (Thread) 9/. Ice Cream Spoon 

5/. 4 Hand Brushes 6/. 3 Sweeping 

brushes 15/. pr. Shoes for boy 15/. 1 

set of blue Mugs 22/6 1 do of Dishes 

Washington s Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 179 

tor Mrs. Washington 36/. . 7.6.4. 19.51 
Stable Exp's p'd for 59 Bushels Oats 3/9 29.50 264.44 
To the Treasury of the U. States Kec'd 
on acco't. of the Presidents Compensa- 
tion 1000. 

- April 1st. 

Sundries D r to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Arch d McCall for 

China etc pr. bill 92.96 

D. p'd I. Dorsey for 3 plated Waiters pr. 

bill 160.00 

House Exp's. p'd P. Hunt for a tierce of 

Hams pr bill 215 Ibs 13J @ . . . . 33.12 286.08 


The Presidents Acc't proper p'd. Wm. 
Crouch for 2 Hogs & Cow to send to 
Mrs. B. Washington at Richmond . 14.33 


House Exp's. p'd Cap't Dale for 12 Ib. 

Gun Powder Tea at 18/9 pr. Ib . . . 30. 


Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts pr Rec't 177.10 


To the Treasury of the U. States rec'd 

on Acco't of Compensation .... 1000. 


House Exp's p'd. Henry Shaaff pr Acco't 

& rec't 340.37 

Contingt. Exp's Charity 10.00 350.37 


180 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 


Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 
acco't and sund'y Household Exp's pr. 
his rec't. 225.25 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Mrs. Washington to pay sundr'y Bills 40. 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Paid Scholfield & Tyson for 2 pieces of 

Linnen & 2 pieces of Nankeen . . . 40.42 

the piece of linen at 6/ pr yd. amounting 

to 7.16. the 2 pieces of Nankeen 18/. 

were on Mr. Dandridge's acco't to be 

charged to him 


Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 
acco'ts and sundry Household Exp's 
pr. Rect 240.06 


Cash D r . to the President's acco't proper 

Rec'd of the President 1160. 

Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid Benjamin Holland pr. Bill . . . 62.50 


House Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid John M. Pintard for 1 pipe of Wine 

pr. bill . 237.67 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid for Cambrick pr. bill for Mrs. 

Washington . . . 13.60 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 181 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exp's p'd for Forty two Bushl's 

of Oats @ 4/6 25.20 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his Weekly 

accot's & sundry household exp's p'r 

his Kect 286.70 

House Exp's. p'd Fred. Kitt on account 

of his own & wifes Wages .... 50. 
D. p'd John Puttner a months Wages pr. 

Eec't 11. 372.90 

- May 2nd. - 

Sundries Dr to Cash 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. Pennell Beale & 
McClung for sundries for Mrs. Wash- 
ington pr. bill to send to Tobia Lear 11.75 
Stable Exp's p'd for 1} bbl. of Oil to 

clean harness pr. bill 2.00 

House Exp's p'd John Gaceur three 

months wages pr. Eec't 42.00 


Sundries Dr to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's deliv'd to Mrs. W. . 5.00 
D. p'd by F. Kitt for seeds 34/2} for 
Shoes 33/9, Carrier & Gilder 16/10} 

4.4.10 11.31 
Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's. . 186.31 

House Exp's p'd by F. K. for sundries 
16/. p'd. Eliz Lyons for wages 45/ 

3.1.0 8.13 210.75 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid for 1 pound of Sealing wax and a 

half a hundred Quills 2.76 

182 Washington s Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

Paid for 2 Pamphlets for* Mrs. Washing- 
ton , 76 3.52 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's pd. for muslin for Mrs. 

W. pr. bill ......... 12.50 

D. p'd for 2 pictures for Mrs. W. one 

the likeness of George W. La Fayette 

the other of G. W. P. Custis . . . 30.00 
D. gave Mrs. Washington's girl to buy 

shoes pr. order ........ 1.25 

House Exp's p'd James Wilkes two 

months wages ........ 24.00 67.75 

, 12th - 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the United 
States Rec'd on acco't of the Presidents 
Compensation ......... 1000. 

- 18th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt delivered him to pay his 

household Exp's & Weekly Acco'ts . . 188.96 
House Exp's p'd by F. Kitt for sundries 
20/3 Smiths acco't Sermon & Abbott 
170/8 p'd for Wood 83/2 . . 13.14. 136.54 
D. paid Joan Crammer one months 

wages ........... 11.00 236.50 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Exp's p'd. Gilbert & Robert Gan 

for 24 ovel Back Chairs at 13/9 pr bill 44. 
D. p'd for four Cords of wood at 37/6 a 

Cord & Carting & pr. bill ..... 23.17 
Conting't Exp's p'd Mary Benge for 

sundries pr. bill ........ 18.78 

D. p'd Joseph Anthony Jr for a Coral & 

Washington s Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 183 

Bells for Mrs. Washington pr. Rec't . 25.00 
Stable Exp's delivd to John Gaceur to 

buy a horse Brush 42 111.38 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt. deliv'd him to pay his accent's 171.82 
House Exp's p'd by F. Kitt for sundries 

viz washerwoman 45/. to Malcolm 

Wright for sund's ISO/. Simon & Ab- 

bott, do 59/6. Fred Kitt his acco't for 

sundries 26/10 ..... 23.8.4 62.44 
Conting't Exp's p'd for Ames's speech 

for Mrs. W ........... 31 234.57 

-- 20th - 
The Presidents acco't proper Dr. to Cash. 

Paid James McCullough for horse . . 250.00 

- 21st - 
Contingt Exp's Dr. to Cash. 

Paid John Potter for 24J yds of fine 

Irish Linen pr bill ....... 20.69 

Gave as charity pr' order . . . . 1.00 21.69 

- 23rd - 
Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Exp's for Imperial Tea pr. Ib . . 61.87 
Contingt Exp's. p'd for Mrs Ames speech 

pr. ord .......... .62 62.49 

Cash Dr to the Treasury of the U. S. 
Rec'd. on acco't of the Presidents com- 

pensation .......... 1000.00 

Sundries Dr to Cash 

House Exp's. pd John Puttner a mos 

wages ..... ...... 11.00 

184 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

Ditto p'd by F. Kitt to the Kitchen girl 

wages 45/. board for sick girl 22/6 re- 

pairing lock etc 6/6 Cooks wages 120/. 

Soap 30/. Hooks & screws 11/3 tin- 

ning stew pans 92/10J . . . 16.8.1} 43.75 
Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's ... ........ 168.31 

The Presidents acco't proper-p'd Yundt 

& Brown's ord'r in full for advertising 

western Land ........ 25.00 

Conting't Exp's gave John Gaceer to 

buy breechesball ........ .25 

Ditto p'd Jno Potter for 26} yds of supr. 

fine Dimity 5/3 pr. bill ..... 18.55 
D. p'd Eliz Smart for sund's for Mrs. W. 

pr. bill ........... 48.40 

Do p'd. Chas. Taw's for repairing piano 

forte ............ 16.00 

Do p'd postage of a letter for G. W. 

Custis pr order ......... 20 331.46 

Sunds Dr to Cash 

Contg't Exp 8 paid for two Inkstands for 

Mrs W ............ 62 

House Exp 8 p'd Fred. Kitt on acct of his 

own & wifes wages ....... 50.00 50.62 

Sundries Dr to Cash 

Stable Exp's p'd. Wm Ball for 11.13.2. 
tons of hay & 700 bundles of straw pr. 
bill ............ 337.43 

Conting't Exp's. deliv'd to Mrs. W. . . 20.00 357.43 

- 30th _ 
Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acts ..... 244.04 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 185 

House Exp's p'd by F. K. wages to E 

Lyon 45/. Kitchen Maid 37/6 Jac 

Jones 50/7} F. Kitt for sundries 79/ 

10.12.1} 28.29 
Conting't Exp's p'd by F. Kitt for 11 Ib 

of Macaroni 30/11 a house bell 22/6 

F. Kitt sund's 56/3 flask of wine 37/6 

see bill 7.7.2 19.62 

D p'd Row'd Parry for 2 pr octagonil 

plated Candle sticks 25.00 316.95 

June 1st. 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Exps p'd for postage of Sundry 

letters directed to D 6.32 

Ditto, p'd Benj. Joy for freight of a pipe 

of Wine to India 67.35 

D. p'd by a order for phamphlet The 

Political Censor .31 

Stable Exp's p'd P. Carr for 14 bush 

Oats 5/11 11. 

D. p'd Geo Fulkerod for 15 bush. Oats 

@ 6/ 12. 96.98 


Cash D r . to The Presidents Acco't Prop'r. 

Eec'd of him 1000. 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

The Presidents acco't proper p'd Tho 

Bones for a horse 215. 

House Exp's. p'd I. & E. Pennington for 

116 Ib. Loaf sugar pr. bill .... 46.64 
Conting't Exp's p'd Mrs Smart for a 

piece of linen for Mrs. W 19.71 

D. p'd Mary Gamble for sundries for 

Mrs. W pr. bill 24.03 

186 Washington s Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. p'd. Jno. Guest or 10 yds of 
Gingham 6. 

D. p'd Mich'l Roberts for Mrs W. pr. 

bill .... 2.91 314.29 


Sundries Dr to Cash 

The Presidents' acct prop, pd Sam'l 

Hodgson for Jno Scull for advertising 

Lands &c 33. 

House Exps p'd Bent. Dorsey for Sun- 
dries pr bill 28.64 61.64 

- 6th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Conting't Exp's p'd. Jno Eichardson for 

silver plate etc pr. bill 44.55 

D. p'd Sam'l McLean for leather breeches 

prbill 14.16 

D. p'd Dr. Spence for cleaning teeth etc 11. 
D. p'd T. Fenton for a pr. of sandals for 

Mrs. W 2.86 

D. p'd Jno Smith & Co for a patent Tea 

Kettle 3.39 

D. p'd Panwart & Walker for sauce pans 

pr. bill 2.42 

D. p'd for 20 Ib of Eice 1.77 

D. p'd for 3 sets of china pint mugs . . 5.00 
Conting't Exp's p'd Peter Helm for a 

Cooler 5. 

D. p'd James & Henry Eeynolds pr bill 

for sundries 38.50 

D. p'd Godfry Welzel for tuneing 

Harpsichord 18 months 24. 

House Exp's p'd Harry Sheaff his 

account for sundries 72.66 255.31 

Cash Dr. to The Presidents acco't proper 

Eec'd of the President 1000. 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 187 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

a/c's 151.11 

Contingt Exp's. p'd by F. K to Theo. 

Smith carpenter his acco't sunds . . 42.58 

D pd Henry Horr blacksmith his ac't 14.87 
D p'd by F. K Anna Stouts aco't charges 

on acco't of Martha Lewis .... 6.54 
D. p'd Jno Saunders for a coffin for Mr. 

Lewis 5. 

D. p'd Peter Helm for coopering ... 5.49 

D. p'd T. Passmore for sundries pr bill . 27.63 

DO p'd Ann Chaloner for 4 pr. hose . 8.53 

D. p'd Dr. Boss for medicine .... 9.90 

D. deliv'd to Mrs. Washington . . . 25.00 
House Exp's p'd Kennedy & Harding for 

a box of Candles . . 13.49 

D. p'd by F. K for 2 cords of wood . . 13.33 323.47 

- sth 

Sundries Dr to Cash 

Stable Exp's p'd for 26 bush of Oats @ 

6/3 18.19 

D. p'd Godfrey Gebler his acco't for shoe- 
ing horses pr. his bill 42.88 

B. Dandridge p'd Godfrey Gebler for 

shoeing horse 3.12 

Conting't Exp's. p'd Jno. Whitesides & 

Co. for sundries pr bill for Mrs. W. . 96.81 

D. pd for seeing Peal's Museum . . . 1.00 162. 
Cash Dr to the Treasury of the U. States 

Rec'd on acco't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation 4596. 

- 9th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Exp's p'd Jno Cramer his wages 
to the 13 inst. 12. 

188 Washington s Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

D. p'd James Wilkes his wages to the 

10th Inst . . . 12. 

Stable Exp's. gave Jno Gaceer to buy a 

sponge . 1. 25. 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contingt Exp's. p'd Ann Lemaire for 

sund's for Mrs. W 9.34 

D. p'd. Thos. Dobson his acco't for sta- 
tionary bookbinding etc 102.18 

D. p'd Wm. Morris for muslin pr. bill for 

Mrs. W 14. 

D. p'd P. Gravenstine for sund's pr. bill 55.24 

D. p'd Chas Kirkham p'r bill & rec't. . 11.66 

D. p'd. Thos. Passmore for sunds pr. bill 3.62 

D. p d for stockings for G. W. Custis . 8.93 

D. p'd Ann Chaloner for 12 pr of gloves 

for Mrs. W 3.00 

D. p'd Robert Lindsay for packing China 2. 

D. p'd Dr. E. Parkins for attendance on 

Henry when sick 4. 

House Exp's. p'd for a Cream Cheese . 5.48 

D. p'd B. Wallace for bricklaying pr. 

bill 12.00 231.45 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Conting't Exp's p'd for tuition of G. W. 

Custis 11.38 

D. p'd Z. Lewis for attending G. W. 

Custis 75. 

D. delivered to Mrs. Washington . . . 20. 

D. gave Charity pr order 10. 

Conting't Exp's p'd James McAlpin in 

full for tayloring 455.61 

D. charity pr. order .50 

Washington s Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 189 

D. p'd Wm. Sheaff for pastureage of 

Horses 17 weeks pr bill 25.50 

D. p'd Wm McDougale for 5 pr. Ladies 

silk hose 17.50 

D. p'd do. for 4 pa'r of cotton hose . . 3.47 

D. gave Molly to buy shoes & stockings 3.00 

House Exp's. p'd Jno. Gaceer his weekly 

wages to the 1st July 28.00 650.46 

Cash-Dr. to the Presidents account proper 

Rec'd of the President 1045.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his accot's 193.35 
House Exp's p'd by F. Kitt wages to the 
Cook 120/. F. Kitt for sundries 104/. 

11.4 29.87 

Conting't Exp's p'd by F. K. to P. Gra- 
venstine 21/. Peter Shade 21/10 

22.10 5.71 228.93 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

D. p'd Walter Johnston for repairing 

carriages to this day 56.19 

deliv'd to the President omitted the 8 inst 4596.00 

Deliv'd to do the llth inst. . . . 887.94 5540.13 
Cash Dr. to the Presidents acco't proper 

Rec'd of the President 56.19 

- August 8th. - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him balance of his 

acco't from 13 June 82.73 

B. Dandridge p'd. you & omitted 2 April 250.00 
Conting't Exp's. p'd B. Dandridge ex- 
penses from Mount Vernon .... 20. 
Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. 

190 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

States ' 352.73 

Rec'd on acco't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation ^ 600.00 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

p'd postage of a letter to N. York from 

the P. to M de Liancourt .60 


Stable Exps Dr. to Cash, 

Paid for 39 bush of Oats @ 3/2 . . . 16.46 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him for his weekly 

accot's 33.75 

House Exp's p'd for a cask of Lamp Oil 44.20 

D. p'd. Henry Horn for sundries pr. bill 4.48 

D. p'd. by F. K. for 2 days washing . . 1.33 
Conting't Exp's. p'd by F. Kitt for rollers 

for window sashes & putting in do . 2.24 

D. for drayage of Oil 50 86.50 

- 18th - 

Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid T. Kewhan for dying 2 p'ss silk for 

Mrs. W 3.40 3.40 


Stable Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid for 77 bushels of Oats . 34.22 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Gave pr. order to distressed sailor . . . 1.00 
D. p'd. for postage of a letter to printers 

at Winchester .27 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

Washington s Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 191 

accot's 43.17 

House Exp's. p'd for 100 bush of Char- 
coal 14.00 58.44 

Stable Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid for 4 spungs & a y'd of gauze . . 1.75 1.75 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

p'd for President for to see Elephant . . 1.75 

gave a distressed sailor 1.00 2.75 

27th , 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 6 bush of shorts . 4. 
The Presidents acco't proper p'd for a 
transfer of Dr. Parkins metallic instru- 
ments to send to Mount Vernon 20 24.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Conting't Exp's p'd for 3 phamplets for 

ye Pre'd't .84 

D. p'd Jno M c Dougell for mending china 

etc 2.07 

D. p'd Mr. Small for sundry jobs pr. bill 13.41 
D. p'd Jac Jones for shoes etc for ser- 
vants 2.75 

D. p'd. for a Watch Key of the President .25 
D. gave a poor woman . ... . . 1.00 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his accots 106.42 
House Exp's, p'd Dan'l Suter for Vine- 
gar-salt etc pr. bill 17.33 

House Exp's p'd by F. Kitt 1 mos wages 
to house maid 45/. one do do. to the 
Kitchen maid 37/6. 4 Ib blue 20/. 4 
doz. Lamp wicks 7/6 5 days time of a 

192 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

wash woman 25/. twine & paper 5/9 to 

7.0.9 18.77 162.84 

September 1st. 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. S. 
Rec'd on acco't. of the Presidents Com- 
pensation 500. 


House Exp's Dr. to Cash. 

Paid John Gaceur 1 mos wages . . . 14.00 


Sundries Dr to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his accot's 148.71 
House Exp's p'd for a hbl soft sugar . . 4.00 
D. p'd. Jno Jones for repairing Smock 

Jack 4.00 156.71 

6th - 

Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

P'd. Thos McEuen on acco't. of Col 

Wadsworth for expenses of a horse for 

the President 9.67 

Gave a poor soldier 2.00 11.67 

- 7th - 

House Exp's Dr to Cash 

p'd. Jno Cramer 3 mos wages .... 36.00 

p'd. for splitting & piling wood . . . 2.00 38.00 


Conting't Exp's Dr. to Cash 

p'd for a phamphlet for ye President . . .33 

- 18th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Contingt Exp's refunded G. "W. Craik 
for sundries bought by him at Mt. 
Vernon for Expenses to Philada. pr a/c 73. 31 

Washington s Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 193 

Ditto p'd. Mr. Gamble for linen for 

towels & for others for H'y Winkey . 11.43 

House Exp's. p'd. James Wilkes 2 mos 

wages 24.00 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco'ts 52.80 

Stable Exps p'd for a load of Straw 85/ . 5.00 166.54 

House Exp's Dr. to Cash. 

Paid Fred Kitt on account of his own 

& wifes wages . 50. 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. S. 
Rec'd. on acco't of the Presidents Com- 
pensation 1000. 


House Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid John Bissex a mos wages ... 10.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his accounts 133.20 

House Exp's pd by F. Kitt for hire of a 
waiter 3 days 22/6 do of a cook 11.5.0. 
do for a do 3.15. do of a washer- 
woman 22/6 17.5.0 46.00 

Conting't Exp's. p'd by F. Kitt for shoe- 
blackening 3/. wash basin 3/9 bark & 
salts 8/. Sand & paper 12/9 drayage of 
salt 3/9 4.17 

D. p'd for duty on the President's 

carriages 45. 

The Presidents acco't proper sent by W. 
Craik to Mr M'Rea of Alex* to be p'd 
to Mr. R d Bowcn of Winchester for 
advertising Presidents lands . . . . 12. 240.37 
VOL. xxxi. 13 

194 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1798-1797. 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accounts 65.86 

Conting't Exp's gave a poor woman . 2.00 
D. p'd. M. Guzzle for attendance on 

Henry Winkey 8.47 

D. p'd. Jacob Jones for shoes etc for 

servants 3. 

D. p'd. for red tape and tacks .... 2.00 
D. p'd. F. Kitt, his expenses going to & 

from Tew York for a horse for the 

President 20.25 

Stable Expenses pd. Wm. Crouch for Ten 

tons of Hay to be delivered as wanted 200. 301.58 


Stable Exp's Dr. to Cash 

Paid Jacob Stine for 4 bushels shorts . 3.20 

(To be Continued.) 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 195 


(Continued from page 102.) 

Jan. 2nd. 174.6. 

Patrick McClanehan late of Lancaster County in consider 
ation of 12 : paid for his use and at his request by James 
Dougharty of Phila. County, weaver, indents himself a ser- 
vant to said James for three years from this date, to be 
found in meat, drink, washing, lodging, and apparel during 
said term, but not to have any freedom dues. 

John Erwin assigns Bryon McDermot (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow George) to William Nicholson of Phila., 
Innholder, for five years from Oct. 2nd 1745. Considera- 
tion 18 : customary dues. 

Honour Sullivan in consideration of her passage from Ire- 
land paid by John Erwin of Phila., merchant, indents her- 
self servant to the said John, for fifteen months and fifteen 
days from this date. Customary dues and new suit of 

Jany. 3rd. 

James Rossam, of Gloucester County, in consideration of 
15 : paid and to be paid to him by Samuel Jones of Phila. 
County indents himself a servant to said Jones for two years 
from this date, to be found in meat, drink, lodging and 
washing, but no freedom dues, and at the end of the term 
to have a cow of the value of three pounds, ten shillings. 

Jany. 10th. 

Robert Thompson, of Phila., sailmaker, in consideration of 
15 : paid for his use and at his request by Abram Mason 

196 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

of Said City, sailmaker,* binds himself a servant to Said 
Mason for one year, eleven months, and twenty days; to 
have one new suit. 

John Troy assigns Richard Berry his servant, to William 
Rush of Phila., blacksmith, for the remainder of his time, 
for four years from April 10th 1745. Consideration 19 : 
Customary dues. 

Jany. llth 

Silas Parvin assigns Patrick White his servant to Jeremiah 
Parvin, of West Jersey, for the remainder of his time from 
Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 15 : Customary dues. 

Daniel Jappie assigns James Reiley (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow City of Cork) to Quintin Moore, of Chester 
County, for four years from Nov. 5th 1745. Consideration 
11 : Customary dues. 

Jany. 16th. 

Joseph Griffin with consent of his mother Jane Griffin, 
widow, indents himself apprentice to Ebenezer Jones of 
Phila., housecarpenter, for seven years from Dec. 20th 1745 : 
to have one quarters schooling at the expence of his mother, 
to be taught the trade of a carpenter, to be found in cloathes 
&c. and to have customary dues. 

John White of Phila., laborer, in consideration of 9:10/. 
paid for his use and at his request by Robert Wood of 
Phila., mariner, indents himself a servant to the said Robert 
for three years from this date, customary dues. 

Jany. 18th. 

Elizabeth Barnes in consideration of 15 : paid by Denis 
Flood at her request, indents herself to David Knox for five 
years from this date. Customary dues. 

Morgan McMahon in consideration of 8 : paid to Daniel 
Jappie for hia passage from Ireland indents himself servant 
to William Blanchfield for two years and nine months from 
this date, customary dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 197 

Jany. 20th. 

William Nicholson assigns Catherine Orley his servant to 
Moses Hayman of Phila. County, for the remainder of her 
time, four years from Nov. 8th 1745. Consideration 14: 
Customary dues. 

Mathias Krabb with consent of his father Simon Krabb, 
binds himself apprentice to Jacob Videry of Phila. potter, for 
twelve years from this date, to be taught the trade of a pot- 
ter, and read and write the German language : customary 

Mary Reckiner, in consideration of sundry sums of money 
expended on her account by Mary Johnson, of Wiccacoo, 
indents herself a servant to the said Mary Johnson for three 
years from this date. Customary dues. 

Thomas Elliot Hutchins assigns Samuel Bowden, his ser- 
vant, to Robert Jewell of Phila., ropemaker, for the remain- 
der of his time three years and a half from May 30th 1745. 
Consideration 10 : 

Jany. 21st. 

Robert Wakely assigns Philip Dingwell (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow George) to Stephen Anthony of Phila., 
leather-dresser, for four years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Con- 
sideration 16 : Customary dues. 

Jany. 22nd. 

Jacob Casdrop and John Johnson, overseers of the poor 
of the Northern Liberties, bind John Dawson, son of John 
and Annie Dawson, an apprentice to George Pallmer of 
Phila. County, farmer, for thirteen years, eleven months 
from this date, to be taught husbandry and to read and 
write and at the end of his time to have customary dues. 

Jany. 24-th. 

Annie Me Guire in consideration of 9.10/ paid by Mary 
Boardman, widow, to John Postlethwait for the remainder 
of her time (the indenture to Postlethwait being lost or 
mislaid) binds herself servant to Mary Boardman for three 

198 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

years, three months and twenty one days from this date. 
Customary dues. 

Jany. 87th. 

James Templeton assigns Edward McKage (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brigh*. Couli Kan) to Robert Wall of 
the Northern Liberties for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. 
Consideration 16:10/. Customary dues. 

Jany. 29th. 

John Troy Jr. with consent of his father John Troy of 
Phila., marriner, (who signs his indenture) binds himself 
apprentice to John Jackson of Chester County, blacksmith, 
for nineteen years from this date, to be taught the trade of 
a blacksmith and to read, write and cipher, and at the end 
of his time to have one complete suit of new apparel besides 
his old ones. 

Jany. 30th. 

Barbara Gordon in consideration of five shillings paid 
William Dames for the remainder of her time by John 
Frederick of Phila., flatm an, indents herself a servant to the 
said John for one year and eleven months from this date, to 
find the said servant in apparel and give her freedom dues 
and to indemnify the said William Dames of all cost and 
charge for or concerning the said Barbara and her child 
during the term of the indenture. 

Jany. 31st. 

John Johnston assigns Hugh Moore his servant to John 
Paxton, of Lancaster County, for the remainder of his time 
four years from Oct. 3rd, 1745. Consideration 18 : cus- 
tomary dues. 

Feby, 1st. 

Mary Johnson assigns Mary Rachinor, her servant, to 
John Beaumont of Bucks County, for the remainder of her 
time three years from Jan. 20th 1745. Consideration 9. 
Customary dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 199 

Feby. 4th. 

Mary Gollohan in consideration of 12: 10/ paid Robert 
Drakely for her passage from Ireland by Dennis Flood of 
Phila., taylor, indents herself a servant to said Dennis for 
three years, ten months and one week from this day; cus- 
tomary dues. 

Mary Strong by consent of her mother Mary Lamb, 
signified by a writing under hand, indents herself a servant 
to John Freston and Annie his wife, for six years and a 
half from this date, to be taught to read and to sew plain 
work; customary dues. 

Margaret Greenless by consent of her mother Mary Chan- 
cellor (who signs her indenture) indents herself a servant to 
James Reuecdot, of Phila., shopkeeper, for ten years and 
eleven months from this date, to be taught to read and sew 
plain work, and to have customary dues. 

Feby. 6th. 

Jonathan Mifflin, Atwood Shute, and White Massey, 
overseers of the poor of Phila., bind Alexander Peddy an or- 
phan, to Isaac "Warren of Phila., blacksmith, for fourteen 
years from this date to teach him the trade of a blacksmith 
and to read and write, and at the expiration of his time to 
give him customary dues. 

Jonathon Mifflin, Atwood Shute and "White Massey, over- 
seers of the poor of Phila., bind William Peddy an orphan, 
to Richard Blackhouse of Phila., blacksmith, for sixteen 
years from this date to teach him to read and write and at 
the end of his time to give him the customary dues. 

Darby Daly in consideration of ll:10/paid Isacher Prise 
by William Arbour of Phila., for the remainder of his time, 
indents himself servant to William Arbour for two years 
and five months from this date ; customary dues. 

Feby. 8th. 

Anthony Newhouse assigns Mary Williamson his servant 
to Abram Shelly of Phila., for the remainder of her time, 

200 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

four years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 10 : cus- 
tomary dues. 

Feby. 10th. 

William Finlay assigns Robert Reside his servant to 
William Plumsted of Phila., Merchant, for the remainder 
of his time six years from August 1st 1741. Consideration 
12 : Customary dues. 

Feby. 13th. 

James Poor, late of Trenton in consideration of 17 : paid 
by David Budd of Burlington County, farmer, to Alexander 
Maine for his use and at his request indents himself a ser- 
vant to David Budd for four years from this date and, at the 
expiration of the said term, to have the customary dues. 

Feby. 17th. 

William Hamilton late of Virginia, but now in Phila., in- 
dents himself an apprentice to James Payne of Wiccocoe 
in Phila. County for four yearg from this date; is to be 
taught the trade of a cooper, to have one quarters evening 
schooling, to learn to write, and at the end of his time to 
have customary dues. 

George Grim, son of Phetha Grim, by consent of his father, 
indents himself servant to Benjamin Shoemaker Esq., for 
five years and seven months from this date. Consideration 
20 : due to Shoemaker for passage of Phetha and his 

Feby. 18th. 

Charles Moore assigns John Rogherty his servant to Hugh 
Patrick of Lancaster County for the remainder of his time 
three years from May 28th 1745. Consideration 12, cus- 
tomary dues. 

John Prawll, of Phila., yeoman, in consideration 12: 
paid for his use and at his request by Dr. Richard Farmer, 
of Phila., indents himself servant to Richard Farmer, for 
two years from this date ; customary dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 201 

Feby. 19th. 

Jacob Sillker son of Sarah Sillker who signs his indenture 
by consent of his mother, indents himself servant to Joseph 
Johnson of Wiccacoe in Phila. County for seventeen years 
and two months from this date, to be taught to read and 
write the English language, and at the end of his time to 
have customary dues, and one horse of five pounds value. 

Feby. 20th. 

Jacob Willkins, son of John Willkins, deceased, with con- 
sent of his mother who was present, binds himself an ap- 
prentice to Richard Blackhouse of Phila., blacksmith, for 
ten years six months and sixteen days, to be taught the 
trade of a blacksmith, and to read, write and cipher as far 
as the rule of three, customary dues. 

Owen Cunningham late of the Province of New York, in 
consideration of six pounds paid by Anthony Whitely of 
Phila. for his use and at his request binds himself servant 
to Anthony Whitely for two years from this date, to be 
found in meat, drink, washing, lodging and apparel, but not 
to have any freedom dues. 

David Patterson in consideration of seven pounds, ten 
shillings paid by William McCrea of Phila. to Cunningham 
& Gardner for his passage from Ireland, indents himself a 
servant to "William McCrea for five months and twenty days 
from this date to be found in meat, drink, washing & lodg- 
ing, but not to have apparel or freedom dues. 

Feby. 21st. 

John Stoop assigns Andrew Charles his servant to Daniel 
McClean of Bucks County for the remainder of his time 
one year and nine months from August 6th 1745. 

Feby. $5th. 

Thomas Hush binds himself a servant to Jacob Cooper of 
Phila., shopkeeper, for two years from this date. Consider- 
ation 12 : paid for his use and at his request, to be found 
in apparel during his servitude, but not to have freedom 

202 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

Feby. 27th. 

Richard Harthey, son of Henry Harthey, by consent of his 
father, indents himself an apprentice to John Palliner of 
Phila., bricklayer, for four years and eleven months from 
this date, to have one quarters schooling at an evening 
school every winter at his fathers' expense, to be taught the 
trade of a bricklayer customary dues. 

William Fordham of Phila., joiner, indents himself appren- 
tice to John Ashton of Phila, house-carpenter, for two 
years, eleven months and twenty-five days from this date, to 
be taught the trade of a house-carpenter, and at the end of 
his time to be paid 10 : in manner following, 5 : in new 
apparel ; 50 shillings in money and fifty shillings in carpen- 
ter tools. 

Feby. 28th. 

Kobert Wakley assigns Daniel McDaniel (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow George) to John Troy of Phila. mariner 
for five years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 16 : 
customary dues. 

Griffith Evans Jr., with consent of his father Griffith 
Evans, binds himself apprentice to John Biddle of Phila., 
cordwainer, for four years and a quarter from this date, to 
be taught the trade of a shoemaker, to have two quarters 
at writing and ciphering at an evening school in the first 
part of his time, and to be found in shoes and aprons dur- 
ing his time. 

March 4-th. 

Thomas Charlton assigns Mary Robinson his servant to 
Joseph Boore of Phila. County for the remainder of her 
time, five years from June 22nd 1745. Consideration 10 : 
customary dues. 

March 5th. 

Charles Willson in consideration of 12 : paid for his use 
and at his request by John Chaes of Chester County indents 
himself a servant to John Chaes for three years from this 
date, to be found in apparel but no freedom dues. 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 203 

Elizabeth Burkhard assigns Martin Hendrick, her servant 
to Jacob Poor of Phila. shoemaker, for the remainder ot 
his time seven years from Dec. 12th 1741. Consideration 
14 : Customary dues. 

Feby. 28th. ' 
Reigner Tyson assigns Roger Cane, his servant to Isaac 
Roberts of Phila. bricklayer for the remainder of his time 
for three years and eleven months from July 10th 1745. 
Consideration 16:10/ Customary dues. 

March 1st. 

John Winsor assigns Mary Catharine Hersh his servant to 
William Hughs of Phila. County for the remainder of her 
time, eight years from March 13th 1745. Consideration 
9 : Customary dues. 

Anthony Magner son of Barbara Magner indents himself 
apprentice to Robert Barnard of Phila. County his executor 
for 18 years and 8 months from Feb. 22nd 1745, to be 
taught husbandry and to read and write, and to have cus- 
tomary dues, (by consent of his mother.) 

Samuel Smith, son of Elizabeth Smith, indents himself 
apprentice to Benj. Peters of Phila. cordwainer (for five v, 
years and ten months) to be taught the trade of a shoe- 
maker and to read, write, and cipher as far as rule three, to 
be found in apparel and to have customary dues. 

March 8th. 

John Postlethwaite assigns John Barret his servant to 
Maurice and Edmund Mhil for the remainder of his time 
three years and seven months from Feb. 2nd 1745. Con- 
sideration 16 : Customary dues. 

March llth. 

Jacob Harmon of Phila., labourer, indents himself an 
apprentice to Joseph Derr of Phila. cordwainer for three 
years from this date to be taught the trade of a shoemaker 
to be found in apparel and to be allowed two weeks in every 
harvest to work for himself. 

204 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

James Kelly of Maryland indents himself apprentice to 
William Moore of Phil a. cordwainer for two years and nine 
v months from this date to be taught the trade of a shoemaker, 
but not to have cloathes or freedom dues. 

Benjamin Hooper, with consent of his mother Sarah 
Hooper indents himself apprentice to William Moore for 
v seven years, one month and seventeen days from March 3rd 
1745, to be taught the trade of a cordwainer, and to have 
eight quarters evening schooling, four of which to be at the 
expense of said Sarah, customary dues. 

William Kush Ex. of Thomas Kush assigns Cornelius 
Vanostin late apprentice to said Thomas, to Joseph Rush ot 
Phila. house-carpenter for the remainder of his time four 
years and a half from Jan. 14th 1745. Consideration 14: 

Thomas Lawrence Ex. assigns John Wheeler his servant to 
Robert Hugh of Phila. county bricklayer, for the remainder 
of his time four years from Jan. 18th 1744. Consideration 

Ephraim Shirr aid, son of George Shirrald of Gloucester 
county with consent of his father indents himself appren- 
tice to Peter Stilley of Phila; house carpenter, for nine 
years, eleven months and two days, to be taught the trade 
of a carpenter, to have six months day schooling, and three 
months night schooling every winter during his service, 
customary dues. 

March 18th. 

Thomas Fairbrothers in consideration of 8.18.1. paid for 
his use and at his request by John Phillips of Phila. car- 
penter, indents himself a servant to said John his Exc. for 
two years from this date, to be found in apparel &c, and at 
the end of his time to have one new suit of clothes of the 
value of 6 :, or the like value in carpenters tools, as he 
shall choose. 

March 14th. 

Johnathan Mifflin, Attwood Shute & White Massey, 
overseers ot the poor, &c, bind Thomas Richardson, an 

Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 205 

orphan, apprentice to Thomas Harris of Lancaster county 
for eleven years and nine months from this date to be 
taught to read and write, and the trade of a millwright, 
to have customary dues. 

Robert Wakely assigns Timothy Castleton a (servant from 
Ireland in the snow George) to John Scoggin of Phila. 
bricklayer, for four years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consider- 
ation 15 : customary dues. 

March 15th. 

John Dond of Phila, labourer, indents himself apprentice 
to Clement Russell of Phila. for four years and three 
months from this date to be taught the trade of a plas- 
terer, customary dues. 

Edmund Butler in consideration 12 : paid to William 
Branson for the remainder of his time by John Micon of 
Virginia indents himself servant to said John for one year 
and eight months from this date, to have the freedom dues 
as is the custom of Virginia. 

March 17th. 

Hugh Boyd in consideration 15 : paid to his Master John 
Wiley for his use and at his request by William Anderson 
of Phila. Mariner, indents himself servant to William 
Anderson his exc. for three years from this date, customary 

March 18th. 

John Wilson by consent of his father Patrick Wilson in- 
dents himself apprentice to Jonathan Durell of Phila. 
potter, for six years and four months from March 12th 1745, 
to be taught the trade of a potter, to have four quarters 
schooling in winter evenings, two of the first and of the last 
years of the term afixed, customary dues. 

George Arnold in consideration ten pistoles paid for his 
passage from Holland indents himself servant to George 
Passasky of Phila. for two years from this date at the end 
of his time to have one pistole and a new coat, waistcoat 
and pair of breeches. 

206 Account of Servants Bound and Assigned. 

John Conlin in consideration of 20: paid to "William 
Murdock for his time of servitude by John Storey of Bucks, 
Taylor, indents himself servant to said Storey for four years 
from this date, customary dues. 

Jacob Casdrop and John Johnson overseers of the poor 
of the Northern Liberties &c, bind Mary Hutchins, an 
orphan, apprentice to Thomas Williams of Phila. boat 
builder for five years and three months, next ensuing, to be 
taught to read and write, and sew plain work, and besides 
freedom dues, to have one new pair of stays and one new 
quilted petticoat. 

March 19th. 

Thomas Price son of David Price with consent of his 
uncles Evan Evan & James Freedman, binds himself appren- 
tice to Arthur Burrows of Phila. Mariner, for six years from 
this date, to be taught the mystery of a mariner and to have 
customary dues. 

(to be continued.) 

Joseph Andrews. 207 




(Continued from page 113.) 


No. 1. Half length, seated, book in hand, head slightly to 
left. Engraved from a picture by G. P. A. Healy ; 
by J. Andrews./ John Quincy Adams./ Published 
1843. Line H. 11" W. 9.4/16" Kectangle. 
Note : Engraved on copper. 


No. 2. Line, rectangle, ornamental. Above, a calumet or 
peace pipe crossed over a paper inscribed " Treaty ". 
Below, a view of the "President's House from 
Washington." Half length, seated to left, face 
slightly to left, forefinger in book in left hand. 
Size, rect. H. 6.4/16" W. 5.2/16" Over all 
9x6.11/16" Ins: Painted by G. P. A. Healy./ 
Eng d by R. E. Babson and J. Andrews/ John 
Quincy Adams (auto)/. 


No. 3. Bust, head slightly to left, with spectacles. Line 
ruled background, rectangle with corners cut. 
Line. H. 4.3/16" W. 3.7/16". 

Note : Proofs in four states in Boston Museum of Fine 


No. 4. Bus t, rcnly lull irce, 1o leit. right Pinxt. J. 
Andrews Sc./ Sir Richard Arkwright./ Line. H. 
3.7/16" W. 2.6/16". 

208 Joseph Andrews. 


No. 5. Bust, head to left. Eng. at J. Andrew's from a 
Picture by A. Fisher./ "W. J. Armstrong./ R. 
Andrews. Print./ Line Vig. H. 2.12/16" W. 

Note : Largely the work of J. Andrews. 


No. 6. Half length, standing, hand on open book, head to 
left. Painted by H. Pratt. Eng! by J. Andrews 
& H. W. Smith./ Hosea Ballou. (signature). 
Rectangle. H. 5.9/16" W. 3.13/16" Mezzotint 
and Line. 


No. 7. Half length, with brushes and pallet in hand, head 
to left. Painted by himself. J. Andrews Sc./ 
James Barry./ Line. H. 3.8/16" W. 2.13/16" 


No. 8. Bust, nearly full face. Engd. by J. Andrews, & 
C. E. Wagstaff./ Alfred Bennett. Line. Vig. 
H. 2.12/16" W. 2.6/16". 


No. 9. Duchess of Bourbon & Duke of Orleans. (See 
Galerie Historic de Versailles). Printed on the 
same page, and inscribed k< Graves par Andrews." 
Three quarter length seated, head slightly to right. 
(Over) 2560 (Under) Tableau du temps/ Bourbon 
(Charlotte de Hesse-Rheinfels-Rothenbourg./ prin- 
cesse de Conde, .... fl741./ H. 5.10/16" 
W. 4.4/16" Rectangle. 


No. 10. Pope Clement XII, and Cardinal Tencin. (See 
Galerie Historic de Versailles.) Printed on same 
page, and inscribed " Graves par Andrews." Half 
length, seated, head to right, with cap. (Over) 

Joseph Andrews. 209 

2565 (Under) Tableau du temps/ Clement XII 
(Laurent Corsini,) Pope f 1740./ Graves par An- 
drews. Diagraphe et Pantographe Gavard./ H. 
4.6/16" W. 3.9/16" Rectangle. Clement XH 
(Laurent Corsini.) Pope 1740. 


No. 11. Very truly yours, John H. Clifford. Half length, 
seated, head to right. Engraved by J. Andrews 
from a Daguerreot by Hale. Oval, with border 
line. H. 8" W. 5.14/16". 


$To.|12. Half length, seated in chair, in robes. Huntingdon 
Pinx". C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng*./ 
John Codman/ (signature) H. 4.2/16" W 3.4/16". 
Rectangle. Line and Mezzotint. 


No. 13. Full bust, to right. Dance. Pinxt. Carter, 
Andrews & Co Sc./ Capt James Cook, F.R.S./ 
(open letter) H. 3.7/16" W. 2.11/16" Rect- 
angle. Line. 


No. 14 Half length, seated, nearly full face. Painted by 
M. Wright. Engraved by J. Andrews./ Thomas 
Dowse./ Born in Charlestown December 28, 
1772./ Died in Cambridgeport November 4, 1856./ 
Line. Rectangle. H. 5" W. 3.12/16". 


No.*16. Half length, holding book, head to right. North- 
cote Pinxt. Caster, Andrews & Co. Sc./ James 
Ferguson, F. R. S. H. 3.8/16" W. 2.12/16" 
Line. Rectangle. 


No. 16. Full bust, head to left, coat trimmed with 
fur. Duplessis. J. Andrews/ Franklin./ From 
VOL. xxxi. 14 

210 Joseph Andrews. 

the original picture by Duplessis,/ in the possession 
of M". Barnett of Paris./ Line. Vig. Printed by 
K. Andrews/. Boston./ Published by Tappan & 
Dennet./H. 3.8/16" W. 3.8/16" 
Note : Executed in Paris 1836. 


No. 17. Bust, head to left, coat trimmed with fur. From 
a French painting. Carter, Andrews & Co. Sc. 
Line. H. S.Y/IG" W. 2.13/16" 


No. 18. Bust, head to left, coat trimmed with fur. Oval with 
ornamental border, at the bottom a representation 
of Franklin flying his kite. Painted by Duplessis. 
Eng d . by E. E. Babson & J. Andrews. Walker & 
White. Boston. New York. Philadelphia & Bal- 
timore. H. 4.10/16" W. 3.9/16" 


No. 19 Full bust, head to left. Engraved by Jos. Andrews./ 
M". Franklin./ From an original painting in the 
possession of Professor Hodge./ Philadelphia/ 
Childs and Peterson./ Line. Rectangle. H. 4.8/ 
16"_W. 3.12/16". 


No. 20. Six portraits. Published two on a page, and in- 
scribed between the prints " Graves par Andrews." 
(See portraits of Cardinal Tincin, Duke of Orleans, 
Duchess of Bourbon, Pope Clement XII.) 


No. 21. Three-quarter length, head to left, long cloak. 
Pain td . by Waldo. Eng. by E. Babson & J. 
Andrews./ Ja 8 . Gould/ Eng d . for Hollister's History 
of Connecticut./ Line and Mezzotint. Kectangle. 
H. 5.10/16" W. 4.4/16". 

Joseph Andrews. 211 


No. 22. Full bust, head to left. Healy. J. Andrews./ J. 
Graham./ (Published 1845.) Vig. H. 3.6/16" 
W. 2.14/16". 

No. 23. Bust, head to left. Paint d . by C. J. Thompson. 
Engd. by J. Andrews and H. "W. Smith./ Grace 
Greenwood/ 1850/ Vig. H. 3" W. 3" 


No. 24. Bust, head to left, Engf by J. Andrews and F. 
Halpin./ Oliver Wendell Holmes/ (signature) Vig. 
Line. H. 3.4/16" W. 2.12/16". 


No. 25. Three quarter length, standing holding prayer- 
book. Nearly full face with hood. Eng d by J. 
Andrews./ Isabella the Catholic/ After an En- 
graving from a picture in the Koyal Palace at 
Madrid./ Eectangle. Line. H. 4.2/16" W. 2. 


No. 26. Bust, head to left. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews./ 
James Jackson./ Vig. H. 3.4/16" W. 2.4/16" 


No. 27. Bust, head to left. Southworth & Hawes Dag". 
J. Andrews & T. Kelly Sc./ Truly Yours/ 
Charles Jewett/ (signature) Ball & Pollard Print/ 
Vig. Line. H. 3.6/16" W. 3.2/16" 


No. 28. Full bust, to left. C. Harding Pinxt. J. Andrews 
Eng r ./ A. Judson/ H. 2.10/16" 2.8/16" Vig- 


No. 29. Half length seated, arm resting on two books to 
right on table. Engd. by J. Andrews./ Emily C. 

212 Joseph Andrews. 

Judson (Fac-simile) Yig. Line. H. 3.4/16" 
W. 2.10/16" 


No. 30. Full bust, to right, figure indicated. Pain** by 
G. P. A. Healy. Eng d . by J. Andrews & T. 
Kelly./ Abbott Lawrence/ Print by R. Andrews. 
H. 3.8/16" W. 2.14/16" Vignette. Line. 

Note. Engraved in 1849, for "The Whig Review." 

T. Kelly was an Irishman whom Mr. Andrews 
repeatedly employed as an assistant in his work. 


No. 31. Full bust, head to left, clerical robes and wig. Gil- 
bert Stuart Pinx*. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews 
Sc./ John Lathrop/ (signature). Rectangle. 
Line. H. 3.14/16" W. 3.2/16". 


No. 32. Three quarter length, seated. Head finished, to 
right; figure indicated in line. C. Harding. 
Pinxt. J. Andrews Sc. Yig. Line. H. 4.4/16" 
W. 3.10/16". 


No. 33. Full bust, head slightly to left, clerical robes and 
wig. E. Pelham Pinx*. C. E. Wagstaff & J. 
Andrews Sc./ Cotton Mather./ (signature). Bec- 
tangle. Line. H. 3.14/16" W. 3.2/16". 


"No. 34. Full bust, head to right, clerical robes. Yanveck 
Pinx*. 1680. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Sc./ 
Witnesse/ Increase Mather/ (signature). Line 
and Mezzotint. Rectangle. H. 3.14/16" W. 


No. 35. Half length, head to right. Eng d . by J. Andrews 
& H. W. Smith./ J. Mchols/ (signature). Mezzo- 

Joseph Andrews. 213 

tint and Line. Rectangle. H. 5.14/16" W. 


No. 36. Louis d'Orleans, due d'. (See Galerie Historic 
de Versailles.) Printed on same page as Duchess 
of Burbon, and inscribed " Graves par Andrews." 
Three quarter length standing in armor, head to 
right. (Over) 2551 (Under) De la Coll on . du 
Ch a . d'Eu./ Orleans (Louis d'Orleans, due d')/ 
premier prince du sang f 1752./ Rectangle. 
H. 5.10/16" W. 4.5/16". 

No. 37. Figure seated before house, surrounded by boys. 
Tisdale del. J. Andrews Sc. Peter Parley Tell- 
ing Stories. Rectangle. H. 3.3/16" W. 2.11/16". 


No. 38. Half length, head to right, nearly in profile (por- 
trait in outline). Wendell Phillips/ (signature). 
Etched by J. Andrews, from a Daguerrotype by 
Southworth. Line. H. 3.8/16" W. 2.14/16". 


No. 39. Bust, head slightly to right, with wig and vest- 
ments. J. A. (under, in script) Your most 
respectfull/ Humble Servant/ T. Prince/ H. 
3.2/16" W. 2.12/16" Vignette. Line. 


No. 40. Half length seated, head to right. Painted by A./ 
G. Hoit. Eng. by C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews. 
Your Ob! Henry H. Puller./ Printed by Andrews 
& Wagstaff./ Rectangle H. 5.6/16" W. 4.8/16" 
Mezzotint and Line. 


No. 41. Half length, head to right. Ormsbee & Silsbee, 
Dag! 0. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Sc./ Chand- 

214 Joseph Andrews. 

ler Bobbins/ (signature). Rectangle. H. 3.14/16" 
W. 3.2/16". 


No. 42. Bust, head to left ; seated, back of chair indicated. 
J. Andrews Eng? Daniel Sharp / (signature) 
Wilson & Daniel Print?/ Line. H. 2.8/16" W. 
1.10/16" Yig. 


No. 43. Half length seated, pen in hand, head slightly to 
right. J. Johnson Pinx! J. Andrews Sc./ S. 
Shaw (signature) Yig. H. 8.12/16" W. 2.12/16". 


No. 44. Head only finished, three-quarter face, slightly to 
left. 1855. Engraved by J. Andrews, from an 
unfinished portrait by Stuart, pain td . in 1828. 
H. 2.12/16" W. 1.10/16". 


No.^45. Bust, head slightly to right. Engd. by J. Andrews. 
Rectangle, with line ruled background. H. 
4.1/16" W.3.3/16". 

Note : Proofs in four states in the Boston Museum of 
Fine Arts. 


No. 46. Three-quarter length seated. Head in profile to 
right. Figure lightly drawn. Engf by J. Andrews./ 
Charles Sprague./ Boston. Ticknor, Reed & 
Fields: 1850./ Vig. H. 3.8/16" W. 2.8/16" 

Note: Engraved for his volume of ''Poems." An 
exquisitely delicate little plate, (painter's name not known). 


No. 47. Half length, head to left with cap. Eng? at 
J. Andrews by R. Babson./ William Stoughton./ 
Rectangle. Line. H. 4.4/16" W. 3.2/16". 

Joseph, Andrews. 215 


ISTo. 48. Half length, head to right. Pettee's Dago^ J. 
Andrews and II. W. Smith En'g./ Aquatint, and 
Line. Oval. Ornamental border. H. 5.3/16" W. 


No. 49. Half length, head to right. Engraved by J. An- 
drews and H. Wright Smith. Rectangle. H. 
9.8/16" W. 6.4/16". . 


No. 50. Bust, head to right. Dag. of Bundy & Co. Eng. 
by J. Andrews./ Yr. affe. brother./ Arthur 
Tappan./ Line. Yig. H. 3" W. 2". 

Note : Proofs in five states, Boston Museum of Fine 


No. 51. Full length, seated. Engraved by J. Andrews 
from a Daguerrotype/ taken at Baton Rouge, July 
1848 by Pattee & Cathan. Very Respectfully/ 
Sir/ Your obt. Servt/ Z. Taylor Majr. Genl./ 
U. S. Army/ R, Andrews Print./ Head finished, 
figure in outline. Rect. line border. Line. 
H. 14.14/16" W. 10.8/16". 

Note : This plate was engraved in 1848. Mr. Andrews 
spoke of the " whole undertaking being a business specula- 
tion, which finally disgusted him. " 


No. 52. Cardinal Tencin & Pope Clement XII. (See Gal- 
erie Historic de Versailles). Printed on same page, 
and inscribed " Graves par Andrews." Half 
length seated, head to right. (Over) 2574 (Under) 
Tableau du temps/ Tencin (Pierre Guerin, Seig. 
de) /Cardinal Archeveque de Lyon, Ministre 
d'etat + 1758./ Rectangle. H. 4.4/16" W. 3.7/16". 

216 Joseph Andrews. 


No. 53. Portrait of man ; bust, half length, head to left. 
Engraved by J. Andrews, from a picture by A. 
Clark, after a Daguerreot of Litch & Whipple. 
Printed by E. Andrews. Line. 

Note : This print in collection of Boston Museum of 
Fine Arts, being the gift of his daughter, Miss Ellen 


No. 54. Portrait of a man; bust, head to right. Line. 
Eectangle with line ruled background. H. 4.4/16" 
W. 3.4/16" 


No. 55. Proof signed by Engraver, with regards, and pre- 
sented to J. E. Root, Esq. Title noted on back. 
Bust, head to left. Engraved by J. Andrews from 
a Photograph. Rectangle. Ruled line back- 
ground. H. 3.9/16" W. 2.12/16". 


No. 56. Due. Di Urbino. Three-quarter length in armor. 
Tiziano. Joseph Andrews. Line. Rectangle. 
H. 8.8/16" W. 7.5/16". 

Note : Print in Koehler Collection at Boston Museum 
of Fine Arts, was presented by the engraver in 1842 to Dr. 
Martin, who gave it to Mr. Koehler in 1870. The engrav- 
ing was begun in Florence, but finished in America. 


No. 57. Bust, head profile. Engraved by J. Andrews from 
sketch by Saulini. Line. Vig. H. 6.8/16" 
W. 4.8/16" 


No. 58. Half length, standing knitting. Manchester's. 
DagT J. Andrews & Pupil Sc./ Harriet Ware./ 
H. 3.8/16" W. 2.7/16". 

Joseph- Andrews. 217 


No. 59. Bust, head to left. Miss Goodrich. J. Andrews./ 
Henry Ware, jr./1813./ H. Ware Jr./1843./ 
(signatures at 1813 and 1843.) Vig. Line. H. 
2.8/16" W. 2.4/16". 


No. 60. Bust, head to left. Washington./ From the orig- 
inal painting by Stuart, taken from life/ in posses- 
sion of the Boston Athenaeum./ Engraved by 
Joseph Andrews./ Vig. Line. H. 4.12/16" 
W. 3.8/16" (Baker No. 177). 

Note : This plate was destroyed in the great Boston 
fire. It was engraved about 1843. 


No. 61. Full length, standing. Painted by T. B. Lawson. 
Engraved by C. E. Wagstaff and Jos. Andrews. 
Mezzotint. (Bust of Washington on pedestal at 
side.) Pub. 1852 H. 26.4/16" W. 17.12/16" 


"No. 62. Half length in surplice, head to right. Rev. 
Charles Wesley, M.A./ Sometime student of 
Christ Church Oxford./ Engraved by J. Andrews, 
from an original Print by J. Fittler, A.R.A. 
London 1793. Line. Yig. H. 3.6/16" W. 


No. 63. Half length in surplice, head to right. Rev. John 
Wesley, M.A./ Late fellow of Lincoln College 
Oxford./ Aetatis 87./ Engraved by J. Andrews, 
from an original Picture of the same size engraved 
by J. Fittler, A.R.A. London 1792./ Line Yig. 
H.3" W. 2.6/16". 


No. 64. Half length, standing before open book, with arms 
raised in act of preaching, (under) J. A./ G. 

218 Joseph Andrews. 

Whitefield" Rectangle, drapery indicated in line. 
Line. H. 4.15/16 W. 3.15/16" 


No. 65. Half length, seated reading. Drawn by H. 
Elridge, Eng? by J. Andrews./ William Wilber- 
force Esq. M.P./ Oval in rectangle frame. Line. 
H. 5.10/16" W. 2.12/16". 


No. 66. Bust, head slightly to right. Oliv : Wolcott./ 
(signature) Eng? by J. Andrews & W. H. Tappan 
from a Picture by Trumbull/ in possession of Hon. 
Josiah Quincey./ Line. Vig. 

Note : Engraved about 1846. 


No. 67. Half length seated, pen in hand. Marchant Pinxt. 
J. A. Andrews & H. W. Smith Sc./ Leonard 
Woods/ ( ) June 19th 1849/ Print by T. 

E. Holland & Co./ Eectangle. Mezzotint and 
Line. H. 5.3/16" W. 4.4/16". 

Subject Prints : 


No. 68. Drawn by R. Westall, R. A. Engraved by F. & J. 
Andrews, Lancaster. Published by S. G. Good- 
rich, Boston. " The Token." 1826. Line. Rect- 
angle. H. 3.14/16" W. 2.3/16" 


No. 69. J. B. LePrince, Prinxt. Engraved by J. Andrews, 
Lancaster. Published by S. G. Goodrich, Boston. 
Line. Rectangle. H. 3.14/16" W. 2.14/16". 

No. 70. By Alvan Fisher. Published in 1829. 8 vo. 

Note : Engraved in 1829. First steel engraving by 
Mr. Andrews after an oil painting. 

Joseph Andrews. 219 

No. 71. By Alvan Fisher. Published in 1830. 8 vo. 

Note : Engraved in 1830. Published by Carter & 
Hendee, Boston. 


No. 72. (From Cooper's " The Pioneers ") Painted by G. 
L. Brown. Published in 1835. Rectangle. Line. 
H. 3.8/16" W. 5". 

Note : This was the last plate executed by Mr. Andrews, 
before going to England in 1835. 


No. 73. W. S. Mount/ Bargaining For A Horse./ Printed 
by Butler & Long./ Rectangle. H. 2.2/16" 
W. 4". 

Note : This engraving is not marked by "Andrews" but 
is known to be his work, it was engraved in 1839 and Pub- 
lished in "The Gift." 1840. 


No. 74. Boy with basket of fish and pole, holding young 
gentleman's horse, while being lectured by an old 
parson. Brook in background. Marked E. Tay- 
lor. J. Andrews. Line. Yig. H. 3.8/16" W. 


No. 75. Engraved by J. Andrews, from a drawing by 
Darley. Eectangle with oval top. Outline draw- 
ing. H. 10.6/16" W. 7.8/16". 

Note : Engraved for the "Spectator," a monthly publi- 
cation attempted by Mr. Andrews and his brother, but 
which failed. 


No. 76. By A. Fisher. J. Andrews. Published in " The 
Philopena" 1853. Rectangle. Line. H. 2.14/16" 
W. 3.12/16". 

220 Joseph Andrews. 


No. 77. Casilear. J. Andrews. Yig. Line. Published 
in The Token " 1829. H. 1.10/16" W. 1.14/16". 

No. 78. J. GL Chapman. J. Andrews. " The Token " 

1829. Yig. Line. H. 1.10/16" W. 2.12/16". 


No. 79. Casilear. J. Andrews. Vignette. Line. Pub- 
lished in "The Token" 1829. H. 1.12/16" 
W. 1.8/16". 


No. 80. Beranger. J. Andrews. Published by Carter 
and Hendee. Boston. " Youth's Keepsake " 

1830. Rectangle with frame. H. 8/16" 
W. 2.14/16". 


No. 81. Painted by W. W. West. Published in The 
Token" 1837. Eectangle. Line. H. 3.12/16" 
W. 4.12/16". 

Note : Engraved in England, in 1835, under Mr. Good- 
y-ear's supervision. Mr. Andrews attached some importance 
to this plate, as showing the progress made by him shortly 
after coming to England. He exhibited it at the Art Club, 
together with his ' ' Plymouth Rock, ' ' only a few years before 
his death. 


No. 82. Lescot Pinxt. J. Andrews Sc. Published in 
"The Philopena" 1853. Eectangle. Line. 
H. 3.12/16" W. 2.14/16". 


No. 83. Drawn by A. T. Agate. J. Andrews Sc. Rec- 
tangle. H. 7.2/16" W. 4.2/16". 


No. 84. H. Billings, del. J. Andrews & J. Duthie Sc. 
Three women, two wounded soldiers. Pub. in 

Joseph Andrews. 221 

"Poems, by John G. Whittier " Yignettte. 
Line. H. 4" W. 3.4/16". 


No. 85. Frontispiece to " Poems by John G. Whittier " 
H. Billings, del. J. Andrews & J. Duthie Sc. 
Pub. Mussey & Co. Boston 1854. Vignette. 
Line. H. 2.12/16" W. 2.4/16". 


No. 86. H. Billings, del. J. Andrews & J. Duthie Sc. 
Three figures (Indian, Hunter and Woman) in 
woods. Pub. in " Poems, by John G. Whittier " 
Vignette. Line. H. 5" W. 3.2/16". 


No. 87. Half length, girl seated, with scarf over head. A. 
M. Huffam. J. Andrews./ Genevieve./ Pub- 
lished by Caster & Hendee Boston./ Rectangle. 
Line. H. 3.6/16" W. 2.9/1 6". 


No. 88. Half length, head to right. Carlo Dolci, Pinxt 
J. Andrews Sc./ Mary Magdalen/ Line. Rec- 
tangle. H. 3.14/16" W. 2.14/16". 


No. 89. Hammatt Billings, Delt. Ob. Roy. Folio. Pub- 
lished 1857. 


No. 90. Landing at Plymouth of Pilgrim Forefathers. 
Peter F. Rothermel, Pinxt. J. Andrews, Sc. Ob. 
Roy. Folio. Published 1869. H. 17.14/16" W. 



No. 91. D. Huntington Pinxt. Imp. Folio. Published by 
Art Union of Phila. 1853. 

222 Joseph Andrews. 


No. 92. Indian maiden seated on bank of stream. Painted 
by J. G. Chapman. Eng. by J. Andrews & C. A. 
Jewett./ The Expected Canoe/ Printed by E. 
Neale/ Published in " Token " Eectangle. Line 
border. H. 4.6/16" W. 3.6/16". 


No. 93. By J. W. Wright. Girl reading, half length, 
standing with hands clasped. Vig. Line. H. 
3.12/16" W. 2.10/16". 


No. 94. Young girl, standing. Necklace and square neck 
gown, hand on hip. Painted by G. S. Newton. 
Eng d . by J. Andrews./ The Only Daughter./ 
Oval in rectangle frame. H. 4.14/16" W. 

Note. Unfinished proof before letter. 


No. 95. The Old Fort, Connanicut, R I. Drawn by "W. 
Groome Eng. at J. Andrews, Boston. Printed 
and Published by Samuel Walker. In circle with 
border & figures below. H. 8.1/16" W. 6" 


No. 96. View of old farm-house. J. Andrews from a sketch 
after H. Morton. Line. Vig. H. 4" W. 6.8/16". 


No. 97. Painted by Washington Allston. Engraved by C. 
E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews. Entered according to 
Act of Congress in the year 1851 by the New 
England Art Union, & ct. Mezzotint and Line. 
Rectangle. Borderline. 1/16" H. 6.4/16" W. 

A folio print of the above H. 17.3/16" W. 

Joseph Andrews. 223 

23.10/16" Engraved by C. E. Wagstaff and J. 


No. 98. Engraved by Carter, Andrews & Co. 


No. 99. Landscape. B. Billings, del. J. Andrews dirext. 
J. Duthie Sc./ View in Honolulu. Eectangle. 
H. 3.9/16" W. 5.10/16". 

Note. Probably engraved in 1863. 


No. 100. Landscape. B. Billings, delt. J. Andrews dirext. 
J. Duthie Sc. Kectangle. H. 3.8/16" W. 5.9/16". 


No. 101. Bust, head to left, one hand raised holding hair. 
Yig. background. H. 2.5/16" W. 2.8/16". 

Note : Proofs in collection of Boston Museum of Fine 


No. 102. Frontispiece, Scott's Novels, Knights leaving 
castle by drawbridge. Yig. H. 3.8/16" W. 


No. 103. The Pioneer 1843. J. B. Wright. Etched by J. 
Andrews. Rectangle. Male and Female figures 
standing by Tomb. H. 7.14/16" W. 5.7/16". 


No. 104. Four female figures, floating above clouds. Flax- 
man del. J. Andrews Sc. Line. H. 4.12/16" 

W. 7.8/16". 


No. 105. "As thus she spoke in accents soft and slow." 
Two figures in outline. Flaxman. J. Andrews. 
Line. Rectangle. H. 4.7/16" W. 6.7/16". 

224: Joseph Andrews. 


No. 106. Commons, with Beacon Street in the Background. 
H. 4.8/16" W. 3.8/16". 

Note : Print in collection of Boston Museum of Fine 
Arts. Presentation copy to Mr. Cheney. Signed in pencil 
by J. Andrews. 


No. 107 Sabbath-day Point. Lake George. W. H. Bart- 
lett del. J. Andrews direx. A. C. "Warren Sc. 
Rect. Line. H. 3 4/16" W. 4.14/16". 


No. 108. Bust, drapery over one shoulder. Necklace and 
hair ornament. J. Webber del. J. Andrews Sc./ 
Hawaiian Girl./ Yig. H. 2.6/16" W. 2" Line. 


No. 109. Building in grave-yard surrounded by fence. 
J. Andrews & H. W. Smith./ The Old Church./ 
Line and Mezzotint. Rectangle. A. 3.3/16" 
W. 4.13/16". 


No. 110. Standing figure. (Pobably the Saviour) Stand- 
ing on mound, mountains in the distance, one 
hand holding staff. H. Billings del. A. C. 
Warren & J. Andrews Sc. Vig. H. 3.14/16" 
W. 3.2/16" Line. 

No. 111. Head finished, wing indicated. H. 3.4/16" W. 


Note : Unfinished proof in Boston Museum of Fine Art. 


No. 112. Young woman in cloak, standing by wall, three- 
quarter length. E. Landseer, R. A.- J. Andrews 
direx. A. C. Warren Sc./ Alice. Line. Rect- 
angle. H. 7.4/16" W. 4.12/16". 

Joseph Andrews. 225 


No. 113. Standing figure of man, holding pipe, cottage in 
background. J. Liverseege del. J. Andrews 
direx. W. H. Tappan Sc./ Good Resolutions./ 
Rectangle. H. 3.12/16" W. 3.2/16" Line. 


No. 114. Figure drawn from statue. Line. H. 4.7/16" 
W. 7.1/16". 

No. 115. Rectangle. H. 4.8/16" W. 3.9/16" Line. 

Note : The print in the collection of Boston Museum 
of Fine Arts is a presentation proof, title noted in pencil 
and signed by Mr. Andrews. 


No. 116. The Bride. W. E. West. J. Andrews. Rect- 
angle. Line. H. 3.15/16" W. 2.9/16". 

No. 117. Rectangle. Line. H. 4.9/16" W. 3.10/16". 

Note : Proof in Boston Museum of Fine Arts, etched 
before graver. 

No. 118. Frontispiece to Vol. II. Household Edition 01 
Charles Dickens' Works. F. 0. C. Darley, fecit. 
J. Andrews, Sc. Little Dorrit. Joyful Tidings. 
Figure of old man, seated in chair, young woman 
kneeling with arms about him, young man stand- 
ing with hand on chair. Yig. Line. H. 3.6/16" 
W. 2.14/16". 

I. India proof, before title. 
II. As described. 

No. 119. Frontispiece of Household Edition of Charles 
Dickens' Works. F. 0. C. Darley, fecit. J. 
Andrews Sc. The Uncommercial Traveler. A 
VOL. xxxi. 15 

226 Joseph Andrews. 

Tramp Caravafc. Horse with children playing 
around him, top wagon in background. Yig. 
Line. H. 3.10/16" W. 8.4/16". 
L India proof, before title. 
II. As described. 

No. 120. Frontispiece to Vol. II. Household Edition of 
Charles Dickens' Works. Darley del. J. An- 
drews & S. Chartrand Sc. Hard Times. (Three 
lines). Vig. H. 3.6/16" W. 3.2/16" Line. 
Young girl bending over listening above a pit or 
hole in the ground. An elderly woman holding 
her with one hand. 

I. India proof, before title. 
II. As described. 

No. 121. Frontispiece to Vol. IV. Household Edition of 
Charles Dickens' Works. Darley. J. Andrews. 
Bleak House. Springing a Mine. Old gentle- 
seated in chair, man standing in front of him, 
with extended finger. Woman seated on left, 
fireplace in background. Yig. Line. H. 3. 5/1 6" 
W. 3.3/16". 

I. India proof, before title. 
II. As described. 

No. 122. Frontispiece to Yol. III. Household Edition of 
Charles Dickens' Works. F. 0. C. Darley. J. 
Andrews Sc. Our Mutual Friend. The end of 
a long journey. Figure of old woman supported 
in arms of young girl. Yig. Line. H. 3.8/16" 
W. 3.2/16". 

I. India proof, before title. 
II. As described. 

No. 123. Female figure reading, half length, head to right. 

Joseph Andrews. 227 

Eectangle in ornamental border. H. 2.4/16" 
W. 1.4/16". 

Note : Presentation print to Mr. Cheney, signed in 
pencil by Mr. Andrews, in collection of Boston Museum 
of Fine Arts. 


No. 124. Group, under large tree, cottage in background. 
Man with sickle, woman with infant, three child- 
ren at play, old couple to right. Yig. H. 1.13/16" 
W. 3.4/16". 

Note : Presentation proof signed by Andrews. 


No. 125. Ship, under sail. Chapman. J. Andrews. Yig. 
H. 1.9/16" W. 2.1/16". 

No. 126. Illustration for one of Sir Walter Scott's Novels. 

Note : Unfinished proof in the Boston Museum of 
Fine Arts. 


No. 127. Bowles & Dearborn Boston. Female figure, half 
length, reading, with arms around youth who 
holds a sword. Zwinger del. J. Andrews Sc. 
Lancaster. (The Casket. 1830) Vig. background. 
H. 2.7/16" W. 2.1/16". 

No. 128. Kose and her Lamb. Little girl with arms 
around a lamb, two figures in background leaning 
on fence : decoration at the four corners. F. 
Greater del. J. Andrews : Carter Andrews & 
Co. Sc. Diameter of circle 2.14/16". 

No. 129. The Evening Walk. Female figure seated at 
table, children bringing in hat : decorations at the 
four corners. Diameter of circle 2.14/16". F. 

228 Joseph Andrews. 

Greater del. J. Andrews : Carter Andrews & 
Co. Sc. 

No. 130. The Shepherd Boy. Circle, boy seated under 
tree, sheep grazing : decorations at the four 
corners. Diameter of circle 2. 14/16' '. F. Greater 
del. J. Andrews : Carter Andrews & Co. Sc. 

No. 131. Two engravings printed on same sheet, the first 
being "The Settlement of Gnadenhuetten de- 
stroyed & the Missionaries massacred by the 
Indians." Engraved by " Carter Andrews & Co " 
Rectangle. H. 4.1/16" W. 2.8/16''. 

The other engraving being " Converted Calmuc 
Tartars, leaving their native horde to join the 
Missionaries." Rectangle. H. 3.10/16" W. 6". 


No. 132. S. Eastman, Capt. U. S. Army, Del. PL 22, C. 
E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng!/ Dog Dance of 
the Dahcotas./ Published by Lippincott, Gambo 
& Co. Phil!/ Rectangle. Line H. 5.10/16" W. 

No. 132 A. India proof, before title. 


No. 133. Cap*. S. Eastman, U. S. Army, Del. PL 19. C. 
E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews, Eng:/ Ball Play on 
the Ice./ Rectangle. Line. H. 5.15/16" W. 

No. 133 A. India proof, before title. 


No. 134. (Woman standing, scraping skin, tent in back- 
ground) Capt. S. Eastman, U. S. Army, Del. 

Joseph Andrews. 229 

PI. 14. C. E. Wastaff & J. Andrews Eng 1 . 
Indian Woman dressing a Buffalo skin./ Rec- 
tangle. Line. H. 6.1/16 W. 5.8/16". 
No. 134 A. Indian proof, before title. 


No- 135. Capt. S. Eastman, U. S. Army, Del. PL 25. 
C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng!./ Trans- 
porting the Wounded./ Published by Lippin- 
cott, Gambo & Co. Phil!/ Rectangle. Line. 
H. 6.1/16" W. 5.8/16". 

No. 135 A. India proof, before title. 


No. 136. Cap*. S. Eastman, U. S. Army, Del. PI. 26. 
C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews, Eng. 8 ./ Indian 
Woman procuring Fuel./ Rectangle. Line. 
H. 7.8/16" W. 5.15/16". 

No. 136 A. India proof, before title. 


No. 137. Sketched by Cap*. S. Eastman, U. S. Army. PI. 
6. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng'./ Spear- 
ing Fish in Winter./ Published by Lippincott, 
Gambo & Co. Philad*./ Rectangle. Line. H. 
5.15/16" W. 7.14/16". 

No. 138. (Mound, by Lake, canoe in foreground) Cap*. S. 

Eastman U. S. Army, del. PI. 58 Eng d . by C. 

E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews./ Rectangle. Line. 

H. 6" W 8". 
India Proof. 


No. 139. (Rock by shore of lake, two figures seated on it) 

Sketched by Cap*. S. Eastman U. S. Army. PI. 

230 Joseph Andrews. 

42. C. E. Wafestaff & J. Andrews Eng:/ Rec- 
tangle. Line. H. 6.2/16" W. 8.8/16". 
India Proof. 

No. 140. (Indian battle, in canoes) Cap*. S. Eastman, U. 

S. Army, Del. PL 32. C. E. Wagstaff & J. 

Andrews, Eng 8 ./ Rectangle. Line. H. 6.2/16" 

W. 7.15/16". 
India Proof. 


No. 141. (View, river with canoes, two Indians in fore- 
ground) Cap*. S. Eastman U. S. Army. Del. 
PI. 24. C. E. Wagstaff Eng:/ Rectangle. 
Line. H. 5.5/16" W. 8". 
India Proof. 


No. 142. (Indians playing ball) Cap*. S. Eastman, U. S. 
Army del. PI. 20. C. E. Wagstaff & J. An- 
drews Eng 8 ./ Rectangle. Line. H. 6" W. 8". 
India Proof. 


No. 143. (Rock with Indian characters) Sketched Oct 
12 th . 1850 by Cap*. S. Eastman, U. S. Army. PI. 
41. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng!./ Rec- 
tangle. Line. H. 5.15/16" W. 8". 
India Proof. 


No. 144. (Meeting of Yoyagers and Indians) Capt. S. 
Eastman, U. S. Army. PI. 3. Andrews & 
Wagstaff./ Rectangle. Line. H. 5.7/8" W. 

Indian Proof. 

No. 145. (View by lake). Cap! S. Eastman, U. S. Army, 

Joseph Andrews. 231 

Del. PL 53. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews Eng'./ 
Rectangle. Line. H. 6" W. 8.2/16." 
India Proof. 


No. 146. (Winter hunting with Spears). Cap*. S. East- 
man, U. S. Army, del. PL 5. Eng? by C. E. 
Wagstaff & J. Andrews./ Rectangle. Line. H. 
5.9/16" W. 8.3/16". 
India Proof. 


No. 147. (Landing of Voyagers.) Cap!. 8. Eastman, U. S. 
Army del. PL 1. C. E. Wagstaff & J. Andrews, 
Bug! Rectangle. Line. H. 5.14/16" W. 8". 
India Proof. 


