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PENNSYLVANIA 


PROVINCE  AND  STATE 


A  HISTORY 
FROM  1609  TO  1790 


BY 

ALBERT  S.  BOLLES,  PH.  D.f  LL.  D. 

Ledurcr  in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  Haverford  College 


)  *  ■>*.   1  .  .  «u       >      > 

I 


in, 

..... 

i 


JOHN  WANAMAKER 

PHILADELPHIA   AND   NEW   YORK 
1899 


Copyright,  1899, 

BY 

ALBERT  S.  BOLLES. 


<  «.  1    c  ' 


I  1    ( 


CONTENTS 


MOB 

CHAPTER  X. 

CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS  DURING  THE  REVOLUTION.       I 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  SUPREME  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL  AND  THE  GEN- 
ERAL ASSEMBLY.  28 

Section  I. 

THE  PRESIDENCIES  OF  WHARTON,  BRYAN  AND  REED      .       28 

Section  II. 

REED'S  PRESIDENCY  CONTINUED 53 

Section  III. 

THE  PRESIDENCIES  OF  MOORE  AND  DICKINSON        .  .      76 

Section  IV. 

THE  PRESIDENCIES  OF  FRANKLIN  AND  MIFFLIN      .  .      98 


CHAPTER  XII. 

IMMIGRATION. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 


119 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  139 

(Hi) 


IV 


CONTENTS. 


PAGB 


Section  I. 

THE  PURCHASE  OF  LAND  .  .  .  .  .  -139 

Section  II. 

CULTIVATION  OF  THE  LAND 1 55 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

TRADE.  190 

Section  I. 

TRADE  BEFORE  THE  REVOLUTION I90 

Section  II. 

TRADE  DURING  AND  AFTER  THE  REVOLUTION         .  .    200 

CHAPTER   XV. 

MANUFACTURES.  236 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  260 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

HIGHWAYS  AND  TRANSPORTATION.  276 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 

CLIMATE  AND  HEALTH.  289 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  301 


CONTENTS.  v 

PAOB 

Section  I. 

SOCIAL     INTERCOURSE,     FAMILY    LIVING    AND    ENTER- 
TAINMENTS   301 

Section  II. 

DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS 317 

Section  III. 

THE  REVOLUTIONARY  PERIOD 334 

CHAPTER   XX. 

RELIGION.  353 

Section  I. 

THE  PROVINCIAL  PERIOD 353 

Section  II. 

THE  PROVINCIAL  PERIOD  CONTINUED      ....    370 

Section  III. 

THE  CHURCH  IN  THE  REVOLUTION  ...  .    393 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE.  425 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  460 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  471 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


CHAPTER  X. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE   INDIANS   DURING   THE   REVOLUTION. 

As  the  French  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Indians 
during  the  war  of  1755,  so  now  did  the  British  form  an 
alliance  with  those  whom  twenty  years  before  they 
sought  to  destroy.  It  the  white  settlers  had  brutalized 
and  degraded  them  with  rum,  cheated  them  in  trade, 
robbed  them  of  their  lands,  and  coarsely  showed  their 
mastery  on  every  occasion,  more  than  once  did  they 
pay  a  heavy  penalty  for  their  selfishness,  shortsighted- 
ness and  rascality.  The  American  colonists  feared  the 
union  of  the  Indians  with  the  British,  for  they  knew 
the  nature  of  Indian  warfare.  An  Indian  was  not  a 
brave,  open  fighter,  but  a  cowardly,  mean  one.  Though 
hiding  himself  for  days  and  weeks,  and  almost  perish- 
ing with  cold  or  hunger,  to  secure  the  chance  of  shoot- 
ing his  foe  undiscovered,  he  was  averse  to  forming  into 
ranks  and  engaging  in  battle.  Possessing  a  strong 
spirit  of  revenge,  every  white  man  knew  that  the 
Indian  would  prove  relentless  and  untiring  in  compass- 
ing his  destruction.  It  was  now  too  late  to  win  his 
good-will,  for  his  spirit  of  revenge  was  at  white  heat. 
His  hour  to  lay  low  his  despoiler  had  come. 

Yet  during  the  first  year  of  the  war,  the  Indians  were 

CO 


2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

not  especially  active.  On  the  frontier  some  disturb- 
ances were  experienced,  but  they  were  not  very  serious. 
By  1779,  however,  the  situation  had  become  exceed- 
ingly grave.  The  work  of  the  British  agents  began  to 
tell,  and  the  Indians  were  strongly  inclined  to  plunge 
into  the  conflict.  They  began  to  concentrate  their 
forces  in  the  Valley  of  the  Wyoming,  where  existed  a 
flourishing  settlement,  parted  by  many  miles  from  the 
other  portions  of  the  Province.  The  settlers  were  from 
Connecticut.  That  colony  had  laid  claim,  by  virtue 
of  its  original  grant,  to  a  considerable  portion  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  in  1753  a  deed  conveying  a  large  tract  to 
the  Susquehanna  Company  had  been  executed  at  Al- 
bany by  eighteen  Indian  chiefs,  representing  the  Six 
Nations.  The  Susquehanna  Company  numbered  eight 
hundred  original  proprietors.  At  that  time  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania  had  not  acquired  any  title  to  the 
territory  from  the  Indians.  One  of  the  two  chiefs  of 
the  Mohawks,  Peter  Hendrick,  an  eloquent  sachem 
and  warrior  of  great  note,  who  was  in  the  proprietary 
interest,  refused  to  sign  the  deed,  and  afterwards  sought 
to  have  it  set  aside.  The  proprietary  was  more  active 
than  ever  to  procure  a  transfer  of  the  land  covered  by 
this  conveyance,  and  in  1768  this  result  was  accom- 
plished. By  this  treaty  the  proprietary  acquired  from 
the  Six  Nations  the  land  they  had  previously  sold  to  the 
Susquehanna  Company. 

The  first  white  people  to  invade  this  beautiful  valley 
were  Count  Zinzendorf  and  a  minister  named  Mack  and 
his  wife,  who  went  to  Wyoming  where  the  Shawanese 
lived,  for  the  purpose  of  Christianizing  them.  Alarmed 
by  the  arrival  of  the  strangers,  who  pitched  their  tents 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  below  the  town,  a  council  of 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  3 

chiefs  assembled,  at  which  Zinzendorf  's  proposition  was 
considered.  To  these  unlettered  children  of  the  wilder- 
ness, his  mission  seemed  too  improbable.  Had  he,  in 
truth,  braved  the  dangers  of  the  ocean  for  the  sole  pur- 
pose of  instructing  them  concerning  the  way  of  becom- 
ing happy  after  death,  and  without  expecting  any  com- 
pensation for  his  trouble?  Knowing  of  the  desire  of 
the  white  people  to  purchase  Indian  lands,  they  con- 
cluded that  Zinzendorf's  real  object  was  to  procure 
these  for  his  own  use,  or  to  search  for  hidden  treasures, 
or  to  examine  the  country  with  the  hope  of  future  con- 
quest. They  therefore  resolved  to  assassinate  him.  Zin- 
zendorf was  alone  in  his  tent,  seated  on  a  bundle  of  dry 
weeds,  which  formed  his  bed,  engaged  in  writing.  A 
curtain,  formed  of  a  blanket,  guarded  the  entrance  to  his 
tent.  It  was  night,  and  as  the  air  of  September  was 
cool,  he  built  a  small  fire.  Outside,  all  was  quiet  except 
the  gentle,  ceaseless  murmur  of  the  river  at  the  rapids. 
Stealthily  the  Indians  approached  the  door  of  the  tent. 
Removing  the  curtain,  they  saw  the  venerable  man  too 
deeply  engaged  in  his  thoughts  either  to  notice  their 
approach,  or  the  crawling  of  a  huge  rattlesnake  that  had 
been  aroused  by  the  heat  of  the  fire  and  was  slowly 
drawing  nearer  to  it.  Beholding  this  sight  the  Indians 
shrunk  from  taking  his  life,  and  quitting  the  place, 
hastily  returned  to  the  town,  and  informed  their  com- 
panions that  the  Great  Spirit  protected  the  white  man, 
for  they  had  found  him  with  no  door  to  his  tent,  and 
had  seen  a  large  rattlesnake  crawling  harmlessly  near 
his  feet.  Soon  after,  Conrad  Weiser  appeared,  well 
known  among  the  Indians,  and  Zinzendorf's  life  was 
safe.  Permission  was  then  given  to  him  to  begin  his 
peaceful  ministrations. 


4  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

The  white  people  who  followed  these  gentle  mission- 
aries were  of  a  different  type.  Far  happier  would  both 
Indians  and  settlers  have  been,  had  the  same  pacific 
relations  continued.  The  presence  of  the  newcomers 
from  Connecticut  was  hardly  less  welcome  to  the 
Indians  than  to  the  authorities  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  place  where  these  missionaries  carried  on  their 
work  was  called  Wyalusing.  David  Zeisberger  was 
the  leader.  Under  his  wise  direction  industry  was  es- 
tablished; lands  were  cleared  and  fenced;  grain  was 
planted  and  reaped ;  cattle  and  horses  were  raised ; 
schools  were  opened  for  the  education  of  Indian  chil- 
dren. A  bell,  probably  the  first  ever  heard  in  Pennsyl- 
vania north  of  the  Kittatinny  Mountains,  called  the 
Indians  to  worship.  Its  tone,  borne  far  distant  by  the 
breeze,  must  have  come  to  the  strange  Indian  roaming 
in  the  forest  like  a  spirit's  voice,  though  in  truth  it 
was  the  death-knell  to  his  race.  For  three  years  the 
settlement  flourished,  and  then  the  long-gathering 
storm  burst.  The  Iroquois  invaded  the  valley,  and 
though  Zinzeudorf  and  the  other  Moravians  were 
spared,  the  settlers  and  Indians  were  attacked,  the 
Indian  huts  were  burned,  and  Teedyuscung,  the  proud 
chief  of  the  Delawares,  miserably  perished.  The  set- 
tlers who  were  not  killed  fled  to  the  mountains.  Desti- 
tute of  food  and  clothing,  they  traversed  the  wil- 
derness and  finally  reached  their  former  homes.  Such 
was  the  end  of  the  first  attempt  to  settle  the  valley  by 
people  from  Connecticut. 

In  1769  a  second  colony  set  forth.  This  time  more 
progress  was  made  in  retaining  possession.  The  same 
year  a  war  broke  out,  not  with  the  Indians,  but  with  a 
force  of  Pennsvlvanians  who  were  determined  that  the 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  5 

Connecticut  settlers  should  not  remain  in  the  Province. 
Their  fort  was  captured,  the  leader,  Colonel  Durkee  and 
others  were  taken  prisoners  and  sent  to  jail,  and  a 
second  time  the  Yankees  were  expelled. 

For  a  short  period  only  did  they  keep  out  of  the 
valley.  Governor  Penn  applied  to  General  Gage  for 
aid.  The  British  commander  regarded  the  controversy 
as  one  between  the  settlers  concerning  property,  in 
which  it  would  be  highly  improper  for  the  king's 
troops  to  interfere.  Failing  to  secure  his  aid,  Gov- 
ernor Penn  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  any  person 
from  making  a  settlement  there  unless  by  authority  of 
the  proprietaries  or  their  lessees.  A  force  was  raised 
and  placed  under  the  command  of  Captain  Ogden,  with 
orders  to  repair  to  the  valley  and  dispossess  the 
Yankees.  They  marched  under  the  auspices  of  John 
Van  Campen,  a  magistrate,  whose  zeal  had  led  him  to 
take  an  active  part  in  the  controversy.  One  may 
wonder  why  an  adequate  force  was  not  raised  to  expel 
the  Connecticut  people,  and  utterly  destroy  their  hope 
of  retaining  the  valley,  for  the  Province  could  have 
easily  crushed  all  the  power  of  the  Susquehanna  Com- 
pany. Doubtless  the  weak  movements  of  the  governor 
were  the  result  of  his  unpopularity.  The  larger  part  of 
the  valley  had  been  surveyed  and  appropriated  by  the 
proprietaries,  consequently  the  people  sympathized 
strongly  with  the  Wyoming  settlers. 

Captain  Ogden,  with  his  company,  started  by  way  of 
the  Lehigh  Water  Gap  and  Fort  Allen.  Like  an  old 
warrior,  he  marched  with  celerity  and  secrecy.  On  the 
2ist  of  September,  he  encamped  at  the  head-waters  of 
Solomon's  Creek.  The  next  morning  the  valley  was 
before  his  gaze.     All  was  quiet ;  the  settlers  were  in 


6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

their  fields.  Dividing  his  force  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  men  into  detachments  of  ten,  he  directed  them  to 
descend  secretly  and  seize  those  who  were  at  work. 
The  plan  was  perfectly  executed  ;  many  were  captured, 
the  remainder  fled  to  Fort  Durkee.  During  the  night, 
another  portion,  who  were  selected  to  carry  tidings  of 
their  disaster  to  the  friendly  settlement  and  solicit  their 
aid,  were  taken  prisoners.  After  a  short  but  severe 
struggle  the  fort  was  captured,  the  leaders  were  sent  to 
Philadelphia,  the  others  were  escorted  to  jail  at  Easton. 
For  the  third  time  the  settlers  were  rudely  driven  out  of 
the  valley. 

Yet  the  end  had  not  come.  Though  suffering  oft 
through  her  unconscious  beauty,  they  were  again  drawn 
back  by  the  valley ;  they  could  not  keep  away.  Two 
years  had  passed  and  Peter  Kachlein  was  Sheriff  of 
Northampton  county.  Once  more  Pennsylvania  sought 
to  gain  possession  of  the  valley.  Captain  Amos  Ogden 
was  again  chosen  leader  of  a  military  expedition. 
Among  those  who  accompanied  him  was  his  brother 
Nathan.  So  active  were  the  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
proprietary  that,  within  a  month  from  the  expulsion  of 
the  Pennamites  and  in  the  depth  of  winter,  a  force  of 
more  than  one  hundred  men  was  above  Fort  Durkee. 
Like  a  prudent  officer,  Ogden  first  sought  to  provide 
shelter  and  defence  for  his  men.  A  fort,  called  Fort 
Wyoming,  was  begun  sixty  rods  above  Fort  Durkee, 
and,  within  three  or  four  days,  was  fit  for  habitation. 
Sheriff  Kachlein  then  proceeded  to  Fort  Durkee  declar- 
ing his  name  and  character,  and  demanding  the  sur- 
render of  all  persons  within,  in  the  name  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Captain  Stewart  stood  on  the  battlements  pre- 
pared to  answer  the  summons.     He  replied  that  he  had 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  » 

taken  possession  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  colony 
of  Connecticut,  in  whose  jurisdiction  they  were,  and  in 
that  name  and  by  that  authority  he  would  defend  it. 

Sheriff  Kachlein  withdrew,  and  work  was  continued 
on  the  new  defence.  Having  completed  his  prepara- 
tions, on  the  20th  of  January  Captain  Ogden  marched 
forth  to  capture  Fort  Durkee.  Stewart  and  his  men 
were  ready.  More  daring  leaders  never  met.  A  per- 
emptory demand  for  surrender  was  as  peremptorily 
refused.  Ogden  opened  fire,  which  was  promptly  re- 
turned. At  the  first  volley  several  of  Ogden's  men 
fell,  and  among  them,  his  brother  Nathan,  mortally 
wounded.  The  fight  did  not  last  long.  The  besieging 
party  withdrew.  During  the  night  Captain  Stewart, 
taking  with  him  twenty  or  thirty  trusted  followers, 
abandoned  Fort  Durkee,  leaving,  perhaps,  as  many 
more  persons  to  the  vengeance  of  the  enemy.  In  the 
morning  his  retreat  was  known  to  Captain  Ogden,  who 
took  possession  of  the  fort  and  sent  the  garrison  to  jail 
at  Easton. 

Captain  Ogden  now  endeavored  to  render  Fort  Wy- 
oming impregnable,  so  that  the  Yankees  could  not 
effectually  assail  it.  Vain  were  his  plan  and  hope,  for 
early  in  April  Captain  Zebulon  Butler,  with  Captain 
Stewart  as  an  assistant,  accompanied  by  one  hundred 
and  fifty  armed  men,  laid  vigorous  siege  to  Fort  Wyo- 
ming. Butler's  descent  had  been  made  so  secretly  that 
Captain  Ogden  had  not  the  slightest  notice  of  his  ap- 
proach ;  and  the  fort  was  so  completely  invested  that  no 
messenger  could  be  sent  to  the  proprietary.  The  fort 
was  completely  cut  off  and  the  only  cannon,  a  four- 
pounder,  which  had  been  carefully  hid  by  the  Yankees, 
was  put  in  position  ;  but  skillful  gunners  were  lacking, 


8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

and  it  was  not  effective.  Another  was  invented.  A 
large  pepperage  log  was  fashioned,  bored  and  hooped 
from  breech  to  muzzle  with  stout  bands  of  iron,  painted 
black  with  a  red  mouth,  and  mounted  on  a  wagon.  It 
looked  formidable  ;  in  truth,  it  was  quite  as  harmless  as 
the  bogus  guns  of  the  great  fortress  at  Pekin.  The 
first  discharge  excited  admiration  and  hope.  The 
second  time  the  gun  was  charged  more  heavily,  the 
cannon  split,  and  one  of  the  iron  bands  was  thrown 
across  the  river.  So  closely  invested  was  the  fort,  that 
not  a  man  ventured  for  food,  fuel  or  water  without  a 
volley  from  the  enemy.  Soon  the  garrison  felt  the 
pressure  of  actual  want.  During  the  darkness  of  the 
night  sufficient  water  was  brought  from  the  river  to  last 
through  the  day,  and  Ogden  determined  to  hold  out  to 
the  last.  But  his  stock  of  provisions  was  not  large 
and  surrender  seemed  inevitable.  Something  must  be 
done.  After  midnight  on  the  12th  of  July,  the  Yankee 
sentinels  saw  a  suspicious  object  floating  on  the  river. 
They  fired  a  volley,  but  it  produced  no  apparent  effect, 
the  thing  still  floated  gently  with  the  current.  The 
firing  was  discontinued  and  the  wonder  increased. 
Captain  Ogden  had  tied  his  clothes  in  a  bundle,  and 
fastened  his  hat  to  the  top.  To  this  he  tied  one  end  of 
a  string,  and  the  other  to  his  arm.  Noiselessly  going 
into  the  water,  he  swam  on  his  back  so  deeply  that  only 
his  lips  were  out  of  water.  The  movement  required  ex- 
traordinary skill  and  self-possession.  He  floated  down, 
drawing  after  him  the  bundle.  As  he  had  expected, 
this  drew  the  fire  of  his  foes.  When  beyond  danger  he 
dressed  himself  in  his  drenched  clothing,  perforated 
with  bullets,  and  on  the  third  day  was  in  the  city,  hav- 
ing traveled  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  through  an 
inhospitable  wilderness. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  q 

Men  and  provisions  were'hurried  forward  to  the  scene 
of  action.  Sentinels  were  stationed  in  proper  places  to 
watch  the  movements  of  Captain  Dick,  who,  with  pack- 
horses  laden  with  ammunition  and  provisions,  was 
coming  to  the  rescue.  An  ambush  was  laid  for  the 
newcomers.  Knowing  that  the  provisions  were  the  most 
important,  if  the  escort  could  be  driven  within  the  fort, 
where  they  would  assist  in  eating  up  the  scanty  rem- 
nant left,  and  if  the  new  supplies  could  be  cut  off,  the 
end  would  be  gained  without  bloodshed.  When  Dick 
with  his  party  had  nearly  reached  the  fort,  a  volley  had 
the  desired  effect.  Dick  and  Ogden,  with  about  twenty 
men,  rushed  for  the  fort,  while  their  pack-horses  with 
the  provisions,  that  were  in  the  rear,  were  captured. 
This  was  a  sad,  yet  ludicrous  ending  of  the  attempt  to 
secure  new  supplies.  Some  money  was  raised  from  the 
treasury,  to  enlist  new  recruits;  in  the  meantime  the 
siege  was  pushed  with  greater  vigor  than  ever.  Once 
more  blood  began  to  flow ;  Ogden  was  wounded. 
Finally,  on  the  14th  of  August,  the  fort  surrendered. 
Thus  the  Susquehanna  Company  was  again  in  posses- 
sion of  the  valley,  and  the  people  proceeded  with 
celerity  to  increase  their  settlements  and  consolidate 
their  power.     The  war  had  lasted  nearly  three  years. 

In  1775,  when  the  clouds  of  the  Revolution  began  to 
form,  and  all  energies  ought  to  have  united  to  repel  the 
common  foe,  another  effort  was  made  to  conquer  the 
valley.  Hitherto,  all  efforts  by  the  Province  had  been 
of  a  civil  character,  as  the  sheriffs  were  the  chief 
officers,  supported  by  the  military.  This  time  an  effort 
was  made  by  Colonel  Plnnket  with  a  much  larger 
force.  He  had  seven  hundred  armed  men,  with  the 
high    sheriff  of  Northumberland    as   the   civil    leader. 


IO  B1ST0R  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Several  boats  from  Wyoming,  trading  with  the  settle- 
ments below,  were  seized  on  passing  Fort  Augusta,  the 
modern  Sunbnry,  and  their  cargoes  confiscated.  Early 
in  December,  Plunket  started  on  his  expedition.  On 
the  20th,  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  Nescopeck  Creek. 
Congress  had  attempted  to  quiet  the  dispute,  but  their 
legislation  was  of  no  avail.  Plunkett  was  determined 
to  conquer.  On  the  23d  his  force  arrived  at  the  lower 
end  of  the  valley,  and  Colonel  Butler  had  mustered 
three  hundred  men  and  boys  for  its  defence.  As  there 
were  not  guns  enough  to  arm  all,  several  were  armed 
with  scythes  fastened  on  handles  projecting  straight  as 
possible,  a  formidable  weapon  in  the  hands  of  a  soldier 
close  to  his  enemy.  These  weapons  were  called  "  the 
end  of  time. ' '  Colonel  Butler  dispatched  Major  Garrett, 
his  second  in  command,  to  visit  Plunket  with  a  flag  of 
truce  and  to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  his  movements. 
He  answered  that  he  came  as  an  attendant  on  Sheriff 
Cooke,  who  was  authorized  to  arrest  several  persons  at 
Wyoming  for  violating  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania.  Gar- 
rett reported  that  the  enemy  outnumbered  the  Yankees 
more  than  two  to  one.  "  The  conflict  will  be  a  sharp 
one,  boys,"  said  Butler  ;  "I,  for  one,  am  ready  to  die  if 
need  be  for  my  country."  A  breastwork  had  been 
formed,  consisting  of  a  rampart  of  logs,  to  defend  the 
valley.  Plunket  determined  to  attack  in  front,  and 
while  doing  so  a  detachment,  which  was  sent  up  the 
mountain,  was  to  descend  and  turn  the  right  flank  of 
Butler's  force.  Forseeing  this  danger,  Butler  had 
guarded  against  it,  and  the  flanking  army  was  repelled. 
Finding  Butler's  position  too  strong  to  be  carried  by 
storm,  on  Christinas  day  Plunket  withdrew.  Thus 
ended  the  last  attempt  to  conquer  the  valley  by  force. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


II 


On  the  opening-  of  the  Revolution,  the  settlers  were 
ready  to  contend  against  Great  Britain.  Early  in  the 
conflict  efforts  had  been  made  to  gain  the  good  will  of 
the  Indians,  for  their  hostility  was  greatly  dreaded. 
Their  treachery  and  revenge  were  measureless,  owing  to 
their  long  list  of  genuine  grievances.  Commissioners 
were  sent  to  them,  meetings  were  held,  many  words 
spoken,  but  the  savage  heart  was  steeled  by  sixty  years' 
of  shameless  disregard  of  his  rights,  his  weaknesses  and 
his  wishes.  The  council  at  Onondaga  made  bold  pro- 
fessions of  peace ;  but  these  were  to  lull  the  frontiers 
into  security.  The  Indians  skulked  through  the  woods, 
and  hid  themselves  in  unexpected  places,  to  enjoy  the 
delicious  treat  of  shooting  a  man  without  warning. 
Their  vengeance  was  so  deep  and  deadly  that  no  treaty 
and  no  profession  was  worth  anything.  All  their  fine 
words  were  simply  decoys  for  continuing  their  old  game 
of  warfare.  They  hung  around  the  frontiers,  and  when- 
ever a  man  or  small  party  wandered  away  for  a  short 
distance,  too  often  he  fell  a  victim  to  his  relentless  foe. 
At  last,  the  State  felt  that  the  time  had  come  to  act. 
The  Indians  grew  bolder,  and  seemed  determined 
on  more  severe  action  against  the  frontier  settle- 
ments. The  Eighth  Pennsylvania  Regiment,  com- 
manded by  Colonel  Brodhead,  was  sent  to  Fort  Pitt, 
and  the  Fourth  was  sent  up  the  Susquehanna  to  Fort 
Augusta  to  reinforce  those  who  were  trying  to  protect 
themselves.  The  Indians  became  more  active;  they 
drove  the  men  under  cover  of  the  fort,  killing  three  and 
wounding  several  more.  They  burned  many  houses, 
killed  cattle  and  drove  off  the  horses.  Another  party 
of  Indians  killed  seven  of  the  militia  who  were  stationed 
near  Muncy  Hill  and  took  two  or  three  prisoners.     The 


I2  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

same  day  the  Indians  fired  at  thirteen  others  who  went 
to  hunt  their  horses  four  or  five  miles  from  Fort  Muncy, 
and  all  were  taken  or  killed  except  one  man.  In  this 
manner  was  the  frontier  harassed  by  the  savage  enemy. 
President  Reed  besought  Washington  for  aid  ;  in  reply 
he  was  informed  that  the  continental  force  was  too  weak 
to  permit  the  sending  of  any  troops  to  the  frontier,  and 
that  the  Province  ought  to  take  care  of  itself.  A  long 
correspondence  followed ;  the  Indians  grew  bolder ; 
finally  they  determined  to  invade  the  Valley  of  Wyom- 
ing. This  was  in  1778.  At  that  time  the  valley  had 
recovered  from  its  conflicts  with  the  authorities  of 
Pennsylvania.  Both  had  appealed  to  Congress,  and 
both  expected  that  in  due  time  Congress  would  settle 
the  question.  In  the  meantime  two  companies  of  sol- 
diers had  been  organized  for  home  defence.  No  sooner 
was  this  done,  than  they  were  "ordered  to  join  General 
Washington  with  all  possible  expedition."  General 
Washington's  army  was  extremely  weak ;  but  the 
frontier  was  left  in  a  helpless  condition.  Those  who 
planned  the  invasion  into  the  Wyoming  Valley  well 
understood  the  situation.  The  year  opened  in  peace  ; 
the  valley  was  cold,  and  covered  with  snow.  Smoke 
curled  upward  from  a  hundred  cottages.  The  barns  sur- 
rounded by  stacks  of  wheat  were  proof  of  abundance. 
Cattle  and  sheep  shared  in  the  plenty  of  those  fertile 
plains.  The  watch-dog  barked  fiercely  as  the  sled, 
drawn  by  a  span  of  horses  with  jingling  bells  and  a  load 
of  merry  girls  and  young  men,  passed  swiftly  along. 
The  wives  and  widows  of  those  who  had  gone  to  war  or 
fallen  in  the  strife  were  not  forgotten.  Coffee  was  not 
much  known  in  those  days,  but  the  exhilarating  tea 
graced  the  table  on  which  were  smoking   buckwheat 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  ^ 

cakes,  luscious  honeycomb,  venison  steak,  well-preserved 
shad,  boiled  chickens,  well-fatted  roasted  pigs,  and 
delicious  turkeys.  Some  of  the  soldiers  had  returned 
from  the  attack  at  Millstone  in  New  Jersey,  and  enter- 
tained the  villagers  with  vivid  accounts  of  their  victory. 
Burgoyue,  too,  had  surrendered  during  the  summer; 
and  while  this  was  a  cause  for  great  rejoicing,  it  was 
subdued  by  fears  that  the  Indians,  released  from  service 
in  the  northeast,  would  turn  their  dreaded  arms  on  the 
southern  and  western  frontiers. 