No. 148. (Group of Indians before tent.) Cap*. S. East- 
man, U. S. Army, Del. PL 18. C. E. Wag- 
staff & J. Andrews, Eng!/ Rectangle. Line. H. 
5.14/16" W. 8". 
India Proof. 

232 Letters of Governor John Penn. 


[Copied from the originals in "Penn Papers," Manuscript Department 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

PHILADELPHIA, May 3 d 1774 

I have received yours of the 2 d of February & 2 d of 
March, the last gave me particular pleasure as it was a con- 
firmation of your recovery from a dangerous illness & I 
escaped much uneasiness by not knowing you were ill, till I 
heard you were out of danger. I beg you will accept of 
my most sincere congratulations on your Recovery. 

I am sorry to be accused of silence as I do not recollect 
to have omitted writing about any affair that has happened 
of any consequence except that of the Tea. 

The ship that brought it staid but twenty-four hours in 
the River & the moment I heard of her arrival I was also 
told the Captain had agreed to return to England. The 
reason I did not write to Lord Dartmouth about it was 
that, It was believed the Ministry would not interfere in 
the matter indeed many letters came from England which 
said so & a Gentleman who came from thence last winter, 
said that he knew Lord Dartmouth had declared that it 
was entirely the affair of the East India Company & Gov- 
ernment had nothing to do with it, & what made this more 
easily believed was that no Instructions were sent to the 
Governors by the Secretary of State nor to the Collectors 
of the Customs. No application was made to me 'by the 
Cap* of the ship nor the Merchants to whom the Tea was 
consigned nor the Custom house nor indeed by anybody at 
all. I have wrote to Lord Dartmouth about it, with an 

Letters of Governor John Perm. 233 

Excuse for not giving him notice of what happened upon 
this occasion. There was no riotous proceedings indeed the 
Cap* saw it would be vain to insist upon landing the Tea 
therefore he wisely submitted to do what was required of 
him in a peaceable manner, had he refused, I imagine the 
people would have proceeded to violent measures. If it 
should be determined to enforce the Tea Act, I do not 
know what will be the consequence, be so good as to let 
Mr. Baker know I have received his kind letter and tell 
him I am obliged to him for it. I shall answer it by the 
next opportunity. I beg my compliments to him. I have 
hardly time to make up my letter before the post goes there- 
fore conclude with assuring you that I am 

Dr Madam 

Your obliged & Affectionate 
hble serv* 

John Penn. 

I have received a duplicate 
from my Uncle & a letter 
from M r Upsdell which 

I will answer very soon. Mrs. Penn begs to be kindly re- 
membered to you & all the family & desires you will accept 
her Congratulations upon your recovery. 

PHILADELPHIA, MAY 31 st 1774. 

I have received your's of the 4th of April & am surprized 
you have not had any letter from me since Sep* as I am al- 
most sure I have wrote some that you must have got before 
the date of yours without they miscarried. Mine of the 
3 d of this month will in a great measure be an answer to it. 
I am surprized that L d Townsend should have said that the 
Assembly of this Province had returned thanks to the people 
of Boston for their spirited behaviour in defence of their 
rights, for if he had given himself the least trouble to en- 
quire into the matter he would have found he had not the 
least foundation for saying it. the Assembly broke up 

234 Letters of Governor John Penn. 

some time before the Tea Arrived at Boston & have not sat 
since, so that it was impossible for them to have done it, 
indeed had they been sitting at the time I believe every man 
in the house would have voted against so wild a measure. 
A Tumultuous Committee of the people who assembled in 
the State house yard made a Eesolve of this kind which 
I am told was not fairly carried neither ; many even of those 
who were most averse to the Tea thinking it very wrong. 
I have already wrote all that I know to have passed upon 
this disagreeable affair and given the reasons why I did not 
think it necessary before, the principal of which was, as I 
have before said, that I was well informed a Gentleman ol 
Credit & Reputation had said that Lord Dartmouth had de- 
clared that the Ministry would take no part in it, indeed 
the matter was strongly represented in this light in many 
letters from England, I neither saw nor heard of any riot- 
ous proceedings & all I could have wrote upon the subject 
might have been contained in less than six lines. The 
clause you mention is in the Charter & was made use of by 
the ministry when the Stamp Act was passed. I am much 
concerned that any misrepresentations should be made of 
the conduct of this Province, especially such as tend to in- 
crease the prejudices already entertained against it. Every 
step will be taken that can to keep things in as moderate a 
state as possible, but at present a great number of people 
are very busy in all the Colonies in keeping up the name & 
what will be the end of it, God knows. The People of 
Boston have made a proposal to this Town to concur with 
them to put a total stop to the importing or exporting any 
kind of Goods whatever until the Act for shutting up that 
port shall be repealed, in consequence of this a great number 
of merchants & others met at a Tavern & debated the matter 
for a considerable time & the only resolution I can learn 
they came into was to petition me to call the Assembly 
upon the occasion & I am told a Petition is now handing 
about Town to be signed & will be presented to me in a few 
days which I shall treat as it deserves. I have however 

Letters of Governor John Penn. 235 

been informed that the movers of this extraordinary meas- 
ure have no expectation of succeeding in it but that their 
real design is to gain time by it in order to see what part 
the other Colonies will take in so critical a Juncture. I 
have wrote to Lord Dartmouth by this Packet acquainting 
him with the above. 

I will endeavor to get my Uncle a good pipe of Maderia 
which I believe will not be easy to be done as I am told 
there is none good in Town. 

That this may find you all well is the sincere wish of 
Your very affectionate 

& obliged humble serv* 

John Penn. 

My brother has given me 
a Release of his Claim ; 
we have not yet had a 

meeting but I hope it will not be long for it. Messrs 
Tilghman & Allen are not yet returned from Virginia where 
they went to accommodate the dispute about Pittsburgh, 
but M r Tilghman writes me that Lord Dunmore will join in 
an application for the settlement of the Boundaries & that 
he told him he had already wrote to Lord Dartmouth upon 
the subject. They are now endeavoring to fix a temporary 
line to keep peace between the two Provinces. 

PHILAD* JUNE 24, 1774 

M r Tilghman & M r Allen are returned from Virginia 
without doing anything toward settling the temporary 
boundary with Lord Dunmore who would agree to nothing 
without they gave up Fort Pitt to Virginia, this they would 
not consent to do & so the matter is just where it was before, 
except that he agrees to apply to the King to appoint Com- 
missioners to settle the lines, but Virginia will not consent 
to be at any part of the expence. The Minutes of their 
negotiations will be sent home by a ship that sails very soon, 
they are too large to be sent by the Packet. Lord Dunmore 

236 Letters of Governor John Perm. 

is said to be deeply concerned in grants of Land near and I 
suppose at Fort Pitt. This may in some measure account 
for his extraordinary conduct, which is neither that of a 
man of Honor nor a Gentleman. He has thrown the back 
Country into a State of Confusion & I am satisfied by his 
impudence in raising the Militia & giving the command of 
it to one Connelly a very worthless fellow, we shall in all 
likelihood be involved in an Indian War. He has fortified 
Pittsbourg & calls it Fort Dunmore, till the lines are settled 
by Authority, I fear the back Country will remain in a state 
of Confusion. 

I have been obliged to call our Assembly, having received 
petitions from the back Inhabitants praying to be protected 
against the Indians, which I have it not in my power to do 
without the assistance of the Assembly as I cannot dispose 
of sixpense of the publick money. I had refused to call 
the Assembly upon an application from the Inhabitants in 
consequence of the Act of Parliament for shutting up the 
Port of Boston, but find upon this occasion I cannot avoid 
it; indeed I could not answer it to my own conscience, if 
the Indians should fall upon the back settlers, as may prob- 
ably be the case. If the assembly take notice of the Boston 
affair as most probably will be the case, they will be more 
moderate in their Resolves than the people in their Town 
Meetings, which it is impossible to prevent, I have wrote by 
this opportunity to Lord Dartmouth giving him an account 
of the temper of the people of this Province as well as of 
the other parts of America, which is very warm ; they look 
upon it that the Chastisement of Boston is purposely vigor- 
ous & held up by way of intimidation to all America, & in 
short that Boston is suffering in a common cause. The 
Plan which seems to be adopted is the procuring a general 
Congress in order to state the rights & represent the Griev- 
ances of America to the Throne & to agree upon such meas- 
ures as may be thought most likely to relieve Boston & 
restore harmony between England & America. I believe 
there will be a general association not to import any East 

Letters of Governor John Penn. 237 

India goods, but it is impossible yet to speak with any cer- 
tainty about the matter. 

I have been trying to get a good Pipe of Maderia for my 
Uncle, but cannot find one worth sending. There is at 
present no good Wine in the Town but M r Hockley intends 
to try if he cannot prevail upon a person who he thinks has 
some that is good, but not for sale, to let him have a pipe. 
If I cannot succeed here, I will send back to New York. 

My Brother has sent me a Release of his Claim & I have 
sent him a message by Mr. Physick that I should be glad to 
see him at my house & that I would receive him in a very 
kind & friendly manner, but his pride (as I suppose) will 
not suffer him to visit me, or else I think he would readily 
embrace my Invitation, he says he is sure I do not wish to 
be reconciled because I have imposod terms upon him 
which he never can comply with though he should be re- 
duced to beggary, he looks upon it that I only want to take 
advantage of his distresses (which he thinks I wish may 
happen) in order to humble him, he proposed meeting me 
anywhere but at my own house, but as I insisted upon see- 
ing him only there for the first time, he is desirous of con- 
struing my objecting to his proposal into a refusal of being 
reconciled to him & I suppose is now labouring to make it 
appear so. However he cannot believe it if he will suffer 
himself to think, because I have sent him word in the most 
explicit manner that I was desirous of seeing him & that 
nobody stood in the way of our being upon good terms but 
himself & I declare I wish he would enter sincerely into a 
reconciliation, but I must also observe that as he was the 
first mover in this difference & has used me very ill by the 
grossest abuse in a very public manner, for his Indiscretion 
has been without parallel; he cannot justly lay anything 
further to my charge after I have put it into his power to 
finish this disagreeable affair in what I take to be a very 
easy way. I suppose he may think a visit to me would be 
an acknowledgment of his having been in fault, which he 
does by no means allow, but has always endeavored to make 

238 Letters of Governor John Perm. 

himself & the world believe me the aggressor & that he had 
more reason to be angry with me than I had with him, but 
as I view the matter in a different light, I cannot think it 
unreasonable in me to desire seeing him first at my own 
house rather than anywhere else : I do not wish to distress 
him or give him pain nor to humble him any more as he 
affects to think. I shall wait patiently till he is in better 
temper, without returning evil for evil ; this I have cau- 
tiously avoided ever since my arrival & if he had been 
moved by the same principles with me everything would 
have been settled amicably long ago, but I will not trouble 
you any further upon this subject, for I am really sick of it 
myself & heartily wish it was at an end. 

I beg you will assure my Uncle of my Affectionate 
Regard for him & give my love to all my Cousins 
I am very sincerely 

D r Madam 
Your most obliged 

Mrs. Penn begs her & most affectionate 

best Compliments to hble ser* 

you and my Uncle, JOHN PENN 

Notes and Queries. 239 



Two RARE IMPRINTS. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania has 
recently added to its large and rich collection of Americana, two rare 
publications from the press of Andrew Bradford, of Philadelphia, fac- 
similies of the title pages of which are reproduced in frontispiece. ' ' The 
Psalter," was apparently unknown to the late Mr. Hildeburn, and 
"The Pennsylvania Almanack," by Thomas Godfrey, only through the 
advertisement of its publisher. Godfrey had compiled for Franklin and 
Meredith sheet almanacs, "after the London Manner" for the years 
1730-1732, before editing Bradford's "Pennsylvania Almanack" 1733- 
1736. A transposition of the Penn arms from the centre to the top of 
the title page of the Almanac, was made in issue of 1736. 

"The Psalter" is 6x4, and has appended "The Nicene Creed" 
and "Grace before Meat" and "Grace after Meat." 

HUMPHREYS, for designs of figureheads for naval vessels. Hum- 
phrey's Papers The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

As the Revolution of America was a Struggle for freedom, and gave 
birth to a great Republican Empire, it ought to be an Elegant Figure, 
representing the Genius of America binding the fasces with her right 
hand, and raising the emblem of Liberty out of the top of the fasces 
with the left, the bottom of the fasces resting on a rock, the Emblem of 
firmness and Independence, the American Eagle Darting upon and 
Destroying the Vitals of Tyranny, with the shackels of Despotism &c 
and hurling them under the feet of the Genius of America. 

As the United States is a great Empire of Liberty, founded on Law 
and Justice, it should be represented by the Goddess of Liberty, 
supported by the figures of Law & Justice ; and designated by the 
American Arms, Peace, Commerce, Agriculture &c, &c, resulting from 

As the Constitution of the Empire is the result of the Union of the 
States, and Union begets Strength, it ought to be represented by an 
Herculean figure, standing on the firm rock of independence, resting one 
hand on the fasces which was bound by the Genius of America, and the 
other hand presenting a scroll of paper, supposed to be the Constitution 
of America, with proper appendages, the foundation of Legislation. 

The American Constitution having a President, Congress, &c, for its 
Government ; and as no one hath been thought so fit for the Political 
head of so great a Republican body, as Washington let the President be 
the figure and likeness of him, in the Act of Delivering his address at 
the Opening of the Legislature, with Suitable emblems to express the 
great office of that Magistrate &c and the result of the Administration, 
Supported by Justice and Prudence. 

Congress being the great Legislative Body on which the Majesty of 
the Republic alone can rest, it ought to be represented by the Goddess 

240 Notes and Queries. 

of Wisdom, in the Character of .Democracy, reclining upon a pedestal, 
supported by the Cardinal Virtues on top of which should be a Number 
of Volumes, supposed to be the laws framed by the Legislature. In her 
right hand should be the Constitution, Elevated so that the figure 
should be looking up to it the Consequences flowing from the Law 
under a Wise Administration might be represented by the emblems of 
the Arts, Sciences, Industry, peace, plenty and independence, &c. 

The Constellation should be represented by an elegant female figure 
characteristick of indignant Nature, at the period of the American Rev- 
olution, determined on the forming of a New Creation, from that Chaos 
of Ignorance, Vice and folly, which she had long been burdened with 
She should have a flaming torch in her right hand, setting fire to the 
bursting World under her feet, with the emblems of Tyranny, Super- 
stition, Folly. &c issuing from it, and thrown into Confusion and fer- 
mentation, her left arm resting on the altar of Liberty. The American 
Eagle in the act of flight ; a Sphere resting on his pinions with the 
Constellation inserted ; soaring to heaven with one more great offering 
of Nature or to adorn the new political firmament with light and Glory, 
to Serve as a light to the Nations that have long Wandered in political 
Darkness ; and to Strike with Wonder and Surprise the Wise men of 
the East. 

The Contents are first thoughts, probably much better ideas may offer 
before it is Necessary to commence the Business. 

(Sgd) WM. RUSH. 
Philada April 30th. 1795, 

Mr. Joshua Humphreys 

The following interesting letter of General Wayne to Richard Peters, 
of the Board of War, describing the condition of the Pennsylvania 
troops at Valley Forge, is in the Manuscript Department of The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Mount Joy 13th May 1778 


Want of time want of temper want of opportunity want of 
everything but Inclination has prevented me from writing to you for a 
considerable time you will now give me leave to Congratulate you on 
the Establishment of the Independency of the United States of America 
the Declaration of the French Embassador at the Court of Britain 
must Inevitably produce a war between these powers which never 
could have been better timed I thank my God that the attention of 
Great Britain is likely to be Diverted from this Country Otherwise I 
should dread the Consequence for altho' our Troops are daily Improv- 
ing in Military Discipline by very swift Degrees yet we are much 
weaker and worse clothed than at the Close of the last Campaign I 
hoped to be able to uniform the Division under my Command but the 
Distresses of the other parts of the Troops belonging to this State were 
such as beggars all Description Humanity obliged me to Divide what 
would have in part Clothed Six Hundred men among thirteen Regi- 
ments which also became necessary in Order to prevent Mutiny and 
to put a stop to that Spirit of Desertion which had taken too deep a 
Root and which is not yet subsided 

Our officers are hourly offering in their Resignations, especially those 
who have yet some property left, where it will end God only knows the 

Notes and Queries. 241 

pain and anxiety I feel on the Occation is better Imagined than 
expressed I am heartily tired of this way of life for being the Only 
General Officer belonging to the State the whole line apply to me on 
every occation their real wants are too many & too obvious to pass 
unheeded by but yet I can't alleviate or supply them. 

I know it must be very Disagreeable to hear so many Repetitions of 
this nature but mankind are imperceptibly led to dwell on those 
subjects that lay nearest their heart, or that gives them most Concern. 

I am not fond of Danger but I would most Chearfully agree to 
Enter into Action once every week in place of visiting each hutt in my 
Encampment where Objects perpetually strike my eye & ear whose 
wretched condition cannot well be worsted the Ball or Bayonet can 
only hurt the body but such Objects effects the mind & gives the 
keenest wound to every feeling of Humanity. 

For God sake give us (if you can't give us anything else) give us 
I/innen, that we may be Enabled to Rescue our poor worthy fellows 
from the vermin which are now Devouring them and which has 
Emaciated & Reduced numbers exactly to answer the Description of 
Shakespears Apothecary some hundreds we thought prudent to 
Deposite some six feet under Ground who died of a Disorder Called 
the Mease's i.e. for want of Clothing the whole Army at present are 
sick of the same Disorder but the Penns* Line seem to be the most 
Infected a pointed and Speedy exertion of Congress or Employing an 
other Doct r may yet remove the Disorder which Once done I pledge 
my Reputation we shall remove the Enemy for I would Rather Risque 
my life, Honor & the fate of America on our present force properly 
uniformed than on Double their number Covered with rags & Crawl- 
ing with vermin but a truce to this ungreatful subject. 

I wrote a few lines to my Daughter some time since she has not 
been so kind as to acknowledge it, how is your young soldier present 
my best Compliments to all friends and believe me yours 

Most Sincerely 


Member of Hon ble Board of War 

ANT T WAYNE York Town 

VALLEY FORGE ITEMS. The following items have been copied from 
Orderly Books in the Manuscript Division of The Historical Society of 

' ' Thomas Bradford Esq. is appointed Deputy Commissary of Prison- 
ers ; his quarters are at John Howards, the next house to the Marquis 
de LaFayette." Jany. 17, 1778. 

"Tomorrow being the day for opening the Markets at the Stone 
Chimney Picket, the army are directed to take notice of the same. 
Market will be held at the same Place every Monday and Thursday on 
the East side of the Schuylkill near the New Bridge." Feby. 8, 1778. 

"A Guard house at Sullivan's Bridge over Schuylkill to be immedi- 
ately built on this (camp) side." March 3, 1778. 

"As the stumps and Brush in front of the new lines afford an excel- 
lent obstacle to the approach of the Enemy, it is expressly forbid that 
VOL. XXXI. 16 

242 Notes and Queries 

any of it should be burned by any of the Fatigue parties or any others 
for the distance of extreme Musquet shot Range in front of the Lines in 
which all officers commanding Regiments to take particular notice as 
there is a sufficiency of Wood to furnish stakes for the works within the 
lines." AprilX, 1778. 

" The works of the new lines being very carelessly executed, in many 
parts and the Representation of the Engineers have been heretofore of 
no avail ; the General calls upon the several Brigadiers to inspect the 
parts which have been alloted to their Brigade and order the Defects to 
be Remeded which appears to be principally oweing the weakness of the 
Stakes and those of the Exterior for being placed to perpendicular." 
April 5, 1778. 

"Norris Papers," of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Thursday morn 8 

Please to send me One hundred & Fifty 

June 12 th 1755 Pounds on Ace 1 of the Committee. It 

& 100.. 0.. Cash should be Paper Money, as it is to go up to 

50.. 0.. Notes Mr. James Wright, and Paper will be the 

150.. 0.. 0. best Carriage. Some of it may be in the 

new Bills. 

The Post goes in an Hour. Let Jemmy 
bring it, if you please, as my Niece can 
hardly stay the Counting. 
Yours affectionately 

To Mr. Charles Norris 

(Endorsed) Philad a June 12, 1755 Rec'd of Charles Norris One hundred 
& fifty pounds 



FRANKLIN AND VOLTAIRE. In the Penna. Magazine of History 
and Biography for April 1906, you publish "The Masonic Chronology 
of Benjamin Franklin By J. F. Sachse", in which is set down (p. 240) 
under "February 7, 1778, Assists at the initiation of Voltaire in the 
Lodge of the Nine Sisters". This statement Mr. Sachse repeats and 
elaborates in his "Franklin as a Free Mason," in the publication by 
the Grand Lodge of Penna. of its commemorative volume of the Bi-cen- 
tenary of Franklin's birth (p. 155). The date here given, for the initia- 
tion of Voltaire into the historic lodge des Neuf-Soeurs, is not only two 
months earlier than the correct date, but it is also three days before 
Voltaire arrived in Paris, and as Franklin was not received into mem- 
bership with this lodge until July 1778, it would seem to make it cer- 
tain that he could not have participated at the initiation of Voltaire on 
the 7th of April. None of the contemporary accounts of this imposing 
ceremonial mention the name of Franklin even as being present and 
that he did not assist, seems to be conclusively shown by the absence of 
his name from among those proclaimed as taking part in the initiation, 
in the official report of the same, where even the musicians are named, 

Notes and Queries. 243 

entitled delation de Deux Seances de la Loge des Neuf-Sceurs en 1778. 
Extrait de la Planche a Tracer de la respectable loge des Neuf Sc&urs a 
P Orient de Paris, le septibme jour du quatriZme mois de Van de la vrai 
luminiere 5778. The second seance was the lodge of Sorrow for Vol- 
taire, on November 28th 1778, when Franklin played an important 
part. See the Grimm-Diderot Correspondance. (1880) Vol. xii, p. 
185 et seq. 



James and Elizabeth (Boyd) Anderson, md. September 1774, had issue : 

Anna, b. Aug. 1776. 

Margaret, b. Feb. 2, J780. 

George, b. June 29, 1782. 

Maria, b. Aug 14, 1784. 

PETER BINKELE, b. March 2, 1704 in Switzerland, md. Feb. 2. 1725. 
Maria Werle, b. Oct. 28, 1704 in Alsace, d. Sept. 1748, and had issue : 

Maria b. Dec. 26, 1725. 

Catherine, b. March 25. 1727. 

Peter, b. June 25, 1728. d. 

Christmann, b. Sept. 27, 1729. d. 

Anna, b. June, 26, 1731. d. 

Sarah, b. Feby. 24 1733. 

Margaret, b. July 24, 1735. 

Christina, b. Feb. 21, 1738. 

Elizabeth, b. Feb. 16. 1740. d. 

Anna Barbara, b. May 26, 1741. d. 

John, b. March 26, 1743 

John Adam, b. Aug. 13, 1744. 

Married second Anna Margaret Ginger. Feb. 3, 1749. She was b. 
Jany. 18, 1722, in Wurtemberg. Issue : 

Elizaeth, b. Dec. 8, 1749. 

Christian, b Jany. 28, 1751. 

John Peter, b. Jany, 30, 1753. 

Anna Maria, b. Feb. 22, 1755. d. 1759. 

Frederick, b. Nov. 4, 1757. 

Joseph, b. July 9, 1761. 

1786. Translated from Rev. M. Hultgren's "De Forente Svenrke 
Evangelisk-Lutherske Forsamlingar af Wicacoa, Kingsessing och Up- 
per Merion i Pensylvanien N. America," and contributed by Amandus 

Wicacoa Congregation. 

Since the churches in Kingsessing and Upper Merion were built, in 
the time of Dr. Wrangel, for the convenience of the country people, 
none of these people any longer attend the services of the mother 
church in Philadelphia. 

Few of the Swedes live in the city, and, although some of them oc- 
casionally come to church, they are not considered as permanent mem- 
bers. They are all, with the exception of one family, united in 
marriage with people of other nations, and therefore accompany their 

244 Notes and Queries. 

wives and children to other churches. Hence the audiences in this 
church are largely composed of non Swedish people, of all sorts of 
religious beliefs, and English is preached to them. 

Although the Church Council, consisting of eight persons, do not be- 
long to this church, they shall nevertheless be mentioned here. 

I. Reynold Keen, church warden, aged 48 years, of Swedish descent, 
does not understand the Swedish language ; married to an English wo- 
man, his third wife : has ten children, all christened by Swedish minis- 
ters, but have never been inside of a Swedish church. Mr. Keen 
belongs to the English church in this city with his whole family ; has 
no business but lives upon the income from his property and more like 
a gentleman than any of the other Swedish- Americans. 

II. John Stille, church warden and treasurer, aged 45 years, of 
Swedish descent, tailor by trade, speaks some Swedish ; comes occasion- 
ally to church, but as he is married to an English woman of the 
Presbyterian sect, he belongs with her and his seven children to a Pres- 
byterian church, of whose minister the children have been baptized. 

III. Samuel Wheeler, aged 42 years, vestryman, Swedish descent, but 
does not understand Swedish ; blacksmith by trade ; comes to church 
occasionally ; married to a Quaker woman, and the children are brought 
up according to that sect. 

IV. Hugh DeHaven, aged 35 years, vestryman, of French extraction, 
watchmaker, married to a Swedish wife, but belongs to the English 
church, whose minister has baptized his two children. 

V. Joseph Blewer, aged 58 years, vestryman, of English extraction, 
sea captain, married to a Swedish wife, has one son. They come quite 
often to the Swedish church, but attend chiefly the English church. 

VI. William Jones, aged 60 years, vestryman, Swede without under- 
standing the language, cattle drover, one of the richest Swedes, married 
a Quaker woman. He does not attend any service, but travels around 
both Sundays and week days, on his extensive property about the city. 

VII. George Ord, aged 48 years, vestryman, English, sea captain, 
married to a Swedish wife, but belongs with their children to the Eng- 
lish church. 

VIII. Paul Beck, vestryman, married to a Swedish wife, but as he 
is recently elected to the vestry, I do not know him. 

These constitute the Church Council for the year 1786. 

Many, partly of Swedish, partly of foreign descent, often call on the 
services of the minister on all kinds of official matters. Being asked 
to what church they belong, they generally answer, "The Swedish 
Church, because they have so and so many children or relatives buried 
in the church yard," when, perhaps, none of them have ever been in- 
side of the church door 

D. O. CAMP AT WHITE MARSH, 21, Nov. 1777. 

"Col. Eyres or the officer commanding the Artillery of the State of 
Pennsylvania will immediately send to Allentown at least two of the 
Ammunition Wagons and one bridge cart, or all the ammunition Jt>elong- 
ing to the two Iron pieces and as much of that fitted for the brass six 
pounder, as the commanding officers shall think may be spared at 

A Conductor is to be sent for the careful delivery of these stores to 

Notes and Queries. 245 

Lieut Col. Heighner or such other person as may have the care of the 
State Stores at that place. Gen. Irwin will send a Sergeant's guard. The 
Horses and wagons are immediately to return. Col. Bull will point out 
some proper place ten or fifteen miles up the country to which the two 
Iron pieces are forwith to be sent. The Conductor will apply to Col. 
William Henry if at Allentown or to the State Armourer there and by 
the return wagons bring to Camp such repaired arms and accoutre- 
ments as are ready. 


Major General. 

MACPHERSON NOTES. The Guild Register of the city of Edinburgh, 
searched for me by the Marchmont Herald, from 1681 to 1800, inter 
alia, shows the following : 

" 1724 EDINBURGH llth March 1724. 

" William Macpherson writer compearing is made burgess and gild 
' brother of this Burgh be right of Jane [Jean] Adamson his spouse 
' daughter lawful to James Adamson, merchant burgess and gild 
' brother thereof and gave his oath, &c. and paid to the Dean of Gild 
' for his dues thirty-three shillings, four pennies and for watches 
' twenty-four shillings." 

The above were the parents of Captain John Macpherson, Sr., of 
Mount Pleasant (Fairmount Park). 

Of Captain John Macpherson the same record contains the following : 

" 1764. EDINBURGH 15th August 1764. 


" The Honorable Patrick Lindsay Dean of Gild. 

' ' Thos. Hepburn George Syme 

John Young. 

"Captain John Macpherson of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania late 
' Commander of His Majesty's Ship of War the Britainia in the West 
' Indies, and Robert Macpherson, clerk in the Trustees office compear- 
'ing is made Burgess and Gild brethren of this City in right of 
' [William] Macpherson their father. Dispensing with the dues for 
' good services done by them to the interest of the said City conform 
' to an act of the Town Council of date the sixth of July last. Likeas 
' the Dean of Gild and his Council conform to the said Act declare the 
' said John and Robert Macpherson' s their admission to be as valid 
1 effectual and sufficient to them as if they had paid the whole fees in 
* use to be paid by Unfreemen ; and they made faith as said is." 

This record or certificate is signed 

' ' Geo. Drummond, 


"1 Lord Provost 4 Treasurer 7 Merchant Councillor 

"2 Baillie 5 Old Baillie 8 Trades Councillor 

"3 Dean of Gild 6 Old Treasurer 9 Convener 

" The following is the " Oath of Each Burgess of Edinburgh given at 
"His Admission." 

"Here I protest before God and your Lordships that I profess and 
"allow with my heart the true religion presently professed within this 

246 Notes and Queries. 



realm, and authorized by the la,ws thereof. I shall abide thereat and 
" defend the same to my life's end, renouncing the Roman Religion 
" called Papistrie. I shall be leil and true to our Sovereign, Lord 
" King George the Third and his successors. To the Provost and 
" Baillies of this Burgh I shall keep and underly the Laws and Statutes 
"of this Burgh, FORTIFY, MAINTAIN and DEFEND them in the 
"execution of their offices with my body and goods. I shall not 
"color unfreemen's goods under color of mine own. I shall not pur- 
" chase Lordships nor Authorities contrary to the freedom of this 
"Burgh. In all taxations watchings wardings and all other burdens 
"to be laid upon this Burgh, I shall willingly bear my part as I am 
" commanded by the Magistrates thereof and shall not purchase or use 
exemption to be free thereof, Renouncing the benefit of the same for- 
ever. And especially I shall not project or procure any monopolies 
' nor be partner in any directly nor indirectly. And finally I shall 
1 not attempt nor do anything hurtful to the liberties and common- 
' weill of this Burgh, and so often as I shall break any part of this my 
' oath, I oblige me to pay to the Common Affairs of this Burgh One 
' hundred pounds money, and shall remain in ward ay and while the 
' same be paid. So help me God and by God himself." 



"The Swedish families of Cock and Nelson, possessed since the year 
1664, under Patents from Governors Lovelace and Andres, under the 
Duke of York, a considerable Tract of Land called Shakamaxon the 
Nelson Tract was 1600 A ; besides the Watery & Sunken Land there in 
contained about 600 A. 

' ' Several of these Swedes after Division made took out New Patents 
for their Parts from Governor Penn. 

"Michael Nelson granted to Thomas Child & Robert Everdon, 327 a. 
and the half of 67 a. of Meadow Oct 31. 1699. 

" The said Child & Everdon granted to Thomas Fairinan the said Pre- 
mises June 4, 1700. 

" Lasy Cock granted to Thomas Fairinan, 200 A. in Shakamaxon & 
1/6 part of the Meadow there July 7, 1685." 

The following interesting letter refering to Provincial politics, Indian 
matters and a character sketch of Gov. William Denny, is in the ' ' Penn 
Papers," Manuscript Department, The Historical Society of Pennsyl- 

PHILADELPHIA, 2* 8ber 1756 


Agreable to what I wrote you in my last Mr. Allen & his 
Friends have taken a great deal of Pains to secure to the Proprs and 
the Govern m* the Return of one or two reasonable and sensible men, 
such as M r Coleman, Mr Duchee and Mr. Pawlin upon the List of 
Assembly men for this County, but after all their Industry and the 
Exertion of their whole Interest they have lost the Election entirely, 
and a set is returned of the veriest Partisans against the Prop rs , and 
moderate measures as coud be pickd out of this Town which you will 
soon discern by their names viz Isaac Norris, Joseph Fox, Thomas 

Notes and Queries. 247 

Leech John Hughes Daniel Robedeau, one D r Cyrne an insolvent 
Debtor Mr Jo : Galloway son of Peter Galloway, a young noisy Quaker 
Lawyer, and Mr, John Baynton a son of Peter Baynton a man sensible 
enough but bitter on the side of the Party. At Chester the Ticket is 
gone for the old assembly men except three, who are one Qarkeris'd 
Presbyterian and two Quakeris'd Churchmen as you may know when I 
tell you that Roger Hunt is the best of the Three. The inclosed vile 
Paper was publickly read by a Quaker Preacher at Chester & dispersd 
with great Industry among the Electors both there and in this County, 
You may depend upon it as a truth that the Quakers were never more 
assiduous, nor more of their young People avowedly busy, tho a few 
serious & grave men did not shew themselves but of these there are not 
many. I know not how the other Countys have behaved but I reckon 
Mr Allen is elected for Cumberland Co. without any or much opposition 
by the Interest of Col 1 Armstrong, I wish I cou'd suppress the Informa- 
tion but truth and Justice will not suffer me to conceal from you that 
the hatred of and opposition to the Prop" encreases and will be irretriev- 
ably fixed by this Election. The Quaker plot is, as I imagine, to shew 
the Ministry that it is not the Society of Quakers but the Proprietary 
Instruction y* obstruct the Kings Business, 

I known not what to say about the Gov r , He sometimes talks in a 
serious manner with so much Indifference as to the Prop and expresses 
such unfavourable sentiments of their measures, and particularly the 
unseasonableness of trying for the appropriation of the publick money 
by act of Legislature, and of the Land Tax Instruction that I am at my 
wits End with respect to his future conduct. He is a Triffler, weak of 
Body, peevish & averse to Business, and if I am not mistaken, extremely 
near, if not, a Lover of money. I know him not enough to pronounce 
positively about him, but I see so little Judgment, such difficulty of 
Access, such a dread of visits, tho from men of Influence & Character, 
so little Enquiry into the nature of the matters before him, & such a 
fear of disobliging the Assembly, that it does not appear to me that your 
affairs will be put upon a good Issue in his administration, He affects 
not to know you, he says he is appointed by the Crown, & will leave 
you to justify, your Instructions without giving himself any trouble 
about them. A little time will show what these Appearances will pro- 
duce, but I coud not avoid saying so much to put you upon your Guard, 
He is gone w tb Mr Hamilton & Mr Franklin this morning to Carlisle in 
order to plan another Expedition against the Indians. Mr Hamilton 
will see thro him in this Journey & will be able to describe his true char- 
acter. Late last night he received by express from Lord Loudoun a 
letter of the most extraordinary nature that was ever wrote to a Gover- 
nor. I take it to be dictated by Mr Pownal who notwithstanding what I 
wrote I was informed of in a former Letter respecting y e liberties of 
Lord Loudoun to him is the Councellor and Preparer of Letters of Busi- 
ness w tb Lord Loudoun & is in close confederacy with Mr Franklin. I 
send you a copy of it and shall only observe to you that if Indian affairs 
are taken out of the hands of this Government so as neither to suffer y e 
Gov r to confer or treat with Indians all our friendly Indians will soon 
turn against us & we shall hav a most lamentable winter. Lord Lou- 
doun cannot, will not, spare Men or once think about us, The men 
returned on this Assembly will not I think pass an equitable Militia Law 
and will try all they can by Representations and other ways to render 
you odious to the Crown & will have the assurance to lay all the blame 

248 Notes and Queries. 

at your Door. For my part I shall not be able to sell enough of your 
Estate, or collect as much of the money due to you as will maintain 
your Familys, I go with Mr Physick to Pequea first and then to the 
Lower part of Lancaster and Chester Counties to Collect Quit Rents 
but what must be done with those who have paid p hundred to oblige 
them to pay y e rest? Will Ejectments be proper? Of this Mr Chew 
will give his Judgment who will do all he can, nor is to be swayd by 
popular prejudice. In Bucks Co there are 5 Quakers on the Return & 
the opposite Party lost it by 200 votes. I wonder you never mention 
Capt n Young. He is a very worthy man has served to general satisfac- 
tion as Commissary of the Musters to the Provincial Forces & I thought 
he might have been recommended to Lord Loudoun for y e Commission 
of Capt n in y e American Regiment, I am 

Honourd Sir 

Your most obed* 

humble Servant 

originals in the Manuscript Department of The Historical Society of 

Octr, 1779. 

I have the pleasure of sending you by my friend Captn. Rudolph, 
some excellent white Cloth & a Letter from Mrs. Wayne but I have 
still a greater pleasure to communicate, 

you have a quantity of good English Port & Do. Cheese, at General 
St. Glair's Market, respecting which I should be glad to receive your 

And as I am now in the way of communicating you pleasure, I must 
inform you, that our Half pay Law is passed, & by this time, fully 
ratified by a supplementary Act, we are also made freemen, tho' in the 
Army, & have a right to Citizenship in its fullest extent. 

A piece of bad News has just reached me, a great part of the Porter 
is damaged, however, of that which is good you will get your propor- 
tion (i.e. one half) 

My best Respects to Butler, Stewart, Skinner, McKenzie, Fishbourne 
and Archer, &c. &c. &c. 

I am Dr. Genl. 

Ever yours, &c. 


P. S. please to let me know where I shall find you, in case, I should 
take a jaunt towards Stony Point 



Through the researches of Dr. Carlos E. Godfrey, of Trenton N. J., 
he has obtained authentic proof by documentary evidence, that the ses- 
sions of the Continental Congress held in Trenton from November 1st 
to December 24th 1784, met in the French Arms Tavern, located on the 
southwest corner of the present State and Warren streets, the site of the 
building now owned and occupied by the Mechanics National Bank. 

Notes and Queries. 249 

LIN, contributed by Rev. C. H. B. Turner, Lewes, Delaware. 

FORT CUMBERLAND Decemb' 9* 1756 


I hear you have been at Annapolis lately & would have been glad to 
hear y r news, 

We have erected a sort of Ravelin on the North side the Fort, one 
face fronting the Hill, the other, that of the Valley on the East Side 
Wills Creek. The Rampart is brought almost to a Level with the hill, 
is about 20 foot thick. The parapet six foot high and of the same 
thickness ; In the angle of the Ravelin I have built a Magazine proof 
ag 1 small shells, and has out a way under ground to the Water of Wills 
creek. Gov r Denwiddie has given orders to Continue the work. 

I expect News from the Ohio Daily a small Detach mt has been out 
about twenty days and I am sorry have had very severe weather I am 

Your most ob* hub 1 Serv* 


I wish you & Mrs Dagworthy 
the Compliments of the Approaching 
Season, We have had some 
diversion on the Ice already. 

Mr. Nunez pay unto Jacob Kollock John Rodney and John Wiltbank 
of Sussex County in Delaware Esq rs whatever Monies you as Adminis- 
trator of a certain Henrietta Sims late of the said County deceased, may 
have recovered or shall recover as belonging to the said Henrietta at 
her death and since to me as Governor of the Three lower Counties she 
having died without any Relations or known Kindred, which monies 
when paid by you to those gentlemen I expect they will apply to the 
use of Christ Church in the Town of Lewis and the receipt of them or 
any two of them shall be your discharge for the same from yo rs 

I am Sir 
Your very hble servant 


New Castle y e 24 th March 1770. 
To Mr Daniel Nunez 
of Lewis Town 

Dr Franklin presents his Thanks to Mr. Hill for the opportunity 
given him of perusing this Manuscript which has afforded him much 
Pleasure by refreshing hia Memory of things and Places that he had 
formerly seen. Dr. F. would be glad to have also a sight of the Draw- 
ings particularly that of the Marble Mill at Bakewell, having lost one 
he made himself when there, It is to be wish'd that all our young Men 
who travel had the same spirit of observation and Diligence in noting 
down what might be useful to their Country. 

Jan, 18, 87 

PHILADA. Octr. 16th 1780. 

I received your favour of the 29th of Septr. last, and have taken the 
liberty of publishing to the World, tho' not as coming from you, the 
perfidy, villainy & meaness of the Wreck Arnold This man appears to 

250 Notes and Queries. 

me to be Phenomenon of Human Depravity, & were I certain you would 
not conceive it arrogance in me, I should suppose that Omnipotence 
itself could not form so complicated yet so complete a Character of every 
thing that is base and injurious 

Inclos'd I send you a number of late News Papers, from these you 
will learn how great & how important a Change has taken place, in our 

Will you believe me ? Our honest friend Delany is a Member Sam 
Penrose Mr. E. Morris Christian Sam, (would we had more Christians) 
Geo. Gray, Geo. Campbell, &c. &c. in the same stile however, by these 
papers & the inclosed Lists you will see the Change that has been af- 
fected, & I thank God, I have been instrumental, in some small degree, 
in this business, having like a Freeman given my Vote for men who 
pleased me. 

Pray what think you of the Principle established in the Report of the 
Committee of the late House, respecting their making up on Deprecia- 
tion? However, as the Scale of Depreciation is the chief thing, when- 
ever that is agreed on by the New House we shall transmit you the same 
for your Observations thereon and approbation 

Your family Dr. General are all well, some of your friends are not, 
among the number I am one ; I have been persecuted with a villainous 
fever which at length left me, but in a feeble and weak State indeed It 
has proved fatal to many, 20 having been buried of a day for mouths 

I have nothing new to communicate therefore shall bid you adieu. 
Subscribing myself your sincere 

friend & Servant 


AN INTERESTING MANUSCRIPT, presented by John F. Lewis, Esq., 
to The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

At a Councell of warre on board y e ffairfax 
in y e bay of Cadiz Jafiry 28 th 1651:/ 

This fleet being shortly to leave these parts, intending (w* 
Gods good pleasure) for England : 

The question is put, how y e shipps, wherein y e fish & Corne 
(heretofore seized by this fleet) is, or hath beene, shall bee dis- 
posed of. 

Resolved, y* y e ships, House of Assendelft (whereof is M r Cornelius 
Symonson) and Sun-flower of Amsterdam (whereof is M r Cornelius 
Bloem) being already discharged of their fish, bee forthwith restored to 
y e aforesaid respective masters and y* y e other three shipps (viz*) 
Goulden sunne of Hamburgh (whereof is M r Barnaby Coster) & S fc John 
of flushing (whereof is M r John Verspeede) & flying-hart of Amsterdam 
(whereof is M r Peter Clars) bee left in y e custody of James Wilson Esq r 
(the States Publick minister in Cadiz) y* y e fish bee by him sold for y e 
best advantage of the Comonwealth : And y e ships (after moneth from 
y e date hereof) bee likewise restored to y e s d respective masters. 

That y e Concord of lubeck (whereof is M r Marcus Otta) bee likewise 
left w th y e s d publick minister, the ship (after sale of y c wheat y* is on 
board her) to bee likewise restored to y e said Master, 

That y e Allexander, together w th y e Cummin seed, & Eice (w ch was 
formerly taken in a Satty called y e John Baptist & is now on Board y e 

Notes and Queries. 251 

s d Allexander) aa alsoe y e Kattarine of Jersey (being both cast ships) bee 
likewise left w th y e s d . publick minister to bee by him sold or disposed of 
for y e best advantage of the Comonwealth, 

That the wheat on board y e Renowne of Bourdeaux, and y e David of 
Amsterdam, & Hamburg, bee by y e s d . publick minister forthwith sold, 
And y e ships bee both sent for England, y e one being a french ship, y e 
other haveing noe master here to receive her :/ 

The Reason inducing this Councell to leave such a trust w th y e 
s d . publick minister, is, that they have scene an authentick Com- 
ission given to y e s d . publick minister by y e Comittee of y e Navy 
to act as y e States Publick minister in Cadiz, and S e . Lucar in 
such Cases as these 


GENEALOGICAL RECORDS, copied from a Bible in the possession ot 
Mrs. George E. Vichers, Lewes, Delaware, and contributed by Rev. 
C. H. B. Turner. The family surnames include those of Manlove, 
Master, Mason, Bibbe, Broxson, Kellam, Burroughs, Polk, Shaw, Chip- 
man, and Brown. 

William Manlove Senior was born December ye 25. 1691. 

Will" 1 Manlove departed this life on ye 15 th day of March in ye after- 
noon, about one hour before sun setting Anno Domini 1761. 

(William Manlove. His Book Bought in Phildelphia in ye year 
1729. The price of this book is 1. 15.0.) 

Ruth Manlove departed this life the 5 th day of April 1746. 

Sarah Hasten the wife of William Masten departed this life February 
the 27 th about One Oclock the aftermoon 1776. 

Mary Mason the wife of Joseph Mason departed this life November 
5 th about One Oclock in the afternoon 1779. 

The ages of the children of William Manlove and Mary his wife : 

Nathaniel Manlove was born ye 6 th day of January 1717 & departed 
this life April 27 th 1729. 

William Manlove Jr. was born April 29 th 1721 about midnight. 

Mary Manlove was born ye 27 th day of October 1723 about four in the 

Ruth Manlove was born December 10 th 1726 about 11 Oclock in the 

Sarah Manlove was born September ye 28 th 1730 about 8 Oclock at 

Edmund Bibbe was married to his wife Mary October ye I 1 * 1709 

William Manlove was married to his wife Mary December ye 6 th 1716. 

Mary Manlove daughter of Mark Manlove and Ann his wife was born 
April ye 18 th 1712. 

Thomas Manlove son of Mark Manlove and Ann his wife was born 
June ye 27 th 1714. 

Elizabet Manlove daughter of Mark Manlove and Ann his wife was 
born October ye 7 th 1716. 

Ester Bibbe was born November ye 16 th 1710. 

Matthew Bibbe was born January ye 19 th 17|f. 

Mary wife of William Manlove, above, departed this life December ye 
!* day about 5 Oclock in the afternoon Anno. Dom. 1757. 

252 Notes and Queries. 

John Masson Brown was born August, ye 5 th 1728 about Two Oclock 
in the afternoon. 

Sarah Chipman was born ye 30 tb day of October Anno Dom. 1757. 

William Shaw departed this life ye 25 th day of May Anno Dom 1758. 

Elizabeth Polk daughter of Ephraim Polk and Mary Polk was bom 
the 29 th day of March 1739. 

William Burroughs the son of John Burroughs and Ester Burroughs 
was born the 2 d day of January 173f . 

The above William Burroughs departed this life on the 14 th day of 
April 1797. 

Esther Burroughs the daughter of John Burroughs and Esther Bur- 
roughs was born the 8 th day of January 17f$ . 

William Hasten the son of W. M. Masten and Sarah his wife was 
born the 7 th day of February about 10 Oclock in the morning A. D. 175 . 

Thomas Broxson was born in ye year of one thousand seven hundred 
and thirty six ye 27 th day of December. 

Joseph Broxson born in ye year one thousand seven and forty one ye 
17 th day of November. 

An account of the births of the children of Joseph Mason and Mary his 
wife : 

Sarah was born April ye 7 th 1744. 

Mary " " March ye 13 th 1748. 

Jacob " " Decb r ye 19 th 1754. 

Charles & Elias were born March 24 th 1760. 

Joseph was born Decb r 24 th 1763. 

Joseph died April 16 th 1851 aged 57 years & 4 months. 

Willian Masten son of John Masten & Hannah his wife was born Jan- 
uary 15 th day 1711. 

John Masten departed this life December 20 th day 1771. 

William Masten son of Willian Masten & Sarah his wife was born 
February 7 th day 1751. 

Mary Masten was born November 17 day 1754. 

Sarah Masten was born January 25 th day 1756. 

Deborah Masten was born October 8 th day 1760. 

John Masten was born November 1 st 1763. 

David Masten. was born February 6 th day 1767. 

Charles Mason & Catharine /Stayton his wife were married May 6 th 1815. 

Jacob Mason son of Charles Mason & Catherine his wife was born 
April 20 th 1816. 

James L. son of Charles & Catherine Maion was born April !* 1818. 
William S. son of Charles & Catherine Mason was born October 16 th 

Josepn H. son of Charles & Catherine Mason was born February 20 th 

Catherine, only daughter of Charles & Catherine Mason was born 
July 4 th 1830. 

William S. Mason departed this life October 1876. 

Joseph H. Mason departed this life 1 852. 

An account of the times of the births of the childrem of Charles Mason 
and Betty his wife. 

Mary was born upon Sunday the 11 th day of May 1783. 

Rachel was born upon Sunday the 31 st day of October 1784. 

Jacob was born upon Friday the 28 th day of December 1786. 
Charles was born on Saturday the 13 th day of September 1788. 

Notes and Queries. 253 

The above Betty Mason departed this life upon Saturday the 19 lh day 
of November about 8 O'clock in the morning 1791. 

The above Charles Mason Senior departed this life upon Sunday the 
30 th day of September 1810, being aged 50 years 6 months and 6 days. 

The above Jacob son of Charles and Elizabeth Mason departed this 
life January 20 th 1825. 

Charles Jr. son of Charles & Elizabeth Mason departed this life Aug- 
ust 21" 1858. 

Elia8 Mason was married to Magdalen Owens on the 6 th day of March 

The births of the children of Elias Mason and Magdalen his wife are as 
follows : 

Joseph was born October 23 rd 1785. 

Elias was born November 30 th 1787. 

Elizabeth was born January 28 th 1790. 

The above Elias Mason Senr departed this life December 17 th 1793. 

Stephen Sturgis was married to Sally Mason October 12 th 1807. 

The above Sarah Mason departed this life June 9 th 1847. 

An account of the times of the births of the children of George Cullen 
and Sarah his wife is as follows Vizi. 

John Cullen was born June 7 th 176 

Charles Mason Cullen was born January 19 th 176 

Piercy Cullen was born September 17 th 1773 Margin of lear 

Sarah Cullen was born September 14 th 1 missing. 

Jonathan Cullen was born 31 st 17 

Piercy Cullen departed this life May 24 th 178 

Sarah Cullen, younger, departed this life December 8 th 1794. 

The above named Charles W. Cullen was married to Elizabeth Dicker- 
son on the 26 th day of January 1797. 

Elisha D. Cullen son of the above named Charles & Elizabeth his 
wife was born April 23 d 1799. 

An account of the children of Thomas Kellam and Mary Mason his 
wife : 

Thomas Kellam and Mary Mason were married the 15 th day of 
December 1802. 

Elizabeth W. Kellam was born the 24 day of April 1804. 

Joseph Mason and Mary his wife were married the 20 th day of 
November 1807. 

(James W. Mason M. D. one among the descendants of those whose 
births and marriages are recorded in this book will be 38 years of age 
the 27 th day of this present month, February 1835. 

Cincinnati Ohio February 5 th 1835. 

The widow Cullen gave me this book when I was in Lewistown Del. 
in ye year 1832. J. M. M.) 

James W. Mason departed this life (margin destroyed ) Cincinnati 

Ohio at 7 O'clock in the morning. 

This bible was presented to me by Sarah Mason, widow of Joseph 
Mason (the younger) ; she resided in Cincinnati, Ohio, where she died 
April 14 th 1843. aged 74. 

Joseph Mason, her husband, died April 16 th 1821, aged 57 years. 

James W. Mason, 

Son of Charles Jr. 
Inscription of fly page of Bible : 
Printed & sold by Richard Ware at ye Bible & Sun in Amen Corner. 


Notes and Queries. 




Information in regard to any of the following named graduates in 
Medicine of the University of Pennsylvania is desired by the Alumni 
Catalogue Committee. Specially wished is exact information as to full 
name, date and place of death, Academic degrees received, and public 
offices held. 


Archer, Branch T., Va. 
Arnest, John, Md, 
Aspinwall, William, Mass. 
Baer, Jacob Shell man, Md. 
Baker, Samuel, Md. 
Barton, William Paul Crillon, Pa. 
Benezet, Samuel, Pa. 
Betton, Samuel Jr., Pa. 
Colhoun, Samuel, Pa. 
Clarke, James, Ireland. 
Cunningham, Matthew (I?,) Pa. 
Davis, John H., Pa. 
Dick, Archibald Barnard, Va. 
Dicks, William, S. C. 
Fairlamb, George Asbridge, Pa. 
Finley, Michael Allison, Md. 
Foushee, William Jr., Va. 
Frazer, Alexander, S. C. 
Gallaway, George, Va. 
Grayson, Robert 0., Va. 
Grayson, William, Va. 
Greenlee, Samuel, Va. 
Hall, William Wilmot, Md. 
Hampton, Isaac Harris, N. J. 
Hanenkampf, Arnold, Md. 
Haynsworth, James, S. C. 
Hays, Nathan, Pa. 
Hiester, Isaac, Pa. 
Humes, Samuel, Pa. 
Jackson, Samuel, Pa. 


Jones, Joseph, Va. 

Leake, Samuel, Va. 

Lukens, Charles, Pa. 

McKenny, Archibald, Ireland 

Marim, Henry, Del. 

Mayo, Robert, Va. 

Nelson, Nathaniel Jr., Va. 

Otto, John Bodo, Pa. 

Page, James, Md. 

Patterson, Robert Maskell, Pa. 

Perkin, John, Pa. 

Pinkney, William (E?), Md. 

Pope, John Hunter, Ga. 

Pope, Philip C., Va. 

Poyntell, George, Pa. 

Prioleau, Thomas Grimhall, S. C. 

Roberts, Boamerges, Va. 

Safold, Reuben S., Ga. 

Shubrick, Richard, S. C. 

Smith, Ephraim Fitz Randolph, 

N. J. 

Smith, Isaac A., Va. 
Smith, William Kilty, Md. 
Stewart, Samuel, Pa. 
Thomas, John D., Pa. 
Todd, Isaac N. J, 
Tucker, Edmund H., S. C. 
Wilson, John, Va. 
Wishart, John, Va. 
Woollens, Joseph Jr., Pa. 
Thomas, Md. 

Archer, Robert B., Va. 
Armstrong, Francis, St. Croix. 
Bronaugh, James C., Va. 
Bullock, Joseph Jr., Pa. 
Burton, John, Del. 
Carpenter, Abraham, Pa. 
Cattell, Seth, Pa. 
Channing, Walter, Pa, 
Connor, Francis, S. C. 
Corson, Richard Davis, Pa. 
Currin, Constans, Pa. 


Horsey, Lazarus, Md. 
Houston, William Frederick, Pa. 
Irwin, Jared, Ga. 
Jenkins, William S., S. C. 
Johnes, John B. , N. J. 
Johnson, Samuel, Md. 
Keegan, Thomas Gilgin, Mass. 
Lawton, Elijah L., Ga. 
Legare, Joseph Daniel, S. C. 
McNairy, Boyd, Tenn. 
Martin, Joel, Md. 

Notes and Queries. 


Dickerson, Aaron, N. J. 
Dodd, Robert, Pa. 
Drayton, Charles Jr. , S. C. 
Durrett, Richard, Va. 
Eberle, John, Pa. 
French, Robert, Dis't of Col. 
Fuller, Thomas Jr., S. C. 
Gait, Edward, Md. 
Gaunt, Samuel, Pa. 
Gibbons, John, Del. 
Goodwyn, William B. Va. 
Hamilton, Paul, S. C. 
Harris, Thomas, Pa. 
Harvey, John, Ken. 
Haskins, Hardy, Va. ? N. C. ? 
Hawkins, Joseph Warren, N. C. 
Hays, John, Va. 
Henderson, Thomas, Va. 
Holland, Thomas H., Tenn. 
Holmes, William A., S. C. 

Mazyck, Thomas Winstanley, S. C. 
Mettauer, John Peter, Va. 
Montgomery, Alexander, Ken. 
Murray, Michael K., Pa. 
Mussey, Reuben Dimond, Mass. 
Overton, James, Ken. 
Perry, Fabricius, S. C. 
Povall, Richard, Va. 
Rush, James, Pa. 
Shelby, John, Tenn. 
Smith, James, N. J. 
Stockton, Reuben B., Ken. 
Stuart, James Reeve, S. C. 
Thompson, Birkett D. , Va. 
Troup, James G., Ga. 
Tyler, William Bradley, Md. 
Waddell, Addison W., Va. 
Wallace, Caleb B., Ken. 
Warley, William, S. C. 
Watson, George, Va. 

Woodhull, John Tennent, N. J. 

the following letter, a soldier of the Revolution, is supposed to have 
been a resident of Lewes, Delaware, or its vicinity, so also his sweet- 
heart. He was en route to join his regiment at Morristown N. J. In- 
formation is desired as to the name of the writer and also his "dearest 

PHILADELPHIA 30 Novem r 1779 


I am now in Philadelphia on my way to Camp this is the 
forth Time I have wrote to Lewes since I left it, but have not received 
one Line from any friend in that Quarter think how uneasy my mind 
must be in such a Case weekly Letters were mutually promised mine 
has not failed but no Return makes me unhappy Yet think not I am 
accusing you of neglect, I can no longer entertain the Thought when I 
reflect on our Situation, Want of opportunity pleads your sufficient 
Excuse I shall leave this Place immediately and can not expect to hear 
from you God knows when As soon as I arrive at Camp I shall embrace 
the first opportunity of informing you of my Situation God send a 
Speedy & honorable End to our Troubles, Believe me, my dearest Girl, 
I am often almost ready to leave every Engagement and fly to the Arms 
of her who I flatter myself wishes to make me happy, which none else 
can do. Heavens choicest Blessings ever attend you, I repose entire 
Confidence in your Declaration which makes me happy in a very great 
Degree, farewell, my dearest Girl, do not neglect me, I am yours 

J. S. 

William Holgate, a Quaker accompanied Penn on his second visit to 
Pennsylvania. His son Jacob married Elizabeth Sheets (or Sheetz or 
Shitz) They had issue six daughters and three sons: 

Louisa, m. Little. 

Susan, m. Hicks. 

256 Notes and Queries. 

Jane, m. Stephen Hill. 

m. Milburn. 

m. Haas. 

Henry, m. Phillips. 

Reuben, m. 

James, b. July 26, 1804, at Philadelphia, m. April, 1827. Sylvania 
Trux, dau. George and Esther (Pettibone) Trux of Troy, Bradford 
Co., Penna. 

Jacob Holgate d. Sept. 19, 1832 ; his wife in 1849, at the age of 
seventy-seven, and are buried in the Lutheran Cemetary, Phila- 

Who were the parents and grandparents of Elizabeth Sheets ? 
How many brothers and sisters had Jacob Holgate, and who was 
their mother ? Where did William Holgate reside in England ? 

Des Moines, Iowa. 

3Boofc IQotices 

BALCH GENEALOGICA, by Thomas Willing Balch, Philadelphia, 
Allan, Lane and Scott, 1907. 

This book is divided into three parts : The first deals with the family 
in County Somerset, England ; the second with John Balch who emi- 
grated to Massachusetts in 1623 and a few of his descendants ; and the 
third with John Balch who settled in Maryland in 1658, and most of 
his descendents. The book contains nineteen illustrations. The frontis- 
piece is a reproduction of the family arms, " barry of six, or. and az. 
on a bend engrailed gu., three spear heads ar.," crest, a demi griffin 
rampant, as given in Harley manuscript 1559, in the British Museum. 
The right to bear these arms was confirmed in the Visitation of 
Somersetshire in 1623 to George Balche of Horton, County Somerset, 
England. Another illustration is a reproduction of the title page of 
two sermons by the Rev. Dr. Stephen Bloomer Balch that were pub- 
lished in the District of Columbia early in 1791. These sermons are 
the first publication printed in the District of Columbia. 

Barr Fcrree, Secretary of the Society. New York, 1907. 8vo. 
pp 263. Illustrated. 

The excellent and energetic Secretary of the Pennsylvania Society of 
New York, has again compiled an interesting account of the transac- 
tions and ceremonies of the Society for the past year. At the annual 
dinner Hon. Elihu Koot, Secretary of State, was the guest of honor, 
and his notable address on " What is to be the future of the States of 
the Union under our dual system of constitutional government," and 
the addresses of the other distinguished persons present, (among them 
Hon. J. Hay Brown, of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania), are given 
in full. Supplementing this, is much well selected historical matter, 
liberally illustrated with facsimilies of early imprints, documents, 
seals, maps and views relating to Pennsylvania. 





VOL. XXXI. 1907. No. 3 



The Declaration of Independence consists roughly of 
two parts. The first part may be described as composed 
of the two or three opening paragraphs which set forth 
with much eloquence the right of revolution and the doc- 
trine of political equality and other rights of men, as they 
were called, which have become the foundation principles 
of our American life. The second and much longer part 
is the rest of the document devoted to the twenty-eight 
charges against the King. 

In a book published some years ago called " The True 
History of the American Revolution" I showed how the 
doctrines of political equality, self-government for naturally 
separated communities, and other rights of man described 
in the Declaration had originated in the Protestant Refor- 
mation and had been studied by the people of our revolu- 
tionary period in the works of Burlamaqui, Beccaria, Locke, 
Grotius, and Puffendorf. These doctrines are extremely 
interesting and when the Declaration is nowadays read at 
Fourth of July celebrations the audience listen with much 
VOL. xxxi. 17 (257) 

258 Charges Against the King. 

attention to the opening paragraphs. But when the 
Twenty-eight Charges against the King are reached the 
audience listens only out of politeness or patriotic duty. 
The charges seem very dull and tiresome and mean noth- 
ing much to a modern mind except that one carries away 
a general impression that the King must have been a hor- 
rible monster of tyranny and cruelty against an innocent 
child-like and loving people. 

But when we know in some detail the facts and circum- 
stances which underlie the Twenty-eight Charges they are 
fully as interesting as the general reasoning about the rights 
of man and they contain a condensed history of the revo- 
lutionary movement up to the year 1776. The rebellious 
colonists had begun their protests some ten years before by 
denying the right of Parliament to inflict upon them what 
they called internal taxes of which the stamp tax was the 
notable instance ; but they admitted that in all other 
respects Parliament had full jurisdiction over them. Par- 
liament thereupon took them at their word, repealed the 
stamp tax and passed the paint, paper and glass act, which 
levied what were supposed to be only external taxes because 
they were duties on the importation of paint, paper and 
glass collected at the seaports instead of generally through- 
out the country, like the stamp tax. Parliament also about 
the same time suspended the power of the legislature of 
New York because it refused to furnish the British troops 
stationed in that province with salt, vinegar and beer. 

These practical instances of the power of Parliament con- 
vinced the patriot party among the colonists, that they had 
made a great mistake in admitting that Parliament had jur- 
isdiction over them in every respect except the one item ot 
internal taxes. They soon saw that there was no real dis- 
tinction between internal and external taxes. A duty col- 
lected at a seaport on articles of universal use like paint, 
paper and glass was in the end paid by the whole body of 
the people in the enhanced price of those articles and was 
just as much an internal tax as the stamp act. And, more- 

Charges Against the King. 259 

over, what could be a greater or more imperial exercise of 
power than the suspension by Parliament of the functions 
of one of the legislatures. They, accordingly, changed 
their ground and in 1774 the extremists among them had 
taken the position that Parliament had no authority what- 
ever in the colonies, either in matters of taxation or any- 
thing else; that they owed no allegiance whatever to Parlia- 
ment and were not under its government. The moderates, 
were willing to allow Parliament to regulate their external 
commerce as part of the general commerce of the British 
empire provided the regulation did not take the form of 
taxation. Both parties however admitted that they owed 
allegiance to the king who had originally created the colo- 
nies and given them their charters in the days when Parlia- 
ment was a very insignificant part of the English govern- 

The numerous acts of Parliament relating to the colo- 
nies which had been passed in the last hundred years were, 
they said, all without legal or constitutional authority and 
therefore void, although some of them, like the post office 
act, were undoubtedly beneficial and all of them had been 
accepted in America because the colonists were weak and 
careless of their rights, and Parliament being occupied with 
the task of driving the French from Canada, had not passed 
many acts relating to the colonies or attempted to regulate 
them very closely. But now that the French war was over 
and Parliament, the ministry and the King had announced 
their intention of reorganizing the colonies, bringing them 
into close relation and better obedience and had even begun 
passing acts to that effect, the colonists, or at least a very 
large party among them, declared that they would stand 
out against this increasing power of Parliament which had 
already assumed more jurisdiction than properly belonged 
to it and apparently intended to assume everything. 

In a word, the American colonists were looking upon 
the beginning of the modern British empire, in which Par T 
liament is supreme, and they had decided to break away 

260 Charges Against the King. 

from it. Up to the time of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence in 1776, the whole debate had been about Parlia- 
ment and its powers. All the protests and indignation had 
been directed against Parliament ; while the king had fig- 
ured merely as the person or officer under whom the colo- 
nists were content to live instead of under Parliament. 
They were willing to acknowledge him as head of an em- 
pire in which they were semi-independent states under his 
protection against foreign invasion. They would render 
him a certain amount of allegiance and allow him any 
rights of vetoing their laws or other privileges which he 
had before the close of the French war. Their congress 
had sent to him two petitions to this effect worded in what 
was then known as " affectionate and dutiful language". 

It is therefore a little surprising to find in the Declara- 
tion nothing about Parliament. The word Parliament does 
riot occur. Everything is about the king and instead of 
being the gracious sovereign under whom the colonists 
were willing and anxious to live, he suddenly becomes a 
monster of tyranny and is charged with twenty-eight ser- 
ious political crimes and misdemeanors. 

The slightest reflection, however, shows that there was 
good reason for this change. The revolutionary movement 
had progressed. The patriot party having ejected from 
every colony its British governor and the British army hav- 
ing evacuated Boston and gone to Halifax, the country was 
de facto independent. British authority was for the time at 
least, extinguished ; and the patriots in their congress had 
decided to declare formal independence and announce it to 
the world. But from what should they declare independ- 
ence? Not from Parliament, for they had said that they 
owed no allegiance whatever to that body and it had no 
authority over them. The only part of the British nation 
to which they had admitted allegiance was the King. Of 
him therefore, they declare their independence and give 
twenty-eight reasons for doing so. 

One of these reasons, the 13th, was that " He has com- 

Charges Against the King. 261 

bined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to 
our constitutions and unacknowledged by our laws giving 
his assent to their pretended acts of legislation." This is 
the only reference to Parliament and the word itself is not 
used. Mne other reasons follow each one of them instanc- 
ing one of the " pretended acts of legislation". These nine 
reasons may in one sense be considered the most important 
because they refer to matters which had been the principal 
subjects of controversy during the last ten years, namely 
the authority of Parliament in the colonies, and under this 
head might be written the whole previous history of the 
revolutionary movement. It is not well, perhaps, in the 
beginning of this essay to lay much stress on any one set of 
the reasons or charges; but the ten just mentioned would 
seem from our modern standpoint, as we look backward, to 
have furnished a very strong, if not the strongest ground 
for breaking away from the British empire, namely, that 
the King our last hold and only connection in the empire, 
had deserted us and broken his contract with us by joining 
with Parliament in an effort to fasten forever the jurisdic- 
tion of that body on America. 

Of the remaining reasons the five from the 23rd to the 
27th, are based on the ground that the King by declaring war 
upon us, sending out troops and war ships to stop what he 
called the rebellion, fighting the battles of Lexington and 
Bunker Hill, occupying Boston, burning with his fleets the 
town of Portland in Maine and the town of Norfolk in Vir- 
ginia, had by those acts abdicated his government over us, 
declared us out of his protection and friendliness, broken, 
in short, his side of the allegiance or contract with us and 
therefore, we were at liberty to declare the contract and 
allegiance void and extinguished. The English, of course, 
said that it was very absurd to give the acts of a mother 
country in suppressing a rebellion as legal reasons to jus- 
tify the rebellion. But it is probable, nevertheless, that 
these reasons carried great weight among our people and 
showed to them the uselessness of trying to remain in the 

262 Charges Against the King. 

empire by relying upon \he King alone who, as it now 
seemed, would obey the majority of Parliament and make 
war upon us at Parliament's demand. 

Of the remaining charges the 1st to the 12th are con- 
cerned principally, with complaints about colonial laws, 
which the King had vetoed and complaints of his efforts to 
check the rising tide ot opposition to the authority of Par- 
liament or rebellion, as he called it. The last and 28th 
charge is to the effect that the patriot colonists had peti- 
tioned the King several times in the most humble terms to 
abstain from his objectionable course of conduct, but he 
would not listen and was therefore a tyrant and unfit to be 
the ruler of a free people. 

Immediately after the Declaration was published in Eng- 
land, John Lind, a London barrister, wrote for the British 
ministry a detailed analysis of the charges and this analysis 
called " the Answer to the Declaration of the Congress " 
was published and passed through many editions. Thomas 
Hutchinson, who had been governor of Massachusets, and 
was now living in England, also wrote a pamphlet called 
" Strictures upon the Declaration of the Congress," not so 
complete as land's, but of great value in helping us to 
understand the situation from the English point of view. 
These pamphlets have been seldom, if ever, used by his- 
torians ; and with their aid and such other information as 
I can gather, I shall now make a modern analysis of the 
charges, and try to accomplish the very difficult task of 
candidly considering both the patriot and the English side.* 

It is important for the reader to remember that the key 
to the whole situation is that our people or, to be more 
accurate, the patriot party among them, at the period of the 
Revolution, did not want to be ruled by a government three 
thousand miles away, no matter how well or beneficently 

* American Archives, 5th series, vol. iii., p. 1009 note. I have ob- 
tained much light from Mr. Herbert FriedenwalcTs " The Declaration 
of Independence" reprinted from the International Monthly for July, 
1901. See also Hazleton's "Declaration of Independence." 

Charges Against the King. 263 

that government fulfilled its task. Everything that govern- 
ment did in the way of control was distasteful to them ; and 
it is impossible to consider or decide many of the subjects of 
controversy on their merits, because it was entirely a ques- 
tion of point of view. From England's point of view of a 
great and obedient colonial empire many of the things she 
did were perfectly right and justifiable and the same sub- 
stantially that she does now in her modern empire. But our 
patriot party totally rejected that idea of empire and so prac- 
tically everything England did was to them entirely wrong. 
The great point against which they protested namely, the 
complete authority of Parliament has ever since our Revo- 
lution been accepted without question by England's colo- 
nies and the modern constitutional text books, like those of 
Todd and Jenkyns refer to it again and again as the cardi- 
nal foundation principle on which all rules and regulations 
of the colonial relation rest. England to this day taxes 
without their consent, and without representation millions 
of people in India as well as in the crown colonies. 

"The legislative supremacy of Parliament over the whole of the 
British dominions is complete and undoubted in law, though for con- 
stitutional or practical reasons, Parliament abstains from exercising 
that supreme legislative power, xxxx This doctrine is quite consistent 
with the very effective indirect taxing power and financial control 
which, as will be mentioned below is exercised in practice by the Home 
Government over British India and the crown colonies." (Jenkyns, 
" British Rule & Jurisdiction Beyond the Seas " p. 10.) 

But all these questions will, it is hoped, appear more 
clearly as the twenty-eight charges are analyzed one by one. 

1. " He has refused his assent to laws the most whole- 
some and necessary for the public good." 

This statement was criticised in England as too vague 
and general; it might mean anything and no one could tell 
exactly what it meant. Laws passed by a colonial legisla- 
ture could be vetoed by the governor and, if they escaped 
his veto, the king, except in the instances of Rhode Island 

264 Charges Against the King. 

and Connecticut, could disallow the laws usually within a 
period of six months or three years, and in New York at 
any time. Meanwhile, until thus disallowed by the king 
the acts of the colonial legislatures had all the force of laws. 
This method of disallowance still prevails in all the British 
self-governing colonies, and the period is sometimes two 
years and sometimes no limit, is set in which the home 
government can disallow a colonial law.* 

The government under George III. had disallowed, Lind 
said, comparatively few colonial laws. Previous kings had 
often disallowed laws for various reasons ; but it is probable 
that the framers of the Declaration referred only to laws 
disallowed by George III. since he ascended the throne in 
1760. They made the charge general for the probable reason 
that to particularize would only raise useless discussion and 
with a general charge the patriots of each colony could 
assign under it any disallowance to which they had had 
a particular objection. Paper money acts passed by the 
colonies had been allowed to stand in previous reigns ; but 
in the reign of George III. the home government began to 
prevent their passage because it thought that they were 
neither " wholesome nor necessary " for the public good. 
But the popular party in the colonies who wanted those laws 
thought that they were both necessary and wholesome. 
Most of the laws disallowed by the crown in previous reigns 
raised the same difference of opinion, an irreconcilable differ- 
ence between the crown and the popular party, each from 
its own point of view believing that what it did was " neces- 
sary and wholesome." 

As the feeling in England in favor of better regulation and 
control in the colonies increased, the colonial governors were 
instructed not to give their assent to acts of the legislatures 
granting divorces. South Carolina in 1760, New Jersey in 
1763 and Virginia in 1772 had passed acts taxing the slave 

*Todd, ' ' Parlimentary Government in the British Colonies" ed. 
1894, pp. 160, 174, 443 ; Jenkyns, "British Kule and Jurisdiction Be- 
yond the Seas " p. 79. 

Charges Against the King. 265 

trade. But these acts were disallowed by the crown, and 
the governor of New Hampshire had been instructed to veto 
all acts restricting the importation of slaves. England's 
object in not discouraging the introduction of slaves may 
have been that the increase of a servile class whose uprising 
or revolt would be greatly feared, would be a check on the 
rebellion of their masters against the home government. 
The colonial acts which attempted to check the importation 
of convicts from England were also disallowed and the middle 
and southern colonies compelled to submit to that system as 
Australia has been compelled to submit to it. All of these 
disallowances had been very much resented by the patriot 
party. Very likely the patriot party in each colony had its 
own particular grievances on the subject of disallowance or 
veto of laws ; and in general the patriot party in America 
understood this complaint about disallowance to refer to 
interference from England, control at a distance of three 
thousand miles by an outside power which prevented the 
colonists from passing paper money acts, getting divorces, 
taxing slave or convict importation and doing other things 
on which their hearts were set. 

On the other hand control by the mother country over 
legislation in colonies is absolutely essential to the continu- 
ance of the colonial relation, and England has never yet 
surrendered her absolute control of the colonial legislation 
of her empire. Our own congress has thus far retained the 
power to annul the acts of the legislature which has been 
allowed to exist in the island of Porto Rico. After our 
Revolution the British government continued to regulate in 
her remaining colonies by veto or disallowance such colonial 
matters as paper money, divorce or convict importation.* 
But the patriots of 1776 objected to all control of this sort. 
Their complaint on this head was so worded that it covered 
any or every act of disallowance by the crown. Their real 

* Todd, " Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies," Boston 
edition, 1880, p. 160, et seq. 

266 Charges Against the King. 

motive being, ot course, that they wished to be entirely 

2. " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of imme- 
diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their 
operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so 
suspended he has utterly neglected to attend to them." 