Early  in  the  spring  Congress  learned  of  a  meditated 
attack  on  Wyoming;  rumor  succeeded  rumor  that  the 
British  and  Indians  were  preparing  an  expedition  to 
destroy  the  settlement.  As  the  position  was  defenceless 
and  the  enemy  was  exasperated,  nothing  was  more 
probable.  Wyoming  was  an  important  barrier  between 
the  savages  and  the  German  settlements  below  the 
mountains,  and  if  that  were  destroyed,  the  enemy  could 
easily  make  incursions  into  Northampton  and  Berks, 
strike  a  blow,  and  then  retreat  into  the  impenetrable 
mountain  forests.  Prudence  therefore  warned  the 
settlers  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of  their  homes.  The 
two  companies  in  Washington's  army  earnestly  pleaded 
to  return.  Notwithstanding  the  danger,  they  were  not 
released.  In  March,  Congress  resolved  that  a  company 
of  foot  soldiers  be  raised  in  the  town  of  Westmoreland 
for  the  defence  of  the  town  and  the  settlement  of  the 
frontiers,  to  serve  one  year  from  the  time  of  their  enlist- 
ing. As  the  men  were  to  be  drawn  from  that  vicinity, 
the  defence  was  not  strengthened  by  a  single  man. 
Besides,  so  many  had  enlisted,  and  were  in  the  army, 
how  could  others  be  spared  from  the  fields? 

In  May,  parties  cutting  off  all  communication  with 


14  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  upper  country  hovered  around  the  settlements 
twenty  miles  distant  or  more.  Preparations  were  made 
for  the  invasion,  but  no  families  were  attacked,  and  no 
houses  were  burned.  Shots  were  exchanged  rarely,  as 
the  enemy  rather  kept  aloof  than  courted  battle.  Then 
two  Indians,  former  residents  of  Wyoming,  came  down 
with  their  squaws  on  a  visit,  and  professed  warm  friend- 
ship. The  settlers,  suspecting  they  were  spies,  care- 
fully watched  them.  An  old  companion  of  one  of 
them,  with  more  than  Indian  cunning,  gave  his  visitor 
sufficient  drink  to  unloosen  his  tongue,  whereupon  he 
avowed  that  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  destroy 
the  settlement. 

The  people  in  the  outer  settlements  fled  to  the  forts, 
and  the  wives  of  the  soldiers  sent  messengers,  calling 
on  them  by  every  tender  tie  to  come  home.  Still  Con- 
gress and  Connecticut,  with  more  than  the  obstinacy  of 
Pharaoh,  would  not  let  the  companies  go.  On  hearing 
this  last  message  from  their  loved  ones,  the  men  became 
desperate;  every  commissioned  officer  except  two  re- 
signed, and  more  than  twenty-five  of  the  men,  with  or 
without  leave,  left  the  ranks  and  hastened  to  the 
valley. 

The  enemy  concentrated  at  Newtown  and  Tioga.  The 
forts  were  filled  with  women  and  children.  There  was 
only  one  cannon,  a  four  pounder,  which  was  in  Wilkes- 
Barre  Fort.  The  indispensable  labors  of  the  field  were 
performed  by  armed  men.  It  was  certain  that  the  at- 
tack would  be  made,  but  the  time  was  unknown.  The 
enemy  could  descend  the  river  when  it  was  slightly 
swollen,  at  the  speed  of  five  miles  an  hour,  and  there- 
fore could  be  in  the  valley  within  a  day  after  leaving 
their  camp.     As  there  always  was  a  rise  of  water  in 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  jr 

June,  the  settlers  supposed  that  during  "  the  June  fresh" 
they  would  embark. 

The  Seuecas  were  the  chief  nation  engaged  in  the  ex- 
pedition, with  detachments  from  the  Mohawks  and 
other  tribes.  While  they  were  concentrating  at  Tioga, 
a  delegation  of  Seneca  chiefs,  daring  to  presume  on  the 
kindness  and  inefficiency  of  Congress,  went  to  Phila- 
delphia to  amuse  the  members  and  put  them  off  their 
guard  by  negotiating  a  new  treaty.  By  such  deceitful 
conduct  tliey  hoped  to  lull  Congress  into  the  belief  that 
there  was  no  danger,  and  therefore  no  need  of  sending 
troops  to  the  frontier,  nor  did  they  leave  the  city  until 
the  fatal  blow  had  been  struck. 

The  enemy  numbered  four  hundred  British  provin- 
cials, consisting  of  Colonel  John  Butler's  Rangers  and  a 
detachment  of  Sir  John  Johnson's  Royal  Greens  ;  the 
rest  were  Tories  from  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and 
New  York,  with  six  or  seven  hundred  Indians. 
Descending  the  Susquehanna  from  Tioga,  they  landed 
below  the  mouth  of  Bowman's  Creek,  twenty  miles 
above  the  valley.  Securing  their  boats,  they  marched 
across  the  peninsula  formed  by  the  river,  and  arrived  on 
the  Western  Mountain  during  the  evening  near  the  end 
of  June.  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  assumed  the  command 
of  the  settlers.  His  little  army  consisted  of  four  com- 
panies, none  of  them  having  more  than  fifty  men.  Two 
forts  had  already  surrendered,  and  unless  something 
were  done,  each  man  would  fly  to  the  protection  of  his 
own  family.  Nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  waiting 
for  the  coming:  of  reinforcements.  As  the  settlers 
approached  the  enemy,  they  perceived  that  the  fort  at 
Wintermoot's,  located  in  a  notch  in  the  mountain,  was 
in  flames.     Here  were  two  plains  ;  the  upper  and  lower, 


rf  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

divided  by  a  bank  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  high.  After 
forming  his  plan  of  attack  on  the  upper  plain,  Colonel 
Butler  made  a  brief  address  to  the  soldiers:  "Men, 
yonder  is  the  enemy.  We  have  come  out  to  fight,  not 
only  for  liberty,  but  for  life  itself,  and  what  is  dearer,  to 
preserve  our  homes  from  conflagration,  and  our  women 
and  children  from  the  tomahawk.  Stand  firm  the  first 
shot,  and  the  Indians  will  give  way.  livery  man  to  his 
duty."  The  enemy  were  commanded  by  Colonel  John 
Butler,  who,  divested  of  feathers  and  finery,  appeared  on 
the  ground  with  a  handkerchief  tied  around  his  head. 
A  flanking  party  of  Indian  marksmen  were  concealed 
among  logs  and  bushes  under  the  bank.  At  four  in  the 
afternoon  the  battle  began.  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler  or- 
dered his  men  to  fire,  and  at  each  discharge  to  advance 
a  step.  As  the  men  advanced,  the  British  line  gave  way; 
but  the  Indian  flanking  party,  from  their  hiding  places, 
did  effective  work.  Within  half  an  hour  the  superiority 
of  the  enemy's  force  was  developed.  The  Indians  had 
completely  outflanked  the  left,  and  the  wing  was  thrown 
into  confusion.  An  order  was  given  that  one  of  the 
companies  should  wheel  back  so  as  to  form  an  angle 
with  the  main  line,  and  thus  present  its  front,  instead 
of  flank  to  the  enemy  To  perform  such  an  evolution 
under  a  hot  fire  is  a  difficult  feat,  and  as  soon  as  the 
attempt  was  made,  the  savages  rushed  forward  with 
horrid  yells.  Some  had  mistaken  the  order  to  fall  back 
for  one  to  retreat,  and  that  fatal  word  ran  along  the 
line.  Utter  confusion  now  prevailed  on  the  left.  Col- 
onel Zebulon  Butler  threw  himself  between  the  fires 
of  the  opposing  ranks,  and  rode  up  and  down  the  line 
in  the  most  reckless  exposure.  "  Don't  leave  me,  my 
children,"  he  said,  "and  the  victory   is  ours;"  but  it 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  ln 

was  too  late.  Still,  the  men  on  the  left  held  their 
ground,  though  resistance  was  hopeless.  The  enemy 
were  too  numerous ;  every  captain  had  fallen.  The 
men  had  fought  bravely,  but  were  overpowered  by  a 
force  three-fold  their  own. 

After  the  battle  followed  the  massacre.  A  portion  of 
the  Indian  flanking  party  pushed  forward  in  the  rear  of 
the  line  to  cut  off  retreat  to  the  fort,  and  then  pressed 
the  retreating  army  towards  the  river.  The  bank  of 
the  river  by  the  fort  was  lined  by  anxious  wives  and 
mothers.  A  few  swam  over  and  escaped.  Others  were 
too  closely  pressed  and  were  killed  in  the  river.  Many 
were  lured  to  the  shore  by  the  promise  of  quarter,  and 
then  butchered.  One  hundred  and  sixty  were  killed, 
one  hundred  and  forty  escaped.  Captain  Bidlack  was 
thrown  alive  on  burning  logs,  held  down  with  pitch- 
forks, and  tortured  until  he  expired.  Prisoners  taken 
with  the  solemn  promise  of  quarter  were  gathered 
together  and  placed  in  circles.  Sixteen  or  eighteen 
were  arranged  around  one  large  stone,  since  known  as 
the  Bloody  Rock.  Surrounded  by  a  body  of  Indians, 
Queen  Esther  assumed  the  office  of  executioner,  and 
with  the  tomahawk  she  passed  around  the  circle,  dash- 
ing out  the  brains,  or  sinking  the  tomahawk  into  the 
head  of  the  prisoner.  A  number  had  fallen,  and  her 
rage  increased.  Seeing  that  there  was  no  hope,  four  of 
them,  with  a  sudden  spring,  shook  off  the  Indians  who 
held  them,  and  fled  for  the  thicket.  Rifles  cracked, 
Indians  yelled,  and  tomahawks  flew,  but  they  escaped. 
The  bodies  of  fourteen  were  found  around  the  rock 
where  they  had  fallen,  scalped  and  mangled,  and  nine 
more  were  found  in  a  circle  not  far  off. 
2 


IS  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

The  next  day,  on  the  3d  of  July,  Captain  Franklin 
arrived  at  Forty  Fort  with  a  company  of  thirty-five, 
which  gave  steadiness  to  the  broken  remnant.  It  was 
determined  to  concentrate  all  at  the  fort,  the  largest  in 
the  valley,  and  defend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity. 
A  messenger  soon  returned  and  reported  that  this  was 
impracticable,  for  fugitives  were  flying  in  every  direc- 
tion to  the  wilderness.  Consternation  and  horror 
reigned.  The  only  hope  of  safety  seemed  to  be  in 
flight.  The  way  toward  Wind  Gap  and  Stroudsburg 
was  crowded.  Soon  they  began  to  suffer  from  fatigue 
and  hunger.  Many  perished  on  the  way,  and  the  story 
of  the  retreat  of  these  fugitives  is  one  of  the  saddest  in 
all  history. 

Early  in  the  morning  after  the  battle,  Colonel  John 
Butler  sent  a  detachment  across  the  river  to  Pittston, 
and  Captain  Blanchard  surrendered  on  terms  of  fair 
capitulation.  In  the  afternoon  Forty  Fort  was  sur- 
rendered. As  there  was  a  quantity  of  whiskey  in  the 
fort,  Colonel  John  Butler  desired  that  it  might  be  de- 
stroyed, for  he  feared  the  consequences  if  the  Indians 
should  become  intoxicated.  It  was  emptied  into  the 
river. 

The  gates  of  the  fort  were  thrown  open,  and  what 
arms  could  be  found,  including  those  of  Franklin's  men 
who  had  retreated,  were  piled  up  in  the  centre.  At  the 
appointed  time  the  victors  approached  with  colors  fly- 
ing and  music  playing.  A  column  of  white  men  four 
abreast  were  on  the  left;  on  the  right  were  the  savages 
in  four  files.  The  whites  were  headed  by  Colonel 
Butler,  and  the  Indians  by  Queen  Esther.  Immedi- 
ately on  entering  the  fort  the  Tories  seized  the  arms. 
An  order  from  Colonel  Butler  to  replace  them  was  fol- 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  2q 

lowed  by  an  address  to  the  Indians,  "  See  a  present  the 
Yankees  have  made  you,"  and  they  took  possession  of 
them. 

In  a  few  hours  after  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  the 
Indians  began  to  plunder.  Colonel  Butler  gave  per- 
emptory orders  to  the  chief  to  stop;  after  another  inef- 
fectual effort  Colonel  Butler  said,  "I  can  do  nothing 
with  them."  Every  hour  they  grew  bolder  and  more 
insolent.  Finding  his  commands  disregarded,  and  his 
authority  set  at  naught,  Colonel  Butler  withdrew  from 
the  plains.  Perhaps  his  retreat  was  hastened  by  fear  of 
an  attack,  but  the  stronger  probability  is  that  he  sought 
to  restrain  the  savages  as  much  as  possible  from  their 
bloody  work  by  leaving  the  valley. 

This  bold  partisan  leader  was  in  strange  company, 
for  he  had  descended  from  the  family  of  the  Duke  of 
Ormond.  With  a  rough  visage,  fat  and  below  the 
middle  stature,  yet  active,  he  was  an  agreeable  rather 
than  a  forbidding  man.  Nervous,  he  spoke  quickly,  re- 
peating his  words  when  he  was  excited.  Of  all  the 
leaders,  white  or  Indian,  from  whom  the  Americans 
suffered  in  revolutionary  or  pre-revolutionary  times,  "the 
great  Duke  of  Ormond' s"  descendant  was  the  most 
atrocious.  And  yet  he  could  have  demanded  severer 
terms.  The  settlement  was  wholly  at  his  mercy.  He 
withdrew  his  own  men  without  taking  any  plunder. 
Nor  could  he  have  checked  the  savages.  His  great  and 
unpardonable  crime  was  in  arming  and  taking  com- 
mand of  blood-thirsty  and  unprincipled  savages,  who 
he  knew,  in  the  event  of  success,  could  not  be  re- 
strained. Yet  if  his  conduct  has  been  so  bitterly  con- 
demned by  every  historian,  what  must  be  said  of  the 
strange  forgetfulness  of  Congress  and  of  the  Governor  of 


20  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Pennsylvania,  in  leaving  the  valley  a  prey  to  such  an 
invader? 

Notwithstanding  the  awfulness  of  the  scene,  the  de- 
parture of  the  Indians  from  the  valley  was  as  ludicrous 
as  it  was  melancholy.  Mounted  astride  on  horses, 
squaws  brought  up  the  rear,  with  belts  of  scalps 
stretched  on  small  hoops  around  their  waists  for  girdles, 
and  each  wearing  four,  five,  six  or  more  dresses  of 
chintz  or  silk,  one  over  the  other;  having  on  their 
heads  three,  four  or  five  bonnets,  one  within  the  other, 
with  the  wrong  side  in  front.  In  this  style  and  fashion 
they  departed  from  the  scene  of  their  awful  work. 

One  of  the  persons  taken  captive  was  a  little  girl, 
whose  brothers  survived  the  dreadful  day.  They  often 
wondered  concerning  her  fate.  Every  now  and  then 
tidings  floated  eastward  of  a  captive  girl  who  had  been 
carried  into  the  far  regions  of  the  West,  and  was  still 
alive.  Year  after  year  they  were  continually  looking 
and  hoping.  At  last,  in  their  old  age,  she  was  dis- 
covered to  be  with  Indians  in  the  far-off  Illinois 
country.  They  went  and  inquired  for  her.  Her  finger 
had  been  injured  during  childhood,  and  when  at 
seventy-five  years  of  age  she  was  asked  to  show  her 
hands  to  them,  they  knew  from  the  singular  injury  that 
they  had  found  their  long-lost  sister.  They  invited  her 
to  return,  but  knowing  only  an  Indian's  life,  and  hav- 
ing always  been  kindly  treated,  she  desired  to  spend 
her  last  days  with  her  captors. 

At  last,  it  was  determined  to  take  active  and  efficient 
measures  to  protect  the  frontiers.  Colonel  Hartley, 
with  the  New  Eleventh  Regiment,  as  the  body  was 
called,  was  directed  to  go  to  Sunbury,  and  from  that 
point  endeavor  to  protect,  as  far  as  possible,  the  people 
from  Indian  slaughter  and  plunder. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  2I 

The  frontier  was  very  long,  from  Wyoming  to 
Allegheny,  for  a  small  body  of  two  hundred  men  to 
defend.  Never  was  a  regiment  more  actively  engaged. 
In  his  report  to  Congress  he  says  :  "  We  waded  or  swam 
the  River  Lycoming  upwards  of  twenty  times.  The 
difficulties  in  crossing  the  Alps,  or  going  up  the  Ken- 
nebec, could  not  have  been  greater  than  those  our  men 
experienced  for  the  time."  In  lonely  woods  and  groves 
were  found  the  haunts  and  lurking-places  of  the  savage 
murderers  who  had  desolated  the  frontier.  Colonel 
Hartley  "  saw  the  huts  where  they  had  dressed  and 
dried  the  scalps  of  the  helpless  women  and  children 
who  had  fallen  into  their  hands."  On  several  occasions 
the  Indians  were  attacked ;  some  were  killed,  others 
were  taken  prisoners ;  Tioga  was  burned,  and  also 
Qneen  Esther's  palace.  If  he  had  had  five  hundred 
regular  troops,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  more  light 
ones,  with  a  piece  or  two  of  artillery,  he  could  have 
destroyed  Chemung,  which  was  the  "  receptacle  of  all 
villanous  Indians  and  Tories  from  the  different  tribes 
and  states.  From  this  place  they  made  their  excursions 
against  the  frontier  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
and  committed  those  horrid  murders  and  desecrations 
with  which  the  people  had  become  so  familiar." 

The  Eighth  Pennsylvania  Regiment  had  been  organ- 
ized to  defend  the  western  frontier,  and  was  to  garrison 
the  posts  of  Presque  Isle,  Le  Boeuf  and  Kittanning. 
Seven  companies  were  raised  in  Westmoreland,  and  one 
in  Bedford.  No  sooner  was  the  Regiment  raised  than  it 
was  ordered  to  join  General  Washington.  On  the  5th 
of  March,  1777,  the  Regiment  was  ordered  to  Fort  Pitt, 
and  by  direction  of  General  Mcintosh,  Colonel  Brodhead, 
the  commander,  made  a  detour  up  the  West  Branch  of 


2  2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

the  Susquehanna  to  attack  the  savages  who  were  ravag- 
ing- Wyoming  and  the  West  Branch  Valley.  He  en- 
tered Penn's  Valley,  one  of  the  loveliest  in  the  State, 
where  two  of  his  soldiers  who  had  participated  in 
the  campaign  against  Burgoyne  were  killed  by  the 
Indians  in  sight  of  Potter's  Fort.  Soon  afterwards, 
relieved  by  Colonel  Hartley's  Regiment,  he  went  to 
Fort  Pitt.  At  a  later  period  the  Regiment  did  valiant 
service  in  attacking  and  defeating  the  Indians  in  that 
section  of  the  State.  The  soldiers  went  down  the  Ohio 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Beaver,  and  there  built  Fort  Mc- 
intosh, and  the  following  year  Fort  L,awrence  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Muskingum. 

Meantime,  in  the  East  it  was  determined  to  chastise 
the  Indians.  To  that  end  a  large  force  was  collected 
under  the  command  of  General  Sullivan,  which  was  to 
march  into  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country,  and,  if  pos- 
sible, attack  them  and  destroy  their  villages.  For 
centuries  they  had  lived  at  the  head-waters  of  the 
Susquehanna,  the  Delaware  and  the  Mohawk,  on  the 
delightful  borders  of  the  smaller  lakes.  The  great 
head,  where  the  council-fire  was  held,  was  at  Onondaga. 
By  the  end  of  July  the  force  was  organized  and  ready  to 
march.  One  hundred  and  twenty  boats  had  been 
equipped  for  the  expedition.  The  army  consisted  of 
three  brigades.  The  first,  commanded  by  General  Poor, 
consisted  of  New  England  troops;  the  second  was  a  New 
Jersey  brigade,  under  the  command  of  General  Maxwell ; 
and  the  third  was  General  Hand's.  In  this  brigade  were 
the  Pennsylvania  regiments  of  Colonel  Richard  Butler, 
Colonel  Hartley,  Colonel  Hubley  and  the  German  Bat- 
talion. Besides  these  regiments  was  Colonel  Procter's 
Artillery,    a   detachment   from   Morgan's   Rifle   Corps, 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  2, 

commanded  by  Major  Parr,  which  included  a  number 
of  expert  riflemen  from  Wyoming;  Captain  Spalding's 
Westmoreland  Independent  Company,  Captain  Schott's 
Company  of  Riflemen,  and  a  company  of  Wyoming 
militia,  the  whole  force  numbering  thirty-five  hundred 
men.  The  army  assembled  at  Wyoming  and  marched 
up  the  east  side  of  the  river.  On  the  first  night  the 
army  encamped  at  the  junction  of  the  Susquehanna 
and  Lackawanna ;  on  the  9th  at  Queen  Esther's 
Plains  or  Sheshequiu,  and  on  the  nth  the  soldiers 
reached  Tioga  Point,  after  wading  the  Susquehanna  to 
their  armpits,  carrying  their  cartridge-boxes  aloft  on 
their  bayonets.     Here  they  encamped. 

General  James  Clinton,  who  had  wintered  on  the 
Mohawk,  advanced  to  Otsego  Lake,  the  head  of  the 
Susquehanna,  and  built  two  hundred  batteaux,  and  dam- 
ming up  the  outlet,  prepared  an  artificial  rise  on  which 
he  was  borne  downward  one  hundred  miles.  On  the 
22d  of  August  his  troops  were  welcomed  by  a  salute  of 
artillery  from  those  of  General  Sullivan.  Among  them 
were  the  Fourth  Pennsylvania  Regiment  and  a  detach- 
ment from  Morgan's  Rifles  that  had  been  sent  to 
Schoharie  to  chastise  the  Indians  soon  after  the  battle 
of  Monmouth. 

At  Tioga  Point  a  strong  stockade  was  erected,  where 
all  the  stores  not  absolutely  needed  were  placed.  Two 
or  three  cannon  were  mounted,  arrangements  were 
made  for  the  sick,  and  then  the  army  passed  beyond  the 
river  mountains,  and  reached  an  open  country.  The 
only  stand  made  by  the  Indians  was  at  Newtown, 
eighteen  miles  from  Tioga  Point,  on  the  Tioga  or 
Chemung  River.  Colonel  John  Butler,  his  son,  the 
two  Johnsons,   besides  others,  commanded  the  British 


2  4  HIS  TOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  V.  iNIA . 

Tories.  Brant  was  at  the  head  of  the  Indian  warriors 
of  the  Six  Nations.  On  the  north  side  of  the 
river  there  was  a  bend,  forming  almost  a  right  angle ; 
here  the  enemy  had  a  breastwork  nearly  half  a  mile 
long,  and  was  prepared  for  the  decisive  battle.  Their 
right  and  rear  were  guarded  by  the  stream  ;  only  their 
left  was  exposed,  and  to  protect  this,  bodies  of  sharp- 
shooters were  stationed  on  the  neighboring  hills.  To 
mask  their  works,  pine  shrubs  had  been  cut  and  stuck 
up  in  front  as  though  they  were  growing.  Major  Parr 
having  discovered  the  Indian  line  of  defence,  General 
Sullivan  gave  orders  to  General  Poor  to  scale  the  hills 
on  his  right,  and  then  to  fall  on  the  left  flank  and  rear 
of  the  enemy.  Procter  with  his  artillery  took  up  a 
position  to  render  his  work  effective,  while  Parr,  with 
his  rifle  corps,  was  soon  engaged.  The  enemy  stood  their 
ground  with  determined  resolution  until  the  decisive 
movements  of  Poor  cleared  the  hills  and  uncovered  their 
flank,  when  they  immediately  fled.  The  true  Indian 
character  appeared.  Cunning  and  patient,  impetuous 
and  terrible  in  attack,  overbearing  and  cruel  in  victory, 
so  when  they  are  defeated  and  broken-spirited  they  are 
cowards,  and  no  power  can  rally  them.  No  serious 
attempt  was  afterwards  made  to  check  the  advance  of 
the  army. 

There  was  no  delay.  The  army  was  in  the  Indian 
country,  and  hundred  of  fields  teeming  with  corn,  beans 
and  other  vegetables  were  laid  waste.  Great  orchards 
abounded,  and  near  the  town,  between  the  Seneca 
and  Cayuga  Lakes,  were  fifteen  hundred  peach-trees 
heavily  laden  with  fruit.  All  were  cut  down.  Deeply 
were  the  Indians  made  to  drink  of  the  cup  they 
had  so  often  forced  to  the  lips  of  the  frontier  settlers. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  2r 

Though  the  soldiers  were  active,  the  number  of  Indian 
towns  and  quantity  of  produce  to  be  destroyed  were  so 
great  that  they  were  fully  employed  a  month  in  accom- 
plishing their  work.  Nearly  160,000  bushels  of  corn 
were  destroyed,  besides  towns  and  villages.  The  farthest 
point  of  advance  was  Genesee  Castle,  at  the  large  flats 
on  the  river  bearing  that  name. 

Having  destroyed  all  the  huts  and  crops,  the  army 
withdrew  from  the  country.  Meanwhile  Colonel  Brod- 
head  had  laid  waste  the  country  along  the  Allegheny, 
inhabited  by  Mingo,  Muncy  and  Seneca  Indians. 
With  six  or  seven  hundred  men  he  advanced  two  hun- 
dred miles  up  the  river,  destroying  villages  and  corn- 
fields. Unable  to  resist  his  army,  after  one  skirm- 
ish they  abandoned  their  villages,  and  sought  safety  in 
the  woods. 

Sullivan  returned  with  his  troops  to  Standing  Stone 
Bottom.  On  the  5th  of  October  the  whole  army,  in- 
cluding the  New  York  Brigade,  except  those  in  charge 
of  the  pack-horses,  embarked  on  board  the  boats,  and 
floated  down  the  Susquehanna,  cheered  by  songs  and 
music.  It  was  hoped  that  the  Indians  would  go  further 
westward.  Though  they  ceased  to  terrorize  over  the 
inhabitants  of  the  frontier,  yet  their  annoyances  con- 
tinued until  the  end. 