This complaint, Lind said, was very unfair because it im- 
plied that the present king George III. had assumed a new 
power over the colonial legislatures, when, as a matter of fact, 
the practice of instructing a governor not to give his assent 
to certain classes of laws unless they contained a clause sus- 
pending their operation until his majesty could judge of 
their fitness and propriety, had been established by Queen 
Ann in 1708 and parliament in 1740 had addressed the king 
requesting the adoption of such a practice. The class of laws 
to which this practice was supposed to be confined, consisted 
of laws of an extraordinary nature affecting the trade and 
shipping of the empire, the prerogatives of the crown, or 
the property of the subjects of the empire in general. As 
the home government gradually developed its colonial system 
of empire it was judged important to have such laws not go 
into effect at all until considered and approved in England. 
If they went into effect immediately after their passage much 
mischief, it was thought, might be done to important 
imperial interests, during the time of their transmission to 
England, examination by the home government, and return 
of disapproval. 

In the case of ordinary laws which after having the 
assent of the governor were not disallowed by the crown 
for many months or a year the colonists had the advantage 
of living under their favorite law during that time; and 
after its disallowance by the king it was entirely possible 
with the help of a friendly governor to pass the law over 
again and live under it for another period until again dis- 
allowed by the crown.* But in the case of laws involving 

* Joshua Gee, "The Trade and Navigation of Great Britian," 6th 
edition, p. 109. 

Charges Against the King. 267 

great imperial interests it was deemed important not to let 
the colonists live for even the shortest period under such a 
law enacted solely by themselves, and so, the device was 
adopted of instructing the governors not to consent to such 
laws unless they contained a clause suspending their opera- 
tion until the king's pleasure should be known. This 
device was also supposed to be a convenience to the col- 
onists ; for if the plan had been adopted of transmitting to 
England for approval a copy of their important laws before 
receiving the governor's assent, so much time would elapse 
before the law, if approved, could be returned that the 
colonial legislature would have adjourned, and might then 
be under the necessity of again debating and passing the 
law at its next meeting. All such inconveniences were, it 
was said, entirely avoided by the suspending clause. 

If the king and his ministry objected to the law they 
could simply by doing nothing about it prevent its going 
into operation, which Lind said, was merely a mild with- 
holding instead of a stern refusal of assent, and not to be 
called neglect as the American Congress described it. It 
seems to have been generally believed, however, in 
America, that the home government had on a number of 
occasions neglected to examine into or do anything about 
certain of these "suspended laws." This suspending 
method was very naturally not liked by the patriot party 
and it still seems to Americans a somewhat unpleasant 
method of restraint because a law passed in that way was 
so to speak killed in its passage unless the crown should 
see fit to revive it. But it was a good arrangement for the 
dominant country, because if the home government became 
suspicious of any class of laws, which a popular colonial 
party wanted, it was easy to insist on a suspending clause 
to gain time for consideration and, if necessary, allow the 
" suspended law " to remain suspended. 

The suspending method was not abandoned by England 
after our Revolution, and is still used in her colonial 
governments without any apparent protest from the colo- 

268 Charges Against the King. 

nies. In fact, they profess to approve of it as a conserva- 
tive and steadying force ; so totally different are they in 
temperament from our ancestors of 1776.* 

The suspending clause is also still directed to be used for 
the same subjects that it was supposed to be used for in our 
colonial period, namely, matters of imperial concern, cur- 
rency, army and navy, the prerogatives of the crown or the 
general rights or property of subjects of the empire. By the 
British North American Act of 1867 each lieutenant gov- 
ernor of a Canadian province in addition to his veto power, 
may also reserve a bill and prevent it becoming a law until 
the Governor General of the Dominion approves of it; and, 
in like manner the Governor General may reserve a bill of 
the dominion parliament and prevent it becoming a law 
unless within two years the home government approve ot 
it. This method of direct suspension by governors would 
have been more exasperating to our people in 1776 than the 
method then in vogue. 

Since our Revolution all these methods of control of 
colonial laws, whether by veto of a governor, disallowance 
of the crown, or suspending clause have worked more 
smoothly in Canada and Australia because the people have 
been of a milder temper than ourselves and so scattered 
and insignificant in numbers compared with England, that 
complete control of them was comparatively easy in spite 
of their remote situation. In our time steamers and the 
telegraph have gone so far in annihilating distance that 
with England's enormous increase in population, power and 
organized experience, the government of her dependencies 
has become easier than ever and can be managed with 
greater delicacy, f The overwhelming force which now 
stands behind the gentlest hint from the British Govern- 

* Lewis, " Government of Dependencies," edition 1891, pp. 306 note 
2, 331, 332 ; Todd, "Parliamentary Government in the British Colo- 
nies" edition 1894, pp. 158, 163, 164, 171, 173, 198, 442. 

fSee Mr. Lucas's introduction and notes to Lewis on Dependencies, 
edition of 1891. 

Charges Against the King. 269 

ment is an element, not often openly mentioned, but always 
present in the situation. Modern methods are more cau- 
tions and diplomatic. The two parties understand each 
other and there are comparatively few disallowance because 
the accumulation of precedents and rules enable it to be 
usually well known beforehand what will be disallowed. 

Disallowances are usually arranged so as to appear to be 
in the form of mutual agreement. The colonists are con- 
sulted and asked to offer suggestions or equivalents in the 
same manner that our people were consulted about the 
stamp act before it was passed, and told that if we objected 
to it we were at liberty to suggest an equivalent or some 
other method of taxation. Modern British colonists are 
more willing than we were to submit to what has been 
called " the paternal oversight of his majesty's govern- 
ment," accept warnings and hints, amend laws returned to 
them for modification, pass the legislation which the colo- 
nial ofiice desires, and at a word from the home government 
abstain from going too far. Actual disallowance of laws is 
avoided by pointing out objections to a colonial act, " and 
if they are removed by the colonial legislature within two 
years no disallowance takes place."* 

But the Adamses and the Jeffersons were never able to 
appreciate this beneficent and paternal method. Since 
1865 a still further check has been put on colonial legisla- 
tion by an act of Parliament passed in that year providing 
that all colonial legislation is void which conflicts with the 
provisions of any act of parliament applying to the colo- 
nies.f In reading over the hundreds of pages describing 
the modern British colonial system of customs and prece- 
dents one cannot but feel that our people were not of the 
sort to be willingly entangled in such a beautiful silken 
net. The home government assured them that the " sus- 

*Todd, "Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies," pp. 
40, 159; Jenkyns, "British Kule and Jurisdiction beyond the Seas," 
pp. 16, 78, 117. 

fTodd, supra, pp. 155, 156, 171, 241. 

270 Charges Against the King. 

pending clause" rule applied only to the large subjects of 
trade, shipping and other matters of the empire just as in 
modern times there has been a rule that the home govern- 
ment will at any time interfere in the internal affairs of the 
most self-governing colony " in questions of an imperial 
nature," "in the interpretation of imperial statutes," or 
when " disagreements have arisen between members of the 
body politic, in the colony, concerning their respective 
rights and privilege.* But those large so-called imperial 
subjects of trade and shipping were the very ones about 
which our ancestors wished to legislature as they pleased. 
It did not satisfy their ambition and national feeling to be 
confined to the little things; and they also objected to the 
suspending clause because they said it crippled and im- 
paired the full freedom of debate, decision and enactment 
in their assemblies. f 

The rule that only laws of an extraordinary nature relat- 
ing to the king's prerogative, trade, shipping, property, of 
subjects, or other matters of imperial importance should be 
passed with a suspending clause, was very elastic, and 
capable of wide interpretation. A dominant country easily 
sees dangerous tendencies in almost any law passed by a 
popular party in an independence loving colony. For 
example, an attempted law of the New York assembly in 
1759 empowering justices of the peace to try minor cases, 
was in England naturally considered of grave importance 
as affecting the administration of justice in a colony where 
the Justices of the Peace were believed to be often illiterate 
and the mere creatures of the members of the assembly. 
The governor was instructed not to assent to such a law 
unless it contained a clause suspending its operation until 
the crown officials could examine and consider its effect. 

So also, in 1769, the governors were instructed not to 
assent to any law establishing a lottery unless it contained 

*Todd, "Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies'* 
Boston edition, 1880, p. 161. 

f Pownall, "Administration of the Colonies" 2d edition, p. 45. 

Charges Against the King. 271 

the suspending clause. Lotteries were in universal favor in 
America in those times, and for many years after the 
Revolution. Even within the recollection of the present 
generation, the state of Louisiana had a regular lottery 
system established by law and managed by some of her 
most prominent citizens. Before the Revolution lotteries 
were a very important interest in both the economic and 
social life of the colonists and were used for raising money 
for all sorts of religious, public or private purposes. But 
in England good people, reformers and the government, 
looked upon the American lottery system as very de- 
moralizing, and as part and parcel of the spirit which 
created the depreciated paper currency. We would in the 
same way look upon a lottery system in Porto Rico or the 
Philippines, as an evil to be corrected and be ready to say 
in the language of the instructions to the governor of Vir- 
ginia in 1771, that such a practice " doth tend to disengage 
those who become adventurers therein from the spirit of 
industry and attention to their proper callings and occupa- 
tions on which the public welfare so greatly depends."* 

Our patriot ancestors, preferred to be their own judges 
and censors of morals. They felt responsible to themselves 
alone, and not to far-away England, for any evil results of 
the pleasure or profit they took in gambling. A very large 
proportion of all the colonial laws which the home govern- 
ment disallowed, either in the ordinary way or by a sus- 
pending clause, involved this question of point of view. 
From the point of view of the mother country the disal- 
lowance seemed necessary for the sake of colonial morals, 
or for the better administration of justice, or to prevent the 
colonists from breaking up the empire and gradually be- 
coming independent. From the colonists' standpoint, the 
disallowance was wrong because it interfered with their 
desire to regulate their own morals and decency or gradu- 

*The President of the United States is reported on May 12, 1904, to 
have instructed the Panama Canal Commission to annul lottery privi- 
leges and gambling concessions within the canal zone. 

272 Charges Against the King. 

ally to become independent. England's control of their 
legislatures was unpleasant to them and they developed 
this feeling of dislike of control until disallowance or sus- 
pension by the home government seemed to them a mon- 
strous wrong, an outrageous and unbearable tyranny, and 
their language took the form of passionate vehemence 
which Jefferson skilfully expressed in the Declaration of 
Independence. It is useless to debate the question on 
absolute merits because the debate becomes interminable. 
There is only one question to settle, and that is, whether 
you favor independence or favor imperial restraint for some 
particular country ; and having settled that question in your 
mind you take your side and accumulate your arguments. 

3. " He has refused to pass other laws for the accommo- 
dation of large districts of people, unless those people would 
relinquish the right of representation in the legislature ; a 
right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only." 

The meaning of this was that as the population of the 
colonies spread their assemblies passed acts forming new 
counties and townships in districts that had been wilderness ; 
and the act forming a new county would naturally often 
allow it a certain number of representatives in the legisla- 
ture. Before the close of the French war the English 
government appears to have had no objection to this 
admission of new representatives to the colonial legislatures. 
In fact, in New Hampshire in 1748 the home government 
had insisted that representatives be allowed to certain newly- 
created townships although the legislature was opposed to 
allowing such representation. The legislature of Pennsyl- 
vania, which was in the control of the Quakers and Ger- 
mans, was always accused of unfairly withholding repre- 
sentation from the new frontier districts peopled by the 
Scotch-Irish. But after 1764, when the patriot party was 
evidently growing in strength and resisting the remodelling 
which England wished to enforce, the home government 
not unnaturally became chary of allowing representatives 
from newly-created counties, because those representatives 

Charges Against the King. 273 

were very apt to be of the patriot or rebellious party. 
Accordingly, the acts creating the new counties were usually 
disallowed unless they made no mention of representation. 
Such disallowance had occured in New Hampshire, Mass- 
achusetts, New York, New Jersey and Virginia. Jefferson 
as a leader of the patriot party in Virginia had felt this 
check to his party's strength and he worded the clause in 
the Declaration in warm and resentful language. His 
phrases were criticized in England as very exaggerated and 
unfair because they implied that representation in the legis- 
lature had been diminished, or that a right already existing 
had been taken away, whereas, there had been no diminution 
and no right had been taken away. A privilege had merely 
been withheld for a time from a new district which never 
had it. It is again a question of point of view. England saw 
that the colonies were trying to escape from her and she 
tried to stop them. 

4. "He has called together legislative bodies at places 
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of 
the public records for the sole purpose of fatiguing them 
into a compliance with his measures." 

5. "He dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of 
the people." 

6. " He has refused, for a long time after dissolutions, to 
cause others to be elected whereby the legislative powers, 
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large 
for their exercise; the state remaining, in the meantime, 
exposed to all the dangers of evasions from without and 
convulsions from within." 

These three charges (1) calling together legislative bodies 
at unusual and distant places, (2) dissolving such bodies for 
opposing crown measures and (3) refusal for a long time 
to cause other legislatures to be elected, may be treated 
together. As to the first, the Massachusetts governor, as 
the representative of the crown, had in 1768 called the leg- 
islature to meet at Cambridge four miles from the usual 
VOL. xxxi. 18 

274 Charges Against the King. 

place of meeting in Bost6n. This had been done, the 
defenders of the ministry said, when the British Troops 
took possession of Boston and the legislature had protested 
against holding its sessions or transacting business while 
surrounded by troops. It had held its sessions in Cambridge 
for four years from 1768 to 1772, when it returned to Boston. 
Some of the patriot leaders, notably Hancock and Otis, had 
not been adverse to the legislature holding sessions in Cam- 
bridge, and favored its remaining there. The legislature 
had often before met in Cambridge, when they had been 
alarmed with fear of the small-pox in Boston. In a similiar 
way the South Carolina legislature had been called to meet 
in Beaufort instead of Charleston, during the political dis- 
turbances after the repeal of the stamp act.* 

As to dissolution of legislatures for opposing his invasion 
of rights, the Virginia Assembly had been dissolved in 1765, 
after passing Patrick Henry's resolutions against the stamp 
act on which he made his famous speech " Caesar had his 
Brutus, Charles I. his Cromwell, and George III. may profit 
by their example." In 1768 the Virginia, the Massachusetts 
and the South Carolina legislatures had been dissolved for 
refusing to recind, ignore or treat with contempt the famous 
Massachusetts circular letter urging the patriots in every 
colony to united action against the British Government; 
and there were other instances at the same period of disso- 
lution intended to check the rebellious or patriotic movement. 

As to refusing for a long time after such dissolutions to 
cause other legislatures to be elected, there were naturally 
several instances, because the crown, having dissolved those 
legislatures for doing what in England, was considered 
treason and rebellion, did not see the necessity of having 
another legislature elected which would, in all probability, 
immediately have to be dissolved for similiar rebellious acts. 
The consequences of " invasion from without and convul- 
sions within" do not seem to have occured unless the 

* Wells, "Life of Samuel Adams," vol. i, pp. 255, 256, 395, 397, 

477, 478. 

Charges Against the King. 275 

convulsion of the revolutionary movement itself and the 
invasion of British troops to suppress it, be counted. 

In fact, all three of these charges refer to actions by the 
crown after the revolutionary movement had begun, and the 
patriot party was everywhere resisting control and struggling 
for more privileges and ultimate independence. To check 
this movement, the crown, through the governors, exercised 
the right it had to hold legislatures at a new locality, dissolve 
them, and not call them again until such a time as it saw 
tit. We thus again return to the original question, whether 
it was right for the colonists to seek independence or right 
for England to stop such a movement. 

7. " He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the natural- 
ization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage 
their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
appropriations of land." 

The history of this complaint is curious. Before the 
French and Indian Wars closed in 1763, the colonies seem 
to have been in the habit of naturalizing foreigners. But 
with the desire for better regulation of the colonies this 
practice of provincial naturalization was largely stopped 
because it seemed to the home government, that natural- 
ization, if it was to be allowed at all, must be an imperial 
affair. England at that time was not much inclined to natu- 
ralize the citizens or subjects of any nation. This complaint 
about naturalization was presumably confined to the middle 
and some of the southern colonies. The New England 
colonies were of very pure native stock, and after the year 
1640 received little or no immigration, even from England. 
They resented the coming of foreigners from Europe almost 
as much as they resented the convicts from England and 
they were equally successful in excluding both classes. A 
few of the French Huguenots were cautiously received by 
them, because the Huguenot religion seemed to be almost as 
orthodox as Puritanism. 

Pennsylvania, however, was largely populated by Germans 

276 Charges Against the King. 

and New York, New Jersey and Maryland had received 
and welcomed foreigners, who, before the year 1699, 
were naturalized by the governors without the authority of 
parliament or of the colonial legislatures. This process 
of naturalization, or denization, by the governors was in 
imitation of the same process performed in old times, by the 
king, who had originally had the sole right of turning 
foreigners into British subjects. The right had always been 
sparingly used in England, for naturalization was in those 
days regarded as a rather dangerous privilege to bestow 
indiscriminately. The English were intensely national and 
bent on the development of their own peculiar qualities. 
Roman Catholic foreigners were particularly objectionable, 
and were refused naturalization because they were considered 
dangerous to the stability of the government. 

In 1699 the colonial governors were fobbiden to naturalize 
any more foreigners, and this change seems to have been 
caused by the growing convictions that such an important 
power as the creation of subjects and citizens, could not 
be delegated to a governor. It was even doubted whether 
the King should be allowed to retain it. Parliament 
gradually assumed the right and private naturalization bills 
became more or less numerous at every session. After the 
governors were prohibited from granting naturalization, the 
colonial legislatures regulated the privilege, granting it 
usually, as it was granted in England, by special acts naming 
the persons to whom it was granted. In 1740 an act of 
parliament provided that Protestant foreigners after a resi- 
dence of seven years in the colonies, should have the rights 
of natural born subjects. But the immigrants seldom, it 
ever, took advantage of this act because seven years was too 
long for them to wait when they could be naturalized by a 
colonial legislature immediately or within a year. 

It was held in England that naturalization by one colony 
did not give citizenship in any of the other colonies or in 
England ; nor would it give the foreigner the right to own 
or trade in British or colonial vessels which, by the naviga- 

Charges Against the King. 277 

tion laws, were to be confined to the natural born subjects 
of the empire. A case finally reached the courts in which 
a foreigner naturalized by ]N"ew York bought a vessel 
which was seized and confiscated in a court of admiralty, 
because a foreigner could not own such property. The 
lawfulness of this seizure of the vessel was confirmed by 
the Privy Council on the ground that a local and sub- 
ordinate legislature could not extend to a foreigner the 
provisions of an act of parliament. 

Naturalization was valuable in those days, because with- 
out it the foreigner could not obtain a title to land which 
he could convey to any one else or leave to his children. 
The right to vote which we now always associate with 
naturalization, was not then of so much importance. As 
land ownership was the object of every foreigner who 
came to America, and an absolute necessity to him if he 
was to prosper, the middle colonies and Maryland natural- 
ized immigrants for several generations without incurring 
the disapproval of the home government. But after the 
French war was over and stricter regulation of the colonies 
decided upon, colonial naturalization acts were usually dis- 
allowed by the crown because there seemed to be no other 
way of preventing these naturalized foreigners from own- 
ing vessels and taking part in the trade contrary to the 
navigation acts. Colonial naturalization had become part 
and parcel of colonial smuggling; and if the navigation 
and trade laws were to be enforced colonial naturalization 
must be stopped. Finally, in 1773, an order in council 
directed the colonial governors to veto all naturalization 
acts that should be passed by the legislature.* 

The governors had also been instructed to cease granting 
lands to any foreigners that had previously been natural- 
ized, and the reason for this prohibition seems to have been 
that in view of the increasing tendency of the colonists to 

* Keport of American Historical Association 1893, p. 317 ; Id 1904, 
p. 288, Stamp's "Index to the Statute Laws of England, Titles, Natu- 
ralization and Aliens." 

278 Charges Against the King. 

rebellion and independence, it was hardly advisable to 
allow the land to pass into the hands of foreigners, who 
coming from countries hostile to England, would be likely 
to strengthen the patriot party and encourage separation. 
Lind and Hutchinson argued that the British government 
was very far from desiring to interfere with the increase of 
population in the colonies ; and it was certainly true that 
in the old days the immigration to Pennsylvania and the 
middle colonies had been encouraged rather than dis- 
couraged by the home government. The home govern- 
ment, Lind said, wished to increase the number of British 
subjects in the colonies, but did not wish to increase the 
number of rebels. The check on naturalization was, there- 
fore, intended only as a check on smuggling, rebellion and 
independence. England wished to stop altogether the 
creation of full-fledged citizens out of foreigners who had 
just landed in America, and bring the question of natural- 
ization entirely under the act of parliament which required 
seven years' residence. 

Since the Revolution and down to quite recent times this 
subject of naturalization in her colonies has been a trouble- 
some one to Great Britain. As she was unwilling to recog- 
nize the American doctrine of expatriation and held to the 
old monarchial rule of once a subject always a subject, it 
was difficult for her to look favorably on naturalization. 
Some of her colonies, again began to pass local naturaliza- 
tion laws; and in 1847 this was again regulated by confin- 
ing the rights of such naturalization to the particular 
colony where it had been granted. Since then there has 
been further controversy over the question and other regu- 
lations have been adopted which need not be discussed in 
this place.* 

The last clause of the complaint which speaks of check- 
ing migrations to America by " raising the conditions of 
new appropriations of land " refers to the conditions of sale 

* Todd, ' ' Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies " Boston 
edition 1880, p. 214, edition of 1894, p. 293. 

Charges Against the King. 279 

and settlement of wild, implanted crown lands in America. 
The conditions had been made more restrictive and the 
price raised after the revolutionary movement began, be- 
cause the people who settled in those new communities 
seemed to add strength to the patriot party and gave rebel- 
lion a stronger foothold in the western mountainous regions 
where it could be with difficulty subdued. " Even a total 
restriction of such grants " says Hutchinson, "when the 
danger of revolt was foreseen, might have been a prudent 
measure : it certainly was justifiable and no one has a right 
to complain/' 

After our Eevolution the British Government continued 
to control and make regulations for the sale of public or 
waste lands in the colonies until after the Canadian rebellion 
of 1837. Lord Durham in his report on that rebellion recom- 
mended that the sale of colonial public lands should still be 
retained in imperial control. But since then Canada and 
Australia have been given entire control of their waste 
lands. * 

The clause in the complaint which speaks of refusal to 
assent to laws encouraging immigration seems to refer to an 
act of North Carolina of 1771 exempting emigrants from 
all taxation for four years. It was disallowed by the crown 
because it would draw people from Scotland and injure the 
agricultural interests of Great Britain and Ireland. 

8. "He has obstructed the administration of justice by 
refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers." 

The wording of this complaint seems to imply that on 
several occasions the king had refused his assent to laws 
establishing courts, and that in consequence justice had not 
been administered or had been considerably delayed or 
impared. But particular instances are difficult to find. All 
the colonies had law courts, and while there may have been 
disputes as to their organization, I have been able to find 
only one instance in which a colony was deprived of courts by 
the king disallowing the law establishing them. In 1768 a 

* Lewis, " Government of Dependencies" edition 1891, p. 226. 

280 Charges Against the King. 

law had been passed in North Carolina establishing superior 
courts to be in force for five years and providing that the 
property of persons who had never been in the colony could 
be attached on the suit of a creditor. This last provision for 
an attachment was disapproved by the home government ; 
but the law was not disallowed. The assembly was merely 
requested, as British colonial assemblies are often requested 
in modern times, to amend the law in this particular. But 
unlike modern colonial assemblies the North Carolina assem- 
bly would make no amendment. The governor was accord- 
ingly instructed by the crown not to assent to any future law 
containing the objectionable provision about attachment. 

When the five years for which the law was to be in force 
expired in 1773, the assembly re-enacted it; but the gov- 
ernor, under instructions from the crown, refused his assent 
unless the law contained a clause suspending its operation 
until the kings pleasure should be known. When finally, 
passed with the suspending clause it was never approved 
by the crown because it contained the attachment provision. 
There were, therefore, no courts in the colony. The gov- 
ernor established courts on his own authority ; but as the 
assembly refused to vote salaries for the judges there were 
no courts in North Carolina from 1773 until 1776, when 
the patriots established them as part of the revolutionary 

9. " He has made judges dependent on his will alone for 
the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payments of 
their salaries." 

This question of the independence of the judiciary had 
been a subject of much controversy. The judges were in 
most colonies dependent on the governor and crown for 
their tenure of office, but the colonial assemblies voted them 
their salaries from year to year. The crown wanted the 

* Friedenwald, " Declaration of Independence," International 
Monthly, July 1901; Martin, "History of North Carolina," vol. ii, 
Chap. ix. Hutchinson says in his pamphlet that there was no instance 
except this one in North Carolina. 

Charges Against the King. 281 

assemblies to fix permanent salaries on the judges, but this 
the assemblies refused to do. Englishmen, believed that 
the assemblies refused to fix permanent salaries, because the 
popular party in the colonies wished to keep the judges 
under their control by giving or withholding their salaries 
from year to year, so that the judges would not firmly 
enforce the rights of the crown or prevent the smuggling 
by which so many of the colonists grew rich. The home 
government accordingly refused the suggestion of the popu- 
lar party that the judges be appointed for life or good be- 
haviour, because with rebellion increasing in the colonies 
the government was not inclined to do anything that would 
lessen the dependence of the judges upon the crown. 

Finally, as the revolutionary movement progressed the 
governor of Massachusetts informed the assembly of that 
province in 1773 that they need not provide salaries for the 
judges that year, because the king intended to pay them. 
This was an attempt on the part of the crown to make the 
salaries permanent, and is referred to in the last clause of 
the complaint where it says that the king has made the 
judges dependent on him " for the amount and payment of 
their salaries." It was the intention of the king to have 
parliament support his action by paying the salaries and 
make such payment permanent ; but the movement of the 
Revolution progressed so rapidly that this intention could 
not be fulfilled.* 

10. " He has erected a multitude of new officers and sent 
hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out 
their substances." 

These offices and swarms of new officers consisted of the 
four new admiralty courts and the commissioners of cus- 
toms with their headquarters in Boston. These officers 
were established, to put down smuggling and breach of the 
trade laws. But the colonists thought the trade laws were 
improper and unfair restrictions on their commerce ; they 
practiced smuggling so extensively that the laws were a 

* See Pownall's Administration of the colonies 4th edition, p. 108. 

282 Charges Against the King. 

dead letter ; and they, of course, did not want new officials 
sent out to enforce those laws. Lind and Hutchinson criticise 
what they consider the unfairness and extravagance of this 
complaint. The new commissioners of customs were only 
five in numher and their clerks and underlings did not 
number, Hutchinson said, more than thirty or forty ad- 
ditional officers, which were the swarms supposed to eat out 
the substance of three million people. 

The former commissioners of custom had resided in 
London, where all American customs affairs had to be 
settled at great delay and expense, and the colonists had 
complained of this. The establishment of commissioners 
in America was, Englishmen said, to remove the cause of 
this complaint as well as to check the smuggling. The com- 
missioners' salaries were not paid, it was said, by the 
Americans ; nor were the salaries of the officers of the four 
new admiralty courts to be paid by them. The salaries 
were all paid out of receipts from the customs and for- 
feitures. There had formerly been so few admiralty courts 
and at such great distances from one another, that the 
administration of justice was so remote as to be scarcely 
attainable. The new admiralty courts, Englishmen said, 
would remedy this grievance. Only one class of persons, 
said Lind, could complain of either the admiralty courts or 
the commissioners. "Will the Americans confess, that the 
class of smugglers is so numerous in that country as to 
entitle them to be called by way of eminence, the people." 

But one can easily see that Jefferson's way of phrasing 
this complaint was popular and well suited to the purpose 
of the Declaration. It was true that no colony legislature 
voted these new officers their salaries ; but if their salaries 
came out of customs receipts and forfeitures they seemed to 
the colonists to come out of the substance of the people. 
The colonists wanted to be rid altogether of the navigation 
and trade laws ; and if they could not get rid of them by 
repeal they intended to go on smuggling and breaking 
them, enjoying free trade as of old, with no customs 

Charges Against the King. 283 

receipts or forfeitures. The popular argument also strove 
to show that the clerks and underlings of the commissioners 
might be indefinitely increased; and as forfeitures and 
customs receipts increased the clerks would eat up more 
and more of the substance of the people. 

11. " He has kept among us in times of peace, standing 
armies without the consent of our Legislatures." 

The demand of the patriots that no standing army should 
be kept in a colony without the consent of the legislature 
of that colony was one of the great questions of the Revolu- 
tion. It was equivalent to a demand for independence. If 
granted it would at once break the colonial relation. If 
England was to have colonies at all she must not be 
obliged to consult a colony before placing troops in it to 
protect it from foreign invasion or its own rebellion. Eng- 
land had always kept troops in her colonies ; but they had 
not been numerous except when used to protect the country 
from the French and the colonists had never objected to 
this. Now, however, the patriot party saw that under the 
remodeling plans the troops could be used to reduce the 
American communities to the condition of real colonies. 
England has never relinquished her right to keep troops in 
colonies. For nearly a century after our Revolution she 
kept large bodies of troops in all her colonies, even in those 
which had been granted self-government, and the annual 
cost of this colonial standing army was nearly $20,000,000 
of which the colonists themselves contributed less than 
$2,000,000. Few of the colonies had any effective militia 
or local force of their own. 

In 1859 in order to lessen the cost, encourage the colonies 
to bear a larger portion of it and develop in them more 
spirit and interest in self defence, a gradual withdrawal of 
the standing colonial army was undertaken. This with- 
drawal took place principally between the years 1867 and 
1870.* There is now no standing army kept in the Aus- 

*Todd, "Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies," 
edition 1894, p. 391, 393. 

284 Charges Against the King. 

tralian colonies, and only a small one in Canada. But 
South African colonies and the Crown colonies are still 
occupied by a considerable number of regular troops and 
the standing army in India is said to number over 70,000. 

12. " He has affected to render the military independent 
of, and superior to the Civil Power." 

The instance here referred to is presumably the appoint- 
ment of General Gage as Governor and commander-in-chiet 
of Massachusetts in 1774, for the purpose of suppressing the 
rebellion against British authority. It is useless to discuss 
whether this was proper or not because it involves the main 
question already often touched upon, the right of revolu- 
tion, the right of a colony to seek independence. If, as the 
patriots claimed, the colonies had always been independent 
states under a mere protectorate from the crown, then the 
right of the crown to override the civil authority in Massa- 
chusetts was questionable. 

To render the military superior to the civil power in 
time of peace is unconstitutional according to both Amer- 
ican and English law. But the military is often made 
superior to the civil power in times of war or rebellion. 
This was a great question in our own Civil War of 1861. 
The important question is usually what constitutes such a 
state of war or rebellion as will give the military power the 
superior right. The British government believed that it 
had the right to put down rebellion in Massachusetts by 
military control, because it could be put down in no other 
way, and the patriots, of course, believing in their own 
rebellion did not believe that it should be subdued by 
military force. 

13. " He has combined with others to subject us to a 
jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged 
by our laws, giving his assent to their pretended acts of 

This complaint was Jefferson's way of stating the final 
argument of the patriot party that parliament had authority 
over the colonies neither in taxation nor in any other respect ; 

Charges Against the King. 285 

and that now even the acknowledged authority of the king 
over the colonies must be broken because he had, among 
other offences, assented to the authority of parliament over 
the colonies. The argument assumes, of course, that the 
colonies had always been semi-independent states, or pro- 
tectorates as they are now called, outside of the jurisdiction 
of parliament and merely under the general protection of 
the crown. Following this complaint are nine instances of 
the " acts of pretended legislation " to which the king had 
improperly assented. These nine acts had been passed 
since the year 1763, and had been the great subjects of con- 
troversy during the revolutionary movement. 

The numerous acts of parliament relating to the colonies 
passed previous to 1763 are not referred to in any way and 
are not mentioned as acts of pretended and void legislation 
or as acts improperly assented to by any king. Possibly 
Jefferson would have said that as the patriot colonists were 
breaking away from a particular king called George III. they 
were concerned only with the acts to which he had assented. 
But Englishmen naturally called attention to the numerous 
previous parliamentary acts, the post office act, and many 
others which had been accepted by the colonists as beneficial 
and never objected to as void. Englishmen also reminded 
the colonists of the stamp act congress and other bodies 
which had admitted that parliament had jurisdiction over 
the colonies in all matters except internal taxation. Such 
statements were, of course, effective arguments in England, 
and were used to the utmost to make the American patriot 
-cause appear ridiculous. The nine instances of " pretended 
legislation" must be briefly described. 

14. u For quartering large bodies of armed troops among 

This complaint is not to be confused with a previous one 
about standing armies in the colonies. The previous com- 
plaint dealt with the right of Great Britian to have a 
standing army in a colony. The present complaint deals 
with the question whether Great Britian or the colony 

286 Charges Against the King. 

should pay for the maintenance of that army. As England 
had always exercised her right to keep troops in colonies, 
there must be barracks or buildings owned by England or 
provided by the colony in which the troops could live ; and 
it seemed to many Englishmen that a colony should provide 
part of the food necessary for the troops stationed in it. 
Barracks of some sort had been always obtained for the 
troops previous to 1764 and acts of parliament were passed 
giving and regulating authority for this purpose. In 1765 
a clause in the annual mutiny act provided that the legis- 
lature of each colony should furnish barracks, fires, candles 
and other necessaries for the troops, stationed in it. The 
New York legislature complied with this act in all respects 
except furnishing vinegar, salt and beer, which it refused to 
supply, and as a punishment its functions were suspended 
by parliament until it yielded and complied in all respects, 
with the requisition. As the patriot colonists objected to 
the stationing of troops in a colony without its consent, they 
also, of com'se, objected to quartering and maintaining them 
at a colony's expense.* 

15. " For protecting them by a mock trial from punish- 
ment for any murders which they should commit on the 
inhabitants of these states." 

This refers to an act of parliament passed in 1774, for 
the " impartial administration of justice " which provided, 
that officers of the revenue and persons acting by authority 
of magistrates who, in putting down riots and rebellions in 
the colonies should be accused of murder, should be taken 
for trial to England or to a more peaceful colony. The 

*A letter addressed to the Canadian Government, inquiring if in 
modern times Canada took any part in maintaining British Troops 
stationed within her borders, was favored by the following reply of June 
8, 1903; "At the present time there are British troops stationed at 
Halifax, N. S. and Esquimault, B. C. The Esquimault Garrison is main- 
tained jointly by the Imperial and Canadian Governments. This is the 
only case in which Regular Troops are, or have been, maintained to any 
extent by the government of Canada or the government of the several 
provinces which now form the Confederation of Canada." 

Charges Against the King. 287 

government feared that any one accused by the colonists of 
murder in quelling riots could not be fairly tried in the 
colony where the riot occurred. He would be convicted as 
a matter of course, by any jury drawn from a people, most of 
whom sympathized with the riot and believed that the acts 
of parliament under which the riot was put down were void. 

The short way, Lind said, of dealing with such a situa- 
tion would have been to declare martial law and suspend 
the power of the courts in the rebellious colony. But 
government, he said was more lenient. The courts were 
not suspended ; martial law was not declared ; the mode of 
trial was still left to a jury. Care only was taken to obtain 
an impartial jury by a change of venue. This method had 
been practised in rebellions in Scotland and other places. 
The provision moreover, was temporary and to be in force 
only three years. 

Jefferson's way of wording the complaint by calling such 
a trial a mock trial and assuming that anyone killed in put- 
ting down a riot or rebellion would be murdered, was cer- 
tainly effective as a popular argument. Lind replied by 
saying that to allow such a person to be tried by a jury of 
insurgents would be "to command the innocent to be 
murdered by a mock trial." It does not, however, appear 
that the act here complained of was ever enforced. The 
colonists of course, argued that such a statute was entirely 
unneccessary and in proof they pointed to the trial of the 
soldiers who shot the citizens in Boston, March 5th, 1770. 
The British government had voluntarily surrendered these 
soldiers to the courts of Boston for trial; most of them 
were acquitted, and two lightly punished. 

16. "For cutting off our trade with all parts of the 

This complaint might be taken as applying to the whole 
series of navigation and trade laws restricting colonial com- 
merce which had been passed long before the reign of 
George III. and which I have already discussed at length 
in The True History of the American Eevolution. But it 

288 Charges Against the King. 

probably refers only to the recent act of parliament called 
the Fisheries Act. Both Hutchinson and Lind treat it as 
referring only to that act. That act was intended to help 
put down the rising rebellion by prohibiting and prevent- 
ing the colonies from trading with any country except 
England. It therefore, involves the old question of whether 
the colonies were rightfully rebelling. Englishmen called 
attention to the provision of the Fisheries Act, that it was 
to last only until the colonists returned to their allegiance 
and, therefore, the colonists had it in their power to bring 
it to an end at any time. 

The partriot colonists it was said, had enforced non-impor- 
tation resolutions and prevented England from trading 
with her colonies. Had not England then the right to cut 
off the trade of the colonies with the outside world in order 
to bring them to their senses ? " That they attempted only 
to cut off our trade with our own colonies," said Lind; 
" that they did not attempt to cut off our trade with other 
quarters of the world, they will, I presume, allow to have 
proceeded from weakness, not from good will." 

17. " For imposing taxes on us without our consent." 
This brief sentence covered the complaints against the 

taxing acts, the stamp act, the paint, paper and glass act, 
the tea tax and others, about which there has been so much 
controversy and which I have discussed in the volume 
already mentioned. 

18. " For depriving us, in many cases of the benefits of 
trial by jury." 

This complaint refers to the courts of admiralty and vice- 
admiralty, which could try for smuggling and violations ot 
the stamp act, navigation and revenue laws without a jury. 
Admiralty courts without juries had been established in the 
colonies ever since 1670, were used in England, and our own 
United States District Courts still act without juries in ad- 
miralty proceedings. Some of the colonies, Hutchinson said, 
allowed violations of their own excise laws and also violations 
of some other laws to be tried without juries. The mere 

Charges Against the King. 289 

establishment of admiralty courts in the colonies could 
hardly in itself be called depriving the colonists of the right 
of trial by jury because such courts have always been 
acknowledged exceptions to that right of trial. There had 
been, however, at one time, considerable controversy in 
England over the jurisdiction of these courts. As origi- 
nally constituted in the reign of Edward III. their juris- 
diction was quite extensive. It had been restricted in the 
reign of Richard II. and was not enlarged again until the 
reign of Victoria. Some of this uncertainty as to the exact 
limits of admiralty powers, extended to America. 

In the reign ot William III. an act of parliament was 
passed providing that any one who cut down or destroyed 
the great white pine trees which had been marked and 
reserved in the forests of Maine, for masts for the royal 
navy could be tried in admiralty without a jury. This was 
an unusual extension of admiralty jurisdiction which was 
considered necessary because it was almost impossible to 
convict any one before a jury when the whole community 
from which the jury would be drawn, sympathized with the 
offender. The mast trees were usually marked with the 
" broad arrow " the ancient symbol for designating royal or 
government property, the " King's own " as Englishmen 
were fond of calling it; and the symbol was always spoken 
of with great reverence. But the Maine woodsmen far 
removed from monarchical influence, imitated the broad 
arrow on any tree they wanted to reserve for themselves 
and prevent their neighbors from cutting ; and the crown 
officials found it impossible to find a jury that would con- 
vict any one for the impiety of counterfeiting the u broad 
arrow." * 

In the same reign of William III., in order to suppress 
piracy which was so prevalent on the American coast, 
pirates could be tried and convicted by a majority of seven 
commissioners appointed by the king. This was intended 

* Columbia Studies in History and Economics, vol. iii, No. 2 p. 97. 
VOL. XXXI. 19 

290 Charges Against the King. 

to take the whole question of the punishment of pirates 
away from both courts and juries in the colonies where so 
many of the people were believed to be in league or sym- 
pathy with the prosperous sea robbers. As these instances 
occurred before the reign of George III. Jefferson and 
the Congress may not have had them in mind as intended 
to be covered by the complaint. The instances in the 
reign of George III. were, first of all, the stamp act of 
1765, which provided that violations of its provisions could 
be punished in admiralty, and this seemed necessary if the 
stamp act was to be executed at all, for no American jury 
would convict anybody under it. The stamp act also pro- 
vided that all suits for violations of the trade laws could 
also be brought in admiralty. There was much complaint 
of this because the admiralty courts were few and widely 
separated and litigants would be put to great expense and 
inconvenience. This and other considerations caused the 
repeal of the stamp act; and in 1768 another act provided 
that all suits under the trade laws could be brought in 
courts of Vice Admiralty to be appointed by the Crown. 
Under this act, in order to make the admiralty courts 
numerous and convenient, vice admiralty courts were 
established at Halifax, Boston, Philadelphia and Charleston. 
Jefferson and the Congress undoubtedly had in mind this 
act of 1768 and the stamp act. 

After 1761, if a seizure for violating the trade and navi- 
gation laws had been held void and the vessel or property 
released, the owner of the vessel or cargo would often sue 
the customs officer before a common law jury for damages 
for making an unlawful seizure. As the juries usually 
sympathized with the owner of the vessel or cargo, they 
were apt to find heavy damages; and in this way the 
smuggling colonists were able, it was said, to terrorize 
customs officials and prevent seizures. But a recent act of 
parliament had established the rule that a customs official 
could not be sued for damages before a common law jury 
for making an unlawful seizure unless the admiralty judge 

Charges Against the King. 291 

who had held the seizure unlawful had also certified that it 
had been made without probable cause. There was a 
popular outcry against this because it prevented the 
colonists revenging themselves by a jury trial upon the 
hated customs officers. Trial by jury has never been 
regarded so sacredly in England as in America. A nation 
with colonies or subject peoples necessarily finds herself 
obliged at times, to restrict the right of trial by jury among 
them or they will escape from her. England, for example, 
has always down into our own time, restricted with much 
arbitrary severity, the right of trial by jury in Ireland; and 
she would have had to restrict it with still greater severity 
before she could have conquered America.* 

19. " For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for 
pretended offences." 

This refers to two acts of parliament. The first had 
been passed in the reign of Henry VIII. and provided that 
a person accused of treason without the realm could be 
brought to England for trial. Several trials and punish- 
ments had taken place in previous reigns under this act, 
and parliament in 1769 reminded the king that this old 
law could be applied to the disturbances in America ; but 
no one was ever transported or tried under it. The other 
act was a recent one providing that any one charged with 
setting fire to his majesty's ships, docks, arsenals &c. could 
in like manner be taken to England for trial. Both acts 
were, of course, intended to prevent colonial juries acquit- 
ting such offenders; but no action was ever taken under 
either of them during the Revolution. 

20. " For abolishing the free system ot English laws in 
a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary 
government and extending its boundaries so as to render it 
at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
same absolute rule into these colonies." 

*As to admiralty courts in modern British colonies see Jenkyns, 
"British Rule and Jurisdiction Beyond the Seas," pp. 11, 33 ; Todd, 
"Parliamentary Government in the British Colonies/' p. 240. 

292 Charges Against the King. 

This refers to the Quebec Act which allowed Canada no 
representative or self-government, or trial by jury, made 
the Ohio river her southern boundary, giving her the 
modern states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wis- 
consin and Minnesota, and gave the French Canadians 
their Roman Catholic religion established by law and the 
French code of laws to which they had always been accus- 
tomed. It pleased the Canadians so well that it is supposed 
to have destroyed any interest they may have had in our 
Revolution. But there was a great deal of feeling against 
this act among the patriots not only because it set up in 
America a pernicious example of arbitrary government and 
the establishment of a hated religion, but also because it 
extended that system far to the southward, into the Miss- 
issippi valley as if to cut off the Protestant colonists from 
western advancement. The appeal in the Declaration to 
this feeling was strong and effective. Lind found himself 
powerless to argue against it and could only ask, " What 
have the revolted colonies to do with his majesty's govern- 
ment of another colony. Canada has not rebelled, is not 
dependent on the revolted colonies or in any way associated 
with them. No regulation concerning another colony can 
rightfully find a place in the list of their own pretended 

21. " For taking away our charters, abolishing our most 
valuable laws and altering fundamentally the forms of our 

This seems to refer to the act of Parliament of 1774, 
altering the Massachusetts charter as a punishment for the 
tea riot. The alteration prohibited town meetings except 
by permit ; provided that the council be appointed by the 
crown instead of elected by the assembly ; that jurors be 
selected by the sheriffs instead of elected by the people; 
that judges' salaries be paid by the crown instead of by the 
legislatures; and that judges and executive officers be ap- 
pointed and removed at the pleasure of the crown. 

These changes constituted the only alteration of a charter 

Charges Against the King. 293 

attempted during the reign of George III. and possibly this 
was the only instance Jefferson had in mind. But there had 
been numerous alterations of charters in previous reigns and 
these in the minds of Englishmen were precedents for the 
present alteration in the case of Massachusetts. Lind gave 
an interesting history of these precedents, and added that 
all the American charters then in existence were acts of the 
crown altering or repealing former charters. " If charters 
once granted " said he, " could not be altered, could not be 
repealed by the crown, the original Virginia charters would 
be still in force, and the inhabitants dependent on two trad- 
ing companies residing in England." 

The principle that a charter or colony government could 
not be altered by the home government without the 
colony's consent, was part of the new doctrine of the 
patriot party and assumed that the American communities 
were not colonies in the usual sense, but semi-independent 
states. The right of the mother country to alter or suspend 
a colony's charter or form of government is absolutely 
essential to the maintenance of the colonial relation. The 
right of Great Britain to do so has never been questioned 
in her colonies since our Revolution. She suspended the 
constitution of Canada in 1838, gave Canada a new constitu- 
tion in 1867 by the British North American Act, and her 
known right and ability to alter, suspend or revoke as 
she pleases is one of the most powerful elements of her 
control. In fact, the modern so-called constitutions of 
her colonies are merely acts of parliament and may at 
any time be altered or. repealed by subsequent acts of 

22. " For suspending our own legislatures and declaring 
themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all 
cases- whatsoever." 

Two complaints may possibly be here combined in one. 
The first part of the sentence " for suspending our own legis- 
latures " may refer, to the act of Parliament suspending the 
power of the legislature of New York until it consented to 

294 Charges Against the King. 

furnish supplies of vinegar, salt and beer to the British 
regular troops stationed in the colony. The rest of the 
sentence undoubtedly refers to the Declaratory Act of 
parliament passed at the time of the repeal of the stamp act 
declaring that parliament had the right to legislate for and 
control the colonies " in all cases whatsoever." Both the 
suspension of the JSTew York legislature and the Declaratory 
Act were valid and constitutional exercises of parliament's 
power according to the constitutional theory prevailing 
in England at that time and down to the present day; 
but they were, of course, contrary to the doctrine of 
government by consent of the governed adopted by the 

The first part of the sentence " suspending our own leg- 
islatures " may possibly not have referred particularly to 
the suspension of the New York legislature, but to the gen- 
eral result of the Declaratory Act, which by reasserting the 
power of parliament to control the colonies in all cases 
whatsoever necessarily impaired or suspended the functions 
of all the colonial assemblies. This closes the nine com- 
plaints against the king for combining with certain persons, 
commonly described as parliament, to pass acts of pretended 
legislation affecting the colonies. The Declaration then 
goes on to give five more acts of the king which entitle the 
colonists to break from his allegiance. 

23. " He has abdicated government here by declaring us 
out of his protection and waging war against us." 

In the draft which the committee submitted to the con- 
gress, this complaint read, " He has abdicated government 
here, withdrawing his governors, and declaring us out of 
his allegiance and protection." The congress may have 
thought that it was hardly correct to say that the king had 
withdrawn his governors, because any of the royal governors 
who had withdrawn had been driven from their posts by 
force of either mobs or patriot troops. Nor was it cor- 
rect to say that he had declared the colonists out of his 
allegiance. He had never done so in so many words. What 

Charges Against the King. 295 


they meant to say was, that by making war upon them he 
had inferentially put them out of his allegiance.* 

As amended by the congress the meaning of the complaint 
appears to be that the so-called colonies being really semi- 
independent states, were under the king only for purposes 
of protection from foreign invasion. Therefore, when he 
began to wage war against them he put them out of his 
protection, abdicated any functions or right of government 
he might have over them, and broke the allegiance they 
owed him. Allegiance and protection, the patriot party 
said, were reciprocal. One could not exist without the other. 
William Henry Drayton in his famous charge to the grand 
jury at Charleston in this same year 1776, expressed this 
view when he said that the " original contract " between the 
king and the colonists had been broken by George III. as 
soon as he began to make war upon the colonists " whose 
subjection to the king of Great Britain, the law holds to be 
due, only as a return for protection." f 

The patriot colonists thought that the king had no right 
to compel them to a closer or any other relationship except 
that of a protectorate. If he attempted to compel them to 
a closer relationship that compulsion in itself would be a 
reason for breaking away from him altogether. Lind criti- 
cized the complaint because it gave the acts of a sovereign 
in suppressing a rebellion as the causes or excuses for the 
rebellion. It assumed that the rebellion was right and 
therefore, the sovereign must be wrong in attempting to 
suppress it. 

24. " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, 
burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our 

* Jefferson's works, Ford edition vol. ii, p. 50, Gibbes, Doc. Hist. 
Am. Eev. 1764-78 p. 285. 

f Gibbes, "Documentary History of Am. Revolution 1764-1776" 
p. 285. Drayton delivered this charge to the jury May 2, 1776 ; and it 
is another instance to show how the ideas and principles of the Declara- 
tion were in constant use among the patriots before Jefferson embodied 
them in the formal document. 

296 Charges Against the King. 

This also merely means that the king was putting down 
a rebellion he believed to be wrong and that the patriots 
believed to be right. Vessels had been captured, the 
towns of Norfolk, Charlestown and Falmouth, now Port- 
land, had been burned and a number of battles and skirm- 
ishes fought in which people had been killed. 

25. " He is at this time transporting large armies of 
foreign mercenaries to complete the work of death, devasta- 
tion and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of 
cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barba- 
rous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized 

The "armies of foreign mercenaries" mean the 12,000 
Hessians who were then on their way to America. Lind 
gives an interesting account of the foreign troops, or 
mercenaries so-called which England had employed in 
nearly all her wars, including the war which had saved the 
colonies from the French in Canada. Mercenaries had 
also been employed in suppressing rebellions in Scotland 
and Ireland. England, up to that time, had seldom had 
troops enough of her own to carry on any war of import- 
ance.* All troops said Lind, are paid and are in that sense 
mercenaries, and even the American patriots pay their 
troops. " The congress " he adds, " will not, I suppose, take 
merit to itself that instead of solid metal it pays with fleet- 
ing paper." 

The rest of this complaint in the Declaration is a good 
description of the horrors of putting down a rebellion as 
seen from the patriot or liberal side. The crushing of an 
attempt at independence is invariably attended " with cir- 
cumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the 
most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a 
civilized nation." 

26. " He has constrained our fellow citizens taken cap- 
tive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to 

* The arguments for and against employing foreign troops are well 
given in Gordon, American Revolution edition 1788, vol. ii, p. 241. 

Charges Against the King. 297 

become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to 
fall themselves by their hands." 

This refers to the act of parliament of December 21, 1775, 
known as the Prohibitory Act, authorizing the capture and 
condemnation of American trading vessels and the impress- 
ment of their crews into the British service. The im- 
pressment of the crews was undoubtedly, an outrage not 
justified by the ordinary rules of war in putting down a 

27. "He has excited domestic insurrection among us; 
and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our 
frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of 
warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes 
and conditions." 

The exciting of " domestic insurrections " refers to Lord 
Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, who had offered 
freedom and weapons to all slaves who would join the 
British side. Why complain of this, at the end of your 
Declaration, Englishmen asked, when in the beginning of 
it you declare that all men are born equal. Is it for you to 
complain of the tyranny of giving freedom to a slave ? 

A nation at war with a slave-holding community will 
always offer freedom to the slaves as an obviously effective 
method of attack. It was one of the methods adopted for 
weakening the southern confederacy in our own civil war. 

As to using the Indians to help put down the rebellion 
that was a subject much debated between the tories and the 
whigs in England. At the time of the Declaration of In- 
dependence the Indians had been made very little use of 
compared with what was done with them afterwards in the 
massacres of Wyoming and the Cherry Valley. To employ 
an inferior race to help put down a rebellion for indepen- 
dence of a superior and more scrupulous race is always 
more or less shocking to people of liberal politics. There 
were protests against our use of the Macabeebes to put 
down the rebellion of the Filipinos. But the Macabeebes 

* Gordon, American Revolution, edition 1788, vol. ii, p. 237. 

298 Charges Against the King. 

like the Indians, were very Aiseful and efficient and the same 
argument could be made that was made in England, that 
war is, in any event, destruction and can be made as merci- 
less with the musket of the soldier as with the tomahawk 
and scalping knife of the savage. 

" Since force is become necessary," said Lind, 'f to sup- 
port the authority of parliament, that force which is most 
easily to be procured and most likely to be effective, is the 
force which ought to be employed. I should be bold 
enough to avow, that to me it would make little difference, 
whether the instrument be a German or a Calmack, a 
Eussian or a Mohawk." 

He also argues that, as the Americans themselves had 
already tried to outbid the British in securing the alliance 
of the Indian tribes, they had no moral ground to object to 
the employment of the Indians by the British. On our 
side Washington, John Adams, and Schuyler, favored 
employing the Indians, if their services could be obtained; 
and a committee of the Congress reported in favor of using 
them as auxiliaries to the continental army. The main 
argument used was their utility and the obvious advantage 
of preventing their use by the British. Some of the Stock- 
bridge Indians enlisted as Massachusetts militia; and the 
provincial congress of Massachusetts made efforts to draw 
the Mohawks into an alliance, " to whet their hatches and 
be prepared with us to defend our liberties and lives." 
But the services of the Indians, so far as they took an 
actual part in the contest, were usually secured by the 
British, and loyalists, and apparently for the reason that 
the Indians believed that England would prevail in the 

*W. B. Eeed, life of Joseph Keed, vol. i, p. 418; Wells Life ot 
Samuel Adams, vol. ii, pp. 282-284 ; Journals of Congress vol. i, p. 
196; American Archives 4th series, vol. ii, pp. 244, 315, 546, 700, 
vol. iii. p. 339, vol. v. pp. 985, 1091, 1097, vol. vi. p. 1264. Gordon, 
American Revolution, edition 1788, vol. ii, p. 273. See also title 
"Indians" in the indices of the several volumes of the American 

Charges Against the King. 299 

28. "In every stage of these oppressions we have peti- 
tioned for redress in the most humble terms ; our repeated 
petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A 
prince whose character is thus marked by every act which 
may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a free 

Two petitions had been sent by the Congress to the 
King, and he had paid no attention to either of them 
because they asked that the colonies should be set free 
from the jurisdiction of Parliament, or more accurately, 
perhaps, because they asserted that the colonies were 
already free from that jurisdiction and asked the King to 
uphold them in this assertion. Besides the accusation ot 
tyranny in the 28th charge, there was a paragraph in the 
beginning of the Declaration accusing the king and his 
government of a design to reduce the colonies "under 
absolute despotism " and establish " an absolute tyranny 
over these states." Englishmen protested against this as 
an exaggeration and altogether too violent language for a 
public document; and John Adams who was on the com- 
mittee that drafted the Declaration was inclined to think 
these passages too highly colored and passionate. 

"There were other expressions which I would not have inserted if I 
had drawn it up, particularly that which called the king a tyrant. I 
thought this too personal ; for I never believed George to be a tyrant in 
disposition and nature. I always believed him to be deceived by his 
courtiers on both sides of the Atlantic, and, in his official capacity only, 
cruel. I thought the expression too passionate and too much like 
scolding, for so grave and solemn a document; but, as Franklin and 
Sherman were to inspect it afterwards, I thought it would not become 
me to strike it out. I consented to report it." 

(John Adams Works Vol. II, 514 &c.) 

Modern English critics have in like manner protested 
against this arraignment of George III. " as a single and 
despotic tyrant." England, they say had no intention ot 
establishing the rule of the Turk or of the Russian, which 
is what the words absolute despotism and absolute tyranny 

300 Charges Against the King. 

imply. She intended merely to bring the American com- 
munities into a more colonial condition and make of them 
happy and prosperous commonwealths like Australia and 
Canada.* To which the Adamses and Jeffersons would 
reply that they did not want to be in more of a colonial 
condition or in any sort of colonial condition. Conditions 
of that sort were under the best circumstances mere politi- 
cal degradation, no matter how much prosperity accom- 
panied them. They preferred to starve in independence or 
die in the attempt to attain it. 

It may now be well to summarize the instances that have 
been brought to light under the twenty-eight charges and 
view in brief the case made out against the king. The 
declaration lays no particular stress on any one of the 
charges ; but looking backward at the whole history of the 
subject the two charges under which can be found the strong- 
est instances, as they now seem, for breaking off the alle- 
giance or contract with the King, are the 17th " For impos- 
ing taxes on us without our consent " and the 22d " For 
suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves 
invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatso- 

Under the first are the instances 01 the stamp tax, the 
paint, paper and glass tax, and the tea tax, about which 
there had been such tremendous controversy during the 
last twelve years. These taxes had all been repented of and 
repealed except the tea tax, which still stood. But repent- 
ance in the opinion of the patriots amounted to nothing, 
because Parliament had passed the Declaratory act as it 
was called, which announced as an unalterable principle of 
the British Constitution, that no matter what taxes might 
be repented of or considered bad policy for the moment and 
repealed, Parliament retained and always would retain the 
right, not only to tax the colonies, but to legislate for them 
" in all cases whatsoever." In proof of this Parliament had 
suspended the power of the legislature of New York, had 

* Goldvvin Smith, History of the United States. 

Charges Against the King. 301 

shown that it was omnipotent and supreme throughout the 
whole British empire, and that a colony and a colony legis- 
lature were mere dependencies which might have consider- 
able privileges and indulgencies, but no positive and fixed 
rights as against Parliament. 

It was against this great principle of Parliamentary 
omnipotence over the whole British empire that our ances- 
tors rebelled ; and they decided to cast off their allegiance 
to the King because he approved of this principle, and was 
sending fleets and armies to America to enforce it. All 
the other political offences of the King were mere trifles 
compared to this one, and in a sense may be said to have 
been put into the Declaration as mere make-weight. They 
might, perhaps, never have been heard of and the Ameri- 
can communities might have remained for some years nom- 
inally within a sort of British empire, if Parliament had 
announced that it had no jurisdiction whatsoever in the 
colonies. But that was not the sort of colonial empire Eng- 
land wanted and it could hardly be called an empire in the 
usual meaning of the word. 

In the matter of disallowance of colonial laws the king 
had vetoed acts creating paper money, acts granting di- 
vorces, acts taxing the slave trade, and acts checking the 
sending of convicts to America. 

In instructions to governors to veto all legislative acts of 
imperial importance unless they contained a clause suspend- 
ing their operation until the King's pleasure was known, I 
have found only two instances. The governors were in- 
structed not to assent to any act establishing a lottery unless 
it contained the suspending clause; and the governor of 
ISTorth Carolina vetoed the judiciary act of 1773, because 
it had no suspending clause. The act was afterwards passed 
with the suspending clause, and the crown took no action 
on it. I am inclined to think there were other instances 
which in time, may be found. 

In the disallowance of acts creating new counties because 
representation in the legislature was given the new coun- 

302 Charges Against the King. 

ties, and thus the strengtn of the patriot party increased, 
there were instances in New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
New York, New Jersey and Virginia. 

In the matter of calling legislatures to meet at a place 
other than their usual place of meeting there were instances 
in Massachusetts and South Carolina. In dissolving legis- 
latures for opposing crown measures and refusing for some 
time to reassemble them, there were instances in Virginia, 
Massachusetts, and South Carolina. In the matter of 
naturalization, the crown had in 1773, instructed all 
governors to veto any naturalization act that should be 
passed by a colonial legislature. How many acts of this 
sort were vetoed has not yet been ascertained ; but for the 
purposes of the Declaration the King's offense consisted in 
his instruction to all the governors to veto such acts. He 
had also to prevent the growth of the popular or patriot 
party, raised the price of wild land. 

In discouraging migration which might also increase the 
patriot party only one instance is as yet known and that 
was the disallowance of a North Carolina act exempting 
immigrants from all taxation for four years. In obstruct- 
ing the administration of justice by refusing his assent to 
laws establishing judiciary powers only one instance is 
known and that was in North Carolina. As to making 
colonial judges dependent on his will for the tenure of their 
offices, there was no question about that, for it had always 
been Great Britian's policy ; and in attempting to deprive 
the colonial legislatures of the privilege and advantage of 
paying the salaries of the judges and securing that advan- 
tage for the crown, there was a notorious instance in Mass- 
achusetts. In erecting a " multitude of new offices and 
sending hither swarms of officers" he had taken part in 
creating four new admiralty courts and five new commis- 
sioners of customs with some forty or fifty clerks, and 

As to keeping standing armies in the colonies in times 
of peace without the consent of the colonial legislatures 

Charges Against the King. 303 

that had always been the British practice. As to rendering 
" the military independent of and superior to the civil 
power," there was a notorious instance in Massachusetts 
when General Gage was made governor and com mander-in- 
chief for the purpose of suppressing what in England, was 
considered rebellion. 

As to combining with Parliament to subject the colonists 
to that body's jurisdiction, some of the instances have al- 
ready been mentioned ; and there were the other instances 
of quartering troops in the colonies, having soldiers tried in 
England when accused of murdering colonists, the Fisheries 
act which was intended to check the rising rebellion by pro- 
hibiting the colonists from trading with or obtaining sup- 
plies from any foreign nation, the acts creating admiralty 
courts which tried without juries, the old act of Henry VIII. 
allowing colonists to be taken to England to be tried for 
treason, the Quebec act extending the boundaries of Canada 
to the Ohio, and establishing by law the Roman Catholic 
religion, and the act altering the charter of Massachusetts 
without its consent. 

In waging war upon the colonies and thereby putting 
them out of his protection and allegiance the instances 
were, of course, innumerable, because several battles had 
been fought and two or three towns shelled and burnt. 
In the matter of compelling American sailors captured on 
the high seas to serve in British war ships the fact has 
never been questioned or denied. In the matter of exciting 
insurrections among the slaves there was a notorious in- 
stance by Lord Dunmore in Virginia and several attempts 
had been made to organize the Indians against the colonists. 
In the matter of rejection of petitions, two petitions one in 
in 1774, the other in 1775, had been sent by the Congress 
to the King and both of them rejected. 

Such were the instances ; certainly numerous enough ; 
and as to the weight to be given to each the previous dis- 
cussion has, it is hoped, enabled the reader to judge for 

304 John Jennings' Journal. 


[Original in the manuscript Department of The Historical Society ot 

Fort Chartres, May 5th., 1768. 

This afternoon Mr. Rich d Winston of this Village, received 
a Letter from one Mons r Longvall at Caho, acquainting him 
that several Tribes of Indians, consisting of Loties or Chip- 
pewa's, Otawas, Pontewatimies & Cecapous, had been at 
Paincourt. The Pontewatimies informed Mons r S* Ange, 
the french Commandant, that they were going to War against 
the Chickesaws, but he perceiving that was not their design, 
for that they intended to attack the English at this place, en- 
deavoured to dissuade them from their expedition. A Party of 
the Pioria Nation of Indians, who are friends to the English, 
being out a Hunting, met with Sixty of the Pontewatimies 
who told him they were going to attack the English. They 
immediately gave intelligence to the above Mons r Longvall, 
w r ho could speak their language. 

In consequence of these advices the Commanding officer 
gave the command of the Village to Cap* James Campbell, 
late of the 34 th Regiment ; he appointed me first Lieu*., Mr. 
Rich d Winston second Lieu*. & Mr. Wills Escott Ensign. 

Immediately the inhabitants were muster 'd together, 
alarm & regulations fixed for the Night. Centinels were 
placed at the Avenus of the Village & it being my duty to 
go out with the first Command, I patroled round the Village 
at different times till Sun Rise. On the preceding evening 
about eight O'clock, a soldier named Stuart, with his wife 
were both taken prisoners, by a party of the afore-mentioned 
Potewatimies, out of the Village, a small distance from 
where I lived, as soon as it was discovered, a party of the 
Mitchigamie Indians, who are our friends, & twenty Soldiers 

John Jennings' Journal. 305 

went in pursuit of them, but to no purpose, as they had 

lost their tracts. 

Friday y e 6th. 

At two O'Clock this afternoon, a party of ten Indians 
belonging to the Nation, that took the prisoners came here, 
as they said from War against the Cherrokee's. Capt. 
Forbes having received Intelligence of their approach, sent 
an Officer & twenty Soldiers into the Village ; the Indians 
had just arrived, & asked for Commissary Cole, where they 
intended to stay the whole Night. He sent them to the 
Indian House near the fort, with some provisions, but 
being alarmed at seeing the Troops. & inhabitants under 
arms, they seemed uneasy. Capt. Forbes intending to keep 
two of them prisoners, sent for them to come into the Fort 
to have a conference, but being suspicious jumped out of 
the windows & ran off; some friendly Indians was sent 
after them, to come back, but they could not be prevailed 
on to return. In the evening double Centinels was placed 
at the avenues of the Village, and the Alarm Word, King 
George, was made known to all the inhabitants ; that if 
the Centinels should call it out, they were all to repair 
armed instantly at the place of Rendevouz. About Nine 
O'Clock at Night an alarm was given, one of the Centinels 
said he saw three Indians creeping close to Commissary 
Coles fence and immediately fired at them ; the drums beat 
to Arms, & another party of Soldiers were instantly sent 
out of the Fort under the command Ens n . Gleadow, the 
inhabitants all repaired to the place of Rendevouz with the 
greatest alacrity ; the whole being joined patroles were sent 
round the Village and double Centinels continued the whole 
Night. About eleven O'Clock another alarm Gun was 
fired by the Centinel at the Church, who said he saw an 
Indian advancing towards him. The Guards & Centinels 
continue in the Village both Night, & day. 

Saturday the 7th. 

Commissary Cole sent for the Kuskuskia nation of In- 
VOL. xxxi. 20 

306 Jolin Jennings' Journal. 

dians, to go in pursuit of' the Pantiwatimies & if they could 
overtake them to bring back the prisoners; they immediately 
came, & agreed to comply with his request. 

Sunday y e 8th. 

This Morning the Kuskuskia Warriors set of in quest of 
the Pantiwatimies, & another party was sent to reconitre the 
Country ajacent, as we was informed the enemy was still 
hovering about the Village. The Guards & Militia still 
continue to do duty. 

Monday the 9th. 

This Morning the Guards & Centinels in the Village were 
ordered into the Fort. At noon an Account came that a 
party of Indians was coming down the River ; the drums 
beat to Arms, the Guards from the Fort, & Militia turned 
out again. Tomera, the Kuskuskia Cheif & some of his 
Warriors went to see who they were, & at the Mitchigamie 
Village, about three-quarters of a Mile from the Fort they 
met with Seven Chippewa Men & two Women, who had 
just come from Paincourt, being part of a Tribe which they 
left there, not chusing to trust themselves among the 
English as they said, but we rather suspected them as Spies. 
The Troops & Militia continue to do duty at Night in the 
Village. I requested Cap*. Forbes wou'd send three Soldiers 
to guard the Store in case I should be obliged to continue 
on duty, which he readily comply'd with. 

Tuesday y e 10th. 

The Kuskuskia Warriors returned from their pursuit 
after the Pantiwatimies having lost their tracks by the 
heavy Rains that fell, & the reconitring parties also came 
in, & assured us the enemy Indians were gone off& believed 
they would not return, as they see we was upon our Guard, 
& well prepared to Receive them. The Troops went to the 
Fort & the Militia dismissed, with orders to have all their 
Arms in readiness & to appear at the place of Rendevouz 
on the first alarm. 

John Jennings' Journal. 307 

Kaskaskia June 84th 1768. 

At four O'clock P. M. Mr. Mart en Clarkson & I left this 
place to go for New Orleans, accompanied by Mess Cole, 
Rumsey, & Morgan, to the Mouth of the River Kaskaskia. 
In the Evening Mss rs Fago & DeMeaze, joined us with an- 
other Batteau, & Mons r Godbert who took his passage with 
us ; at half past Seven O'Clock our friends took leave of us 
& we immediately sett off. 

Sunday 26th. 

At half past Six O'Clock A. M. passed the Ohio, the 
Banks of the Missisippi below the River are less broken 
than above, altho they are sandy as the others, but are 
covered with grass ; nine Miles below the Ohio, saw a Bank 
of Gravel, being the first I have seen in the Missisippi. 
Fourteen Miles below the Ohio, on the English side, is La 
Mine du Fer, a Clift of Yellow Earth about 60 feet perpen- 
dicular, & has the appearance of Oaker, there is also a White 
Clay among it; the shore is very bold, the River narrow, 
with a Strong Current. 

Note there is no high land on the Spanish side the 
Missisippi from the Mouth of the Ohio to the Sea. 

Y< 28th. 

Thirty Six Leagues, below the La Mine du Fer, is the 
first Clift of Psudhomme ; 2 Leagues below this saw some 
French hunters on a small Island, from New Orleans, hunt- 
ing for Tallow ; passed the second Clift of psudhomme, 
three Leagues below the first; these appear much like 
Mine du Fer, being a red Earth, & the Clift about 40 feet 
high ; two Leagues below these Clifts saw French hunters 
on both sides the River ; three Leagues distance from the 
second Clifts of Psudhomme are the third of that Name, 
these appear something like the last, but consist of a greater 
variety of Strata of Earth : & of different Colours, such as 
Yellow of different shades, Ash Coulours, Black, & red- 
ish ; the timber is very scrubby which seems to indicate a 

308 John Jennings' Journal. 

Mine, the land on the opposite shore is very low and covered 
with small shrub. 

At Midnight, passed the River and heights of Margot, 
ten Leagues below the last Clifts of Psudhomme. 


At four O'Clock P: M: passed the River S: Francois, 
twenty Leagues below the River Margot, on the Spanish 
side, the trees at the entrance on the North side, have a 
remarkable slope towards the River. 


At three O'Clock P: M: we attempted to go up the Blank 
River, to the Fort at Arkansas, but the Current was so very 
rapid was obliged to desist at the entrance of this River, 
we meet two Canoes with Indians of the Arkansas Nation. 

July 1st. 

This day we meet with 30 Arkansas Indians, they put in 
Shore & Saluted us, which we returned ; they came on Board 
our Batteau, & finding we were English, seemed very much 
pleased, & expressed great friendship. At four O'Clock 
past M; passed the River Zazous on the English side, near 
the entrance of it, is a remarkable Bunch of Trees that are 
considerably higher than the rest. 


At Seven O'Clock P: M: came to the Petit Gousfre ten 
Leagues above the Natches, where one Jn Solkill (from 
Chester County in the province of Penns a ) hath made a 
settlement ; it is pleasantly situated, & is the highest up the 
Mississippi towards the Illinois, about a quarter of a Mile 
below this is another small settlement. 


At four O'Clock this morning we arrived at the Natches ; 
the land is high, and the Fort which is about 1/8 of a Mile 
from the river is a small Pentagon, beautifully situated afford- 
ing a very agreeable prospect of the River & the Country 

John Jennings' Journal. 309 

back, which is clear for many Miles. The garrison is a 
detachment of y 6 21 st Rege*, officers Leu ts Love well, & Feath- 
erstone, & Ens n Petre. A League below this is a Spanish 
Fort newly built, on a low spot of Ground ; has a small 
Garrison, and half a League lower is some new settlements 
made by the Arcadians, which continue two Leagues. Four 
Leagues above the River & opposite to the Rock of D ye 
22 d Reg* was attacked by the Tonicas, a very small Nation 
of Indians y e 20th March 1761. 


At five O'Clock this Morning passed the River Rouge ; 
its eighteen Leagues below the batches. This day passed 
Point Coupee, where there are upwards of a hundred fine 
settlements on the Spanish side, with a Church, & a small 
Fort, commanded by Mons r Duplessies, who treated us with 
great politeness. These settlements extend Seven Leagues 
on the front of the River Mississippi, the land an equal 
height from one end to the other, except abreast the Fort & 
Church, where it rises something higher. The produce of 
this Country is Indigo, Rice, & Indian Corn. The Indian 
town belonging to the Tonica's is situated on the Bank of 
the River, on the English side opposite the upper end of the 
above settlements. 


At eight O'Clock A: M: arrived at Fort Bute, distance 
from the batches, forty five Degrees; situated on a low 
spot of Ground, near the Missisippi & about four hundred 
Yards, from the entrance of the River Jerville /so called/ ; 
the Fort is in a bad condition, has a Garrison of fifty Men 
of y e 21 reg* commanded by L* Kirkman. Near the point 
of this River, on the opposite side, is a Spanish Fort, with 
a small Garrison, commanded by a Spaniard. This Fort 
tho' small is neatly built with Cypress Pickets, The River 
Iberville /or more properly an out Let of the Mississippi/ 
is at this time about thirty feet a Cross, & full of Logs, 
which I passed over upon to the Spanish side : when the 

310 John Jennings' Journal. 

Mississippi is low, I am iritormed it is quite dry, & some- 
times at Point Coupee is two Islands which is the last 
/except two very small ones/, from that to the Sea, Between 
Fort Bute, & New Orleans (which is about 36 Leagues) is 
the German Settlements, with many other fine plantations 
& Houses, quite to the Town ; the appearance of the whole 
is extreme agreeable. The produce is the same as the 
settlements at Point Coupee, with the addition of several 
saw Mills. 


At seven 0' Clock this Evening, arrived at New Orleans. 
This Town is situated on the East side the River. 

[Jenning's returned to Philadelphia October 14, 1768.] 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 311 


(Continued from page 144) 

TlCONDEROGA Sept 1st, 1776. 

My Dr Polly 

Is it possible that you can have neglected Writing to 
me ; yet as so many Letters have been lately receiv'd in Camp, I cannot 
excuse you. Doer Kennedy has receiv'd four since We came here, one 
of which was in answer, to that, inclos'd in mine to you from Lake 
George. I have not the satisfaction of acknowledging the receipt of a 
line since I left Long Island, though no safe conveyance escapes me. I 
have been unwell 5 or 6 days past, am now something better. I should 
be the better of the Cloaths I wrote for, as the Weather begins to be 
cool and very wett. I mention'd so many methods to you of forwarding 
Letters that you can have been at no loss in that respect. Mrs. Kennedy 
wou'd have inclos'd yours under her cover, as I mention'd, and wou'd 
have been the easiest and safest way for you. It would have given me 
the greatest pleasure to hear of the Wellfare of my Family and Friends. 
I must apply to some other person for that information, my best wishes 
await you all. 

I am yr affectionate Husbd 
Persr Frazer. 

TICONDEROGA Sepr 9th, 1776. 

My Dr Polly 

I cannot address you in any other stile though I think 
you have treated me with the greatest neglect and indifference. I am 
sure you cannot find an excuse. I am certain of your having receiv'd 
the letter dated at Lake George and another by our Chaplain, and I dare 
say 6 or seven others that I have Wrote, as I always sent by good hands. 
Your inattention in not sending the necessaries I wrote for you possibly 
may account for but I do assure you I cannot forget. Doctr Kennedy 
receiv' d the day before yesterday a large bundle of Cloathing and scarce 
any body arrives but brings one or more letters to him. I shall now 
have no need of the Cloathg as the season demands that I should pro- 
vide immediately. Mr. Morton who will forward this can convey any 
letter you may choose to write. 

God Bless my Sweet Children 

I am yr affect Husband 

Persr Frazer 

312 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

TICONDEROGA Sept 21st. 1776. 
My Dearest Love 

Mr. Jones arriv'd on Thursday last, by him I had the 
inexpressible satisfaction of receiving two letters from you, informing 
me of the health and wellfare of yourself and my lovely little Children, 
I also receiv'd 2 letters from Nancy, one from Jimmy Thomson and One 
from Mr. Cheyney for wch i am extremely obliged to them, those are 
the only Letters I have receiv'd since I came to this place, except One 
from Mr. Morton who was so kind as to inform me of your Wellfare. I 
have not neglected any safe conveyance in Writing to you, my two last 
(at least one of them I am not certain in regard to the other) went under 
Cover to Mr. Morton. T do now most sincerely ask your pardon for the 
Coolness and hardness of those 2 letters as I find you have not been 
unmindful of me who never scarcely has you out of my thoughts, indeed 
you must when you understand that none of your letters before that time 
came to Hand Acct for the indifferency shown in those Letters, as my 
temper was sower' d by so many repeated disappointments. You will 
always find that I have mention' d in my Letters by whom the preceed- 
ing ones were sent, that you may have it in your Power to enquire 
should any of them Miscarry, should be very glad you would do the like, 
as any Villian that cou'd be found base enough to Stop or Open any 
letter wou'd be made a public Example of. I have had a very severe 
spell of the Flux and Bilious Fever it had reduced me very low and 
Weak I thank God I am now in good Spirits as ever, though very much 
reduced in Flesh. I had a severe Lax at the time Mr. Jones went 
away, but was not attackd with the other severe disorders till abt 4 
weeks ago. I did not choose to mention any thing of this, as I know 
the ideas you wou'd have form'd of my situation, the Flux is not so 
fatal here as in Penngylva otherwise few of Us wou'd have been alive. 
Colonel Haussegger promises me that he will wait upon you with this. 
He can inform you of every thing you wou'd wish to know of our situa- 
tion here. He and I have lived together ever since We came to Long 
Island to this time in the greatest Harmony. I am sure you will treat 
him with every possible mark of kindness and esteem. 

Mr. Bartholomew, Mr. Seely and Mr. Griffith have all been very ill. 
Mr. Seely particularly has been given over by the Doctors at Lake 
George where he had gone, being a place where things necessary to his 
situation were more plenty than here, he is now return' d and will shortly 
be again fit for duty, the other two are also got very hearty, the 
Weather is getting cool and consequently more healthy. I expect ta 
have the pleasure of seeing You and my dear Children, all my respected 
Friends and kind Neighbours in good Health abt the beginning of De- 
cember, if not sooner. Our Commanding Officers are still firm in the 
Opinion that We shall be attack' d this Fall, if We are; I make no- 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 313 

doubt but that We shall make our enemies repent their rashness, I am 
sure Our Men will fight ; on every little alarm or Command they show 
the greatest readiness to turn out. Our News here from New York is 
indeed very bad, to loose so many Noble Heroes is almost irrepairable, 
Poor Parry dy's like a Hero, a more firm Friend to America is not left, 
I cannot hear what has become of my Old Friend Anderson, The south- 
ern Troops should not be separated, the Loss of Long Island is very 
much against Us, I nevertheless hope that the Ardor which those re- 
pulses will Create in our Troops, will recover all those Misfortunes ; We 
have heard this Day that the Congress have sent 3 Commissioners to 
Amboy in order to settle with Lord Howe, God Grant they may agree 
upon terms Honorable and safe for America. A prisoner came in the 
other day from the Enemy and informs Us that they do not exceed 8000 
regulars sick and well, that they have built a floating Batterry mounting 
24 eighteen Pounders, they have an Arm'd Sloop and a Schooner some 
Kow Gally's and 300 Batteaus all this I do not think equal to our Fleet, 
We have now here three Row Gallies upwards of 60 feet long done off 
in the Strongest and neatest manner they will be ready to join the rest 
of our Fleet in a few days, each of them mount 2 large Cannon in their 
bow and 2 in their stern and four upon Deck they row with near 40 Oars 
and will have upwards of 150 men each. I saw an acct in one of the 
New England Papers that one of Fleet here was taken, there is not the 
least truth in the report, it was suspected the fleet had an Engagement 
with the Enemy about 10 days ago as a Firing for upwards of 2 hours 
was heard by the People of Crown Point it gave Us an alarm here as 
We thought the Enemy was advancing We afterward heard that Genl 
Arnold who Commanded the Fleet had sent a party of 1 6 men on Shore 
to cut fascines to lay along the sides of the Vessels, that a party of the 
Enemy who had heard of their being in the same place before, Fir'd 
upon our men kilPd 2 or 3 and wounded 6 upon which the Fleet drew 
near the shore and fir'd a Considerable time into the Woods but without 
any effect that they cou'd learn. We have understood by the deserter 
mention' d before, that there is a party of Indians and Canadians sent 
out by the Enemy to annoy us. Four Companies of Rifle Men went 
Yesterday and are not to return till tomorrow evening in search after 
them. Two or 3 of the Yankee Colonells have died lately more of them 
are sick, indeed the most of them look like spectres, miserable Creatures 
they are. the more I am acquainted with them the worse I like them, I 
hop'd it wou'd be otherwise. I was yesterday with Capt Robinson and 
Mr. Christie upon Mount Independance the other side the Lake where 
the Chief of the New Englanders are encamp' d, upon our return in the 
Evening We were Oblige'd to wait a short time for a boat that was 
Coming over, when it came to shore and the Passengers were Landing, 
I espy'd our servant Jacob Down that ran away from Us. I laid hold 

314 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

of him, ask'd him if he knew me* he deny'd he had ever seen me, when 
I told him my name, after a considerable time he thought proper to 
recollect me, he had enlisted in Massachusetts, where I understand he 
was Born. I brot him over with me, his Captain came over shortly 
after. He and I have this day been about agreeing for his Price. I 
believe I shall get 51 dollars for him which is abt the sume he Cost me. 
I always expected to see him in the army and there has been scarce a 
guard, Company or Battallion collected on this ground but I have had 
my Eyes employ' d looking out for him. 

Our Fleet is down the Lake at He of Mott abt 100 miles below this 
place. In regard to what you mention of Job Fallows, Mr. Potts can 
have no pretentions to the meadows but what Job himself gave him 
untill his lease expir'd, when he begins to quibble it is high time to 
bring him to his senses, I wou'd have Jemmy and you not wait a mo- 
ment as you will have no thanks after the first of November We shall 
have the matter settled here whether the Enemy comes or not. I intend 
then to apply for permission to go Home, which I doubt not will be 
granted. We expect our Kegiment will be order' d Home by that time 
tho' this is uncertain. For God's sake let no opportunity slip. Mr. 
Morton or Mrs. Kennedy will forward your letter safe. I want stock- 
ings and shirts badly. I am not certain whether I shall be promoted or 
not, it is talk'd of. I want it not, My most sincere respects attend all 
Friends and Relations. I have not room to mention their names. My 
best Love to my lovely Children. 

I am my Dearest Polly yr ever affectionate Husband 

Persr Frazer. 

P. S. Just as I was sealing this, news came into Camp that one Lieut 
Whitlow of the New Englanders and who kill'd General Gordon is just 
come in here with two Officers Prisoners he took near St Johns, he hav- 
ing been again sent out on a scout what news they bring I cannot yet 

Octo 2d 1776 

My Dearest Love 

I Received this Evening your two Cruel Letters one 
of the 1st and one of the 9th Septr which has been the mose Sever 
Stroke I have met with Sence our unhapy parting as my thoughts hase 
run Chiefly on this Day ten yeares I hav Spent the Greatest peart of the 
Day in the new Land you Charge me with neglect which I do asure you 
is Quite Rounge you are Scarce ever out of my thoughts this is 8th 
Letter I hav Sent I have every thing redy for you that you Rote for 
Except the white Cloath and that I expect in a few Days I Should hav 
Sent Some of them be now but for want opertunity I have Spaird now 
paines I have been three times in Philadelphia Sence you Left mee to 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 315 

try to Get your things Sent but was all ways Disapinted I have now 
Some hoope of Sending them as Mr Henry is in Town you Say you Can- 
not forget the respect Mrs Kennedy Shose by Send Letter and necessaries 
to her Husband you will please to remember Doer Kennedy Rode 100 
miles in the heate of Somer to See his wife you will Like wise remember 
that Mrs Kennedy is Settuaited on the Great Rode Sid with every possi- 
bly advantaige your friends and Relation and Children are all well it 
wold give me Great Satisfaction to hare of your helth and well fair 
againe I am 

my Dear Percy your affectionate wife 

Mary Worrall Frazer 

TICONDEROGA Octo. 2nd 1776. 

My Dr Polly 

I wrote you the 23d ulto pr Colo Haussegger since 
which time little has transpir'd worth notice. We are in much the 
same situation and I am much reinstated in my health. I have receiv'd 
no acct since Mr. Jones from you. When We shall leave this place I 
can give you no acct of. There has been no further acct of the Enemies 
motions, and am more and more confirm'd in my mind that they will 
not make an Attempt upon Us this Season. Our Superior Officers are 
of a different Opinion still. Two fine Row Gallies are to go down the 
Lake to join the Fleet this day, one went down a few days since, and 
another is expected to be here from Skenesborough tomorrow, they 
mount from 8 to 10 large Cannon each and will have abt 100 Men on 
board each of them. I am in great want of Shirts and Stockings and 
other matters the weather is getting very cold almost the whole 01 our 
Regiment have got good Chimneys built to their Tents and many of the 
soldiers have got good warm huts built, wch makes them live much 
more comfortable than they otherwise wou'd do. I was the other day 
by Order of Genl Gates appointed Major to our Batallion untill the 
pleasure of Congress shall be known, there is another Major of my 
name at this place. The news from New York is not so good as I wou'd 
wish but think upon the whole We shall before the campaign ends turn 
the Tables upon our Foes, do when you write give me more full acct of 
things it gives me great satisfaction to hear of every matter from you. 
I shall make a push in abt 6 weeks to get leave to go Home as nothing 
can be expected here after that time am in some hopes I shall obtain 
Liberty how it will be is however uncertain. I wou'd not wish to go 
while there is any probability of Action. I am sorry so many novices 
are appointed in Pennsa at the head of affairs, none but men of the first 
Character for knowledge and probity shou'd now be at the helm. The 
Gale is boisterous and requires men of the best abilities to manage the 
Vessel and steer clear of rocks and shoals. 

316 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

Give my most unfeigned LovS and respect to Nancy Peirce. Sally 
and Jemmy, Isaac and Betsy, Tommy Cheyney, Tommy Taylor, Billy 
Johnston and Wife my good old friend Joseph Gibbons and family and 
all other enquiring friends, may a kind heaven smile upon you and my 
dear Children no man on earth will be more happy than I to meet you 
and them in health and prosperity. 

I am my Dearest Polly your most 

Affectionate Husband 
Persifor Frazer. 

TICONDEROGA October 13th, 1776. 
My Dearest 

Last night an express arriv'd hear from Crown Point 
informing that a Canonading was heard the day before yesterday for a 
considerable time which they conjectur'd was an Engagement between 
the Enemies F leet and ours, this morning three Guns were heard at this 
place fired at Crown Point wch was to be the signal of the Enymies 
advancing the Guns were afterwards repeat' d, which confirmed US that 
they were advancing, shortly after an Express Boat arriv'd confirming 
our suspicions and acquainted that a very severe engagement had been 
between our Fleet and the Enemies yesterday and the day before, that 
the Enemy had lost two of their Arm'd Vessels wch were sunk and abt 
100 Men in them drowned as also that others of their Vessels were very 
much hurt, the greatest part of this Forenoon We heard distinctly at 
this place an almost continual cannonading which ceased about 3 o'clock, 
two of our Vessels have since come here and say that our Fleet had the 
worst of the engagement that 4 or 5 Gondolas are taken or destroy' d 
as also 2 Row Gallies, the greatest part if not all the men in them had 
got on shore, one of the Vessels has brought a Number of Wounded, 
she being set apart for an Hospital to the Fleet. The Enemies number 
amounted to about Thirty sail arm'd Vessels and our 14 or 15 wch 
engag'd. The Army of ye Enemy are certainly advancing and expect 
by the day after tomorrow at the furthest that they will be here. We 
are all this day preparing to receive them properly and hope we shall 
behave in such a manner as to bring Credit to our Country and the 
October 14th. 

Last night the sixth Pennsa Battallion arriv'd here from 
Crown Point, they having destroy 'd the Buildings and abandon' d that 
place it was occupied only as an out Post and was to be deserted on the 
approach of the Enemy. The loss of our fleet is greater than We at 
first understood. Out of Sixteen Sail, only 5 have return' d 2 are taken, 
the remainder destroy' d chiefly by our People, as they were surrounded 
by the Enemy, General Arnold with about 200 men of the Fleet 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 31.7 

arriv'd here last night, he had the chief Command, the Vessell in wch 
he was he ran on shore and set fire to, and came here abt 30 miles by 
land Our men seem in high Spirits and have great expectations from 
their Courage. 

We are all kept very busy in getting matters in proper order. 

How it will be with myself i can't say, but hope I shall not bring any 
dishonour on my Family or Country. Death is far preferable in my 
opinion to a Life of infamy. Our success here will be attended with the 
best Consequence, it will prevent the intended plan of junction between 
the two armies, I hope we shall effect it ; I think we shall at least so 
weaken them that it will render that scheme abortive for this season, 
we have not heard of the strength of the Enemy's land forces, they had 
stop'd about 5 Miles below Crown Point when the last accts came away I 
suppose to Consult what was to be next done. I shall write you by every 
opportunity, this is to be forwarded by Capt Robinson of our Regiment 
who is going to Fort George Sick. Hope for the best my Dr Polly, 
Providence may have many happy Days in Store for Us. Let Us 
endeavor however to deserve its blessings. My most unfeigned ardent 
Prayers await you and my Lovely Children, my best respects to mammy 
Pierce, Nancy, Sally, Sally Thompson and Jemmy, Betsy Taylor and 
Isaac all my other Relations and good Friends and neighbors. 

I am your affectionate and ever Loving Husband. 

Persifor Frazer. 

TICONDEROGA Novemr 18th, 1776. 
My Dearest Polly 

I received your inesteemable letters of the 2nd, 
15th, and 20th of October by Mr. Lucas as also One from Mr. Cheyney 
and One from Nancy, it gives me the highest satisfaction to under- 
stand you, the Children and all our Friends are in such good Health, 
my dear little Mary Ann Excepted who I hope is recovered as you 
inform me she was better. 

I am surpriz'd Col. Haussegger did not go to see you as he promis'd 
me in the most punctual manner that he would not neglect it. I cou'd 
make out pretty well without the Cloaths, if I had the Stockings, as 
they are the Articles I am most in need of, it will be needless to send 
any of them now, as I have this day obtain' d permission to set off from 
here in Company with Doc. Kennedy the first of next Month and hope 
in 10 days from that time I shall be happy in the Company of you my 
sweet Children and my Friends. This day I went with others to Lake 
George to bid Farewell to Genl Gates who is going to Philada Genl 
Arnold and Genl Brickett also went with him. He deserves great 
Praise for his conduct at this place, No man could have in my opinion 
done more nor have given more General satisfaction than he has ; it 

318 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

would surprize any Person to slee what has been done since our first 
arrival here. Colonel Wayne has now the Command entirely at this 
place. The first Pennsylvania Battallion with two of the Jerseys went 
from this on Friday last 6 or 7 New England Regimts have march' d 
since that time and in a few days all those that are not to stay the 
winter will decamp. Three of the Pennsylvania Regimts One of the 
Jerseys and as many New England Troops as will make abt 2500 are to 
form a Garrison for this place until fresh Troops are sent to relieve them, 
it was with a good deal of trouble I obtain'd Liberty to leave them, as 
Colonel Johnson and Capt Robinson left this Sick some time ago. But 
as the danger from the Enemy is now entirely at an End and our 
People will have got into Barracks by the time I shall go away and 
very little can be done more this Winter I was very urgent untill I 
obtain'd Permission, A number of our young officers are to go tomorrow 
or next day recruiting for the Regiment I expect Mr. Bartholomew will 
go and he promises to deliver you this imediately on his getting home. 
He is a very worthy Young Fellow and a most excellent Officer. I had 
wrote the inclos'd just as I receiv'd your letters, by it and what Mr. 
Bartholomew can inform, you will have a pretty just acct of our 
transactions here since the Enemies approach. A few days after they 
abandoned Crown Point a flag of Truce was sent from hence after 
them with an English Officer who had been taken in Canada last Spring 
and whom the Congress had permitted to return to his family, the 
main intention was to discover their situation as the officer had arrived 
here before the Enemy had retreated. Yesterday the Boat return' d 
and We learn that our People that went wth the Flag had been very ill 
used by General Phillips and the other scoundrells there, who no longer 
pay any regard to acts of generosity and humanity. Their army is 
gone into Winter Quarters their Fleet unrigg'd General Burgoyne gone 
to England to give a splendid account of their illustrious actions and 
prudent retreat from an army not equal in number and who they affect 
to despise in order to inspire their Villainous Mercenary Hirelings with 
courage wch they will stand much in need of when they attempt this 
place, if We have an army equal to the One We have had, though 
much Weaken'd by sickness, and strugling with many other difficulties 
which experience and attention will supply the next Season. It may be 
expected they will indeavor to attack us early in the spring and no pains 
should be spared to be in readiness. I am I thank God very well rein- 
stated in my Health. The weather has been extreemly pleasant 6 or 7 
Weeks past the air is sharp and clear and we can see the Mountains 
cover' d with Snow about 30 or 40 Miles off, I live very Warm and 
comfortable in my Tent We have no great variety of provision Beef and 
Bread being the standing Dish, I have been very happy in living in 
great Harmony with every Body here. The being absent from you 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 319 

gives me the most uneasiness. I have been frequently employ'd in 
doing matters distinct from my Duty in the Regiment and have I 
believe yielded satisfaction. Colonel Wayne is in the highest esteem 
for his Spirit attention to discipline and the service he has done in the 
Engineer department, the works on this side being almost entirely under 
his direction and indeed few excell him in any thing in the Military 
Line, One or two Generals and all the older Colonells were sent off 
the Ground in order to make room for him to Command. It gives 
me the highest satisfaction that my good friends and neighbours should 
treat you with so much kindness and attention. I should never forget 
their favours and hope to have it in my power to acknowledge and 
repay them for their friendship. 

Col. Wayne, Doctr Kennedy, Mr Harper and all your other acquain- 
tance are well. Please to inform Mrs. Cheyney that I have made all 
possible enquiry concerning her Brother, I apprehend he went wth Genl 
Arnold from Cambridge last year into Canada and as none of the Troops 
that went on that expedion are now or have been at this place this 
Season it is not likely I shall be able to hear of him as I imagine he 
must have gone with the Rifle Companys who were most of them taken 
Prisoners last Winter at Quebec and as those prisoners I understand 
are sent home it is most probable by finding out and enquiring of some 
of those Persons an account may be had of him. Mr. Cheyney will be 
kind enough to excuse my not answering his letter ; I am twenty times 
in an Hour interrupted. I am very much obliged to him for the 
information he gave relating to affairs in our Country. I hope e'er 
long there will be but one opinion, at there is but one interest in 
Pennsylvania. I think the convention were not politic in making so 
many alterations from the old establishment. Give my most sincere 
compliments to Mr. Brinton (tell him I hope to taste some of his good 
Liquors before Christmas.) as also to my good Friends Cheyney, Jacob 
Vernon old Nr. Gibbons, Billy Johnson and wife. My Love and 
respects to Mammy Pierce (who I am sorry to hear is unwell) to Sally 
Thomson Betsy Taylor, Nancy, Sally Vernon and Isaac and Jemmy and 
Polly Pierce and every other my good Neighbours and Friends my best 
Love awaits you and my lovely little Children. I am my Dear Polly. 

Your ever affectionate Husband 

Persifor Frazer 
To be continued.) 

320 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 


(Continued from page 194.) 
October 3rd. - 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to purchase sun- 
dries 51.41 

House Exp's. p'd by F. K. for wages to 
Kitty 1 month 37/6. to Mr. Lyon do 
45/. a hat & pr. of stockings for Wau- 
kan 22/6 5.5.0 14.00 

House Exp's. p'd for a hbl of best vine- 
gar etc. pr. bill 24.93 90.34 

Cash D r . to the Treasury of the U States. 

Rec'd on acco't of the President's Com- 
pensation 1000. 

5th - 

Sundries Dr to Cash. 

House Exps. p'd Jno Shee treasurer of 

the Corporation for one years rent of 

the house occupied by the President 

due 1st inst 1333.33 

Conting't Exps p'd Jno Fenno for 2 
Copies of the Gazette U. States to 1st. 
of July 9.50 1342.83 


The Presidents acco* proper Dr. to cash. 
Pd Philip Nicklin & Co for 28 lb chick- 

ory seed and sent to Mt. Vernon . . 22.55 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 321 


Sundries Dr to Cash. 

Contingt Exp 8 gave a distressed beggar 2.00 

House Exp 8 . p d Jno Ganer's a months 

wages 14.00 

Cash D r to the Treasury of the United 
States. Rec'd on acco fc of the Presi- 
dents Compensation 1000. 


Sundries Dr to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his accts 54.59 
House Exp 8 pd for whitewashing the 

house 17.21 

do p d J & Ed Pennington pr loaf sugar . 62.00 
do p d Jno Stock for painting Sundry 

rooms, rectory, &c 206.37 

do p d pr 2f cords hickory wood, hauling 

&c 29.01 369.18 


House Exp's D r to Cash. 
Paid for 12 cords hickory wood wharf- 
age & hauling 128.50 


Sundries D r to Cash. 

Stable Exps pd for 97 bush of Oats 4/2 . 53.89 
House Exp 8 . pd for 12J- cords hickory 

wood & wharfage 125.54 

ditto pd for 15 cords wood & wharfage . 150.67 330.10 


Sundries Dr to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv d him to pay his accounts 67.34 
House Exp 8 . pd by F. K. for a months 
wages to kitchen girl 45/. do for a 
VOL. xxxi. 21 

322 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

girl in house 16/. for hauling 27 J 
cords of Wood 7.10.3. Sawing 18 
cords 4.10. carrying in & piling 42 
cords of wood 3.18.9 . . 19 50.67 

Do pd Kennedy & Harding for a box of 

candles & soap 16.50 

Contgt Exp 8 pd by F. K. for earthen pots 
9/. Lamp black 3/9. tape & thread 
3/9 paint 15/3 boat limit 9/. for mend- 
ing a large blue China Dish 10/6. 

2.11 6.80 141.31 

- 19th - 

Sundries D r to Cash. 

House Exp 8 pd for 23 cords hickory 

wood & wharfage 254.28 

Contg* Exp s pd W m Poyntell for 34 p ks 

paper, &c . . . . 21.60 

Do p d Thos Vizer for papering entry . 17.45 293.33 
Cash D r to the Treasury of the U. States. 
Rec'd on account of the President's 
Compensation 1000.00 

House Exp 8 D r to Cash. 

Paid for 16J cords & wharfage . . . 146.97 


House Exp 8 D r to Cash. 

Paid for 23J cords hickory & oak wood, 

at different prices amounting to . 200.53 


Sundries D r to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt delivd him to pay his 

weekly account 45.09 

House Exp 8 pd for hauling 77f cords 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 323 

wood 22.7.6. for sawing 40 cords 
10.0.0. for carrying in & piling 
5.17.6 for white paint 22/6 Ked do 
15. rotten stone 8/. 2 maps 8/. sand 
7/6. white washing 32/6. 2 brooms 4/. 
house cloths 4/. wax 8/. pd by F. 3L 

44.14.6 119.26 

Contgt Exp' 8 pd by F. K for green rib- 
bon for furniture 3/. pins 2/. a pr 
trowsers for Workey 13/. . . 18/. 2.40 

do. pd Peter Shade for brushes . . . 3.00 

do. pd. Jam 8 McLane for a pr leather 

breeches &c for Bissex 6.50 176.25 


House Exp". D r to Cash. 

Paid Jno Barnes for 6 lb best Tea 16.00 


Contgt Exps D r to Cash. 

pd M. Eoberts for a chest of tools . . 29.54 


Sundries D r to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his 

weekly account 76.80 

House Exp 8 pd by F. K. 1 mo wages to 

Mrs Lyon 45/ do to Polly washwoman 

45/ do to Katy 37/6 for a clothes line 

6/ spirits of turpentine 8/ . . 7.1.6 18.87 
Contgt Exp 6 paid Jacob Jones for shoes 

&c for servants 7.41 103.08 

November 2nd 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Conting't Exp's p'd for 2 pieces of 

music for Miss Custis . .25 

324 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

D gave a poor woman pr order . . . 3.00 
House Exp's p'd John Gainer a mos. 

wages . 14.00 

The Presidents accot. proper p'd two 

Dft's of Thos. Marshall of Kentucky 

one of July 7, 1795 for 8.17.3 the 

other of July 11, 1796 for 5.14.5 

Virginia Curry for taxes p'd by said 

Marshall for the Presidents land on 

Rough Creek pd to Kennedy & 

Lynch pr. accts 48.61 65.86 

C'h Dr. to The Treasury of the II States 

Rec'd on acco't of the President's 

Compensation 1000. 

- 4th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd Jno Wilkes a mos 

wages 12.00 

Conting't Exp's p'd. Chas Kerkham for 

62J yds of sheeting 73.10 

D. p'd G. W. Craik for sundries p'd for 

by him at Mt. Yernon for his own 

& Trestels & Fayettes Exps to Phila 

pr Accot 77.93 163.03 


Sundries D r . to Cash 

Conting't Exp's p'd Win. McDougall 

for a hat for G. W. C 6.00 

House Exp's p'd by F. K. for 11J cords 

of wood wharfage hauling etc. . . 131.83 
D. p'd Jno Bissex a months wages . . 10.00 147.83 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

acco't 118.37 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 325 

Conting't Exp's p'd by F K for sundries 

bt by him pr. acco't 13.41 

D. p'd. for a piece of linen for Mrs. 

W 11.94 

D. p'd for 39 yds of best sheeting for 

Mrs. W 14.30 

D. p'd. for thread case and hair pins for 

do 2.87 

House Exp's pd for a bbl of brown sugar 34. 

D. pd for 50J best cheese 18.87 213.76 


Contingt Expens Dr. to Cash. 

D. p'd Bailey & Co for dimety as pr. 

bill 89.70 

B D's & G. W. C. expenses to Princeton 

etc 13.50 

Delivered to the President 20.00 

Gave a beggar 4.00 



Conting't Expens. D r . to Cash. 

pd. M. Crozier for carpenters work . . 30.16 

gave a distressed French woman . . 6.00 36.16 

Conting't Exp's D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his accot . 104.75 
House Exp's. p'd for 146 lb Coffee . . 45.73 
Conting't Exp's p'd for sundries pr. bill 

by F Kitt ... ...... 4.22 

D. p'd for Gressets works (french) for 

Miss Custis ..... . . . 1.50 
D. gave Moll to buy 3 pr gauze stock- 

ings for Mrs. W ........ 2.25 

326 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. p'd Robert Campbell for sundry 

books for Prest. 58.50 

D. gave a beggar 4.00 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Stable Expen's. for a gallon of oil . . 1.33 
Conting't Exp's p'd for family to see the 

Elephants 3.50 4.83 


Sundries D r . to Cash 
The Presidents acco't proper p'd in ex- 
change of horses 50.00 

House Expens. p'd for a bbl of CoiFee . 57.14 
Contg't Expens p'd for 3 Windsor Chairs 4.00 111.14 
Cash. Dr. to the Treasury of the II States 
Rec'd. on accot of the Presidents com- 
pensation 1000.00 


Stable Exp's Dr. to Cash. 

Pd. for 149 bush Oats . 84.43 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Exps pd Chas. Frisolio for en- 
trance money for teaching Miss Custis 
to sing 11.00 

Conting't Exp's. deliv'd to the President 10.00 

D. p'd James Gallagher for china pr. 

bill 47.89 

D. p'd by F. K. for muslin for Cooks 

aprons 2.00 

House Expens p'd Jno Cramer 2 mos. 

wages 24.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 327 

D. p'd by F. K. to 5 mos. wages to Con- 
til $80 & 1 mos wages to kitchen 
maid $6 . 86.00 

D. p'd for a box of candles . . . 9.37 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accots 106.46 296.72 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's p'd Chas. Kirkham for 4 

bed bunks .... ...... 40. 

D. p'd for 4 mos of Scotch musical mag- 

azine for Miss Custis ...... 1.00 

D. p'd. I. Price for repairing & cleaning 

the Pres. watch ........ 3.00 

D. p'd Chas. Kirkham for 18 pr gloves 

for Mrs. W. ......... 5.50 

D. delivered to Mrs. W- ..... 20.00 

Gave Moll to buy stockings . . . . ; 1.25 

The Presidents accot proper p'd. James 

Tate for a polished steel grate etc. . . 74.67 145.42 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exp's. p'd for 2 doz brooms . . 2.67 
Conting't. Exp's. gave by order of the 

President towards building a Catholic 

Church in Phila. . . . ' ; V; . ., 50.00 

D. deliv'd to the Pred't ...... . , 5.00 

The Presidents accot proper p'd. Wm. 

Knox & Co for a bl. of Oznabugs 1168 

ells. . 320.67 378.34 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot 200.41 

328 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K a mos. wages 
to house maid 45/. do to Washwomen 
82/6. twine 3/9 paper 3/9. sand 8/. 

.7.3.0 19.07 

D. p'd. Kennedy & Harding for 2 boxes 

hard soap & one of soft 25.83 245.31 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U. States 
Rec'd. on accot of the Presidents Com- 
pensation . . 1000. 

- December 1st. 
Contingt Exp's. D r to Cash. 

Delivd to F. K. to pay two bills for Mrs. 

W. . . 27.56 

p'd. for sundries pr. bill 3.00 

p'd. for passage of James Wilks and 

freight of sundries from Mt. Vernon . 22.25 
p'd. for freight of sund's. sent to Virginia 9.75 62.57 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Exps. deliv'd to Mrs. W. . . 20.00 
D. p'd. Jas. Wilkes for so much stolen 

from him at Mt. Y & recovered by M. 

Pearce 7.00 

D. gave a poor woman 3.00 

House Expens. p'd Jno T. Bissex a mos. 

wages 10.00 

The Presidents accot proper pd I. C. 

Wikoff for 2 bbls oil sundry paints 

etc pr. bill 183.56 223.56 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accounts 185.78 

House Expn's. deliv'd by F. Kitt to 

David, the porter 11.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 329 

Conting't. Exps p'd by do. for 12 Ibs 
hair powder $3 2 pr. stockings for 
Henry 2 Wax $1 cards for Mrs 

6.50 203.28 


Cash. Dr. to the Treasury of the U States 
Rec'd. on accot of the President's com- 
pensation 1000.00 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Exp's. p'd. Henry Sheafl for wine 

spirits etc pr. bill 230.10 

D. p'd. I & E Pennington for loaf sugar 86.96 
D. p'd. I Stem for Indian Corn etc. . . 3.80 
D. p'd. F. Kitt on accot of his own & 

wifes wages 50.00 

Conting't. exp's. p'd for 8 yds of Calico 

& 6 yds of Cotton for Mrs W. . . . 7.37 
D. p'd. for slippers for Miss Custis . . 2.00 
D. gave a distressed woman pr. order of 

Mrs.W 5.00385.23 


House Exps. p'd Jno. Ganers a mos. 

wages 14.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accot's . .' 120.36 

House Exp's. p'd. by F. K. to earthen 

pans 6/. a months wages to 2 women 

82/6 4.8.6 11.80 

Conting't Expens p'd. by F. K for spirits 

turpentine 7/6. powder puff 3/9 4 night 

330 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

caps for President 22/ 1 pr. yds linen 

4/9. House cloths 11/3 a hair bag 3/9 

2.12.6 7.13 

D. p'd. Kid & Co. for a dressing .case for 

Miss Custis 10.50 

D. p'd. Peter Helm for coopering . . 6.06 

D. p'd I Jones for repairing bells . . . 1.25 157.10 


House Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

p'd. Jno Cramer a mos wages .... 12.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exp's. p'd. God'y. Golber for 

shoeing horses to the first inst. . . . 55.16 
Conting't. Exp's. gave a beggar . . . 2.00 57.36 


Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

House Expens. p'd. Pettit <fc Bayard for 
a pipe of old wine shipped by M. 
Pintard to the E. Indies in '93 con- 
signed to & forwarded by M. Russell 
of Boston . 177.78 

Conting't. Expens. p'd for 2 American * 

Repositories for the President & Mrs. 
W 1.50 

D. delivd to Mr. Craik to pay Mrs. 
Washington's subscription to Mrs. 
Grattans Concerts 16.00 

D. delivd. do to buy blue and white 

paper for Mrs. W. .' 1.33. 196.61 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred. Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his accot's 178.81 
House Expn's. p'd. by F K. for 1 mos 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 331 

wages to Kitchen maid 45/. 6 beer 
glasses 6/. 18 wine glasses 33/9 4.4.9. 11.30 

Conting't Exp's. pd by do for dray age of 
apples 2/9. gloves 6/. perfumes 22/6 
31/3 4.17 

D. p'd. Thorns. Passmore for Tinware 

etc 28.27 

D. p'd. Chas. Kirkham for 6J yds. gauze 3.75 

D. gave begging family 6.00 232.30 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Conting't Exp's. p'd. Jno. Guest for sun- 
dries pr. bill for. Mrs. W 31 

D. gave a poor widow who's daughter 

was blind 10.00 

D. gave a distressed Frenchman ... 5.00 

Stable Exp's. p'd. for 4 bush shorts . . 3.20 49.20 


Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 
Paid Mr. Wm M'Dougall for 2 doz Cot- 
ton hose for Mr. W 32. 

Gave to a distressed negro sailor pr. 

order . . . 5.00 37.00 

Conting't Exp's D r . to Cash 

Deliv'd to F. K. to pay a bill for Mrs. 

"W. pr. order 23.27 

Cash D r . to the Treasury of the TJ States 
rec'd. on acco't of the Presidents com- 
pensation 1000. 

Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash 

Paid Mrs. Holland for 2 pieces of mus- 
lin & 3 Bed covers 89.40 

332 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his accots & 

for beef for carving 256.32 

House expens. p'd for beef pr. bill by or- 
der of Mrs. W. to be salted to send to 
Virg a 131.32 

D. p'd. T. Barnes for 3 Ibs Tea ... 8.00 

Contingt Exp's. p'd. by F. Kitt for 2 pr. 
stockings for the President 22/. flan- 
nel 2/. lamp black 2/. broom & brushes 
13/6. paint 4/6, paper 3/6 . . .2.7.6 6.33 

D. p'd. I. Jones for repairing servants 

shoes, etc 2.50 

D. p'd for 2 boxes of tooth powder for 

Mrs. W 2.00 

D. deliv'd to Mrs. Washington . . . 20.00 

D. pd. for stockings for B. D. to watch 

city for fear of fire 8.00 434.47 

28th - 

Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Expn's. p'd. for 76} bush Oats . 40.80 
Conting't Expn's. p'd. Chae. Frisolio 

for teaching Miss Custis 17.90 58.70 


Conting't Exps. Dr. to Cash. 
Paid for Rural Oeconomy for the Presi- 
dent 1.00 


Contingt. Expens Dr. to Cash. 

Put into the hands of Coin. John Haber- 

sham by order of the President to be 

transmitted to Savanna towards the 

relief of sufferers by fire 250.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 333 

p'd for 1J ozs cauliflower seed .... 1.31 

Deliv'd to the Presidt by Craik . . . 2.00 
gave a beggar ........ . 2.00 

Deliv'd to F. Kitt by order of Mrs. W. 

to pay a bill ....... . . 33.67 288.98 

- January 8d, 1797 
Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

House Expenses p'd. John Bissex in full 10.00 
D. p'd. by F. K. to E Lyon a mo 8 wages 

46/. 6 lamp glasses 11/3. Charcoal 

105/ ......... 8.1.3 21.50 

D. p'd. Kennedy & Co for candles etc 

pr. bill ........... 19.27 

Fred Kitt delivd him to pay his account 161.02 
Conting't expens. gave the carrier of the 

Gazette of the IT. S ....... 1.00 

D. p'd. for ladies pocket book . . . 1.50 
Conting't Expens pd. for a chamois 

skin 3/9. sand 8/. paper & twine 6/9 

18/6 ......... . . 2.47 

D. p'd. Jno Stock for glazing pr. bill .. 7.60 
D. p'd. for repairing the copying press 1.00 225.36 
Cash Dr. to The Presidents acco't proper 
Rec'd { interest on the stock of the 

President to the end of '96 .... 309.79 
Rec'd of the President a check on the 

Bank of the U. S. Mr. Ross .... 670.00 979.79 

Conting't Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Gave the carrier of the Aurora . . . 1.00 
p'd for sundries for Mrs. Washington pr. 

bill ............ 9.16 

Pd. for a silk great coat for Mrs. Wash- 

ington ........... 24.00 

gave to a distressed woman ..... 5.00 

334 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

gave watchman . . . " 3.00 

gave carrier of Phila. Gazette .... 1.00 48.16 


Contingent Expens Dr. to Cash 

Paid Ann Lemaire for sundries pr. bill 5.20 
P'd. Win. Phillips for repairing saddles 

& bridles etc 16.40 

Pd. John Bedford for shoes etc. . . . 45.76 
Pd. for Langhorner's Plutarch for Mrs 

W. 7.00 74.36 


Conting't. Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Gave to a distressed soldier & wife pr. 

order 5.00 

Pd. Dickinson & Co. for a pr. enamelled 

sleeve buttons . . 12.00 

delivd to the President 8.00 

pd. Sam'l. Benge upholseter in full . . 33.75 
delivd. Mrs. Wash n 20.00 78.75 


Sundries. Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his accot . 166.01 

House Expens. p'd by F. Kitt for sund- 
ries pr. accot 25.33 

D. pd. Mrs. Dalmer for cake pr. bill . 28.05 

D. p'd I. & E. Pennington for 50 Ib of 

sugar 14.44 

D. pd. John Ganes a mos wages . . . 14.00 

Contingt expens. pd by F. K for sund- 
ries pr. accot 13.86 

D. pd. I. Morris for sweeping chimneys 

pr. bill . . . 4.80 

p'd. for brushes etc. pr. bill .... 2.00 

D. pd. for box in new Theatre . . . 10.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 335 

D. pd. for an engraving of D. Ritten- 

house 3.00 281.49 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Contingt. expens p'd. E. Smart for sun- 
dries pr. bill for Mrs. W 57.33 

D. pd. Chas Kerkham for sundries for 

do 46.09 

Do pd. I. Parish in full for hats . . . 32.84 

D. pd. for Swifts system of laws of 

Connecticut 4.00 

Stable Expens pd for 30 bush of Oats . 15.67 155.93 


House Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid John Cramer a mos. wages . . . 12.00 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U States 
Rec'd. on accot. of the Presidents Com- 

pensation .......... 1000.00 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 
Fred Kitt, delivered him to pay his week- 
ly accounts 170.37 

House Expens pd. by F. K. a months 

wages to kitchen maid 6.00 

D. pd. Gentil (cook) 2 mos wages . . 32.00 

D. pd. for a bbl. of soap 4.00 

Conting Expens pd. R. W. Meede for J 

ps. muslin for Mrs. W 18.33 

D. pd. Mr. "Wright for sunds. pr. bill . 20.34 
D. pd I & H Reynolds for framing a 

picture of U. S 12.00 

D. p'd. F. Kitt for cutting wood 8/. 2 

336 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

locks 5/. 3 Ib blue 18/r 25 Ib. starch 

37/6. oil 11/3 ..... 3.19.9 10.63 

D. p'd. Messrs Claypooles for American 
Daily Adverts to end of 1796 & for 
advertisements 38.34 

Geo. W. Craik pd. him on accot Salary 166.08 478.09 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contingt. expens. gave a distressed man 5.00 

G. W. Craik pd him on accot of salary 17.00 

Stable Expens. p'd. for 63 bushels of oats 33.60 55.60 

_ 18th 

Contingt. Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid Jno Aitkin for a desk for Miss 

Custis & a screen for Mrs. Washington 116.00 

Contg 4 Exp 8 Dr to Cash. 

Paid J. C. Ham m on for tuning Harpsi- 
chord 6.00 


Contingt Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his accounts 170.29 
Contingt. Expens. pd by F. K. for linen 

2/. hair rollers I/, brooms 5/. sand 9/. 

oil 7/6. paper 3/9 1.8.3 3.77 

D. pd. H. Holland for a ps. muslin for 

Mrs. W 20.00 

D. pd. Wm. Will for sunds. pr. bill . . 8.67 
D. pd. for mending the President's shirts 1.00 
Contingt Expens. pd. Sam'l. Salter for 

picture frames etc 9.50 

D. pd. for tinning kitchen utensils . . 8.25 
The Presidents accot proper pd. Saml. 

Hodgdon for Ben Russell editor of the 

Boston Centinel for advertising Lands 19.50 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1798-1797. 337 

House Expens. pd. I & E. Penington for 

sugar pr bill 30.91 271.89 

Cash, Dr. to the Treasury of the U. States. 
Rec'd. on accot of the Presidents Com- 

pen 1000. 


Conting't Expens. D r . to Cash. 

Gave a poor woman 2.00 

pd. for 8 tickets of admission to Rickett's 

Circus 8.00 10.00 

Conting't Expens. D r . to Cash. 

House Expens pd. James Wilkes in full 

for wages to this day 4 months . . . 54.00 
Contingt. Expens pd for a "System of 

practical reason", and " Bordeley on 

relations of Crops" 1.05 

D. gave to a distressed beggar . ... 5.00 
D. pd Rd. Bailey & Co for sundries pr. 

bill for Mrs W. and Miss Custis . . 99.14 
D. pd for James Wilkes expenses at the 

Pennsylva. hospital 22.67 

D. delivd to Mrs. Washington .... 25.00 
D. p'd. to T. Wattson for dimity for 

Mrs. W. 26.80 233.60 


Sundries Dr to Cash 

Stable Exps pd for 46 bush Oats . . . 24.53 
Conting* Exp 8 gave to a beggar . . . . 2.00 26.53 

Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his weekly 

accots ........... 169.13 

VOL. xxxi. 22 

338 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

House Expens pd. by W. a mos wages to 

E. Lyons 6.00 

House Expens. pd for J bbl sugar . . . 22.13 
D. pd. Jacob Zolligen in full for wages 

when dischg'd 36.00 

Contingt Expens p'd by F. K for 2 Ink 

glasses 7/6. for grinding knives 7/6. 

Erwin 7/6. Soap 3/9 3.50 

D. pd for repairing Stew holes etc in the 

Kitchen 4.00 

D. pd. F. & Jno. West for Dimity pr. bill 111.93 
D. pd. Sam'l. Salter in full for two 

paintings by Beck framing sundry 

pictures etc 158.75 

D. p'd. for a dozen lead pencils . . . 1.50 
Geo. "W. Craik pd. him on acco't 

Salary 16.92 529.86 

February 2nd. 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

House Expens pd. John Francis a mos 

wages 14.00 

Contingt Expens. delivd Mr. Craik to 

pay for a play ticket & pen knife for 

Miss Custis & a pen knife for Mrs. W. 4.75 
D. pd. Saml. Salter for sundry jewelry 

rings etc. pr. bill 3.27 

D. gave a beggar 2.00 

Geo. W. Craik pd. him on accot. Salary 20.00 44.02 


Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Gave to a distressed beggar and wife . . 5.00 

Pd. for 4 songs for K. Custis 70 5.70 


Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash 

Paid for a box in the New Theatre 10.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 339 


Sundries D r . to Cash 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his % . . 156.42 
Conting't Expens pd Pasquier & Co for 

table ornaments etc per. bill . . . 58.00 214.42 
Conting't Expens. delivd to Mrs. Wash- 
ington 25.00 

D. p'd. F & Jno Wart for a piece of dimity 33.33 

D. pd for cleaning feathers for Mrs. W. 2.25 

D. pd. for 10J yds of linen 4.50 

D. pd. for 2 hand Engines 5.00 

D. pd. for a pair of silk stays for Mrs. W. 13.00 

G. W. Craik pd. him on accot salary . 4.00 

D. pd. by F. K to David a mos wages. 11.00 324.50 


Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Pd. for 2 pleasures of Memory & a box 

of paints for Mrs. W & Miss C . . . 30.00 

- 8th. - 

The President's accot pr. Dr. to Cash, 

pd. F. Steward for 5 bush & 12 cwt 

clover seed to send to Virga. ... 81.98 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the TL States 

Rec'd on accot of the President's compen 1000.00 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Contingt. Expens pd. Jno. Fenno in full 

for his Gazette to 3rd of March . . 11.16 

D. delivd to the President 25.00 - 

Geo W Craik to him on acct of salary . 250.00 ^286.16 


Sundries. D r . to Cash. 

Contingt Expens. delivd to the President 600.00 


340 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. gave to a beggar by Mrs. Craik pr. 

order ...... ..... 5.00 

D. p'd. for an oz of cabbage seed . . .30 

D. delivd. Wm. Craik to buy a pen 

knife for tbe President & a knife case 

forK C .......... V..';- .90 

D. pd. B. F. Bache for the Aurora to 

the 1st March ........ 6.67 

D. p'd. by F. K for paper & twine . . 1.00 
D. pd. Saml. Benge for a ps. furniture 

check etc. pr. bill ....... 13.20 

D. pd. John Ins keep for a sett of china. 22.33 
Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his weekly 

accts ............ 184.10 833.50 

House Expens pd by F. K. to two wash 

women a mos wages ...... 12.00 

Geo W Craik p'd. him on acct salary. . 15.00 860.50 

Conting't Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Paid T. Fenton for shoes for Mrs. W. . 37.41 
P'd. for 2 large Trunks for Mrs. Wash- 

ington ........... 10.00 

Gave to 2 beggars ........ 3.00 50.41 

Cash, Dr. to the Treasury of the U States 

Rec'd. on acct of the President's 

compen ........... 1000.00 

_ 15th. - 
Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Geo. W. Craik p'd. him on acct salary 10.00 
Conting't Expens. p'd. Win. Poyntell for 

18 pss. paper hanging etc ..... 94.80 
Ditto pd. lac. Evans for Venetian blinds. 27.33 
D. pd. Henry Workeys Expens. at the 

Penna. hospital ........ 90.29 

D. pd. for freight of oranges .... 1.00 

Stable Expens p'd. for 4 bush shorts. . 3.20 226.62 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 341 

Sundries D r . to Cash 

Stable Expens pd. for 47 bush oats . . 28.20 
Contingt expens. gave a beggar ... 2.00 
Ditto pd James Traquair for marble 

chimney piece etc 45.36 75.56 


Sundries D r . to Cash 

Conting't expens pd. for freight of 15 

bbls etc to Virginia . 11.25 

D. pd. for Music for Miss Custis . . . 12.00 

D. pd. Jac. Jones for shoes etc. . . . 4.50 

D. pd. M. Rhea for 23f yds. Diaper . 8.98 

D. for repairing muffs etc 9.50 

D. pd. for 20 bush potatoes to send to 

Mount Vernon 13.34 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his weekly 

accounts 218.12 

House Expens. pd. by T.K. for sundries 

pd. accots 16.80 

D. pd. for candles & soap pr. bill . . . 10.99 405.48 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of the U States 
Rec'd on accot of the Presidents com- 
pensation 2000.00 

House Exp's. Dr. to Cash 

The Presidents accot proper pd. Jno 

Aitkin for two doz china & 2 side 

boards 402.20 

Contingt. Expens. pd. for a ticket for 

Miss Custis to go to Falcour's ... .75 
D pd. Dr. Kuhn his bill in full . . . 30.00 
D. pd. Ann Lemons for sunds pr. bill 

for Mrs. W ,. . 17,00- 

D. pd. M. Guerin for sunds for do. . 3.75 

342 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. deli'vd to G. W. C.* to buy drawing 

paper etc. for Miss Custis .... 2.00 

D gave pr. order to two beggars . . . 5.00 

D pd. D. Passmore for tin ware . . . 3.13 

House Expens. pd. Jno Cramer a mos 

wages 12.00 475.83 


Contingt. Expens. D r . to Cash. 

Paid Samu'l T. Smith draft in favor of 
Enos Kelsey for Expenses of G-.W. 
Custis at Princeton College .... 171.84 


Sundries. Dr. to Cash 

Fred Kitt. delivd him to pay his accots . 254.22 
Conting't Expens p'd. Wm. M. Laws for 

repairing bridle for 6 halters . . . 7.00 
D. p'd. by F. K. for 4 yds. hair ribbon 

& 3 handkfs 2.13 

D. pd. Jno. Jones for a new smoke Jack, 

& for repairing Locks bells etc . . . 45.08 
D. pd. Saml Benge for a piece blue & 

white furniture check 12.44 

D. pd. P. Helm for coopering barrels . 10.17 
D. p'd P. Helm for coopering & for 

brushes pr bill 5.42 

D. pd. Ed. Bailey & Co for sunds for 

Mr. W 2.74 

D. pd for box at the Theatre .... 10.00 

D. gave to a beggar 2.00 

House Expens pd by F. 3L for a mos 

wages to Kitchen maid 45/. do to the 

Chambermaid 45/. pd a woman for 

washing 25/. pd for cutting wood 24/. 

6.19.0 18.53 369.73 

Cash dr. to the Presidents accot. proper 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 343 

Rec'd. of the President in check from 

K Y. on the Bank of Penna. 2500.00 


Contingt Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid M. Wright for sunds. pr. bill for 

Mrs. W 10.50 

March 1. 

Conting't Exp's. Dr. to Cash. 

Remitted to A. M c Lean of ET. York for 

the Daily Gazette to the 3rd inst. . . 12.00 
p'd. Frisoli for teaching Miss Custis . . 20.88 
D. p'd. Dr. Bass in full for Medicines . 3.33 
pd. Wm Poyntell for 3 pss. border . . 9.00 
Contingt. expens p'd. for 2 pr. of Spec- 
tacles for Mrs. W. & the Presd't. . . 6.80 
Pd. Hall & Sellers for the Penna. Gazette 

in full 12.00 64.01 


Conting't Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

Paid Thomas Dobson in full for station- 
ary ,,.. . , 52.12 

p'd. James. M c Alpin in full for tayloring 

for the President & family .... 469.89 

Deliv'd John to pay for curry combs, 

brushes & whips 4.00 

p'd. J. 0. Hammon for tuning Harpsi- 
chord 3.00 529.01 


House Expens. Dr. to Cash. 

House Expens. pd. H. Sheaff in full for 

wine, spirits etc 267.67 

Stable Expens. p'd. W Ball in full for 
Hay & straw etc 217.50 

344 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. p'd. by Geo Gebler in full for shoe- 
ing horses 39.83 

Contingt Expens p'd. Anty' Simmons for 

a silver tea pot & bowl 113.00 

D. deliv'd. to Moll by order of Mrs. W. 6.50 

D. p'd. H Capron for teaching Miss 

Custis 53.20 

D. p'd. W Jones for a large trunk . . 20.00 

D. p'd. for an ink stand for Mrs W. . . 1.38 

D. deliv'd to Mrs. W. ...... 30.00 

D. p'd. for binding Music and for music 

paper 5.00 754.08 

- 4th. - 

Conting't Exp's D r . to Cash. 

Pd. T. Jones for a work frame for Miss 

Custis 2.00 

Pd. T. Allen for a house 250. 

" for J doz copy & Ink 1.50 

" W. Johnson in full for repairing 

harness etc 10.67 

pd. Rd. Allen in full for sweeping 

chimneys 7.80 

Conting't expens pd. S. Glaus for re- 
pairing hampers 10.77 

pd. for a new coach whip & 2 locks . . 1.50 

deliv'd Moll to buy spectacles .... .80 

deliv'd Mrs. W. to pay a bill .... 23.50 

gave to a distressed woman 3.00 311.54 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Fred Kitt, delivd him to pay his weekly 

accots 230.19 

House Expens pd a mos wages to Jno 

Nattle flO & 1 do to a porter . . . 23.00 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1798-1797. 345 

D. pd I & E Pennington for sugar pr. 

bill 77.40 

D. pd, for wood pr. bill 25.00 

Contingt expens pd. by F. K. for sun- 
dries per accot 14.60 

D. pd. J. Gallagher for China & Glass 

to send to Virga 58.70 

D. pd. P Gravenstine for raisins for 

Mrs. W 16.00 

Contingt Expens pd Saml Hyndman for 

working fringe for Mrs. W. ... 11.50 

D. pd. for making shirts for H Wokey 3.99 
D. pd. Henry Horn for sundry jobs pr. 

bill 8.02 

D. pd for making & mending shirts for 

workmen 2.80 

D. pd, A Foulke for 6 bottles of lime 

Juice 6.00 

D. pd. I Morris for sweeping chimnies 5.60 
D. pd. I. Morris for mending shoes pr. 

bill : . .75 

D. pd. Pt. Shade for brushes pr. bill . . 3.07 

D. pd. T. Passmore for tinware pr. bill . 2.39 

D. pd. for Dutch Newspaper .... 2.00 

D. pd. M. Guerin for Mrs. W. pr. bill. . 3.92 

D. pd. E. Helen for gloves for do ... 2.20 497.17 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Conting't Expens pd. I Dorsey bal'ce of 

accot for repairing plate 24.50 

D. pd. Decamps & Co for 2 tables orna- 
ments & packing 25.00 

Contingt expens pd T Fouton for shoes 

etc. for Mrs. W & Miss Custis . . . 12.13 

D. pd. Jno Aitkin for repairing & pack- 
ing china 13.30 

346 Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 

D. pd Simion Glover foronending harness 3.13 
House expens. pd. Jno Cramer a mos. 

wages . . 12.00 

D pd. Gentil 2 mos wages in full ... 32. 122.06 

- 8th - 
Sundries D r . to Cash 

Stable Expens pd. for 3 bush of oats . 1.80 
G. W. Craik pd. him in full for salary to 

the 15th inst 51.00 52.80 

Cash Dr. to the Presidents accot proper 
Rec'd from him in Bank notes 1400 
dollars & a check on the bank of U. S. 
for $1000 2400.00 

- 9th - 

Cash. Dr. to the Treasury of the U.S. 

Rec'd in full for compensation of the 

late President 875.00 

Cash Dr. to the late Presidents accot proper 

Rec'd of M. Slough of Lancaster thro 

the hands of Mr. Len. Phillips . . . 162.37 

Sundries D r . to Cash. 

Contingt Expens pd. Willing & Francis 

for duties on 2 pipes of Mad a wine . 113.12 
D. paid for dray age of Wine . . . . 1.00 
D. pd Andrew Brown for the Phila 

Gazette in full 50.75 

D. pd David Jackson for Jno Morton for 

the New York Daily advertiser . . . 15.00 
D. pd Jno Redman for 12 small Jars, 

Essence of Spruce 6.80 

D. pd for Case with bottles for Mrs. W. 8.25 
D. pd. Jno Haines for 2 trunks ... 9.00 
D. pd Dav'd Simmons in full for repair- 
ing carriges etc. pr. bill 84.34 

D. pd P. S. Kinkle for a box of Wax 

Candles 21.33 

Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 347 

House Expens py P. Warner 2 weeks 

wages in full 6.00 

D. pd Jas. Wilkes in full 24.00 

Stable expens pd for 3 bush Oats . . 1.80 341.39 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Conting't Expens. pd Dr. Bliss for sun- 
dry medicines to send to Yirga pr. bill 36.60 

D. pd for 6 fire buckets 19.00 

D. pd for 2 bushels of flax seed etc. . . 6.00 

D 9 . for drayage of 2 pipes wine . . . 1.00 

House Expens pd for 48 doz. best porter, 

casks etc 102.78 

D. pd Dan'l. Suter for a bbl. of molasses, 

bbl sugar & box of Candles .... 112.75 

D. pd. Chas. Haines for 2 cheese & 12 

gross corks 18.90 297.03 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

House Expens. pd John Craig for 81 J 

gall Mad a wine 217.66 

D. pd. P. Gravestine for raisins pickles 

etc pr. bill 82.74 

D. pd I & E. Pennington for loaf sugar 

pr. bill 160.37 

Contingt Expens pd R. Lindsay for pack- 
ing china etc. . ... . .. .r U; . . 15.00 

D. pd Simmons for Iron nails & sun- 
dries pr bill 350.69 

D. pd Ml. Roberts for sundries . . . 23.25 

D. pd Jno Smith for 20p. brown th'd 

stockings 17.33 

D. pd for porterage of Molasses etc. . . 1.00 

D. pd Jno Arthur for a tambour Secre- 
tary & book case for Geo. W. . . . 145.00 

348 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

D. pd Jno McElwee for a diamond . . 5.00 

D. pd for a Thermometer 6.00 

D. for packing a Harpsichord .... 1.50 
Conting't expens p'd Jno. Gill for sole & 

upper leather & 5 gals oil 101.88 

D. pd for porterage of goods to wharf . 7.73 
D. pd Rd. Baily for a piece muslin for 

Mrs. W. 16.80 1161.95 


Cash Dr. to the late Presdt acco't. proper 
Rec'd. of Footman & Co for amot of 
articles sold at vendue the 10 inst . 501.45 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Contingt Expens. pd Isaac Parrish in 

full balc'e of accot for hats .... 2.00 
D. pd. Jas. McAlpin for Livery cloth & 

sundries pr. bill 91.37 

D. pd. Geo. Bertault in full for bed mat- 

ress etc. pr bill 362.08 

D. pd Jac. Cox for 6 pr. of best silk & 6 

pr. raw silk hose G. W 40.40 

Contingt Expens. p'd. for 6 hearth 

brushes 3.25 

D. for 2 pr. bellows & 1 doz awls ... 2.80 

D. pd for 4 puff balls 25 

D. for 4 blank manifestoes .25 

D. pd. W. Small for repairing plate etc. 

pr. bill 7.61 

House Expens pd John Ganer's wages in 

full 35.00 

D. pd Henry Sheaff for wine etc. pr. 

bill 8.42 

Fred Kitt delivd him 13 inst to pay his 

weekly accots & sundry bills .... 196.31 771.37 

Washington's Household Account Boole, 1793-1797. 349 


Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Expens pd for 3 cords wood etc. 20.39 

D. for 3 cords carting etc 13.59 

Contingt Expens pd Simon Glans for 4 
straps 2.50 

Contingt Expens pd Jno. Jones for sun- 
dries pr. bill 1.62 

D. p'd. Henry Horn for repairs to wagon 5.50 

D. pd. Tumbull & Co for boxes to pack 

furniture etc 117.14 

D. pd. for porterage of sundries . . . 2.50 163.24 


Sundries Dr. to Cash. 

Fred Kitt p'd him in full of his weekly 

accounts 52.00 

D. pd. Jones in full for his wages & two 

Germans by order of Geo. "W. . . . 48.00 

D. pd. F. Kitt for wages to the Wash- 
women, porterage, etc 14.60 

D. pd. S. Phile for 22 days washing at 

different times 14.67 

Contingt Expens pd for 12 yds Jack 

chain 1.87 

D. pd. for sweeping chimney .... 2.50 

D. for glazing windows 3.75 137.39 

House Exp's. D r . to Cash. 

Paid Fred Kitt in full for his own & 

wife's wages to this day 287.64 

Paid R Morris esq. in full for rent of 
the house occupied by the late Presi- 
dent from 1st Oct '96 to the 20 hist, 629.61 917.25 

350 Washington's Household Account Bool, 1793-1797. 


Sundries D r . to Cash. 

B. Dandridge pd him in full on account 

salary 123.69 

Contingt Expens p'd. Wm. Small for 

sundries pr. bill . , 30.70 

D. pd. Thos. Smith in full for carpen- 
ters work etc 59.23 

D. pd. for 2 Cases of Claret 6 doz. . . 54.25 

Cash Dr. to the late President's account 
proper rec'd. of Wm. Powel for writ- 
ing Desk 245.00 512.87 

Delivered to Tobias Lear to be accounted 
for to Geo. Washington 1480.00 

Account of Servants. 351 


(Continued from page 206.) 

April 6th 1746. 

William Nixon assigns .Elizabeth Conner, his servant, to 
Charles Stow Jr. of Phila. for the remainder of her time 
for ten years from Nov. 1st 1741. Consideration 10 : to 
have customary dues. 

Ellinor Plunket in consideration of 3: 10/. paid for her 
use and at her request by Francis O'Neal of Chester County, 
indents herself servant to Francis O'Neal for two years 
from this date. 

April 9th. 

Edward Wells assigns Hugh Cairy his servant for the 
remainder of his time to Pyramus Green and Peter Bard 
for seven years from May 20th 1745. Consideration 16 
customary dues. 

April 10th. 

Deborah Hudson hy consent of William Hudson, Samuel 
Emlen and William Moods indents herself apprentice to 
Anne Rakestraw, mantua maker, for two years from this 
date to be taught -the trade of a mantua maker and to have 
one quarters schooling to larn to write, at the expense of 
the said apprentice. 

April llth. 

Boltzer Elslegel with consent of his late master John 
Jacob Fleck indents himself apprentice to Adam Lister of 
Phila. mariner, for five years and two months from April 
9th 1746 to be taught to read and write and the art of 

352 Account of Servants. 

ApHl 12th. 

Alexander Lang assigns Thomas Armstrong (a servant 
from Ireland in the Brigt. Couli Kan) to Joseph Barton of 
Chester County for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. Con- 
sideration 18 : customary dues. 

April Uth. 

John Maday indents himself apprentice to Hugh Lindsay 
of Phila. carpenter,for five years from Sept. 22nd 1745, to be 
taught the trade of a house carpenter and writing and arith- 
metic as far as the common rules and to have customary dues. 

John Jones late servant of Robert White of Bucks County 
consideration 13. 10/ paid said White by Edward Wells of 
Phila, indents himself servant to Edward Wells for four years 
and six months from this date, customary dues. 

Patrick Dennis by consent of his brother Richard Dennis 
shipwright indents himself apprentice to John Goodwin of 
Phila. house carpenter for seven years from March 17th 
1745, to be taught the trade of a house carpenter and to be 
found in apparel during said term, all but the first two 
years ; customary dues. 

William Taylor assigns Elizabeth Siblin his servant to 
Nathaniel Petit of Huntedon County New Jersey for the 
remainder of her time for ten years from March 22nd 1741. 
Consideration 10 : customary dues. 

Mary Denny daughter of William Denny by consent of 
her father indents herself apprentice to Ralph Collins of 
Phila. flatman, for eleven years from this date to be taught 
to read and write and housewifey; customary dues. 

April 15th. 

Patrick Baker with consent of his Master Robert Lee of 
Lancaster indents himself servant to David Carge of Phila. 
innholder for three years from this date consideration 15: 
paid said Lee at his request, customary dues. 

April 18th. 

William Rankin assigns Thomas Welsh (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Joseph Ellis for four 

Account of Servants. 353 

years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 19 : to have 
customary dues, this done before Sam. Hasell Esq. 

April 19th. 

William Rankin assigns John Corporall (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Stamper of 
Phila. merchant, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 25 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Andrew Clifford (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Samuel Hasting of 
Phila. shipwright, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 25 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Patrick Kelly (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Joseph Gibbons of 
Chester County for four years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 19. Customary dues. 

April 21st. 

William Rankin assigns Dennis Brady (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Jacob Yernon of 
Chester County for four years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 19 : customary dues. 

Samuel Robinson assigns Isabelle Miller his servant to 
John Stenson of Phila. lawyer, for the remainder of her 
time four years from July 17th 1743. Consideration 4: 
customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns William Eegan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to William Whiteside 
of New Castle County yeoman for four years from April 
17th 1746. Consideration 19 : to have customary dues. 

April 22nd. 

William Rankin assigns Edward King (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Emanuel Grubb of 
Few Castle County yeoman for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 19 : customary dues. 

Ruth Tustin with consent of her parents Thomas & Anne 
Tustin indents herself servant to Mary Dowell wife of Wil- 
liam Dowell for four years, to have one quarters schooling 
VOL. xxxi. 23 

354 Account of Servants. 


at reading, another at writing and a third at sewing, and 
one new suit of clothing. f 

April 2 1st. 11 M0 

William Rankin assigns James Hunter (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Daniel Cooper for 
four years from April 17th 1746; Consideration 19: 
customary dues, assigned before Thomas Lawrence Esq. 

William Rankin assigns Patrick Fanan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Reiner Tyson Jr. for 
four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 19: 
customary dues before Thomas Lawrence Esq. 

William Rankin assigns John Donnell (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Roberts 
for four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 
19 : customary dues, assigned before Thomas Lawrence 

William Rankin assigns James Morton (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Reiriier Tyson for 
four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 19 : 
customary dues ; assigned before Thomas Lawrence Esq. 

April 22nd. 

William Rankin assigns Edward Meehan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Thomas Morris of 
Phila. county for four years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 18 : 10/ customary dues. 

April 28rd. 

William Rankin assigns Bartholemew Myles (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Henry Cooper 
of Burlington County for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : customary dues. 

Willam Rankin assigns Demetrius Eogers (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow of Dublin's Prize) to John Monroe of 
Burlington County for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : customary dues. 

Willian Rankin assigns Martin Lee (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Nathaniel Pennock of 

Account of Servants. 355 

Chester county for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 19 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns John Carve (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Thomas Robinson of 
Phila. Merchant, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 19 : customary dues. 

Catherine Enylehart by consent of her father Andrew 
Englehart, indents herself servant to Michael Imble of 
Lancaster County for six years from this date. Consider- 
ation 11: 10/ paid to her said father by said Imble and at 
the end of her time is to have given her by her master, one 
cow of the value of fifty shillings, and one new suit ot 
apparel besides her old ones. 

William Rankin assigns Mathew Gorman a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Patrick McCornish 
of Phila. plasterer for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 24 : customary dues. 

April 24th. 

William Rankin assigns William Fagan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to William Coulton for 
four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 18; to 
have customary dues. 

April 25th. 

William Rankin assigns Jacob Carroll (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Jacob Lippincot for 
four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 17 : Cus- 
tomary dues. 

John Clemson assigns Honour Edwards his servant to 
Nathan Levy of Phila. merchant, for the remainder of her 
time two years and three months from Dec. 30th 1745. 
Consideration 7 : 12 : 6 

April 26th. 

William Rankin assigns Walter Mealy (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Morgan of 
Lancaster County for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : Customary dues. 

356 Account of Servants. 

William Eankin assigns William Dobson (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Morgan of 
Lancaster county for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : Customary dues. 

Phillis Harwood in consideration of 2 : 3 : 8 : paid Joseph 
Scull and sundry other small sums of money paid for her 
use and at her request by Allmer Grevile, indents herself a 
servant to said Grevile for four years from this date, cus- 
tomary dues. 

William Musgrove Jr. by consent of his father Wm. Mus- 

grove, indents himself a servant to Aylmer Grevile of Phila. 

f for five years from this date ; is to be taught to read, write, 

and cypher, and at the end of his time, is to have five 

pounds in money and a new suit of clothes. 

William Rankin assigns Robert Murphy (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Joseph Conyers of 
Phila., Mariner from April 17th 1746. Consideration 17: 
10 customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Sarah White (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Dublin's Prize) to James Shannon of Phila. 
County for four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 
12 : to have customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Margery Roddy (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Samuel Osbourn of 
the county of Chester for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 12: customary dues. 

Jacob Lewis assigns Mary Norley his servant to Robert 
Powel of the county of Chester for the remainder of her 
time, for eleven years and six months from October 7th 
1736. Consideration 5/- 

April 28th. 

William Rankin by James Pemberton assigns John Mulvay 
(a servant from Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to 
William Conch of Phila County yeoman, for four years 
from April 17th 1746. Consideration 18 : customary 

Nathan Levy assigns Honour Edwards his servant to 

Account of Servants. 357 

Simon Girtie of Lancaster County yeoman, for two years 
and three months from Dec. 30th 1745. Consideration 5/- 

April 29th. 

Margaret Phillips in consideration of 6:11:8: paid for 
her use and at her request by Mathias Lansey of Chester 
County indents herself servant to said Mathias for four 
years from this date, customary dues. 

April 28th. 

William Eankin assigns Richard Hudson (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to James Morgan ot 
Phila. County for five years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 17: to have customary dues; this done by 
Edward Shippen Esq. 

April 29th. 

William Rankin assigns Patrick McDonnell (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Daniel Lippin- 
cot of Burlington county for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Michael Corcoran (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to William Evans ol 
Burlington County for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 17: customary dues. 

April 30th. 

Anthony Morris Jr. assigns Paul Phillips his servant to 
John Scoggins of Phila. bricklayer for the remainder of his 
time four years from Sept. 22nd 1745. Consideration 15 : 
to have customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Darby Clarke (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to James Starr of 
Chester County yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 18 : customary dues. 

Jonathan Hurst Jr. by consent of his mother Anne Hutch- 
ins indents himself apprentice to James Gottier of Phila, 
cooper, for eight years from this date, to have six months 
day schooling and six months evening schooling to learn to 
read, write and cipher, to be taught the trade of a cooper, 

358 Account of Servants. 

and at the end of his tim to have two suits of apparel 
one of which is to be new. 

William Rankin assigns Dennis Gorman (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Isaac Roberts of 
Phila. bricklayer for four years from April 17th 1747. 
Consideration 20 : customary dues. 

April 29th. 

William Rankin assigns Lawrence McAnnaly (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Llewellin 
for four years from April 17th 1746. Consideration 10 : 
customary dues. This done by Samuel Hassler Esq. 

April 80th. 

William Rankin assigns John Walker (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to William Rush of 
Lancaster County yeoman for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

May 1st. 

John Drum in consideration of 17 : paid for his passage 
from Ireland to William Rankin indents himself apprentice 
to Richard Hinds of Hunterdon County, blacksmith, for 
five years, eleven months and a half from this date, to be 
taught the trade of a blacksmith, and at the end of his time 
to have the customary dues, and thirty shillings in money. 

John Warner son of John Warner with consent of his 
father indents himself apprentice to John Peel, mariner, for 
six years from April 29th 1746, to be taught the art or 
mystery of a mariner, and at the end of his time to have 
two suits of apparel, one whereof to be new. 

May 2nd. 

William Rankin assigns Anne Corny (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Heathcot of 
Phila. butcher, for four years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 12 : customary dues. 

John Peter Lambert with consent of his mother Anne 
Bury indents himself servant to Casper Wistar of Phila. for 
twelve years from this date. Consideration 9 : 9 paid 

Account of Servants. 359 

Stedman & Robertson for his passage from Holland, to be 
taught to read and write English, and to have customary 


May 3rd. 

James Payne assigns Michael Wooldrige his servant to 
Adam Hoops of Lancaster County for the remainder of his 
time seven years and five months from Oct. 23rd 1745. 
Consideration 18 : to be taught the trade of a cooper and 
have customary dues. 

John McLaughlin in consideration of 10 : paid to Wil- 
liam Whelldon for the remainder of his time by James Lord 
of Gloucester Co. yeoman indents himself servant to said 
James Lord for three years, eleven months, 4 days from 
this date to have 3 months schooling to learn to read and 
write and at the end of his time to have customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns William Boat (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Baldwin of 
Bucks County, shoemaker, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 21 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Charles Daly (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Evan Thomas of 
Phila. county, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 17 : 10/ customary dues. 

May 5th. 

William Rankin assigns John Fitzpatrick (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Michael Huling of 
Phila. shipwright, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 to have customary dues. 

May 6th. 

Maria Rody with consent of her mother-in-law Catherine 
Rody and in consideration of 7 : paid said Catherine by 
Nicholas Crone of Bucks County, indents herself servant to 
said Mcholas for seven years and a half from this date to 
have customary dues. 

John O'bryan of Phila. yeoman, in consideraiton of 15 : 
indents himself servant to William Barge of Phila. county, 

360 Account of Servants. 


miller, for four years from "March llth 1745/6 customary 

William Barge assigns John O'bryan his servant to Joseph 
Farmer of Phila. county yeoman for the remainder of his 
time four years from March llth 1745/6 consideration 13 ; 
customary dues. 

"William Rankin assigns Daniel Donaghy (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to John Yoder of 
Phila. County for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 20 : customary dues. 

Willian Rankin assigns Lawrence Ormsby (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Robert Jewell of 
Phila. ropemaker for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

May 7th. 

George Woods in consideration of 17 : paid for his pas- 
v sage from Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize indents him- 
self servant to Henry Keely of Salem county for four years 
and eleven months, to be taught husbandry and to have 
customary dues. 

Nathaniel Falkner indents himself apprentice to Joseph 
Rivers of Phila. mariner, for seven years from this date 
v to be taught the art of navigation, and at the end of the 
time to have one new suit of apparel. 

William Rankin assigns Michael Cosgrave (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Abraham Coffin of 
Phila. county, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 10 : customary dues. 

Samuel Read assigns George Clackstone for the remainder 
of his time, to Kendal Coles of Gloucester County, West 
Jersey, for six years from May 21st 1744. Consideration 
17 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Timothy Follier (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Michael Silk of 
Phila. plasterer, for four years from April 17th 1746. Con- 
sideration 20 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Mary Radcliff (a servant from 

Account of Servants. 361 

Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Francis Manie of 
Phila. sailmaker, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 14: customary dues. 

May 8th. 

Archibald Arskin with consent of his father John Arskin 
indents himself apprentice to William McCrea of Phila. 
ship joiner, for five years from May 1st 1746, to be taught 
the trade of a ship joiner, and at the end of his time to 
have one new suit of apparel, &c. 

Jacob Hollingsworth indents himself apprentice to Law- 
rence Garret of Phila. County, cordwainer, for two years 
four months and twenty-one days from this date, to be 
taught the trade of a cordwainer and when free to have one 
complete suit of new apparel, &c. 