After  the  closing  of  the  war,  the  contest  between  the 
dwellers  in  the  Wyoming  Valley  and  the  authorities  of 
Pennsylvania  was  wisely  submitted  to  arbitration.  The 
Supreme  Executive  Council  prayed  Congress  to  appoint 
commissioners  "to  constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and 
determining  the  matter  in  question,  agreeably  to  the 
9th  article  of  the  Confederation."  Five  men  were  ap- 
pointed  to  meet  at  Trenton  in  November,   1782,  and 


26  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

they  were  in  session  forty-one  judicial  days.  On  the 
30th  of  December  they  pronounced  the  following  judg- 
ment:  "We  are  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the  State 
of  Connecticut  has  no  right  to  the  lands  in  controversy. 
We  are  also  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the  jurisdic- 
tion and  preemption  of  all  the  territory  lying  within  the 
charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  and  now  claimed  by 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  do  of  right  belong  to  the 
S^te  of  Pennsylvania."  Thus  ended  the  long  contro- 
versy for  the  lovely  Valley  of  the  Wyoming. 

Of  the  frontier  it  may  be  truly  said  that  it  was  a 
seven  years'  battle-ground  with  the  Indians  during  the 
Revolution.  The  remains  of  burnt  houses,  abandoned 
fields  overgrown  with  weeds,  fences  broken  down,  men, 
women  and  children  slain,  silence  and  desolation  in 
many  a  place  of  once  joyful  industry — these  were  the 
depressing  mementos  of  Indian  warfare.  Though  the 
records  of  the  incessant  encounters  with  the  Indians  are 
scanty,  enough  exist  to  show  that,  besides  the  military 
organizations  already  described,  many  companies  of 
rangers  were  formed  to  protect  families  living  in  forts 
and  toilers  in  the  fields. 

Nor  did  the  Pennsylvania  soldiers  circumscribe  their 
Indian  fighting  to  the  State.  An  expedition  was  organ- 
ized in  Virginia  to  destroy  the  Indian  villages  on  the 
Sandusky  River.  President  Reed  listened  with  favor  to 
the  enterprise,  though  its  ultimate  object  was  to  extend 
the  western  boundary  of  Virginia.  General  Clarke,  a 
Virginian,  was  chosen  commander  of  the  expedition, 
though  many  of  the  soldiers  who  accompanied  him 
lived  on  the  disputed  borderland  of  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania. About  one  hundred  volunteers  from  West- 
moreland, under  the  command  of  Colonel  Lochry,  also 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  INDIANS.  27 

enlisted.  They  started  fur  Fort  Henry  (now  Wheeling), 
where  they  expected  to  join  the  forces  of  General 
Clarke ;  but  he  had  arrived  first  and,  after  waiting 
several  days,  continued  westward.  Lochry  followed, 
but  the  Indians,  discovering  the  smallness  of  his  force, 
attacked  him,  killed  forty-two  and  took  sixty-four 
prisoners.  Clarke,  weakened  by  desertions,  by  Lochry's 
overthrow,  and  by  the  non-arrival  of  reinforcements 
from  Kentucky,  abandoned  the  enterprise. 

The  spirit  of  invasion,  once  aroused,  could  not  be 
easily  quelled.  In  an  evil  hour  it  was  determined  to 
destroy  the  Moravian  towns  on  the  Muskingum  River. 
The  real  or  pretended  reason  for  destroying  them  was 
the  shelter  they  afforded  to  hostile  Indians.  Most  of 
the  soldiers  who  took  part  in  this  unhallowed  work 
were  from  Washington  county,  with  Colonel  David 
Williamson  for  a  commander.  Not  content  with 
destroying  them,  the  next  year  the  Sandusky  enterprise 
was  renewed  under  the  leadership  of  Colonel  William 
Crawford  of  Westmoreland  County.  With  him  were 
four  hundred  and  eighty  men,  enlisted  from  western' 
Pennsylvania,  chiefly  from  Washington  County.  On 
Sandusky  Plains  he  met  his  foe,  was  defeated  and  com- 
pelled to  retreat.  On  the  second  day,  Colonel  Crawford, 
Dr.  Knight  and  seven  others  were  captured.  Knight 
escaped,  but  Crawford's  fate  was  dreadful,  for  he  was 
roasted  at  a  stake.  Rarely  has  Nemesis  so  swiftly  and 
terribly  avenged  a  great  wrong,  as  she  did  the  destruc- 
tion of  Gnadenhiitten.1 

1,1  For  a  full  account  of  these  expeditions,  see  Crumrine's  Wash- 
ington County,  Ch.  VII.  and  VIII  ;  Albert's  County  of  Westmore- 
land, Ch.  XXV  ;  Butterfield's  Expedition  against  Sandusky  ;  Rosen- 
thal's Journal  of  a  Volunteer  Expedition  to  Sandusky  ;  Pa.  Archives, 
Vol.  14,  2d  Series,  p.  681. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE   SUPREME   EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL  AND  THE 
GENERAL   ASSEMBLY. 

Section  I. 

The  Presidencies  of   Wharton  t  Bryan  and  Reed. 
1777-1781. 

The  war  of  the  Revolution  was  simply  one  step, 
the  most  palpable  and  daring,  in  a  revolution  begun 
long  before  and  still  in  hopeful  progress.  A  venerable 
order,  resting  on  personal  authority,  had  passed  away, 
and  once  more  the  representative  institutions  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  for  many  centuries  sunk  out  of  sight,  ap- 
peared above  the  subsiding  waves.  Their  form  was  in- 
deed greatly  changed,  but  their  essential  principle  was 
the  same.  Again  could  the  people  choose  their  own 
rulers.  Thus  acting,  as  possessors  of  supreme  political 
power,  they  chose  Thomas  Wharton,  Jr.,  on  February 
14,  1777,  the  first  President  of  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council.  On  the  5th  of  March  he  was  inaugurated 
with  imposing  ceremonies,  by  the  style  of  "His  Excel- 
lency, Thomas  Wharton,  Jr.,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Su- 
preme Executive  Council  of  the  Commonwealth  of 
Pennsylvania,  Captain-General  and  Commander-in- 
Chief  in  and  over  the  same."  From  an  early  hour  the 
people  began  to  assemble  at  the  court-house.  On  all 
the  highways  in  the  surrounding  country  might  be  seen 
farmers  driving  toward   the  city  to  behold  the  novel 

(28) 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  2Q 

scene.  Converging  to  the  same  place,  with  what  good- 
natured  impatience  did  they  wait  for  some  sign  of  the 
great  event  they  had  come  to  witness.  The  first  pres- 
ident, would  he  also  be  the  last?  This  question  was 
doubtless  addressed  by  more  than  one  bystander  to  an- 
other. At  length,  the  hour  for  the  simple,  yet  impress- 
ive ceremony  arrived.  The  first  to  appear  was  the  high 
sheriff,  at  whose  bidding  the  confusing  hum  ceased. 
The  president  and  speaker  of  the  Assembly  then 
came  forward.  The  next  actor  was  the  clerk  of  the 
House,  who  declared  the  election  of  the  President  and 
Vice-President  by  the  General  Assembly  and  Supreme 
Executive  Council.  The  announcement  was  followed 
with  a  heavy  roar  from  thirteen  cannon  and  the  depart- 
ure of  the  people  for  the  city  tavern,  where  an  enter- 
tainment was  provided  by  order  of  the  Assembly.  To 
this  the  members  of  the  Congress,  then  in  the  city,  and 
the  general  officers  of  the  continental  army  were  in- 
vited. Seventeen  toasts  were  drunk,  and  there  was 
more  cannon-firing  and  bell-ringing.  In  this  manner 
was  inaugurated  the  first  chief  magistrate  under  the 
new  constitution. 

Wharton  had  long  shown  his  interest  in  the  revolu- 
tionary movement.  He  had  served  as  a  member  of  the 
committee  of  correspondence,  and  of  the  committee  of 
safety  ;  also  in  the  provincial  convention  of  deputies 
that  framed  the  constitution.  When  the  council  of 
safety  superseded  the  committee  of  safety,  by  the  order 
of  the  provincial  convention,  Wharton  was  chosen 
president  of  the  council.  Untiring  in  the  public  service, 
by  his  many  well-performed  labors  he  had  proved  his 
fitness  to  direct  the  destinies  of  the  infant  State.  The 
way  before  him  was  difficult,  and  a  less  hopeful  spirit 


30  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

would  have  shrunk  from  the  heavy  task.  Politically, 
he  was  a  Moderate  Constitutionalist.  Though  partici- 
pating in  the  making  of  the  constitution,  he  was  not 
classed  as  a  radical;  to  his  opponents,  therefore,  he  was 
more  acceptable  than  a  man  of  stronger  type.  In  a 
letter  to  St.  Clair  soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  consti- 
tution, he  said  :  "There  are  many  faults  which  I  hope 
one  day  to  see  removed ;  but  it  is  true  that  if  the  gov- 
ernment should  at  this  time  be  overset,  it  would  be 
attended  with  the  worst  consequences,  not  only  to  this 
State,  but  to  the  whole  continent  in  the  opposition  we 
are  making  to  Great  Britain.  If  a  better  frame  of  gov- 
ernment could  be  adopted,  such  a  one  as  would  please  a 
much  greater  majority  than  the  present  one,  I  should  be 
very  happy  in  seeing  it  brought  about."  This  letter 
reveals  his  character,  his  willingness  to  serve  the  State, 
to  preserve  harmony  among  all,  and  to  strengthen  the 
cause  he  loved  so  well. 

Perhaps  a  stronger  war  spirit  prevailed  during  Whar- 
ton's administration  than  at  a  later  period,  yet  the  diffi- 
culties were  great,  caused  by  the  hopeless  division  of 
parties.  Naturally,  those  who  had  been  retired  were 
unwilling  to  support  their  political  enemies.  Even 
though  desiring  their  country's  independence,  their  dis- 
like for  their  victors  was  too  great  for  them  to  render 
more  than  a  half-hearted  service.  Though  Pennsyl- 
vania was  the  richest  in  means  for  carrying  on  the  war 
of  all  the  states,  it  was  benumbed  by  political  discord. 
The  long  existing  spirit  of  personal  antagonism  was 
not  hushed,  even  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy.  In 
truth,  to  quarrel  among  themselves  seemed  to  be  their 
natural  mood.  Thus  divided,  the  prospect  of  succeed- 
ing grew  darker,  but  Wharton's  hope  did  not  fail  and 
he  sought  to  infuse  in  others  his  own  sanguine  spirit. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ,x 

One  of  the  most  important  departments  of  the  new 
government  to  set  np  was  the  judicial  ;  yet  this  was  not 
done  until  four  mouths  after  the  adoption  of  the  consti- 
tution. No  courts  had  beeu  held  for  more  than  a  year, 
and  many  persons  were  living  in  prison  awaiting  their 
trial.  In  January,  1777,  the  Assembly  declared  that  the 
various  courts  should  be  "held  and  kept"  at  the  same 
times  and  places  as  before.  All  the  officers  of  the  old 
government  were  set  aside  except  the  trustees  of  the 
loan-office,  and  others  were  appointed  by  the  President 
and  council.  All  actions  that  had  been  pending  were 
continued,  and  bonds  given  by  the  provincial  officers 
were  declared  to  be  valid.  The  provincial  laws  were 
still  in  full  force  and  also  "the  common  law  and  such 
of  the  statute  laws  of  England"  as  did  not  pertain  to 
royal  allegiance  and  proprietary  authority,  treason  or 
the  direction  of  any  legal  process.  A  new  seal  was 
ordered  for  the  supreme  court  "  having  the  arms  of  the 
State  engraven  thereon,  with  other  devices,"  prepared 
by  the  direction  of  the  supreme  court  justices.  Joseph 
Reed,  whose  fame  as  a  lawyer  had  been  briefly  eclipsed 
by  his  military  career,  was  appointed  chief  justice.  He 
felt,  however,  "an  insuperable  difficulty  to  enter  into  an 
engagement  of  the  most  solemn  nature,  leading  to  the 
support  and  confirmation  of  an  entire  system  of  govern- 
ment which  "  he  could  not  wholly  approve.  So  Thomas 
McKean  was  appointed,  with  William  A.  Atlee  and  John 
Evans,  Jr.,  as  associates.  For  more  than  thirty  years 
McKean  was  a  commanding  figure  in  public  affairs. 
He  remained  the  chief  judicial  officer  until  chosen  as 
the  chief  executive.  The  legal  system  was  completed 
by  appointing  Jonathan  Dickinson  Sergeant,  Attorney- 
General. 


32  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

As  treason  rankly  flourished  in  the  State,  a  law  was 
enacted  for  punishing  traitors.  All  persons  residing  in 
the  State,  or  voluntarily  entering  it,  were  required  to 
pay  allegiance.  Treason  was  then  defined.  Any  resi- 
dent within  the  State  who  should  take  a  commission 
from  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  or  levy  war  against  the 
State,  or  furnish  arms  or  ammunition,  or  carry  on  a 
traitorous  correspondence,  or  form  a  conspiracy  for  be- 
traying the  State,  or  should  convey  intelligence  to  its 
enemies,  was  a  traitor.  If  adjudged  guilty  of  the 
crime,  he  was  to  suffer  death,  and  his  estate  was  to  be 
forfeited.  The  evidence  of  two  witnesses  was  required 
to  convict  a  person  of  this  offence.  This  law,  enacted 
in  1777,  was  followed  the  next  year  by  another  for  the 
attainder  of  several  traitors.  If  they  did  not  surrender 
themselves  before  the  20th  of  April,  they  were  declared 
to  be  convicted,  and  attainted  of  high  treason,  and  their 
property  was  to  be  forfeited  to  the  State.  Among  them 
were  John  Allen,  formerly  a  member  of  the  committee 
of  inspection  and  observation  for  the  City  and  Liberties 
of  Philadelphia  ;  William  Allen,  a  lieutenant-colonel  of 
one  of  the  regiments;  Jacob  Duche,  late  Chaplain  of 
Congress,  and  Joseph  Galloway,  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent men  of  his  time,  and  who,  at  an  early  day,  had 
shown  his  loyalty  to  Great  Britain. 

The  oath  of  allegiance  required  the  taker  to  renounce 
his  allegiance  to  George  III.,  and  to  affirm  his  allegi- 
ance to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  as  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent State.  As  there  was  danger  of  spreading  the 
seeds  of  discord  and  disaffection  through  travelers 
whose  principles  were  not  known,  and  through  refu- 
gees who  were  flying  from  the  resentment  of  their  fel- 
low-citizens in  other  states,  every  person  who  travelled 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  y 

outside  his  own  county  or  city  without  a  certificate  that 
he  had  subscribed  the  oath,  might  be  suspected  as  a 
spy,  and  holding  principles  inimical  to  the  United 
States.  The  law  provided  for  taking  him  before  a 
justice,  who  was  to  tender  him  the  oath  or  affirmation; 
and  if  he  refused  to  take  it,  he  was  to  be  committed  to 
the  common  gaol,  and  remain  there  without  bail  or 
mainprise  until  he  complied.  Thus  liberty  of  move- 
ment was  greatly  narrowed  in  those  perilous  days. 
Such  a  restriction  had  been  common  enough  in  other 
countries  and  periods.  Indeed,  during  the  earlier  colo- 
nial days,  there  was  a  restriction  on  going  from  one 
colony  to  another.  From  time  to  time  the  bonds  of 
allegiance  were  strengthened  as  experience  showed  the 
necessity  of  toning  up  more  strongly,  if  possible,  the 
spirit  of  the  people. 

Within  a  year  the  Assembly  dealt  still  more  severely 
with  those  who  refused  to  take  the  oath  or  affirmation. 
They  were  denied  redress  in  the  courts  of  law.  They 
could  not  act  as  a  guardian,  executor  or  administrator, 
nor  receive  any  legacy  or  deed  of  gift,  nor  make  a  will. 
They  were  compelled  to  pay  double  taxes.  Notwith- 
standing the  severity  of  these  disabilities,  they  were  only 
the  prelude  to  a  more  sweeping  disability  which  forbade 
many  classes  of  persons,  trustees,  professors,  teachers, 
ministers,  lawyers,  doctors,  and  druggists  from  practic- 
ing their  offices  and  employments.  The  State  had 
started  out  on  a  stormy  sea,  and  if  Jonahs  on  board  were 
not  willing  to  confess  their  Toryism  or  disaffection  and 
repent,  the  conductors  of  the  ship  were  determined 
they  should  have  such  a  miserable  existence  as  to  lead 
them  either  to  repentance  or  to  exile. 

While  it  is  easy  for  us  to  indulge  in  calm  reflections 
3 


34  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

on  this  extraordinary  legislation,  how  did  the  indi- 
viduals for  whom  it  was  intended  feel?  Only  a  few 
months  before,  they  and  their  law-making  enemies  were 
serving  the  same  government  and  holding  the  same 
political  principles.  What  had  they  since  done  to  draw 
on  themselves  such  a  destructive  legislative  fire?  In- 
stead of  joining  the  revolutionists  in  their  daring  ven- 
ture, they  were  simply  loyal  still.  Doubtless  many  a 
legislator  reluctantly  voted  for  these  harsh  measures, 
for  he  could  not  help  knowing  that  Allen,  Galloway 
and  the  rest  of  their  kind  were  faithfully  abiding  by 
their  old  principles,  and  were  as  honest  in  following 
them  as  were  those  who  had  plunged  into  the  thick 
darkness  of  the  revolution.  More  than  this,  every  one 
knew  that  a  severe  penalty  would  be  visited  on  the 
revolutionists  if  not  succeeding.  Thus  the  loyalists 
were  between  two  fated  seas — if  they  adhered  to  their 
principles  they  would  be  accounted  traitors  by  the  new 
government;  if  they  bent  before  the  storm,  they  would 
be  as  surely  punished  for  their  recreancy  by  the  old. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  revolutionists  realized  their  peril. 
To  suffer  their  opponents  to  live  among  them  was  to 
pull  down  the  house  they  were  with  so  much  difficulty 
trying  to  raise.  With  them  it  was  a  choice  between 
destroying  the  hopes,  principles  and  freedom  of  their 
opponents,  who  were  living  in  their  midst,  or  of  suffer- 
ing a  fatal  eclipse  to  their  own  daring  plans,  with  the 
loss  of  their  property  and  peihaps  of  their  lives.  With 
such  an  alternative,  they  were  nerved  to  enact  this 
series  of  terrific  laws, — the  most  Draconian  in  the 
history  of  American  legislation. 

Besides  a  new  oath  of  allegiance,  changes  were  need- 
ful  in  electing  members  of  the  Assembly.     The  first 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^r 

law  enacted  by  the  State  endowed  the  speaker  of  the 
Assembly  with  authority  to  send  for  absent  members. 
If  two-thirds  of  the  members  for  each  county  did  not 
meet  within  the  time  prescribed,  those  who  did  meet 
were  authorized  to  hold  elections  to  fill  the  places  of  the 
absentees.  The  next  year  the  Assembly  forbade  every 
sheriff,  coroner,  inspector  or  judge  of  any  election  before 
the  closing  of  the  poll  from  unfolding  or  opening  "  the 
whole  or  part  of  the  scroll  of  paper  containing  the 
names  of  the  persons  voted  for  and  delivered  in  by  any 
of  the  electors,  or  to  look  over  or  read  the  names  thereon 
written*"  Nor  could  any  person  having  land  in  two 
districts  or  counties  vote  in  more  than  one  of  them,  not- 
withstanding "any  law  or  custom  to  the  contrary." 
Inspectors  of  election  were  to  be  chosen  on  Saturday 
preceding  the  annual  election,  who  were  to  choose 
judges  to  attend  and  assist  the  inspector  in  preventing 
"fraud  and  deceit"  at  the  election.  The  judges  were 
to  open  elections  between  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning 
and  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  were  authorized 
to  administer  to  every  person  presenting  his  ticket, 
whose  right  to  vote  was  suspected,  an  oath.1 

Every  elector,  also,  when  presenting  his  ticket,  was 
required  to  present  a  certificate  showing  that  he  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance.  As  a  very  large  number, 
perhaps  nearly  half,  who  had  the  right  to  vote  by  observ- 
ing this  requirement,  were  unwilling  to  follow  it  until 

1  "  That  he  is  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  a  freeman  of  the  county 

of ,  that  he  has  resided  in  this  State  for  the  space  of  one 

•whole  year,  and  paid  public  taxes  during  the  time  (or  he  is  the  son  of 
a  freeholder  in  the  State  who  payeth  taxes),  and  that  he  has  not 
voted  already,  nor  will  vote  at  this  election  in  any  other  district  of 
the  said  county,  or  in  any  of  the  other  counties  of  this  State." 


36  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

the  close  of  the  revolutionary  struggle,  they  disfran- 
chised themselves.  Had  they  qualified  and  exercised 
their  rightful  power,  the  State  would  have  been  guided 
by  those  holding  views  similar  to  their  own.  Through 
their  inaction  only  did  their  opponents  for  several  years 
have  their  way. 

When  the  election  was  over  the  judges  counted  the 
votes,  and  within  twelve  days  made  a  return  to  the 
President  or  Vice-President  of  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  and  "to  the  house  of  representatives  at  their 
next  meeting."  The  judges  and  inspectors  were  fined 
for  neglect  of  duty,  though  prosecutions  were  limited 
to  three  months  from  the  time  of  offending. 

While  making  these  regulations  to  preserve  and 
strengthen  the  power  of  the  State,  the  Assembly,  in 
1778,  endowed  the  Continental  Congress  with  authority 
to  sue  in  the  court  of  common  pleas  for  any  debt  in  the 
name  of  the  United  States.  They  were  created  a  body 
politic  and  corporate  within  the  State  for  that  purpose. 
Whenever  this  authority  was  exercised  the  court  was  to 
appoint  three  to  five  auditors  to  liquidate  the  account, 
and  report  the  amount  due  to  the  court,  which  could 
proceed  as  in  other  cases. 

To  wage  war,  money  was  needed  ;  and  the  first  plan 
for  supplying  the  treasury  was  to  issue  bills  of  credit. 
With  these  the  people  were  familiar,  for  paper-money 
had  been  used  in  the  Province  for  years.  The  first  con- 
tinental issue  was  in  1775,  and  though  the  Continental 
Congress  was  a  weak,  trembling  body,  the  bills  were 
taken  by  the  people.  Some  loans  were  negotiated  at 
home  and  abroad,  but  the  aggregate  amount  was  not 
large.  Not  daring  to  make  demands  on  the  states,  Con- 
gress recommended  payment,  and  fixed  for  the  states  the 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^ 

quotas,  which  they  were  expected  to  raise  by  taxation. 
Had  they  done  so,  Congress  would  have  had  ample 
means  for  carrying  on  the  war  ;  unhappily,  the  states 
complied  only  in  a  languid  manner.  This  gave  rise  to 
a  fresh  series  of  difficulties  ;  for  as  soon  as  some  of  the 
states  learned  that  their  neighbors  were  not  complying 
with  the  recommendation,  they  too  relaxed  their  pay- 
ments. In  the  end,  the  system  of  taxation,  which  in 
principle  was  correct,  and  ought  to  have  been  rigidly 
enforced,  was  almost  disregarded. 

Weak  as  was  the  financial  plan  of  Congress,  from  its 
lack  of  power  and  the  unwillingness  of  the  states  to 
grant  more,  the  lack  of  a  financial  system  in  every 
State  was  less  excusable.  The  states  had  authority 
which  many  of  them  could  have  put  forth  without 
danger  of  a  counter-revolution.  One  of  the  reasons  for 
not  maturing  an  adequate  policy  was  the  belief  that  the 
war  would  be  brief  and  that  large  funds  would  not  be 
needed.  Another  reason  for  not  adopting  a  clear  and 
strong  policy,  especially  in  Pennsylvania,  was  fear  ;  for 
those  who  were  half-hearted,  or  opposed  to  the  contest 
on  religious  or  political  grounds,  were  very  numerous 
and  influential.  The  war  party,  therefore,  from  neces- 
sity, adopted  no  plan  requiring  heavy  contributions. 

Following  in  the  wake  of  Congress,  the  State  resorted 
to  paper-money  as  the  principal  means  for  maintaining 
war.  Pennsylvania  had  been  more  successful  than  any 
other  Province  in  issuing  this  kind  of  money,  and  had 
the  people  been  united  in  revolutionary  action,  they 
could  have  hopefully  resorted  to  this  expedient.  In- 
stead of  union  there  was  division,  and  those  in  control 
knowing  this  started  on  the  paper-money  experiment 
with  great  caution,  but  grew  bolder  with  every  venture 
and  the  never-ceasing  pressure  of  necessity. 


38  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

The  first  Pennsylvania  war  issue  was  for  a  small 
amount.  In  June,1 1775,  there  was  an  application  to  the 
Assembly  for  an  issue  of  bills  of  credit  to  pay  the  as- 
sociators  and  other  war  expenses.  The  Assembly,  ques- 
tioning its  powers,  refused  to  authorize  their  issue. 
The  committee  of  safety,  less  fearful  of  consequences, 
emitted,  on  the  20th  of  July,  the  sum  of  ,£"35,000.  The 
bills  were  known  as  resolve-money.  In  September2 
another  small  issue  of  ^22,000  was  authorized,  and  in 
November3  a  much  larger  one  of  ^80,000,  and  the 
following  April4  ^85,000  more. 

In  March,5  1777,  the  Assembly  emitted  ^200,000  for 
the  support  of  the  army.  This  was  the  first  issue  by 
"the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania."  The  bills 
were  a  legal  tender.  Congress  requested  the  states  to 
call  in  their  notes  issued  prior  to  the  19th  of  April, 
1775,  as  they  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  persons  un- 
friendly to  the  new  government.  One  object  for  doing 
this  was  to  diminish  the  amount  in  circulation,  and 
give  the  bills  issued  by  Congress  more  room.  On  the 
23d  of  March,  1776,  the  Legislature  complied  with  the 
request.  Such  notes  were  not  a  legal  tender  after  the 
1st  of  June,  but  until  then  they  were  received  at  the 
treasury  in  payment  of  taxes,  and  in  exchange  for 
newer  notes.  A  longer  time,  until  the  first  of  August, 
was  given  to  non-residents.  By  subsequent  legislation 
the  issue  of  October  25th,  1775,  for  the  amount  of 
^22,000,  was  included  within  the  law.  Previously,  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly  had  declared  the  issue  of  Con- 
gress to  be  a  legal  tender,  and  had  imposed  penalties  on 
those  who  refused  to  receive,  or  who  counterfeited  them. 
One  of  the  earliest  consequences  of  continuing  their 
J23d.  23oth.  siSth.  *6th.  52oth. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^ 

issue,  was  a  direct  clash  with  the  money  issued  by  the 
Continental  Congress.  Both  issues  were  like  driftwood 
caught  and  held  by  opposing  tides.  -The  credit  of  the 
State  money  was  the  highest,  yet  no  one  could  fail  to 
see  the  increasing  danger  of  sinking  the  value  of  both 
kinds  by  issuing  more. 

As  the  Friends  were  unwilling  to  take  paper-money, 
some  of  them  were  proclaimed  enemies  to  their  country 
and  shut  out  from  trade  with  the  people.  They 
avowed  that  they  had  conscientious  scruples  against 
taking  the  money,  because  it  was  issued  for  the  support 
of  the  war.  On  the  other  hand  they  could  not  deny  that 
they  had  freely  taken  bills  of  credit  formerly  issued  by 
the  Province  for  the  same  purpose.  Some  of  the  Tories 
also  refused  to  take  the  bills ;  even  John  Dickinson  was 
among  the  distrusted  number.  In  1777  he  wrote  to  his 
brother  Philemon,  "Receive  no  more  continental 
money  on  your  bonds  or  mortgages ;  the  British  troops 
having  conquered  the  Jerseys  and  your  being  in  camp 
are  sufficient  reasons  :  be  sure  you  remember  this  ;  it 
will  be  better  for  you." 