May 10th. 

William Rankin assigns John Dennison (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to James Pryor of 
Chester County, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Arthur Bryan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Thomas Hallowell of 
Phila. bricklayer, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Richard Sargent (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Samuel Rhoads of 
Phila. carpenter, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 20 : customary dues. 

May 12th. 

Robert Murphy in consideration ol 17 : paid for his 
passage from Ireland indents himself servant to Joseph 
Conyers of Phila. mariner, for four years, eleven months 
and five days from this date, to be taught the art of naviga- 
tion and when free to have given him one mariners com- 
pass, scale and quadrant, and one new suit of apparel 
besides his old ones. 

362 Account of Servants. 

May 14th. 

William Rankin assigns James Murphy (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Francis Dunlap ot 
Salem County, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Darby Glancy (a servant from 
Ireland in snow Dublin's Prize) to Francis Dunlap of Salem 
county, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Richard Barrett (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Walker ot 
Chester county, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 
1746. Consideration 17 : customary dues. 

William Powell with consent of his father Thomas 
Powell of Phila. county, yeoman, indents himself apprentice 
to Joseph Watkins of Phila. house-carpenter, for seven 
years from March 1st 1745, to be taught the trade of a 
carpenter, customary dues. 

May 15th. 

James McCabe in consideration of 15: paid to John 
Williams of Phila. cordwainer by James Cusick, block- 
maker, for his use and at his request indents himself servant 
to James Cusick for three years and nine months from this 
date, customary dues. 

John Hamilton in consideration of 14: paid Robert 
Chrysty by Alexander Forbes of Phila. for the remainder 
of his time, indents himself servant to said Alexander for 
six years and fifteen days from this date ; to have customary 

May 17th, 

William Rankin assigns James Bradley (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Rock of 
Maryland, merchant, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Rankin assigns Charles Delay (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Rock of 

Account of Servants. 363 

Maryland, merchant, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

"William Eankin assigns James Me Cay (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Eock of 
Maryland merchant, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Eankin assigns Michael Dowd (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Eock of 
Maryland, merchant, for seven years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Eankin assigns John Steel (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Joseph England of Chester 
County, yeoman, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 10 : customary dues. 

May 19th. Kelly, with consent of his father Edward Kelly, 
indents himself apprentice to Joseph Saull of Phila. chair- 
maker, for eight years and seven months from May 21st 
1746, to be taught the trade of a chairmaker and spinning- 
wheel maker, and to read, write and cipher, customary dues 

William Holland with consent of his father Thomas Hol- 
land, indents himself apprentice to Thomas Gant of Phila. 
joiner, for four years and nine months from this date, to be 
taught the-trade of a joiner, his father to find him in apparel 
the first year, and his master the remainder of his time, to 
have six weeks night schooling every winter to be paid for 
by his father. 

Leonard Fisslar, in consideration of 25 : paid to his 
father Felix Fisslar by John Knight of Phila. baker, indents 
himself servant to John Knight for three years from May 
16th 1746, the said master to give him during his servitude 
three new pairs of shoes and stockings, and at the end of 
his time one new suit of apparel besides his old ones. 

William Eankin assigns Clevell Ormsby (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to Adam Ehoads of 
Phila. carpenter, for four years from April 17th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : customary dues. 

3'M Account of Servants. 

William Rankin assigns James McDonald (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Dublin's Prize) to George Cunningham 
of Phila. barber, from April 17th 1746. Consideration 
16 : 4/ customary dues. 

Thomas David assigns John Andrews his servant to Wil- 
liam Jacobs Esq. for the remainder of his time seven years 
from Nov. 2nd 1739. Consideration 2. 

May 23rd. 

John Stephens assigns William Spence his servant to 
Andrew Beers of Phila. County mason, for the remainder 
of his time three years from May 28th 1745. Consideration 

May 24-th. 

Jacob Grave, Jr., with consent of his father Jacob Grave, 
indents himself to John Hart, bricklayer, for four years 
from this date, to be taught the trade of a bricklayer, and 
at the end of his time to have one complete suit of new 
broadcloth clothes, besides his old ones. Twenty shillings 
in money and a trowel and stone hammer. 

Henry Campbell in consideration 5 : indents himself ser- 
vant to George Fling of Phila. county for one year from 
this date to serve in the province of Penna. to have given 
him during his servitude two new shirts, one new pair of 
trousers, one new pair of shoes and stockings, but no free- 
dom dues. The 5 : was paid to Michael Carie. 

May 26th. 

Jacob Chilton in consideration of 9 : 2 : paid by Samuel 
Cheesman to Thomas Overy^ for his use and at his request 
indents himself servant to Samuel Cheesman for one year 
from this date; is to make six pairs of shoes every week 
during his servitude, no clothes or freedom dues. 

May 27th. 

William Wright in consideration 10 : paid for his use by 
Christopher Parry of Phila. cutler, indents himself servant 
to said Christopher for three years from this date, customary 

Account of Servants. 365 

May 28th. 

Peter Stevens of Talbot County in Maryland indents him- 
self apprentice to Isaac Roberts of Phila. bricklayer, for four 
years and seven months from this date, to be taught the trade 
of a bricklayer and to be found in apparel by said Isaac 
(shoes and stockings excepted) and at the expiration of the 
said term to have one new suit of apparel besides his old ones. 

Edward Parrish of the province of Maryland with consent 
of his mother indents himself apprentice to Isaac Roberts 
of Phila. bricklayer for six years and nine months from this 
date, to be taught the trade of a bricklayer, and to have 
customary dues. 

Jacob Newman assigns Conried Abel his servant to Nicho- 
las P of Phila. taylor, for the remainder of his time 

eight years from Nov. llth 1745. Consideration 9:15/ 
customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns John Gray (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Martha) to Thomas Overing of Phila. 
cordwainer, for six years from May 19th 1746. Considera- 
tion 15 : customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns Hannah Welsh (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Peter Townsend of Chester 
County yeoman, for four years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14 : customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns James Graham (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Moses Coates of Chester 
county, yeoman, for four years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14 : customary dues. 

Conyngham and Gardner assign Charles McLaughlin (a 
servant from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Thomas David 
of Phila. County for seven years from May 19th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

Daniel O'Barr (from Ireland in the snow Martha) in con- 
sideration 15 : paid for his passage, indents himself ap- 
prentice to Thomas Grave of Phila. for seven years from 
this date, to be taught the trade of a hatter and to have 
customary dues. 

366 Account of Servants. 

Thomas Grave assigns David O'Barr his apprentice to 
Thomas Doyle of the borough of Lancaster, hatter, for seven 
years from date, to be taught the trade of a hatter, and to 
have customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns Patrick 0* Hassan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Robert Edge of Phila. 
County farmer, for four years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14 : customary dues. 

John McMullan assigns Margaret Boyd (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to David Lindsay of Bucks 
County yeoman, for three years from May 19th 1746. 
Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign William Corny (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Martha) to John Cook of Chester 
County yeoman, for seven years from May 19th 1746. 
Consideration 10 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Alexander Stewart (a ser- 
vant from Ireland in the snow Martha) to John Allison ot 
Lancaster County, yeoman, for four years from May 19th 
1746. Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

May 29th. 

Henry Campbell in consideration of 15 : paid for his use 
by Nicholas Gale of Phila. victualler, indents himself ser- 
vant to the said Nicholas for three years and a half from 
this date, to have customary dues. 

Authur Howard indents himself an apprentice to Nicholas 
Fennell of Phila. cordwainer, for five years and a quarter 
from this date to be taught the trade of a cordwainer and 
have customary dues, this done with consent of his last 
Master Richard Murray. 

James Davison assigns Ephraim Boggs (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to John Johnson of Phila. 
tallow-chandler, for four years and a half from May 19th 
1746. Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

John Burns assigns James O'Rogherty, (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to John Stephens of 

Account of Servants. 367 

Phila. innholder, for four years from May 21st 1746. 
Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

John Burns assigns Daniel Welsh (a servant from Ireland 
in the snow Happy Return) to Richard Miller of Phila. 
flatman, for four years from May 21st 1746. Consideration 
15 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Mary Brown (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Martha) to John Steenson of 
Phila. for four years from May 19th 1746. Consideration 
24 : customary dues. 

May 30th. 

John McMullan assigns John O'Neal (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Martha) to Andrew Farrell of Phila. 
tanner, for four years from May 19th 1746. Consideration 
10 : 10 : customary dues. 

Conynghan & Gardener assigns Mary McConagall (a 
servant from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Daniel Hoops 
of Chester county yeoman, for four years from May 19th 
1746. Consideration 14 : 10/ customary dues. 

May Slst. 

John Burne assigns Edmund O'Harken (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to Archibald Alexander 
of Phila. county yeoman, for four years from May 21st 1746. 
Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

John McMullan assigns Hugh Boyd (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Martha) to Hugh Mearns of Bucks 
County, yeoman, for three years and a half from May 19th 
1746. Consideration 11 : 17: customary dues. 

George O'Kill assigns Patrick Safen (a servant from 
Liverpool in the snow Emisle) to Samuel Read of Phila. 
baker, for four years from May 22nd 1746. Consideration 
20 : customary dues. 

( To be continued) 

368 Notes and Queries. 



"THE PHILADELPHIA OF OUR ANCESTORS," In every large city of 
the United States, other than Philadelphia, one of the leading news- 
papers, contains a department of geneology, some of which have been 
printed for nearly a quarter of a century. To supply this want in 
Philadelphia, the North American has arranged with Mr. Frank Willing 
Leach to take the editorial charge of a page department in the magazine 
section of its Sunday issue, to be entitled "The Philadelphia of our 
Ancestors.' ' For upwards of twenty years, Mr. Leach has been engaged 
in geneological and historical investigations, and has collected a vast 
amount of material relating to the inhabitants of Philadelphia and ad- 
joining sections of Colonial and Revolutionary days, and his abilities as 
a chronicler and narrator of past events, have been well known and ap- 
preciated. His initial contributions to this department appeared in the 
issue of June 9th., and in addition to the historical and biographical 
data which it contained, considerable space was devoted to geneological 
queries submitted by readers of the North American regarding their 
ancestors, to which answers will be furnished in subsequent issues. 
Suggestions will also be made to aid those who desire to make inquiry 
about their ancestors, but do not know what steps to take in that direc- 
tion. We believe this department will prove of the greatest possible 
interest to all citizens of Philadelphia and its environs, certainly, no one 
is better equipped to take charge of it, than the gentleman who has been 
selected for the task. 


CHESTER AUG. 12, 1775. 

By the bearer Mr. Richardson, Drum Major, I send you a piece of 
Intelligence, which if you have not already heard will greatly surprise 
you, and give you peculiar satisfaction. 

Mr. Blair McClennighans's Vessel which lately sail'd from our Port 
to Cork, was seized there, by the King's Officers in order to act as a 
Transport She was dispatched for Pennsylvania, having on board four 
Officers 15 hundred Uniforms & several other necessaries for the British 
Army, supposed to be stationed here. It was believed universally, that 
we had amongst us at least two thousand troops. 

The prudent & cautious Captn. of the Vessel, having heard that none 
of the Troops were stationed here, waited for a favorable opportunity 
late in the night to pass the Man of War in our River. The Man of 
War notwithstanding the Captn' s wary conduct hailed him, but suffered 
him to pass during this time the Officers were either lock'd up in 
the Cabbin or fast asleep, he proceeded up the River as far as Gloucester 
where he was soon waited on by Captn. Bradford's Company, Captn. 

Notes and Queries. 369 

Nox's &c. and I am told, by part of the Committee of Safety & the 
Bulldog Man of War. 

It is likewise asserted, that our Connecticut Troops have taken 5 of 
the Enemies Transports in Casko bay Major Mifflin & Coll. Reed have 
lately been in Boston it is said their prevading abilities and irrisiatible 
elecution drew tears most plentifully from the Regular Officers. Major 
Mifflin bro't off a Grenadier with him, who by this time must be in 

The Drum Major now waits upon you to let you know.that he is will- 
ing to attend your Battalion as well as ours, he has our Consent as it 
will not interfere with us, he is a poor fellow, pray give him some 
earnest of your regard, in order to secure him to your service. 

I shall do myself the pleasure of attending at your next field day, I 
could not possibly send Mr. Richardsod to you when you requested him, 
by Mr. Hart. 

I am this inst. going on foot to see the Girls. 

My sincere respects to your good Lady & family 

Dear Sir believe me 
Ever yours Ac. 
F. Johnston. 

DECK. 18TH 1775. 


I should be obliged to write you a little Volume, to convey to you 
the real Sympathy I feel, on account of your late misfortune, the loss of 
a most tender & affectionate father, and the joy and Satisfaction I like- 
wise experience, in my new State in life to these I must add the 
Wishes & expectations I entertain, for your Welfare your Honor and 
Success, in the arduous but glorious Task likely to be assigned you, on 
behalf of your much injured Country I mean the appointment in the 
Contl. Army. I say it would require a small Volume to contain such 
a numerous train of Ideas, arising from so great a variety of Sources. 

Let it suffice, I am without disguise, sensibly affected for your Loss 
really pleased with my new Condition in life and most heartily desir- 
ous, of seeing your brows wreathed with the richest & brightest Laurels 
of your Country. 

Now I have mentioned " Laurels," let me not forget to inform you I 
am willing to enter on any Service with you in the Cause of America, 
either in the Continental or Provincial pay, on condition, that we shall 
not be called out to action raw and undisciplined as we are, before 

Serve me my Dr. Friend if you with Honor can. 

I am Dearest Sir 
Ever Yours &c. 
F. Johnston. 

P. S. My Friend Thos. Robinson, is willing to serve as Major in this 
Battalion pray keep yourself disengaged from the Int. or Solicitation 
of any person, until you see a favorable opportunity of serving a friend 
that friend now offers, you must therefore do every thing in your 
power for him. If we find this will not succeed I am assured, we can 
with a deal of ease, get him recommended to Congress as a Captain. 

F. J. 

VOL. xxxi. 24 

370 Notes and Queries. 



I reed, yours of the 24th inst. and as nearly as possibly executed 
your Orders, I attempted this Morn'g to answer it by Lieut. Davidson, 
but am fearful did not satisfactorily. 

I now sit down to give you an exact account of the State of our 
Troops In the first place, in justice to the Major and myself, you 
must know, we have most assiduously attended to the training of men, 
repairing their Quarters, procuring Blankets, Bedrack, Straw for their 
Beds Ac. 

We have likewise done every thing in our power to teach them the 
Duty of mounting Guards & keeping Sentries, 

No argument hath been omitted by us, to induce them to live in 
peace and Harmony; yet such are the insurmountable difficulties ever 
attending a new Regiment, that all our Industry hath proved fruitless. 

Some insolently demand their pay, while others swear they will not 
submit to the treatment they received in their Quarters ; not only 
with respect to ye Provisions, but also the small number of Blankets 
which we have Distributed among them. This last cause of grumbling 
shall, I trust, be fully removed this Evening or to-morrow. 

Yesterday Morning, this uneasy discontented Spirit prevailed so 
much in Captn North's Company that they set on foot a paper which 
many of them signed resolving to pay no obedience to any Officer in the 

This Mutiny we luckily nipped in its bud and in order to intimidate 
the rest, I made an example of one of Captn Moore's men (a loquacious, 
drunken, blackey'd Taylor) by discharging him for ever from the Keg- 
iment, on pain of confinement or the Drummer's Cat. 

In short, Dr. Sir, unless you bring with you a considerable quantity 
of Cash, Shirts, Breeches, Stocking, Shoes, Hats &c. there will not 
remain ye most distant prospect of tranquility or discipline among them. 

I have little more to add, to the length of this Letter, only must 
inform you, that ye Major has left us this Morning for about 10 days, 
and Captn Frazer cannot give his attendance on account of ye State of his 
family. So that I expect but little assistance from any of the other 
Gent'n more especially when I consider that many of them are mere 
untutored Boys. 

I am Dear Sir 
Ever Yours &c. 

My Dr. Coll 

I am almost wearied of my life with business of various kinds. I have 
scarce a moment to spare in writing having just rec'd a quantity of 
Blankets an Acct. of which I must take immediately. I have just 
pulled off my Boots, from a pair of the dirtiest wettest Legs perhaps you 
ever look'd on ; which was occasioned by me pattrolling the Streets, from 
early in the Morning till the present Moment, in quest of Blankets and 
other necessaries. 

But why, you will ask, all this circumambulatory preface ! No more 
than this Dr Sir that you will excuse your poor fatigued hble Servt. from 
waiting upon you to-night, and that you will mount your horse & come 
down here, to spend the Night the Streets are so infamously bad, you 

Notes and Queries. 371 

must ride. Charles or Ned will take back your horse. Battalion busi- 
ness flows in apace. Dr Sir come I have much to communicate to you. 

Yours most sincerely 

F. Johnston. 
P. S. I trust I shan't be cashiered for this act of disobedience. 

CARPENTER GENEOLOGICAL NOTES. Copied from a Bible in the 
possession of Mrs. James Rowland, Lewes, Del. 

3rd. 1850 

Thoa. Howard Carpenter son of Jos. and Mary Carpenter, Born March 
28th. 1804. Lewes. 

Margaret M. Staton daughter of Warrington and Hester Staton, Born 
Accomac Co, Va., April 12th. 1806. 

Mary Quinn daughter of Thos. H. and Margaret Carpenter born April 7 
1827 Phila., 

Thos. Howard son of Thos. H, and Margaret Carpenter, Born Dec. 10, 
1829 Phila., 

Jas. Henry son of Thos. H, and Margaret Carpenter, Born Oct. 9, 1838 

John Dorman, son of Samuel Dormaii and Elizabeth Staton, Born June 
24, 1818 Baltimore. 

Louis Marshall Carpenter son of Thos. H, and Catharine F. Carpenter 
was born St. Louis Mo., Oct. 5, 1859. 

Mary Quinn Carpenter daughter of Thos. H. and Catherine F. Carpen- 
ter was born Aug. 26, 1861. 

Annie Eliza Carpenter daughter of Thos. H. and Catherine F. Carpen- 
ter was born St. Louis, Mo., Sept. 24, 1863. 

Thomas H. Carpenter son of Thomas H. and Catharine F. Carpenter 
was born St. Louis Mo., Aug., 19, 1866. 

James Carpenter was born May. 15, 1775. 

Mary Dean was born Jan 16, 1781. 

Comfort H, Married a Brown, Phila., daughter of Jas. and Mary Car- 
penter was born June 12, 1799. 

Nancy daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born Jan. 28, 1801. 
Died March 24, 1808. Age 7 years 1 mo. 26 days. 

Elizabeth daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born Nov. 13, 

Thos. H. son of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born March 28, 1804. 

Robert Howard son of Jas and Mary Carpenter was born April 18, 
1806. Died Sept. 14, 1808. Age 2 years 5 mo ; 16 da : 

Mary Rodgers daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born Feb. 13, 
1808. Died Dec. 24, 1842. Age 34 years 10 mo ; 11 da : 

John Dean son of Jas and Mary Carpenter was born Aj? ril 13, 1810. 
Lived in Phila. Died Age 49 years 4 mo ; 18 da : 

Jane daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born /fuly 8, 1812. 
Died Age 34 years, 11 mo ; 17 da : 

372 Notes and Queries. 

Lydia daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born June 28, 1815. 

Married a Con well. 

Elizabeth daughter of Jas and Mary Carpenter was born Jan 24, 1818. 
James son of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born Aug 15, 1820. Died 

Feb. 25, 1842. Age 21 years 6 mo ; 10 da ; Pilot. 
Margaret daughter of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born April 2, 1822. 

married H. Long. 
Benjamin son of Jas. and Mary Carpenter was born Sept. 22, 1825. 

Emigrated to South married and supposed killed on Bail Koad. 


Jas. Carpenter and Mary Dean were married Feb. 15, 1798. 


Nancy daughter of Jas. and Mary died March 24, 1808. Age 7 years 1 

mo ; 26 da ; 
Bobt Howard son of Jas. and Mary died Sept. 14, 1808. Age 2 yrs. 

5 mo. 16 da ; 
Jas. son of Jas. and Mary died Feb. 25, 1842 Age 21 yrs 6 mo 10 da ; 

Mary Rodgers daughter of Jas. and Mary died Dec. 24, 1842. Age 34 

yrs 10 mo 11 da. 
Jane Sweeney daughter Jas and Mary Sweeney departed June 25, 1847. 

Age 34 yrs 11 mo 18 da. 
Thos H. son of Jas and Mary departed May, 20, 1858. Age 54 yrs 1 

mo 32 da. 
Mary wife of Jas Carpenter departed July 3, 1858. Age 77 yrs. 5 mo 

17 da. 
Jno Deanaon of Jas. and Mary Carpenter died Sept. 1, 1859. Age 49 

yrs 4 mo, 18 da. Lived in Phila. 
Lydia Coverdale daughter of Jai. and Mary Carpenter died Dec. 15, 

1859. Age 44 yrs 5 mo, 17 da ; 

Jas. Carpenter departed Jan. 7, 1861. Age 85 yrs 7 mo 22 da. 
James H. Carpenter son of Thos H. and Margaret Carpenter died at 

Corning Arkansas Nov. 13, 1877. 

Mary Q. Marshall wife of J. A. Marshall daughter of T. H. and Mar- 
garet Carpenter died Jan. 16, 1886 Lewes Del. 
Catharine F. Carpenter wife of Tho H. Carpenter and daughter of D. J. 

and Eliza A Marshall died June 29, 1869. Age 33 yrs, 6 mo 3 da. 



Margaret Huling widow of James Huling. died Feb 16, 1707. In the 

76 year of her age. 
Daughter of Margaret Huling. Feb 1, 1708. In the 8th. year of her 


Jacob Kollock. died March 30, 1760. aged 63. 
Mary late wife of Jacob Kollock. died Sept. 30, 1741. aged 95 yrs. 
In memory of Mr Eives Holt Esq. who departed this life May 8th. 

1765. in the 67 year of his age. 

Notes and Queries. 373 

Here lieth interred the body of Kyves Holt Jr. who departed this life 

March 17th 1760. In the 22 year of his age. 
In memory of Daniel Nunez Esq. who departed this life the 22nd day 

of June in (Stone broken.) 4th. year of his age. 
In memory of Mary the wife of Daniel Nunez who departed this life 

Oct. 24th 1746. aged 53 years. 
Here lyes interred Sarah the late wife of Mr Reese Wolfe who departed 

this life Jan. 15th 1771. aged 33 yrs 8 mo and 1 da. Also infant 

Daniel Nunez Wolfe son of Sarah and Reese. 
In memory of Hen 8 Oct 8 son of Daniel Nunez, who died July 27th 

1753. aged 21 yrs. 
In memory of Daniel Nunez Esq., who departed this life May 28th 

1775. in the 45 year of his age. 
Susanna daughter of Jacob and Margaret Kollock died ye 8th of Oct. 

in the 16 year of her age. 
lu memory of Moses son of Daniel and Mary Nunez who departed this 

life Feb. 24th 1744. aged 23 years 
In memory of Esther daughter of Daniel Nunez and Diana his wife 

died Jan 8th, 1763. in the 16 yr of her age. 
Mary Becket wife of the Rev Wm Becket departed this life Aug. 15th 

1732. aged 46 yrs. 
Wm Byron born in Malta naturalized in Boston Oct 18th, 1849. Died 

in Lewes Oct 17th, 1898. about 90 yrs. old. 
Henry F. son of the late Henry G. and Mary A. Dearborn of Salem 

Mass died on U. S. Ship Saratoga July 4th, 1863. aged 18 years. 
Sarah H. Paynter died Sept. 19th, 1829. aged 55 yrs. 9 mo. 23 da. 
James J. son of Wm and Jane Paynter died April 19th 1836. aged 37 

Mary S. Paynter died Sept. 15, 1830. aged 21 yrs 9 mo 3da. 



November 6, 1776. If the troops actually are coming, the Tories* 
houses should be vacated for our troops. 

Bells removed. 

Salt beef to be removed. 

November 8. Wagons immediately procured to transport our stores 

Records moved 

Tories seized, orders to the Militia to do it. 

Col. Mifflin sent for. 

State prisoners removed. 

Live stock drove away. 

November 29. Remove the State prisoners. 

7777. Jany 5. Information by a Hessian Surgeon says that their Troops 
were 14 days without Bread, lived on apples and some spoiled Bread 
which they found in the American Camp, after they had left it. 

Stock of Cannon in Philadelphia, July 29, 1777. 

2 long 6 pdrs. "j 

4 " 4 pdrs. I belonging to B. McClenachan, 

3 small 3 pdrs. j on Race street wharf. 
2 short 4 pdrs. J 

374: Notes and Queries. 

4 long 6 pdrs., belonging to Caf>t. Caldwell, on Allen's wharf, 
rt"^ ^V^ \ belong to Congress, on Willing & Morris wharf. 
5-3 pdrs. , below Willing & Morris. 


Albert J. Paynter died June 10th 1828. aged 28 yrs. 6 mo. 15 da. 
Jane wife of Wm Paynter died Aug 10th. 1813. aged 30 yrs 9 mo 20 


Wm Paynter died March 19th 1845. aged 71 yrs 1 mo 25 da. 
Elizabeth Jacobs died Dec 24th 1783. in the 20 year of her age. 
Albert Jacobs died March 4th 1786 in the 28 year of his age. 
Thomas Truxton son of Wm and Elizabeth Truxton died March 9th 

1861. Born May 17th 1802. 
Ann Green departed this life June 10th 1830. aged 23 yrs. 5 mo. 15 


Jane Eliza Green departed this life Dec. 15th 1829. aged 2 yrs 3 da. 
Jane Paynter departed this life Dec 9th 1 832. aged 27 yrs 9 mo. 2 da. 
Jane C. Thompson daughter of John M. and Sarah Thompson, departed 

this life Oct llth 1813. aged 13 mo. 
James son of John M. and Sarah Thompson departed this life Oct 18th 

1845. aged 5 yrs. 5 mo. 


Lewes, Del. 

HILL EECORDS. From a Bible in possession of Mrs. C. T. Glover, 
300 Park Ave., Baltimore, Md. 

Levi Hill son of George and Ruth Hill was born July 15, 1764. 

Leah Simpler his first wife. 

Sarah W Mcllvaine the daughter of Andrew and Comfort Mcllvaine 

was bom April 6, 1778. 

Nancy Hill the daughter of Levi and Leah Hill was born Jan 29, 1792. 
Joshua Hill son of Levi and Sarah Hill was born Sept. 7, 1803. 
David Hill son of Levi and Sarah Hill was born Feb 7, 1806. 
Charlotte Hill the daughter of Levi and Sarah was born Nov. 21, 1808. 
Maria Hill the daughter of Levi and Sarah was born April 27, 1812. 
Kobert Hill son of Levi and Sarah Hill was born July 6, 1814. 
Sarah Hill the daughter of Levi and Sarah was born June 23, 1817. 
Joshua Hill born Sept. 7, 1803. 
Marid Hill . . April 27, 1812. 
Mitchel Hill departed this life November 25, 1826. 
John Williams Hill son Mitchel Hill and Sophia his wife was born 

June 20, 1825, 
Nancy their first daughter born January 29. 


Gustavus Adolphus College, St. Peter, Minnesota, the great Swedish 
College of the United States, conferred May 23, 1907, upon Professor 
Gregory B. Keen, A. M., Curator and Secretary of the Council of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the degree of LL. D. for his ' ' mer- 
itorious and distinguished services as a scholar and historian and ex- 
haustive research in the early history of the Swedes in this country. " 

Notes and Queries. 


Inventory of the Goods & Chattels, Rights & Credits which were of the 
Estate of George Ross deceased is as follows : 

Bond Small & Shener 6. 0.0 
John Derr ... 30. 0.0 
Richard Dunn . . 33 0.0 

Walnut frames . 
1 Dressing Case Mahog- 

8. 0.0 

Henry Pinkerton . 10. 0.0 
Benjamin Bioren . 10. 0.0 
Immell& Graff . 100. 0.0 
William Ritchie . 500. 0.0 
" Adam Oax . . . 32. 0.0 
Bond James Maxwell . 50. 0. 
Mortgage Ludwick Deer- 
water 46. 0.0 
Rent John Albert . . 60. 0.0 
Note John Woods . . 8. 0.0 
James Campbell . 10. 0.0 

1 Set Table China not 
com pleat .... 
Part of a set of blue & 
white China . . . 
1 Set of Tea China com- 
1 Set of Tea China not 
compleat .... 
doz best enamilet & 
gilt China Cups & 
Saucers .... 

15. 0.0 
6. 0.0 


John Greybill . . 4. 0.0 
Thomas Morgan . 7. 0.0 
Baynton Wharton 
& Morgan . . . 900. 0. 

1 Glass Pyramid . . . 
1 China Bowl \ gallon . 
1 Glass Goblet . . . 
1 old Carpet .... 

0. 7.0 

James Stewart . . 15. 0.0 
James Wilson . . 175. 0.0 
William Ely th . . 2.10.0 
John Weieigh . . 5. 0.0 
Thomas M c fadgen . 4.19.0 
George Stoner . . 9.18.0 
2 old Feather Beds . . 10. 0.0 
3 " Bedsteads ... 5. 0.0 
3 Window Curtains { 

1 Japaned Waiter . 
1 Easy Chair .... 
1 Walnut Chest of draw- 
ers small .... 
1 pr brass and Irons 
1 pr steel Irons with 
Shovel & Tongs . . 
1 pr large Brass Candle- 

2. 0.0 
5. 0.0 

3. 0.0 
3. 0.0 

3. 0.0 

1 suit Bed " } Ci co 18. 0.0 
2 Window Curtains ) Red 
1 suit Bed do. J ^en 40. 0.0 
2 Window Curtains Red 
Hareteen ... 3. 0.0 
1 Dining Table, Mahogany 7.10.0 
2 Tea 11.10.0 
1 Card " 6. 0.0 

1 pr large Pictures . . 
2 doz n small Pictures . 
1 Fish Kettle .... 
1 Bell mettle Kettle . 
1 Table set of pewter . 
2 cases silver handled 
Knives & Forks & 

10. 0.0 

5. 0.0 

1 China " 4.10.0 
doz Chairs 22.10.0 

1 Japaned Tea Kettle & 

1. 5.0 

S " 20. 0.0 
1 Side Board 6. 0.0 
1 Desk 11. 0.0 
I Chest Drawers " 16. 0.0 
1 Arm Chair & seven 
other Walnut . . 12. 0.0 
1 Dining Table Walnut 2. 0.0 
1 Pier Looking Glass . 22.10.0 
1 large Mahogany gilt do 7. 10.0 
2 Common Glasses plain 
Mahogany frames . 9. 0.0 
2 Common Glasses plain 

1 Harpsicord .... 
1 Wash Kettle copper . 
1 Copper Tea Kettle . 
1 iron " " -. 
1 large iron pot . . . 
4 Common Iron pots 
1 pr Rose blankets . . 
1 pr Sheets .... 
1 pr. Pillow Cases . . 
1 White Knotted bed 
1 Calico 

60. 0.0 
1. 0.0 
2. 0.0 
1. 5.0 
1. 5.0 

1. 5.0 

376 Notes and Queries. 

1 Suit Calico field Bed * 1 Desk poplar . . . 2. 0.0 

Curtains & bedsheet 14.0.0 1 Case " ... 2.0.0 

1 large double damask ^ doz China plates . . 1. 0.0 

Table Cloth . . . 2.10.0 2 wash hand Glasses . 0.10.0 

1 small damask Table Jelly Glasses ... 0.10.0 

Cloth .... 1. 5.0 A Mulatto Girl named 

1 Chariot & Harness . 105. 0.0 Dinah . . . . 60. 0.0 

1 Phseton " . 70. 0.0 Ready Money hard . . 14.11.6 

1 Stage Coach. . . . 100. 0.0 Ready Money paper 

A pair of mares . . . 100. 0.0 140. @ 19 for one. 7.10.0. 

doz plain Mahogany An Eight day Clock & 

Chairs .... 13.10.0 Case 8. 0.0 

1 Gold Watch . . . 25. 0.0 One old Saddle & Bridle 

165 oz Plate .... 82.10.0 plaited Stimps & 

15 Ton Hay .... 60. 0.0 Bitts 3. 0.0 

Law Books .... 49. 0.0 One Close Stool Chair . 1. 5.0 

1 Desk walnut old . . 2. 0.0 $ doz pewter water Plates 3. 0.0 

Appraised by us, ADAM REIGART. 

Exhibited in the Registers Office at Lancaster ; the 6 th day of March 
1786 the Extrs Sworn 

3152.16.0 Reg r . 

A WEDDING INVITATION, Copied from the original manuscript. 

My sweetheart as well as myself desire (if it may suit thy convenience 
and freedom), that thou wilt favor us with thy company at our mar- 
riage, which is intended to be at Burlington the 4th of next month. 

I am thy respectful friend, 

Oct. 19th 1746. 

PRIVATEER GALLEY ALLEGATOR, 1782. Copied from the Original 
Manuscript, presented by Herbert Dupuy, Pittsburgh Penna. 

The Galley Allegator to Timothy Shealor Dr. 

1782, May- June. To 9 Swivel Guns, 20. pr pair . . . . 90. 0.0 

To Planks and Timbers delivered to the Carpenters . . . . 30. 0. 

3 Musquetts, 3 Bayonettes, 3 Cartouch Boxes 9. 0.0 

Cash Phillips for a cabouse 7.6 

Time & Expenses attending Vendue at the Cape . . . . 3.10.0 

Cash Henry Davis 1.10.6 

" pd Sharp for 12 pikes & Rings 2.5.0 

" " Benj. Gifford for Rendezvous 3.12.0 

" " Lane's expenses from Thomas's River to Barney 

Gattas a Pilot . . . . , 1.17.6 

Cash pd Chambers for carrying Swivels & shot to Trenton . 2.10.0 

Mainsail for the Galley 30. 0.0 

Squaresail " " 20. 0.0 

250 w* New Rigging 17.10.0 

Notes and Queries. 37? 

'CaptVansant 4. 3.4 

4 Cash pd Buoy 1.10.0 

' " due Soper, for which I gave my note 9. 0.0 

' " Abraham Davis, pr Piloting 3. 0.0 

' " pd Platt for Oars 2. 5.0 

' " " Jno. Governor, Commissions, Expenses, Horse- 
hire &c 6. 0.0 

' ' Journey to Philadelphia to visit on Congress and the Board 
of War for two Brass pieces of Ordinance which was prom- 
ised horse hire 8 days 8. 0.0 

Cash pd Dolby for 30 w* Pork 1.16.0 

" " Sam 1 Cooper, ferryage on 4 guns & other things. . 17.6 

" " Mother Tucker's bill 7.10.0 

" 1 large Cheat hammer 7.6 

" 1 Gun & Bayonet 2.10.0 

3 Cutlasses and 2 Bayonets 2. 0.0 

1 Brass Compass 2.10.0 

Capt Vansant pr piece Brittainas 2.17.6 

Cash pd Brush for 3 of my hands expenses 3. 0.0 

" Joseph Eshtoll, for 51 meals Victuals for my carpenter 1.18.1 

271. 4.1 

The following gentlemen were owners of the "Allegator :" R. Somers, 
J. W. Culloch, P. Stretch, T. Rennard, The Captain Timothy Shaler, 
and J. Ball & Co. 

SYLVANIA IN 1906, selected from the annual report of Dr. John W. 
Jordan, Librarian: 

To the Gilpin Library were added 20 books, 5 manuscripts, and 6 
Broadgides and maps ; through the Lanier Bequest, 10 books, and 5 
pamphlets, relating to North Carolina ; to the Ferdinand J. Dreer Col- 
lection of Manuscripts, 134 Letters and Documents; to the George M. 
Condrroe Collection of Manuscripts, 16 Letters ; and to the Frank M. 
Etting Collection, about 2000 letters and documents. To the General 
Library 18 books, 25 pamphlets, 3 manuscripts by Keith and anti-Keith 
writers ; 3 rare imprints of Benjamin Franklin; 11 Letters of William 
Penn,1702 ; 2 Account Books of District of Southwark, 1788 ; 15 Manu- 
scripts, Pennsylvania Soldiers of the Revolution ; 6 Broadsides. 

Manuscript Hymn Book of Hermits of the Wissahickon ; original 
plans of the encampment at Valley Forge, battle of Trenton, and Quebec 
and vicinity. 

Among the gifts are the following : 

From the Genealoyical Society of Pennsylvania : Christ Church Bap- 
tisms, 1709-1900, 2 Vols. Records of Reformed Church, Falkner 
Swamp, Pa., 1 Vol. Records of St. George's Church and Chapel, 
Indian River, Sussex Co., Delaware, 1 Vol. Records Wilmington 
(Del) Monthly Meeting, 1 Vol. Index of Records in Friend's Library, 
16th and Race Streets, 1 Vol. 

From Israel W. Morris, 73 Manuscripts, 1 Book and 32 Miscellaneous, 
relating to the First Bank in the United States. 

Mrs. Emily Norris Vaux, 115 Manuscripts, comprising letters, docu- 
ments and Almanacs of the Norris and Logan families. 

378 Notes and Queries. 

Estate of Mrs. Charles J. Still?; Portrait of our late President, Dr. 
Charles J. Stille, by Waugh ; portrait of John Stille* ; portrait of Tobias 
Wagner, Chancellor of the University of Tubingen ; 1 Swedish Flag, 
and a collection of books, pamphlets, manuscripts and Civil War photo- 

Col. William Brooke Rawle ; 11 Vols. English Parish Registers, 5 
Broadsides and 40 miscellaneous. 

Miss Henrietta Graff; 1 Silver Vase, 1 Silver Pitcher, Cut glass De- 
canter and glass, presented to Frederick Graff, on behalf of the City of 
Philadelphia, by the Watering Committee of 1822 and 1828. 

Mrs. D. B. Birney ; a gold and jeweled Sword, presented by the City 
of Philadelphia to Major General D. B. Birney ; set of Resolutions and 
3 sets of Epaulettes. 

Mrs. It. J. C. Walker ; Autograph list of subscribers to the Congres- 
sional Register. 

Charles G. Darrah ; 41 manuscripts, 63 designs and miscellaneous 
articles of Christian Gobrecht. 

Mrs. William C. Ludwig ; the marble mantel from the Graff house S. 
W. Corner, Seventh and Market Streets, in which Jefferson drew up the 
Declaration of Independence. 

Bequest of Mrs. Susan M. Miller ; 3 Manuscripts and 79 articles made 
from wood of Independence Hall. 

Bequest of Mrs. Rebecca White ; portrait of Josiah White. 

William H. Jordan ; portraits of Hon. Joseph R. Ingersoll and Gen- 
erals Andrew A. Humphreys, George B. McClellan and George Cad- 

Edward Siter and M. Richards Muckle ; Minute Book of Minnehaha 
Lodge, I. 0. Sons of Malta. 

Hon. James T. Mitchell; 5 Books, 357 pamphlets. 

William G. Thomas the Harleian Society publications for 1906. 

Adam Everly ; Minute Book of the Directors of the Amateur Drawing 
Room Association 1864-1872. 

Dr. John W. Jordan, Librarian, 17 books, 48 pamphlets, and 4 
Broadsides, and 100 autograph letters for the Henry Papers. 

The following are additional Donors. 

Hon. Hampton L. Carson, Charles Morton Smith, Dr. C. H. Vinton, 
Hon. S. W. Pennypacker, Albert J. Edmonds, Miss Josephine Carr, 
Stephen W. White, Warren S. Ely, John P. Nicholson, Dr. C. E. God- 
frey John M. Hartman, Samuel Troth, Miss M. A. Leach, Miss M. F. 
Grant, University of Amsterdam, Miss Sarah Cresson, Thomas Willing 
Balch, Herman Faber, Dr. S. A. Green, John R. Witcroft, George H. 
Lea, Joseph T. Richards, Major A. A. Folsom, E. A. Weaver, Dr. C. 
W. Dulles, W. F. Yarnall, Francis Fisher Kane, Dr. W. W. Keen, 
De B. Randolph Keim, W. P. Westcott, C. S. Bradford, Rev. C. H. B. 
Turner, Frank E. Marshall, C. W. Sparhawk, Benjamin H. Smith, 
Mrs. John Harrison, Miss Mary E. Sinnott, Lewis Ashbrook, G. B. 
Keen, Rev. J. W. Robins, D. D., M. J. I. Griffin, Oliver Hough, Dr. 
A. M. Stackhouse, Joseph Willcox, Joseph G. Rosengarten, Mrs. Ash- 
bel Welch, Miss E. L. Tenbrook, James M. Lamberton, Charles P. 
Keith, Charles Henry Hart, H. M. M. Richards, F. W. Rouse, Misses 
Elliott, S. W. Levis, Charles Penrose Perkins and others. 

Notes and Queries. 379 

" PENNSYLVANIA," by A. J. H. Duganne. 

The author of the following inspiring lyric was born in Boston in 1823 
and died in the City of New York October 20, 1884. He published a 
volume of " Hand Poems " in 1844 and later in life eighteen volumes 
and pamphlets of oratory, philosophy and poetry. He was one of the 
founders of the ' ' Know Nothing ' ' party and afterward Colonel of the 
176 th New York volunteers during the war of the Rebellion. He was 
captured by the rebels and for a time was an inmate of a Southern 
prison. In 1850 he edited the "Iron Man," a weekly newspaper pub- 
lished in Phoenixville in this state. It is somewhat remarkable that two 
gifted poets Bayard Taylor and Duganne should have selected this 
rather prosaic manufacturing town as the scene of their journalistic 
efforts. Taylor's first and only newspaper was the " Phoenixville Pio- 
neer." Each of them later became identified editorially with the New 
York Tribune. 

Duganne's "Pennsylvania" ought to be read in every household in 
the State and made known all over the land. It expresses more nearly 
than anything else in our literature the spirit which ought to pervade 
her people. Though perhaps a little too long, in the warmth of its tone 
and the resonance of its verse it fully equals "Hohenlinden," "The 
Young Lochinvar ' ' and the best of the English lyric productions. As 
a stern and vivid war picture these lines are unsurpassed : 

"And the hunter scours hia rifle and the boatmen grinds his knife, 
And the lover leaves his sweetheart and the husband leaves his wife 
And the women go out in the harvest and gather the golden grain 
While the bearded men are marching." 

The poem was written about the time of the battle of Gettysburg. It 
is enough in itself to keep any man's memory green for all time. 

S. W. P. 


Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! She's blazing as of yore, 

Like a red furnace molten, with freedom's blast once more ! 

From all her mines the war light shines, and out of her iron hills. 

The glorious fire leaps higher and higher till all the land it fills ! 

From valleys green and mountains blue her yeomanry arouse, 

And leave the forges burning, and the oxen at their plows : 

Up from highland and headland, they muster in forest and plain : 

By the blaze of their fiery beacons, in the land of Anthony Wayne. 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! her sons are clasping hands, 

Down from the Alleghanies and up from Jersey's sands, 

Juniata fair to the Delaware, is winding her bugle bars : 

And the Susquehanna, like warlike banner, is bright with stripes and 

stars ; 

And the hunter scours his rifle and the boatman grinds his knife, 
And the lover leaves his sweetheart, and the husband leaves his wife : 
And the women go out in the harvest and gather the golden grain, 
While the bearded men are marching in the land of Anthony Wayne. 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! Through every vale and glen 
Beating like resolute pulses, she feels the tread of men, 
From Erie's lake her legions break from Tuscarora's gorge : 

380 Notes and Queries. 

And with ringing shout they are4ramping out from brave old Valley 

Forge ; 

And up from the plains of Paoli the minute men march once more ; 
And they carry the swords of their fathers, and the flags their fathers bore, 
And they swear as they rush to battle that never shall cowardly stain 
Dishonor a blade or a banner in the land of Anthony Wayne. 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! She fears not traitor hordes ; 
Bulwarked on all her borders, by loyal sons and swords : 
From Delaware's strand to Maryland, and bright Ohio's marge ; 
Each freeman's hand is her cattle brand, each freeman's heart her targe ; 
And she stands like an ocean's breakwater, in fierce Rebellion's path, 
And shivers its angry surges, and baflles its frantic wrath ; 
And the tide of Slavery's treason shall clash on her in vain, 
Rolling back from the ramparts of freedom, from the land of Anthony 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! We hear her sounding call 

Ringing out Liberty's summons from Independence Hall ; 

That tocsin rang with iron clang in Revolution's hour, 

And it is ringing again, through the hearts of men, with a terrible glory 

and power. 

And all the people hear it, that mandate old and grand ; 
' ' Proclaims to the uttermost nations that Liberty rules the land, " 
And all the people chant it that brave old royal strain 
On the borders of Pennsylvania The land of Anthony Wayne. 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! And let her soldiers march 

Under the Arch of triumph the Union Starlit Arch ; 

With banner proud and trumpets loud, they come from border fray : 

From the battle fields, when hearts were shields, to bar the invaders way; 

Hurrah for Pennsylvania ! her soldiers well may march 

Beneath her ancient banner, the key stone of our arch ; 

And all the mighty northland, will swell the triumphant train : 

From the land of Pennsylvania the land of Anthony Wayne. 


UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. Information in regard to any of the 
following named graduates of Medicine of the University of Pennsylvania 
is desired by the Alumni Catalogue Committee. Specially wished is 
exact information as to full name, date and place of death, Academic 
degrees received, and public offices held. 


Allison, Nathaniel Stout, Pa. Clapp, Benjamin, Mass. 

Anderson, William Wallace, Md. Clark, George, D. C. 

Banks, William T., Va. Cochran, Richard Ellis, Del. 

Bascombe, George E. H., Bermuda. Cox, Swepson, Ga. 

Bigelow, Jacob., Mass. Dade, Francis, Va. 

Bohrer, Benjamin S., D. C. Davis, Isaac, Pa. 

Boyd, John T., N. J. Denny, Theodore, Md. 

Boykin, Samuel, Ga. Easton, Jonathan Jr., R. I. 

Bragg, John, Va. Edwards, Alexander M., S. C. 

Carpenter, John Smith, Pa. Fitzgerald, William A., D. C. 

Carroll, George Atwood, Md. Fitzhugh, Alexander, Va. 

Notes and Queries. 381 

Fontain(el), Charles D., Va. Ravenel, James, S. C. 

Gray, James, Md. Rice, John, Pa. 

Gwathmey, George, Va. Robinson, Littlebury R., Va. 

Harper, James Kent, Md. Shippen, Joseph Galloway, Pa. 
Irwin (or Irving?), Handy (Har- Shoemaker, Nathan, Pa. 

ris?), Va. Smith, James, N. J. 

Johnson, James Chew, Ky. Stuart, Josephus Bradner, N. Y. 

Kughler, Benjamin, Pa. Todd, John, Ky. 

Lambert, John H., N. J. Trescott, John Sen, S. C. 

Lawrence, John Myer, Md. Tyler, Natt H., Va. 

Marchand, Louis, Pa. VanBrakle, Samuel H., St. Croix. 

May, Benjamin H., Va. Vandyke, Frederick Augustus, N. 
Miller, James Henry, Pa. J- 

Mitchell, Edward, S. C. Vernon, Samuel, N. J. 

Motta, Jacob De La., S. C. Washington, Bailey, Va. 

Muldrow, Robert, S. C. Watkins, Benjamin, P., Va. 

Murray, George W., Pa. Watkins, Joseph, Va. 

Naudain, Arnold, Del. Whitehead, James, Ga. 

Nelson, Hugh, Va. Whitelaw, Davis, Va. 

Nelson, Thomas, Va. Wilson, Isaac Mazyck, S. C. 

Oliver, Daniel, Mass. Wilson, James, Md. 

Potts, William Jr., Md. Withers, Thomas Thornton, Va. 
Yeates, Donaldson, Md. 


Your publication in the April number of the Pennsylvania Magazine 
of History and Biography, p. 236, from the Joshua Humphreys papers 
of the interesting "Suggestions of William Rush", for figureheads for 
vessels of the U. S. navy, leads me to call attention to a confusion of 
indentity that exists between the sculptor and his uncle, of the same 
name, who were contemporaries and both prominent in the public life of 
Philadelphia. This confusion is in great part caused by a similarity in 
the character of their signatures, quite as striking as in the hand- 
writings of Benjamin, William and William Temple Franklin, or of 
the Andrews, James and William Hamilton, or of Benjamin Harrison 
the Signer and his son Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia. 

William was a common name in the Rush family. The eldest son of 
John Rush the emigrant was William 1 (1652-1688). His youngest son 
was William 2 (d. 1733), whose eldest son William 3 (1717-1791) named 
his third son William* (b. 1746. d. young). John Rush, a younger 
brother of William 1 , had a son John whose eldest son was named 
William 5 (b. 1703), while James Rush, eldest son of William 1 , had a 
son Willian 8 , who also had a son William 7 . Joseph Rush, Coroner 
of Philadelphia, 1780 to 1785, son of William 2 , named his eldest son 
William 8 (1756-1833) who was the sculptor. The eighth child of Dr. 
Benjamin Rush, the Signer, was William 9 (1800-1864) physician. 

I have abstracted these items chiefly from "Descendants of John 
Rush", in the Penna. Mag. of Hist, and Biog. Vol. xvii, which says, p. 
333, that William Rush, the sculptor married Martha Wallace, the 
record of which marriage we find in "A register of Baptisms, Marriages 
and Deaths, 1772-1822. By Rev. William Rodgers" Id. Vol. xix, p. 
Ill,'* W m . Rush Jun r . & Martha Wallace. Both of Phila*. Dec r 12, 

382 Notes and Queries. 

1780". The "Jun r " in this record, is not strictly correct after the 
name of William Rush 8 , as it was his uncle, his father's elder brother, 
who was the senior William Rush 3 , and so the sculptor was correctly 
"Second" and not "Junior." But this is an error very commonly made. 

William Rush 8 the wood carver and first native born American Sculp- 
tor, was born, to copy from Chapter ii, on The Plastic Art in America, 
in my"Browere's Life Masks of Great Americans", "in Philadelphia, 
July 4, 1756, being fourth in direct descent from John Rush, who 
commanded a troop of horse in Cromwell's army, and, having embraced 
the principles of the Quakers, came to Pennsylvania the year following 
the landing of William Penn. From the emigrant, John Rush, was al- 
so descended, in the fifth generation, the celebrated Benjamin Rush, 
physician and politician, and one of the signers of the Declaration of 
Independence. The father of Willian Rush, was Joseph Rush, who 
married, at Christ Church, Philadelphia, September 19, 1750, Rebecca 
Lincoln, daughter of Abraham Lincoln, of Springfield Township, now 
in Delaware county, Pennsylvania. She was of the same family as 
Abraham Lincoln, the martyr President of the United States. I am 
thus minute in tracing the ancestry of William Rush, in order to 
establish and place upon record, beyond a question or a doubt, that he 
was the first American sculptor by birth and parentage, and thus set at 
rest, the claim, so frequently made, that this honor belongs to John 
Frazee, a man not born until 1790 ". William Rush 8 died January 17, 
1833 and Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography claims that the 
sculptor served in the army of the revolution " and was a member of 
City Councils for half a century ' ' . 

His uncle William Rush 3 , with whom he is sometimes confused, was 
born February 26, 1717-18 and died November 30, 1791. He was 
a member of the Common Council of Philadelphia, 1757 to 1762 ; a 
signer of the Non-importation agreement of November 7, 1765 ; named 
on the committee of correspondence, appointed at a meeting of citizens 
in the State House Yard, June 18, 1774, and subsequently was elected 
a member of the committee at the next general election in November ; a 
delegate to the meeting of deputies chosen by the several counties to meet 
at Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, July 15, 1774,* as also to the Pro- 
vincial Convention for the Province of Pennsylvania, held in Philadel- 
phia, January 23, 1775. He was appointed a Justice of the Peace for 
North Mulberry ward, May 7, 1779 and according to Martin's Bench 
and Bar of Philadelphia, a Justice of the Orphans Court of Philadel- 
phia, June 11, 1779 ; an Associate Justice of the City Court January 30, 
1782, in place of John Ord deceased, and a Justice of the Common 
Pleas Court, May 26, 1786. 

From Indentures of Apprenticeship, in the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, he was one of the managers of the House of Employ- 
ment in 1784, the binding out being also approved by him as Justice of 
the Peace. William Rush 3 m. 1st, Esther Carlisle and 2nd, Frances 
Decowe and had ten children, only three attaining maturity and marry- 
ing, (1) Elizabeth m. Robert Bethell ; (2) Joseph m. S. Massey ; (3) 
Sarah m. Joseph Kerr. 

Can any of your readers throw further light upon the public life of 
William Rush 3 and of William Rush 8 ? Charles Henry Hart. 

(*In the Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd Series, Vol. iii, p. 545, his name 
is misprinted William Ruth) 

Notes and Queries. 383 

JBoofc Ulotices 

Charles A. Flagg, Salem, Mass. 1907. 8vo. pp 256. 

This work is a bibliographic index to the literature of the towns, cities 
and counties of the state, including books, pamphlets, articles in peri- 
odicals and collected works, books in preparation, historical manu- 
scripts, newspaper clippings. It is arranged under three headings ; 
general works of the State, in various subdivisions ; counties alphabeti- 
cally, with towns alphabetically under each county, and a local index, 
giving present and obsolete names of localities in the State. After the 
names of the county, town or city is given, there is a brief outline sketch 
showing original designation of the territory, date of incorporation, and 
changes in limits and the notes appended give needful help. To the 
student interested in local history the book will be essential, and the 
genealogist, will find it a happy hunting ground. Admiration of the 
industry, knowledge and systematic skill exhibited by the compiler is 
but a just acknowledgment. It is a work of conspicuous merit and 
unquestionable value, and Mr. Flagg has achieved a large measure of 
success. Maps of the counties with their townships, and an index of 
local names are helpful. The work is well printed and bound, and 
makes an excellent appearance. Copies may be had of the Salem 
Company, Salem, Mass. Price $6.00 net, postage 20 cents extra. 

Philadelphia, 1907. 8vo., pp 226. Revised edition, limited to 100 
copies. Illustrated. 

An exceedingly interesting book, put together just as such a book 
should be, and there is nothing but praise for the way in which it has 
been compiled. 

neck. 8vo. pp 338. Published by Breitkopf & Hartel, 24 West Twen- 
tieth Street, New York. Price $4.00, cloth $5.00. 

It is impossible to speak too highly of the industry, patient research 
and intelligence which the author has bought to bear upon his work to 
lay the foundations of an important side of American musical history. 
His material has been gathered mainly from old newspapers and other 
contemporary sources, and numerous programs of Concerts have been 
printed in the text, in order to enable the student to take an independ- 
ent position for or against his theory that a very much more intelligent 
and lively interest was taken in music in our country during the 
eighteenth century than is generally admitted. 

When and where the first public concert took place in what are to- 
day the United States, the author states would be difficult to answer. 
The earliest allusions developed by his researches dates back to April of 
1731, at Charleston, South Carolina, and the next, eight months later, 
at Boston, Massachusetts. New England's share in the development of 
our early musical life has been unfairly and unduly overestimated by 
many writers, to the disadvantage of the Middle Colonies and the 

The first public concert given in Philadelphia, which the author has 

384 Notes and Queries. 

discovered, was in January of 1757, tit the Assembly Eoom, in Lodge 
Alley, under the direction of John Palma, and the first musical society 
is said to have existed as early as 1759. Musical gatherings were fre- 
quently held at the homes of John Penn, Dr. Adam Kuhn or Francis 
Hopkinson, and that Hopkinson did more to develope the early musical 
life of the city than any other person, is no exaggerated claim to make. 
During the Revolution the giving of public concerts were generally dis- 
couraged, but we read that in 1779, the band of Proctor's Artillery regi- 
ments occasionally performed, and a band assisted at several of the 
Commencements of the University of Pennsylvania. While Howe 
occupied the city, the bands of the English and German regiments gave 
concerts. At the close of the war John Bentley gave a series of fort- 
nightly concerts, but in 1786 Alexander Reinagle, by virtue of his 
superior talent and individuality, assumed control of the musical affairs 
of the city. Towards the close of the century concerts were given at 
Gray's Garden, at Harrowgate, Bush Hill (the Pennsylvania Tea Garden) 
and Centre House Garden. In 1784, Adgate founded his Uranian 
Academy and instituted Uranian Concerts, which nourished until his 
death from Yellow Fever in 1793. He was the first in the country to 
point out the necessity and advantage of making music " form a part in 
every system of education." The musical life of Pennsylvania, outside 
of Philadelphia, was primitive and remained so for many years. Only 
in one section flourished any thing like a musical atmosphere, and that 
was in the Moravian settlements of Northampton county, and the love 
of music in Bethlehem was so deeply rooted as to make the town in 
course of time the centre of the American Bach cult. 

The notes appended are excellent and sufficiently full to give needful 
help, the index comprehensive, and the volume well printed on good 

Frederick Lewis, Coatesville, Pa., 1907. 8vo. 14pp. Illustrated. 

This address, made before the Brandy wine Manor Presbyterian Church 
Cemetery Associasion, contains valuable historical data relating to the 
congregation, which three years hence, will celebrate the one hundred 
and seventy-fifth anniversary of its founding. The energetic labors of 
the Rev. Adam Boyd, which extended over Chester and Lancaster 
counties for forty-four years, were instrumental in the organization of 
the Brandywine Church. 






VOL. XXXI. 1907. No. 4 




William Perm's treatment of the aborigines has justly 
given him enduring fame, and made a bright page in the 
history of the Society of Friends ; although the Quakers 
were not the first white men who gave to the savage an 
equivalent for the soil, and apparently did not, like inde- 
pendent discoverers, think out for themselves that piece of 
justice, for they did not even reinstate, but merely con- 
tinued, a local practice so agreeable to conscience. It is 
sufficient for their glory that they adopted and pursued such 
conduct without incurring suspicion of bad faith during the 
fifty and more years prior to the location of the Walking 
Purchase. When that came to be located, the government 
of Pennsylvania had ceased to be a Quaker theocracy, and 
against the conduct of the Proprietaries' agents, the head 
men of the Society stirred up a protest. The real author of 
the policy of the Founder of Pennsylvania and his com- 
panions was probably some moralist, statesman, ruler, or 
pioneer who spoke or acted long before the Duke of York's 
conquest of Manhattan. 

VOL. xxxi. 25 (385) 

386 The Bishop of London and Penn's Indian Policy. 

If the Quakers were guided, not by the custom they 
found in the locality, hut by their own theorizing or a 
stranger's advice, it must have been before the date of the 
settlement of Friends in New Jersey. Were it not for 
this criterion, we should find in certain words of Penn him- 
self sufficient proof that one of the hierarchy of the Church 
of England was the author of the policy. In a letter to the 
Lords of the Committee (of the Privy Council) for his 
Majesty's Plantations, dated Philadelphia, August 14, 1683, 
Penn says : 

" I have exactly followed the Bishop of London's counsel 
[spelt < council '] by buying and not taking away the Natives' 
land, with whom I have settled a very kind correspondence." 

Our object in these pages is to show what we must con- 
clude from this statement of indeed the best of witnesses. 
Only in recent years has any popular writer taken note of 
it, although the letter was printed by Proud in the first 
volume of his History, with the omission of the word " ex- 
actly," which we find in the certified copy in possession of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Clarkson and Jan- 
ney, biographers of Penn, seem never to have read the letter 
through. The clause above quoted is by itself strong enough 
to allow an inference that he who wrote it had at first thought 
no more than many Anglo-Saxons of any claim by nomads 
to keep land which civilized people were desirous of culti- 
vating, but that he had yielded to the views of the prelate, 
who, we may imagine, reasoned to himself with more justice 
that the Indian chiefs had as much moral right to their hunt- 
ing grounds as the great lords of England or of any agricul- 
tural country had to their pleasure parks. But the accom- 
panying circumstances do not let us press the signification 
of Penn's words so far. 

The Bishop of London referred to could only have been 
the Bishop then in office, and moreover one of the Lords to 
whom the letter was addressed. He was Henry Compton, 
who had superintended the religious education of the Duke 
of York's daughters, Mary and Anne, afterwards Queens of 

The Bishop of London and Penns Indian Policy. 387 

England, and is known to readers of history as an important 
actor in the Revolution of 1688. Compton was consecrated 
Bishop of Oxford on December 6, 1674, was Dean of the 
Chapel Royal from 1675 to 1685, and, having been translated 
from Oxford to London in December, 1675, held that see 
thirty-seven years and five months, including the year of his 
suspension in James IPs time. Under this bishopric were 
in a certain way the churches in America, and Compton, a 
Privy Councillor since 1676, became a member of the Com- 
mittee for Plantations before 1680. Apparently he was 
never one of Penn's intimate friends, being twelve years his 
senior, considerably his superior in birth, a hearty objector 
against his religious teachings, and perhaps at all times a 
distruster of his politics. Compton was born in 1632, 6th 
and youngest son of Spencer Compton, second Earl of 
Northampton, who, having raised 2000 men for Charles I, 
fell in battle at Hopton Heath. Nearly every son of the 
Earl took a conspicuous part on the side of " The Royal 
Martyr " or his successor ; even the future Bishop is sup- 
posed to have engaged in some rising, and to have served 
against Cromwell's army in Flanders. At the Restoration, 
Henry was made a cornet in the horse guards. He is said 
to have entered the ministry of the Church of England 
because of representations to him that it had need of men 
of noble birth. Years after he had turned, like Penn, from 
military service to preaching, he, unlike Penn, took up 
again the " carnal weapon," and accepted the colonelcy of a 
regiment to further the cause of the Prince of Orange, and 
appeared at the head of a troop in a purple cloak with 
sword drawn. Compton's piety and his faithfulness in visit- 
ing the parishes under his episcopal care have been eulo- 
gized. He is said to have desired to make a voyage to 
America to visit the churches there. He gave so much in 
charity, as well as church building, that he died poor. 
Among those whom he assisted were many Protestant refu- 
gees from the Continent. His violent Protestantism led him 
to rigorous action against Roman Catholics, on which point 

388 The Bishop of London and Penris Indian Policy. 

he was opposed to William Penn, who went on a mission to 

William of Orange in 1686 to secure the Prince's agreement 
to the abolition of the Test Act, while Compton considered 
the Test essential to the safety of England; but to Pro- 
testant dissenters, at least those who were orthodox, he was 
very tolerant. He had at heart a scheme of bringing into 
unity with the Church of England those at home or across 
the Channel opposed to the Papacy. He died in 1713, 
leaving the present cathedral of St. Paul's, London, as the 
physical monument of his occupancy of the see. Mr. George 
Harrison Fisher, in an article in the PENNSYLVANIA MAGA- 
ZINE, vol. xxvii, on Trinity Church, Oxford, Philadelphia, 
has pointed out how much the Episcopalians of our State 
owe to this Bishop. When it was proposed to give the vast 
region west of the River Delaware to a colony in which 
Quakers would be supreme, he secured in the fundamental 
law toleration for his own church. At the meeting of the 
Committee for Plantations, January 15, 1680-1, he being 
absent, a letter was received from him asking that Mr. Penn 
be obliged by the charter to admit a chaplain of his Lord- 
ship's appointment on request of any number of planters. 
This being referred to Chief Justice North, the clause was 
inserted that if twenty inhabitants should at any time desire 
any preacher or preachers to be approved of by the Bishop 
of London to be sent unto them for their instruction, then 
such preacher or preachers might reside in the province 
without molestation. This provision, which had been ani- 
madverted upon by some, was surely a small concession to the 
faithful of the National Church and to the official intrusted 
with its colonial department. On February 24, 1680-1, 
when the draft of the charter was finally read before the 
Committee, the Bishop of London, then absent, was desired 
to prepare a draft of a law to be passed " in this country " 
(evidently Pennsylvania) " for the settling of the Protestant 
religion." Nothing ever came of this. Possibly it was 
with some idea of appeasing this important personage and 
his colleagues that Penn, in the letter we have referred to, 

The Bishop of London and Penn's Indian Policy. 389 

certainly made a merit of doing what the Bishop had en- 
joined, and, it would seem, the others approved, about the 
Indians. The merit was greater, the greater the earnestness 
of the Bishop. The letter is not one dealing compliments 
around, and if Penn was tactfully complimenting this mem- 
ber of the Committee, it was only in naming the policy as 
his when Penn himself had never thought of any other. 

Indian rights, we are convinced, were the invention of 
neither Compton nor Penn. A quarter of a century before 
the birth of either, the question was raised in England 
against the settlement of Virginia : " by what right or war- 
rant we can enter into the lands of these savages, take away 
their rightful inheritance from them, and plant ourselves in 
their places, being unwronged and unprovoked by them." 
Robert Gray, in " A Good Speed to Virginia," says that 
some persons held the view that the Indians had no partic- 
ular property in any part, but only a general residence ; but 
he declares that there was no intention to take the land by 
force, for the savages had offered, on reasonable conditions, 
to yield more land than could for a long time be planted. 
While for sixty years this dream of amicable acquisition 
was scarcely anywhere realized where Englishmen were the 
pioneers, the Swedes and the Dutch on the Delaware bought 
their lands. 

When Compton, although thirty-four years old, had been 
but recently ordained, and Penn, ten years younger, had just 
returned as " a modish person," from his travels the General 
Meeting held at Hempsted, Long Island, by the Duke of 
York's Deputy Governor, on March 1, 1664, published a 
law to regulate future acquisitions from the Indians, requir- 
ing that leave be obtained from the Governor, and the 
sachems and right owners be brought before him, and 
acknowledge satisfaction and payment. 

Philip Carteret, the first Governor sent over by John, 
Lord Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret, Proprietors of 
New Jersey, found soon after his arrival in 1665, that it 
would be very foolish to occupy any ground without the 


390 The Bishop of London and Penns Indian Policy. 

savages' consent; so, although* the concessions to the settlers 
made no provision for bargaining with the Indians, this Gov- 
ernor exacted it of the settlers, except where the land was 
embraced in a former bargain, in which case they were to 
pay their proportion of the cost of what had been given to 
the Indians. Subsequent instructions from the Proprietors 
ordered that purchases should be made in their own name 
as occasion required by the Governor and Council. Appar- 
ently Compton had nothing to do with the adoption of this 
course. As far as any available list of Compton's printed 
works shows, he never addressed the British public on the 
subject of the property rights of the Indian. We have 
found no letter by him to any leader of emigration. The 
advice which Penn attributes to him must have been given 
in private or in some official conference. It is of course 
possible that upon first hearing that Lord Berkeley had 
sold his half proprietorship, or that a new class of settlers 
were going to New Jersey, Compton may have communi- 
cated his views to some one interested. We believe that his 
first appeal was to Penn in connection with the grant of 
Pennsylvania. The later any such argument was made to 
Quakers, the more surely had they been already convinced. 
When the first emigrants of this sect actually landed in 
New Jersey, they had no choice but to do like their prede- 
cessors in the matter. In 1676, Penn, who had decided a 
quarrel between the two Friends who had bought Berke- 
ley's moiety, signed instructions with Lawrie, Byllinge, 
Lucas, and Warner ordering among other things the pur- 
chase of a certain tract from the Indians, and four years 
later Penn is supposed to have written a large part of the 
argument begging the Duke of York to order a discontinu- 
ance of the levying of duties in the latter's name on the 
eastern shore of Delaware Bay, which argument maintained 
that every right of government was included in the pur- 
chase from the Duke, otherwise nothing at all was bought, 
" for," the paper continues, u the soil is none of his, 'tis the 
natives' by the Jus Gentium, by the law of nations, and it 

The Bishop of London and Penn's Indian Policy. 391 

would be an ill argument to convert to Christianity to 
expel, instead of purchasing, them out of those countries. 
* * It is now purchased again of the natives there too." 
Compton may have known nothing of Quaker transactions 
in N"ew Jersey. It is not likely that he ever saw the paper 
last mentioned. He had before this become estranged from 
the Duke, having brought about the banishment of the 
Duchess's Roman Catholic secretary, and it was supposed 
that the Duke's influence had prevented Compton's eleva- 
tion to the Archbishopric of Canterbury. Any attempt to 
approach the Duke or his agents would not have been made 
through Compton. He was thus in all probability ignorant 
of Penn's sentiments towards the Indians when the appli- 
cation for the grant of Pennsylvania was made. On the 
natural supposition that the Bishop's advice was known to 
the other Lords of the Committee, we conjecture that it 
was given at a meeting. The Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania has a transcript of the minutes of the meetings of 
the Committee, and we find that the Bishop of London was 
present on June 14, 1680, when the application was first 
taken up by the Committee, and was absent from all subse- 
quent meetings at which it was considered. Penn was 
called in on June 14, and, although the minutes do not 
mention it, we must conclude that the Bishop, always very 
outspoken, then expressed a hope that no land would be 
occupied without the consent and compensation of the 
natives, and that Penn gave assurance that he would be 
extremely careful in this respect. This explanation, which 
allows to Penn an original intention to do justice to the 
Indians, leaves a noble solicitude to the credit of Compton. 
If it be surmised that sound policy rather than stern justice 
dictated his remarks, there was at least a solicitude for the 
welfare of the colony, and a desire to avoid the shedding 
of blood, in one who was always ready to shed his own. We 
confess some disappointment that practically all which 
Penn's letter enables us to do is to enroll Bishop Compton 
on the humanitarian side. He did not change history. We 

392 The Bishop of London and Penn's Indian Policy. 

believe that we have established the fact of a colloquy, 
which, however unimportant, was a beautiful point of con- 
tact in careers of frequent opposition, factional and ecclesi- 
astical, between two politicians and preachers who were also 
patriots and philanthropists, the author of " No Cross no 
Crown," and the mitred peer who ordered cut in Greek on 
his tomb at Fulham: "Except in the Cross." 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 393 



[Address delivered on September 21, 1907, before the Pennsylvania 
Society Sons of the Revolution, the Burgess, Council, and Citizens, at 
the intersection of Nutt's Road and Bridge street, Phoenixville, 
Chester County, Penna., on the unveiling of the memorial stone 
erected to mark the farthest inland point of invasion in Pennsylvania, 
by the British army, September 21, 1777.] 

We meet here to-day upon the outer edge of the classic 
region of America. On the battle-field of Gettysburg the 
Government of the United States has erected an elaborately 
inscribed memorial to mark the farthest northward surge 
of the waves of rebellion. In like manner the borough of 
Phoenixville has here set up this stone of native granite from 
the shores of the French Creek to designate the westernmost 
inland point reached by the main army of British invaders 
during the Revolutionary war, in the times that tried men's 
souls. Philadelphia was then the metropolis and capital 
city of the country, the centre of its literature, science, and 
cultivation, as well as of its trade and wealth. In that city 
had met the preliminary Congress of 1774, and there, in the 
most memorable of American buildings, the state house of 
the Province, the Continental Congress had in 1776 issued 
the fateful Declaration of Independence, and in 1777 were 
holding their daily sessions. The purpose of the Campaign 
of 1777, with its many battles and its long and rapid 
marches, was upon the part of Howe to capture, and upon 
the part of Washington to protect, the city of Philadelphia. 
Both of the contestants were of the opinion that the out- 
come of this campaign would in all probability determine 
the result of the war. On the one side it was believed, and 
on the other it was feared, that the fall of Philadelphia 
would lead to a cessation of hostilities and to the restoration 

394 " The High Water Marie of the British Invasion." 

of British control over the Colonies. Howe took his army 
by sea to the Chesapeake Bay, and on the 25th of August 
landed at the head of the Elk River. On the 6th of Sep. 
tember, Washington, then at Wilmington, said to his sol- 

" Should they push their designs against Philadelphia, on 
this route, their all is at stake. They will put the contest on 
the event of a single battle. If they are overthrown they 
are utterly undone. The war is at an end. Now, then, is 
the time for our most strenuous endeavors. One bold 
stroke will free the land from rapine, devastations and burn- 
ings, and female innocence from brutal lust and violence." 

On the llth, the two armies met at Chadd's Ford on the 
Brandywine Creek, and the Americans were defeated. 
Howe reported to his superiors at home : " The enemy's 
army escaped a total overthrow that must have been the 
consequence of an hour's more daylight;" and Washington, 
having retreated across the river to German town, on the 
13th, consoled his soldiers as best he could by saying: 

" The General has the pleasure to inform the troops that 
notwithstanding we gave the enemy the ground, the pur- 
chase has been at (the cost of) much blood, this being by 
far the greatest loss they ever met with since the commence- 
ment of the war." 

The armies encountered each other again on the 16th, 
near the Warren Tavern, and a decisive engagement was 
anticipated, but a heavy rainstorm wet the ammunition and 
separated the combatants. Twenty-one Americans were 
killed, forty-three were taken prisoners, and many were 
wounded. It was the opinion of the Baron De Kalb 
that since the British were separated and the Americans 
united, Washington on this occasion lost a great oppor- 

Into the battle, Isaac Anderson, a young Lieutenant then 
seventeen years of age, and afterward a member of Con- 
gress from this district, whose name heads the list of those 
w T ho voted in favor of the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, led a 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 395 

company of men from this neighborhood. They lay in the 
Warren Tavern through the night of the 15th, and in the 
morning were stationed on the left of the army, on the South 
Valley Hill. It now became the object of Washington to pre- 
vent Howe from crossing the river, and that same night he 
withdrew his army to the Yellow Springs. At this place he 
issued an order that the loads were to be drawn from the 
guns, " but if they cannot be drawn, they are to remain 
loaded, for not one gun is to be fired in order to clean it. 
The General desires the officers to pay the most particular 
attention to these orders. Not only their own safety, but 
the salvation of the country may depend thereon." From 
there he marched to Parker's Ford, on the Schuylkill, where 
in the earlier day Edward Parker had established a landing 
for the iron from Coventry and Warwick, to be carried in 
boats down to Philadelphia. Sheeder, in his MS. history of 
Vincent, upon the authority of Judge John Ralston, who 
acted as guide, says that Washington came from the Yellow 
Springs to the General Pike, a few hundred yards above 
where we now are, and thence turned northward on Nutt's 
road. If this statement be correct, it establishes the inter- 
esting fact that both armies were at this place within three 
days of each other. The meeting between Washington and 
Ralston is very graphically depicted in the quaint and 
uncouth language of Sheeder, who says : 

" Now I shall proceed to make some remarks of which i 
never seen any mention of on record which is concerning 
g. Washington and John Ralston Esq. deceased. Of the 
later the writer was for 25 years an near neighbor of inti- 
mate entercorse. He a many times related to me when the 
conversation on the Revolutionary (war) was the subject, 
that when g. Washington was about leving the Springs he 
made inquiries of how and who he could get with sufficient 
trust to guide him to Reading. Captain John Ralston was 
recommended to him to be such a one. He the General 
wrote a few lines, sent one of his officers to induce Captain 
John Ralston to appear before him. The captain was for 

396 " The High Water Mark of the British Invasion," 

making some excuses but the request was so pressing that 
he must go with the bearer. * * His good conscience 
cheered him as he had done no wrong to his country and 
had acted the part of a good patriot and with this anima- 
tion got to his usual vivacity, and when arrived at the gen- 
eral's quarters he was introduced to g. Washington by say- 
ing < here is Captain John Ralston/ The general at this 
time was siting at the Table writing but immediately got on 
his feet and walking back and forwards in his room making 
inquiries how far he lived from the Springs, and how far his 
father lived from there, and how they all where, and where 
he had been born, and the captain had answered all of these 
questions, the next was ' are you acquainted with the roads 
in these parts V When the general put this last question he 
made a halt before the captain where he had been requested 
to take a seat and staring the captain in the face. Then 
the captain use to say that then his heart beat faster than at 
any time before, looking at this monstrous big man. The 
captain replied l yea/ Then he was asked if he knew such 
and such a road that the general made mention. The cap- 
tain said 'no ' he knew of none by that name. Like light- 
ning he clapt his hand in his pocket, drew out a book with 
the maps in. (In all this the captain knew nothing of the 
general's design. Here whenever the captain related this 
circumstance he made the same motion as the general did 
when he clapt his hand to his pocket) and looking for the 
road he entented to know of the captain and then said 'the 
Ridge road leading by Brumbach's church/ The captain 
answered 'yes' he was well acquainted with (it). Then said 
the general by laying his hand on the captain's shoulder 
1 You must be my pilot to Reading ' and not till then the 
captain's heart ceased beating and the general ordered him 
to be ready at such an hour tomorrow and appear at his 
room. The captain done as ordered and the line of march 
was commenced from the Springs to Kimberton road, then 
to down Branson's road to where now the General Pike is 
where this and the Schuylkill road forks to git across 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 397 

French creek bridge as there was no stone bridge known of 
far and near at them times. Then up the Ridge road." 