Indeed,  at  no  time  was  the  credit  of  paper-money, 
either  State  or  continental,  strong.  Light  of  wing,  its 
flight  was  low  and  short.  At  the  close  of  1776,  Reed 
wrote  to  Washington,  "Something  must  be  attempted 
to  revive  our  expiring  credit,  give  our  cause  some  de- 
gree of  reputation  and  prevent  a  total  depreciation  of 
the  continental  money,  which  is  coming  on  very  fast." 
This  was  at  the  close  of  the  first  disastrous  campaign, 
after  Washington  had  lost  the  battles  of  Long  Island 
and  Fort  Washington. 

The  evil  effects  of  issuing  this  money  were  great. 
First  of  all,  creditors  suffered  unjustly  by  the  deprecia- 


40  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

tion.  Many  who  had  been  living  on  the  income  from 
their  mortgages  and  the  like,  were  ruined.  Many  a 
bitter  tale  was  told  of  the  sufferings  endured  by  widows, 
wards  and  others  who  were  obliged  to  receive  worthless 
paper-money  in  payment  of  money  obligations  due  to 
them.  One  of  them  thus  wrote  to  the  editor  of  the 
Packet :  "If  something  is  not  done  to  prevent  trustees 
and  guardians  from  taking  advantage  of  the  times,  in 
defrauding  helpless  widows  and  orphans,  great  numbers 
who  have  lived  in  opulence  before  the  death  of  their 
husbands  and  parents,  and  had  what  was  thought  a 
competency  left  them  after  their  death,  will  be  reduced 
to  a  state  of  indigence. "  She  then  tells  the  story  of 
her  own  misfortunes.  Her  father  had  died  six  years 
previously,  leaving  her  "a  pretty  fortune  in  ready  cash, 
which  he  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  neighbor,  whom  he 
trusted  would  administer  strict  justice  towards"  her. 
When  she  became  of  age,  he  insisted  on  paying  her  in 
the  depreciated  money  of  the  day,  although  the  real 
estate  he  had  purchased  with  the  money  received  was 
worth  "ten  times  the  price  it  cost."  Yet  not  every 
debtor  paid  his  debts  in  paper-money.  Charles  Biddle 
says:  "There  were  a  great  many  who  would  not  do 
this,  but  paid  their  debts  honestly  in  specie."  It  is  a 
relief  to  the  dark  picture  of  the  times  to  look  on  men 
whose  moral  sight  was  not  blinded  by  legal  jugglery. 

Another  consequence  was  the  opening  of  the  flood- 
gates of  speculation.  Persons  were  tempted  to  buy  and 
sell  because  the  prices  of  things  changed  so  rapidly. 
Hitherto  the  colonies  had  known  but  little  of  specula- 
tion, now  it  became  rampant.  The  speculator  was 
everywhere.  Noah  Webster  wrote,  "The  first  visible 
effect  of  an  augmentation  of  the  medium  and  the  con- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^ 

sequent  fluctuation  of  value  was  a  host  of  jockeys  who 
followed  a  species  of  itinerant  commerce."  They  lived 
on  the  ignorance  and  honesty  of  the  people.  He  esti- 
mated the  number  at  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  who 
left  their  honest  callings  and  applied  themselves  to  the 
"knavish  traffic." 

Another  consequence,  and  still  more  serious,  was  the 
disaffection  of  the  soldiers.  The  disappointment  was  a 
double  one ;  their  payment  was  long  delayed,  and  then 
in  almost  worthless  money.  Such  treatment  was  a  full- 
blown swindle.  They  keenly  felt  the  imposition,  be- 
came disheartened,  and  mutinied. 

Another  evil  consequence  was  the  drying  up  of  busi- 
ness. The  people  dared  not  attempt  to  buy  and  sell 
with  such  a  fluctuating  money.  Profits  turned  to  ashes. 
Counterfeiting,  too,  became  common.  Much  ingenuity 
had  been  displayed  in  preparing  the  designs,  yet  the 
bills  were  easily  counterfeited.  The  British  were  active 
in  counterfeiting  them,  hoping  to  destroy  their  value 
and  thereby  weaken  the  war  resources  of  the  country. 
When,  through  the  operation  of  this  and  other  causes, 
the  money  finally  sank  out  of  sight,  everybody  was 
better  off  than  before.  Depreciation  had  been  a  con- 
tinual tax.  After  the  disappearing  of  the  currency  all 
rejoiced,  and  the  national  indebtedness  had  shrunk  to 
small  figures. 

From  the  varying  confidence  of  the  people  in  paper- 
money,  sprang  many  undertakings  and  changes  in  busi- 
ness. A  person  living  in  Baltimore,  who  believed  in 
the  redemption  of  the  Pennsylvania  money,  wrote  to  a 
Philadelphian,  and  after  saying  that  he  had  been  told 
that  the  money  could  be  purchased  in  Philadelphia  at  a 
large  discount,  and  that  any  kind  of  goods  could  be  sold 


42  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

at  a  much  higher  price  for  it  than  for  specie,  or  the 
common  exchange  in  the  old  continental  money,  re- 
quested him  to  sell  everything  he  had  for  that  kind  of 
money,  "  rather  giving  a  little  time  for  payment  to  good 
hands  than  to  avoid  making  the  sale  while  the  credit  of 
the  money  remains  low."  The  Philadelphia  merchants 
also  suffered  from  the  greater  confidence  of  their  Balti- 
more competitors.  By  readily  taking  the  paper-money 
of  Pennsylvania,  'H  all  the  trade  of  York  and  Cumber- 
land counties"  was  drawn  to  Baltimore.1  So  the  trade 
of  the  one  city  was  depressed  and  the  other  quickened 
by  the  presence  of  a  circulating  medium  whose  popu- 
larity did  not  depend  on  its  own  enduring  qualities, 
recognized  by  all,  but  on  the  varying  belief  of  the 
people  concerning  its  ultimate  destiny. 

Such  were  some  of  the  consequences  of  attempting  to 
circulate  an  irredeemable  paper-money.  Distrusted  like 
a  sharper  from  the  start,  it  was  reluctantly  taken  and 
nursed  for  a  considerable  period.  It  brought  no  smile 
to  the  receiver,  but  cast  one  backward  at  him  on  its 
departure. 

Soon  after  the  signing  of  the  French  treaty,  Wharton 
died  at  Lancaster,  having  devoted  to  the  last  all  his 
energies  to  the  service  of  the  State.  He  was  buried 
with  civil  and  military  honors  in  the  Evangelical  Trinity 
Church  of  Lancaster.  A  true  patriot,  he  had  served  the 
cause  of  the  Revolution  with  unflagging  zeal.  The 
State  had  no  servant  more  devoted  and  efficient,  and  his 
death  deepened  the  shadow  over  all. 

During  his  administration  most  of  the  sessions  of  the 
Assembly  had  been  held  at  Lancaster.  That  body  had 
perforce  been  migratory,  a  wandering  ark,  in  which  the 

1  Gazette,  Nov.  8,  1780. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  43 

liberties  of  the  people  were  not  too  safely  housed.  The 
Assembly  began  its  work  at  Philadelphia,  but  adjourned 
to  Lancaster  just  before  the  coming  of  the  British.1 
After  their  departure  the  Assembly  returned  to  the  city.2 
A  wanderer  truly  on  the  lonely  and  uncertain  road  of 
the  Revolution  ;  not  so  much  from  lack  of  intelligent 
and  resolute  membership,  as  from  a  divided,  half- 
hearted, irresolute  constituency.  The  more  we  learn  of 
those  times,  the  more  luminous  grows  the  fact  that 
independence  was  the  wish  and  devoted  act  of  the 
smaller  number  in  almost  every  State,  and  not  of  the 
many. 

After  the  death  of  Wharton,  Bryan,  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, presided  over  the  council  until  the  election  of 
Reed  in  October,  1778.  He  was  an  immigrant  from 
Ireland,  a  real  politician,  and  had  taken  a  prominent 
part  in  forming  the  constitution  of  1776.  Bryan  was  an 
ardent  opponent  of  slavery,  and  strongly  urged  the  free- 
ing of  the  slaves.  In  a  message  to  the  Assembly  he 
said :  "  No  period  seems  more  happy  for  the  attempt  than 
the  present,  as  the  number  of  such  unhappy  characters, 
ever  few  in  Pennsylvania,  has  been  much  reduced  by 
the  practices  and  plunder  of  our  late  invaders."  Dur- 
ing Reed's  presidency,  he  strongly  urged  their  manu- 
mission. Bryan  was  then  a  member  of  the  Legislature. 
He  introduced  a  bill  setting  forth  in  touching  terms  the 
influences  of  slavery  and  providing  that  no  child  born 
in  the  State,  of  slave  parents,  should  remain  in  that 
condition  after  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years.  All 
slaves  were  to  be  immediately  registered,  otherwise  they 
were  to  be  deemed  free.  Slaves  could  be  tried  like 
other  persons,  and  if  capitally  punished,  the  master  was 

September  18,  1777.  2June  25,  1778. 


44  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A . 

to  be  paid  from  the  public  treasury.  On  the  second 
reading  of  the  bill  it  passed  by  a  vote  of  forty  to  eigh- 
teen, and  on  the  ist  of  March,  1780,  by  thirty-four  to 
eighteen.  Thus,  as  soon  as  some  of  the  roots  of  this 
great  evil  were  cut,  it  began  to  wither,  and  in  a  few 
years  had  perished.  At  every  period  the  plant  had 
seemed  an  alien,  unsuited  to  the  soil. 

Bryan's  successor  was  Joseph  Reed,  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  leaders  of  the  Revolution.  Besides  his  emi- 
nent legal  talents,  he  had  displayed  his  patriotism  and 
courage  on  the  field  of  war,  and  was  highly  esteemed  by 
Washington.  In  October,  1778,  the  friends  of  the  con- 
stitution elected  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
Assembly  and  Council,  and  in  December  Reed  was 
elected  president  of  the  latter  body  by  a  unanimous 
vote.  In  writing  to  General  Greene  a  month  before 
this  event,  concerning  the  political  sentiments  of  parties 
he  said,  "  There  is  a  considerable  majority  of  real  Whigs 
in  the  house,  a  number  of  new  converts  to  the  inde- 
pendence of  America,  and  a  few  real  inveterate  but  con- 
cealed Tories.  The  council,  who  are  also  the  represent- 
atives of  the  people,  are  Whigs  to  a  man  ;  the  only 
disadvantage  the  Whigs  have  is  the  want  of  speakers." 
Elated  by  success,  he  was  depressed  by  misfortune  ;  and 
his  correspondence,  voluminous  and  admirable  in  form, 
is  indelibly  stamped  with  his  variable  moods.  He 
remained  at  the  head  of  the  State  during  three  trying 
years,  the  midnight  of  the  Revolution.  More  radical 
than  Wharton,  his  administration  was  an  unceasing 
storm.  His  strong  opinions,  untempered  by  tact,  stirred 
the  animosities  of  opposing  parties.  Had  a  president 
been  as  loyal  to  the  cause  with  a  stronger  disposition  to 
win  the  favor  of  the  disappointed  Whigs,  perhaps  he 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  *c 

might  have  conciliated  them  and  won  their  support. 
Yet  the  doubt  will  ever  remain  whether  half-hearted 
Whigs,  disloyalists  and  others  opposed  by  principle  to 
war,  could  have  been  converted  and  aroused  to  revolu- 
tionary action  by  any  leader,  however  tactful  or  magnetic. 
After  proclaiming  him  president,  in  the  usual  manner, 
the  Council,  Assembly  and  other  invited  guests  dined  at 
the  city  tavern.  The  bill  for  the  entertainment  was 
paid  by  the  State  and  is  something  more  than  a 
curiosity.  The  parenthetical  words  among  the  items 
(for  this  is  an  exact  copy  of  the  original)  are  like  strong 
rays  of  light  thrown  on  the  two  hundred  and  seventy 
participants. 

To  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 

To  Gifford  Dolly,  Dr. 
ist  Dec.  1778. 

L.        S.      D. 

To  provide  for  a  dinner  for  270  gents 500  o    o 

522  bottles  of  Madeira  wine  at  45  s.  .    . 1229  o    o 

116  large  bowls  punch  at  60  s 348  o    o 

9  large  bowls  toddy  at  30  s 13  10    o 

6  large  bowls  sangaree  at  60  s •  18  00 

24  bottles  port  wine  at  30  s 36  00 

2  tubs  of  grog  for  artillery  soldiers            36  00 

1  gallon  spirits  for  bell-ringers 6  00 

96  wine  glasses  (broke)  at  7  s.  6  d 36  00 

29  jelly  glasses  (broke)  at  7  s.  6  d 10  17    6 

9  glass  dessert  plates  (broke)  at  15  s 6150 

11  China  plates  (broke)  at  20  s 11  00 

2  China  dishes  (broke)  at  67  s.  6  d 10  26 

5  decanters  (broke)  at  30  s 7  10    o 

I  large  inkstand  (broke) 6  00 

14  pounds  spermicetta  candles  at  30  s 21  00 

^"2295     15     o 

This  wine  and  toddy  dinner,  considering  the  poverty 
of  the  State  treasury,  the  long  over-due  bills,  the  hungry, 


46  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

unpaid  soldiery,  is  significant  proof  of  the  kind  of 
ardent,  consuming  patriotism  that  animated  the  par- 
takers. Possibly  their  nerves  had  been  severely  strained 
by  the  many  trying  scenes  of  the  Revolution  and  needed 
relaxation ;  if  so,  their  success  in  relaxing  them,  judging 
from  their  record  as  glass-and-china  breakers,  must  have 
satisfied  even  the  most  despondent  of  their  number. 
No  one  in  this  calmer  day  will  believe  that  they  knew 
anything  about  the  horrors  of  the  Revolution  while 
seated  or  unseated  around  that  table ;  "but  doubtless 
these  were  both  seen  and  felt  with  tenfold  intensity  the 
next  morning. 

As  the  campaign  for  the  year  was  over,  General 
Washington  visited  Philadelphia.  His  wife,  on  whom 
was  bestowed  every  attention,  was  already  there.  In 
honor  of  her  presence  a  city-ball  was  given  at  the  City 
Tavern,  which  was  attended  by  the  Minister  of  France 
and  President  Reed.  "  As  the  only  public  evidence  of 
grace  in  that  infatuated  tribe,"  said  the  Packet,  "not  a 
Tory  advocate,  nor  quondam  Whig,  interfered  on  this 
joyous  occasion."  General  Washington  did  not  reach 
the  city  until  evening,  five  days  afterward,  too  late  for 
any  display  in  honor  of  his  arrival. 

Leaving  this  scene,  let  us  turn  to  Reed's  course 
toward  Arnold.  Realizing  Arnold's  unfitness  to  govern 
Philadelphia,  Reed  tried  to  open  the  eyes  of  Congress, 
and  to  require  of  him  a  reckoning.  As  Congress  was 
unwilling  to  do  anything,  Reed  could  only  complain, 
for  Arnold  was  beyond  his  reach.  Had  he  possessed 
authority  to  deal  with  him,  the  proceedings  would  have 
been  short.  Months  passed  before  Congress  awoke  to 
the  necessity  of  recognizing  his  fearful  abuse  of 
authority.     In  the  end  that  body  atoned  to  Reed  for 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  47 

neglect  in  not  heeding  his  words,  and  Arnold  was  court- 
martialed  and  found  guilty. 

While  attempting  to  remove  Arnold  from  Philadel- 
phia, Reed  was  not  less  active  in  reorganizing  the 
militia  system.  Like  many  other  things,  this  work 
ought  to  have  been  done  in  the  early  days  of  the  Revol- 
ution, but  was  neglected  amid  the  chaos  of  the  time. 
The  resources  of  the  State  were  very  considerable  if 
they  could  be  called  forth.  Lists  were  now  to  be  pre- 
pared by  officers  appointed  for  that  purpose  of  all  white 
men  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  fifty-three  who 
were  fit  for  military  duty.  In  Philadelphia  there  was  to 
be  a  battalion  of  artillery,  and  a  corps  of  light  horse  was 
to  be  formed  in  the  counties.  An  almoner  was  to  be 
appointed  for  each  district  to  take  care  of  the  families 
of  poor  militiamen  when  they  were  in  service.  Muster 
days  were  fixed  and  fines  were  prescribed  for  non- 
attendance.  The  fines  of  commissioned  officers  were 
equal  to  the  price  of  three  days1  labor;  of  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  privates,  one-half  as  much.1 

When  in  service,  privates  were  to  be  paid  a  sum  equal 

to  one  day's  labor;  when  refusing  to  serve,  they  were 

daily  liable  to  pay  as  much  as  they  would  receive  if 

serving,  besides  a  tax  of  fifteen  shillings  on  a  hundred 

pounds  of  property ;  substitutes,  however,  could  be  sent. 

The  fines  collected  from  this  source  were  considerable 

oe 
and  would  have  been  much  greater  had  the  law  r_ 

vigorously     enforced.      Pensions    were     promiser"         - 

wounded  in  battle,  and  such  support  to  the  fair        .. 

'  rr  .vest  line 

men  killed  as  the  courts  deemed  proper.  , 

r    r  westward 

While  the  Council  and  Assembly  were  thus ,, 

JThe  average  price  of  common  labor  was  to  be  ascer'l  side  of 
fixed  by  the  representatives  of  the  Assembly. 


48  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

render  the  military  service  more  effective,  the  southern 
boundary  of  the  State  was  completed.     Twenty-three 
miles  had  been  left  unsurveyed  by  Mason  and  Dixon  in 
1767.    From  the  beginning  Lord  Baltimore  had  disputed 
with  Penn  the  boundary  between  Maryland  and  Penn- 
sylvania.    Baltimore  claimed  all  the  land  extending  east- 
ward from  latitude  400,  lying  between  the  Chesapeake 
and  Delaware  bays.     A  portion  of  this,  now  comprising 
the  State  of  Delaware,  was  claimed  by  Penn,  and  had 
been  purchased  by  him  from  the  Duke  of  York.     When 
his  cousin  Markham  was  sent  over  to  the  Province,  he 
was  instructed  to  settle  the  boundary  line  with  Lord  Bal- 
timore between  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland.    The  king 
had  granted  to  Lord  Baltimore  a  province  lying  under 
the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  extending  from  the  Dela- 
ware Bay  westward.     In  the  king's  grant  to  Penn,  the 
southern  boundary  was  to  begin  at  the  fortieth  degree 
of  north    latitude   from   a   circle   drawn  twelve   miles 
distant  from  New  Castle.     Markham  met  Lord   Balti- 
more at  Upland.     On  ascertaining  the  location  of  the 
fortieth  parallel,  both  parties  were  surprised,  for  it  was 
considerably  north  of  Upland,  in  truth,  ran  through  the 
present  city  of  Philadelphia.     It  was  impossible,  there- 
fore, for  a  boundary  line  to  comply  with  the  description 
of  either  grant,  for  Lord  Baltimore's  northern  line  was 
+0  adjoin  Delaware  Bay  at  the  fortieth  parallel,  while 
nn's  southern  line  was  to  intersect  a  circle  of  twelve 
fes  radius,  drawn  around  New  Castle.     Lord  Balti- 
As  Maimed  ownership  to  the  fortieth  degree,  regard- 
L  nothin)elaware  Bay  as  a  fixed  point  in  his  boundary. 
Was  th'liam  nad  no  authority  to  grant  any  concession, 
was  done  until  1732.     One  of  the  consequences 
it   persons   along    the  border  between  the  two 
I 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^q 

provinces  were  in  doubt  concerning  their  allegiance, 
while  others,  taking  advantage  of  the  uncertain  boundary 
line,  committed  the  grossest  outrages.  In  1730  Colonel 
Thomas  Cresap  went  to  Blue  Rock  Ferry,  west  of  the 
Susquehanna,  and  for  many  years  was  the  leader  of 
forays  into  Pennsylvania,  and.  the  right  arm  of  Lord 
Baltimore  and  of  Governor  Ogle.  He  was  a  licensed 
ferryman  and  surveyor  and  captain  of  the  militia.  He 
built  a  fort  and  drew  around  himself  a  band  of  border 
ruffians.  To  counteract  their  encroachments,  the  pro- 
prietaries gave  a  license  to  settle  in  York  County,  even 
before  purchasing  the  land  from  the  Indians.  Many  of 
the  German  Palatines  settled  here,  and  Cresap  induced 
them  to  attorn,  or  declare  their  allegiance  to  Lord 
Baltimore.  Some  complied,  but  on  the  discovery  of 
Cresap's  trick,  resumed  their  first  allegiance.  This 
angered  Cresap;  he  came  with  an  armed  force,  drove 
them  off,  and  gave  the  land  to  others.  They  were 
denominated  Pennites,  or  "Quaking  cowards,"  and 
retaliated  by  calling  their  assailants  "  hominy  gentry." 
All  kinds  of  outrages  were  perpetrated.  The  deadly 
rifle  was  leveled  on  man  and  beast.  Finally  Cresap  was 
arrested  on  the  charge  of  murder,  but  subsequently 
liberated. 

This  deadly  strife  finally  led  in  1732  to  fixing  a  line 
between  the  two  provinces.  It  was  agreed  between  the 
respective  proprietaries  that  a  semicircle  should  be 
drawn  at  twelve  English  statute  miles  around  New 
Castle,  following  the  grant  in  the  deed  of  the  Duke  of 
York  to  William  Penn.  Then  the  east  and  west  line 
was  to  be  drawn  at  Cape  Henlopen,  and  run  westward 
to  the  exact  middle  of  the  peninsula.  From  that  point 
a  line  was  to  be  run  northward  to  the  western  side  of 
4 


^o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  periphery  of  the  semicircle  above  described,  to  the 
latitude  fifteen  miles  south  of  the  southern  boundary  of 
Philadelphia,  From  that  point  the  line  was  to  extend 
westward  to  the  western  limit  of  Pennsylvania. 

Many  difficulties  arose,  raised  chiefly  by  the  Maryland 
proprietary,  against  determining  these  lines.  He  was 
loth  to  concede  any  portion  of  the  peninsula  to  Pennsyl- 
vania. Finally  the  dispute  reached  the  English  Court 
of  Chancery  while  Hardwicke  was  Lord  Chancellor. 
Years  passed  in  litigation.  In  the  meantime  the  tem- 
porary line  had  been  respected,  and  border  feuds  ceased. 
The  court  fixed  the  east  and  west  line  at  fifteen  and  a 
quarter  miles  south  of  the  latitude  of  Philadelphia,  east 
of  the  Susquehanna,  and  fourteen  and  three-quarter 
miles  south  of  the  same  latitude,  west  of  the  river. 
The  king's  order  that  these  lines  should  be  run  and 
marked,  was  carried  out. 

Finally  on  the  4th  of  July,  1760,  a  new  compact  or 
agreement  was  made,  essentially  a  revival  of  the  com- 
promise of  1732,  and  a  confirmation  of  that  agreement.1 
By  it  a  joint  commission  was  created  to  determine  and 
mark  the  line.  The  work  was  now  begun.  Commis- 
sioners on  the  part  of  each  province  met  at  New  Castle 

1  Among  its  new  provisions  were  stipulations  that  the  Penns  should 
confirm  the  titles  of  Lord  Baltimore's  grantees  to  lands  east  of  the 
Susquehanna,  south  of  the  agreed  line,  13  miles  south  of  the  latitude 
of  the  southern  limit  of  Philadelphia,  but  that  west  of  the  river  such 
confirmation  should  extend  only  to  lands  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
north  of  that  line.  On  the  other  hand  Lord  Baltimore  was  to  confirm 
Penn's  grant  west  of  the  Susquehanna  and  south  of  the  line  indefi- 
nitely, but  west  of  that  river  only  to  the  extent  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
south  of  the  agreed  line.  The  reader  must  remember  that  the 
temporary  line  had  an  offset  of  half  a  mile  northward  at  the  Susque- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ci 

in  November,  1750.  Under  Lord  Hardwicke's  decree, 
the  peninsula  line  from  Henlopen  to  the  Chesapeake 
had  been  run.  Three  years  were  diligently  devoted  to 
finding  the  western  line  of  Delaware.  The  proprietaries 
grew  weary  of  this  slow  progress,  and  finally  they  em- 
ployed Mason  and  Dixon  to  complete  the  line.  They 
were  astronomers  of  rising  celebrity  in  London.  Fur- 
nished with  proper  instructions  and  instruments,  they 
sailed  for  Philadelphia,  and  immediately  began  their 
work.  A  small  army  accompanied  them  to  cut  down 
trees  and  clear  a  way  through  the  wilderness.  There 
were  chain-bearers,  rod-men,  axe-men,  commissaries, 
cooks,  baggage-carriers,  and  numerous  servants  and 
laborers.  In  1764  they  were  at  the  corner  of  the  three 
dominions  of  Delaware,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania, 
and  in  June  they,  began  to  run  the  western  line.  By  the 
27th  of  October  they  had  come  to  the  North  Mountain, 
ninety-five  miles  from  the  Susquehanna,  the  end  of  the 
temporary  line  of  1732.  Early  in  1766  they  resumed 
their  work.  By  the  4th  of  June  they  were  on  the  top 
of  Little  Allegheny  mountain.  They  had  now  carried 
the  line  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  from  the  begin- 
ning. The  Indians  were  growing  restive  and  threaten- 
ing. Though  the  army  was  without  banners,  the 
nightly  gazing  at  stars  through  gun-like  instruments, 
and  the  daily  felling  of  trees  across  their  hunting 
paths,  raised  in  their  untutored  minds  suspicions. 
They  forbade  any  further  advance.  The  Six  Nations, 
whose  council  fires  blazed  on  the  Onondaga  and 
Mohawk,  in  western  New  York,  were  the  lords  of  the 
soil.  The  line  could  not  be  extended  without  gaining 
their  consent.  At  a  cost  of  more  than  ^500  the  gov- 
ernors of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  procured,  under 


52  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAA/A. 

the  agency  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  a  grand  convocation 
of  the  tribes  of  that  confederacy.  The  application  was 
successful,  and  early  in  June,  1767,  an  escort  of  fourteen 
warriors,  with  an  interpreter  and  a  chief,  deputed  by 
the  Iroquois  council,  met  the  surveyors  at  the  summit 
of  the  Great  Allegheny  to  escort  them  into  the  Valley 
of  the  Ohio. 