After again crossing the river to the east bank, "Washing- 
ton marched down and encamped upon both sides of the 
Perkiomen at its mouth, watching the different fords below. 
From the French Creek he sent Wayne with a division of 
fifteen hundred men to the rear of the British to harrasa 
them. This plan which separated his army resulted disas- 
trously since Gen. Grey, with a force double in number, fell 
upon Wayne on the night of the 20th, at Paoli, and defeated 
him with serious loss. Thereupon Howe turned his back 
upon Philadelphia and marched northward, having in view, 
it may be, the stores accumulated at Reading, the more 
shallow fords further up the river, or more probably only 
intending a deceptive manoeuvre. 

At 2 P. M. on the 19th, the column of Lord Cornwallis 
encamped at the Bull Tavern. On the 21st, of which day 
we are now celebrating the one hundred and thirtieth anni- 
versary, Howe marched up Nutt's road, and the left wing of 
the army reached the point where this stone is erected. 
Howe says : 

" On the 21st the army moved by Valley Forge and 
encamped upon the banks of the Schuylkill, extending from 
Fatland ford to the French Creek." 

This general description did not quite hold out at either 
end. Major John Andre, who later met so sad a fate, kept 
a journal, and it fortunately happens that he prepared a 
* careful plan of the location of the army along Nutt's road. 
He says they covered an extent of three miles from Fatland 
ford to " some distance beyond Moore Hall." 

Howe's headquarters were at the house of William Grimes, 
on the high ground near the Bull Tavern. The first bri- 
gade were upon the east side of the road, about a mile 
above the Valley Forge. Then came the second brigade on 
the west side of the road. The fourth brigade were on the 
high ground on the east side, overlooking the river back of 
the Bull. The third brigade were on the west side of the 

398 " The High Water Marie of the British Invasion" 

road on land of Matthias Pennypacker, still owned by some 
of his great grandchildren, opposite the present hamlet of 
the Corner Stores. Gen. Grey, the victor at Paoli the night 
before, had his quarters at a house at the southwest corner 
of the White Horse Road and butt's Eoad. The 2nd Regi- 
ment of Light Infantry and the Hessians under General 
Stern were here. 

The Hessian General Knyphausen had his quarters at the 
house of Frederick Buzzard, on the west side of the road 
above the Corner Stores. Elizabeth Rossiter, a daughter of 
Moses Coates, who lived on Main street west of Nutt's road, 
gave in 1841, when eighty-five years of age, this description 
of their approach: 

" The first that I saw of the British was the evening after 
the massacre at Paoli. Four girls of us were out walking 
in the road opposite to father's close by Polly Buckwalter's 
lane, when accosted by three men sitting on their horses 
near by us. They said i Girls, you had better go home.' 
We asked < Why?' i Because the English regulars are 
coming up the road.' At this moment two more Ameri- 
cans came riding up the road at full speed and announced 
that the army was just behind. We looked down the road 
and saw them in great numbers opposite Becky Lynch's. 
The army encamped the whole way from Valley Forge to 
Mason's Hill by the tavern." 

Andre says that large bodies of the Americans were seen 
on the opposite shore and that they frequently fired on the 
sentries. That same night Washington hastened to Potts 
Grove twelve miles further up the river. 

At that time the rules of warfare were more lax than they 
are at present and the British occupation resulted in much 
destruction of property and violence to persons, and it caused 
the greatest consternation among the inhabitants. The 
Valley forge and Col. Wm. Dewees' mill at that place were 
burned, the powder mill on the French Creek near here 
where Peter Dehaven was making powder for the Conti- 
nental army was destroyed, and at Matthias Pennypacker's 

" The High Water Marie of the British Invasion:' 399 

mill on the Pickering, after all the grain and flour had been 
taken, the soldiers broke up the machinery and cut the 
bolting cloths into pieces. Upon all sides it was a scene of 
plunder. Patrick Anderson at that time had a company in 
the Continental army and his family abandoned their home 
and fled for safety, with a team of oxen, horses and provi- 
sions to a lonely place in the woods along Stony Run. In 
their absence the British destroyed the furniture and carried 
away property valued at 303. 3s. 6d., including 11 cows, 
7 other cattle, 40 sheep, 10 swine, 19 geese, 6 turkeys and 
96 chickens. 

The family of Edward Lane lived in a Conestoga wagon 
in the woods near Diamond Rock for several days. The 
beds in the house were ripped open and everything about 
was destroyed. A daughter of Moses Coates related in 
1841 : 

"No sooner were they encamped than they began to 
plunder the surrounding country. They came in great 
numbers to my father's, carrying away potatoes, fowls, hay, 
and every thing they could make use of. A flock of geese 
in the yard was taken from the door. A Hessian taking 
one by the neck and holding it up before us said < Dis bees 
good for de Hessian mans/ when Elizabeth told him she 
hoped he would choke on the bones." 

William Fussell then lived here in a house later converted 
into the Fountain Inn. It was thoroughly ransacked. His 
wife thinking to save some bed curtains wrapped them about 
her person and covered them with her dress, but some Hes- 
sian women, of keen vision, without any ceremony, threw 
her down on the floor and unwound the coils. 

The house of Benjamin Boyer had been stripped of 
everything of value. Some of the family then carried the 
hives of bees inside, and putting them in the room in the 
west end of the first floor covered them with a sheet. An 
intruder appeared, and demanding to know what was there 
concealed, was informed they were bees. Not to be deceived 
by what seemed to be BO plain a subterfuge, he jerked off 

400 " The High Water Mark of the British Invasion/' 

the sheet and was severely stung by the already disturbed 
and enraged insects. This story was told of no less im- 
portant a person than Lord Cornwallis. 

Joseph Starr accused of being a spy was placed in con- 
finement and very much abused, but was soon afterward 

Most of the young women secreted themselves and kept 
out of the way, but the three sisters of a farmer living with- 
in half a mile of this point, whose name I forbear to give, 
were dragged to the camp and outrageously maltreated. 

A son of Moses Coates, then a mere youth, owned a horse 
which was stolen from the pasture field by some of the 
British. The young man went to headquarters and upon 
asking to see the general in command was met with derisive 
smiles. He however insisted and was finally ushered into 
the presence of Howe. There he was questioned and told 
that he could have his horse if he would cross the Schuylkill 
and report the location and condition of the American army. 
The proposition was enforced by an offer of six guineas in 
addition. He indignantly declined the suggestion, and after 
it had been found that he could not be prevailed upon to 
serve their purposes, he was given permission to search for 
his horse and take it away. That this family were held in 
high favor by the American officers appears from a letter to 
Col. Thomas Bradford dated Moore Hall, May 19th 1778, 
and published in the Lee papers which says : 

" Col. Biddle mentions to me Mr. Moses Coates about a 
mile from hence just back of his quarters where there is a 
good house and agreeable family with every convenient 
accommodation and will probably suit you both at least 
equally well with your present situation." 

At this time there was living in a cave in the hill just 
below the Pennsylvania railroad station in the present village 
of Mont Clare a man named Patrick Gordon, who had been 
a tenant under the Penns since 1761, and the ford across the 
Schuylkill where is now the bridge at the terminus of Bridge 
Street became known as Gordon's Ford. As such it is 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 401 

famous in the history of the Revolution since here for the 
first time the British were able to cross the river. Col. John 
Montresor, Howe's Chief of Engineers, writes in his journal 
on the 22nd : 

"At 5 this morning the Hessian Grenadiers passed the 
Schuylkill at Gordon's Ford under fire of their artillery and 
small arms and returned back being intended as a feint." 

He further tells us on the 21st " A bridge was ordered to 
be made across the Schuylkill at this place (Moore Hall) 
where the river is 120 yards and got in great forwardness 
intending to deceive the enemy." 

Andre says on the 22nd: 

"In the evening the Guards passed the river at Fatland 
Ford and the Hessian Chasseurs and some grenadiers passed 
at some distance above Moore Hall. Some light dragoons 
crossed at dusk at Long Ford. The guns of the Hessians 
and those of the third brigade fired a few shot across the 
river opposite their encampment to deceive the enemy with 
respect to the ford at which it was intended the army should 

The firing of cannon therefore extended from here to the 
Corner Stores and the balls were shot over what is now 
South Phoenixville. The Long Ford at which the light 
dragoons crossed is where the White Horse Road passing 
through the Corner Stores reaches the river. 

Howe in his report says : 

" On the 22nd the grenadiers and light infantry of the 
guards crossed over in the afternoon at Fatland Ford to 
take post, and the Chasseurs crossing soon after at Gordon's 
Ford opposite to the left of the line took post there also. 
The army was put in motion at midnight, the vanguard be- 
ing led by Lord Cornwallis, and the whole crossed the river 
at Fatland Ford without opposition." 

It is plain from the stories of the treatment of Starr and 

Coates and from other traditions that the British were eager 

to find local guides who were familiar with the country and 

ords, and that they had difficulty in securing them. In the 

VOL. xxxi. 26 

402 " The High Water Marie of the British Invasion." 

early morning Cornwallis and his staff came riding across the 
fields toward Gordon's Ford and at the residence of Thomas 
Robinson they called the old man and told him they wanted 
him to point out the location of the ford. He declined, but 
when they threatened compulsion he put on his broad 
brimmed hat and went along determined to be of as little 
use as possible. They were on horseback, he was on foot and 
he was soon lagging far in the rear, with slow gait and tardy 
steps. When Cornwallis reached the crest of the hill near 
the Starr farm house he turned to ask some questions and 
found that his guide was almost out of sight. An aide hur- 
ried him up to the general who threatened and swore furi- 
ously. Just then however the balls from across the river 
began to whistle about them distracting the attention ot 
Cornwallis, and Robinson taking advantage of the oppor- 
tunity briskly disappeared. The wing of the army which 
crossed at Fatland Ford took with them a son of Edward 
Lane as a guide. To all questions put to him he answered 
in a silly way " I don't know" and they dismissed him as 
either stupid or obstinate. They then compelled Jacob 
Richardson to conduct them across the river and he went 
with them to Philadelphia, and he there remained, afraid to 
return. During the following winter he one day saw an 
American officer of some prominence disguised as a Quaker 
farmer selling provisions in the market. He told the officer 
he was known and in danger and he aided him to escape. 
On arriving at Valley Forge, the officer detailed the circum- 
stances and made a certificate of the attachment to the 
American cause of Richardson who then came back to his 
home. It appears of record officially that he was proclaimed 
as a tory and afterward discharged. 

To protect the crossing at Gordon's Ford the British 
planted a battery on the high ground on the Starr farm and 
from it they fired at least three shots one of which struck 
the corner of the farm house in Mont Clare removed by 
Joseph Whitaker about forty years ago. The crossing was 
not accomplished without some sacrifice. A Briton and his 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion:' 403 

horse were shot and killed under the buttonwood trees still 
standing where the roads to Norristown and Port Providence 
intersect in Mont Clare. The man was carried away but the 
horse lay there for several days afterward. A rifleman con- 
cealed on the island shot a British officer just as he was 
about to enter the water at the ford. He fell and was taken 
back to the house of John Allen on the south side of Bridge 
Street where in a short time he died. He was buried in the 
Starr burying ground directly in the angle at the north east 
corner of Main and Church Streets. 

John Keiter born at Skippack then lived at the Rhoades 
farm house on the north bank of the French Creek, and he 
went over the hill toward the mouth of the creek to watch 
the army. A Hessian raising his piece fired at him and the 
ball struck a tree near the river. The tree with its bullet 
hole stood until a comparatively recent period. 

A squad of the British stopped at Gordon's cave, and there 
found a goose roasting on the fire. While they were busy 
having a rich feast, they were abandoned by their comrades 
and were captured by a body of American militia who had 
come down from the hills to follow in the rear of the enemy. 

While there is some difference in the contemporary state- 
ments as to the exact time when the main army crossed the 
river, Howe and Montresor agree that it began after mid- 
night on the morning of the 23rd and according to Howe 
it ended at 2 o'clock in the afternoon when Major General 
Grant with the rear guard and the baggage reached the 
further shore. Sergeant Thomas Sullivan of the 49th regi- 
ment of foot in his journal makes the same statement. The 
country they had left was a scene of desolation. The fences 
had been torn down and burned, the corn in the fields had 
been beaten to the ground by the feet of horses and men, 
and what was left of the hay and straw from the barns lay 
in the mud of the deserted encampments. The two wings 
of the army came together at Bean's tavern on the Mana- 
tawny Road and after stopping " to dry themselves and 
rest " they went on their way toward Philadelphia. 

404 f( The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 

And what in the meantime was Washington doing, and 
what did he think of these occurrences ? This is what he 
wrote from Pott's Grove to the President of Congress on 
the 23rd. 

" The enemy by a variety of perplexing manoeuvers 
through a country from which I could not derive the least 
intelligence being to a man disaffected, contrived to pass 
the Schuylkill last night at the Fatland half a mile below 
Valley Forge, and other fords in the neighborhood." 

It is rather remarkable that the day before Montresor, the 
British engineer, had written exactly the opposite statement 
of fact and used the same word saying : 

" Inhabitants many about Moore Hall fled, being disaf- 

Gen. John Armstrong wrote to President Wharton from 
the Trappe a day or two later : - 

" A feint of the enemy in rapidly moving a part of their 
body up the Schuylkill by French Creek led the General to 
apprehend they designed to cross above us and turn our 
right wing. To prevent this he marched high on this side 
on the Swamp Road when the same night or next morning 
they crossed at Fatland Ford. * * So that before full intel- 
ligence of their crossing came to head quarters, or rather 
before it gained credit, they were thought in council to be 
at too great a distance to be harassed in the rear by fatigued 

Upon Friday the 26th of September a cold rough windy 
day about ten o'clock in the morning fifteen hundred of the 
British and Hessian grenadiers under the command of Lord 
Cornwallis, Sir William Erskine and Commissary General 
Wier, led by Col. Harcourt and his light dragoons, with a 
band of music playing " God Save the King," marched in 
triumph into Philadelphia. On the same day, almost at the 
same instant of time Washington and the Continental army 
went into camp at Pennypacker's Mills. The campaign 
which had been believed to be fraught with consequences 
so momentous had ended with Howe in possession of the 

" The High Water Mark of the British Invasion." 405 

city and Washington out upon the hills of the Perkio- 

The revolutionary war was brought to a successful con- 
clusion not by the display of exceptional military skill or by 
brilliant successes upon fields of battle, but by the firmness 
and undaunted persistence of Washington, supported by a 
steadfast people. Had they been shaken by the clamor 
which arose against him at the close of the unsuccessful cam- 
paign of 1777, culminating in the efforts of Conway in the 
army, and certain members of the Congress, to remove him 
from his command, the colonies would probably have re- 
mained in the condition of Canada and South Africa. 

Every age is confronted with its own dangers, and there 
is a lesson in the result of the Revolutionary War and in 
the conduct of our forefathers of that time amid trying diffi- 
culties, to which we may well give heed today. Mommsen 
wrote of the Celts that they have been " Good soldiers but 
bad citizens," and that they " have shaken all states and 
have founded none." The cause is to be seen in that weak- 
ness of character which led them to strike at every man 
who rose above the level of the mass, and therefore brought 
about internal dissension thwarting every important effort. 
So long as we cherish the virtues which conduce to self 
respect, to confidence in and support of those whom we 
select to administer our affairs, and to faith in our system 
of government, our institutions are safe, both against assault 
and disintegration, while the loss of these virtues will be 
the premonitory symptom of the fate that befell Assyria and 

406 Before and After the Battle of Brandy wine. 


[Thomas Sullivan enlisted in Dublin, Ireland, February 5, 1775, in 
H. M. Forty-ninth Kegiment of Foot, commanded by Hon. Major Gen- 
eral Alexander Maitland, which four days later marched to Cork, to 
embark for Boston, Massachusetts. On March 25, Lieut. Col. Sir 
Henry Calder Bart, joined the regiment. The reinforcements for the 
British Army in America, sailed from Cork in a fleet of 23 vessels, on 
April 19th and arrived at Boston the day before the battle of Bunker 
Hill, which engagement they witnessed. While his regiment was in 
Philadelphia, Sergeant Sullivan was married December 13, 1777, to 
Sarah Stoneman, who was born in Bucks county, Penna., about 1757. 
On the retreat of Clinton's army through New Jersey, he deserted June 
25th, and three days later was back again in Philadelphia, where 
through Col. Cox, he was engaged as Steward in the family of Major 
Gen. N. Greene, Quarter Master General of the army.] 

July 20th, 1777. The Fleet dropped down the Narrows 
to Sandy Hook, and it took up the day and part of the next 
morning before the whole were at Anchor near the Light- 
house, the wind being contrary. 

July %8rd. All things being in Readiness, the Admiral 
weighed Anchor at 8 o'clock in ye morning at Sandy Hook, 
and the whole Fleet after him. It was 12 o'clock before 
they were all under sail, the first being obliged to lie to, 
until the last part cleared out of the Hook. 

The Fleet consisted of seven Men-of-War of the Line, 
several Frigates, Sloops of War, Armed Vessels and 
Schooners, with upwards of two hundred sail of Transports. 
"We steered our course to the southward, keeping in with 
ye Land. 

July 26th. It blew very hard from off the land, to the 
Westward, which continued all night, and drove the Fleet 

Be-fore and After the Battle of Brandywine. 407 

to Sea. The wind proved contrary for some days, so that 
we were about 15 Leagues to the South-East of Cape Fair. 

July %9th. The wind changed to the East and obliged 
us to make two different Tacks before we weathered the 
Point on which stands the Light-House at the entrance of 
the River Delaware. In the Evening it was very calm, and 
the wind, (when it sprung up), changed to the Southward. 

The Admiral made a signal to lie to, altho' the wind was 
fair to go up the River, as it seemed the descent was to be 
made, which the whole Fleet did all night. 

The General receiving intelligence from the Captain of 
the Frigate that was stationed at the Capes, that the enemy 
had the River on both sides well fortified, and dangerous if 
not impossible at that time for the shipping to get up as far 
as Philadelphia; thought it adviseable not to land the 
Troops; Accordingly the Admiral made Signal to crowd 
sail, which we did and steered to the southward still, the 
wind blowing off the Land to the southwest. 

August 3rd. At 7 o'clock at night, we met a great squall 
of wind, which blew so very hard, that we could not carry 
any sail for about two hours. Several vessels received great 
damage to their Masts and Rigging in this storm. 

August 4-th. We had very heavy Rain, which continued 
all day, but the wind did not blow hard and the Sea was 

August Hth During the time we were at Sea, the wind 
kept contrary, and after a tedious voyage, we made Cape 
St. Frederick ; at the mouth of Chesapeak Bay, where we 
came to anchor. 

August 15th. The wind proving contrary still, we made 
but little way up the Bay, and came to an anchor at the 
turning of the tide, which runs very hard. 

August 16th. The wind sprung up after a few hours of 
calm, and the Fleet weighed anchor, sailed with a good 
breeze, but for fear of a storm that threatened, we came to 

408 Before and After the Battle of Brandywme. 

anchor at 7 o'clock. At 8,* the wind blew very hard with 
thunder and lightning, and continued blowing harder still, 
until midnight, when a most violent storm, in strong squalls 
of wind blew, from the north-west, that occasioned several 
vessels to drag their anchors. On board our ship, we were 
obliged to put out a second anchor, and to lower our yards 
and top-masts. 

A Thunder-Bolt killed 3 horses in the hold of a Trans- 
port, and split her main-mast to shivers ; but by God's in- 
finite mercy, there was not a man on board hurted. 

August 17th. We had a calm all day, but for fear of an- 
other storm we did not sail in the night ; it lightened con- 
stantly, and the clouds were dark and heavy. 

A very remarkable event happened that night, which was 
thus : 

A woman's shift being burned upon her body, as she was 
lying in a berth on board a Transport, and she asleep, by 
a flash of Lightning, without the least damage to her skin 
or flesh ; Also a man's coat and shirt was burnt likewise on 
his back, without his knowing of it until next morning. 
And the arms of three companies of men were Japanned 
on board the same ship by the same flash. 

After the storm was over, the Fleet weighed anchor, at 
6 o'clock in the morning, and sailed up the Bay with a fair 
wind. In short we continued tiding the River, without 
anything material happening, until the 23d; on which day 
the Fleet came to an anchor at Turkey Point, the wind 
continuing fair all that time. 

Chesapeak Bay is about 300 miles long, and in some 
places 40 miles broad; into which several rivers empty 

On the south side of the Bay stands Annapolis and Balti- 
more, at the former we saw some Batteries made, and flags 
of defiance hoisted in different parts of the Town ; but they 
did not fire a shot upon the Fleet. We took some vessels 
of force in that Bay. 

Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 409 

The shipping came close to the Ferry at the entrance of 
the River Elk into the Bay, in Maryland. 

August 25th. The Army landed in two columns : the 
1st. under command of Lord Cornwallis, at Elk Ferry; the 
2d., under the command Lieut-General Knyphausen, at 
Cecil Court-house. 

August 28th. The following Corps marched from Elk 
Ferry, in this order, viz. Infantry Yeagers ; the two Bat- 
talions of Light Infantry; Queen's Rangers; Ferguson's 
Corps of Riflemen; British Grenadiers; 1st. Brigade of 
Artillery; Hessian Grenadiers; 2d. Brigade of Artillery; 
Foot Guards, 1st. and 2d. Brigades, British; two Troops of 
16th. Light Dragoons, and all their dismounted; Mounted 
and Dismounted Yeagers, and the 3 Battalions of the 71st. 

After forming the line of march, we arrived at a small 
town called Head of Elk, by reason of its being built at the 
head of that river. The inhabitants fled before we reached 
Town ; leaving great quantities of stores in it, and on board 
several Sloops that were in the river about a mile from the 
town ; being informed or rather persuaded, that our Army 
would kill and destroy them and their families. 

General Washington (as I was credibly informed) dined 
there the day before our arrival in the town, under a strong 
guard of Light Dragoons. 

Our Army formed an encampment outside the Head of 
Elk, near the enemy's outposts, who took upwards of forty 
of the soldiers prisoners, that straggled beyond the outposts 
to forrage without arms. Lieut. General Knyphausen, with 
the 3d. Brigade of Artillery, the remainder of the 16th. 
Light Dragoons, 3d. and 4th. Brigades British and the Bri- 
gade of Sterne, remained at the Ferry. 

August 3 1st. A troop of Light Dragoons, a company, of 
their dismounted, fifty men of the 23rd. Battalion, together 
with the 49th. Battalion, marched from our encampment to 
a small village about four miles to the northward of the 

410 Before and After the Battle of Bramdywine. 

Head of Elk, called the Iron- Works, from the mills that are 
in it. 

Earl Cornwallis and Major "General Grant marched with 
this party. We destroyed some liquors and stores there, 
and the few families that remained in the village, brought 
their effects to Head of Elk. The detachment of the 23rd. 
Battallion took post two miles from the village, and were 
attacked by a party of the enemy that mustered from the 
woods, being informed by the inhabitants of their strength ; 
a smart fire ensued, which being heard, the whole party 
marched immediately towards them ; but the Rebels kept 
firing and retreated, at last dispersed in the woods. The 
engaged party had one private killed; and a sergeant, 
drummer and 4 men wounded. Soon after we returned to 

September 3d. Major General Grant, with six Battalions 
remaining at the Head of Elk, to preserve the communica- 
tion with the Fleet; the two Divisions joined atPencadeur, 
laying four miles to the eastward of Elk, on the road to 
Christiana Bridge. On the march the Hessians and Ans- 
pach Chausseurs ; 2nd. Battalion of Light Infantry, and the 
Queen's Ranger's, who were at the head of Lord Corn- 
wallis's Division, fell in with a chosen Corps of 1000 men 
from the enemy's Army, advantageously posted in the 
wood; and after a hot fire the enemy retreated towards 
their main body, by Iron-Hill. They made a stand at the 
Bridge for some time, but the pursuing Corps made them 
quit that post also, and retire with loss. 

In this skirmish we had 3 men killed ; 2 officers and 19 
men wounded. The enemy had the commanding officer 
of the advanced picquet and other officers killed and 
wounded, besides 50 men killed, with many more wounded. 
We took up the ground the enemy left, and in the evening 
encamped there. 

September 6th. After such vessels and stores as could not 
be removed from the Head of Elk, were destroyed, Major 

Before and After the Battle of Brandywme. 411 

General Grant with the troops under his command, joined 
the Army. 

September 8th. The whole army marched from the left 
by Newark, and in the following order, viz : 

First Division, under the command of Lord Cornwallis. 
1st. and 2d. Light Infantry with an officer and 12 


1st. and 2d. British Grenadiers. 
Hessian Grenadiers. 
Yeager Infantry. 
1st. and 2d. Battalions of Guards. 
Mounted Yeagers. 

Second Division, under the command of Major Gen Grant 
2 Squadrons Dragoons. 
1st. Brigade of Artillery. 
1st. and 2d. Brigades British. 
3rd. Brigade of Artillery. 
3rd. and 4th. Brigades British. 
3rd. Battalion of the 71st. Regiment. 

Third Division, under the command of Lieut. Gen. 

Knyphausen : 
Dismounted Yeagers. 
2d. Brigade of Artillery. 
Brigade of Sterne. 
One Squadron of Dragoons. 
40th. Regiment, with two 3 pounders. 
1st. and 2d. Battalions of the 71st. Regmt. 
Queen's Rangers. 
British Riflemen. 

We marched about 6 miles, and in the evening encamped 
in the township of Hokessen, upon the road leading from 
Newport to Lancaster, at which first place General Wash- 
ington had taken post, having his left at Christiana Creek, 
and his front covered by Red Clay Creek. The light 
infantry and Yeagers took most of the Rebel's baggage on 

412 Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 

the road, also found a house full of tents and camp equip- 
age. The enemy were that night in our front and rear. 
The two Armies in this situation, being only four mile& 
apart, The enemy moved early in the night of this day (8th.) 
by the Lancaster road from Wilmington, and about two 
o'clock next morning, crossed Brandywine Creek at Chad's 
Ford, taking post on the heights on the eastern side of it. 

September 9th. The third of the Army began their march 
at 12 o'clock, towards New Garden, having with them all 
the heavy Artillery Baggage and Cattle (of which latter we 
had great many) under the command of Lieut. General 
Knyphausen, being followed by the 2d Division at 6 o'clock 
in the afternoon, while Lord Cornwallia, with 1st Division 
moved to Hokessen's Meetinghouse. The Light Infantry 
on the march took a Picquet of the enemy. At 12 o'clock 
that night we halted, extending our line to Kennett's 

September 10th. The whole joined in the morning, and 
marched at 8 o'clock, the army defeated the Rebel's picquets 
at Kennett's Square, at which place we remained that night, 
extending our line towards Brandywine Creek. 

The 1st and 2d Brigades were ordered to join Lieut. 
General Knyphausen's Division, and all the baggage 
remained with that column, except some empty waggons 
that were ordered to join Lord Cornwallis's Division. 

September llth. At daybreak the Army marched in two 
columns ; the Right commanded by Lieut. General Knyp- 
hausen, consisting of four Hessian battalions under Major 
General Sterne ; the first and second Brigades of the British, 
three battalions of 71st Regiment, the Queen's American 
Rangers and one Squadron of the 16th Light Dragoons, 
with Ferguson's Corps of Riflemen, under Major General 
Grant, having with them six medium twelve pounders, four 
Howitzers, and the Light Artillery belonging to the Bri- 
gades. This column took ye direct road toward Chad's 
Ford, 7 miles from Kennett's Square. 

Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 413 

We were not above half a mile on the march, when Fer- 
guson's Eiflemen and the Queen's Kangers, commanded by 
Captain Weyms, of the 40th Regiment, attacked the advanced 
picquets of the enemys Light infantry and Riflemen, which 
kept up a running fire, mixed with regular vollies for 5 miles, 
and they still retreating to their main posts, until they got 
almost in gun shot of the Ford. 

The other column, under command of Lord Cornwallis, 
Major General Grey, Brigadier Generals Matthews and 
Agnew, consisting of the mounted and dismounted Chaus- 
seurs, two squadrons of the 16 Light Dragoons, two Bat- 
talions of Light Infantry, two Battalions of British, and 
three Battalions of Hessian Grenadiers ; two Battalions of 
Guards, the 3d. and 4th. Brigades of British, with four light 
twelve pounders, and the Artillery of the Brigades, marched 
about 12 miles to the forks of Brandywine, crossed the first 
branch at Trimble's Ford, and the second at Jeffry's Ford, 
about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, taking from thence the 
road to Dil worth, in order to turn the enemy's right at 
Chad's Ford. 

The Queen's Rangers and Rifle Corps at the head of 
Lieut, general Knyphausen's column, advancing to the foot 
of a hill, saw the enemy formed behind the fence, were de- 
ceived by the Rebel's telling them, that they would deliver 
up their arms; but upon advancing they fired a volley upon 
our men, and took to their heels, killed and wounded about 
thirty of the Corps ; by that and the proceeding skirmishes 
they were much disabled, which occasioned our Brigade 
i. e. 1 st. to advance to the front, being separated (when we 
formed upon a little hill) by a small Creek, which ran be- 
tween that and the opposite hill on which the enemy took 
post. We played upon them with two 6 pounders for half 
an hour, and drove them out of the breastworks, which was 
made of loose wood, upon the declivity of the hill. The 2d 
Brigade British, formed upon another hill upon our left and 
played their two six pounders also upon the enemy's Battery 
at Chad's Ford. As we crossed the brook, they formed be- 

414 Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 

hind another fence at a field's distance, from whence we 
soon drove 'em, and a Battalion of Hessians, which formed 
at the left of our Brigade, fell in with them as they 
retreated taking them upon their right flank, and after a 
smart pursuit from the Hessian Battalion, they crossed the 
Brandywine and took post on that side ; leaving a few men 
killed and a few more wounded behind. 'Twas then about 
10 o'clock, and the 2d Brigade with all the Hessians and 
Artillery joined us, after we pursued the Rebels as close as 
we could without being in danger of their cannon above the 
Ford, all the men lay upon their arms in a close valley cov- 
ered with wood. 

A company of the 28th. and a company of our Regiment 
advanced upon the hill to the right of the Ford, and in front 
of the enemy's left flank, in order to divert them, who were 
posted at a hundred yards distance in their front, behind 
trees, to the amount of 500, all chosen marksmen. 

A smart fire maintained on both sides for two hours, 
without either parties quitting their posts. Out of the two 
companies there were about 20 men killed and wounded 
during that time ; and two 6 pounders were ordered up the 
hill to dislodge the enemy if possible, and assist the party 
engaged. These guns played upon them for some time, but 
they were so concealed under cover of the trees, that it was 
to no purpose to endeavor to bring the cannon to do any 
execution. In the mean time, by our guns being in an open 
field, there was one man killed, and a man and a horse 
wounded, which belonged to the train. 

The guns were ordered back and also the two companies, 
in order to draw the enemy after them from the tress, which 
scheme had the desired effect, for they quitted their post and 
advanced to the top of the hill, where they were attacked 
four companies of the 10th Battalion, in front, while the 40th 
made a charge upon their left flank, by going round the 
hill, and put them to an immediate route. The 10th Bat- 
talion took up the ground the enemy left. 

The six medium twelve pounders being arranged in order, 

Before and After the Battle of Brandy wme. 415 

together with two 6 pounders, played upon the Battery, in 
which the enemy had three Brass pieces of Cannon, and 
and a five inch Howitzer, for three hours successively. 

Also two six pounders that were placed upon the brow of 
the hill, from whence the enemy were lately driven, to flank 
their army well as well as to flank the Battery above the 

General "Washington, who joined that morning with 8000 
of the Militia, having intelligence of this movement, about 
noon, detached General Sullivan to his right with near 
10,000 men, who took a strong position on the command- 
ing ground above Birmingham Church, with his left near 
to the Brandywine, both flanks being covered by very thick 
woods, and his Artillery advantageously disposed; he had 
with him General Lord Stirling and Stevens. 

As soon as this was observed, which was about 4 o'clock, 
the King's troops advanced in three columns, and upon 
approaching the enemy, formed the line with the right 
towards the Brandywine ; the Guards being upon the right, 
and the British Grenadiers upon their left, supported by the 
Hessian Grenadiers in a second line, to the left of the center 
were the two Battalions of Light Infantry, with the Hessian 
and Anspach Chausseurs, supported by the 4th Brigade. 

The 3d Brigade formed the Reserve. Lord Cornwallis 
having formed the line, the Light Infantry and the Chaus- 
seurs began the attack, the Guards and Grenadiers instantly 
advanced from the right; the whole under heavy fire of 
Artillery and Musquetry; but they pushed on with an 
impetuosity not to be sustained by the enemy, who, after a 
smart and hot engagement sometimes to the bayonet, falling 
back into the woods in their rear, the King's Troops entered 
with them, and pursued closely for near two miles. 

After this success, a part of the enemy's right took a 
second position in a wood about half a mile from Dilworth, 
where the 2d Battalion of Light Infantry and Chausseurs 
engaged and soon dislodged them from thence ; and from 
that time they did not rally again in force. 

416 Before and After the Battle of Brandy wine. 

The 1st Battalion of British Grenadiers, the Hessian 
Grenadiers, and Guards, having in the pursuit got entan- 
gled in very thick woods, were no further engaged during 
the day. 

The 2d. Battalion of Light Infantry, 2d. ditto Grenadiers, 
and Fourth Brigade moved forward a mile "beyond Dil- 
worth, where they attacked a Corps of the enemy that had 
not been before engaged, and were strongly posted to cover 
the retreat of their Army by the Roads from Chad's Ford 
to Chester and Wilmington, which Corps not being forced, 
on account of their great superiority in number and being 
somewhat determined to stand, until after it was dark, when 
the Troops had undergone much fatigue, in a march of 17 
miles, besides what they supported since the commencement 
of the attack ; the enemy's Army escaped a total overthrow, 
that must have been the consequence of an hour's more 

The 3d. Brigade was not brought into action, but kept 
in Reserve in the rear of the 4th. Brigade, it not being 
known before it was dark how far Lieut. General Knyp- 
hau sen's attack had succeeded; nor was there an opportunity 
of employing the Cavalry. 

The column under Lieut. General Knyphausen, as had 
been previously conserted, kept the enemy amused in the 
course of the day, with cannon, and the appearance of 
forcing the Ford, without intending to pass it, until the 
attack upon the enemy's right should take place; accord- 
ingly when it began, Major General Grant at the head of 
the 4th. and 5th. Battalions, being the two right hand Bat- 
talion's of the 1st. and 2d. Brigades British, crossed the 
Ford. Generals Wayne and Maxwell, who commanded the 
left of the enemy's line, being joined by General Washing- 
ton, as aforesaid, attempted to defend the Ford, by persuad- 
ing their men that it was impossible for the King's troops 
to pass it. 

As the 4th. Battalion (being the first) forded the River, 
under a heavy fire of Musquetry, the enemy's cannon miss- 

Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 417 

ing fire in the Battery as they crossed, and before the gun- 
ners could fire them off, the men of that Battalion put them 
to the bayonet, and forced the enemy from the entrench- 
ment, who drawing up in the field and orchard just by, 
rallied afresh and fought bayonet to bayonet, but the rest 
of the two Brigades, 71st. and Rangers coming up, were 
obliged to retreat in the greatest confusion, leaving their 
artillery and ammunition in the field. We were up to our 
middle in the river, and the rear line of the enemy being 
posted upon a hill on the other side of the road, played upon 
us with four pieces of cannon during that attack. They 
made but a little stand on that side, after they began to 
give way, part of them being attacked by the Rangers and 
71st. in a Buck-wheat field was served with the Bayo- 
nets before they could clear the fence round it. On ac- 
count of the delay the train had in crossing the Ford, we 
had no cannon to play upon the enemy's line, except one of 
the pieces left in the Battery, which we turned upon them. 
The line being now formed the retreat became general, but 
darkness coming on before we could reach the heights, they 
escaped with the cannon under cover of the night, leaving 
62 men killed in that attack besides their wounded and 
prisoners, and about 240 killed with a great many wounded 
in the attack with Lord Cornwallis. From the most correct 
accounts, the strength of the enemy's army this day in 
action was not less than 15,000 men, part of which retired 
to Chester, and remained there that night ; but the greater 
body of them did not stop until they reached Philadelphia. 

Out of that number, they had about 300 men killed, 600 
wounded, and near 400 made prisoners, besides a great 
many officers killed and wounded; among the latter the 
Marquis la Fayette and General Woodford. 

The loss on the side of His Majesty's troops, and the 
Ordinance, ammunition, and stores taken from the enemy, 
will appear in the return following : 

Return of the killed, wounded, and missing in the General 
Engagement with the Rebel Army, on the Heights of Brandy- 
wine, September the llth. 1777. 
VOL. xxxi. 27 

418 Before and After the Battle of Brandywine. 


3 Captains, 5 Lieutenants, 5 Serjeants, 68 Hank and file 
killed; 5 Ensigns, 35 Serjeants, 4 Drummers, 372 Bank and 
file wounded, 6 rank and file missing. 


2 Serjeants, 6 Rank and file killed ; 1 Captain, 3 Lieu- 
tenants, 5 Serjeants, 23 Rank and file, wounded. 

Eight pieces of Cannon, and a great quantity of military 
stores taken. 

The Army lay that night on the Field of Battle, and in 
the morning there was not a man of the enemy to be seen. 

Sept. 12th. Lieut. General Knyphausen's Column re- 
maining that Day upon the Heights, Major General Grant 
with the 1st. and 2d. 'Brigades marched to Concord. 

September 13th. Lord Cornwallis with the Light In- 
fantry and British Grenadiers joined us at Concord, and 
proceeded to Ashtown, within five miles of Chester, where 
we encamped in the evening. 

On this day also, the 71st. Regiment were detached to 
Wilmington, where the enemy had thrown up Works, both 
to the land and to the river, with seven pieces of cannon in 
the latter ; but those works being evacuated, Major Mc- 
Donnell took possession of the place without opposition. 

September 14th. Lieut. Colonel Loos, with the com- 
bined Battalion of Rhall's Brigade, escorted the wounded 
and sick to Wilmington, being joined two day's after by the 
Battallion of Mirback. 

This day I was sent by the Adjutant of our Regiment, 
to receive some General Orders from the 23d. Battalion, 
which was not brought up ; and after I came home, being 
called upon by Lieut. Colonel Calder, to know who was the 
owner of some Mutton that was roasting in the Camp, and 
at our company's fire, as I could not tell him, I was reduced 
to serve as private, and he also abused me very grossly : 
after which time I did not write or act as Clerk to the 

Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 419 




About the middle of the eighteenth century, several 
expeditions were sent from the English colonies of America 
towards the Arctic regions. They appear to have originated 
mainly from a desire to find a northwest passage for the sake 
of commerce, altho this may not have been the motive in 
all cases. 

The earliest voyage of an American vessel to the north of 
which I have found any record, is that of a privateer from 
New York which must have been off the Labrador coast 
before 1750. This is mentioned in a book, published by 
Thomas Jefferys in London in 1768, the appendix of which 
is unquestionably a portion of Captain Swaine's journal of 
his voyage of 1753, altho the name of the author of the 
narrative is not mentioned. 1 Captain Swaine met an 
English " snow" under command of Captain Goff off the 
Labrador coast, and the mate of the " snow" stated that he 
had made a trip in the long boat on the coast of Labrador 
to latitude 57 14', and that one day he saw some Eskimo, 
who were much frightened, and that another time he fired 
at some Eskimo with a blunderbuss. Captain Swaine evi- 
dently thought these Eskimo were timid and hostile as the 
result of their treatment by some whites and he says : " By 
a Privateer from New York, some years since, the first 
Offence was given ; those who have gone have done nothing 
to mollify or abate this Enmity and Revenge." This would 
seem to be proof positive that there was at least one ship, 
and perhaps more, sent from the American colonies to the 
Labrador coast several years before Captain Swaine, that is 
before the year 1753. 

1 "The Great Probability of a North West Passage," p. 151. 

420 Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 

The next colonial expedition in point of time, Captain 
Swaine's expedition of 1753, is the only one of which there 
remains some known rather extended data. By a curious 
coincidence of nomenclature, the first American known to 
make an Antarctic discovery was also a Captain Swaiu. 1 
The expedition of 1753 was a purely commercial venture in 
search of a northwest passage. 

The names of only some of the persons who helped in 
fitting out this expedition are known, but it was mainly a 
Philadelphia enterprise. Thomas JeiFerys 2 states that the 
voyage "was made from Philadelphia, in a schooner of 
about sixty tons, and fifteen persons aboard, fitted out on a 
subscription of the Merchants of Maryland, Pennsylvania, 
New York and Boston." Certain it is that it was organ- 
ized in 1752, from the letter of Chief Justice William Allen, 3 
said to be addressed to Thomas Penn and now in the Penn 
Manuscripts in The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
From the letter it is clear that " a scoundrell of a parson 
one James Sterling 1 ' nearly succeeded in stopping the un- 
dertaking, by applying " to the crown for an exclusive 
patent " " of the trade of the Labrador coast." The Phila- 
delphia merchants in turn " transmitted a petition to his 
Majesty praying that no patent for an exclusive trade be 
granted," and that is all that is known at present of the 
matter. Chief Justice Allen's letter is as follows : 

"Sir : Philad. Nov er 17th 1752 

As I am quite assured that every thing that regards the interest and 
reputation of the province of Pennsylvania will ever be regarded by you 
I therefore beg leave to solicite your favour in behalf of my self and 
many other of the merchants of this place. Notwithstanding the 
repeated attempts of Gentlemen in England to discover the Northwest 

1 "Antarctica 1 ' by Edwin Swift Balch, p. 75. 

2 "The Great Probability of a North West Passage" Preface, p. XI. 

3 "William Allen was born in 1703, and died in 1780. He was 
sometime a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, and from 1751 to 
1774, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. " The Pennsylvania Magazine of 
History and Biography/' Vol. I., 1877, pp. 202-211 : Edward F. de 
Lancey : ' ' Chief Justice William Allen. ' ' 

Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 421 

passage without success ; yet there has appeared among us a spirit to 
undertake that noble design which if effected will redound to the honour 
of your Province and to the advantage of us the undertakers. By the 
inclosed papers over which if you will be pleased to cast an eye you will 
perceive that last year we had intended to put our design into execution 
but by the extremity of the winter and other accidents it was postponed 
till next spring at which time as we have bought a vessell and all other 
materials and engaged Navigators and mariners we shall proceed in the 
affair and dispatch the vessell from hence the latter end of March and 
are in great hopes of avoiding the mistakes of former attempts and pur- 
suing as we think more propper measures to be able to effect the discov- 
ery of the passage or at least put it out of doubt whether there is one or 
no. We have been the more incouraged in this attempt by the consid- 
eration that in case our search for the passage should be fruitles we 
might strike out a lucrative trade on the Coast of Labrador. But we to 
our great surprise are informed we are like to be deprived of the proposed 
trade by means of a scoundrell of a parson one James Sterling who last 
summer took his passage to London and there represented the advantage 
of the trade to the Labrador coast in such a light to Mess Granbury 
Buchanan and others that it is said they have applied to the crown for 
an exclusive patent. This same Sterling who is a Church of England 
minister at Newtown in Maryland was concerned with us originally in 
the undertaking and subscribed to bear a part of the expense but after 
he had by frequent conversations extracted from the person we cheifly 
depend upon for executing the design all or cheif part of the intelligence 
that he could give he has been base enough to endeavour to circumvent 
us. As a proof of what I assert I here inclose his original letter wrote 
with his own hand to Mr. Benjamin Franklin. We have also here our 
paper of subscription for the carrying on the undertaking signed by the 
said Sterling. Notwithstanding which as I said before he made a Voy- 
age to London and for his discovery and the proprosals he laid before 
the above gentlemen he has though a parson been rewarded with a col- 
lectorship of the Customs at the head of the bay. We conceive ourselves 
very ill used by this false Brother have therefore transmitted a petition 
to his Majesty (which comes herewith) praying that no Patent for an 
exclusive trade may be granted which is humbly submitted to your con- 
sideration and I am desired to request that you would be pleased to get 
it presented if you judge it will answer any good end. The expense 
attending the solicitation &c I will take care as soon as I know what it 
is with thanks to discharge. Your kind interposition in our behalf will 
conferr a very great obligation on many of the most considerable mer- 
chants of this place and particularly on 

Your most obedient Humble servant 
Will. Allen." 

422 Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 

Captain Swaine sailed in the Spring of 1753, since Benja- 
min Franklin, one of the subscribers, wrote to Jared Eliot 
from Philadelphia on April 12, 1753 : * " Our vessel, named 
the Argo, is gone for the northwest passage, and the Captain 
has borrowed my Journals of the last voyage, except one 
volume of a broken set, which I send you." 

In a brief account of this expedition which appeared three 
quarters of a century later, 2 it is stated that the Argo sailed 
from Philadelphia on the 4th of March, and having " touched 
at the Hiannas, near Cape Cod, and at Portsmouth, in ISTew 
England, to take in her complement of hands, etc., she 
took her departure from the latter place on the 15th 

The story of the expedition is well and briefly told in the 
notice which appeared on its return in a Philadelphia news- 
paper : 3 

''PHILADELPHIA, November 15. 

" Sunday last arriv'd here the Schooner Argo, Captain Charles Swaine, 
who sail' d from this Port last Spring on the Discovery of a North -West 
Passage. She fell in with the Ice off of Farewell ; left the Eastern Ice, 
and fell in with the Western Ice in Lat. 58, and cruiz'd to the North- 
ward to Lat. 63. to clear it, but could not, it then extending to the East- 
ward. On her return to the Southward, she met with two Danish Ships 
bound to Ball Eiver and Disco up Da vis's Straits, who had been in the 
Ice fourteen Days off Farewell, and had then stood to Westward, and 
assured the Commander that the Ice was fast to the Shore all above 
Hudson's Straits to the Distance of 40 Leagues out, and that there had 
not been such a severe Winter as the last these 24 Years that they had 
used that Trade ; they had been 9 weeks from Copenhagen. The Argo 
finding that she could not get round the Ice, press' d thro' it, and got 
into the Straits mouth the 26th of June, and made the Island Kesolution, 
but was forc'd out by vast Quantities of driving Ice, and got into a clear 
Sea the first of July. On the 14th, cruising the Ice for an Opening to 
get in again she met 4 Sail of Hudson's Bay Ships, endeavouring to get 

1 ' ' The writings of Benjamin Franklin, ' ' by Albert Henry Smyth, Vol. 
III., p. 123. 

2 "The American Quarterly," Philadelphia, June 1828, pp. 505-542, 
article " North West Passage." 

8 "The Pennsylvania Gazette," November 15th, 1753, Number 

Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 423 

in, and continued with them till the 19th, when they parted in thick 
Weather in Lat. 62 and a Half; which thick Weather continued to the 
7th of August ; the Hudson's Bay-men supposed themselves 40 Leagues 
from the western Land. The Argo ran down the Ice from 63 to 57.30. 
and, after repeated Attempts to enter the Straits in vain, as the Season 
for Discovery on the Western Side of the Bay was over, she went on the 
Labrador Coast, and discover'd it perfectly from 56 to 55, finding no less 
than 6 Inlets, to the Heads of all of which they went, and of which we 
hear they have made a very good Chart, and have a better Account of the 
Country, its Soil, Produce, &c, than has hitherto been published. The 
Captain says 'tis much like Norway ; and that there is no Communica- 
tion with Hudson's Bay thro' Labrador where one has been heretofore 
imagined, a high Ridge of mountains running North and South about 50 
Leagues within the Coast. In one of the Harbours they found a deserted 
Wooden House with a Brick Chimney, which had been built by some 
English, as appear'd by sundry Things they left behind ; and afterwards 
in another Harbour they met with Capt.Goff in a Snow from London, 
who inform' d, that the same Snow had been there last Year, and landed 
some of the Moravian Brethren, who had built that House ; But the Na- 
tives having decoy' d the then Captain of the Snow, and 5 or 6 of his 
Hands in their Boat round a Point of Land at a Distance from the Snow, 
under Pretence of Trade, and carry'd them all off (they having gone im- 
prudently without Arms) the Snow, after waiting 16 Days without hear- 
ing of them, went home, and was oblig'd to take away the Moravians to 
help to work the vessel. Part of her Business this Year was to enquire 
after those Men. Captain Swaine discover'd a fine Fishing Bank, which 
lies but 6 Leagues off the Coast, and extends from Lat. 57 to 54, sup- 
posed to be the same hinted at in Capt. Davis' s second voyage. No 
bad accident hap pen' d to the Vessel, and the Men kept in perfect Health 
during the whole Voyage and return' d all well." 

Some of the subscribers at least were satisfied with Cap- 
tain Swaine's efforts, as is shown by the following newspaper 

item i 1 

" PHILADELPHIA, November, 29. 

"Several of the principle Merchants and Gentlemen of this City, who, 
with other Merchants and Gentlemen of North America, subscribed to 
fitting out Captain Swaine, in the schooner Argo on the discovery of a 
North - West Passage, met at the Bull's Head, in this City, on the 23d 
Instant, and expressed a general Satisfaction with Captain Swaine's 
Proceedings during his Voyage, tho 1 he could not accomplish his Pur- 
pose, and unanimously voted him a very handsome Present." 

1 "The Pennsylvania Gazette," November 29th, 1753. 

424 Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 

A more extended account of part of this voyage, than the 
one already quoted, was published by Thomas Jefferys in 
1768. 1 This account begins with the 2d of August, and 
omits all reference to the beginning of the voyage. There 
is a good deal of description of the Labrador Coast and of 
the various inlets which the Philadelphia expedition ex- 
plored. Much of the paper is taken up with speaking of 
meeting and trading with the " Eskemaux." Captain 
Swaine's name, and the schooner's name are not mentioned, 
but Captain Goff and the " snow" from London, on the con- 
trary, are spoken of. 

The same year there was another expedition in search of 
a northwest passage, of which nothing is known to me at 
present except a short passage in Captain Swaine's Journal. 2 
In this Captain GoiF is reported as saying that on " the 9th 
of July joined Capt. Taylor in a Sloop of about 35 Tons, fit- 
ted out from Rhode Island to go in Pursuit of a North- West 
Passage; and if not successful, to come down on the coast 
of Labrador. Capt. Goff said he had learned by Capt. Taylor 
that the Philadelphia Schooner would be out." 

In the year 1754, another expedition was sent from Phila- 
delphia under Captain Swaine in search of a northwest 
passage. There are brief notices of this in two Philadelphia 
newspapers of October 24, 1754: 

" PHILADELPHIA, October 24. 

"On Sunday last, the Schooner Argo, Captain Swaine, arriv'd here, 
from a second Attempt of a Discovery of the North-west Passage, but 
without Success. The Particulars of the Voyage are not come to hand, 
but may be expected in a future Paper." 3 

"On Sunday last arrived here the Schooner Argo, Capt. Swain, who 

J "The Great Probability of a North West Passage," by Thomas 
Jefferys, London, 1768. The Appendix, pages 131-153, is entitled: 
"An Account of Part of the Coast and Inland Part of The Labrador, 
being an Extract from a Journal of a Voyage made from Philadelphia 
in 1753." 

2 "The Great Probability of a North West Passage," Appendix p. 

3 "The Pennsylvania Gazette," October 24, 1754. 

Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 425 

was fitted out in the Spring, on a Discovery of the North-west Passage ; 
but having had three of his men killed by the Indians on the Labadore 
Coast, returned without Success. ' ' * 

Among the manuscript letters in The Historical Society 
of Pennsylania, is the following one of Mr. Robert Levers, 

speaking of this expedition : 2 

[Page 1]. 

" Sir : Herewith is sent the Patent & c a by Mr. Gordon ; the Ballance 
coming to you out of the 20. after deduction of money paid to the Pro- 
prietaries & for Fees is 2.1.5. which is also herewith sent. 

I also send two letters for you, one left by Mr. William Peters, the 
other by Mr. William Coxe. 

I am sorry to hear you have your health so ill ; I hope now the 
Weather appears settled, you will mend and be restored. 

I am, Sir, Your humble servant, 

Robert Levers." 

P. S. The schooner in Search of the North West Passage is returned 
without any Hopes of success ; Poor Mr. John Patten, whom I suppose 
you remember, with two of the sailors, were killed by the Indians, being 
on an Island some distance from the Schooner fishing. 
William Parson Esquire. 

[Page 2.] 
" Oct. 1754 
" To William Parsons Esq r " 

There is another brief note about this voyage : 3 

" PHILADELPHIA, November 14. 

"On Saturday last several Habits, wore by the Eskimaux Indians, 
who inhabit the southern parts of the Labrador, with their Utensils, and 
other Curiosities, belonging to that People, were delivered by Capt. 
Swaine into our Library, being a Present from the North-West Company 
to the Library Company of this City. " 

These specimens had disappeared from the Library before 
the year 1828, as is proved by the following paragraph : 4 

1 "The Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser/' October 24, 

3 Bound into " The Great Probability of a North West Passage." 

8 "The Pennsylvania Gazette," November 14th, 1754. 

* " The Register of Pennsylvania," edited by Samuel Hazard, January 
to July, 1828, pp. 381-382, article "North West Passage," republished 
from the "American Quarterly Review." 

426 Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 

"They are not .now in* possession of the Library, and 
probably have been lost or destroyed. As they were pre- 
sented soon after Captain Swaine's return from the second 
voyage, they were probably collected during that voyage." 

In The Historical Society of Pennsylvania also, is the fol- 
lowing manuscript paper by Captain Swaine, 1 which shows 
what supplies were thought necessary for an Arctic expedi- 
tion in the seventeenth century. It also shows how Captain 
Swaine spelled his own name. 

[Page 1.] 
" An Estimate of the Expense for a future undertaking. 

20 Barrels Bread 22 

13 do Pork 42.10 

7 do Beef & 1 of Sewett 20. 

8 do flour 10.10 

28 Bushells Corn & Cask 4.10 

9 Barrels Beer 9. 

14 do Cyder 11.4 

20BushelPs Pease 7.10 

700 W Rice 5.7 

250 W Sugar 7.10 

600 A Stockfish 3. 

24 Bushells Salt 1.15 

5 do Early 1.5 

5 do Oatmeal 2.10 

100 W Butter 2.10 

200 W Cheese 5. 

2 Barrels Vinegar 2.10 

3 Tierces Molasses 14. 

4 do Bum 36. 

5 Jars Sweet Oyl 6. 

150 W Eaisins 3.15 

2 boxes Candles 1.16 

Oyl for Lamps 1.10 

Pepper, Mustard & ground Ginger ... 1. 


[Page 2.] 

"Ship Carpenter's Acct. for caulking, putting on 
a new Coat and unhanging the rudder, . . . 15. 

1 Bound up in " The Great Probability of a North West Passage." 

Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 427 

Mast Maker's Acct. for Booms, Gaffs, Bowsprit & 

top Sail yards, 6. 

Boat Builders Acct. repairing whaleboats ... 2. 

Rope Makers Acct 

Ship Chandler's Acct 10. 

Glasier'a Acct 1. 

Painters Acct 3. 

Sail Maker's Acct. making New foresail, ... 3. 

Physick, compleating y box Sturlington [sic ?] . 6. 

Instrument Makers Acct 2. 

Blacksmith's Acct 2. 

Bricklayer's Acct. . 1. 

Wharfage 5. 

Stowing the Vessel 5. 

1 frame & Cross Cut Saw 

1 Barrel gun powder 8. 

Pilotage up & down 9 


"An account of Wages to be advanc'd 

To the Master 9 

To Draughtsman & Mineralist 5 

To first Mate 5. 

To Second Mate 4. 10 

To Carpenter 5 

To Boatswain 2.10 

To hands afore the Mast 18 

"Charles Swaine." 
"Schooner Argo" 

As will readily be seen, these expeditions did not amount 
to much, as compared to Polar discovery in the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries. Still they show that there was a 
healthy spirit for geographical research among the Ameri- 
can colonists. At least one Arctic coast was probably first 
explored by an American colonial, namely the Northeast 
coast of Labrador by Captain Swaine, and he should hence- 
forth be remembered among Arctic voyagers. Moreover, 
as there are at least four recorded voyages it is probable 

428 Arctic Expeditions Sent from American Colonies. 

that there were others which* are either unrecorded, or whose 
records have escaped notice. 1 

One is in the " Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania'* by John 
F. Watson, enlarged by Willis P. Hazard, Philadelphia, 1877, Vol. II., 
p. 495. After a muddled account under the heading "North West 
Passage" it says that "the particulars of both voyages may be read on 
page 381 of my Ms Annals in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," 
and on referring to this collection one finds the ' ' particulars ' ' is simply 
the article "North West Passage" dipt from Hazard's "The Register 
of Pennsylvania," June 1828, and pasted in Mr. Watson's scrap book. 
This article is really inserted between pp. 325 and 326 of this scrap 

A short notice of these voyages may also be found in ' ' History of 
Philadelphia," 1609-1884, by J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson West- 
cott, Philadelphia, 1884, Vol. I. p. 246. And a longer account taken 
almost verbatim from the article in " The Pennsylvania Gazette," ap- 
pears in Thompson Westcott's "History of Philadelphia," in "The 
Sunday Dispatch," of which there is a copy in The Historical Society of 

In Justin Winsor's "Narrative and Critical History of America," 
Vol. VIII. , pp. 81-82, in an article by Mr. Charles C. Smith : "Arctic 
explorations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries" 1 is a short, 
accurate account of Captain Swaine's expeditions. 

1 Besides the authorities already mentioned, there are some brief 
notices of Captain Swaine's voyages of 1753 and 1754 in several books. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 429 


Drawn in 1897 by Sara Atkinson (now Mrs. Engle). The village 
appeared to have altered little since Christopher and John Atkinson left 
it nearly 200 years before. 



(Continued from page 175.) 

12. WILLIAM ATKINSON, born 1 mo. [March] 31, 1687, 1 at 
Scotforth, Lancashire, England, died 1754, 2 in Upper Dublin 
Township, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, eldest son of 
John and Susanna (Hynde) Atkinson, came to Pennsylvania 
with his parents in the ship Britannia in 1699. Their parents 
having died on the voyage, William and his brother and 
sister, were taken by their aunts, Alice and Mary Hynde, to 
live with them in Bucks County, somewhere within the 
compass of Middletown Monthly Meeting, which (as stated 
above in the account of their father) took the supervision of 

1 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 
3 His will proved Jan. 1, 1755. 

430 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

their rearing and education/ Just where they first lived is 
uncertain, though probably not in Buckingham, where their 
father's land was laid out in 1700 or 1701. In 1703, Alice 
Hynde married William Stockdale, and took the three chil- 
dren to live on his plantation in Warminster Township. 
The latter, under the Meeting, acted as their guardian. At 
the Middletown Monthly Meeting held 3 mo. 6, 1708, Wil- 
liam Atkinson, being of age, requested his share of his 
patrimony, and his uncle [by marriage] , William Stockdale, 
informed the meeting that the money was ready. On 4 mo. 
3, 1708, John Cutler and William Hayhurst, who had been 
appointed to settle the accounts between William Stockdale 
and William Atkinson, reported themselves well satisfied. 
Within a few months of coming of age William Atkinson 
removed to a plantation he had just bought (see below),, 
adjoining Stockdale's in Warminster Township. He stayed 
here until 1727, when he removed to Upper Dublin Town- 
ship, Philadelphia (now Montgomery) County. According 
to Mr. Jenkins he bought 198 acres in the northeast end of 
the township, but as the deed or deeds are not just now 
available, and apparently not of record, it is uncertain if he 
bought it all at once. He probably purchased several sepa- 
rate adjoining tracts at different periods, for in a list of land- 
holders in Philadelphia County for 1734, made "according 
to the uncirtaine Returns of the Constables," * he is assessed 
in Upper Dublin for 50 acres only. It is more probable that 
he did not own as much as 198 acres, but that his son-in- 
law, William Walton, having acquired William Atkinson's 
plantation, made it up to that amount by later purchases ; 
(see footnote below). 

On 2 mo. 6, 1727, he being then recently removed, Mid- 
dletown Mo. Mtg. granted him a certificate which he pre- 
sented to Abington Mo. Mtg. 8 mo. 30, 1727. On 5 mo. 
30, 1739, William Atkinson was appointed a representative 
from Abington Mo. Mtg. to the Quarterly Mtg. (also named 

Publications of the Genealogical Society of Penna.,vol. 1, p. 169. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 431 

Abington). This seems to have been his sole official service 
in the meeting. 

As mentioned in sketch of his father above, William Atkinson, then 
of Warminster Tp., joined his sister Mary and brother John, in a deed 1 
April 1, 1713, to Christopher Topham, for their father's 500 acres laid 
out in Buckingham Tp., Bucks Co. 

By deed 2 of 4 mo. 15, 1708, he bought of John Swift, of Southamp- 
ton Tp., 170 acres in Warminster Tp., Bucks Co., adjoining William 
Stockdale, William Bayley, Peter Chamberlain, John Rush and James 
Bond ; this was part of 500 acres sold by William Penn to William 
Bingley and conveyed by him to Swift in 1699. On Jan. 22, 1731/2, 
William Atkinson, then of Upper Dublin Tp., Phila. Co., and "Lora" 
his wife, sold this to Anthony Skout 3 . 

As above stated the deed or deeds for the 198 acres in Upper Dublin 
have not been found on record. The Jenkins MS. continues the history 
of this tract, which as it also tells something of William Atkinson's 
descendants (not otherwise within the scope of this article) is quoted 
as follows : ' ' William Atkinson sold his farm in* to his son-in-law 

1 Phila. Co. Deed Book F 6, p. 154. In the mention of this deed above, 
under 4. JOHN ATKINSON, page 173,line 4, amount should read warrant. 

2 Bucks Co. Deed Book 4, p. 7; recorded Oct. 16, 1708. 

'Bucks Co. Deed Book 18 (old book F vol. 3), p. 555. 

4 This date could not be determined. The Philadelphia County deed 
book index mentions a deed from William Atkinson to William Walton 
as being .recorded in Book D 14, page 284, and as having been copied 
thereinto from the older Book A vol. 3, but it is not in Book D 14 at all. 
The A and B series of Phila. Co. deed books were, many years ago, 
taken by the Provincial Land Office, as they contained the original 
patents for all the counties, and partial abstracts of them were retained 
by Philadelphia County as part of the series called Exemplification 
Records. But these abstracts were of patents only (with some letters of 
attorney and commissions), it being apparently the intention to copy the 
ordinary deeds into the current deed books ; which, however, was not 
systematically carried out, so that many of them are no longer of record 
in this county. The original books, now in Harrisburg, are said to be 
too dilapidated for general use. 

The present owner of the Cherry Lane place has a deed showing that 
William Walton added at least 78 acres 40 perches to what his father-in- 
law conveyed him, for he purchased that amount from Richard McCurdy, 
May 27, 1760. Indeed Walton probably added all there was of the 
plantation beyond the 50 acres William Atkinson was assessed for on the 
tax -roll mentioned. 

432 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

William Walton, but probably continued to live there until his death, 
which was prior to Jany. 1, 1755. It will be observed that he left no 
sons, so that with his death another line of the Atkinson name became 
extinct. It was only through John Atkinson, the youngest brother, that 
the name of the Scotforth immigrants was perpetuated in Pennsyl- 

William and Phebe (Atkinson) Walton lived at Cherry Lane (the 
name is of recent origin) the remainder of their lives. They were 
the parents of nine children, only three of whom, Hannah b. 10, 21, 
1745, and Phebe and John, who were much younger, survived. Wil- 
liam Walton died in 4th month 1770 leaving the homestead to his only 
son John, and an adjoining farm to the west which he had bought, to 
Hannah, while Phebe had a tract of 50 acres off the south corner which 
had also been added to the original purchase. The son John died 
unmarried so that a new division was made of the original tract of 198 
acres, Phebe getting 78 acres including the homestead. 

Hannah Walton married John Cleaver in 1785. He died in 1804 
and she in 1807, leaving no issue and the whole estate then passed to 
the surviving sister Phebe. 

Phebe Walton had married 6th mo. 1, 1781, James Shoemaker, the 
son of Isaac and Hannah Shoemaker, of Upper Dublin. It was not 
many years after their marriage, that finding the home too small, the 
east end, an addition larger than the original house, was built. Its 
date stone bears the inscription:" [blank in MS. 1 ] "Nearly the 
whole west wall was taken up by the massive chimney within the ample 
space of which a row of modern closets has been built. In 1814, Phebe 
Shoemaker, then a widow, added the western end. The middle house, 
with its ceiling but a few inches above the head of a medium sized man 
and its doorways troublesome for one above average height, betokens its 
age in its construction and arrangement. Without doubt it was the 
first stone house built on the property and from the fact that in the 
seven years that William Atkinson owned the farm it increased in value 
from 170 to 600, it seems likely that he built it. The next year 
after making the first addition James Shoemaker built the barn which 
bears the date of 1794. 

James Shoemaker died , his widow surviving him 

years. In 1814 Phebe Shoemaker gave to the Society of Friends ground 
for the Upper Dublin Meeting House which stands on the Jarrettown 
road on the western boundary of the farm. The meeting house was 
erected in that year. On her death the farm was divided among her 
four children, John, Hannah, Jesse and Jonathan. Jonathan Shoe- 
maker's share was 78 acres including the homestead. He held it until 

1 It was some arrangement of the letters J, P, S, and date 1793 . 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 433 

1849 when it was bought by Thomas Atkinson of Bucks County, a 
descendant of John Atkinson, the younger brother of William." 

The Cherry Lane property is on the Limekiln Pike, about mile 
from the present village of Three Tuns, or about half way between 
Three Tuns and Jarrettown. 

By his will, 1 dated 8 mo. 15, 1754, proved Jan. 1, 1755, 
William Atkinson, of " uper Dubling " bequeathed 200 to 
each of his daughters, Susanna wife of Samuel Davis, Phebe 
wife of William Walton, and Hannah wife of Ellis Hughs, 
and the residue of his estate equally between them ; to his 
son-in-law Ellis Ellis he left five shillings, he having already 
received his share. The executors were Samuel David, and 
Ellis Hughs. He did not bequeath any land. 

William Atkinson married first, about June, 1716, Phebe 
Taylor, daughter of Richard Taylor, of Cheltenham Town- 
ship, Philadelphia County. At Middletown Mo. Mtg. held 
3 mo. 3, 1716, William Atkinson declared his intention of 
marriage with Phebe Taylor, a member of Abington Mo. 
Mtg. ; but for some unknown reason the marriage was not 
performed under the care of the meeting and on 5 mo. 5, 
the overseers reported that William Atkinson and Phebe 
Taylor had been married contrary to the order of Friends ; 
on 10 mo. 6, 1716, he presented the meeting a written satis- 
faction for the manner of his marriage and was retained in 
membership. 2 

Her father, Richard Taylor was a considerable landowner 
in Cheltenham and nearby townships ; having purchased in 
1795 from Thomas Fairman 300 acres; in 1697 from Silas 
Crispin, 519 acres (Lower Dublin); in 1698 from Edward 
Shippen and wife Rebecca, executors of her former hus- 
band Francis Richardson, 200 acres, (in or near Chelten- 
ham); and in 1713 from Robert and Richard Whitton, 250 
acres, (Upper Dublin). 

Afterwards Taylor lived in the city of Phila. His will 3 

1 Phila. Co. Will Book K, p. 240. 

2 Minutes of Middletown Mo. Mtg, 

3 Phila. Co. Will Book E, p. 199. 

VOL. xxxi. 28 

434 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

signed Oct. 21, 1732, proved Dec. 12, 1*732, mentioned his 
wife (name not given) and children Martha and Mary ; sons- 
in-law Wm. Morgan, John Biale, of New Britain, Bucks 
Co., (husb. of Martha) & Wm. Adkinson; grandchildren 
Hannah Morgan, Susanna, Pheby, Mary & Hannah Adkin- 
son; friend Humphrey Murray; John Biale was made 

William and Phebe (Taylor) Atkinson had issue, (and 
perhaps others who died young, unmarried, as there seems 
to have been no record made in any meeting of their births, 
and this list is made up from their father's will and the 
marriage register of Abington Mo. Mtg.) : 


Mar. 1st, , 1743, Thomas Hughs. 

2d, , , Samuel Davis. 

17. PHEBE ATKINSON, b. 9 mo. 10, 1720, (Jenkins MS.). 
Mar. , 1741, William Walton. 

18. MARY ATKINSON, b. , d. before 1754. 

Mar. , 1746, Ellis Ellis, of Gwynedd. 


Mar. , 1745, Ellis Hughs. 

William Atkinson married second, Sept. 26, 1728, at 
Christ Church, Philadelphia, Mary Hugh. 1 ISTo particulars 
of her family connection are at hand; she may have been 
either spinster or widow. The name was often written 
Hughes or Hughs, but whether she was a relative of the 
brothers Thomas and Ellis Hughs, (sons of Rowland Hugh) 
who married her step-daughters, Susanna and Hannah, is 
now unknown. As they were not married under care of 
Friends, William Atkinson sent to Abington Mo. Mtg. 5 
mo. 28, 1729, a paper signifying his sorrow at offending 
Friends by his marriage, and on 7 mo. 29 appeared person- 
ally and made acknowledgement for marrying out of unity. 

He married third, in August, 1730, Lowry Evans. They 
"passed second meeting" on 5 mo. 27, 1730, and the mar- 
riage was reported as accomplished to the Abington Mo. 

1 Register of Christ Church, Phila. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County., Pennsylvania. 435 

Mtg. held 6 mo. 31. * They had no issue. It has not been 
ascertained to which of the numerous Evans families living 
within the compass of Abington Mo. Mtg. she belonged. 

On the 32nd page of volume 6 of the Martindale MSS in 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, this William Atkin- 
son, born 1687, son of John, is said to be of Middletown, 
instead of, as he was, of Warminster, and is made to marry 
Margaret, daughter of Henry Baker, and to die 7 mo, 29, 
1749 ; this marriage and date of death are those of 5. 
William Atkinson, of Bristol, son of Thomas, of the other 
family, and the children given on this 32nd page (Martin- 
dale), are really those of William, of Bristol, and Margaret 
(Baker) as noted in Part I of this article. 

15. JOHN ATKINSON, born 9 mo. [Nov.] 25, 1695,* 
at Scotforth, in Lancashire, came to Pennsylvania in 1699 
with his parents, John and Susanna (Hynde) Atkinson, and 
died in Bucks Co., early in January, 1751/2. 3 His parents 
having died on the voyage, John, with his brother and 
sister, was taken by his aunts Mary and Alice Hynde to 
Bucks County, where, after Alice's marriage in 1703, to 
William Stockdale, they lived on the latter's plantation in 
Warmiriister Township. Middletown Mo. Mtg., which 
exercised a care over orphaned children of Friends within 
its compass, supervised the rearing and education of John 
Atkinson, conducted by his aunts and William Stockdale. 
At the meeting held 8 mo, 4, 1705, four Friends were 
appointed to attend to John Atkinson's education, etc., and 
on 4 mo. 6, 1706 they reported that they had agreed with 
William Stockdale that he was to take care of John until 
he was 14 years old. After reaching that age, in 1710 he 
went to live with his brother William, whose plantation 
adjoined Stockdale's in Warminster. On 11 mo. 3, 1716, 
John Stackhouse and John Cutler reported to the meeting 
that they had seen the accounts settled between William 

1 Minutes of Abington Mo. Mtg. 

2 Register of Lancaster Mo. Mtg. 
8 Probate of his will. 

436 Atkinson Families of Biwks County, Pennsylvania. 

Stockdale and John Atkinson, and that John had received 
his portion, he being of age. At the time of his marriage, 
in 1717, he was living temporarily in ^Tewtown Township. 
The following year, having bought land in the former 
Manor of Highlands, (see below), he removed to that place, 
which continued to be his home the rest of his life. These 
lands within the Manor, which about 1700 had been pur- 
chased by the "London Company," and by it sold to settlers, 
were at that time popularly, though not officially, considered 
to be part of Wrightstown Township, and the register of 
Wrightstown Mo. Mtg. in recording the births of John 
Atkinson's children, designates him as of Wrightstown; 
but after 1737 they were known to be part of Upper Make- 
field Township, 1 which he gives as his residence in his 
will, 1751. 2 

In 1713, though still a minor, he joined his brother and sister in the 
deed to Christopher Topham, already mentioned twice above. 

On Feb. 20, 1718, he bought 3 from Tobias Collett, Daniel Quare and 
Henry Goldney, of London, (known as ' Goldney and Company " or < The 
London Company "), 200 acres of their tract in the Manor of Highlands. 
Mr. Jenkins writes of this place as follows : "In 1718 John and Mary 
Atkinson settled in what is now the extreme northern corner of Upper 
Makefield township, then called the Manor of Highlands. The farm of 
200 acres which John bought of the London company for 50 adjoined 
on the east the Windy Bush farm where lived his brother-in-law, Wil- 
liam Smith. Tradition says that the whole country around was a wil- 
derness and that there were but two white families in the neighborhood, 
but many Indians. The farm was a parallelogram having 134 rods along 
what is now the line of Buckingham township, and 240 rods along what 
is now the public road leading to Buckmanville. The latter village now 
occupies a portion of the southeast corner of the farm. 

Here John Atkinson built his house and barn, planted out an orchard, 
of which one lone pear tree is still standing." (" Aunt Polly, who was 87 

*See Davis' s History of Bucks County, (1st ed., 1876), pages 473- 

2 The Martindale MS, vol. 6, 34th page, erroneously styles him "of 
Middletown " instead of Makefield; the rest of the page is correct, except 
a slight error in the date of his son Ezekiel's birth, which will be men- 
tioned below. 

'Phila. Co. Deed Book H 14, p. 382. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 437 

years old when she died in 1886, was frequently told when she was a girl 
going to school that the pear tree was one hundred years old.") " From 
the site where the original home stood one looks across the intervening 
farms to the wooded Jericho Hills, while away to the north-east is the 
sugar loaf Bowman's hill; from the hill top back of the house the eye 
reaches across to Buckingham mountain. A little water course, now dry 
except in rainy times ran near the house to the east, while the spring 
near which our ancestors always sought to build was a hundred yards 

"Just when the original house that John Atkinson had built was 
torn down is not known, but William Atkinson, John's son, built the 
present building using the old stones and axe hewn beams in its con- 
struction. The new house was placed nearer the spring and William is 
said to have planted the buttonwood tree at the corner of the house, 
which now, 1901, is one of the giants of its race. In the basement 
kitchen are to be seen the blackened joists, taken from the original John 
Atkinson's house. Where the latter was built is still to be seen a depres- 
sion in the ground, now choked with weeds and brambles. 

The portion of the farm which fell to William's share has remained 
in the Atkinson family to this day, the generations being 1st John; 2nd 
William; 3rd John; 4th John; 5th John L. and since his death, his 
widow." 1 

John Atkinson, by his will, 2 dated 10 mo. 10, 1751, 
proved January 15, 1752, bequeathed 120 acres of his plan- 
tation, including the dwelling-house and barn, to his son 
William, and the remaining 80 acres to his son Thomas. 
To William was also given "my black mare Saddle and 
Bridle and also my great Bible." To the daughter, Mary, 
the " best bed and furniture thereunto belonging one new 
chest of drawers, all my Pewter and also my Roan Horse." 
To son Ezekiel 12 and a loom. The remainder of the 
personal estate was to be divided betwen Mary, Christopher 
and Cephas, and to Cephas was also given " one Bay Horse 
Colt now in possession of my brother William.' 1 The sons 
William and Thomas were appointed executors. In this 
will he styled himself " weaver," and a note to the will men- 
tioned "looms and gears" which his sons Christopher and 

*In 1887 over two-thirds of John Atkinson's original 200 acres were 
still in possession of his descendants. 
2 Bucks Co. Will Book 2, p. 241. 

4:38 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

Cephas were to have, besides the loom left to Ezekiel ; he 
also mentioned an apprentice who was to finish his term 
with Cephas ; so it would appear that John Atkinson and 
sons carried on this industry as extensively as the primitive 
condition of all manufacturing at this period in Pennsylvania 

John Atkinson married 8 mo. 30, 1717, at the house of 
Stephen Twining, in Newtown Township, Mary Smith, 
(b. 2 mo. 9, 1696, d. ), daughter of William and Mary 

(Croasdale) Smith, of Wrightstown Township. Both the 
Smith and Croasdale families were among the earliest 
settlers in the vicinity, where their descendants were large 
landowners, and occupied prominent positions among the 
county families, but lack of space forbids any detailed 
account of them here. 

John and Mary (Smith) Atkinson had issue ; (births from 
register of Wrightstown Mo. Mtg. 2 ) : 

20. JOHN ATKINSON, b. 6 mo. 18, 1718, died young. 

21. WILLIAM ATKINSON, b. 2 mo. 17, 1721, d. , 1800. 3 Mar. 

7 mo. 1, 1742, Mary Tomlinson. 

22. THOMAS ATKINSON, b. 3 mo. 5, 1722, d, , 1760. Mar. 

8 mo. 18, 1744, Mary Wildman. 

23. CHRISTOPHER ATKINSON, b. 12 mo. 18, 1723/4, d. , 

1795. 18 Mar. 6 mo. 15, 1763, Lydia Canby. 

24. MARY ATKINSON, b. 8 mo. 20, 1725, d. 3 mo. 22, 1789. 4 
Mar. , John Stockdale. 

25. EZEKIEL ATKINSON, b. 10 mo. 10, 1728. Mar. , Rachel 


26. CEPHAS ATKINSON, b. 5 mo. 7, 1730. Mar. , Hannah 


27. ELIZABETH ATKINSON, b. 4 mo. 12, 1732, died young. 

1 Register of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 

2 The copy of the Wrightstown register in the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania's library omits Cephas and makes Ezekiel born 5 mo. 7, 
1730; but Mr. Jenkins's MS, presumably taken from the original, gives 
their births as in the text. The Martindale MS, while giving EzekiePe 
year as 1728, gives him the same month and day as Cephas, 5 mo. 7. 

3 Martindale MS. 

4 Register of Wrightstown Mo. Mtg. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 439 


There was a Christopher Atkinson, of Kendal, County Westmoreland, 
more prominent among Friends than Christopher, of Scotforth, and 
who flourished at a somewhat earlier period. Joseph Smith, in his 
Catalogue of Friends' Books, gives him as author of five pamphlets, three 
of them in co-laboration with others, all published between 1653 and 
1655. Smith indicates him as one who had left Friends and was not 
known to have returned. These pamphlets were: 

The Standard of the Lord Lifted up Against the Kingdom of Satan, 
or, An Answer to A BOOK Entituled, " The Quakers Shaken," Written 
by one John Gilpin, with the help of the Priest of Kendal : . . . By 
Christopher Atkinson, a friend to the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Lon- 
don, 1653. 

The Sword of the Lord DRAWN, and furbished against the man of 
Sin: ... By one whose Name in the flesh is Christopher Atkinson, 
who am one that the world doth scornfully call a Quaker. London, 

David's Enemies discovered. ... by us who suffer for the Truth, 
whose names according to the flesh are Christopher Atkinson, George 
Whitehead. London, 1655. 

The Testimony of the everlasting Gospel witnessed through suffer- 
ings, by Christopher Atkinson, Richard Hubberthorne, and James Lan- 
caster. No printer's name, nor date. The part written by Atkinson is 
entitled: " An Epistle written in the bonds of the Gospel, to be published 
abroad amongst the inhabitants of England, Rulers, Magistrates and 
People." Dated "From the Gaol of Norwich, 13th of 10th mo. 

ISHMAEL, and his MOTHER, cast out into the WILDERNESS, 
amongst the Wild Beasts of the same nature: . . . Given forth from the 
Spirit of the Lord in us that do suffer in Gaol of Norwich for the truth's 
sake. . . . Whose names in the flesh is, Christopher Atkinson, George 
Whitehead, James Lancaster, Thomas Simonds. London, 1655. 

First Publishers of Truth, (supplement to the Journal of the Friends' 
Historical Society), page 306, in the account of Friends' beginnings at 
Bolland, a branch of Settle Mo. Mtg. in Yorkshire, says: "In ye year 
1653, about ye 6th mo., there came two friends out of ye North, whose 
names were Thomas Years and Christopher Atkinson, to a Little Town 
called Newton, not far from Slaidburne in Bolland, on a 7th Day at 
night, & was Received by James Bond, a Poor Man, & had a meeting 
in ye Day following, where severall People were convinced; and ye 2d 
Day of ye weeke had another meeting, att Cutbert Hayhurst, in Essing- 
ton, where they were well received." 

On page 260 of the same work, under the heading of his own meeting, 

440 AMnson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

Kendal, is an account of him AS follows: " Christopher Atkinson, of 
Kendall, was opened in a liveing Testemony, and laboured zeallously 
for a time in the service of truth, and suffered Imprisomnt Chearfully 
for the same in Kendall, and all so travelled into the south & east of 
England, and for a time had a service in many places. But in process 
of time, for want of watchfullness, run out into things Inconsistant with 
the proflession of truth, and persisting therein was denyed of friends. 
Let this and the like runing out be a Caution to all to keepe in Humil- 
lety & watchfullness, under ye Conduct of Gods power, that keeps stable 
& out of all Satans Temptations." 

[Some account of C. A. also appears in ''Life and Correspondence of 
William and Alice Ellis of Airton, 1 ' by James Backhouse, pp. 315- 


Thomas Stackhouse, Senior, of Bolland, in Yorkshire, was one of 
those who accompanied William Penn, in the ship Welcome, on his first 
voyage to his Province of Pennsylvania, arriving at New Castle, 10 mo. 
27, 1682. Bolland Particular Meeting, to which he belonged, was a 
constituent of Settle Monthly Meeting, of the Society of Friends, in 
Yorkshire. A number of members of this monthly meeting obtained a 
certificate therefrom dated 4 mo. 7, 1682, in order to move to Pennsyl- 
vania, which they did on the Welcome. "The Settle Certificate" (as 
this document is familiarly known among Pennsylvania genealogists, by 
whom it is generally considered to be the most important single certifi- 
cate issued by any English meeting in connection with the settlement of 
Pennsylvania) was granted to the following most or all of them related 
by blood or marriage: Cuthbert Hayhurst, wife and family; Nicholas 
Wain, wife and three children; Thomas Wigglesworth 'and wife 
Alice; Thomas Walmsley and wife Elizabeth ; Thomas Croasdale, 
wife Agnes and six children ; Thomas Stackhouse and wife; Ellin 
Cowgill (widow), and children; and William Hayhurst. No names 
of wives, other than the three named, and no names at all of children, 
are mentioned, nor the number of children other than Wain's" and 
Croasdale' s. These families all settled in Buck county. 

Thomas Stackhouse had married in the same year, 1682, and probably 
in the same (4th) month, Margery Hayhurst, their declarations of inten- 
tion having been made to Settle Mo. Mtg. in 2nd and 3rd months. She 
was undoubtedly a sister to Cuthbert Hayhurst whose name heads the 
certificate. Alice, wife of Thomas Wigglesworth, also in the certificate, 
was another sister; her marriage 7 mo. 2, 1665, is on the register of Set- 
tle Mo. Mtg. These were children of Cuthbert (the elder) and Alice 
Hayhurst, of Essington, Yorkshire. Nicholas Wain was a nephew of 
Cuthbert Hayhurst' s wife, who was Mary Eudd, her sister Jane being 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 441 

Wain's mother. Cuthbert Hay hurst had a brother William who mar- 
ried his wife's sister, Dorothy Eudd, who died in 1676. This was 
doubtless the William Hayhurst of the certificate. The relationship, if 
any, of the Walinsleys and Croasdales (Agnes Croasdale's maiden name 
being Hathornthwaite, and Elizabeth Walmsley's unknown to the writer) 
is not so clear, but Ellen (or Ellin) Cowgill's probable relationship will 
be spoken of below. Margery (Hayhurst) Stackhouse died without issue 
11 mo. 5, 1682, [Feb., 16 82/3], * and was one of the first persons buried 
in the graveyard of Middletown (then Neshamina) meeting-house. 

Thomas Stackhouse on arriving in the Province went to Bucks County 
and took up a tract of 312 acres in Middletown Township, on Nesham- 
iny Creek, running back to about where Langhorne now is. This is 
shown on Holme's Map in the name of "Thomas Stackhouse Sr." 
Here he lived a number of years, but having no wife nor children, 
(though his nephew John is presumed to have lived with him), and get- 
ting well on to 65 years old, he no doubt felt the need of a woman's 
care, and so, about 1701 went to board with Margaret (Fell) Atkinson, 
at "Bellemont," as mentioned in the text above; (where their marriage 
in 1702/3 and her subsequent marriage to John Frost, are fully cov- 

Thomas Stackhouse, Sr. , had no issue by either wife. He died in 
1706, in his 71st year. His will 2 mentioned his wife Margaret, brother 
John, sisters Jennet and Ellin, nephews Thomas and John, but no 
children. The nephew John inherited the 312 acre plantation in Mid- 
dletown. The brother John appears not to have come to America, and 
whether the sister Jennet did is uncertain, but the sister Ellin was 
probably the Ellin Cowgill, widow, included in the same certificate 
from Settle Mo. Mtg. with Thomas Stackhouse and wife; the fact that 
Ellin Cowgill had a daughter Jennet (no doubt named for her sister) 
strengthens this theory. (See remarks on Cowgill family in Part I. 
under 14. JOSEPH ATKINSON, who married another Jennet Cowgill, 
granddaughter of this Ellen.) 

Thomas Stackhouse Senior's brother John is supposed to have been 
the father of the two nephew's mentioned in the former's will: 

Thomas Stackhouse, Jr., came to Pennsylvania as early as 1682 prob- 
ably with his uncle. He obtained 507 acres of land in Middletown 
Township (marked "Thomas Stackhouse" on Holme's Map) and lived 
there all his life. He represented Bucks County in the Provincial 
Assembly in 1711, 1713 and 1715, and was elected for 1716 but declined 
to serve. He married first Grace Heaton, second Ann widow of Edward 
Mayos, and third Dorothy widow of Zebulon Heston. 

1 Kegister of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 
2 Phila. Co. Will Book C, p. 40. 

442 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

John Stackhouse, Jr. was in Pennsylvania by 1685 in which year his 
name is signed to a paper, and probably he came with his uncle in 1682. 
He was a minister of the Society of Friends. John Fothergill in his 
Journal mentions lodging 12 mo. 23, 1721, at the house of J. Stack- 
house, near Neshaminy; this was the 312 acres he had inherited 
from his uncle. He married Elizabeth Pearson. From these two 
nephews of Thomas Stackhouse, Sr. descended the well-known Bucks 
County family of that name, branches of which are now found in Phila- 
delphia, Chester and Delaware Counties, Pennsylvania, Burlington, 
Camden and Gloucester Counties, New Jersey, and in Maryland. 


Shortly after the year 1700 there were two William Stockdales in 
Bucks County, and sometime before that there was another in New Castle 
County, but who died in Philadelphia. What relation, if any, these 
three men were to one another, is very uncertain at present. Of the 
one who was connected by marriage with both the Bucks County Atkin- 
son families we have the following particulars: 

The first mention of him found so far appears to be his declaration ol 
intention of marriage with Alice Hynde in 1702/3. The reports to the 
meeting for a number of years thereafter, as to his care for and accounts 
with the Atkinson children have been noticed in the text. 

By deed 1 of 3 mo. 18, 1707, William Stockdale bought from John 
Swift, of Southampton Township, 151 acres in Warminster Township, 
bounded by Abel Noble (on several sides) and by John Eush, part of 
500 acres which William Penn by deeds of lease and release dated Sept. 
6 & 7, 1681, had conveyed to William Bingley. Stockdale had proba- 
bly resided on and rented this place from Swift for a number of years 
before he bought it, as the deed designates him as of Warminster. 

By deed dated March 6, 1723, William Stockdale bought 2 from 
Thomas Chalkley and Martha his wife, 250 acres in Warminster Town- 
ship, part of 500 acres originally granted to John Jones of London and 
laid out to his agents or attorneys in 1684. This was on the southwest 
branch of Neshaminy Creek. On August 16, 1734, William Stockdale 
and Phebe his wife conveyed 3 97| acres of this (on the branch and 
adjoining Samuel Gilbert's land) to her sons James and John Kadcliffe, 
of Warminster Tp. The balance, 152 acres, William Stockdale by will, 
May 17, 1738, left to his wife for life and then to his brother Ralph 

1 Bucks Co. Deed Book 3, p. 323. 

2 Deed apparently not on record in Bucks County, but fact recited in 
deeds recorded in Bucks Co. Deed Books 11, p. 72; 20, p. 39; and 28, 
p. 410. 

8 Bucks Co. Deed Book 20, p. 39. 

Atkinson Families of Biicks County, Pennsylvania. 443 

Stockdale's son and the children of his sisters Isabel and Ann; 1 on 
March 7, 1744, these heirs, Thomas Beatham; of Settle, William Stock- 
dale of "Suazom" or "Suazan," and Ealph Dinsdale, of Camm's 
Houses, all in Yorkshire, England, sold 2 this 152J acres to Charles 
Beatty, of Warminster Township. 

William Stockdale's will 3 dated May 17, 1738, proved Oct. 30, 1738, 
gave to his wife Phebe Stockdale the best bed and all furniture thereunto 
belonging. She was to have the whole benefit of his land and planta- 
tion where he then lived, during her life, and after her death it was to 
go to the testator's brother Kalph Stockdale's son, and testator's sisters 
Isabel's and Amy's children, to be equally divided between them. To 
his "cousins" William Atkinson, John Atkinson and Mary Child, and 
to his " brother " William Atkinson, 5 each. The residue of his estate 
to his wife Phebe, she, with his "brother" William Atkinson, being 
appointed executors. His connection with the two separate Atkinson 
families is well exemplified by the will: the " cousins" William, John 
and Mary being nephews and niece of his first wife Alice Hynde, and 
the " brother " William Atkinson, was the brother-in-law to his second 
wife Phebe (Baker) Radcliffe, and was of the THOMAS ATKINSON 

William Stockdale married first, in 1703, as stated above, Alice Hynde. 
Middletown Mo. Mtg. register records the death (though not the birth) 
of one, and probably their only, child : 

ISABEL STOCKDALE, b. , d. 11 mo. 22, 1720. 

Alice (Hynde) Stockdale had died before her daughter, in the same 
year, 1720, and was buried 10 mo. 20. 4 If she had any other children 
they must also have died young, or at least without issue, as William 
Stockdale's will gives evidence of his leaving no direct heirs. 

He married second, in 1722, Phebe (Baker) Eadcliife, daughter of 
Henry Baker, and widow of Edward Radcliffe; see Notes D and E to 
Part I. William Stockdale at Middletown Mo. Mtg. held 5 mo. 5, 1722, 
declared his intention of marriage with Phebe Radcliffe, a member of 
Falls Mo. Mtg., and a certificate was granted him for that purpose 6 
mo. 2. On 8 mo. 3, 1728, Middletown Mo. Mtg. gave William Stock- 
dale * ' and family ' ' a certificate to Abington Mo. Mtg. ; he and his wife 

Called " Ann" in the deed record, but " Amy" in his will. 

2 Deed recorded May 3, 1796 in Bucks Co. Deed Book 28, p. 410 ; it 
had previously been recorded July 11, 1763 in Book 11, p. 72 ; this 
first record omitting "County of York" in the heirs' residence, and 
having some names misspelt. 

'Bucks Co. Will Book 1, p. 257. 

4 Register of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 

444 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

Phebe (who was all the ' ' family ' *) presented it there 8 mo. 28. This does 
not mean a change of residence, but only a transfer of membership for 
convenience of attending meeting; Horsham, the particular meeting be- 
longing to Abington Mo. Mtg. , to which they attached themselves, being 
readier of access to their Warminster home. 

Phebe Stockdale died only a few months after her husband. By her 
will, 1 dated Dec. 27, 1738, she left 10 to Horsham Meeting for fires 
in and sweeping out the meeting house, the money to be put at interest 
and Friends appointed by the meeting to see it employed as directed. 
To her sister Margaret Atkinson, her side saddle; to son James Radcliffe, 
a riding horse; and to son John Radcliffe, a mare and colt. Residue to 
sons James and John Eadcliffe, who with her brother-in-law William 
Atkinson, were named as executors. By a codicil of the same date she 
divided wearing apparel between her cousin Rebecca Smith and sister 
Margaret Atkinson, and gave her brother-in-law, William Atkinson, 
her deceased husband's best riding saddle. The whole was probated 
Jan. 24, 1738/9. 

A William Stockdale was a Member of Assembly from Bucks County 
in 1713, 1714, 1717 and 1719, but it is uncertain whether this was the 
above-mentioned or the following. 

The other William Stockdale, contemporary in Bucks County with the 
husband of Alice Hynde, first appears in Middletown Township as a party 
to a deed 2 of the date of Sept. 11, 1711, by which he bought of Joseph 
Wildman 60 acres in Middletown Tp., bounded by Thomas Musgrove's, 
Thomas Constable's, John Croasdale's and other of Joseph Wildman's 
lands. Either just before or just after this (on Feb. 12, 171-) he bought 
from Henry Nelson (deed not found on record) 90 acres adjoining and 
on Neshaminy Creek. On March 6, 1713, William Stockdale and 
Dorothy his wife sold 3 the whole 150 acres to Thomas Stackhouse, Jr. 
In this last deed his residence is given as Southampton. 

At the date of his will, 4 3 ino. [May] 12, 1727, he was of Northamp- 
ton Township. He made his wife Dorothy sole executrix with full power 
to dispose of all his goods, lands, etc., as she saw fit, but with the advice 
of the monthly meeting. There were no specific bequests; it was pro- 
bated Jan. 30, 1732/3. At Middletown Mo, Mtg. 1 mo. 7, 1733/4, 
William Stockdale, lately deceased, having left all disposing of his effects 
to his wife, she requested assistance from the meeting in doing the same. 

This William Stockdale married first, Grace ; they had one 

1 Bucks Co. Will Book 1, p. 259. 

2 Bucks Co. Deed Book 4, p. 168. 

3 Bucks Co. Deed Book 5, p. 34. 

* Bucks Co. Will Book 1, p, 181. 

Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 445 

child, whose death, but not her birth, is on the register of Middletown 
Mo. Mtg. : 

GRACE STOCKDALE, b. , d. 5 mo. 27, 1722. 

He married second, in 1710, Dorothy Iden. He declared his inten- 
tions to Middletown Mo. Mtg. 2 mo. 6, and she being a member of 
Falls Mo. Mtg. he was given a certificate thereto 4 mo. 1. They had 
certainly the following three children, (births from register Middletown 
Mo. Mtg): 

EGBERT STOCKDALE, born 6 mo. 8, 1711. The will of Robert Stock- 
dale, of Northampton, 1 dated Jan. 24, 1769, proved Aug. 10, 1772, 
mentioned his wife Mary, son Robert (who was to have the plantation 
when 21 years old), sons William, George and David, and "little daugh- 
ter" Mercy; and made his wife and John Plumly executors. 

ELIZABETH STOCKDALE, born 8 mo. 14, 1713, died 6 mo. 23, 1721. * 

MARY STOCKDALE, born 7 mo. 1, 1716. 

William and Dorothy (Iden) Stockdale are supposed to have been also 
the parents of these: 

HANNAH STOCKDALE, of Falls Township, married 9 mo. 19, 1740, 
at Falls Mtg., Samuel Bunting, of Bristol Township, son of Samuel and 
Priscilla (Burgess) Bunting. 

WILLIAM STOCKDALE, of Middletown Township, married 2 mo. 17, 
1746, at Middletown Mtg., Sarah Field, daughter of Benjamin and 
Sarah, of Middletown Tp. On May 19, 1749, he bought } acre, and on 
May 16, 1750, one acre adjoining, in Middletown Tp.; 3 his executors 
(widow Sarah and brother John) sold 4 these 1 acres Jan. 19, 1757. The 
last deed calls him 'Mate of Wrightstown," but his will has him "of 
Buckingham." This will 5 dated Jan. 29, 1755, directs his executors 
to sell his house and lot in Middletown Tp. (the 1J acres above); leaves 
one-third of his estate, real and personal, to his wife, and the other two- 
thirds to his three children, Hannah, William and Thomas; and appoints 
his wife and his brother, John Stockdale, executors. It was probated 
July 26, 1755, and letters were granted to Sarah Stockdale and John 
Stockdale, the executors named. 

JOHN STOCKDALE, mentioned in will of his brother, William, 1755. 
This was probably the John Stockdale who married 24. MARY ATKIN- 
SON, daughter of John and Mary (Smith) Atkinson. 

Dorothy (Iden) Stockdale, married second, in 5th or 6th month, 1734, 
Daniel Burgess, widower, of Falls Township. 

1 Bucks Co. Will Book 3, p. 207. 

2 Register of Middletown Mo. Mtg. 

3 Bucks Co. Deed Book 16, pp. 348 and 350. 

4 Bucks Co. Deed Book 16, p. 351. 

5 Bucks Co. Will Book 2, p. 283. 

446 Atkinson Families of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. 

The third William Stockdale mentioned at the beginning of this note, 
was of somewhat earlier date than either of the above, and not, so far as 
known, ever a resident of Bucks County. He was an eminent minister 
of the Society of Friends, came to Pennsylvania from Ireland in 1684/5, 
and lived in New Castle County (now in Delaware), where he was a Jus- 
tice of the County Court. In 1689 he became a Provincial Councillor, 
after which date he appears to have lived in Philadelphia, where he died 
in 7 mo. 1693. He was a member of Newark Mo. Mtg., the register of 
which records the deaths of his daughter Ruth 6 mo. 30, 1687 and wife 
Jane 7 mo. 8, 1688. He married again in 1689, Hannah Druett. No 
other particulars of his family appear there, nor is there any will or 
administration of his on record in Philadelphia, where he died. An 
extended account of him is given in Albert Cook Myers's Immigra- 
tion of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, 1902), pp. 267- 
271. As he came from Ireland it is unlikely that he was any near 
relative of the William Stockdale who married Alice Hynde, for the 
latter' s relatives, as shown by the deed from his heirs, March 7, 1744, 
lived in England. But he might have been father of the William Stock- 
dale who married Grace and Dorothy Iden, though our lack of 

knowledge of any children, (except Ruth) leaves this an open question. 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 447 


(Continued from page 319.) 



Your letter dated 22nd, Augt came to my hands last Evening It gives 
me the highest satisfaction to hear of your and the Childrens health. I 
receiv'd a lettter the other day directed in your hand Writing, inclosing 
one from Nancy and Joshua of the 1st, Augt but not a line from you 
only a Postscript mentioned you having seen Mrs Wayne at Dil worths, 
the letter was tore to pieces, so that I imagin'd what you had wrote was 
lost and it had past through so many hands I cannot find who brought 
it to Camp My last to you was P Mr. North of our Regiment. I 
directed him to leave it with Colo Archd Thomson or wth Mrs Jenkins 
I have been very poorly this 3 weeks past but am now pretty well 
recovered, though I still Lodge out of Camp 

I mention' d in a former Letter to you that a Mare I had got from the 
Quarter Master Generals had stray 'd from me, and that I had heard by 
Doctor Jones that she was at his House. I enclos'd a letter to Mrs 
Jones, desiring she would deliver her to you. As you do not mention 
any thing of this in your Letter am afraid it has not come to hand it 
will be impossible to procure a Horse here for Mr. Johnston. I am 
Sorry he should suffer by the misfortune but must do the best We can, 
either in procuring him another Horse or pay him the Value I hope 
We shall weather all these misfortunes I have directed the Bearer who 
is an officer in our Regiment to Call upon you he can possibly put you 
in a way to forward some things to me as it is at present very uncertain 
when I can get home Please to send me the Blue Cloath for a Coat 
with the White and Lining and Trimmings if you could send me 2 
yards of white Lining besides for a Light Blue piece of Broad Cloath 
wch I have procured for a Coat it would oblige me, also Mohair and 
white mettal Buttons and other necessaries for it There was a pair new 
Shoes left at Mrs. Jenkins's you may remember I now want them much 
I got only a pair Blanketts a Coverlid and set of Camp Stools from 
Mrs. Rivers's by Colo Johnston so that I have left my mattrass, Pillow, 
Coat, Jacket a pair new draws pair Boote, 1 pair Shoes, pair Spurs and 
a Vallice to carry my Bed in, I should be glad to know what became of 
them the Vallice Mattrass, spurs, and Shoes were left at Mrs Rivers's 
by me and Understood the other things were to have been sent there 
the Value I do not mind, but they are very necessary and not to be pro- 

448 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

cured. I had forgot to mention that I have got my Sword and Bayonet. 

The News we have is that Two of the French Ships suffer' d in a late 
Storm in consequence of wch the Fleet were obliged to leave Rhode 
Island to convoy those that were disabled to Boston in Consequence of 
this, Genl Sullivan had orders to leave the Island for fear a Reinforce- 
ment might arrive with the British fleet and cut off their retreat, Genl 
Sullivan the 28th, at night, made a disposition for this purpose ordered 
2 Regiments to Cover the retreat, the Enemy hearing of this March'd 
out to attack them early in the morning those Regimts were reinforced 
and so were the Enemy's till at last it brought on a General Engagement 
wch continued about an Hour Excessive severe, the British were at last 
oblig'd to retreat in great precipitation and left Us Masters of the Field 
of Battle, both sides lost a great number, We lost a great many brave 
Officers, the particulars are not yet arriv'd but expect they will be in 
to day The French Fleet it is believ'd are now return' d to Rhode 
Island The British have sent a large reinforcement from New York it 
is expected Sullivan left the Island he having particular orders for that 
purpose something extraordinary is expected to take place very soon. 
I have not time to write to any acquaintance, you might excuse me to 
them. Mr. Cheyney can advise you what is best to be done wth Noblit. 
I think he ought to be committed in consequence of his Judgment as 
nothing could have been done at that time the Enemy coming into the 
Country otherwise a New process against him and his Son, Bernard Van- 
horn can be had to Witness against them and the affair may be settled 
in that way. Colonel Hannum can give you his advice as I spoke to 
him about it at Court before I came away Excuse me in having given 
you this unnecessary trouble I could not well avoid it My best respects 
to all friends my love to my Dr Children I am my Dr Polly 

Ever Yours 


Sepr 9th 17T8 


I have this minute received the agreeable account of your being in 
good helth, by Jemmy Thomson who Saw Major Herbut at the Sine of 
the Ship yesterDay he Says he Saw you jest before he left Camp this is 
to go to the Ship to Day the Major is to Call there for it I have Sent 
your hanger and bagonete three weeks ago I Expect you have got them 
I have not received any Letter from you Sence that of the 19th of Augt 
it gave the account of your illness from that till this I think I have been 
as unhappy as any one Living as the Children Still Continue bad with 
the Hooping chouf I shall Expect you home in three weeks from this 
pray write every opportunity our Relations and friends are in helth 
Little Sally and Bobby and Polly fallows Sends ther Love to you I am 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 449 

my Dearest Percy with fervent wishes for your helth prosperity and Saife 
return to mee and your Deare Little Children your Loving and affection- 
ate wife 

this is the 5th Letter 

I have Sent 

Sepr 16th 1778 


You mention in your Letter p. Lt Forbes of the uncertinty of your 
coming home it givs me a great Dail of concarn for I quite Expected 
you the Latter end of this month from what you wrote me in your Sec- 
ond Letter I Spoke to mr Chenney about Noblets afaire he Seems reathir 
to Let it be till you return I hav not yet Seen Col Hannum but intend to 
See him as Soon as possable concarning it, your besiness with mr. 
Brintin is Settled to Satisfaction and he and his Lady is to Dine with 
me before Long the Children are all getting better of the Chincoff but 
your little Percy I am in helth thank god and intend go for Philadela 
to morrow this Day we finnish Sowing wheat I mention in a former 
Letter Frederick Taylor Son I Suppose you never got the Letter I would 
be glad you would Lett me know if you have Seen him as his parrants 
has never heard from him I Have Sent you 4 yards blue and 4 yds white 
Cloath 17 Canes of thread 1 pair Linning Draws 2 flanning west coats 1 
yd of Linning 2 yds of white Linging it is all that I hav Shall endever to 
get Some in Philada Mamme Peirce continues much as She was when 
you Left us She Sends her Love to you I would be glad you Let me 
know what Stocking and other things you will want please to Let me 
know Soon and Send me Some monney if can get a Safe hand to Send 
by if you hav it too Speair if not dont put your Self to any trouble 
your Sisters and brothers and there familys are all well Jemme has not 
paid of the morgage yet I hav kept the money for him I am afraid he 
will do nothing in it till you return I would be glad you would write to 
him concarning it Little Sally and bobby and Polly Fallows and Sally 
Thomson Send ther Love to you please to give my Love to my acquaint- 
ance at Camp I am my Dearest Percy with fervent wishes for your helth 
and saif return to me and your Dr Little Childrer 

your Ever affectionate wife 

This is the 7th letter MARY WORRALL FRAZER 

I have sent to you 

I have sent yd buckram 4 Scanes of blue Silk Six dozen white medle 
buttons three Stichs of moheer. 

Sepr 28th 1778. 


I was in Philadelphia Last Satterday was a week and Left the follow- 
ing artickels in the Care of Capn Peirson who promissed to Send them 
to you the first opertunity 4 yds Blue and 4 yds white Cloath 2 yds of 
white Lining 1 yd Linning yd buckerara 4 Scanes Silk and 16 of 
VOL. XXXI. 29 


450 Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 

thred 2 Sticks white moheire 6 dozens of white mettle and plaitted But- 
tons 2 flanning Jacketts 1 paire Lining draws your Shouse that was Left 
at Mrs Jinkinses is not to be found and Mrs Rivers Says the things that 
you Left theare was Sent to the Swan to the Care of Col. Maybury and 
ware Sent out by Col : Bedford I Shall send you some more white lining 
and Some worme Stockings next week and Shouse as soon as I can get 
them maid, Octr 2d my Dearest Percy this Day Twelve years I little 
thought that ever Such a Dreadfull Separation would fall to our Lot O 
this unhappy war that has made Life almost insupportable to me if it 
was not for the pleaseing thought of Seeing you Some times and in that 
how am I Disopointed the time is past that you gave me to Expect you 
home in, in your Second Letter O the Cruel Spiler of our peasable Land 
that has towrn fathers from their tender Children and Sons from there 
aged parents may the Just Vengents of god over take them in this world 
that was the beginers of these troubles this is my Sinceare prayers, for 
you know my Dear we are Commanded to pray for our Enemy and I am 
Shure I can not pray for them cincerely in any other way when I think 
on the many happy Days we have Spent to gather and are now So 
Cruelly Seperatied this Day has brought to my remembrance all your 
former fond Endearing beheavour to me and your deare little Children 
my Dearest Percy it is imposable for me to describe to you how heavy 
time Drags on 

Oct : 4th I have been very ill this week with a paine in my head and 
fever am now prity well recovered little Percy Stil Continues ill with 
whooping Chof the rest of family is well this will go by Mr Blackissten 
and by him I Shall Send Blue and white Moheire three paires Stockings 
white and Lite Collered thick for Jackett and Britches with blue thred 
white Lining, and buttons for the Jackett and Britches S Jemme and 
Sally Thomson and Jacob Vernon and Sally are well and Send thear 
Love to you and Nancy and Jesse is going to Delworths Town to Live as 
there is nothing to be don with Noblit til you Come home mr Cheney 
thinks a rong Stepe in the matter might Cause you a vast daile more 
trouble as I can not be So well acquainted with it as you and am Sure 
Cirlin in will do Every thing he can in Noblit favor I mentioned the 
matter in a former Letter and concerning the Land at the Ship Jemme 
has been offered 10 pound an aker for his and think we may get that 
for ours please give my best Complement to all friends in Camp I am my 
Dearest Percy wishing you all the Choicest blessings of Heaven 

Your ever Loving and affectionate wife 

Little Sally and boby 

Send there Love to you 

I had forgot them till the 

Letter was foled and the ware 

not pleased. 

Extracts from Papers of General Persifor Frazer. 451 

FEEDERICKSBUEQ Octo. 2nd, 1778. 

I would have applied for Liberty to have got home before this, but as 
I have some accounts to settle wch I have nearly compleated, thought it 
best to wait a few days longer for that purpose rather than to leave them 
in confusion as I have not settled since I left Ticonderoga And as I 
propose to resign made my tarrying a few days more necessary. I 
expect in 10 or 12 days to have the pleasure of seeing you The Enemy 
have been in the Jerseys for some days past, they surpris'd abt 60 or 70 
of our Light Horse there and killd and took the greatest part of them 
Major Lee has also the day before yesterdar took 12 and killed 12 of the 
Enemy's Light Dragoons. 

We mov'd from the White plains abt 2 weeks ago to this place wch is 
about 25 miles to the northward. The reason of our moving was, that 
Forage got very Scarce and as it was probable the Enemy intended 
either for Boston or the North River We are now that distance nigher 
Boston and within abt 20 miles of the North Eiver where our chief 
Fortifications are near Fish Kill. Our Division was to have march'd to 
Jersey yesterday but News arriv'd that the Enemy had left it. We are 
ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to march at a moments warning 
I cannot leave the Army whilst there is a probability of Action but 
I am of opinion we shall have little or no fighting this Fall from 
every thing we can learn they will leave New York before winter I 
have seen Major Williams he tells me you have sent me some Cloathing 
by Capt Lang he is not yet arriv 5 d being obliged to retire to Morris 
Town for fear of the Enemy. My best respects to all friends my love to 
my Dear Children. I am my Dr polly 

Yr affectionate Husband 

Oct. 2. 1778. 

452 Letters from the " Penn Papers." 


[Originals in the Manuscript Department, The Historical Society of 

jRich'd HocUey to Thomas Penn. 

The Bearer of this Letter Mr Francis Hopkinson son of 
the late Mr Thomas Hopkinson a very useful man in this 
place, I beg leave to recommend to your kind notice as a 
deserving sensible Young Gentleman, his errand is chiefly 
to pay a visit to the Bishop of Worcester his Mothers first 
Cozen and to make his Family known to his Lordship, Mr. 
Duchee & Dr Morgan two extraordinary Men in their way 
are married to two of his sisters and both of them are 
known to You if the Bishop does nothing for him he 
returns to his place again and proposes to follow convey- 
ancing, he would make a very good Prothonotary in some 
of the Countys when any place is vacant, and Few of his 
Talents are to be met with I believe the Governor would do 
something in that way for him if an opportunity presented 
and he in the place and by that means Dr. Smith coud be 
better served in the way You intend. 

MAY 22, 1766. 

William Allen to Thomas Penn. 

Nov br 13 th 1766 


I am fearful that I shall trespass on your patience, 
having already by this opportunity wrote you a long letter; 
But as Dr. Morgan had communicated to me a scheme he 
has of establishing a Medical Society in this Province, 
which, should it meet with your Countenance, may be very 
useful, and tend much to the Reputation of Philadelphia, I 
had promised to take freedom of mentioning it to you. 

Letters from the ff Penn Papers" 453 

I have had some conversation with the Governor on the 
subject, and with several other Judicious Men, and we 
seem all to concur in opinion that such a Society may be 
attended with very good Consequences and make this 
flourishing Province, situated in the centre of his Majesty's 
dominions, in some great measure the Seat of the Sciences, 
and, in the physical way, the Edinburgh of America; 
everything must have a beginning, and we may probably 
from thence qualifie numbers of Young Gentlemen to 
practice Phisick with reputation and skill in all the neigh- 
bouring Provinces. 

As I am sure you have a warm side to your Province, and 
are desirous of doing everything in your power to promote 
its happiness, I thought you would not take it amiss if I 
ventured to express my opinion on this occasion. I cannot 
foresee any inconveniencys that can arise from the prosecu- 
tion of the design, but rather that many advantages may 
accrue, and I think it is feasible and very probably will be 
attended with success. I have the honor to be 

Your most obedient & humble Servant 

Rev. William Smith to Thomas Penn. 
HoN d . SIR 

It is long since I had the Happiness of a Line from you ; 
but hope for that Favor on the arrival of Mr. Magaw, I 
have little of importance to say at present, but only to let 
you know our College continues to flourish. We have just 
enacted a Set of Rules for regulating the Lectures of the 
Medical Professors, & for ascertaining the Course of Study 
& Examination previous to the Degrees in Physic which the 
College propose to give to deserving students. I shall send 
you the plan. The Difference between Dr. Morgan & Dr. 
Shippen has been a great Hurt. Both perhaps were to blame. 
We have endeavored to heal it up. Dr. Morgan, we hear, 
has applied to you about Incorporating a Medical Society. 
The Design may be good, but they seem to go too fast; & the 

454 Letters from the ff Penn Papers" 

Dr. with all his good Parts, has given offence to many by 
being too desirous to put himself at the Head of Things. 
Such a Charter just now, I fear, would divide instead of 
unite. Sundry of the most reputable Physicians, three of 
them Shippen Seri r & the two Dr Bonds, would not join 
Morgan's Medical Club, affronted at his forming it at first, 
chiefly of young men & then sending Tickets to the old 
Physicians to join as Members, which, some did & more 
declined, intending or at least talking of forming another 
Society, which will subject you to a Solicitation for another 
Charter So that this had better be delayed, till all these 
little matters can be reconciled. 

I labor hard for it, and think of Harmony among the 
Medical Trustees & Professors of our College, I think the 
City will be greatly benefited by drawing Members thither 
for a Medical Education; especially as great care will be 
taken in conferring Degrees. 

Whatever Charter you may in Time give to incorporate 
a Medical Society we hope it will grant nothing to them 
that can interfere with our College & the Laws now made 
in it. 

I could not help troubling you with these few lines on 
this Head, & remain, hon d Sir, 

Your most obed! & obliged humble servt 

^ 14th MAY 1767. 

(Addressed) To The Hon ble THOS PENN Esq! 

At His House in 

Spring Garden London, 

Rev. Richard Peters to Lady Juliana Penn. 


It gives me a real & very sensible satisfaction to find that 
the Letters of late have all agreed in representing my dear 
M r Penn as enjoying a sweet placid composure & a state of 

Letters from the " Penn Papers.' 3 455 

recovering health which promises abundance of consolation 
to his family. May this state gradually proceed to a con- 
firmation of health and give you the Blessing of a long 
Enjoyment of his precious life. 

I have met with one of the heaviest Strokes that a friendly 
disposition can feel. My dear Mr. Hockley was my tender 
nurse in all my variety of Indisposition & distress His 
constancy & ready assistance contributed much to the 
alleviation of my sicknesses ; and I had a sort of Confidence 
that while I lived I should never want One who woud have 
a fellow feeling care of me. But Providence has ordered it 
otherwise, & has taken him to himself. In the latter end of 
May he was in the Garden of a Friend of his, chatty, and 
descanting upon some of the Flowers that he had plucked 
as he walked along. In an Instant he lost his Colour and fell 
into a Fit, w ch I did not understand was violent or long on 
his recovery out of it he was bled ; and tho complaining yet 
he did not express any great sense of pain, & in a few days 
got out & was much at his Daughter "Wilcoxs, I was all the 
while in the country trying by moderate exercise to obtain 
some strength; and as the air agreed with me, I seldom 
came to Town and heard nothing of this Indisposition ot 
my Friend; & therefore was surprised on his coming to see 
me to find a paleness in his Countenance & something 
wrong about the Muscles of his Face. He gave the history 
of himself in his own way & attributed all to a fullness of 
Blood & proposed a more moderate way of living. About 
5 weeks ago he felt a Boil breaking out in the middle ot 
his Back, which by degrees grew to a monstrous size and 
became one of those dreadful things which Physicians call 
an Anthrax. It coverd the greatest part of his Back, but 
filled, suppurated, and the corrupted matter discharged 
itself in great Quantities, and very regularly. Indeed both 
he and his Physicians thought all danger was over. Two 
days before he died I talked with him for two hours and 
was pleased with his observations on his own patience & 
fortitude under the dreadful operations he had undergone 

456 Letters from the " Penn Papers." 

for so long a time, & was fully assurd all woud terminate in 
a new Constitution, The very day of the Evening that he 
died, several of his Friends were admitted to him, and they 
conversd together chearfully & with mutual satisfaction, 
About a Quarter past Ten on Tuesday Night the 13th 
Instant his Doctor came and informed me that my dear 
Friend was no longer in this world, and that after going to 
bed much better than he had found himself in all his sick- 
ness he had fallen into an Apoplectick Fit, and in two min- 
utes expired. The Doctor attempted to bleed him but no 
blood woud come. 

My honourd Lady I owe everything I have to your good 
Family, and therefore coud not dispense with giving you 
this circumstantial Detail of my dear Friends sickness and 
Death. He has left an ample fortune, which he has pru- 
dently shared between his Son & Daughter, & he has made 
his son Sole Executor ; and I can truly give you the pleasing 
Account that his son has for these two years enjoy d an even 
State of health and is a very prudent good and amiable 
young man. His Daughter for temper and goodness has 
not her superior here, and is married to a young man 
known to me from his Infancy, who is in good business as 
a Merchant and in the best Esteem with all the people of 
worth & distinction here. 

Mr. Hockley proves as great a Friend to y e Family in his 
Death as in his Lifetime for Mr. John Penn instantly offerd 
the office of Naval Officer to his Brother and I hope it will 
be a means of beginning a total Reconciliation. Pray God 
favour this happy Turn and bring both Brothers to love one 
another more than ever. 

You will be pleased to communicate as much of this as 
you please and in what manner you please to Mr. Penn. 
Lady Dartry will be expecting an account of this Melan- 
choly Event from me, and I beg you will impart the con- 
tents of this mournful letter to her Ladyship. 

All my prayers are ever rising up before the Throne of 
Grace for every divine aid that your changeable situation 

Letters from the " Penn Papers/' 457 

here calls for, and that your afflictions which are but for a 
moment may bring forth an eternal weight of Glory, I am 
Much honourd Lady 

Your most devoted and 

obedient servant 


James Tilghman to Henry Wilmot. 

The Affair's of America are now in such a Situation, and 
seem to be big with such important Consequences, that I 
cannot avoid troubling you with a few Thoughts upon a 
Subject of the highest Concern. My Liberty, my Fortune 
and perhaps my Life may be involved in the Matters now 
in Agitation on this and your Side of the Water. 

I wrote you heretofore that the Cause of Boston was 
taken up as the Cause of all America, It has brought on a 
Meeting of Deputies from South Carolina to New Hamp- 
shire inclusive, and the Congress hath been sitting at this 
place for about a Month. They profess to aim at a securiety 
of their Liberties, and in that Way to restore the wished 
for Harmony between the Mother Country and the Colonies. 
And I hope they are in general sincere. Their Delibera- 
tions do not perspire but in a small Degree. One of my 
Brothers, the Speaker of the Maryland Assembly, is of this 
Congress and lodges with me, And yet I know nothing ot 
what's going. He can neither divulge, nor I inquire, con- 
sistent with the principles of Honor, You'll give me the 
Liberty in this private Way, to say, he is a man of steadi- 
ness and Moderation, and of the strictist Virtue, and utterly 
averse from all violent Measures. And y et I can find that he 
is not without Apprehensions of Consequences fatal to the 
Repose of both Mother Country and the Colonies, should 
the Parliament, or the Ministry, which is the same thing 
persist in their present system. The Congress have already 
published a Request to the Merchants to import no more 
British or indeed European Goods. And I believe it is 

458 Letters from the " Penn Papers/' 

resolved on, that no Importation shall be allowed but of 
Goods shipped, on or before the first of November. And I 
am told a non exportation of Lumber to the West Indies 
immediately, and of every thing else to great Britian, to 
take Place at a future Day, is in Contemplation. 

I am firmly persuaded that the people of Massachusets, 
New Hampshire, and Connecticut are ripe for action. Be- 
cause upon Reports of Violence at Boston, propagated 
probably by one Side or the other, to feel pulses, great 
Bodies of Armed Men have immediately been in Motion. 
And it is beyond Doubt that the People to the Eastward 
have a high Opinion of their own powers. Indeed such a 
Motion seems to prevail in most parts of the Continent, 
General Gage is fortifying the only pass to the Town of 
Boston, and it is a Matter of some doubt, whether the 
General or the Town is besieged. The new Constitution of 
the Massachusets Colony cannot take place, as there can be 
neither Jurymen nor Officers found to carry the plan into 
Execution, Such is the Aversion to Innovations tho for the 
better, The truth is, they consider that tho this were allowed 
to be for the better, another may be made for the worse. 

There certainly never was a National Concern of such 
Magnitude upon the hands of any British Ministry, as the 
present, And if they can extricate themselves, they will 
evince their Dexterity to all the World, I mean, if they can 
extricate themselves and yet maintain their System; for 
it will be easy for them to effect it by just and rational 
Measures, I fear they will ruin everything, by an unreason- 
able, inexpedient Stretch of power, The people of America 
only want to be freed from the Apprehensions of being 
taxed by those who do not represent them ; which they say 
is against Reason and the Spirit of the British Constitution, 
Is it not so ? They say that the Regulation of their trade, 
the Restraints of their Commerce, the Appointment of their 
Governors, in most Instances, the Negative upon their Laws, 
and the final Decisions of all Mattters of Property by the 
King and Council, constitute a sufficient Subordination, And 

Letters from the " Penn Papers." 459 

that in Matters of Aid, they shou'd not be found ingrate- 
ful or backward, if they were allowed to give Assistance in 
their own Way and according to their Abilities, of which 
none but themselves can be competent Judges. 

It is my Opinion that nothing but a Repeal of what are 
called the Revenue Acts or some of them, and the Boston 
Bills, will satisfy the people and bring them back to a good 
temper, And if the Ministry shou'd persist in their Resolu- 
tion to force the Boston Bills, I am not in the least doubt 
that they will be opposed, and that the Flame will be catched 
throughout America, And I really think, the moderate 
people have even now enough to do to keep things from 
Extremities, Thus much I collect from a Variety of Intelli- 
gence, in which I cannot be much deceived, America is 
very populous, and a large proportion of the people are 
furnished with Fire Arms, And if a Blow shou'd be struck 
on either side, I don't know where the Matter wou'd end. 

I am not sufficiently versed in Mercantile Affairs to judge 
of the Effects of a total Stoppage of all commercial Inter- 
course; or which Side will be most distressed, But I can 
plainly see that it must be very prejudicial if not pernicious 
to both, And why cannot the Ministry retract since they 
find their plans so very offensive that they will not go down ? 
Is it not frequently so at Home ? Was it not the Case of the 
Jew Act and the Cyder Act ? And why must everything be 
risqued for the Sake of a Triffling Revenue, chiefly spent in 
the support of Officers, and very little of which goes into 
the Exchecquer or accures to the Benefit of the Nation ? 

Administration finds by this Time, they were Strangers 
to America Affairs, And why are they ashamed to take the 
Honor of acknowledging their Error ? 

I am no Politician, but my plan shou'd be to do away the 
present Causes of Discontent, and to give a Continental 
Assembly to transact the general Affairs of America or at 
least of the Continent, This wou'd make a constitutional 
Union, better in my opinion than these kind of occasional 
voluntary ones, which however offensive they may be at 

460 Letters from the " Penn Papers." 

home, cannot be prevented. " I have for the present done 
with this important disagreeable Subject, and sincerely 
wishing for better Prospects 

PHILAD A I am yr most hb le & with great 

Oct. 2 d 1774 regard most obed* Serv* 


P. S. I have kept my letter by me till now in expecta- 
tion that I might have something material to inform you of 
the deliberations of the Congress but there is no intelli- 
gence to be depended on, I can collect from general Con- 
versation that there is a moderate and a intemperate party 
amongst them but which is like to prevail does not trans- 
pire, My Brother seems exceedingly tired of the business 
and I believe thinks upon the whole there is too much heat 
amongst them, His plan is to keep off all violent proceed- 
ing's and to make a firm and respectful remonstrance con- 
taining the reasons of non importation and other modes of 
opposition, He is a firm stickler for the Liberties of America 
under a proper subordination to and connexion with the 
Mother Country. 

Surely the Ministry will have more prudence and human 
ity than to drive this glorious Country that may be turned to 
the perpetual support of England, to Extremities destructive 
of the Interest of both. In a few words, the People of 
America in general have a sense of Liberty they understand- 
the subject well. They cannot think of being taxed at the 
will of any man or set of men they have no hand in chusing 
which they esteem the badge of Slavery and to which, I am 
persuaded they never will be brought to submit. At the 
same time they will most chearfully acquiesce in a proper 
subordination to the Mother Country such as consists with 
the principles of Liberty and it is great pity, if in a matter 
of such vast concern the Ministry should not turn their 
thoughts rather upon conciliating measures, than upon re- 
senting the Indescritions of a part of the People and of forcing 
Laws subversive of ancient establishments inadequate to the 
occasions of making them and altogether inconsistent with 
the principles of Liberty in the essential point of taxation. 

Account of Servants. 461 



(Continued from p. 367.) 

June 2nd. 

Edward Turner assigns John Branson his servant to 
Foster Parks of Phila. laborer, for the remainder of his 
time five years from Oct. 2nd. 1743. Consideration 17: 
customary dues. 

June 3rd. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Robert Toplin (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Francis Johnson of 
Phila. baker, for seven years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 16: customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Daniel Stewart (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Joshua Humphreys of 
Phila. county yeoman, for four years and a half from May 
19th 1746. Consideration 14: customary dues. 

June Jfih. 

James Tempi eton assigns Duncan Me Vea (a servant from 
Ireland in the briggt. Couli Kan) to Thomas Griffith of 
Phila. county, yeoman, for four years from Nov. 1st 1745. 
Consideration 16 :10/ customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns William Wasson (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Hugh Mathews of Phila. 
county, doctor, for four years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14.10/ customary dues. 

William Pierce, a free mulatto man, indents himsel 
apprentice to James Casick of Phila. blockmaker, for six 
years from this date, to be taught the trade of blockmaker 
and have customary dues. 

462 Account of Servants. 

June 5th. 

Conynyham & Gardner assign Hugh McLaughlin, (a ser- 
vant from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Isacc Whitelock 
of Lancaster for four years from May 19th 1746. Consid- 
eration 14: customary dues. 

Thomas Doyle assigns Clement Power his apprentice to 
Farrell Kiely of Phila. hatter, for the remainder of his time 
seven years from Jan. 18th 1744/5 Consideration 8: cus- 
tomary dues. 

James Crawford assigns Michael Clark (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Ephraim Sitle of Lancaster 
County for four years from May 19th 1746. Consideration 
13:15/ customary dues. 

Jane Brown in consideration of 11: paid John Faris by 
John Dongale at her request indents herself servant to John 
Dongale for four years from this date, to have customary 

Bridget O'Hanly in consideration of 7:10/ paid to Gerard 
Nellson by John Dongale of Phila. at her request indents 
herself servant to said Dongale for two years and a half 
from this date, no freedom dues. 

June 7th. 

Archibald McKeghan, in consideration of 13:10/ paid for 
his passage from Ireland in the snow Happy Return indents 
himself servant to John Foulke of the borough of Lancas- 
ter, tanner, for four years from May 21st 1746, to be taught 
the trade of a tanner and have customary dues. 

Robert Pendar, in consideration 15: paid at his request 
by Lodwick Hann of West Jersey, yeoman, indents himself 
servant for one year from this date, to be employed in keep- 
ing a school only, and to have a house found for him and his 
family, but no other accomodations. 

James Crawford assigns Margaret Usher (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to serve James McVaugh for 
four years from May 19th 1746, customary dues, this done 
before Samuel Hasell Esq. June 3rd. 1746. 

Account of Servants. 463 

Bryan Boyl (a servant from Ireland in the snow Happy 
Return) in consideration 12:10/ paid for his passage from 
Ireland to James Mitchell, indents himself apprentice to 
James Reynolds, mastmaker, to be taught the trade of a 
mastmaker and have customary dues. 

James Mitchell assigns James McCauley (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to William Cunningham 
of Lancaster County, yeoman, for seven years from May 
21st, 1746. Consideration 13:10/ customary dues. 

Bryan O'Mullan (a servant from Ireland in the snow 
Happy Return) in consideration of 8 : paid for his passage 
indents himself servant to George Graham of Phila. trader, 
for three years from this date, customary dues and one new 

June 9th. 

George Ryal assigns Mary Guerry his servant to Thomas 
Broome of Phila. brickmaker, for the remainder of her time 
two years, three months and seventeen days from Aug. 12th 
1745. Consideration 6: customary dues. 

James Mitchell assigns Robert McCarroll (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to Charles Edgar of 
Phila. merchant for four years from May 21st 1746. Con- 
sideration 10: customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Anne Carroll (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to Charles Edgar 
of Phila. merchant for four years from May 21st 1746. 
Consideration 10: customay dues. 

James Crawford assigns Donald Seffert, (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Martha) to Samuel Scott of Lancaster 
County, yeoman, for six years from May 19th 1746. Con- 
sideration 13 : customary dues. 

Samuel Cummins assigns Patrick Montgomery (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Samuel Scott of Lan- 
caster county for four years from May 29th 1746. Consid- 
eration 13 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Margaret Larkan (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Patrick Morrough 

464 Account of Servants. 

of Phila. County, yeoman, for four years from May 29th 
1746. Consideration 14: customary dues. 

Samuel Cummins assigns Patrick Carlin (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Samuel Scott of Lancaster 
county for four years and a half from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 13. 10/ customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner, Mary O'Mullan (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Thomas Watson of Lan- 
caster County, yeoman, for four years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 13 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Anne Battle (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine to Thomas Watson of Lan- 
caster County, yeoman, for four years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 13: customary dues. 

June 10th. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Charles Murray (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Evan Evans of 
Chester County for four years and a half from May 29th 
1746. Consideration 15:10/: customary dues. 

June llth. 

William McNemee assigns James Keaven (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to John Hunt of West Jer- 
sey for three years and a half from May 29th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : customary dues. 

Anthony Siddon assigns John Russel his servant to B-ees 
Williams of Chester County yeoman, for the remainder of 
his time four years from June 25th 1745. Consideration 
13 : customary dues. 

John Parrock assigns Alexander Patterson (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Thomas Atkinson of Bur- 
lington County for four years from May 29th 1746. Con- 
sideration 16 : customary dues in behalf of Jane Ash. 

William McNemee assigns Anne McGonogale (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Michael Jirael of 
Phila. County trader, for two years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 8. 

Account of Servants. 465 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Mary Me Candles (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Richard Richardson 
of Chester County for four years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

Burton Daxson assigns John Ahern (a servant from Ireland 
in the Briggt. William) to William Young of Lancaster 
County yeoman for seven years from June 3rd. 1746. 16 : 
customary dues. 

James Crawford assigns Thomas Springham (a servant 
from Ireland in the snow Martha) to Richard Richardson of 
Phila. county, yeoman, for four years from May 19th 1746. 
Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

James Mitchell assigns John Cairus (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Happy Return) to Andrew Boggs of Lan- 
caster County yeoman, for four years from May 21st 1746. 
Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

George Karr assigns Charles Donelly (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Happy Return) to John Teass of Lancas- 
ter County yeoman, for four years from May 21st 1746. 
Consideration 12 : 10/ customary dues. 

Thomas Karr assigns Charles McSwiney (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to Henry Chambers of 
Lancaster County yeoman, for four years from May 21st 
1746. Consideration 12 : customary dues. 

Joseph Smith assigns Lettice Jones (a servant from Ireland 
in the ship Katherine) to Robert Smith of Lancaster County 
yeoman, for four years from May 29th 1746. Consideration 
14 : customary dues. 

Joseph Smith assigns Oliver Jones (a servant from Ireland 
in the ship Katherine) to Andrew Caldwell of Lancaster 
county, yeoman, for four years from May 29th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14: customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign Bryan Hammil (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to George Entrican of 
Chester County, for seven years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

Conyngham & Gardner assign John McAlister (a servant 
VOL. xxxi. 30 

466 Account of Servants. 

from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to James Guthry of] 
New Castle County for seven years from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 13. Customary dues. 

June 12th. 

John Carrol in consideration of 14 : paid William Craw- 
ford for his passage from Ireland in the ship Katherine 
indents himself servant to William Crosswhaile of Phila. 
peruke maker, for five years from May 29th 1746, to be 
taught the trade or mystery of a peruke maker and have 
customary dues. 

John Gray assigns Elinor Heley (a servant from Ireland 
in the ship Katherine) to Samuel Coates of Chester County 
yeoman for four years and a half from May 29th 1746. 
Consideration 14 : customary dues. 

William McCrea assigns William Stewart (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to John Atchison of 
Lancaster County, yeoman, for three years from May 21st 

Henry Campbell in consideration of 20 : paid at his 
request by Mary Shewbart of Phila. widow indents himself 
servant to Mary Shewbart for four years from this date, 
customary dues. 

Burton Daxson assigns Timothy Brian (a servant from 
Ireland in the Briggt. William) to James Cooper of Bur- 
lington County yeoman for four years from June 3rd. 1746. 
Consideration 16 : customary dues. 

John Morrison assigns William Campbell (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to William Watt of Lancas- 
ter County, yeoman, for three years and a half from May 
29th 1746. Consideration 5/:, customary dues. 

William Crawford assigns John Thompson (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Katherine) to Anthony Thompson of 
Phila. County, yeoman, for three years and a half from May 
29th 1746. Consideration 17: customary dues. 

John Brown with consent of his father Thomas Brown, 
brewer, doth bind himself apprentice to David Elwell of 

Account of Servants. 467 

Phila. house-carpenter, for six years from May 16th 1746, 
to be taught the trade of a house carpenter to have liberty 
to go to night school every winter at his father's expence, 
and at the end of his time to have one new suit of clothes, 
besides his old ones. 

June 13th. 

Samuel Watt assigns John Robinson (a servant from Ire- 
land in the snow Martha) to David Davis of Phila. mariner, 
for six years from May 19th 1746. Consideration 14: 
customary dues. 

June 14th. 

Hugh Thomas assigns Thomas Townsend his servant to 
Thomas Tillberry of Phila. county, yeoman, the remainder 
of his time fifteen years and a half from April 19th 1734. 
Consideration 5/: customary dues. 

Thomas Tillbury assigns William Garnett his servant to 
Hugh Thomas of Phila. County, yeoman, for the remainder 
of his time four years from July 2nd. 1745. Consideration 
5/:, customary dues. 

William Humphrys assigns Martin Kelly (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Richard Buller of Chester 
County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15: customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns James Gamier (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Thomas Quant of 
New Castle County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 
1746. Consideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Patrick Begg (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Thomas Quant of New 
Castle County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746, 
consideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Thomas Johnson (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to James Hunter of 
Chester County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. 
Consideration 15: 10/ customary dues. 

William Hogan in consideration 18: paid to William 
Humphreys for his passage from Ireland in the ship Dela- 

468 Account of Servants. 

ware by Alexander Alexander of Phila. blacksmith indents 
himself servant to Alexander Alexander for five years from 
this date, to be taught his trade, customary dues. 

Grove Grillis assigns John McKinley (a servant from Ire- 
land in the ship Katherine) to Anthony Wayne of Chester 
County yeoman, for seven years from May 29th 1746. Con- 
sideration 12 : 5/ customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Barnaby Egan (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to William Wheldon of 
Phila. victualler, for five years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Michael Caughlan (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to William Wheldon of 
Phila. victualler for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15: customary dues. 

June 16th. 

Robert Breaden assigns Daniel McGowan (a servant from 
Ireland in the snow Happy Return) to William Lockard of 
Chester County, for four years and a half from May 26th 
1746, customary dues, assigned before Edward Shippen Esq. 

William Humphreys assigns John Burgess (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Ladeley of Phila. 
county, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 16 : Customary dues. 

William Hall with consent of his uncle Robert Toms (his 
father and mother being dead indents himself apprentice to 
Abraham Mitchell of Phila. hatter, for eight years from 
March 1st 1745, to be taught the trade of a hatter, to have 
nine months schooling in winter evenings, and customary 

William Humphreys assigns Morris Fonler (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Patrick McCamish of Phila. 
bricklayer, for four years from June 5th 1746. Considera- 
tion 14 : 10/ Customary dues. 

Patrick Moran in Consideration of 15 : 10/ paid William 
Humphreys for his passage from Ireland, indents himself 

Account of Servants. 469 

apprentice to David Davis of Chester county, weaver, for 
seven years from June 5th, 1746, to be taught the trade of 
a weaver, and have customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Patrick Coyle (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to "William Branson of Phila. 
Merchant, for four years from June 5th 1746. Considera- 
tion 24 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Michael Dardie (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to William Branson of 
Phila. Merchant, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 24 : to have customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns John Walsh (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Bowen of Chester 
County yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746 : Con- 
sideration 14 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Thomas Walsh (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to James Trego of 
Chester County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 
1746, customary dues, consideration 14 : 

William Humphreys assigns Mathew Steel (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Thomas Bowen of Chester 
County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns John Bryan (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Peter Tyson of Phila. 
County yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Philip Donahue (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Samuel Lloyd of Kent 
County on Delaware yeoman, for four years from June 5th 
1846. Consideration 15 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Patrick McEvey (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Daniel Lowry of Lan- 
caster County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : to have customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Robert Walker (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Lazarus Lowry of 

470 Account of Servants. 

Lancaster County yeoman, for four years from June 5th 
1746. Consideration 15 : to have customary dues. 

June 17th. 

"William Humphreys assigns Dennis Quirk (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Kelly of Lancaster 
County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : Customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Dennis Conran (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to James Lowry of Lan- 
caster county, trader, for four years from June 5th 1746. 
Consideration 15 : Customary dues. 

Robert Campbell in consideration of 17: paid James 
Crawford for his passage from Ireland by Mr. Moore of 
Jamaica, mariner, indents himself apprentice to William 
Moore for six years from May 19th 1746, to he taught the 
mystery of a mariner and have customary dues. 

Burton Daxton assigns Sarah Bluet (a servant from Ireland 
in the brig* William) to Judah Foulke of Phila. for four 
years from June 3rd 1746. Consideration 15 : Custom- 
ary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Patrick Fitzpatrick (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to G-eorge Fudge of 
Phila. bricklayer, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : Customary dues. 

June 18th. 

William McCrea assigns Hugh Meenagh (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Catharine) to John Me Cool of Chester 
county yeoman, for four years from May 29th 1746. Con- 
sideration 14 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Philip Bryan (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Evan Lloyd of Chester 
County yeoman, for five years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : customary dues. 

June 19th. 
William Humphreys assigns Dennis Bryan (a servant from 

Account of Servants. 471 

Ireland in the ship Delaware) to David Jenkin of Chester 
County yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : customary dues. 

Thomas Brady in consideration of 15 : paid for his 
passage from Ireland in the ship Delaware to William 
Humphreys indents himself apprentice to Samuel John of 
Chester County yeoman, for six years from June 5th 1746, 
to be taught the trade of a weaver and to have customary 

Burton Daxson assigns James Kearney (a servant from 
Ireland in the brigt William) to George Wood of Chester 
County for seven years from June 3rd. 1746 : Considera- 
tion 14 : 10/: Customary dues 

George Black son of Elizabeth Black widow, with consent 
of his mother who signs his indenture binds himself appren- 
tice to Hugh Hodge of Phila. tobacconist, for fifteen years 
and four months from this date to be taught the trade of a 
tobacconist in all its branches, to have three quarters of a 
year day schooling and one quarter night schooling to learn 
to read and write and customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Patrick McGuire (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Joseph Wills of 
Chester County, yeoman, for seven years from June 5th 
1746. Consideration 14 : to have customary dues. 

John Dawson assigns Patrick Doran (a servant from Ire- 
land in the ship Katherine) to John Kalteringer of Phila. 
taylor, for three years from May 29th 1746. Consideration 
13 : Customary dues. 

June 20th. 

Martha Cooper with consent of her father Thomas Cooper 
who was present, indents herself servant to James Trueman 
of Phila. Cooper, for six years from June 14th 1746, to be 
taught plain work and housewifry, to have six months day 
schooling and six months night schooling, to learn to read 
and write, and at the end of her time to have one new suit 
of apparel, besides her old ones, and three pounds in money. 

472 Account of Servants. 


Francis Valiant with consent of his master Samuel Garri- 
gine who hath received of Capt. Charles Willing six pounds 
for the remainder of his time indents himself apprentice to 
Charles Willing for three years from this date, to be taught 
the mystery of a Mariner, customary dues. 

June 21st. 

William Humphreys assigns Thomas Carey (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to Robert Anderson of Bucks 
County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 13.1 0/: Customary dues. 

John Mathews son of Robert Matheivs brewer, with consent 
of his father indents himself apprentice to John Jones of 
Phila. blacksmith, for six years and five months from this 
date, to be taught the trade of a blacksmith, to have three 
quarters night schooling at his father's expense, and custom- 
ary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Paul Mahony (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Lawton and Simon 
Sherlock of Phila. shipwrights, for four years from June 
5th. 1746. Consideration 21 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns William Foe (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Reardon of Phila. 
Cordwainer, for four years from June 5th 1746. Considera- 
tion 20 : customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Bartholomew Dorham (a ser- 
vant from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to William Crad- 
dock of Phila. taylor, for four years from June 5th 1746. 
Consideration 18 : customary dues. 

June 23rd. 

Conyngham & Gardner assigns Moses Fisher (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine) to James Galbreith and 
Robert Harris of Lancaster County, gentlemen, for five 
years from May 29th 1746. Consideration 8 : customary 

Conyngham and Gardner assign Anne McAfee (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Katherine), to James Galbreith and 

Account of Servants. 473 

Robert Harris of Lancaster County gentlemen, for five years 
from May 29th 1746. Consideration 8 : customary dues. 

Mary Smith, with consent of her mother who signs her 
indenture, indents herself apprentice to James Finley and 
Margaret his wife for fourteen years from this date, to be 
taught to read and write, and to sew plain work, and have 
customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Daniel 0' Daniel (a servant 
from Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Johnson of 
Bucks County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. 
Consideration 17. 10/ Customary dues. 

Daniel Hiraghty (a servant from Ireland in the ship Dela- 
ware) in consideration 15 : paid William Humphreys 
indents himself a servant to John Evans of Phila. County, 
taylor, for six years from June 5th 1746, to be taught the 
trade of a taylor, and to have customary dues. 


John Kelly in consideration of 18 : paid for his passage 
from Ireland to William Humphreys by John Hallo well of 
Phila. cordwainer, indents himself servant to said Hallo well 
for five years from June 5th 1746, to be taught the trade of 
a shoemaker and have customary dues. 

William Humphreys assigns Michael Lee (a servant from 
Ireland in the ship Delaware) to John Hambelton of Chester 
County, yeoman, for four years from June 5th 1746. Con- 
sideration 15 : customary dues 

Timothy Buzard, with consent of his father Jacob Buzard 
who was present, and in consideration of 15 : paid to his 
father, indents himself servant to George Harding of Phila. 
skiner, for fourteen years from May 28th 1746, to be taught 
to dress buck skins, and to have two winters schooling at 
night, when he is twelve years old to learn to read and 
write, and customary dues. 

(To be Continued.) 


474 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 



GEOKGE MAUND, Citizen and Merchant taylor of London. 
Will dated 4 June 1703; proved 1 November 1703. To 
my sister Barbary Pepiat of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 
50, and all my lands in Bucks County in that Province. 
If she be dead, between my cousin Elizabeth Wheateroft 
and sister Ann Peppiatt of London. To cousin Elizabeth 
Wheatcroft Picture of me and my wife, To my uncle 
Gemhem Wheatcroft 5 and to his wife 5. To my uncle 
Henry Davison 10. To Elizabeth Bembricke 10. All 
the rest, and salary due from Company of Whipmakers, 
to Mr, William Bembricke and Mr. Robert Dowley of 
London, Wyredrawer, joint executors. Note that it is the 
desire of George Maund to be buryed in Gindalls ground 
by his wife and that his bowels be taken out and buried in 
a Cask by themslves and that he be embalmed within and 
without the ancient way and laid in a Deal coffin, covered 
lead and soddered up. Witnesses : Jocelyn Dansey, Ed : 
Newbolt. London, October 24, 1703. To My Partners, 
Sir Richard Blackmore, Sir James Eaton, Mr. Hacker, Mr. 
Whiting, Mr. Campheild, Mr. Chance, and Mr. Thursby, 
20s. ring each. Ditto to Mr. Holester Mr. Bembricke, 
and Mr. Robert Dawley. To Thomas Jones, and John 
Shurley, 10s. rings. To Mrs. Newbolt the Table bedstead. 
To William, servant in this house, 10s. My clothes to be 
valued and money given to Mr. Henry Davison in Chiswell 
Street. To Mr. Francis Clarke 10s. when he pays a debt 
of 40s. To Mr. Carnell a 10s. ring. Mr. Wase in King 
Street to open me. Cosin Thomas Maund to have 10s. 

Degg, 192. 

JAMES THOMAS late of Philadelphia [in Pennsylvania, but 
now of St Margarets, Lothbury, London-Private Act Book] 

Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 475 

Will dated 22/4/1706; proved 11 February 1711. To my 
Bro. Micah Thomas & his children 30. To my Bro. 
Gabriell Thomas (& what he oweth me) 20. To my Sister 
Mary Snead & her children 20. To my Sister Eachel 
Wharton 40. To my Unkle James Thomas 20 a year 
for life. To my cousins or neeces Elizabeth Mary & Kachel 
Williams 50 each after dec of my said Unkle J. T. To 
my nephew the Bro of S d Williams if living 50. To my 
cousins the children of Thomas Wharton & Rachell my 
sister after dec of S d Unkle J. T. 20 each. To my 
executors 50 as follows. To Edward Shippen Sen 8 & his 
Grchildren Edward & Elizabeth Shippen 20. To Samuel 
Preston & his daus Margaret & Hannah 30. To the poor 
of Philadelphia the interest of remainder of my estate after 
the death of my said Unkle J. T. Executors: Edward 
Shippen & Samuel Preston. Merchants of Philadelphia. 
Witnesses : Philip Russell, Walter Haling, Jonathan Baily, 
Morris Edwards, Sussex on Delaware Bay. 7 November 
1710. Jonathan Baily, & Philip Russell depose to Tho: 
Fisher Register for Co Suffolk of the truth of above. 

88 Barnes. 

WILLIAM LOGAN of the City of Bristol, Doctor of Physick. 
Will 29 October 1757; proved 4 January 1758. To my 
two sisters in Law, Rachell and Elizabeth Parsons, my 
lands in the parishes of East and West Charlton, county 
Somerset. To Ann Parsons, daughter of Henry Parsons, 
late of Bristol, Grocer, deceased, 100, to be paid to Wil- 
liam Barnes, Esq., her grandfather. To my sister in law, 
Amelia Parsons, 100. To Rachell, Elizabeth, and 
Amelia, all the plate which was my wife's at my marriage 
with her. To my Brother in law, Giles Bayly, Esq., 100. 
To my Brothers in law, William Shepheard and John 
Shepheard, 100 each. To Rachel, wife of Hilhouse, 
merchant, and her sister Mary Parsons, 20 each. To my 
niece, Hannah Smith, wife of John Smith, of Philadelphia 
in America, 1000. To the two daughters of my Nephew 
Isaac Morris of Pennsilvania in America, by Sarah his 

476 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

wife my late niece deceased, 100. To Nephew James 
Logan, 1500. To my friend James Macarthy, merchant, 
my Gold watch and gold headed cane. To the Infirmary in 
Mandlin Lane 100. To William Biss, my coachman, 2 
ginueas. To John , my footman, 5. To servant maids, 
Ann and Hannah, 5 each. Residuary Legatee : Nephew 
William Logan, merchant, and if he dies, his children. 
Executors : Giles Bayly and Archibald Drummond, Dr. of 
Physic, to whom I give 30 ginueas and my MS Common- 
place Book. Witnesses: Walt. Hawkesworth, Thomas 
Evans, Jno. Grigg. 