The  survey  of  the  line  was  now  pushed  with  vigor. 
Soon  the  western  limit  of  Maryland  was  reached,  "  The 
meridian  of  the  first  fountain  of  the  Potomac."  They 
passed  on,  resolved  to  reach  the  western  limit  of  Penn's 
five  degrees  of  longitude  from  the  Delaware,  in  obe- 
dience to  their  instructions.  On  the  24th  of  August 
they  crossed  Braddock's  road.  The  escort  became  rest- 
less. The  Mohawk  chief  and  his  nephew  returned. 
The  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  tenants  of  the  hunting 
ground,  began  to  show  marked  signs  of  discontent.  On 
the  27th  of  September  the  surveyors  were  on  the 
Monongahela,  two  hundred  and  thirty-three  miles  from 
the  Delaware.  Twenty-six  of  the  laborers  had  deserted, 
and  only  fifteen  axe-men  were  left.  Undaunted,  the 
surveyors  coolly  sent  back  to  Fort  Cumberland  for  aid, 
and  continued  their  work.  At  length  they  reached  the 
Warrior  branch  of  the  old  Catawba.  Here  was  a  path  at 
the  second  crossing  of  Dunkard  Creek,  west  of  Mount 
Morris,  in  Greene  County.  The  Indian  escort  declared 
that  they  had  been  instructed  by  their  chiefs  in  council 
not  to  permit  the  line  to  be  run  west  of  that  war-path. 
The  command  was  peremptory,  and  Mason  and  Dixon 
were  obliged  to  return  with  their  work  unfinished. 
They  were  within  twenty-four  miles  of  the  goal.1 

1  For  a  fuller  account  and  exact  length  of  the  line,  etc.,  see  Veech's 
History  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line  and  Graham's  Report. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^ 

After  a  delay  of  fifteen  years  the  work  of  completing 
the  line  was  resumed.  For  this  purpose  a  commission 
was  appointed  by  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia.  The  Pennsylvania  commissioners  were 
George  Bryan,  David  Rittenhouse  and  John  Ewing. 
They  met  at  Baltimore  in  the  summer  of  1779.  Bryan 
wrote  to  President  Reed  that  the  Virginia  commissioners 
offered  to  divide  exactly  the  40th  degree,  which  he  was 
desirous  of  accepting.  Rittenhouse  was  not  averse  to 
Bryan's  idea.  He  suggested  that  perhaps  "we  would 
be  as  well  off"  with  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  continued. 
This  agreement  was  finally  reached  and  ratified  by  the 
Assembly  the  following  year. 

Section  II. 
/feed's  Presidency  Continued.  jyyS-iySi. 
It  was  much  easier  to  negotiate  with  Maryland  and 
define  the  boundary  line  than  to  sustain  the  value  of 
paper-money  and  to  regulate  prices.  There  are  some 
things  that  the  State  cannot  do,  and  the  creation  of 
value  is  one  of  them.  It  can  change  the  name,  quantity 
and  quality  of  things,  but  their  value  silently  defies  its 
power.  It  can  call  a  half-eagle  gold  piece  an  eagle,  but 
its  worth  is  no  greater  than  it  was  before.  The  action 
of  the  people  has  always  been  omnipotent  in  creating, 
lessening  and  increasing  the  values  of  things,  and  this 
omnipotence  will  endure  as  long  as  the  people  them- 
selves. The  government  cannot  act  otherwise  than  as 
a  person,  association  or  corporation  in  affecting  values, 
except  that  its  demand  or  supply,  in  other  words  its 
uses,  may  be  greater  than  those  of  any  person  or  other 
body.  Nevertheless,  the  State  had  attempted  to  regu- 
late the  value   of  money  and   merchandise.     All   the 


54  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

colonies  had  had  experience  in  regulating  by  law  the 
prices  of  various  goods  and  services.  In  those  days 
the  people  had  more  faith  in  the  power  of  the  law  than 
they  have  now  ;  perhaps  they  had  more  reverence  for  it. 
In  December,  'jj,  an  act  was  passed  fixing  the  prices  of 
many  things.  Wheat  was  to  be  sold  at  ten  shillings 
per  bushel ;  flour  at  twenty-seven  shillings  per  hundred. 
The  prices  of  butter,  oats,  leather,  bar-iron  and  sole 
leather  were  fixed  ;  cloth  and  servants'  wages  were  to 
be  one  half  higher  than  in  '74  ;  all  goods  brought  from 
other  states  were  not  to  be  sold  at  an  advance  of  more 
than  twenty-five  per  cent,  on  the  sellers'  cost,  besides 
the  expense  of  carriage.  The  prices  of  inn-keepers 
were  regulated,  and  the  court  of  quarter  sessions  had 
authority  to  revise  the  rates.  Whoever  exceeded  them 
was  liable  to  prosecution. 

No  man  knew  better  than  Reed  the  futility  of  this 
expedient,  yet  he  never  shrank  from  executing  the  law. 
As  salt  was  very  scarce,  the  Executive  Council  tried  to 
supply  the  people,  at  reasonable  prices.  Through  the 
exertions  of  that  body,  all  the  owners  of  salt  in  Phila- 
delphia agreed  in  August  (1779)  to  distribute  it  among 
the  people  in  the  city  and  country.  The  city  sheriff,  to 
whom  it  was  given  up,  employed  watchmen  to  guard 
the  precious  article  and  to  prevent  tumult  in  the  dis- 
tribution. The  Assembly  resolved  that  payment  for  all 
the  salt  in  the  city,  not  needed  for  immediate  use, 
should  be  made  at  the  ratio  of  a  hundred  pounds  of 
flour  for  a  bushel  and  a  half  of  salt,  a  barrel  of  flour  of 
two  hundred  pounds  for  five  bushels.  Its  exchange  on 
these  terms  was  to  be  made  by  the  agents  of  the  State. 
The  seizure  of  all  salt  on  hand  or  to  arrive  was  not  long 
afterward  ordered  at  the  rate  of  ^30  per  bushel.     Com- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  5q 

missioners  were  appointed  "to  make  inquiry  into  the 
quantity  of  salt  in  the  city  and  liberties,  above  the 
allowance  of  a  common  family,  admitting  possessors  to 
retain  one  peck  for  every  poll  in  each  family  above 
seven  years  of  age,  the  residue  to  be  considered  as 
public  property,  and  paid  for  accordingly."  They  had 
also  power  to  take  any  salt  that  might  be  brought  into 
the  State.  Soon  afterward  they  took  one  thousand 
bushels,  the  cargo  of  the  Mermaid.  The  captain  was 
given  ^30  per  bushel,  as  the  law  prescribed.  To 
encourage  him  to  bring  more,  he  was  permitted  to  take 
away  flour,  beef,  bread,  notwithstanding  the  embargo. 
The  captain  then  attempted  to  deceive  the  commis- 
sioners by  delivering  only  half  his  cargo,  an  unlucky 
venture,  for  he  was  discovered,  his  permission  was 
revoked,  and  his  vessel,  with  the  salt  still  on  board,  was 
seized.  To  increase  the  supply  the  State  established 
salt  works  near  Tom's  River.  Large  sums  were  ex- 
pended, but  the  results  were  so  disappointing  that  the 
works  were  finally  sold  for  ^15,000. 

Those  employed  to  prevent  engrossing  and  forestall- 
ing were  not  successful  in  their  repulsive  labors.  In 
November,  a  committee  appointed  by  Congress  reported 
that  the  dangerous  practice  of  engrossing  had  increased 
so  rapidly  that  every  friend  to  his  country  could  not 
but  wish  to  see  some  remedy  for  an  evil  which  threat- 
ened the  existence  of  the  several  states,  and  also  of 
the  individual.  The  committee  suggested  that  the  Leg- 
islature should  fix  prices  and  enact  laws  to  compel 
dealers  to  part  with  their  goods  at  the  prices  thus 
fixed.  In  a  subsequent  letter  the  committee  declared 
that  persons  in  office  under  the  Continental  Congress 
had  used   the  moneys  entrusted  to  them  in  engrossing 


56  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

articles.  A  committee  of  the  Assembly  also  inquired 
into  the  conduct  of  those  who  were  engrossing  flour  and 
other  necessaries. 

At  a  later  period  the  scarcity  of  food  was  general,  and 
a  strong  feeling  set  in  against  those  who  were  forestall- 
ing and  engrossing.  The  Supreme  Executive  Council 
issued  a  proclamation  against  such  practices,  charging 
civil  officers  to  make  search  for  persons  suspected  of 
such  offences  and  ordering  their  vigorous  prosecution. 
The  foundation  of  the  trouble  was  the  depreciation  of 
the  money,  which  rendered  contracts  uncertain  and  led 
to  such  relief  as  the  people  could  themselves  adopt. 
Persons  who  held  goods  were  unwilling  to  dispose  of 
them  for  a  currency  of  an  uncertain  value.  Indeed  the 
only  certainty  it  possessed  was,  its  early  complete  disap- 
pearance. 

The  regulation  of  prices  was  a  hard  thing  for  some 
tradesmen.  The  weavers,  curriers  and  tanners  were 
the  first  to  complain.  They  held  a  meeting  and  as- 
sailed the  schedule  of  prices  fixed  by  the  committee  as 
unfair  and  without  a  proper  consideration  of  its  effects. 
They  represented  that  the  advances  did  not  bear  evenly 
on  all,  some  receiving  much  more  benefit  than  others. 
For  example,  a  shoemaker  received  £t>  io  shillings 
profit  on  a  pair  of  shoes  beyond  the  actual  cost  of 
material.  As  the  journeyman's  wages  absorbed  the 
latter,  the  employer  had  nothing;  yet  the  shoemaker, 
though  receiving  this  advance,  was  compelled  to  pay 
more  than  double  for  almost  every  article  of  food  or 
clothing,  and  consequently  was  worse  off  than  before. 
To  this  complaint  the  newspapers  replied  that  four- 
fifths  of  the  workmen  were  disaffected  to  the  American 
cause,  and  had  skulked  into  town  under  the  wings  of 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  cy 

the  British  army  while  in  possession  of  the  city.  The 
complaints  of  the  tradesmen  received  a  powerful  support 
from  a  long  and  able  memorial  presented  by  the  mer- 
chants of  Philadelphia.  They  were  loyal  men,  and 
clearly  showed  that  the  limitation  of  prices  was  in  prin- 
ciple unjust,  because  it  invaded  the  laws  of  property  by 
compelling  a  person  to  accept  less  in  exchange  for  his 
goods  than  he  could  otherwise  get,  and  therefore  acted 
as  a  tax  only  on  one  portion  of  the  community.  The 
merchants  concluded  their  memorial  by  stating  what 
ought  to  be  done  to  protect  the  currency — the  removal 
of  every  regulation  on  commerce,  and  the  purchase  of 
wheat-flour  and  other  things  at  places  nearer  the  army. 
The  rates  for  money  borrowed  by  the  State  they  con- 
tended ought  to  be  fixed,  thereby  giving  a  sufficient  in- 
ducement to  lenders  to  accommodate  the  public  with- 
out other  emissions  of  paper-money.  One  of  the  most 
important  recommendations  related  to  taxation.  They 
declared  that  the  true  method  was  to  levy  taxes  of  one, 
two  or  three  pence  on  the  pound  monthly,  on  the  actual 
values  of  estates,  estimated  by  the  price  of  such  articles 
native  or  foreign  as  might  be  taken  for  the  standard. 
These  measures  they  declared  would  immediately  arrest 
the  depreciation,  restore  money  to  its  former  value 
without  distressing  the  people,  and  lead  every  man  to 
lower  trie  price  of  his  commodities,  without  setting 
arbitrary  rules  for  his  neighbors,  or  inducing  them  to 
lower  theirs  simply  by  refraining  from  the  purchase  of 
such  things  as  were  too  dear.  "If  regulations  were 
necessary,"  said  the  committee,  "let  them  be  laid  on 
the  necessaries  of  life,  not  on  its  luxuries.  It  can  never 
be  justifiable  to  pledge  one  man  to  part  with  his 
property  to  gratify  the  appetite  of  another.     What  good 


58  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

reason  can  be  given  for  laying  a  ruinous  tax  on  the  in- 
dustrious merchants  that  drunkenness,  the  most  mis- 
chievous and  poisonous  vice,  might  be  rendered  cheap; 
yet  such  is  the  effect  of  a  limitation  on  the  price  of 
rum." 

Not  every  one  however  was  of  the  same  mind.  A 
writer  in  the  Packet  thus  wrote :  "  The  regulation  of 
prices  is  absolutely  necessary.  We  have  all  been  wrong 
in  our  notions  of  getting  rich.  It  is  true  we  have  got 
enough  money.  I  have  more  money  than  ever  I  had, 
but  I  am  poorer  than  ever  I  was.  I  had  money  enough 
sometime  ago  to  buy  a  hogshead  of  sugar.  I  sold  it 
again  and  got  a  great  deal  more  money  for  it  than  it 
cost  me,  yet  what  I  sold  it  for  when  I  sent  it  to  market 
would  buy  but  a  tierce.  I  sold  that  tierce  for  a  great 
deal  of  profit,  yet  the  whole  of  what  I  sold  it  for  would 
afterward  buy  but  a  barrel.  I  have  now  more  money 
than  ever  I  had,  yet  I  am  not  so  rich  as  when  I  had 
less."  The  papers  teemed  with  articles  against  the 
extortioners  and  forestallers,  monopolizers  and  engros- 
sers, and  they  were  urged  to  sell  at  ordinary  prices  and 
not  to  hold  their  goods.  All  of  these  pleas  fell  on 
hardened  ears. 

The  State  having  failed  to  regulate  prices,  some 
of  the  citizens  agreed  to  take  colonial  paper-currency 
issued  before  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  king,  in  lieu  of  gold  and  silver. 
This  arrangement  did  not  succeed,  as  prices  in  colonial 
paper  were  double  those  in  hard  money.  So  the  foul 
stream  of  depreciation  continued  to  flow  and  corrupt 
everybody  in  its  course.  Persons  refused  to  sell  their 
p-oods.  trade  dried  up  at  the  roots,  creditors  were  ruined, 
and   every  day  the  evils  grew  worse.     Every  one  en- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  59 

deavored  to  part  with  it  as  soon  as  possible  without 
regard  to  its  legal  value.  It  was  a  live  coal  in  the  hands 
of  the  holder  ;  it  burned  every  possessor.  The  destruc- 
tion of  business,  and  the  general  distress  could  not  be 
cured  by  statute ;  with  as  much  reason  might  a  person 
hope  to  be  cured  by  swallowing  a  prescription.  Every- 
thing possible  had  been  done  to  preserve  the  prices 
established  by  law;  every  measure  had  failed. 

Finally  repudiation  began  to  be  rumored  and  whis- 
pered, and  Washington  even  did  not  look  with  disfavor 
on  this  method  of  banishing  the  currency.  In  one  of  his 
letters  to  Reed,  he  said:  "The  sponge  which  you  say 
some  gentlemen  have  talked  of  using,  unless  there  can 
be  a  discrimination  and  proper  saving  clauses  provided, 
would  be  unjust  and  impolitic  in  the  extreme.  Perhaps 
I  do  not  understand  what  they  mean  by  using  the 
sponge.  If  it  be  to  sink  the  money  in  the  hands  of  the 
holders  of  it  and  at  their  loss  it  cannot  in  my  opinion  be 
justified  upon  any  principle  of  common  policy,  common 
sense  or  common  honesty.  But  how  far  a  man,  for  in- 
stance, who  has  possessed  himself  of  twenty  paper  dollars 
by  means  of  one,  or  the  value  of  one,  in  specie  has  a  just 
claim  upon  the  public  for  more  than  one  of  the  latter  in 
redemption,  and  in  that  ratio  according  to  the  period  of 
depreciation,  I  leave  to  those  who  are  better  acquainted 
with  the  subject  and  have  more  leisure  than  I  have  to 
discuss.  To  me  a  measure  of  this  kind  appears  sub- 
stantial justice  to  the  public  and  to  each  individual." 
The  end  was  indeed  not  far  off,  though  no  one  sup- 
posed it  was  so  near.  On  the  20th  of  March,  1870, 
Congress  authorized  the  states  to  revise  the  laws 
making  the  continental  bills  a  tender  and  to  amend 
them  as  might  be  deemed  proper.     The  next  day  the 


60  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Pennsylvania  Assembly  proposed  to  suspend  the  opera- 
tion of  the  law  making  continental  currency  equal  to 
gold  and  silver  in  the  payment  of  debts.  This  was  lost 
by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  twenty-seven,  the  speaker 
giving  the  casting  vote  against  the  measure.  Two  days 
afterward  it  was  proposed  in  the  Assembly  that  no 
tender  of  continental  bills  should  be  available  for  the 
discharge  of  debts  arising  on  contracts  and  mortgages 
made  before  January  ist,  1777,  unless  at  specified  rates. 
The  measure  was  defeated.  On  the  8th  of  March,  1780, 
an  act  was  passed  establishing  the  rates  that  were  to  be 
paid  public  officers  for  different  services,  which  were  to 
be  determined  by  the  price  of  a  bushel  of  wheat  weigh- 
ing sixty  pounds.  By  the  same  standard  the  values  of 
fines,  penalties  and  forfeitures  under  former  laws  were  to 
be  determined.  The  pay  of  the  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly was  regulated  in  the  same  manner. 

The  suspension  of  the  tender  laws  could  not  be  long 
delayed.  On  the  24th  of  May,  1780,  the  preparation  of 
such  a  bill  was  ordered;  this  passed  two  weeks  later.  It 
suspended  the  tender  law  for  three  months.  On  the 
22d  of  September  the  suspension  was  continued  until 
the  next  session,  and  on  December  22d,  indefinitely. 

These  measures  brought  only  temporary  relief;  the 
needs  of  the  State  were  urgent ;  supplies  for  the  troops 
could  not  be  disregarded.  Taxes  flowed  into  the 
treasury  slowly  ;  the  unwillingness  of  the  disaffected  to 
pay  them  caused  serious  delays.  On  the  29th  of  May, 
therefore,  the  Assembly  authorized  the  borrowing  of 
^200,000,  pledging  the  faith  of  the  State  for  its  repay- 
ment after  ten  years.  James  Searle,  a  delegate  to 
Congress,  was  appointed  agent  to  negotiate  the  loan. 
He  went  to  France  and  Holland  where  he  labored  in 
vain  for  two  years  to  borrow  money. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  6X 

In  1780  the  depreciation  of  the  paper-money  had 
become  so  great  that  the  Assembly  founded  a  scale  of 
depreciation  in  settling  with  the  soldiers.  This  was  in 
December.  The  following  April  the  Assembly  declared 
that  "whereas  the  good  people  of  the  State  labor  under 
many  inconveniences  for  want  of  some  rule  whereby  to 
settle  and  adjust  the  payment  of  debts  and  contests 
entered  into  and  made  between  January  1st,  1777,  and 
March  1st,  1781,  it  seems  just  and  reasonable  that  some 
rule  should  be  by  law  established  for  liquidating  and 
adjusting  the  same  so  as  to  do  justice  as  well  to  the 
debtors  as  creditors."  So  the  Assembly  established  a 
"scale  of  depreciation,"  by  which  the  amount  of  all 
debts  and  contracts  was  to  be  reduced  to  their  true  value 
in  specie  at  the  time  of  making  them.  The  value  of 
paper  compared  with  silver  and  gold  was  thus  fixed  at 
the  times  mentioned. 

With  all  this  bitter  experience  the  people  had  not  yet 
had  quite  enough  of  paper  money.  So  on  the  25th  of 
March  (1781)  the  State  emitted  ^"100,000  more  "  for  sup- 
plying the  good  people  of  Pennsylvania  with  a  medium 
of  commerce  and  exchange  of  commodities  of  a  stable 
and  solid  nature,"  and  also  "  to  find  efficacious  and 
certain  means  of  procuring  and  providing  an  immediate 
supply  of  provisions  and  other  articles  for  the  support 
of  the  army."  The  Assembly  put  underneath  these 
notes  some  lands  lying  within  the  city,  and  Province 
Island  belonging  to  the  State,  hence  this  issue  was 
called  island-money.  On  the  6th  of  April  (1781) 
^500,000  more  were  issued.  One  fifth  of  the  amount 
was  to  be  redeemed  annually.  The  amount  at  first 
recommended  by  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  to 
the   Assembly    was    ^200,000,    but    was    increased   to 


62  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

^500,000.  Robert  Morris  and  seventeen  others  pro- 
tested against  this  legislation.  If  any  person  refused  to 
receive  the  bills  in  payment  of  any  debt,  bargain  or 
contract  he  was  debarred  from  bringing  a  suit  for  recov- 
ing  the  same.  By  another  provision  if  any  person 
refused  to  take  the  bills  in  payment  of  anything  sold  at 
a  less  price  than  would  be  paid  in  specie,  he  could  be 
tried  and  fined,  one  half  of  the  forfeiture  going  to  the 
prosecutor  and  the  other  half  to  the  use  of  the  poor. 
To  this  measure  there  was  great  opposition  and  an  un- 
answerable protest  was  published  to  the  act. 

A  proclamation  was  made  by  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council  on  the  nth  of  May,  reciting  the  law,  authoriz- 
ing the  issue  of  these  bills  of  credit,  stating  that  one- 
third  of  the  money  had  been  issued  and  taken  by  the 
State  troops,  that  goods  had  been  sold  for  them  to  the 
public  commissioners,  and  that  great  excitement  would 
attend  any  depreciation.  The  Council  recommended  all 
citizens  to  take  the  paper  and  promised  that  no  more 
would  be  issued  until  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly. 
The  principal  businesss  men  of  the  city  met  and  re- 
solved that  they  would  take  the  new  and  old  paper- 
money  at  the  rates  prevailing  on  the  1st  of  May  ;  thus 
leaving  every  one  free  to  do  as  he  pleased.  The  friends 
of  the  Qovernment  also  held  a  meeting  and  resolved 
with  great  unanimity  to  support  the  recommendation  of 
the  Council.  Its  promise  that  no  more  issues  of  the 
paper-money  should  be  authorized  was  kept,  and,  when 
the  Assembly  met,  many  reasons  were  strongly  urged  for 
taking  effective  action  to  provide  for  its  redemption. 
The  lots  in  the  city  formerly  belonging  to  the  proprietary, 
and  Province  Island,  which  had  been  confiscated,  were 
ordered  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  applied  to  redeem 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBL  Y.  63 

the  bills.  The  provision  for  ascertaining  fines,  penal- 
ties and  salaries  by  the  wheat  standard  of  valuation 
was  repealed,  and  gold  and  silver  coins  were  made  the 
standard.  Tims  fed  even  by  a  slight  shower,  the  droop- 
ing plant  of  paper-money  began  to  revive,  so  responsive 
is  it  to  every  succor.  Indeed,  the  island-money  rose  to 
par,  and  a  large  profit  was  made  in  buying  the  bills  at  a 
discount  and  holding  them  until  they  were  paid.  As  it 
could  be  bought  soon  after  it  was  issued,  at  the  rate  ot 
eight  for  one  specie  dollar,  the  speculation  was  a  most 
fortunate  one. 

If  the  war  was  to  continue,  funds  must  come  from 
some  source ;  and  ultimately,  if  not  in  the  beginning, 
by  taxing  the  people.  They  must  have  realized  at  the 
outset  of  the  contest  that  they  could  not  win  independ- 
ence without  paying  for  it.  They  did  not  suppose  the 
war  would  last  long,  yet  even  a  short  war  costs  some- 
thing. Had  independence  been  won  within  a  year, 
paper-money  at  some  value  would  have  remained  cur- 
rent. The  most  hopeful  were  not  irrational  in  sup- 
posing that  paper-money  would  float  for  such  a  brief 
period.  Independence  secured,  a  system  of  taxation 
could  have  been  easily  adopted  and  enforced.  But 
this  was  not  easy  while  the  hearts  of  many  were 
weak  and  others  were  cold  and  disaffected,  yet  if  no 
money  could  come  from  other  sources,  supplies  must  be 
drawn  unwillingly  by  force  ;  and  this  was  the  most  un- 
popular, the  most  wasteful,  and  least  defensible  method 
of  all.  In  1780,  the  time  had  come  for  adopting  more 
severe  methods.  Says  Reed:  "There  are  certain 
periods  of  our  revolutionary  history  which  have  mon- 
opolized all  the  sympathies  of  posterity.  If  the  cam- 
paigns of  '76  and  '78  were  times  to  try  men's  souls,  the 


64  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

winters  of  1780  and  1781  were  times  to  try  their 
tempers  and  power  of  endurance.  The  energies  of  the 
nation  were  exhausted,  the  enthusiasm  of  rebellion  had 
subsided,  the  currency  had  reached  its  lowest  point  of 
depreciation,  the  army  was  unpaid,  unfed  and  unclothed, 
and  according  to  ordinary'  and  reasonable  calculation 
every  chance  of  rescue  and  success  was  gone." 

Washington  wrote  to  President  Reed  near  the  close 
of  1780:  "  The  situation  of  the  army  with  respect  to 
supplies  is  beyond  description,  alarming.  It  has  been  five 
or  six  weeks  past  on  half-allowance,  and  we  have  not 
more  than  three  days'  bread  at  a  third  allowance  on  hand 
nor  anywhere  within  reach.  When  this  is  exhausted  we 
must  depend  on  the  precarious  gleanings  of  the  neigh- 
boring country.  Our  magazines  are  absolutely  empty 
everywhere  and  our  commissaries  entirely  destitute  of 
money  cr  credit  to  replenish  them.  We  have  never  ex- 
perienced a  like  extremity  at  any  period  of  the  war." 
Greene,  who  then  commanded  in  the  South,  wrote  in 
a  similarly  despondent  tone.  Only  one  other  resource 
was  left,  to  take  whatever  could  be  found,  and  accord- 
ingly seizures,  for  which  certificates  were  issued,  began. 
Orders  were  issued  for  wagons  and  other  means  of  trans- 
portation ;  in  short,  for  whatever  the  army  desired. 
President  Reed  was  invested  with  authority  to  declare 
martial  law.  Though  executing  his  authority  fairly  and 
impartially,   from  all  quarters  came  bitter   complaints. 

At  last  the  women  of  Philadelphia  came  to  the 
relief  of  the  soldiers  and  supplied  them  with  cloth- 
ing and  other  things.  Money  also  was  given,  not 
paper,  but  gold.  There  were  nearly  eleven  hundred 
city  contributors  and  nearly  six  hundred  more  in  the 
liberties  or  surrounding  portions.     All  ranks  of  society 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  gr 

united,  from  the  colored  woman  with  her  seven  shill- 
ings and  six  pence  to  the  Marchioness  de  Lafayette, 
who  contributed  one  hundred  guineas  in  specie,  and  the 
Countess  de  Luzerne,  who  gave  six  hundred  dollars  in 
continental  paper,  worth  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  specie. 
Nor  was  voluntary  relief  confined  solely  to  them.  Large 
quantities  of  flour  and  other  necessaries  for  the  army 
were  sent  by  persons  living  in  the  interior  counties. 

Meagre  as  were  the  means  for  waging  war,  they  were 
too  often  squandered  without  punishment  or  reproof. 
If  the  resources  of  the  country  that  could  be  commanded 
were  small,  surely  they  ought  to  have  been  used  in  the 
most  prudent  manner.  Precisely  the  opposite  course 
was  too  often  pursued.  Doubtless  the  wastefulness  and 
inefficiency  seen  everywhere  led  many  to  withhold  their 
means,  which  would  have  been  forthcoming  had  more 
economy  in  the  use  of  supplies  prevailed.  President 
Reed's  letters  are  full  of  these  exposures.  In  one  of 
them  addressed  to  General  Washington  in  May  1779,  he 
says:  "We  had  yesterday  a  return  of  forage  drawn," 
by  Pulaski's  regiment  at  Lancaster,  "by  which  it 
appears  that  in  the  time  they  have  been  there  they  have 
drawn  7,050  bushels  of  grain  and  230  tons  of  hay ;  no 
state  or  country  can  support  such  expense.  These  cir- 
cumstances have  a  very  unhappy  effect,  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  staff-officers  whose  management  is  so  notori- 
ous, discourages  the  people  in  their  exertions  for  real 
and  actual  service." 

In  the  way  of  another  illustration  of  inefficient 
administration,  ^46,000  were  sent  by  an  officer  named 
Bingham  to  some  soldiers  to  whom  it  was  due.  He 
kept  it,  acknowledged  the  fact  and  was  court  martialed. 
The  inquiry,  though  readily  granted  by  General  St. 
5 


66  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Clair,  was  reluctantly  attended,  abruptly  dissolved,  nor 
was  any  report  made.  Again  was  the  court  convened, 
and  the  officer's  rascality  was  proved;  "but,"  adds 
President  Reed,  "we  do  not  know  what  is  become  of  it, 
the  officers  being  dispersed  without  any  satisfaction 
given  to  us."  Many  a  page  might  be  filled  with  a 
description  of  incompetent,  wasteful  and  corrupt  use  of 
the  public  resources  in  those  trying  days. 

Early  in  1781  paper-money  drew  its  last  breath. 
President  Reed  vividly  described  its  death  and  the  im- 
mediate consequences  to  Mr.  Searle,  who  was  trying  to 
negotiate  a  loan  for  the  State  in  Europe.  "  The  paper- 
money  has  at  length  found  its  ne  plus  ultra ;  a  total 
loss  of  confidence  and  credit,  arising  from  a  variety  of 
causes,  gave  it  an  honorable,  and,  what  you  will  per- 
haps think  more  extraordinary,  a  peaceful  exit  about 
three  months  ago."  Immediately,  gold  and  silver  ap- 
peared. 

President  Reed  was  right  in  saying  that  the  history 
of  the  world  afforded  "no  instance  of  such  a  transition." 
All  commodities  of  every  kind  were  exchanged  for  gold 
and  silver,  paper-money  itself  in  turn  becoming  mer- 
chandise. The  change  was  effected  by  the  people 
themselves  gradually,  by  depreciating  paper-money 
until  the  exchange  rose  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  and 
three  hundred  for  one.  In  form,  the  transition  was 
wrought  by  a  declaration  of  the  Supreme  Executive 
Council  that  it  should  be  received  in  public  payment  at 
a  ratio  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  for  one.  At 
once,  as  by  the  art  of  a  magician,  all  dealings  in  paper 
ceased.  Necessity  forced  out  gold  and  silver,  a  fortu- 
nate trade  sprung  up  with  Havana  for  flour,  all  trade 
restrictions  were  taken  off,  and  Mexican  dollars  rapidly 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  fa 

flowed  into  the  country.  In  a  few  days  specie  became 
the  universal  medium.  Every  one  was  surprised  at  the 
change.  The  enemies  of  independence,  both  without 
and  within,  who  had  prophesied  disorder  and  tumult 
whenever  paper-money  should  die,  hung  their  heads  in 
despair. 

Through  great  suffering,  the  people  had  found  their 
way  back  to  the  safe  shore  of  honest  money,  but  the  in- 
debtedness of  the  State  was  growing  and  taking  on  a 
very  uncertain,  vague  form.  In  1778  three  auditors 
were  appointed,  William  Moore,  who  succeeded  Reed  as 
president,  Joseph  Dean  and  David  Rittenhouse,  to 
liquidate  and  settle  the  accounts  of  the  committee  and 
council  of  safety.  There  were  many  defaulters,  and  in 
1780  a  more  elaborate  statute  was  passed,  in  which  it 
was  declared  that  many  persons  to  whom  advances  of 
money  had  been  made,  "regardless  of  the  public  welfare 
as  well  as  of  their  own  credit  and  character,"  still  ne- 
glected and  refused  to  settle  their  accounts.  One  of  the 
screws  applied  to  them  was  to  squeeze  out  any  credit 
due  to  them  if  they  did  not  appear  within  three  months 
after  receiving  a  notice  from  the  auditors  of  their 
liability.  Their  indebtedness  to  the  State  was  to  con- 
tinue, but  its  indebtedness  to  them  would  perish. 

While  the  State  was  thus  struggling  to  adjust  its  ac- 
counts and  to  compel  debtors  to  pay,  it  was  trying  to 
meet,  as  best  it  could,  the  hard-earned  claims  of  the 
patient,  ill-treated  soldiery.  In  1778  Congress  had  de- 
clared that  officers  and  privates  should  receive  half-pay 
for  seven  years  after  the  close  of  the  war;  the  State  two 
years  later  continued  the  reward  for  life,  and  also  to 
their  widows  as  long  as  they  remained  in  widowhood. 
Lands  granted  to  officers  and   soldiers  were  to  be  free 


68  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

from  taxation,  and  rations  were  to  be  issued  at  prices 
specified  in  the  law.  Before  the  close  of  the  year 
auditors  were  appointed  by  the  Executive  Council,  who 
were  directed  by  the  Legislature  to  settle  "the  deprecia- 
tion of  the  pay  accounts  of  all  the  officers  and  private 
men  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line,'1  and  to  give  certificates 
for  the  sum  due  in  specie.  To  prevent  any  one  from 
counterfeiting  them,  they  could*  not  be  transferred; 
and  the  State  promised  to  receive  them  in  payment  for 
unlocated  lands.  In  1783  the  Assembly  appropriated 
two  tracts  of  land  for  which  these  certificates  were  to 
be  taken.  One  of  them  lay  between  the  Allegheny 
River  and  the  western  boundary  of  the  State,  and  the 
other  on  the  Ohio  on  both  sides  of  Beaver  Creek. 
They  were  called  donation  lauds,  and  officers  and 
privates  were  to  apply  for  them  within  two  years  from 
the  end  of  the  war.1 

The  income  of  the  State  prior  to  the  Revolution  never 
annually  exceeded  ^40,000,  including  the  excise  and 
interest  on  provincial  loans.  One  of  the  gravest  difficul- 
ties in  collecting  the  taxes  was  the  lack  of  competent  tax- 
gatherers.  The  compensation  was  inadequate  to  draw 
men  into  such  an  unpleasant  service.  Another  difficulty 
grew  out  of  the  acceptance  of  produce  in  payment. 
The  controversies  over  its  value  were  endless.  The 
only  valuation  satisfactory  to  the  tax-payer  was  the 
highest,  and  for  whatever  grain  he  chose  to  deliver, 
whether  that  kind  was  wanted  by  the  State  or  not. 
Another  difficulty  were  the  certificates  given  by  the 
quarter-master  and  commissary  in  the  country  for  grain, 
cattle,  wagons  and  other  things  taken  for  the  use  of  the 

1  See  a  Report  of  the  Department  of  Internal  Affairs  for  1893  for  a 
description  of  these  lands,  and  Vol.  3,  Pa.  Archives,  3d  series,  p.  575. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  60 

army.  The  receivers  regarded  these  forced  contri- 
butions as  equivalent  to  taxes.  The  amount  which  had 
been  issued  at  the  time  that  Reed,  Bayard  and  Ritten- 
house  made  their  report,  in  March,  1781,  on  the  causes 
why  the  people  did  not  pay  their  taxes,  was  estimated 
at  not  less  than  $14,000,000/  The  frequent  change  of 
excise  officers  was  another  reason  given  for  not  regard- 
ing the  law.  "  Removals  by  new  assemblies,"  remarked 
the  commissioners,  "introducing  new  officers  who  by 
the  time  they  are  acquainted  with  their  duty  and  dis- 
posed to  do  it,  are  changed  and  give  place  to  successors 
equally  uninformed,  and  who,  knowing  how  uncertain 
their  appointments  are,  rather  study  to  please  their 
neighbors  than  serve  the  public  by  an  attentive  dis- 
charge of  their  duty." 

Some  prosecutions  of  delinquents  were  attempted, 
though  not  often.  In  November,  1780,  some  persons  in 
Tulpehocken  and  Bethel  townships,  in  Berks  County, 
who  had  entered  into  an  association  to  withhold  the 
payment  of  their  taxes  and  resist  the  collectors  were 
indicted.  They  pleaded  guilty,  and  with  many  proofs 
of  repentance  and  sorrow  begged  the  mercy  of  the 
court.  Each  was  fined  ^"300,  which,  with  the  costs, 
was  about  five  times  the  amount  of  his  tax.  As  most 
of  them  had  borne  arms  in  the  struggle  for  independ- 
ence, and  had  been  misled  "  by  the  secret  machinations 

'A  "copy"  of  this  report  is  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society.  The  original  is  not  at  Harrisburg,  though  the 
reason  for  its  absence  is  not  unknown.  The  amount  of  certificates 
held  by  the  people  in  the  following  counties  was  given  by  the  com- 
missioners : 


Bucks 300,000 

Northampton    .    .     900,000 

Berks       1,200,000 

Lancaster  ....  3,000,000 


York 105,000 

Cumberland  .    .    .  2,925,000 
Chester 600,000 


-O  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

of  some  designing  persons,"  the  court  was  lenient  in  its 
judgment  on  the  offenders. 

At  nearly  the  same  time  Congress  called  on  the  states 
to  contribute,  in  prescribed  proportions,  toward  the  sup- 
port of  the  government.  For  this  purpose  another  dose 
of  paper-money  was  recommended  with  a  slight  varia- 
tion. The  notes  were  to  bear  interest  and  be  redeem- 
able in  six  years  ;  and  the  payment  of  the  principal  was 
guaranteed  by  the  United  States.  Pennsylvania  emitted 
$250,000  which  bore  the  name  of  "the  dollar  money." 
In  May  an  act  had  been  passed  to  receive  the  old  con- 
tinental money  at  the  rate  of  one  dollar  in  specie  for 
forty  of  the  continental  ones. 

The  true  method  of  getting  money  for  carrying  on 
the  State  government  was  by  taxation  and  loans.  The 
Assembly  ordered  the  collection  of  more  than  $35,000,000 
of  taxes  between  the  years  1776  and  1781,  but  only  a 
small  portion  was  ever  collected.  Besides  the  taxes 
thus  levied  and  paid  for  State  purposes,  Congress  in 
1777  recommended  the  states  to  raise  for  the  general 
service  by  taxation  $5,000,000.  The  quota  for  Pennsyl- 
vania was  $620,000.  This  amount  was  authorized  by  a 
law  passed  in  March,  1778.  This  was  to  be  levied  on 
all  real  and  personal  estate,  and  the  amount  was  appor- 
tioned among  the  several  counties.  Every  "  single 
freeman  "  older  than  twenty-one  was  required  to  pay  an 
additional  tax  of  three  pounds.  At  a  later  period  more 
elaborate  regulations  were  passed  for  taxing  single  men. 
The  tax  was  made  a  variable  one  from  three  to  fifteen 
pounds,  and  security  might  be  demanded  of  them  for  its 
payment.  This  tax,  with  some  variations,  remained  on 
the  statute-book  several  years.  In  October,  '79,  a 
monthly  continental  tax  was  imposed  that  was  to  con- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  -t 

tinue  for  eight  months,  to  raise  $15,000,000.  By  sub- 
sequent legislation  Congress  called  on  the  States  to 
continue  this  support  to  the  general  cause  until 
April,  1 781.  To  redeem  the  new  bills  of  credit 
issued  by  Congress  in  17801  and  advised  by  the  states, 
Pennsylvania  passed  a  law  in  1780  for  raising  $93,640 
annually  for  six  years  to  redeem  the  bills  for  which  the 
State  was  responsible.  The  State  continued  to  authorize 
the  raising  of  its  quotas,  though  it  failed  like  the  other 
states  in  fully  honoring  the  continental  requisitions. 
The  first  tax  payable  in  specie  was  levied  in  June,2 
1784.  The  amount  to  be  raised  was  ^200,000.  Tax- 
payers were  required  to  pay  in  gold  or  silver  money  "at 
the  rate  of  three  pounds  for  one-half  johnnes  of 
Portugal,  weighing  nine  pennyweights,  and  seven 
shillings  and  six  pence  for  one  Spanish  milled  dollar, 
weighing  seventeen  pennyweights  and  six  grains,  and 
so  in  proportion  for  all  other  gold  and  silver  money." 

Had  a  system  of  taxation  been  adopted  and  enforced, 
•1  considerable  sum  doubtless  could  have  been  collected, 
enough  at  least  to  have  established  a  genuine  credit 
serving  as  a  basis  for  loans  by  individuals  in  the  State 
and  abroad.  Unfortunately,  the  system  of  taxation 
broke  down  at  the  very  beginning,  affecting  not  only 
the  value  of  the  paper-money,  but  also  the  credit  of  the 
State.  More  strenuous  measures  ought  to  have  been 
taken  to  preserve  and  enforce  this  power.  The  Su- 
preme Executive  Council  in  January,  1780,  declared 
that  thev  had  been  zealous  in  enacting  tax  laws  and 
had  "executed  them  with  energy  and  expedition." 
"For  this  end,"  says  the  Council,  "we  have  especially 
called  upon  all  officers  throughout  the  State,  elected  to 

1  March  18th.  22ist. 


72  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

this  most  necessary  duty,  requiring  their  utmost  exer- 
tion, and  we  trust  every  good  man  and  lover  of  his 
country  will  yield  a  cheerful  compliance  and  assist- 
ance." The  behavior  of  many  persons  in  the  State  and 
County  of  Philadelphia  was  evasive.  The  Friends,  as 
well  as  others,  declined  to  give  any  information  con- 
cerning their  property,  though  liable  to  fourfold  taxes 
if  it  were  concealed.  The  commissioners  were  puzzled. 
The  Friends  had  houses,  land,  cattle,  which  they  did 
not  conceal,  but  refused  to  declare  what  was  their  own. 
Nicholas  Wain,  a  Quaker  lawyer,  declared  in  a  written 
opinion  that  concealment  was  the  return  of  only  a  part, 
and  that  the  law  did  not  apply  to  those  who  made  no 
return  whatever  Attorney-General  Sergeant  gave  a 
more  rational  opinion,  declaring  that  a  person  who  gave 
no  return  at  all  was  liable  to  fourfold  taxes  as  a  punish- 
ment, and  that  the  Legislature  never  intended  to  punish 
a  partial  concealment  and  suffer  a  total  concealment  to 
go  unpunished. 

In  one  of  President  Reed's  letters  to  Washington,  he 
says:      "Our  difficulties  lie  with  the  rich  and  not  with 

the  poor In  my  opinion  we  have  miscalculated 

the  abilities  of  the  country,  and  entirely  the  disposition 
of  the  people  to  bear  taxes  in  the  necessary  extent. 
The  country  not  immediately  the  seat  of  either  army  is 
richer  than  when  the  war  began,  but  the  long  disuse  of 
taxes  and  their  natural  unpalatableness  have  embarrassed 
the  business  exceedingly,  and  Tories,  grumbling  Whigs 
and  party  have  all  thrown  in  their  aid  to  increase  the 
discontent."  In  1780,  Reed  wrote  to  Mr.  Henry  of 
Lancaster:  "I  beg  to  know,  my  good  friend,  why  your 
county  cannot  pay  her  share  of  taxes  proportionably 
with  other  counties?     Has  she  suffered  by  the  enemy? 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  y. 

Did  she  not,  at  the  last  regulation  of  property,  appear  so 
considerable  as  to  have  almost  double  the  number  of 
representatives  of  most  of  the  other  counties?  The 
truth  is  there  is  not  a  week  that  some  people  from  your 
county  are  purchasing  gold  and  silver  in  the  city  and 
hoarding  up  as  too  sacred  to  be  touched  for  taxes." 

Perhaps  more  power  would  not  have  been  unresist- 
ingly borne,  for  the  bitterness  between  parties  did  not 
diminish  with  the  progress  of  the  war.  The  elections 
were  annually  held,  but  many  could  not  vote  because 
they  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Their 
tongues  were  loose,  however,  and  they  were  neither  soft 
nor  slow.  The  election  of  members  for  the  county  of 
Philadelphia  to  the  Assembly  in  October,  '81,  was  con- 
tested on  the  ground  of  military  interference.  It  was 
asserted  that  when  the  militia  were  serving  at  New- 
town, in  Bucks  County,  a  private  meeting  was  held  by 
the  officers  of  the  Philadelphia  battalions,  who  agreed 
to  support  the  ticket,  and  to  compel  the  privates  to  vote 
in  the  same  manner.  The  soldiers  were  inarched  to  the 
polls  in  battalions,  received  the  tickets  that  had  been 
prepared  for  them,  and  could  not  leave  their  places  to 
consult  with  their  fellow-citizens.  Those  who  refused 
to  vote  were  threatened  with  a  flogging.  Those  who 
voted  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  their  officers 
received  a  furlough.  General  Lacey  was  denounced  as 
the  chief  conspirator.  He  denied  these  charges,  and 
said  that  forty  officers  requested  him  to  send  the  troops 
in  a  body  to  the  election,  that  he  could  not  discharge 
them  to  go  to  the  election,  and  consequently  they  were 
kept  under  command.  Another  reason  for  doing  so  was 
to  prevent  misconduct  or  plundering.  Nothing  was 
said  to  them  about  voting,  and  he  was  not  accountable 


74  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

for  what  they  did  at  the  polls.  The  affair  fired  the 
Assembly  into  a  white  heat.  General  Lacey  desired  to 
be  represented  by  counsel,  but  his  request  was  negatived 
on  the  very  close  vote  of  twenty-nine  to  twenty-seven. 
The  Philadelphia  delegates  voted  against  the  privilege. 
This  led  the  minority  to  protest  against  the  indecency 
of  their  conduct,  and  the  Philadelphia  delegates  were  ex- 
cluded from  further  participation  in  the  proceedings. 
Many  witnesses  were  examined.  It  was  asserted  that 
Colonel  Bitting  told  his  men,  when  they  were  marching 
on  their  way  to  the  election,  that  they  must  vote  a 
designated  ticket  and  that  all  who  did  not  were  Tories. 
At  Germantown,  and  some  other  places,  militia  officers 
acted  as  inspectors  of  election.  A  ticket  was  voted  for 
one  set  of  candidates  called  "  the  camp  ticket."  One 
citizen  was  prevented  from  speaking  to  his  son  and 
sons-in-law  who  were  serving  as  soldiers.  The  ticket 
of  a  soldier  was  torn  up  by  Colonel  Bitting  because  he 
was  opposed  to  the  name  of  the  candidate.  The  hear- 
ing was  prolonged,  and  in  April,  the  following  year, 
the  Assembly  resolved  by  a  vote  of  thirty-two  to  eigh- 
teen that  the  charges  were  not  sustained. 

At  the  same  time  the  election  of  John  Bayard  was 
contested  on  the  ground  of  fraud.  The  Executive 
Council  took  part  in  the  controversy,  and  finally  the 
assistance  of  the  supreme  court  was  besought  to  solve 
some  of  the  difficulties.  These  events  deeply  stirred  the 
people.  Many  an  exciting  election  had  been  held, 
quarrels  had  been  frequent,  but  without  any  deep  design 
to  intimidate  voters  or  allure  them  by  direct  rewards. 
These,  however,  were  unusual  times  ;  party'  excitement 
ran  high,  and  the  war  party  realized  the  danger  to  the 
cause  of  the  Revolution  if  their  ascendency  in  the 
Assembly  was  lost. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  nr 

Having  served  three  years  as  a  member  of  the 
Council,  Reed  could  serve  no  longer.  Though  not 
wholly  approving  the  constitution,  he  had  been  un- 
wearied in  the  public  service.  During  the  three  years 
of  his  presidency  he  was,  says  his  biographer,  "  in  every 
sense  the  master  spirit  of  his  party  and  the  State  gov- 
ernment." The  Executive  Council  was  more  than  an 
executive  body.  Many  important  legislative  measures 
sprang  from  this  source.  All  the  messages  to  the 
Assembly,  addresses  to  the  people,  and  official  corres- 
pondence with  Washington  were  the  work  of  President 
Reed.  From  the  beginning  of  his  first  to  the  end  of 
his  last  term  of  office,  the  attacks  of  his  political 
enemies  were  incessant.  His  action  in  declaring  and 
enforcing  martial  law  aroused  the  bitter  enmity  of 
many.  If,  in  many  ways,  he  failed  to  execute  the  laws 
and  keep  alive  a  strong  revolutionary  spirit,  no  other 
man  could  have  done  more.  Vainly  he  essayed  to 
improve  the  public  service ;  his  efforts  yielded  little 
more  than  ruin  to  his  health;  and  he  died  in  1785,  four 
years  after  the  close  of  his  stormy  political  career,  only 
forty-four  years  old,  a  martyr  to  overwork  in  the  cause 
he  loved  and  served  with  so  much  zeal. 

Such  a  strong  and  impetuous  nature  could  not  help 
arousing  a  host  of  enemies.  Nor  has  death,  which 
smites  down  the  jealousy  of  every  competitor  in  the 
wild  race  for  place  and  glory,  and  often  obliterates  so 
many  of  the  harsh  deeds  of  life,  done  as  much  for  Reed 
as  for  many  an  one  less  deserving.  As  his  enemies 
were  singularly  active  in  attacking  him  during  his  life- 
time, so  have  others  been  hardly  less  persistent  in  con- 
tinuing their  attacks.  Thus  opinion  concerning  Reed's 
character,  though  more  than  a  century  has  passed  since 


70  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  I  'AN I  A. 

iris  death,  is  still  divided.  With  every  wish  to  do  justice 
to  him  and  his  contemporaries,  the  most  faithful  student 
of  history  is  still  troubled  in  measuring  his  motives,  the 
depth  of  his  patriotism,  and  the  efficiency  of  his  admin- 
istration* 

Section  III. 

The  Presidencies  of  Moore  a?id  Dicki?iso?i. 
1781-1785. 

His  successor,  William  Moore,  belonging  to  the  same 
political  party,  felt  the  full  force  of  the  opposition 
aroused  by  Reed's  drastic  methods  to  secure  supplies  for 
the  army.  Yet  as  the  taxes  did  not  yield  revenue 
enough,  the  same  harsh  policy  was  continued.  Moore 
had  been  Vice-President  of  the  Council,  had  long  served 
as  an  auditor  for  liquidating  the  accounts  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  when  the  Pennsylvania  Line  revolted  near  the 
end  of  1780,  started  a  subscription  loan  of  ^20,000  in 
specie  to  meet  the  exigency.  Only  ^1,400  were  sub- 
scribed, yet  Moore's  burning  zeal  for  the  cause  was 
again  shown,  as  it  had  been  on  many  occasions. 

Were  the  taxes  a  heavier  burden  than  could  be 
borne?  A  writer  of  that  day  asserted  that  artful  men 
had  endeavored  to  spread  such  an  opinion,  and  weak 
men  were  induced  to  believe  it.  The  taxes  were  un- 
equal, but  "as  to  the  amount,"  says  the  same  writer,  "it 
is  but  trifling  compared  with  the  taxes  we  have  actually 
paid."  Some  persons  did  indeed  pretend  that  a  tax  of 
specific  articles  of  produce  was  preferable  to  a  tax  pay- 
able in  money,  because  the  farmers  could  always  find 
wheat  and  beef  to  pay  it.  Experience  had  clearly 
proved  the  groundlessness  of  the  assertion.  It  was 
made  in  ignorance,  or  perhaps  was  the  imagination  of 
British  emissaries. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  yy 

During  Moore's  administration  the  Executive  Coun- 
cil and  the  Assembly  battled  for  the  exercise  of  author- 
ity.  The  scenes  so  familiar  in  proprietary  days  be- 
tween the  executive  and  Assembly  were  renewed.  The 
Council  complained  that  the  Assembly's  policy  tended 
to  destroy  the  authority  of  the  Council.  The  burning 
point  of  controversy  was  over  the  payment  of  the 
salaries  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court.  Their 
compensation  was  fixed  before  their  appointment,  yet 
the  Assembly  reduced  it  and  by  so  doing  violated  the 
contract  between  the  State  and  the  judges.  Drafts 
were  drawn  on  the  treasury  without  the  action  of  the 
Council  and  contrary  to  the  constitution,  which  de- 
clared that  the  Council  had  the  right  "to  draw  upon 
the  treasury  for  such  sums  as  should  be  appropriated  by 
the  House."  The  Assembly  authorized  the  commission- 
ers of  the  River  Delaware  to  draw  on  the  treasury. 
Regarding  this  act  as  unprecedented,  the  Council  re- 
monstrated with  the  Assembly.  That  body  resolved 
that  it  did  not  know  "of  any  system,  steadily  pursued" 
that  tended  "to  annihilate  the  powers  and  usefulness  of 
the  executive  part  of  the  government"  and  that  the 
charges  "were  improper,  groundless  and  injurious." 
The  vote,  however,  on  its  passage,  was  almost  evenly 
divided. 

In  August  the  Assembly  was  specially  convened  to 
raise  funds  for  maintaining  the  government.  A  more 
pleasing  subject  was  the  terms  of  a  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain.  The  Assembly,  in 
1778,  had  resolved  that  the  man  or  men  who  should 
presume  to  make  a  separate  or  partial  convention  with 
the  King  of  Great  Britain,  or  his  commissioners,  ought 
to  be  considered  as  enemies  by  the  United  States,  that, 


78  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

as  a  preliminary,  the  fleets  and  armies  of  the  British 
crown  ought  to  be  withdrawn  from  America,  or  the  in- 
dependence of  the  states  be  acknowledged.  The  con- 
dition of  affairs  had  since  changed,  and  the  probability 
of  peace  required  that  some  action  should  be  taken. 
The  Council,  therefore,  in  May,  1782,  re-affirmed  the 
spirit  of  the  resolution  of  '78,  and  added  that  any  propo- 
sition that  might  be  made  by  Great  Britian  tending  to 
violate  the  treaty  existing  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  ought  to  be  treated  "with  every  mark  of 
indignity  and  contempt."  At  the  same  time  the  Coun- 
cil declared  that  if  Great  Britain  continued  to  persist 
much  longer  in  her  course,  she  would  destroy  "all  title 
to  the  esteem,  faith  and  confidence  of  the  United  States, 
and  render  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  between  the 
Americans  and  English  absolutely  and  altogether  im- 
practicable." This  action  of  the  Council  was  considered 
by  the  Assembly  at  the  special  session.  A  resolution 
was  introduced  against  peace  with  England  without  the 
consent  of  France,  against  reunion  with  Great  Britain 
on  any  terms,  and  against  a  revival  of  the  rights  of  the 
proprietary  family.  The  last  proposition  had  been  re- 
jected by  an  Assembly  committee.  The  news  of  its 
action  reached  the  public  ear  and  quickly  kindled  a 
blaze  of  opposition.  With  such  a  display  of  sentiment 
the  Assembly  speedily  passed  the  resolution. 

Though  every  thinking  person  now  believed  that 
the  cause  of  the  Revolution  would  probably  succeed, 
the  public  spirit  was  as  surely  decaying.  One  of  the 
thoughtful  observers  of  a  somewhat  earlier  time  re- 
marked that  "  the  busy  multitude  are  engaged  in 
accumulating  what  they  fondly  call  riches,  by  fore- 
stalling, extortioning   and  imposing  upon  each  other. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  yg 

Can  it  be  denied  that  the  community  at  large  act  as 
though  they  had  agreed  to  plunder  the  State  between 
them,  each  exerting  himself  to  get  the  greatest  share  of 
the  booty?  Here  government  sits  as  indifferent  spec- 
tators, while  quartermasters  and  commissioners,  the 
unjust  trader,  the  farmer  and  mechanic,  are  contending 
for  the  prey,  and  they  who  get  the  greatest  booty  are 
daily  wallowing  in  dissipation,  venality  and  luxury,  at  a 
time  wherein  thousands  are  groaning  under  the  weight 
of  intolerable  distress." 