Hutton, 17. 

RICHARD MATHER. Will 28 June 1758; proved 18 April 1763. 

Lake George Camp. 

Dear Bro r . June y e 28, 1758. 

We have a large Army encamped here, healthy and in 
good Spirits waiting in a few Days to go into our Battoos 
for Ticonderoga Crown Pointt N. We are hourly expect- 
ing news from Louisbourgh as yet have had no good from 
that Quarter. Capt. Lee is very well I releived him on a 
guard yesterday in his Indian Dress which he seems very 
fond of. The Capt L* is gone to Louisbourgh, you must 
excuse my short Lre as I have just seen the orders of an 
Express's going to New York in an hour's time which time 
is almost expired. I wrote my last from New York in Case 
you have not received it I shall mention to you that I 
have left 500 Peices Curency which is near 300 St. in 
the hands of a Mr. Stedman, Merchant at Philadelphia and 
besides which whenever the Royal Americans Accounts are 
settled there will be a Ballance considerable due to me all 
which I leave to you in case of Accidents. I (thank God) 
am now in the most perfect Health indeed I took Care all 
Winter to lay in a good Store my Love to you all with com- 
pliments to all friends from your Afft Brother Rich d Mather 
(you'll hear from me the first opp ty ) 

P. Packet 
To Thomas Mather Esq at Chester, Europe. 

Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 477 

18 April 1763, administration granted to Brother Thomas, 
next of kin to Richard Mather, late Captain of 1 Batt Roy 
Americans, now in Pittsburgh, N. A. deceased. Witnesses ; 
Thomas Mather, Proger Mather, Witter C liming 

Caesar, 190. 


WILLIAM GALE, of the Parish of St. James in the County 
of Cornwall, in the Island of Jamaica, Esquire, now residing 
in the Parish of Saint George Hanover Square, in the County 
of Middlesex, in the Kingdom of Great Britain. Will 30 
October 1784; proved 11 December 1784. To Executors, 
all unsettled or uncultivated Lands, to wit half part of 300 
acres at Lambs Spring, in Parish of Saint Elizabeth in said 
Island of Jamaica, Patented in name of my late Father, 
John Gale, deceased, and half of two other Runs of Land 
of 300 acres each at Burnt Savannah in said parish of Saint 
Elizabeth, one Patented in name of said John Gale, and 
other in name of John Eastwick (the other Moieties of said 
three Runs of Land being the property of the Widow of my 
late Brother, Jonathan Gale, deceased), also the Moietys of 
three Runs of 300 acres each at Lambs Spring, aforesaid, 
Patented in names of John, Jonathan, and Joseph Dicken- 
son, one in name of each of them, also my undivided Moities 
of Lands, late of Joseph Dickenson, deceased, in City of 
Philadelphia, and in Pensylvania and New Jersey, in trust 
to sell said lands etc, and money to be laid out in purchase 
of Slaves and other purposes for improvement of my Sugar 
Plantation, and said Slaves and improvements to be part of 
residue of estate etc. I desire that David Lewis, son of my 
sister Mary Lewis, deceased, to be educated and maintained 
at charge of my estate till 21., and then annuity of 100 
sterling for life over money in my hands belonging to him 
(about 1000 Jamaica Currency) owing for part of his late 
Mother's fortune left in my hands and settled under deed of 
trust executed in Jamaica by his late Father and Mother 
about A. D. 1760 etc. I desire my Plantation and Sugar 

478 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

Work called -York and Lands belonging in Parishes of St. 
James and Trelawney, in said Island of Jamaica, also several 
Penns and Lands in said Parishes, and Negro and other 
Slaves, Cattle, Utensils, and other lands in Jamaica or else- 
where to Friend and Kinsman, Edward Morant, late of 
Jamaica, but now of Brockenhurst in the County of Hants, 
Esquire, and Friends, Henry Daw kins, also late of Jamaica, 
now of Handlinch in county of Wilts, and Beeston Long the 
Elder, and Samuel Long of the City of London, Esquires 
until 1 January 1796 upon Trust to Mortgage same, also to 
complete improvements upon Sugar Plantation called York, 
according to plan already fixed under direction of my attor- 
ney in Jamaica, compleating New Works now nearly finished 
and repairing old works, so as to have two good setts of 
Works, also to purchase Slaves, Coppers, Still, etc. to com- 
pleat the number of 700 slaves for use of said Plantations 
and Pens, and upon Finishing Trust to pay out of Profits to 
my kinsman John Morant, son of said Edward Morant, the 
yerely sum of 200 during period of the trust, and after 1 
January 1796, said Trust estate (subject to annuity of 200 
to said John Morant and assigns for joint lives of said John 
Morant and Edward Morant, to Edward Gregory Morant, 
youngest son of said Edward Morant, provided he take the 
name of Gale, but in trust to said Henry Dawkins, Beeston 
Long, and Samuel Long to preserve contingent remainders 
to heirs male of said Edward Gregory Morant all taking 
name of Gale, in default to John Fisher, son of Mrs. Jane 
Isabella Sponer, by Mr. Fisher her late husband, and grand- 
son of the late Isaac Gale, Esquire, of Luana in Jamaica, 
also taking the name of Gale, and of Beeston Long and 
Samuel Long in trust for heirs male of said John Fisher, 
taking name of Gale, in default to Richard Dawkins, one of 
sons of said Henry Dawkins, taking also name of Gale, but 
in trust to said Beeston Long and Samuel Long, for heirs 
male of said Richard Dawkins, taking name of Gale, in de- 
fault to John Dawkins, another son of Henry, ditto, ditto. 
Provided if said Edward Gregory Morant become entitled 

Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 479 

to any part of real estate and Plantations of said Edward 
Morant the Father, in Great Britain or in Jamaica, or to any 
part of real estate late of John Pennant, Esquire, deceased, 
and now of the Eight Honorable Kichard, Lord Penrhyn of 
the Kingdom of Ireland, scituate in Wales, and in the Island 
of Jamaica, then limitation to cease as if said Edward Greg- 
ory Morant was dead without issue Male &c, &c, and ditto 
in case Richard Dawkins or his sons become entitled to 
estate of Henry Dawkins or of said John Pennant, now of 
the said Richard, Lord Penrhyn, in Wales, or Jamaica, etc, 
etc. Item, I give my leasehold Dwelling House in Grafton 
Street, Parish of St. George Hanover Square, County of 
Middlesex, and Household Furniture Plate, Linnen, Pictures, 
Books, Wines, in trust to sell, etc. Residue of goods to 
Friend and Kinsman, Edward Morant. Executors: said 
Edward Morant, Henry Dawkins, Beeston Long, and 
Samuel Long. Witnesses: Godfrey Kettle, James Pear- 
son, Thos. Loggin of Basinghall Street, London. Proved 
by Edward Morant, Beeston Long, and Samuel Long 
Esquires, with reservation to Henry Dawkins Esquire, the 
other Executor, by whom also proved 3 February 1785. 

Hockingham, 645. 

WILLIAM PENN of Shangarry, County Cork, Esquire. 
Will 7 October 1743, proved 2 June 1749. Whereas my 
present wife Ann Penn, otherwise Yaux, some years ago 
eloped from me and hath ever since continued without any 
reasonable cause to live separate from me, and in adultery 
with another Man, whereby I am advised that she hath for- 
feited all right to dower, and as my daughter Christiana 
Gulielma is sufficiently provided for by settlement made on 
my marriage with her mother Christian Penn, otherwise 
Forbes, my first wife, my personal and real estate in Ireland, 
England, America and elsewhere as follows. My real and 
personal estate to my only son Springett Penn and his heirs, 
in default of issue to my daughter, in default to William 
Penn Thomas, my sister's son, in default to Robert Fell, 
my said sister's son, in default to her daughters, in default 

480 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

to my Uncles John and Thomas Penn, proprietors of Penn- 
sylvania, my wife to have nothing except Is. Guardians 
and Executors till my son is 21 : Uncles Thomas and John. 
Witnesses : Jno. Dennis, Jas. Dennis, John Callaghan. 
Proved by Affirmation of Thomas Devonisheir, curator of 
son Springett Penn, John Penn dead, and Thomas Penn 
renouncing. Proved 3 September 1751 by affirmation of 
Joseph Devonsheir, curator of son Springett Penn, John 
Penn being dead, and Thomas Penn renouncing. 

Lisle, 194. 

ABRAHAM TAYLOR, City of Philadelphia in the Province 
of Pensilvania in America, but now of the City of Bath in 
the County of Somerset, Esquire. Will 8 May 1764; 
proved 10 May 1772. To deare wife Philadelphia Taylor, 
annuity of 220 for life etc. and in lieu or bar of dower, 
first payment in one month, etc. Also to wife use of fur- 
niture in my House to sum of 200, she to have Liberty of 
Choosing Plate, Beds or other things as she thinks proper, 
to take at the price they were charged to me when they 
were bought, to her for life, then to my Son, John Taylor. 
All messuages, Lands, Lots, Houses, Stores, Warehouses, 
Coach Houses, Stables, Outhouses, Gardens in the City ot 
Philadelphia or in the Province of Pensilvannia, or in the 
three lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent or Sussex upon 
Delaware, or in the Province of Maryland, or of East and 
West New Jersey, or elsewhere in American or England to 
dear Son John Taylor, his heirs, and subject to annuity 
before mentioned, all Ready Money, Securities, Stocks, 
Goods etc (not before given to my wife) to said Son, John 
Taylor, except 6000 in four per cent Bank annuities to 
remain as security for wife's annuity till Son secure &c. 
whole estate to Son John Taylor, Executor. Witnesses : 
Frigden Fowell, Attorney at Bath, Jno. Brookes Brook, 
Wm Hooper. Codicil 25 July 1766. Having sold the 
6000 Bank Annuities directed to remain as security for 
wife, till Son Secure Annuity to his Mother, and have pur- 
chased 2700 East India Stock, this and all rest of Estate 

Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 481 

to be security &c. No witnesses. Second codicil 16 Au- 
gust 1766, dated at Bath. Whereas have met with some 
Disappointments in America so cannot conveniently settle 
annuity of 220 on wife, she to have annuity of 200 
secured hy Son on his Mother as directed etc. Signed, 
Abram Taylor. 

Tavemer 118. 

EDWARD PETERS of City of Bristol, Mariner, now bound 
on a voyage beyond the Seas. Will 23 October 1724 ; proved 
25 February 1734/5, To my mother, Elizabeth Peters of 
Bristol 50 and the house she now lives in, in the Old Mar- 
ket Street, Bristol, and the tenements appertaining to the 
same in the parish of St. Philip and Jacob, in tenure of 
Abraham Page, and Widow Bryam, also the warehouse in 
St. Leonards Lane, parish of St. Leonards, and at her de- 
cease to my Brother Warren Peters, to whom I also give 
my messuage in St. Philip and Jacob in tenure of Richard 
Gowing, Francis Mountain, Thomas Dixon, and Sarah 
Peters, also my 500 acres in Pennsylvania in America, if he 
dies, these to go to my mother, and at her decease to my 
cozen James Peters, gent, son of my uncle John Peters, 
pewterer, deceased, he to pay to his sister Sarah Peters, Spin- 
ster, 50, and to my cozen Herbert Legg, Mariner, 50, and 
to my cozen Susan Tilly, Widow, 50. Residuary Legatees 
and Executors : Mother Elizabeth and brother Warren 
Peters. Witnesses : Hen. Woolnough, Step : Stringer, Rich- 
ard Daniell. 

Dude, 35. 

GEORGE JONES of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,yeoman. Will 
22 September 1743: proved 14 February 1752 [1751/2]. 
To Sarah Toms, daughter of Robert Toms, 20 Pennsyl- 
vania Currency when 18. To Thomas Howard of Philadel- 
phia, joyner, my seat in Christ Church, Philadelphia. To 
Mary Howard, daughter of Thomas Howard, 10 Pennsyl- 
vania Currency when 18. To Andrew Robertson, Miller at 
Wesschicken, my horse, and saddle, and Bridle, my watch 
and Seal. To Katherine Hinton 100. To Abraham Pratt 
VOL. xxxi. 31 

482 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

of Philadelphia, Joyner, 20 Pennsylvania Currency. To 
the children of niy Brother James Jones, deceased, parish of 
St. John at Brogmore Green in County "Worcester, Great 
Britian, and to my sister Elizabeth Clay of the City of Wor- 
cester, and to her children, all the rest and remainder, 
to be paid the children when 21. Executors : Jonathan 
Robeson of Philadelphia, Esq. Laurence Anderson of Phila- 
delphia, Merchant, and Jacob Duchee, Shopkeeper in Mar- 
ket Street. Witnesses : Wm. Cuningham, Warwick Coats, 
John Chapman. Administration with will annexed of goods 
of George Jones, late of Philadelphia, but at the City of 
Worcester deceased, in Great Britian, to Elizabeth Clay, 
widow, her sister, the executors appointed only administer- 
ing the American part. 

Bettesworth 39. 

EBENEZER CURRIE of the Province of Pensilvania in Amer- 
ica, at present in London, being in health of Body and mind, 
do make and publish this my last Will and Testament. 
Will 28 August 1746 ; proved 2 December 1747. I be- 
queath to John Groves, who has for some time past served 
me with great fidelity, one hundred Guineas ; the remainder 
of all my Effects I will and Leave to the Reverend John 
Currie or Kinglassie, my Father, and, in case of his death, 
to Jean Currie, my Mother, and the longest liver of the two 
to be entirely in their disposal. And I hereby nominate 
and Appoint Mr. Samuell Mcall, Senior, of Philadelphia, 
and Mr. John Seton, of London, Merchants, executors of 
this my last Will. Witnesses : Andrew Elliot, Andrew 

Potter 304. 

SARAH DAVIS, St. Martins in Fields, formerly of Philadel- 
phia. Administration 3 September 1766 to nephew Rich- 
ard Sayers. 

Adman Action Book 1776. 

(To be Continued.) 

Letters of William Penn. 483 



The superscription on the following letter reads " For James Frisby, 
Edward Jones, August Harman, George Oulfield, Henry Ward and 
Henry Johnson att their plantations in Pennsylvania. ' ' 

LONDON 16 th 7 th 1681. 

I hope I doe not improperly call you so, because 
in being so you will extreamly befriend yourselves, as well 
as perform an Act of Duty to the King and Justice to Mee. 

I am equally a Stranger to you all but your being repre- 
sented Men of Substance and reputation in that part of the 
Bay which I pesume falls within my Patent. 

I chose to take this opportunity to begin our acquaintance, 
and by you with the rest of the Peeple on your side of my 
Country and do assure you and them that I will be soe farr 
from takeing any Advantage to draw great Profits to my- 
selfe that you shall find mee and my Government Easy fair 
& Just, and as you shall Study to be fair & respectfull to 
mee, all reasonable assurance on my part that I will Live 
kindly & well with you, & for this you have my word under 
my hand ; I think fitt to Caution you (if within my bounds) 
as I am ready to believe, but I desire noe more than my 
owne that none of you pay any more Taxes or Sesmer by 
any order or Law of Maryland, for if you doe it ill be 
greatly to your owne wrong as well as my prejudu , tnougn 
I am not conscious to my selfe of such an insufficiency of 
power here with my Superiors as not to be able to weather 
that difficulty if you should. But the opinion I have of the 
Lord Baltimore's Prudence as well as Justice, & of the Re- 
gard to your owne Interests & future good of your Posterity 
makes me to wave all objections of that nature, & to hope 

484 Letters of William Penn. 

wee shall all doe the things that is just & honest (which is 
always wise) according to our respective Stations. 

I have noe more to add but my good wishes for all your 
happiness, & that by the help of Almighty God, next Spring, 
I shall have some Testimony of my best Endeavours to con- 
tribute towards itt as becomes my duty to God, to the King 
& to their People I am 

Y r reall friend 

W m Penn" 
Pray salute mee to 
all y r neighbors 

To the Governor and Council of West Jersey 

PHILADELPHIA y e 20 th of 4 th mo 1683. 

I do in the Love of God and Tenderness of his Truth 
dearly salute you, wishing unto you the Increase of Peace 
and Comfort inward and outward from the God and Father 
of all Blessings. 

Yours by the hands of your Commissioners, and my 
esteemed Friends Tho s Budd, Jn Gosnell, Henry Stacy, and 
Mark Newby dated Burlington the 16 of 4 th mo 1683 are 
come to my hands, and upon the Perusal of them in the 
presence both of my Council and your Commissioners, I 
have this to say. 

First that I am not without a sense of your Justice and 
Kindness therein, esteeming your Contradiction & Reputa- 
tion close and pathetical ; but there seems to me an omission 
of one thing material, respecting yourselves, that since the 
charge lyetli generally upon some of West Jersey, it was 
not exprest in some such manner as followeth "And where- 
" as we are informed by Letters from Credible Persons out 
" of England, that some of this Province of West Jersey 
" have written such Storys ; if any such Letters have been 
" written by any member of this Province: we do & the 
words are left for you to express in such way & manner as 
you shall in wisdom think fitt. 

Letters of William Perm. 485 

Secondly If you please onritt any tiling besides the 
Denyal and Contradiction of these false Rumors in your 
Certificate, I conceive it will be more suitable as well to the 
matter as my request, and the rather because the Lord 
Baltimore has nothing to do with running the Line on Dela- 
ware River. 

Thirdly I cannot but declare myself dissatisfyed with 
Tho 8 Matthews' Explanation, because it is hard for me and 
my Council to conceive what other reason he could have to 
mention that affrighting Cruelty committed at Lewis, (alias 
Whorekills) by the Lord Baltim ores' Soldiers, so long ago 
& out of Date, at the same time, & in. the same letter where- 
in he writt of the Lord Baltimore's Claims upon Delaware, 
if not to terrifie People from settling in a Country where any 
part lay within the Pretensions of such a Man If your sense 
of him with his dark Explanation & the freedom he fre- 
quently takes of indecent Talk & Reflections upon me & my 
concerns carry you not farther, I shall waive to press you at 
this time. 

Lastly, you are pleased to say that as to the River & 
Islands you are willing at the present to be passive, taking 
it not proper for you to manage, and yet your Commission- 
ers press me about the River We have discovered so far 
as they could go, for having neither the grant with them, 
upon which the right ariseth, nor yet 2 Pleinpotentiary 
Commission to conclude articles of Settlement, we cannot 
so much as regularly & profitably treat of the Business ; 
But this I will say in general, that nothing shall be wanting 
on my part, with the Lord's assistance to assure you & con- 
firm you of the true & tender regard I have to the Prosperity 
of West Jersey, & the Government & People thereof, which 
ends this from Your faithful Friend 

& Loving Neighbor 

W m Penn. 

486 History of Loans Made to United States. 



During the formative period of this great country when 
the patriots throughout the land began the struggle to cast 
off the British yoke then so burdensome to such an ener- 
getic people, many of those who were able, offered such 
financial aid to prolong the fight as their slender purses per- 
mitted, with the firm conviction that the cause would ulti- 
mately be successful. 

During this early state, or between the dates of the DEC- 
OF FEDERATION, money was very scarce among the Col- 
onists and hard to get, yet there existed the same patri- 
otic spirit among its people as has characterized the 
nation ever since. With this strong sympathetic feeling 
for their country, many withdrew their slender hoards, 
gathered with much infinite patience and self-sacrifice 
during previous years, and gave this little all for their 
country's sake. 

To better handle such contributions, Congress, by resolu- 
tions passed on January 14, 1777, February 25, 1777 and 
February 3, 1779, authorized the opening of offices in the 
various States to facilitate their receipt and transfer. These 
places of deposit were termed " Loan-offices " and were under 
the control and management of a Commission of three men 
and a " Treasurer of Loans" who would receive such funds 
as were offered and in exchange give notes of the United 
States, called " Loan-office Certificates," bearing 6 per cent, 
interest and maturing in generally three years from their 
dates. It is the history of several of these early loans that 
I shall venture here to briefly trace. 

In the time of the Revolution there resided in the West 

History of Loans Made to United States. 487 

Indies one William T. Smith 1 where he owned large estates 
and who had originally come from England. One of his 
estates, being his principal place of residence, was known 
as " St. Eustatia," and another composed a large sugar-plan- 
tation on the Island of St. Martin, known under the name 
of "Hope Garden." 

Smith was a prominent merchant of those days, active 
and far-seeing, and at the outbreak of the war, cheerfully 
threw his influence with the Colonists. Two years after 
the Declaration of Independence had been announced, he 
shipped from St. Eustatia to the United States a lot of 
woolen goods of which the country and the public service 
stood greatly in need. He deposited the proceeds from 
these shipments from time to time at the " Loan-offices " in 
the States of Georgia and South Carolina, receiving in ex- 
change " Loan-office Certificates." 

From December 1, 1778 to November 12, 1779, he had 
advanced to the Government during that period goods for 
which he received sixteen certificates, all payable at three 
years from their dates, and aggregating a total nominal 
valuation of $9,000. One of these certificates reads as fol- 
lows, all being worded precisely alike and only different in 
the amounts and dates : 

"$5000.00 No. 312. 

The United States of America Acknowledge the Receipt of Five 
Thousand dollars from Joshua Darrell for account of William Smith of 
St. Eustatia, which they promise to pay to the said William Smith or 
bearer on the twelvth day of November One thousand seven hundred 
and eighty two with interest annually at the rate of Six percent per 
annum Agreeable to a Resolution of the United States passed the third 

1 William T. Smith had six children. Mary, born in 1769, married 
as her first husband John Morgan, who died in 1794. For her second 
husband, she married in 1797 Samuel Richards of Philadelphia, brother 
of Benjamin W. Richards, Mayor of that City. She died in 1820, when 
Samuel Richards married, in 1822, as his second wife, Ann Witherspoon, 
a daughter of Thomas Witherspoon of Glasgow, Scotland. She had pre- 
viously married John Martin, the son of Burling Martin of New York. 
Smith died in 1812 leaving an estate valued at $300,000. 

488 History of Loans Made to United States. 

day of February 1777. Witness my hand this Twelvth day of Novem- 
ber Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred & seventy nine. 


Countersigned Treasurer of Loans. 

EDWARD BLAKE j in the Loan Office 
State So. Carolina." 

Samuel Hillegas was the United States representative at 
both the Georgia and South Carolina Loan-offices, though 
he seems to have been temporarily relieved in South Caro- 
lina by Francis Hopkinson, who also signed himself "Treas- 
urer of Loans." 

When these certificates, matured in 1781 and 1782, they 
were unpaid. About the year 1790, Smith moved from St. 
Eustatia and became a permanent resident of Philadelphia. 
Through this change of residence he seems to have mislaid 
the envelope containing these certificates, and in 1794, ap- 
plied to the loan-offices of both States for duplicate certifi- 
cates. Being unsuccessful in this, in the same year through 
Mr. Fitzsirnmons, a member of Congress from Philadelphia, 
he applied to the United States Treasury for relief, and 
again was unsuccessful because of the fact that Congress 
alone were competent to grant relief in such matters. 

In 1804, Mr. Smith presented his petition direct to Con- 
gress, but no action was then taken. He renewed his prayer 
at the succeeding session but again was unsuccessful. He 
died on February 23, 1812, his petition with the original 
papers being still on the House file, where they remained 
until 1837, lying dormant during twenty-five years after the 
petitioner's death. About that time Samuel Eichards, 
Smith's son-in-law, discovered the claim and having already 
found the lost certificates, as executor to Smith's estate, 
revived the claim. 

The Register of the Treasury Department, C. L. Smith, 
certified on December 15, 1836 that all of these loan-office 
certificates above referred to were at that date " still out- 
standing and unpaid." This petition was made to the 

History of Loans Made to United States. 489 

XXVIth Congress and on December 22, 1837, it was re- 
ferred to the " Committee on Revolutionary Claims," but 
no final action was taken. 1 

On February 9, 1842, after the revival of this claim in 
the XXVIIth Congress, the above Committee reported that 
" Wm. T. Smith, in his life-time, late of Philadelphia, and 
as early as 1804, presented his petition to Congress, praying 
payment of certain loan-office certificates which were alleged 
to have been lost, and pursued his claim until his decease, 
which took place a few years thereafter. His executor, 
when he had ascertained the existence of the claim, again 
petitioned for the payment of these certificates ; and he now 
states that they were recently found and are in his possession. 
The case received a favorable report during the last Con- 
gress, and this Committee sees no objection to the payment 
of the certificates according to their specie value, with inter- 
est; and they therefore report a bill for paying the same on 
presentation to the Treasury Department." 

Notwithstanding the favorable report of the Committee 
on February 9, 1842 to pay these notes, their payment was 
not then made. 2 The claim was again presented to Congress 
and Mr. Brodhead, from the Committee on Revolutionary 
Claims to whom was referred the petition of Samuel Rich- 
ards, executor of William T. Smith, reported on March 18, 
1844 "that this case has heretofore received four several 
reports in favor thereof; once a bill granting relief, passed 
the House and was favorably reported upon in the Senate 
but received no final action thereon. The case received & 
favorable report during the last Congress, and the Commit- 
tee agree to the same now and report a bill for the relief of 
the petitioner." 

The bill then passed the House and the Senate reported 
upon it favorably, both at the second and third sessions 
without amendment. 3 

1 House Digest "Revolutionary Claims to 1838, page 339." 

2 House of Rep. 28th Congress, 1st session, report No. 318, bill No. 226. 
8 Senate list of private claims 1815 to 1849. Misc. Doc 67, page 909. 

490 History of Loans Made to United States. 

Samuel Richards, the son-in-law and executor of William 
T. Smith, died on January 4, 1842, his son-in-law, Stephen 
Colwell, continuing the appeal for the payment of Smith's 
claim. Though on March 18, 1844, Congress reported fav- 
orably, it adjourned without having taken final action. Sub- 
sequently the petition was referred to the proper committee 
in succeeding Congresses and urged strenuously for pay- 
ment. It was not until an Act was finally approved on 
August 30, 1852 1 that the Treasury was authorized to re- 
deem the " Sixteen Loan-office Certificates with interest, 
provided that evidence can be produced to the Secretary of 
the Treasury that the persons presenting them are bona fide 
owners of the same." 

The nominal value of the loans made in 1778 and 1779 
of $9000 showed a specie value of but $810.93. Notwith- 
standing this depreciation when the claim was finally paid 
in 1853, the principal and interest amounted during these 
seventy-two years to $4144.53 or over five times the original 
specie value. 2 

Thus have we traced notes of the United States of 
America held by one of its sympathizers and his successors 
through seventy-two years, when final payment was accom- 
plished after years of effort and toil. It is surely a sad 
commentary on the honor of our forefathers in refusing to 
more speedily pay their just debts. 

1 Statues at Large, Vol. 10, page 95. 

2 Keceipts and Expenditures fiscal year 1853, page 215. 

Notes and Queries. 491 



"Clymer Papers." 

LONDON, 15th August, 1800. 


Your letter of the 3rd of June last, was received at New York, some 
days after I sailed thence. It has, through the attention of Mr. Fenno, 
reached me this day ; and, thank God, it finds me well, and all my 
family well and happy, in Old England, under the protection of the 
best of Kings, and amidst the most loyal fellow subjects. 

I thank you for your goodness in forwarding the money from Mr. 
Jacobs. Please to return him my acknowledgements for it, and for his 
custom in general. 

I have not, as yet, started in any publick line of business ; but shall, 
in a little time. I cannot point out to you precisely what sort of publi- 
cations I shall issue ; but, be assured, sir, that I shall never do, or say, 
anything that will give you, or any other American, reason to blush for 
having called me friend. I am not one of those base curs, who grow 
bold and bark loud, when their enemy is at a distance. The treatment 
I met with from a people, whom I so sincerely endeavoured to serve, would 
justify the severest retaliation ; but, I will convince them, that I never 
feared them, by becoming mild in my sarcasm now I am out of their 
reach. Nothing, however, but death, shall prevent me from making 
use of the experience I have gained ; I will never traduce America, I 
will never confound the good with the bad ; but I should be wanting to 
myself, my children, my king and my country, were I not to make the 
example of America a warning to Britain, Bush and a few others I 
must and will gibbet up to everlasting infamy. 

Be so good as to present my compliments to Mr. Ed. Tilghman, Mr. 
Wm. Lewis, Mr. Michael Kepple, and to any other good man who may 
inquire after me. 

Let me hear from you now and then, through the channel of Mr. 
Fenno. I hope this will find your family all well and happy, and am, 
with great sincerity 

Your most humble and obed s't, 

Daniel Clymer, Esq r . 

P. S. My works are in the press. They will be a lasting monument 
of my industry, zeal and integrity, and of the cowardice and perfidy of 
my enemies. 

Mrs. Cobbett presents her compliments. Your letter has this evening 
given occasion to her saying, that you were one of the finest old men she 
ever sat her eyes on, and it furnished me with an opportunity of soon 
after telling, with great eclat, the story of your examining the female 
witness at Beading. 

492 Notes and Queries. 

GILBERT STUART'S notice to flie public that he will protect his works 
from the "injurious piracy" committed on them, both in England and 

Gilbert Stuart 

Kespectfully informs the public, that the Print of Governor M'KEAN, 
engraved from the portrait drawn by him, in the possession of T. B. 
M'Kean, Esquire, has been executed by Mr. Edwin, and may be pur- 
chased at Mr. Kennedy's print store, Market street. 

G. STUART takes this opportunity, likewise, to apprize the public 
that he has pursued the necessary steps, under an act of congress, 
passed the 29th of April, 1802, to protect his works for the future, from 
the illiberal and injurious piracy, which has hitherto been committed 
upon them, both in England and America. 

By this means he hopes that he may be enabled to enjoy the fruit of 
his own labours ; and to furnish such engravings from the portraits of 
the principal characters of the Union, as will merit general approbation 
and patronage. 

The prints of General Washington, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Jefferson, 
will be completed with every possible care and despatch. 

LAW, 1791. 


On Government and Law. 

"THE Honorable JAMES WILSON, L. L. D. Profeffor of Laws in the 
1 College and Academy of Philadelphia, propofes to deliver, next 
Winter, two Courfes of Lectures. One Courfe to begin on the Second 
Monday, the other on the Second Tuefday of December. 


of the Board of Faculty. 
Philadelphia, Octo. 8, 1791. 


WHEREAS the Mayor's Court Room, in the State House, in this 
City, was, on the night of the 24th. inst. wantonly and mali- 
ciously set fire to by sone incendiary or incendiaries for the purpose of 
destroying that ancient and useful building (the State House) in which 
is kept the Philadelphia Museum, containing the greatest collection of 
the Works of Nature and Art, that our Country can boast of. In order 
therefore to detect and punish so bad an act, the Select and Common 
Councils have passed the following resolution, to wit : 

^Resolved, By the Select and Common Councils, that the Mayor be and 
he is hereby authorized to offer a reward of THREE HUNDRED DOL- 
LARS, for the discovery and conviction of the person or persons who 
set the State House on Fire, on the night of the 24th. inst. 

May 25, 1824. 
NOW be it known, That I, ROBERT WHARTON, Mayor of the 

Notes and Queries. 


City of Philadelphia, do, by virtue of the power above given, offer a 
Reward of THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS, to be paid to any person 
or persons, who shall make discovery of the offender or offenders, and 
prosecute him, her, or them, to conviction, agreeable to the above reso- 

Given under my hand this 26th. day of March, A. D. 1824. 


RICHMOND State of Georgia 

28th June 1786. 

Pardon me my dear Girl for so long a silence Occasioned by a variety 
of disagreeable circumstances all of which I supported with steady forti- 
tude except the death of my long tried nearest & dearest friend & 
Neighbour, Major General Greene. 

It was in the society of yourself Mrs Greene & this great & good man 
that I had fondly flattered myself with passing many happy days on the 
banks of the Savannah but those prospects are at present over cast, 
nor will you visit this Country so early as Intended however this cloud 
will soon pass over & brighter prospects open to our view in the 
interim pray write without reserve make me your friend & confident & 
be assured that nothing in the power of a fond Parent will be wanting 
to constitute the true happiness of a Daughter who I am confident will 
prove herself worthy of it. 

My best and kindest wishes to all our friends & believe me my Dear 
Girl yours most sincerely 


The following list of marriages in the hand-writing of Cotton Mather, 
is to be found in the Dreer Collection of manuscripts, and the list of 
1711, also written by Cotton Mather, is in the Etting Collection, Man- 
uscript Department of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 




12 d/ 

26 d/ 

\ John Fisher 
) Dorcas Adams 

f John Emmes 

\ Hannah Parmiter 

November f John Cookson 
2 d/ I Rachel Procter 


f Joseph Prout 
I Mary Jackson 

f Miles Thompson 
\ Abigail Pain 

December f Philip Nowell 
21 d/ I Ann Mulberry 

15 d/ 

25 d/ 

f John Downing 
I Elizabeth Knight 

f Jonathan Stavely 
I Elizabeth Foster 

February f James Marshal 
Id/ I Samuel Greenleaf 


f Samuel Braish 
I Thomasin Harris 

f David Hitchcock 
\ Elizabeth Batt 

f Fortune Redduck 
lAbiel Ireland 


Notes and Queries. 

25 a/ 

f William Willet - 
\ Mary Frothingam 

27 d/ 

f Robert Guttridge 
I Rebeckah Halsey 



/John Burnet 
1 Johanna Skeath 

March 14, 

/ Samuel Burnel 
I Elizabeth Smith 


Marriages for the year 1711. 

1 m. 
26 d. 

/Daniel Munden 
I Anna Speller 

9 m 

/Ralph Mayer 
I Martha Haven 

30 d. 

f William Clements 
I Eleanor Ela 


f Gamaliel Clark 
I Sarah Moore 

20 d 

/ John Kingsberry 
I Mary Jones 


/ James Nevel 
\ Mary Glasser 

26 d 

/ Joseph Kobins 
\Mary Driver (?) 


f James Man 
I Prescilla Grice 

3 m. 
10 d 

f John Jagger 
I Mary Ty hurst 

12 d. 

/ John Pearse 
I Martha Nichols 

24 d. 

/John Tufton 
1 Susanna Mosset 

15 d. 

f Robert Harber 
I Eleanor Ker 

29 d. 

f Benjamin Edmunds 
I Rebeckah Weedon 

22 d. 

/ Elias Parkmay 
I Martha Clough 

30 d. 

f Benjamin Swan 
\ Eliza Woodward 


/ Robert Burgyne 
I Collet Barso 

14 d 

f Christopher Holland 
I Ann Copp 


f William Miers 
I Mary Smith 

28 d 

5 m. 
12 d. 

19 d 
30 d. 

/ Isaac White 
I Eebecka Green 

/John Dorothy 
I Elizabeth Powers 

f John Arnald 
I Margaret Shine (?) 

(John Mackmillion, 
of Salem 
Elizabeth Taylor 

12 d 

18 d. 

11 m. 
11 d. 


f Urijah Clark, 
I of Watertown 
v Martha Adams 

/ Philip Howel 
I Sarah Clough 

/ Nathaniel Storer 
I Margaret Smith 

f William Bill 
I Susanna Whittredge 

31 d. 

( Joseph Reiner 
i Sarah Adams 

28 d 

f John Battersby 
I Sarah Phelps 

6 m 

f Andrews Cannon 
\ Sarah Bridge 


/ George James 
I Eleanor Wayman 

28 d. 

f John Stevens 
I Mary Timberlake 


/ James Mirick 
I Sarah Pool 


Notes and Queries. 


7 m. 
10 d. 

20 d. 

24 d. 

8 m 
12 d. 

30 d. 

f Thomas Porter 
I Eliz a Greenwood 

f William Noble 
I Ann Russel 

f Edward Alexander 
\ Lydia Clough 

f Thomas Nestrade (?) 
I Sarah Morse 

rThomas Hancock, 
j of Hartford 
(Susanna Feathergill 

12 d. 

1 m 
10 d. 

14 d. 

f William Marshal, 
j of Piscataqua 
(Emm Holman 

f Andrew Coomes 
I Mercy Hewin 

/Joseph Woodwel 
I Sarah Clark 

f Grafton Ferrier (?) 
\ Joanna Langdon 




Finding in a volume of the Pennsylvania Archives, a record of names 
of prisoners of war held at Bristol during the first year of the Revolu- 
tionary period, I conceived the idea of endeavoring to add to that record 
some further details, and through the politeness of the Adjutant General 
of Canada, also from the Historical Society of Montreal, and more espe- 
cially by the courtesy of the Archivist of Canada, am able to give some 
incidents which have not heretofore been printed. The record referred 
to in the Pennsylvania Archives is found on page 426, Volume 1st., 
2nd. Series, but the list is deficient in numbers and the names in nearly 
every case are misspelled. 

These officers were captured at Fort St. John on the 2nd. of Novem- 
ber 1775, by General Montgomery while on his bold but unfortunate 
expedition with nine hundred men against Quebec. Fort St. John was 
situated on the Richelieu River, which connects Lake Champlain with 
the St. Lawrence. This fort was erected in 1748 by Monsieur de la 
Galissonniere, the French Governor of Canada, but was destroyed in 
1760. It was rebuilt in 1775 by General Guy Carl ton, of the British 
Army, and Governor of Canada. 

When attacked by General Montgomery, the Fort was garrisoned by 
four hundred men of the 7th Fusiliers of the British Army, Major Pres- 
ton, a detachment of the 26th, and one hundred and fifty Canadian 
Militia, all French, from Montreal only thirty miles distant. The gar- 
rison held out for forty-five days, but finally were starved and worried 
into unconditional surrender. The flag of the Fusiliers was the first 
British colors surrendered to the Americans at the beginning of the War 
of the Revolution. This regiment is now designated as the 1st. Battalion 
Royal Fusiliers, City of London Regiment, or 114th of the line, and is 
stationed at Parkhurst, Isle of Wight. 

I have obtained information from the Military Academy at West 
Point that this same flag hangs in the Cadet Chapel, and is made of 
heavy twilled blue silk six by four feet, the Red Cross of St. George 
superimposed upon a wider cross of white, the regimental number VII 
and the insignia of the Crown, Rose and Garter being placed in the 

496 Notes and Queries. 


center of the crosses, the crow* embroidered in bullion. The inscrip- 
tion " Honi Soit Qui Mai Y Pense," the Garter and Eose all embroid- 
ered in colored silks. 

The Commander-in-Chief of the French Auxiliaries, the Sieur de 
Roquemaure, would not surrender to the Americans but committed sui- 
cide by jumping over a precipice. The men were held prisoners at sev- 
eral points in New York State, and the Officers distributed among vari- 
ous towns in New York and Pennsylvania, some being held at Bristol, 
Lancaster, Easton, and other points. In the chronicles of the Mora- 
vian town of Nazareth, Penna. , mention is made of the passage of these 
prisoners through that town and the relief extended to them. The pris- 
oners going to Bristol were sent from Albany, New York, by way of 
Easton in Sleighs and suffered greatly from the intense cold. Among 
the prisoners sent to Lancaster was Lieutenant John Andre, of the 7 th , 
who subsequently was induced to enter the American lines in dis- 
guise, and as a consequence suffered death as a spy. The twenty 
men sent to Bristol were drawn from among the first citizens of Mon- 
treal, and the names of these twenty * ' officers and gentlemen " as they 
were styled by the authorities of the day, and as reported from the office 
of the Adjutant General and from the Archivist of Canada, were as 

Lieutenant Colonel The Chevalier Picote de Beletre, 
Major De Longueill, 
Ten Captains 

Messeurs Chambault, Messeurs Lotbiniere, 

Du Chenay, De Boucherville, 

Le Tbinure, De La Valtrie, 

Hevieux, De Rouville, 

Gamilon, d'Eschambault. 

Eight Lieutenants 

The Chevalier Hertil, 


Messeurs La Madelaine, Messeurs De Musseau, 
Lac Schmith, Fleuriment, 

De La Marque, De Ruisseaux. 

Saint Ours, 

These twenty men did not comprehend the full number of French offi- 
cers of the Militia captured at Fort St. John, as Captain Duchesney, one 
of the French- Canadian prisoners, wrote from Albany on the 31st of 
January, 1776, that he and Monsieur Lomcrandier and some others were 
retained at Albany, whilst a detail had on that day started for Bristol. 
Consequently, the captured French officers numbered twenty-two by 
name, and in all probability a larger number of subalterns were taken 
as the prisoners included ten Captains, which in numbers were fully suf- 
ficient to have represented a full regiment, although the official records 
state that the French auxiliaries only numbered one hundred and fifty 
men this certainly must have been an error. It is not likely another 
case is on record where a fully officered battalion of French fought 
under the English flag, as on all other occasions they were against the 

The prisoners at Bristol had the liberty of the town and surrounding 
country, and fully complied with the requirements of their parole and 

Notes and Queries. 497 

remained at Bristol until exchanged about one year after their capture. 
The town of Bristol, a village of fifty dwellings, had a resident popu- 
lation of less than three hundred, consequently the billeting there of a 
body of Frenchmen equal to one fifteenth of the population of the town, 
was a marked event, and if they were representatives of their vivacious 
nation, they must have made it interesting for the demure Quaker girls 
of the village and country-side. 

Every effort has been made both at Washington and Harrisburg, to 
obtain the vouchers for subsistence furnished by those Bristol citizens 
who boarded the prisoners, but the search has been fruitless. 

While looking up the whereabouts of the flag of the 7th Fusiliers, I 
gathered from the records of the Military Academy at West Point, the 
information that, during the progress of the American Revolution, fifty 
British standards were taken, five at Fort Stanwix, fifteen at Trenton, 
twenty-five at Yorktown, two in the Carolinas, and three at other 

To these fifty battle flags thirteen or more other British Regimental 
flags should have been turned over to General Gates by General Bur- 
goyne, when in 1777 he surrendered his 6,400 men at Saratoga, but he 
secreted the colors by a trick, for he "gave his honor" that no public 

Eroperty was held back, saying as to the colors, that his expedition had 
ift its flags behind in Canada; but, to the contrary, he had the ensigns 
torn from their staffs and gave them to the Baroness Riedesel, who was 
instructed by her husband, a German General officer, to secrete them. 
According to her memoirs, she worked all night placing them in a mat- 
tress used by her, and which she was courteously permitted to retain. 
Thus, one of the thrifty German cousins of George III, saved the colors 
of the entire force, excepting those of the 9th. regiment, which was 
stripped from its staff by its Lieut. Colonel and secreted in his baggage, 
which he also was courteously permitted to retain, subsequently pre- 
senting the flag to the King, who promoted him for his valiant service. 
General Burgoyne's map of his Detention Camp, indicates the position 
of fifteen distinct organizations, the Regiments 9th, 20th, 21st, and 47th, 
Frazier's Rangers, Grenadiers, Light Infantry, Artillery and Canadian 
Battalion, and five German organizations, the Grenadier Battalion, Ger- 
man Artillery, Specht's, Riedesel's and other regiments. All these 
battle flags, under the terms of capitulation, made after the Burgoyne 
Expedition had lost three thousand of the original nine thousand men, 
should have been turned over just the same as the artillery, small arms, 
ammunition, and other material, instead of being secreted and smuggled 

This condemnatory procedure of General Burgoyne, in hiding his flags 
after a formal surrender, was not a precedent for the more honorable 
Lord Cornwallis, who, under similar stipulations covering his surrender, 
four years later, turned over the entire property of his expedition, though 
Washington demanded that the flags be cased. 

A well-known picture of the surrender, represents Cornwallis' army 
drawn up in proud array with waving flags, but that is altogether a 
painter's license, for not a flag was permitted to be flown. 

Among the twenty-five flags taken at Yorktown were those of the fol- 
lowing regiments: 1st, 2nd, 17th, 23rd, 33rd, 43rd, 2nd Battalion of 
the 71st, 76th, 80th, 82nd; 17 Light Dragoons, a Brigade of Guards, 
Queen's Rangers, British Legion, Royal Artillery, five German Infantry 

VOL. xxxi. 32 

498 Notes and Queries. 

Regiments, a Battery of German Artillery, a Tory Regiment; and a 
number of other flags not distinguishable because the insignias have 
been cut out, all representative of nearly eight thousand men and two 
hundred and thirty-five brass and iron guns. 

The standards of the German Regiments, four feet square, were all 
made of doubled white damask embroidered in gold bullion and silver 
thread, on both sides with crowns and other devices, as mottoes, dates 
and monograms, and with silver bullion tassels suspended by silver 

While on the subject of battle flags, I will add that in the Naval 
Academy at Annapolis, is preserved a Royal Standard captured April 
1813 by Commodore Chauncy and General Pike, at the Parliament 
House, Toronto; and the ensigns of twenty-six English Naval prizes, 
comprehending the flags of five frigates, the "Guerriere," "Cyane," 
' ' Confiance, " "Java," "Macedonian," and seven brigs, four sloops of 
war, nine schooners, and one cutter. 


in the Manuscript Department of The Historical Society of Penn- 


Excuse me if I occupy a few minutes of your time. Thinking on the 
situation of public affairs and looking forward to the period when the 
people will again have to elect a chief magistrate I have thought that 
no evil could result if I should submit to you my opinion as to a mode 
of concentrating Public opinion and honestly influencing the Public 
suffrage of the country, The Democratic Party and the Federal 
Party are annihilated, The members of both parties remain and indi- 
viduals of both parties may and do, act upon the principles which used 
to move the parties ; but, as Parties, they are no longer in existence. 
The whole population of the Union seems divided into and classed as 
Jackson and Anti-Jackson, Prest. Jackson has, from the start of his 
administration, regarded Fealty to him as the first of virtues. As he 
could not hope that talented and high minded men would be converted 
into obsequious slaves or mere personal partisans, a band of needy trad- 
ing politicians, the hungry expectant's of every state, have been organ- 
ized as office holders, depending for their continuance in office and their 
promotion, on their devotion to their chief, a word newly introduced and 
now much used in political papers. Hackneyed in the ways of party, 
and dispairing of attaching to them the Intelligent, the Wealthy and 
Respectable of the Community they have laboured, not unsuccessfully, 
and without intermission, from their induction into office, to get up a 
Jacobin Party and to array the Poorer against the Richer, portions of 
our population. The President's veto against the Bank is an admirable 
specimen of the doctrines they have advanced. This state of things is 
extensively & painfully felt, although it is not yet much talked of and 
has hardly found its way fully & fairly, into our newspapers. Another, 
and greatly influencing state of affairs has grown out of the doctrine 
and the organization of the South, as to Nullification and the doctrine 
& efforts of the administration of the General Government in favor of 
consolidation, a desire on its part to engross the whole political power of 

Notes and Queries. 499 

the States & of the United States. The belief that Pres' Jackson will 
not dare to run in opposition to the examples of Washington, Jefferson 
& Madison and the fear that he would not succeed, if he were to run, 
has set the public mind to inquire after a President for the next Term 
and many are the candidates and parties in embryo and at work, on this 
subject, It seems to me that all these schemes look to individuals 
rather than principles ; to the elevation of A. or B. or C. or some other 
letter of the alphabet as the great & almost only object to be accom- 
plished. This is, to my view, pretty much the present state of things 
and it will, it must, if not promptly counteracted issue most disastrous- 
ly for the country by converting the people into a nation of office hunt- 
ers and our elections into mere battle grounds to secure the spoils of 
office. Cannot these dreaded & mighty evils be averted? If so, how 
can it be done ? Is there virtue, honor and manly independence in our 
Public Men to effect it ? Will they set glorious examples of Disinter- 
estedness and Patriotism and will the people follow them? I can only 
say I hope and trust they will, with all my heart & soul. Cannot a 
party be organized upon Principle. All parties now are personal or 
more or less tinctured and tainted by personal views. In the organiza- 
tion which I propose it should be steadily borne in mind that although 
the Democratic & the Federal party are no more, as Parties ; yet they 
have each left an impression on the public mind which should be 
honestly used to effect good to the Country. It can hardly be denied 
that the Federal party, as a party, have little or no hold upon the affec- 
tions of the great mass of the people, It is equally true that the Dem- 
ocratic party has a strong hold upon their affections and is, with the late 
war, associated with the Glory & Prosperity of the U. States, Its name 
is therefore everywhere used as a passport, a safe & certain passport to 
power & Authority, You know my D r Sir, how zealously & earnestly I 
laboured to induce our Federal friends from the earliest stage of the 
Jackson contest to associate under the Democratic banner & name. 
They would not do it, nay even to this day they have resisted such an 
organization although they have seen, for years, that the heretofore 
most thorough-going partizans of the Federal party for example James 
Ross and Tiuaothy Pickering as Jackson men, were content to attend 
Democratic meetings & associate and act under that name. Shall we 
continue to keep our eyes shut against light & knowledge & remain deaf 
to the voice of experience? I ask the question because I would use a 
name, as well as principles, which are dear to the people to induce them 
to associate and preserve the institutions & with them the happiness & 
prosperity of our country. The question of state Rights & State Sover- 
eignty now so absorbing to the South, where, in my Judgment, they 
have been perverted, have always been advocated by the Democratic 
Party and might, at this moment, with powerful effect make part of a 
Declaration of Principles for an association whose objects should be 
purely national, to insure a purification of our Gover* from all the sel- 
fish & despotic principles which have been engrafted upon it and have 
governed & corrupted us for some years. 

Suppose a foundation for such an association was laid promptly at 
Washington City by such men as Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Binney, 
and Mr. Webster, meeting and confidentially talking it over. Suppose 
they were, with all care & brevity to draw up, revise & carefully correct 
a Declaration of Principles under which the Patriotic citizens of the 

500 Notes and Queries. 

West, & the South & the Middle and the East would rally & that when 
they had thus agreed they should enlarge their caucus, until they and 
every Friend of their principles had agreed upon and subscribed a 
Declaration of Principles and a plan of association. Then let a few 
thousand copies Of it, in letter form, be printed, and a copy addressed 
to every member of every Legislature in the Union known to be friendly 
to such principles and such an association. 

For example to Gen 1 Lacock and others in our Legislature. Let them 
soon after receipt and a general understanding, caucus, adopt the De- 
claration of Principles & plan of association, with such modifications or 
alterations the fewer the better as they should think advisable and 
have it subscribed by every member of the State Legislature who would 
approve it. Then let copies of it, in letter form, be printed in sufficient 
numbers and forwarded to such persons throughout the State as were 
known, or believed, to be friendly to the course proposed to be pursued. 
Let a similar mode of proceeding be adopted in all the State Legisla- 
tures. They are now nearly all in session. The Citizens throughout 
the states, to whom circulars from the Legislators, of the State should 
be addressed should on receipt of their letters begin to caucus, enlarge 
their meetings, and form associations and open correspondence not only 
throughout the State but the United States, As a powerful auxiliary the 
men of Talents who embark in this good cause should determine to give 
some portion of their Intelligence to their fellow-citizens through the 
public press. 

I am as conscious as any man can be of the imperfections of what I 
have written still I have thought it best to submit it. Such as it is, 
it may bring the matter before others and it may be brought to perfec- 
tion or some other better plan be brought forward. An objection of no 
mean moment or force has presented itself to my mind since I sat down, 
that is, that our association would give birth to counter-associations. I 
have looked this objection fearlessly in the face and examined it with 
care and the more I examine it, the less formidable it appears. The 
Jackson men are at this time greatly divided about a successor and can- 
not be brought together, all that could be associated would be the office 
holders & expectants and their immediate friends. Such associations 
instead of strengthening them would alienate the others from them, at 
all events is it probable that any good can arise from individual exer- 
tion and if it can would not that good be increased an hundred fold by 
united exertions? If the general principles of this note meet your 
approbation will you take measures to have them acted upon? What 
would you think of submitting the measures here proposed to three, four 
or more intelligent friends here and talking it over and thus improving 
it. I leave the matter with you. 

With affectionate Eespect and Esteem 

I am D r Sir, Yours very truly 

HON. JOHN SERGEANT. Phila. Jany 17, 1834. 

possession of Purnell Norman, Lewes, Delaware. On title page, 
"Thomas Norman's Bible, presented by his friend O. Dudley A. Q. 
Master Sargent in the 32d. regiment U. S. A. 1814." 


Notes and Queries. 501 

Thomas K. Norman & Miriam Bennett were married June 7 th 

Thomas R. Norman son of John & Anne Norman was born October 
22 d 1774. 

Mariani Bennett daughter of Pernal and Mariam Bennett was born 
February 20 th 1779. 

John B. son of Thomas R. and Mariam Norman was born November 
18 th 1799. 

Mills R. son of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman was born August 4 th 

Joshua L. son of Thomas & Mariam Norman was born December 10 th 

Patience, daughter of Thomas & Mariam Norman was born February 
20 th 1806. 

Annes daughter of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman was born Septem- 
ber 30 th 1808. 

Eliza daughter of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman was born Septem- 
ber 22 d 1810. 

Mary daughter of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman was born April 18 th 

Purnal Norman son of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman was born Jan- 
uary 18 th 1816. 

Mary Norman daughter of Thomas R. & Mariam was born April 29 th 

Thomas L. Judge Norman son of Thomas R. & Mariam was born 
March 18 th 1821. 

Mary daughter of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman died September 13 th 

Thomas L. Judge, son of Thomas R. & Mariam Norman died July 
11 th 1823. 

Thomas R. Norman died March 27 th 1863. 

Mariam B. Norman died September 27 th 1857. 

George Orton son of William & Hannah Orton died 2-5-1830. 

John Bennett Norman died 9-24-1853. 

from the George Bryan Papers, Manuscript Department, The Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania. 

LANCASTER, July 29, 1782. 

I happened to be abroad when your Favour of the 15 th Inst. came to 
hand. I will forward the Inclosed to Mr. M c Clane. I have not paid 
any Specie for Servants. By Orders from Council I have taken into my 
possession all Goods, Wares and Merchandize belonging to Mr. Taylor, 
the British Storekeeper here, except made up Uniforms; also his Books 
and papers. This has given much disquiet to the Speculators here, and 
even to the Gentlemen alluded to in a dream inserted in the Freeman's 
Journal of the 17th Inst. The Date of the Dream and the Date of the 
largest Invoice of Goods, which one M r W t? is charged with in Mr. 
Taylors Books agree. This vexes the Gentlemen much. In short the 
People are threatened by the H ley Family with Law-Suits, Club-Law, 
Cutting off Ears, Rideing on their Noses &c. It is said that positive 

502 ' Notes and Queries. 

Evidence and much circumstantial to corrroborate it can be produced. 
I do not Care to take Depositions, unless they were Official. This affair 
has made much Noise and I believe will make much more. Would it 
not be well for Council to order the Deposition of the Evidence to be 
taken and sent down, or is it best to wait and let the affair take its 
Course ? I am of opinion Mr. Taylor will appear and plead Gen'l Wash- 
ington's permission at the Supreme Court, if permitted, which is given 
in such general Terms, that it will cover the Supplying of the Prisoners 
with any kind or rather with every Kind of Goods. Mr. Taylor con- 
fessed the Goods came from New York. The Entry made in one of his 
Books of Goods Sold Mr. W tz, is the only Proof which can be made 
of his having sold Goods directly to the people of this place and this 
will not amount to positive proof, for the Entries are not dated at Lan- 
caster ; it is true the day of the Month is mentioned but the year I be- 
lieve is not. Will it not be necessary first to investigate the affair of the 
Speculating Horse prior to the Tryal of Taylor, before the Supreme 
Court as this is the only Charge in his Book against any of the Inhab- 
itants for Goods. 

We have disagreeable Accounts from the Westward ; Hannah's Town 
is burnt & several of the Inhabitants killd, and Four or Five taken pris- 
oners or rather missing. 

I am 

dear Sir 

Your most obed 1 hum : Serv* 

To the Honorable George Bryan Esquire. 

NEW YORK the 25* March 1785. 

D r SIR 

The principal business now before Congress is the Disposing of the 
lands lately purchasd and the making of a second purchase. Much time 
has been spent by a Committee of one from each of twelve states on the 
first and it is probable the lands will be sold by Districts of ten or twelve 
miles square to the highest bider, above such price as Congress may fix 
for the acre. A number of districts will probably put up to the sale in the 
different states perhaps nearly in proportion to their demand. The Com- 
missioners are authorized to make the second purchase to the Mississippi 
and as the Indians have offered those lands for sale there will probably 
be little Difficulty in purchasing them. Commissioners are appointed 
to hold a treaty with the Creeks Cherokees &c. 

The place for holding the federal Court for Massachusetts and New 
York is not yet Determined. 

Longchamps' affair was to have been brought forward this day but is 
again gone off by an adjournment to Monday next. Your French pam- 
phlet came very apropo, as it has run through a number of able hands 
since and is now in M r Jays. 

What is our Assembly about, have they passed the law for regulating 
Elections ? If this is not done I [think] they will not hold their seats 
another year. 

I am Sir, your Hum 1 serv*. 
the Honb le George Bryan 

Notes and Queries. 503 

KENLY WELLS GOLDSMITH. William Kenly, whose autograph 
appears on the Pennsylvania Continental currency 1776-77, was a son 
of Daniel and Frances Wells Kenly, and grandson of Richard Kenly. 
The family early settled in Maryland and then removed to Pennsyl- 

Frances Wells, was a daughter of Col. George Wells of Baltimore 
county Md., and his wife Blanche Goldsmith. He commanded a bat- 
talion of Provincal troops and was a member of the Assembly of Mary- 
land 1674-8. His father was Kichard Wells a member of the Assembly 
and the Provincial Council also of Maryland. 

Blanche Goldsmith, was a daughter of Samuel and Joanna Goldsmith. 

N. W. K. 

UET, NEWTOWN, PENN., contributed by Mrs. Israel H. Johnson. 


James Michael Raguet (son of Michael Raguet & of Anne Gilminot). 
Born at Ricey Bas in the province of Burgundy near Bar sur Seine in 
France on the 6th September 1756. Came to America in the month of 
June 1783. Married to Anna Wynkoop second daughter of Henry 
Wynkoop, Esq. of Bucks County State of Pennsylvania on the 18 
August 1790, & Anna Dyed on the 23rd July 1815. Married on the 
17th June 1817 to Mary Harbeson Daughter of Benjamin Harbeson 
Deceased of Philadelphia. 

Claudine Raguet married Sylas Vansant Son of Garret Vansant on the 
2 of March 1817. 

Henry Raguet married Mercy Ann Towers daughter of Robert Towers 
(deceased) of Philadelphia on the 25th of April 1818. 

James Raguet married Margaretta Thompson daughter of Samuel 1 
Thompson Esqr of Zanesville Ohio on the 14th of July A. D. 1821. 


Susannah Raguet died suddenly the 21 May 1793, greatly regretted 
by her fond parents who were almost inconsolable. 

Anna Raguet died 23 July 1815. In Philadelphia. Adorned with 
every virtue and lovely in the light of faith, never will thy death and 
long suffering be forgotten by thy bereaved family ; who knew too well 
thy pure soul, thy heavenly mind to wish even for an instant to recall 
thee to Earth. 

James Raguet died suddenly in Philadelphia on the 9th of February 
1818. "In haste to meet his God his anxious spirit flew." 

James Raguet son of Silas & Claudine Vansant died at Dr. Plumly's 
on the last day of February 1820 wanting five hours of being five months 
old. After a violent disease of three days constant pain. Never did a 
child live 5 months who gave less trouble than did this little Angel. 

Catherine Daughter of Henry & Mercy Ann Raguet Died 5th July 
1821 aged 8 months. 

Silas Vansant died 3rd December 1841. Aged 46. 

C. Vansant died 1st December 1842 aged 48 years. 


Susannah Raguet born July 22nd, 1791, called for her grandmother 
Wynkoop . 

504 Notes and Queries. 

Claudine Raguet born Marth 30th, 1796, named after her aunt in 

Henry Raguet born 20th February 1796. Named after his grand- 
father Wynkoop. 

James Raguet born 24th July 1793. Named after his uncle in 

James Condy Raguet born the 17th May, 1823. (son of Henry & 
Mercy Eaguet). 

Henry Wynkoop, son of Henry & Mercy Ann Raguet born 

Mercy Jane, daughter of Silas & Claudine Vansant born June, 1825. 

Juliet, daughter of Silas & Claudine Vansant born 26th March, 1827. 

Anna Elizabeth, daughter of Silas & Claudine Vansant born November 
28, 1817, 3 o'clock in the morning. Called for both grandmothers. 

Anna, daughter of Henry & Mercy Ann Eaguet, born 25th January, 
1819, named for her grandmother Eaguet. 

James Raguet, son of Silas & Claudine Vansant, born 30th Septem- 
ber, 1819, called for his grandfather. 

Catherine, daughter of Henry & Mercy Eaguet born the 16th of Octo- 
ber, 1820, named for her cousin Catherine Eaguet. 

Mary W., daughter of Silas & Claudine Vansant, born 8th of Janu- 
ary, 1821, called for her aunt Wirts. 

Wm. Henry, son of Silas & C. Vansant born 2nd August, 1823, called 
for Wm. H. Eaguet. 

Miscellaneous Memoranda. 

In the year 1787 Nicholas Eaguet a younger brother of James was 
killed by the Indians on the Eiver Ohio on his way to Kentucky. 

In the year 1792-3 Claudius Paul Eaguet, an elder brother of James, 
died at Bordeaux in France greatly lamented by his brother James, of 
which he was always a faithful friend. 

James Watall, the son of Silas and Claudine Vansant, was born De- 
cember 9th, 1833. 

Col. John G. Freeze, April 10th 1907, at the unveiling of the marker 
at the site of the old fort, Bloomsburg, Pa. 

We are standing to-day upon a spot of ground of which a careful 
writer has said : That looking up the Valley of the North East Branch 
of the Susquehanna you behold a scene spread out before you, which 
rivals in quiet beauty, the most famous landscapes in the country. There 
is not, in the distant profile of the Knob Mountain nor the less regular 
contour of the river hills that aspect of grandeur, presented by elevations 
of greater magnitude, but their proportions, and the general character- 
istics of the Valley they enclose, harmonize perfectly at that point in 
the eastern horizon where they seem to converge. The winding channel 
of the Fishing Creek for several miles from its mouth forms the fore- 
ground of this landscape view. 

And you can very easily picture to yourselves the stirring times and 
anxious days and nights of the settlers in these wildernesses in the early 
days, beautiful, romantic and well watered, it is no wonder that the 
white man and the red man strove for the mastery : and that the men 
on our side left to us a name for daring and courage which, after all 
these years, we are now commemorating. 

Notes and Queries. 505 

So, also, the importance and the beauty of the locality are shown by 
the number of the Forts and the bloody raids which make up our 

The broad valleys of the lower counties with their distant hills, do not 
impress us, as do the abrupt banks, the bare rocks, and the increasing 
roar of rushing waters in our mountain streams. These stir the blood, 
these call us to their distant sources, and we love the nooks and corners, 
the gnarled oaks and waving pines, that woo us to their shades and fill 
us with sweet odors. 

Among the early settlers in and about what is now Bloomsburg we are 
more interested in the McClure family than in any other. 

James McClure was a Lancaster County man and came here with a 
wife and family in 1772. He obtained a patent for his farm from the 
heirs of William Penn under the name of "McClure Choice." 

The McClure tract was originally in the application of Francis Stewart, 
dated April 3, 1769, and is described as follows : "On the west side of 
the north east branch of the Susquehanna, near the mouth of Fishing- 
creek, adjoining land applied for by William Barton." The survey was 
made June 3, 1769, and contains 278f acres and is called " Beauchamp." 
The McClure Patent is dated November 6th, 1772. 

Our Col. James McClure, who died upon this old homestead on October 
4, 1850, was the youngest son of the original proprietor and was the first 
white child born in this section of Pennsylvania, his nativity being in 

There were three Forts as they were called, being however stockades 
about the dwellings and outhouses of the owners and occupants. They 
were Fort Wheeler, Fort McClure and Fort Jenkins. 

By the best evidence now available it seems that about the year 1778, 
Captain Salmon and Lieutenant Van Campen were sent by Col. Hunter 
to the mouth of Fishingcreek and up it, to select a place for fortification ; 
and they selected the farm of a Mr. Wheeler located about where the 
Trench Paper Mill stands. 

He had a pretty daughter named Annie and the Captain and his 
Lieutenant were suitors for her hand. The Captain won and a descend- 
ant of him and Annie was Sheriff of the County in 1834. 

Van Campen returned to the McClure place, and Mrs. McClure hav- 
ing returned from Northumberland with her daughter Margaret, the 
Major built a stockade fort for the mother and laid seige to the heart of 

The building of McClure Fort was in 1781, and its location is well 
established. The monument is within the stockade : of that there can 
be no doubt. And we are therefore commemorating the very ground 
originally consecrated to the history of our people. 

We cannot be certain whether any part of the present buildings are of 
the ancient construction : but the logs show that there were no saw mills 
in the vicinity, for the axe dressing points out and proves the antiquity 
of the timber and its use. So the stone in the foundation and wall do 
not carry the marks of the mason's hammer : most of them seem to be 
as they came from the river bottom. 

The particular hero of the Town of Bloomsburg and vicinity is Major 
Moses Van Campen. 

He was born in Hunterdon County, New Jersey, January 21, 1757. 
The family was from Holland. They came to Pennsylvania early and 

506 Notes and Queries. 

settled in Northampton County on the Delaware, above the Water Gap. 
In the course of time Moses got to Northumberland, and Mr. James 
McClure induced him to remain in the region and help the borderers. 
The Susquehannas were to be the battle ground and make heroes ; and 
from that time to the end of the Border Indian War, Van Campen spent 
his time in the Forks of the Susquehanna. 

On December 10, 1783, he married Miss Margaret McClure and took 
charge of the McClure farm and estate : shortly after he went to Briar- 
creek, and then in 1795 or 1796, the family moved to Allegany County, 
New York. 

Mrs. Van Campen, our Margaret McClure, died at Dansville, New 
York, in March 1845, and the Major himself died on the 15th day of 
October, 1849, at the residence of his daughter Anna, at the age of 92 
years and 9 months. 

I have often thought, especially since gathering the material for this 
brief address, if we could have anticipated this day and occasion, how 
largely it would have added to our satisfaction, if we could have buried 
our hero and his beloved Margaret side by side, beneath this stone 
inscribed with those beautiful lines of Collins : 

How sleep the brave who sink to rest, 
By all their country's wishes blessed! 
When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, 
Keturns to deck their hallowed mould, 
She there shall dress a sweeter sod 
Than fancy's feet have ever trod. 
By fairy hands their knell is rung; 
By forms unseen their dirge is sung; 
There honor comes a pilgrim grey, 
To bless the turf that wraps their clay; 
And freedom shall awhile repair, 
To dwell a weeping hermit, there! 

But though the bodies are absent the spirit and love of country which 
inspired them lives yet amongst us, and has been the moving cause which 
has here, on this sacred ground awakened our patriotism and erected 
solid and abiding testimonials to their memory and their worth. 

Kest to their ashes wherever they be, 
And peace to their spirits eternally. 


PHILADA 8* April 1782. 


I wrote you by the Last post to the Care of Mr. Thaddeus Perit which 
I make no Doubt you have Eec'd & So I would not repeat the Contents. 

By Mr. Hunting a Worthy Gentleman of Long Island, I send you Six 
Table Spoons, 12 Tea Spoons viz. Six new ones & Six old ones, one 
Creampot, & one Pair Tea Tongs, all which I hope will please you. 
When your Ceremony is passed, Mr. Perit may draw on me for one hun- 
dred pounds if he has an opportunity. I have directed your Brother in 
Law John Perit to furnish you some money if he can out of the proceeds 
of my Goods, in the meantime Sho d be Glad you w d Inform me what Sum 
You will probably need as Newhaven is an Exposed place it will be 

Notes and Queries. 507 

the highest of Absurdity to get more furniture than Just Sufficient for 
use. Wo d send a Waggon if I knew of any Goods Which W d Answer at 
Newhaven from this City, if there are any Such wish Mr. Perit W d ad- 
vise me. I wish you the Divine Blessing on your Important Change of 
Life much will Depend on your prudence. I have many friends in New 
haven who I doubt not will be so to you & therefore I advise you Par- 
ticularly to pay all Respect to them & Cultivate their Friendship. Such 
are Mess" Sherman, Darling, Whittlesey, President Stiles & Sundry 
others besides the Gentlemen of more Immediate relation You will not 
forget to Love & honour Mrs. Ingersol I shall write you again in a few 
Days by D r Gardiner. Make my best Compliments to Mr. Isaacs & his 
family, as also to Your Nearest Friend. 

I am Dear Sophia, with all Affection & Concern for you, Your Ever 
sure Friend 

& Loving Father 

Miss Sophia Webster 

At Mr. Ralph Isaacs 
Fav r Mr. j Branford 
Hunting j In Connecticutt. 

PHILADA 6* June 1782 
Dear Sophia 

I have purchased Mr. Ingersol's house & Lot in New haven, & he has 
Directed his Cousin Jon a Ingersol to get it survey' d & plan Taken of it. 
and as I design the Estate for you, I cou d wish Mr. Perit would go with 
the Surveyor & See all the bounds that he may perfectly know them 
hereafter. Mr. Lockwood has the house at present but is to remove at 
any time, you may go into the house when you go to housekeeping if 
you Chuse it. If you are otherwise accomodated let Mr. Lockwood or 
any body Else have it who will keep it carefully & pay the most rent. 
I design to give you a Genteel set of furniture but as you are in a place 
[torn] & all furniture at a high price I think you had better pick up a 
few [nec]essaries for the present 'till the Times grow better. I have 
not Time to enlarge, but am, Dear Sophia, with all Love 
your Father & Friend 


P. S. Mr. Ingersol' s Estate cost me four thousand Dollars which makes 
Cash Rather Scarce with me at present, So you must do with as little as 
you conveniently can. 

P. W. 
Mrs. Sophia Perit. 


James Anderson, of Maryland, md. Sept 1774, Mary Boyd, b. in 
Ireland, 1756. They had issue : 
Anna, b. Aug 1776. 
Margaretta, b. Feb. 2, 1780. 
George, b June 29, 1782. 
Maria, b. Aug. 14 1784. 

508 Notes and Queries. 


John Adam Fischel, b. Sept. 19, 1730, Esenheim, in the Palatinate, 
came with his parents to Pennsylvania in Sept. of 1752. Married March 
2, 1757, Ursula Catherine Thomas, b. in Wurtemberg, April 15, 1738, 
who came to Pennsylvania in 1739. They had issue : 

Anna Maria, b. April 4, 1758. 

Catherine, b. July 21, 1760. 

John, b. March 31, 1762. 

John Jacob, b. May 22, 1765. 

John Adam, b. Nov. 4, 1768. 

Eva, b. July 15, 1770. 

Anna Margaret, b. Dec. 2, 1772. 

Henry, b. July 25, 1774. 

Conrad, b. Aug. 26, 1777. 

In October of 1779, the parents with their children, settled in West- 
ern North Carolina. 


Jane David, d. Sept 30, 1752. 

Peter Miller, d. Nov. 8, 1753. 

Elizabeth Payne, d Aug. 28, 1757. 

Samuel Powell, d. Sept- 1762. 

Jacob Loescher, d. April 20, 1763. 

John Wendel Preteus, d June 5, 1774. 

Augustine Neisser, (clockmaker) d. March- 1780. 

Jacob Weiss, (barber-surgeon) d. Sept. 22, 1788. 

Thomas Bartow, d. Jany. 26, 1793. 

Joseph Dean, d. Sept. 11, 1795. 

Lewis Weiss, (lawyer) d. Oct. 22, 1796. 

Rachel Gerhard, b. May 31, 1801. 

Zachariah Poulson, (printer), d. Jany. 14, 1804. 

John Adam Goos, d. Nov. 28, 1804. 

George Schlosser, d. Feby. 25, 1809 

Sarah Benezet Bartow, d. July 14 1818 

Godfrey Haga, d. Feby. 7 1825 

Mary C. Brown, d. March 11, 1830. 

John Weiss Peters, (Teller Philadelphia Bank) d. July 21, 1830. 



J. KEELEY, Master. 

Will commence her regular Trips for the Season, between PHILADEL- 
PHIA and READING, on Sunday morning, the 22nd, instant, leaving 
Fair Mount Dam, every Tuesday and Friday mornings, at 3 o'clock, 
and arrive in Reading early in the evening returning will leave Read- 

Notes and Queries. 509 

ing on Sunday and Wednesday mornings, at 3 o'clock, and arrive in 
Philadelphia the same evening. 

Passage through $2.50, with the usual allowance of baggage, which 
will be at the risk of its owners. Way passengers in proportion. Apply 
for seats at ALEXANDER MCCALLA'S, White Swan Hotel, No. 106, 
Race street, from which place stages will be in readiness, to convey 
passengers to the boat free of charge. 

APRIL 20, 1827. 

I860. The following letter of the author of the noted " Wilmot Pro- 
viso," is contributed by Louis Richards Esq. Reading, Penn. The 
reference to "Ritter," is to John Ritter, Democratic member of Con- 
gress from the Berks District, 1843-47; to "Mr Strong" to Judge 
Strong who succeeded Ritter. 

To WAND A, July 27, 1860. 



Your note of the 24th inst. is just received. I am upon the eve 
of departure from home for the seashore and Saratoga, and cannot there- 
fore respond as fully as I could wish. I have not time to refer to docu- 
ments except generally to the Congressional Globe for the sessions of 
1846, 7 and 8, but write from recollection. 

Just at the close of the session of 1846, in August, the President sent 
a message asking that two millions be put at his disposal to enable him 
to negotiate a peace with Mexico. From this it was evident that an 
accession of territory was contemplated. When the bill appropriating 
this money was before the House, I offered as an amendment the Pro- 
viso, substantially as follows : ' ' Provided, as a condition to the use of 
the moneys hereby appropriated, that neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude, except in the punishment of crime, shall ever exist in any 
territory acquired in virtue of this appropriation." This passed the 
House by the votes of every Northern member present, except Douglas 
and McClernand of Illinois. It was only defeated in the Senate by 
Davis of Massachusetts talking out the time until the final adjourn- 
ment, and thus preventing a vote upon it 

In 1847, the war with Mexico still continuing, a similar message 
came from the President, this time asking for three millions. The 
Proviso was again offered, and again passed by nearly the unanimous 
vote of the members from the free States. It was during this winter of 
47 and 8, and the succeeding spring, that t