That  the  State  was  suffering  from  some  dangerous 
disorder  also  appeared  from  the  unequal  division  of 
property.  Thousands  of  the  most  honest  and  respect- 
able citizens  of  America  who  had  acquired  their  wealth 
by  hard  industry  or  through  inheritance  now  saw  many 
"whose  fathers  they  would  have  disdained  to  have  set 
with  the  dogs  of  their  flock,  raised  to  immense  wealth." 
Does  not  "  shoddydom "  always  flourish  in  war-time? 
So  the  "  haughty,  supercilious  and  luxurious  spend- 
thrift" emerged  into  view,  shocking  the  quiet,  well-bred 
citizen  by  his  coarse  and  careless  ways. 

Another  symptom  of  the  general  decay  was  "  the 
undermining  of  that  confidence  which  the  community 
ought  to  place  in  the  august  assembly  of  their  repre- 
sentatives." But  another  observer  in  Moore's  time 
presents  a  less  despairing  view:  "Many  people,"  he 
says,  "were  allowed  to  take  part  in  the  war  by  the 
prospect  of  a  maintenance  which  it  afforded  them. 
Many  at  this  time  appeared  as  Whigs,  who  were 
actuated  by  no  other  motive  than  avarice,  or  desire  of 
bettering  their  fortunes.  Hundreds  who  were  poor,  or 
in  debt,  have  retired  or  been  driven  from  the  service  of 
the  public  with  ample  fortunes  acquired  by  imposing 


g0  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

upon  the  credulity  of  their  fellow-citizens,  by  extra- 
ordinary pretensions  to  zeal  in  the  public  cause.  At 
present,  the  distant  and  moderate  rewards  for  public 
services  afford  a  strong  presumption  that  those  men  who 
serve  their  country  either  in  a  civil  or  military  capacity, 
are  actuated  by  the  purest  patriotism." 

One  indication  of  the  downward  trend  of  public  spirit 
was  the  bestowal,  to  some  extent,  of  the  public  offices 
on  the  highest  competitor.  During  Moore's  adminis- 
tration there  were  several  candidates  for  the  office  of 
collector  of  excise  for  the  County  of  Philadelphia,  and 
it  was  rumored  that  one  of  them  would  give  one- third 
of  the  income  if  appointed.  The  legal  income  was 
barely  more  than  ^75.  But  there  were  emoluments, 
especially  the  granting  of  permits  for  liquors  entered. 
There  were  also  seizures.  The  income  of  the  office, 
therefore,  depended  mainly  on  the  activity  and  adroit- 
ness of  the  collector.  "  Some  men,"  said  a  writer  who 
evidently  understood  the  situation,  "  might  possibly  lay 
up  money  out  of  this  collectorship  besides  providing  for 
a  family,  whilst  others  would  starve  in  it  and  collect 
very  little  for  the  State." 

"  The  idea  of  selling  places  in  a  free  State  "  afforded, 
so  the  writer  thought,  "but  a  wretched  presage  of 
public  virtue.  It  was  inconsistent  with  stern  republican 
principles  that  offices  should  be  so  openly  asked  for." 
The  writer  contended  that  the  best  check  on  wrong 
doing  was  to  appoint  men  of  integrity,  who  would 
secure  the  public  far  better  than  bonds,  oaths  or  the 
severest  laws  to  punish  extortion  or  peculation.  "As  for 
public  prosecutions,"  he  asserted  that  there  had  been 
"sufficient  samples  of  their  insufficiency  to  punish 
frauds  in  public  trust." 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBL  V.  8l 

Most  of  the  officers  at  that  time  were  paid  by  fees 
established  thirty  years  before.1  The  advance  in  the 
price  of  everything  since  that  period  had  greatly 
reduced  their  purchasing  power.  A  salary  of  ^ioo  per 
annum  in  1750  would  not  purchase  half  as  much  in 
1782.  The  wages  of  members  of  the  Assembly  had 
been  trebled  from  five  shillings  to  fifteen.  Yet  sheriffs 
and  others  who  depended  on  fees  were  recompensed  as 
before.  The  permanent  offices  in  the  State  were  now 
mostly  filled  by  Whigs  who  had  accepted  them  in  the 
dark  days  when  many,  who  were  now  eager  to  fill  them, 
"stood  aloof,  and  took  care  not  to  render  their  peace 
with  our  tyrant  enemy  too  difficult" 

While  Moore  was  President,  important  action  was 
taken  to  settle  the  public  accounts.  The  office  of 
comptroller-general  was  established,  and  his  duties  were 
set  forth.  It  was  continued  for  eight  years  without 
many  changes.  In  the  meantime  the  authority  of  the 
comptroller  was  extended  to  the  issuing  of  certificates 
for  balances  due  to  officers,  privates  and  citizens,  and  an 
appeal  to  the  supreme  court  was  allowed  from  his 
settlements.  He  was  also  clothed  both  with  executive 
and  judicial  authority  to  settle  accounts  and  collect 
money  due  to  the  State.  For  the  first  time  an  annual 
abstract  of  accounts  was  to  be  prepared  for  the  use  of 
the  Council  and  Assembly.  He  was  to  judge  of  prices 
and  charges  whenever  they  had  been  ascertained  and 
fixed  by   persons  duly  authorized  to  fix  them,  and  to 

1  At  a  later  period  the  fee  system  led  to  gross  violations  of  the  law. 
The  prothonotaries  especially  were  severely  accused.  In  Westmore- 
land County  a  writer  asserted  that  the  best  public  officers  were 
"very  exorbitant  and  unwarrantable."  John  Irwin  in  Packet,  Jan. 
29,  1789. 
6 


82  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

require  all  debtors  to  pay  except  the  collectors  of  public 
taxes  and  county  treasurers,  "  and  to  keep  fair,  distinct 
and  clear  accounts  of  all  the  revenues  and  expenditures 
of  the  Common  wealth  of  every  kind  and  nature." 
John  Nicholson  was  appointed  "  comptroller-general  for 
the  time  being,"  and  in  1785  the  comptroller's  term  of 
office  was  fixed  at  seven  years.  After  long  delay  the 
State  began  to  untangle  the  knotty  skein  of  its  accounts. 
Several  attempts  had  been  previously  made,  but  without 
effect.  The  legislators  of  those  days  wrote  failure  in 
advance  between  the  lines  of  much  of  their  work,  yet 
did  not  cease  to  make  laws,  though  with  less  hope  than 
ever  of  their  effective  execution. 

At  last,  as  a  consequence  of  the  seizure  measures,  the 
anti-war  party,  in  the  October  election  of  1782, 
triumphed,  and  John  Dickinson  was  chosen  by  the 
Assembly  President  of  the  Executive  Council.  Another 
member  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  elected  at 
the  same  time  was  Charles  Biddle  who  was  then  living 
in  Reading.  He  had  two  powerful  German  compet- 
itors. The  Germans,  so  Biddle  said,  were  generally  a 
very  honest,  industrious  people;  and  if  treated  with  kind- 
ness and  aided  in  any  way,  were  very  grateful.  If  they 
found  any  of  their  neighbors  proud  and  haughty,  they 
would  do  anything  to  injure  them.  Among  the  Ger- 
mans who  aided  Biddle  was  Henry  Wertz,  who  had 
served  as  a  sailor  during  one  of  Biddle' s  voyages. 
When  he  was  about  to  sail  in  the  Charming  Nancy, 
Wertz  came  to  the  wharf  and  inquired  if  there  were 
oranges  where  he  was  going.  Biddle  told  him,  "  Yes, 
plenty."  "Will  you  take  me?"  "Yes,  jump  on  board." 
So  he  went,  but  Captain  Biddle  soon  learned  that 
Wertz  had  left  his  father's  wagon  and  horses  in  town 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  83 

and  gone  off  without  his  knowledge.  Surely  a  bad  be- 
ginning for  the  boy,  and  still  worse  for  the  horses.  On 
election  day  Wertz  went  to  the  court-house,  where  the 
election  was  held,  declared  that  he  knew  Captain 
Biddle,  that  he  had  "been  to  sea  mid  him,  and  fought 
mid  him  many  times."  Biddle  says  that  during  the 
voyage  when  "this  honest  fellow"  was  with  him  "we 
had  not  a  gun  on  board."  Notwithstanding  the  popu- 
larity of  his  rivals,  Biddle  had  more  votes  than  both  of 
them. 

Dickinson's  opponent  was  General  Potter,  an  ardent 
and  very  efficient  officer  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war.1  Dickinson  received  forty-one  votes,  Potter  twenty- 
two.  James  Ewing  was  elected  vice-president,  receiv- 
ing thirty-nine  votes  and  General  Potter  thirty-four. 
The  contest  had  been  exceedingly  bitter.  Never  had 
such  fierce  and  frequent  attacks  been  made  by  either 
party  on  the  other.  Many  names  and  reputations 
were  drawn  into  the  contest.  Still  worse,  these  fires, 
now  raging  so  fiercely,  did  not  die  down  with  the 
triumph  of  the  Whigs.  Dickinson  was  attacked  by 
"Valerius."  The  principal  accusations  against  him 
were  his  opposition  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
to  the  constitution  of  the  State,  to  his  withdrawal  from 

'A  writer  in  the  Packet  remarked  :  "  Pity  it  is  that  the  progress 
should  be  marked  by  the  political  declension  of  the  patriot  general 
(Mifflin)  and  the  elevation  of  the  fugitive  colonel  (Dickinson), 
but  such  is  the  instability  of  human  nature,  such  the  ups  and  down 
of  human  life,  such  the  foil}-  and  ingratitude  of  man  that  we 
frequently  find  him  abandoning  the  faithful  comrade  of  misfortune, 
who  in  the  hour  of  adversity  braved  danger  and  dared  death,  for  the 
frivolous  friend  of  good-fortune  who  under  similar  circumstances 
withheld  from  the  common  cause  even  his  wishes  and  prayers." 
October  31,  1782. 


84  HISTOR  } '  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

the  American  cause  and  linking  himself  with  Tories, 
to  the  desertion  of  his  battalion  in  1776  and  his  attempt 
to  discredit  the  paper-money.  To  these  accusations 
Dickinson  replied.  His  opposition  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  sprung  from  the  belief  that  "the  issue 
was  uncertain  and  the  time  premature.  The  Declaration 
was  calculated  to  injure  the  confederacy  with  foreign 
powers."  He  also  admitted  his  opposition  to  the  con- 
stitution, but  "  he  had  a  right  to  do  so,  because  he 
thought  it  an  imperfect  instrument."  Yet  he  had 
accepted  office  under  it,  which  was  deemed  an  incon- 
sistency. He  did  not  think  so,  "because  it  was  now 
the  law  of  the  land,  and  it  was  his  duty  as  a  good 
citizen  to  submit  to  it  and  support  it  as  long  as  it  was 
in  force."  His  military  service  required  a  fuller 
explanation.  He  was  commander  of  the  associators  at 
Amboy  in  1776,  the  senior  colonel  of  the  First  Phila- 
delphia Battalion,  and  remained  there  until  the  soldiers 
were  discharged.  He  regarded  himself  as  having  been 
degraded  by  the  election  of  Roberdeau  and  Ewing  as 
brigadiers.  Yet  he  continued  in  the  service.  The  elec- 
tion  of  Roberdeau  and  Ewing  having  been  confirmed, 
he  resigned  his  commission  as  colonel  and  resolved  to 
serve  as  a  volunteer.  For  this  he  contended  that  he 
ought  not  to  be  censured  any  more  than  other  officers 
who  had  withdrawn  from  service  in  consequence  of 
disputes  concerning  rank.  The  last  charge  of  attempt- 
ing to  impair  the  credit  of  paper-money,  founded  on 
a  letter  to  his  brother,  was  denied.  Dickinson  hardly 
acquitted  himself  fully  of  these  charges,  though  he  did 
mitigate  their  force.  The  last,  however,  still  stands 
against  him.  "  Pale-faced  Joe,"  is  supposed  to  have 
delivered  the  cruel  blow.     He  had  many  scores  to  pay 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  85 

off,  the  dogs  had  long  been  barking  and  biting  at  his 
heels,  and  the  time  had  finally  come  when,  relieved  of 
the  cares  of  his  office,  he  could  turn  on  his  malignant 
pursuers. 

The  most  savage  onslaught  was  between  himself  and 
General  Cadwalader.  The  latter  accused  Reed  of  de- 
spairing, toward  the  close  of  1776,  of  the  American 
cause,  and  of  showing  a  strong  inclination  to  go  over  to 
the  enemy.  Reed's  countercharge  against  Cadwalader 
was  of  coquetting  with  the  Tories  after  the  battle  of 
Monmouth.  The  conflict  first  began  under  pseudony- 
mous articles  in  the  newspapers,  and  ended  with  elaborate 
pamphlets  to  which  the  writers  signed  their  names. 
Both  pamphlets  were  highly  charged  with  venom,  nor 
was  it  an  uncommon  thing  for  writers  in  those  days  to 
pour  their  personal  charges  into  newspapers  and  pam- 
phlets hot  from  their  over-heated  imagination.  So 
there  is  nothing  especially  noteworthy  about  the 
manner  in  which  Reed  and  Cadwalader  locked  horns, 
except  their  eminent  standing  among  men.  Neither 
pamphlet  was  a  clap  of  thunder  from  a  clear  sky  start- 
ling the  people  by  its  unexpectedness,  but  simply 
another  clap  from  a  sky  that  had  long  been  darkened  by 
the  fierce  war  of  political  factions  and  by  personal 
speech-aud-pen  encounters. 

Indeed,  Dickinson's  anonymous  opponent  was  simply 
pursuing  the  method  of  personal  warfare  of  the  time. 
Perhaps  it  was  more  prevalent  and  bitter  in  Pennsyl- 
vania than  in  other  states;  such  was  the  opinion  of  an 
observer  who  asserted  in  the  Packet  that  there  was  not 
a  town  upon  the  continent,  hardly  one  in  the  world,  in 
which  anonymous  warfare  was  conducted  with  such 
virulence     as     in     Philadelphia.       "A    difference     of 


86  HISTORY  Oh  PENNSYLVANIA. 

opinion  upon  the  most  speculative  subject  creates  per- 
sonal animosity,  and  it  would  seem  that  in  the  imagina- 
tion of  some  men  to  traduce  a  character  and  to  confute 
an  argument  are  the  same  thing :  thus,  if  one  writer 
states  a  proposition  in  politics,  he  may  be  answered  by 
calling  him  an  apostate  ;  if  another  details  the  principles 
of  commerce,  he  may  be  confuted  by  a  charge  of 
Toryism ;  a  treatise  upon  language  may  be  stripped  of 
its  merit  by  terming  its  author  an  incendiary  ;  and 
nothing  more  is  requisite  to  controvert  a  theological 
essay,  than  to  assert  that  the  priest  is  a  drunkard." 

A  much  happier  theme  for  daily  talk  than  these  dis- 
graceful quarrels  was  the  announcement  of  the  treaty 
of  peace.  Though  long  expected,  many  hindrances 
had  blocked  the  path  of  the  negotiators.  At  last,  that 
dear  word,  peace,  could  be  pronounced.  Moving  in 
darkness,  as  even  the  most  far-sighted  still  move,  the 
beginning  of  a  wonderful  day  had  come.  If  the  great 
shore  of  life  is  everywhere  strewn  with  wrecks,  thrown 
up  by  human  miscalculation,  many  a  ship  has  made  a 
brilliant  voyage  by  daring,  through  ignorance,  to  take 
risks  known  and  avoided  by  the  wise.  The  American 
Revolution  was  one  of  these  daring  ventures  that  never 
would  have  been  undertaken  had  the  leaders  possessed 
a  rational  comprehension  of  the  dangers ;  and  still  less 
inclined  would  the  people  have  been,  had  they  possessed 
equal  knowledge,  to  follow  them.  Henceforth,  we 
were  to  mark  the  Day  of  Independence  as  the  beginning 
of  our  political  institutions,  as  the  Greeks  of  old  marked 
the  battle  of  Marathon. 

Independence!  what  did  that  mean?  A  victory 
truly,  the  immediate  effects  of  which  revolutionist  and 
opponent   were   alike   to   share — this  all   could    under- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  87 

stand.  Released  from  allegiance  to  Great  Britain, 
henceforth  they  were  to  be  their  own  masters.  Would 
their  material,  political  and  moral  development  be  ad- 
vanced by  the  change?  Their  success  might  well  in- 
spire them  with  the  hope  of  overcoming  every  future 
obstacle.  Did  they  at  once  peer  into  the  coming  cen- 
turies and  begin  to  plan  a  great  republic?  Nothing  of 
the  kind.  Blindly  they  had  plunged  into  the  Revolu- 
tion ;  blindly  and  pressed  by  necessity  they  must  long 
remain  in  the  wilderness  of  political  experiment.  If 
the  victors  of  that  day  supposed  they  had  gained  the  shin- 
ing mountain-top,  how  great  would  be  their  disappoint- 
ment were  they  still  alive  and  able  to  see  all  the  dark 
and  depressing  valleys  through  which  the  people  have 
since  wandered.  Six  years  afterward,  amid  political 
chaos,  a  nation  was  to  arise,  and  in  a  century  grow 
strong  and  great,  not  through  prearranged  human  wis- 
dom, but  through  the  working  of  a  power  which,  from 
the  beginning  of  history,  is  seen  in  the  retrospect,  if  not 
in  the  present,  using  men  and  nations  for  ends  far 
greater  than  their  own. 

On  the  return  of  peace  the  first  step  was  to  exchange 
prisoners.  During  the  war  many  had  been  taken  by 
both  armies.  Early  in  the  contest  the  British  minister 
had  instructed  General  Howe  to  effect  an  exchange  of 
prisoners  without  using  the  king's  name  in  any  negotia- 
tion for  that  purpose.  By  this  arrangement  an  officer 
was  exchanged  for  another  of  equal  rank,  a  soldier  for  a 
soldier,  a  sailor  for  a  sailor.  Many  stories  were  told 
concerning  the  severity  of  treatment  received  by 
American  prisoners.  A  considerable  number  of  Penn- 
sylvanians  were  taken  during  the  fighting  on  Long 
Island  ;  a  much  larger  number  on  the  surrender  of  Fort 


38  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Washington.  One  of  the  prisoners  taken  after  the 
capture  of  the  fort  was  Captain  Graydon,  who  wrote  a 
graphic  account  of  his  military  life.  Immediately  on 
his  surrender,  he  was  put  with  other  prisoners  under  the 
care  of  a  sergeant  who  remarked:  "Young  men,  ye 
should  never  fight  against  your  king."  Soon  a  British 
officer,  apparently  of  high  rank,  rode  up,  exclaiming, 
"What!  taking  prisoners?"  Graydon's  back  was 
toward  him  when  he  spoke,  but  immediately  turning  he 
took  off  his  hat,  saying,  "  Sir,  I  put  myself  under  your 
protection."  "No  man,"  says  Graydon,  "was  ever 
more  effectually  rebuked.  His  manner  was  instantly 
softened  ;  he  met  my  salutation  with  an  inclination  of 
his  body,  and  after  a  civil  question  or  two,  as  if  to  make 
amends  for  his  sanguinary  mandate,  he  rode  off  towards 
the  fort." 

Graydon  had  a  cartouch  box  marked  in  gilded  letters 
G.  R.  This  on  the  body  of  a  rebel  so  enraged  one  of 
the  soldiers  that,  in  his  attempt  to  unbuckle  it,  he 
nearly  jerked  off  Graydon's  legs.  Soon  a  Hessian  ap- 
proached. "The  wretch  came  near  enough  to  elbow 
us ;  and  half  unsheathing  his  sword,  with  a  counte- 
nance that  bespoke  a  most  vehement  desire  to  use  it  upon 
us,  he  grinned  out  in  broken  English,  '  Eh,  you  rebel, 
you  dam  rebel. '"  Rebel,  with  the  epithet  damned  before 
it,  was  the  mildest  term  applied  to  the  prisoners.  "We 
were  twenty  times  told,  sometimes  with  a  taunting 
affectation  of  concern,  that  we  should,  every  man  of  us, 
be  hanged." 

The  prisoners  taken  by  the  Americans  were  treated 
very  differently.  The  first  large  catch  were  the 
Hessians  at  Trenton.  Many  were  sent  into  Berks 
County,  where  huts  were  built  for  them  in  which  they 


7  HE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  89 

lived  until  the  end  of  the  war.  Thirty-four  of  thern 
were  hired  from  the  government  by  an  ironmaster  in 
Berks  County  to  cut  a  channel  for  water  through  a  bed 
of  limestone,  for  which  he  paid  the  government  ^1,020. 
Some  of  them  were  quartered  in  a  Moravian  church 
near  Lebanon.  Others  were  sent  into  Virginia.  The 
prisoners  taken  on  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne  were  sent 
to  Lancaster.  They  were  kindly  treated,  had  enough 
to  eat  and  were  kept  in  healthy  quarters. 

The  Americans  did  not  fare  so  well.  At  times  their 
sufferings  were  dreadful.  In  November,  1782,  the 
Peunsylvanians  on  board  the  Jersey  prison-ship  at  New 
York  made  known  their  terrible  condition  to  the 
Executive  Council.  They  were  in  want  of  clothing, 
blankets  and  food.  Flour  and  potatoes  were  sent  to 
them  by  a  flag  of  truce,  and  Ezekiel  Robins  was 
appointed  agent  at  New  York  to  distribute  the  supplies. 
He  wrote  to  the  Council:  "The  prison-ships  are 
perfect  slaughter  houses.  Since  the  commencement  of 
this  year  near  three  hundred  men  are  on  the  dead  list. 
They  bury  sometimes  from  six  to  eight  a  day.  It  is 
impossible  for  any,  unless  a  spectator,  to  form  an  idea 
of  their  distressed  and  horrid  situation."  From  time  to 
time  some  were  released,  but  the  full  story  of  their  treat- 
ment by  their  captors  would  form  one  of  the  darkest 
chapters  in  the  history  of  the  revolutionary  war.  One  of 
the  first  acts  after  making  peace  was  to  open  the  prison 
doors.  Indeed,  the  soldiers  belonging  to  Burgoyne's 
army  were  on  their  way  home  before  the  issuing  of  the 
proclamation  of  peace.  They  had  already  reached  Phil- 
adelphia and  were  staying  in  the  Walnut  Street  jail. 
General  Clark  came  to  the  city  and  arranged  for  their 
release,  and  immediately  they  started  on  their  final 
anarch  to  New  York. 


90  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

With  peace  assured,  the  hopes  of  those  who  had 
suffered  from  the  test  oath  revived  over  the  prospect  of 
its  modification  or  repeal.  In  1784  a  resolution  was 
offered  declaring  that  the  happy  time  had  come  to 
heal  the  divisions  among  the  people,  and  that  har- 
mony could  not  exist  so  long  as  any  portion  of  them 
were  deprived  of  rights  enjoyed  by  others,  and  that  the 
test  laws  ought  to  be  revised  and  adapted  to  the  new 
conditions.  This  resolution  was  debated,  but  failed. 
Then  another  was  offered  for  removing  the  disabilities 
of  those  who  had  reached  eighteen  since  the  passing  of 
the  test  laws.  Next  the  non-jurors  followed  with  a  pe- 
tition for  securing  the  rights  of  citizenship.  Not  only 
did  these  fail,  but  the  screws  were  turned  down  still 
more  tightly  on  all  who  had  not  taken  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance. They  were  declared  incapable  of  holding 
office  until  they  subscribed  to  the  oath  of  December, 
1778. 

The  Assembly  went  too  far.  The  time  had  truly  come 
for  lessening  the  rigors  of  war-time  instead  of  extend- 
ing them.  The  party  in  control  well  knew  that  such 
an  extension  of  the  suffrage  would  weaken  its  power. 
Naturally  enough  it  wished  to  maintain  its  ascendency. 
The  sweets  of  power  are  never  more  highly  prized  than 
by  those  who  first  exercise  them.  It  required  no  little 
self-abnegation  to  raise  up  the  fallen,  well  knowing 
that,  as  soon  as  they  were  squarely  on  their  feet,  they 
would  not  be  slow  to  show  their  strength.  Finally, 
another  effort  was  made  to  modify  the  test  laws  and  on 
this  trial  the  vote  was  equally  divided.  The  speaker 
gave  his  vote  in  the  affirmative  and  thus  the  bill 
passed.  But  the  minority  were  not  willing  to  submit. 
Accordingly  nineteen  arose  amid  great  confusion  and 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  nX 

left  the  Assembly.  That  body,  now  without  a  quo- 
rum, could  not  formally  adjourn  and  the  session  sud- 
denly ended.  The  seceders  published  an  address  de- 
claring that  the  bill  had  been  passed  contrary  to  the 
rules  and  the  usual  formalities.  Those  who  had  refused 
to  participate  in  the  trials  and  sufferings  for  achieving 
independence,  so  they  maintained,  ought  not  to  be  per- 
mitted to  participate  in  the  benefits  of  the  Revolution. 
If  they  were  admitted  to  citizenship  "the  elections 
might  be  carried  in  the  favor  of  men  who  execrated  the 
alliance  between  the  United  States  and  his  most  Chris- 
tian majesty,  and  who  still  cherished  a  hope  of  reunion 
with  Great  Britain." 

At  the  next  session  of  the  Assembly  (1785)  General 
Wayne  led  the  movement  to  revise  the  hated  laws. 
The  hero  of  Stony  Point  could  not  storm  a  political 
assembly.  A  committee  to  whom  the  matter  was  re- 
ferred reported  in  harsh  terms  against  changing  the 
law.  "Can  such  men  expect  to  enjoy  all  the  privileges 
and  advantages  arising  from  a  glorious  revolution 
equally  with  those  heroes,  patriots  and  virtuous  persons 
who  (next  to  God)  procured  them  at  every  hazard  of  life 
and  fortune,  not  only  without  their  assistance,  but 
against  their  efforts,  or  at  least  their  inclinations? 
Yes!  They  say  they  expect  it,  and  that  they  have  a 
right  to  expect  it  by  the  constitution.  It  cannot  be 
supposed  that  any  society  would,  without  great  caution, 
receive  persons  as  members  whose  wishes  and  en- 
deavors have  been  to  destroy  it." 

So  severely  did  the  test  laws  operate  in  some  places 
that  the  number  of  freemen  who  could  vote  and  hold 
office  were  not  enough  to  administer  the  local  govern- 
ment.    In  the  township  of  Byberry,  in  Bucks  County, 


92  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS YL  VANIA. 

there  were  at  this  period  only  three  persons  legally 
qualified  to  vote  and  administer  its  affairs.  The  aid  of 
persons  living  elsewhere  was  needful  to  keep  the  simple 
machinery  of  the  township  in  operation. 

The  following  year  there  was  another  effort  to  repeal 
the  test  laws,  but  the  time  for  doing  this  was  not  yet. 
In  1787,  however,  the  laws  were  modified,  and  two  years 
afterward  public  opinion  had  fully  ripened  in  favor  of 
their  repeal.  Accordingly,  all  laws  requiring  any  oath 
or  affirmation  of  allegiance  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
State  were  repealed,  and  those  disfranchised  by  former 
laws  were  restored  to  citizenship.  Only  foreigners  were 
obliged  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  on  assuming-  the 
privileges  of  citizens.  Another  gulf  between  loyalists 
and  Americans  was  closed  forever. 

If  the  Assembly  was  slow  in  acting  justly  towards 
those  who  were  affected  by  the  test  laws,  the  courts  of 
justice,  since  their  reorganization,  had  held  frequent 
sessions  and  had  followed  legal  methods  and  customs. 
The  common  law  of  England,  imported  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Province,  had  not  been  melted  down  in  the 
furnace  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  still  applied  by  the 
judges.  Nor  did  any  one  question  that  the  rules  thus 
branded  with  an  English  mark,  were  far  safer  guides 
than  could  have  been  found  by  a  fresh  appeal  to  the 
judicial  conscience.  Indeed,  there  was  less  imperfec- 
tion in  the  law  than  in  the  administration  of  it.  The 
chief  justice  possessed  an  imperious  temper,  and  though 
striving  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  his  office,  this  was 
not  always  easy.  He  had  not  been  serving  long  before 
a  bitter  episode  sprung  up  between  himself  and  General 
Thompson.  The  general  had  been  taken  prisoner  dur- 
ing the  ill-fated  invasion  of  Canada,  and,  after  a  four 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  g^ 

months'  imprisonment,  had  been  paroled.  He  then 
went  to  Pennsylvania,  where  for  nearly  three  years  he 
chafed  over  his  inactivity.  He  thought  that  Congress 
had  wronged  him  in  passing  over  him  when  making 
exchanges  and  selecting  others  of  less  worth.  Mc- 
Kean,  who  was  also  a  member  of  Congress,  was 
especially  blamed  for  neglecting  him.  McKean  com- 
plained to  Congress  of  Thompson's  harsh  words,  an 
investigation  was  ordered,  and  Thompson  was  declared 
guilty.  But  the  general  was  not  yet  subdued.  He 
published  a  card  in  which  he  accused  McKean  of 
acting  "like  a  liar,  a  rascal  and  a  coward,"  and  de- 
clared his  wish  to  end  the  quarrel  in  the  form  of  a 
duel.  The  chief  justice  replied  in  temperate  words, 
saying  that  he  could  not  set  the  precedent  of  obliging  a 
member  or  a  magistrate  to  subject  himself  to  a  duel 
with  every  person  against  whose  opinion  he  gives  his 
vote  or  judgment.  General  Thompson's  effort  to  pro- 
voke a  duel  was  generally  condemned. 

McKean  was  next  attacked  for  official  pluralism. 
Besides  acting  as  chief  justice,  he  was  a  delegate  from 
the  State  of  Delaware  in  Congress  and  President  of  that 
body,  and  by  virtue  of  this  position,  President  of  the 
United  States.  Whether  the  same  individual  ought  to 
hold  more  than  one  office  was  not  a  new  question.  It 
was  easy  enough  for  McKean  to  give  numerous 
examples  of  double-office  holding,  and  these  were  a 
satisfactory  defence  for  his  own  course.  The  question, 
however,  still  remained  in  the  arena  of  discussion  until 
the  general  principle  was  finally  and  firmly  settled  that 
an  individual,  except  under  very  unusual  conditions, 
could  not  simultaneously  hold  more  than  one  public 
office.     This  settlement  of  the  question  has  never  been 


94  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

disturbed,  and  is  no  doubt  laid  as  permanently  as  any 
political  settlement  can  be. 

A  much  more  serious  affair  blazed  up  over  the  prose- 
cution of  Colonel  Proctor.  When  offering  his  vote  in 
the  October  election  of  1781,  he  was  asked  by  the 
inspector  to  show  his  certificate  of  having  taken  the  test 
oath.  As  he  had  long  served  in  the  army,  he  regarded 
the  request  as  an  insult,  and,  unable  to  restrain  his 
temper,  he  assaulted  the  inspector.  For  this  he  was 
prosecuted  and  tried  before  the  chief  justice.  Admitting 
the  act,  he  declared  that  he  had  "chastised  him  accord- 
ing to  his  deserts."  The  chief  justice  stopped  him, 
warmly  saying :  "  You  gentlemen  of  the  army  hold 
your  heads  too  high,  but  I  will  teach  you  how  to  behave. 
I  will  bring  you  down  ;  we  shall  be  overrun  else."  The 
way  to  bring  him  down,  so  the  chief  justice  thought, 
was  to  fine  him  £&o.  For  doing  this  he  was  severely 
censured  by  Oswald  in  his  Gazetteer.  The  chief  justice 
sent  for  Oswald,  who  appeared  in  court  and  received  a 
severe  castigation.  Neither  McKean  or  any  other  judge 
of  his  time  sought  the  flattery  or  feared  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  newspapers.  "I  was  charged,"  so  he  after- 
ward stated  in  the  Gazetteer,  "  with  a  libel  on  Congress, 
a  libel  on  the  Council,  a  libel  on  the  President,  a  libel 
on  pale-faced  Joe,  a  libel  on  the  Court  and  Grand  Jury, 
a  libel  on  poor  Bailey,1  and  after  being  grossly  insulted 
in  language  unbecoming  to  the  most  servile  hostler,  was 
taken  into  custody  by  the  sheriff  and  bound  over  to 
answer  in  the  sum  of  ^750." 

For  this  publication  Oswald  was  again  arrested  and 
brought  before  McKean  and  Bryan.  The  chief  justice 
demanded  the  name  of  the  author  of  an  article  that  had 

1  Editor  of  Freeman's  Journal. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  oq 

appeared  in  Oswald's  paper  entitled  UA  Friend  to  the 
Army,"  in  which  McKean  was  charged  as  "a  speculator 
in  distressed  soldiers'  certificates."  He  was  ordered  to 
give  bail  for  ^iooo,  but  when  the  first  bill  of  indict- 
ment was  presented  to  the  grand  jury  it  was  returned 
with  an  "ignoramus,"  and  the  second  bill  was  treated 
in  like  manner.  The  chief  justice  was  now  more  angry 
than  ever.  He  accused  the  grand  jury  of  partisanship 
and  of  submitting  to  the  evil  wiles  of  Proctor.  But 
they  were  quite  as  resolute  as  the  chief  justice,  and 
knew  their  rights.  For  awhile  the  court  room  was  rent 
with  contending  voices.  Sixteen  of  the  grand  jury 
afterward  published  an  appeal  to  the  public  in  which 
they  set  forth  in  respectful  words  their  defence. 

Yet  in  these  harsh  scenes  the  chief  justice  was  not 
usually  lacking  either  in  dignity,  gravity  or  delibera- 
tion, or  in  the  indispensable  virtue  of  justice.  In  truth, 
he  was  both  just  and  kindly.  But  he  lived  in  stern  and 
troubled  times,  when  harsh  words  were  often  spoken 
and  rude  measures  applied.  Moreover,  the  test  oath  had 
disfranchised  so  many  that  there  was  less  respect  for  the 
officials  than  there  would  have  been  had  they  truly 
represented  all  the  people. 

In  17851  a  very  important  law  was  enacted  regu- 
lating elections.  The  Republicans  claimed  that  the 
polling  places  were  so  placed  that  members  of  their 
party  were  obliged  to  travel  long  distances  in  order 
to  vote.  But  there  was  a  far  more  serious  difficulty 
with  the  old  law.  Persons  living  in  one  county  could 
vote  in  another.  Nor  was  the  attendance  of  "  the  elec- 
tions at  Lancaster  or  Reading  unusual  for  any  consider- 
able number  of  inhabitants  of  Chester  or  Bucks."     A 

1  September  19th. 


96  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

writer  who  defended  the  old  system  remarked  that  "it 
was  only  between  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia 
that  the  inhabitant  connected  by  inseparable  views  and 
interests  exercised  indiscriminately  the  privilege  of  vot- 
ing in  either.  Nor  can  the  most  zealous  candidate  for 
the  reformation  of  elections  ascertain  an  evil  that  arose 
from  it."  The  writer  contended  that  the  restraint  of 
this  right  was  illegal,  that  though  one  voted  in  a 
particular  place  he  was  acting  for  the  general  good. 
The  counties  were  not  separate  independent  republics. 
The  Assembly  restricted  voting  to  the  precinct  or  town- 
ship wherein  electors  lived,  and  thus  another  long- 
continued  practice  was  overthrown. 

During  Dickinson's  administration  the  desire  sprung 
up  to  remove  the  capital  from  its  ancient  seat.  The 
steeple  of  the  state-house  had  been  repaired  a  year  or  so 
before.  The  wooden  part  had  been  taken  down,  and 
on  top  of  the  brick  work  was  erected  a  low  hip-roof, 
graced  with  a  short  slender  spire  and  weathercock. 
During  Franklin's  presidency  the  question  was  again 
agitated.  Mr.  Findley  of  Westmoreland  introduced  a 
resolution  for  removing  the  capital  to  Harrisburg.  At 
that  time  Manasseh  Cutler,  while  on  his  way  to  the 
Ohio,  stopped  there  and  described  the  town  as  "beauti- 
ful," and  containing  about  a  hundred  houses.  Many  of 
them  were  brick  houses  recently  built  in  the  Philadel- 
phia style.  The  town  was  plentifully  supplied  with 
taverns,  having  "handsome  signs."  About  half  of  the 
people  were  English.  When  Cutler  first  saw  them  they 
were  going  to  meeting.  They  met  in  private  houses,  as 
they  had  no  churches.  They  were  well  dressed,  "some 
gay."  Findley  urged  in  favor  of  its  removal  that  a 
more  central  location  ought  to  be  adopted.     The  diffi- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  ^ 

culty  of  travel  was  of  course  much  slower  and  far  more 
expensive  in  those  days,  and  therefore  the  argument 
was  more  forceful  than  it  would  be  now.  The  bill  pro- 
vided for  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  erect  a 
state-house  there  on  ground  belonging  to  the  State. 
The  resolution  passed  without  much  debate  by  a  vote 
of  thirty-three  to  twenty-nine.  It  was  reconsidered  and 
tabled,  and  action  thereon  was  not  renewed  until  the 
following  year. 

Harrisburg  indeed  was  new,  and  geographically  cen- 
tral. Whether  John  Harris  had  any  vision  of  this  kind 
floating  before  him  when  he  projected  the  town,  is  not 
certainly  known.  Four  years  previously  a  committee 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  to  consider  the 
improvement  of  the  ways  of  communication  westward. 
Even  before  the  Revolution  the  sleepless  merchants 
of  Philadelphia  had  thought  of  the  possibilities  of 
increasing  their  western  trade.  The  diversion  to  Bal- 
timore had  been  closely  watched,  and  a  check  had 
been  proposed  in  the  form  of  an  artificial  water-way 
from  the  Susquehanna  to  Philadelphia.  A  plan  to  im- 
prove the  navigation  of  the  Schuylkill  to  Reading, 
build  roads  from  that  place  to  the  Susquehanna,  and 
found  a  town  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  was  now  re- 
vived. To  do  this  would  "  be  attended  with  capital  ad- 
vantages to  the  trade  of  Philadelphia,  as  every  inhabi- 
tant of  such  town  or  towns  would  in  some  degree  be  a 
factor  for  the  Philadelphia  market." 

While  the  committee  was  conducting  its  investiga- 
tion, John  Harris  appeared  on  the  scene.  He  lived  at  a 
ferry  bearing  his  name.  He  offered  to  lay  out  a  town 
of  two  hundred  lots,  four  to  the  acre,  convey  a  lot  for  a 
court-house  and  jail,  and  give  four  acres  to  the  State  for 
7 


98  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

State  purposes,  and  add  to  the  gift  if  more  land  should 
be  desired.  The  gift  was  accepted,  and  thus  the  State 
became  the  owner  of  the  land  on  which  stands  the 
capitol. 

Section  IV. 

The  Presidencies  of  Franklin  and  Mifflin. 
1783-1790. 

Dickinson  could  serve  no  longer,  for  three  years  were 
the  constitutional  limit,  and  the  venerable  Franklin 
succeeded  the  author  of  the  Farmer's  Letters.  A  great 
man  was  succeeded  by  a  still  greater,  yet  how  far  apart 
had  they  traveled !  Franklin,  long  before,  feeling  the 
popular  breeze,  had  trimmed  his  sail  and  been  borne  by 
it  hopefully  onward.  Dickinson  had  hesitated,  and, 
notwithstanding  his  high  attainments  and  motives,  had 
pursued  a  slower,  less  effective  course.  A  scholar  and  a 
thinker,  profoundly  believing  in  legal  methods,  he  was 
not  born  for  revolution.  Every  element  in  his  nature 
warred  against  innovation.  Yet  let  us  not  forget  that 
he  was  the  chief  officer  of  a  battalion  during  the 
darkest  days  of  the  war,  and  had  it  failed  he  would  have 
met  the  same  doom  as  Franklin  and  the  other  leaders. 
Nor  let  us  forget  that  after  his  ill-treatment  and  retire- 
ment as  a  military  commander,  he  re-enlisted  and  par- 
ticipated in  the  battle  of  Brandywine. 

During  Franklin's  administration  a  subject  of  trans- 
cendent interest  was  the  adoption  of  the  federal  consti- 
tution. On  the  completion  of  the  instrument  it  was 
reported  to  the  Assembly  by  the  delegates  from  Penn- 
sylvania. A  motion  was  then  made  to  call  a  constitu- 
tional convention  to  deliberate  on  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution.      The   Assembly   was    in   favor   of    such 


RK 


AND 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  gg 

action,  but,  to  prevent  it,  sixteen  members  withdrew. 
The  body  was  left  without  a  quorum.  Nothing  less 
than  a  harsh  expedient  would  prevail.  The  lodgings 
of  two  of  the  seceders  were  entered,  and  they  were 
carried  off  to  the  House.  Both  were  frightened,  but,  as 
soon  as  one  of  them  recovered  his  senses  sufficiently  to 
speak,  he  declared  his  wish  to  withdraw.  It  was,  how- 
ever, his  duty  to  attend,  and  if  absent  he  was  punish- 
able with  a  five-shilling  fine.  This  sum  he  tendered  to 
the  clerk,  but  he  was  not  the  proper  officer  to  receive 
it.  He  then  attempted  to  withdraw.  There  were  loud 
cries  from  the  galleries  and  from  the  House,  "  Stop 
him!  stop  him!"  He  then  insisted  on  his  right  to 
leave,  but  professed  his  willingness  to  submit  to  the 
decision  of  the  House.  There  was  a  long  debate,  though 
the  stream  of  talk  flowed  only  one  way.  The  Assembly 
decided  that  both  he  and  the  other  kidnapped  member 
must  remain.  With  the  numbers  thus  increased,  there 
was  a  quorum  ;  the  resolution  in  favor  of  calling  the 
convention  was  passed,  and  the  scene  of  interest  was 
now  transferred  to  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  con- 
vention. The  period  of  controversy  was  short,  for  the 
election  was  to  come  off  in  ten  days.  Both  parties 
girded  themselves  for  the  contest. 

Two  weeks  after  the  election  the  members  of  the 
convention  were  required  to  meet.  Frederick  Augustus 
Muhlenberg  was  chosen  president  of  the  body.  After 
deliberating  three  weeks,  on  the  12th  of  December,  the 
constitution  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  forty-six  to 
twenty-three.  On  the  following  day  the  members  of 
the  Supreme  Executive  Council,  and  the  officers  of  the 
State  and  city  went  in  procession  from  the  state-house 
to  the  old  court-house  where  the  ratification  of  the  con- 


IOo  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

stitution  was  proclaimed.  Twelve  cannon  were  fired 
and  bells  were  rung.  The  rejoicing  closed  with  a 
dinner  at  Epple's  Tavern,  at  which  the  members  of  Con- 
gress were  also  present.  The  great  importance  of 
Pennsylvania's  assent  to  the  new  constitution  was 
felt  by  all.  To  have  failed  would  have  jeopardized  the 
instrument,  or  perhaps  have  caused  its  defeat,  for  other 
States,  protected  by  the  shadow  of  Pennsylvania,  would 
have  followed  the  same  course.  Imperative  as  was  the 
need  of  forming  a  stronger  bond  of  union,  if  ever  a  real 
central  national  life  was  to  grow,  when  the  time  came  to 
act  every  State  almost  shrank.  Everywhere  was  chaos, 
lack  of  power,  lack  of  trade,  lack  of  a  general  life.  With 
the  more  thoughtful  these  considerations  were  supreme. 
But  those  who  saw  less  clearly,  or  feared  that  their 
individual  importance  would  shrink  under  a  stronger 
government,  still  held  back.  Pennsylvania  had  at  last 
acted,  but  the  first  step  to  secure  a  constitutional  con- 
vention was  desperate  work,  nor  would  the  election  in 
favor  of  ratification  have  been  carried  had  not  the  same 
hardy,  resolute,  hopeful  spirits  remained  in  the  fight. 

With  the  adoption  of  a  federal  constitution  there  was 
a  revival  of  the  hope  of  a  permanent  American  union. 
In  every  state,  however,  were  many  matters  requiring 
legislative  and  executive  attention.  The  existing  State 
constitution  was  not  the  only  evil  from  which  Pennsyl- 
vania was  suffering.  Its  financial  system  was  very  de- 
fective; its  creditors  were  complaining.  The  act  passed 
in  1780  for  establishing  a  system  of  accounting,  under 
which  John  Nicholson  was  serving  as  comptroller-gen- 
eral, was  broadened,  conferring  more  authority  in  set- 
tling the  accounts  of  soldiers.  He  was  authorized  to 
ascertain  the  amount  due  in  specie,  and  to  issue  certifi- 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  IOI 

cates  bearing  six  per  cent,  interest  for  the  amount. 
They  were  made  trail sferrable  like  promissory  notes. 
In  1785  appeals  were  allowed  from  the  settlements  of 
the  comptroller-general  to  the  supreme  court,  and 
questions  of  fact  were  to  be  determined  by  a  jury  as  in 
ordinary  cases.  The  controller  was  also  authorized  to 
revise  his  own  settlements,  if  this  was  desired,  within  a 
year  from  the  discovery  of  any  error.  They  formed 
liens  like  judgments  on  the  land  of  debtors.  Disputes 
might  also  be  referred  to  auditors. 

The  same  year  a  more  complete  plan  was  adopted  for 
ascertaining  the  indebtedness  of  the  State,  and  a  much 
larger  revenue  was  provided  for  paying  it.  Provision 
was  also  made  for  paying  the  Penns  for  their  land. 
The  next  step  was  to  provide  for  discharging  the 
indebtedness  to  the  United  States.  A  part  of  this 
debt  consisted  of  foreign  loans;  another,  of  money 
loaned  by  individuals,  and  of  contracts  which  they  had 
executed.  The  states  were  responsible  for  this  in- 
debtedness. The  estimated  amount  of  interest  due  on 
Pennsylvania's  portion  of  the  debt  was  ^123,932.  This 
sum  was  to  be  paid  annually  to  a  continental  officer. 
But  the  Assembly  did  not  leave  him  free  to  use 
the  money ;  for  it  was  to  be  applied  in  payment  of  the 
interest  due  on  certificates  issued  by  Congress  to  the 
citizens  of  the  State,  or  to  the  soldiers  of  Pennsylvania 
engaged  in  the  continental  service.  Having  thus  pro- 
vided for  discharging  its  indebtedness  to  the  Penns  and 
to  the  general  government,  the  Assembly  provided  for 
paying  first  the  annual  interest  which  should  accrue  on 
debts  due  to  its  own  citizens,  and  then  arrearages  of 
interest  whenever  the  reserve  fund  in  the  treasury  ex- 
ceeded  ^"15,000.      The   following  year  the   Assembly 


io2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

provided  that  certificates,  issued  by  Congress  to  persons 
in  the  State,  might  be  exchanged  for  State  certificates. 
These  were  called  new-loan  certificates,  and  were  the 
foundation  of  the  funded  debt  of  the  State.  By  another 
law,  passed  the  same  year,  the  Assembly  discontinued  its 
annual  payment  to  Congress  of  ^123,932,  and  promised 
to  pay  in  lieu  of  it  two  requisitions  amounting  to  $1, 150,- 
775,  the  principal  and  interest  in  discharge  of  its  obliga- 
tions to  the  general  government.  The  following  year, 
by  another  law,  persons  living  in  New  Jersey  and  Dela- 
ware who,  at  the  time  of  lending  to  the  general  govern- 
ment, were  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  were  permitted  to 
exchange  their  continental  for  new-loan  certificates,  like 
the  persons  still  residing  in  Pennsylvania.  On  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  the  Assembly  dis- 
continued the  payment  of  interest  on  the  new-loan  cer- 
tificates beyond  the  original  period  of  four  years,  expect- 
ing that  the  Federal  Congress  would  speedily  adjust 
these  obligations,  as  they  had  been  incurred  for  the 
common  defence.1 

The  Republicans  led  in  the  march  for  improving  the 
public  credit,  though  the  Constitutionalists  also  took 
steps  in  the  same  direction.  In  truth,  the  sentiment  for 
and  against  such  action  did  not  run  very  closely  along 
party  lines. 

The  funding  law  was  not  everywhere  approved.  Its 
authors  were  accused  of  speculating  on  the  purchase 
and  sale  of  certificates,  and  of  a  determination  to 
destroy  all  opposition  to  the  plan.  The  act  immediately 
enhanced  the  value  of  the  public  obligations,  and  thus 
"created  one  of  the  greatest  fields  of  speculation  ever 
known  in  Pennsylvania." 

1  These  were  to  be  ascertained  by  the  controller-general. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  IO, 

The  Assembly  had  defenders  who  flew  to  the  rescue 
of  the  reputation  of  that  body.  The  charge  was 
declared  to  be  "false  and  scandalous."  Nearly  all  the 
members  of  the  House  who  supported  the  funding  plan 
were  "plain  country  gentlemen,"  without  means  "to 
game  in  certificates."  On  the  contrary,  many  of  them, 
by  raising  the  prices  of  certificates,  counteracted  the 
moderate  advantages  which  they  might  have  derived 
from  paying  them  into  the  land-office  for  the  arrears  due 
on  their  lands,  or  for  new  surveys.  Public  virtue  pre- 
vailed over  private  profit.  Indeed  a  writer  maintained 
that  "posterity,  conscious  of  their  disinterested  patriotism 
on  this  occasion,  will  be  lavish  in  the  praise  of  the  men 
who  in  1778  laid  anew  the  foundations  of  public  credit, 
and  who  did  justice,  as  far  as  circumstances  permitted, 
to  the  long-neglected  sufferers  that  in  the  crisis  of  diffi- 
culty had  confidence  in  their  country's  gratitude  and 
honor." 

Yet  the  various  forms  of  State  indebtedness,  depre- 
ciated certificates,  funded  and  unfunded,  issues  of  bills 
of  credit  whose  value  had  not  wholly  vanished,  were 
bought  and  sold.  There  were  constant  dealings  in 
them.  Among  others  were  certificates  issued  by  the 
land-office,1  Pennsylvania  state-shilling  money,  conti- 
nental state-dollar  money,  continental  money,  loan- 
office  certificates  which  were  issued  for  money  loaned 
and  supplies  furnished  or  seized,  new-loan  certificates, 
certificates  funded  and  unfunded,  militia  pay  certificates, 
facilities  or  interests  issued  by  the  Congress,  Pierce's 
final  settlements,  and  lastly  Norris's  certificates. 

Speculation  in  them  became  common,  and  excited  the 
ire  of  some  people  who  proposed  to  punish  the  specu- 

1  These  did  not  represent  money. 


104 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


lators  by  making  their  names  odious  through  exposure. 
Stories  were  told  of  speculators  who  would  lay  in  wait 
for  distressed  certificate  holders,  buy  them  at  a  low 
price,  and  afterwards  exchange  them  for  land  at  nearly 
their  full  value.  The  complaint,  however,  had  little 
merit,  for,  as  a  defender  remarked,  "  it  is  plain  to 
demonstration  that  purchasers  or  speculators,  if  that  is 
a  more'  proper  term,  are  the  only  persons  who  have  pre- 
served to  us  what  little  credit  we  have  left.  I  have  not 
a  doubt  that  the  day  is  fast  approaching  when  they  will 
be  thought  and  called  the  best  friends  we  at  present 
have."  In  truth,  as  he  clearly  showed,  the  larger  the 
number  of  persons  owning  the  public  debt,  the  greater 
was  their  interest  in  preserving  the  existence  and  honor 
of  the  State. 

One  of  the  most  insidious  objections  to  funding  was 
that  the  speculators  ought  to  receive  only  the  price  they 
paid,  while  the  difference  between  that  and  the  face 
value  of  the  obligations  ought  to  be  paid,  either  to  the 
original  holder,  or  saved  by  the  State.  This  objection 
was  urged  with  great  force  during  the  discussion  of  the 
measure  in  the  first  Congress  for  funding  the  continental 
debt. 

The  taxes,  after  the  adoption  of  the  funding  system, 
were  lighter  than  some  imagined  they  would  be,  and 
therefore  the  system  was  more  favorably  received.  It 
was  feared  that  the  people  west  of  the  mountains 
especially  would  not  be  willing  to  bear  their  share  of 
the  burden.  In  truth,  they  paid  their  taxes  with  more 
punctuality  than  those  in  the  older  counties.1 

1  The  people  of  York  County  who  complained  of  heavy  taxes,  led  the 
controller-general  to  explain  why  they  were  so  large  for  their  county. 
At  the  same  time  he  presented  a  good  account  of  the  public  debt. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  IOr 

While  the  Assembly  was  trying  to  restore  the  shat- 
tered credit  of  the  State,  the  courts  were  performing 
their  important,  though  more  quiet  duties.  Slowly  are 
we  learning  how  much  more  important  is  the  part 
played  in  a  nation's  life  by  the  people  than  by  the  few 
who  dazzle  by  their  noisy  policy.  History  is  just  begin- 
ning to  do  its  greater  work  in  trying  to  record  the  aspir- 
ations and  conduct  of  the  multitude,  instead  of  con- 
tinuing to  describe  exclusively  the  aspirations  and  con- 
duct of  the  few  who  happen  by  chance  or  right  to  rule 
the  larger  number.  The  jurisprudence  of  every  State 
is  of  the  highest  importance,  revealing  at  once  the 
advance  or  decline  in  the  moral  character  of  the  people. 

Among  the  earlier  of  the  great  acts  after  the  war- 
storm  had  cleared  away  was  a  restoration  of  the  milder 
features  of  the  criminal  law,  one  of  the  glories  of  the 
provincial  jurisprudence.  Chief  Justice  McKean  was 
the  leading  spirit  in  abolishing  its  severity.  The  con- 
stitution had  provided  that  the  punishments  in  some 
cases  should  be  made  less  sanguinary  "and  in  general 
more  proportionate  to  the  crimes,"  and  that  hard  labor 
should  be  adopted  as  a  punishment  for  crimes  that  were 
not  capital.  The  spirit  breathing  in  this  humane  con- 
stitutional provision  was  imparted  to  the  new  penal 
law,  the  last  great  law  enacted  under  the  first  constitu- 
tion. If  the  legislators  during  those  fourteen  event- 
ful years  had  from  necessity  put  many  a  statute  on  the 
book  that  defied  the  ordinary  principles  of  public 
economy,  no  one  will  question  the  far-seeing  wisdom  of 
this  return  to  the  more  humane  penal  legislation  in 
force  in  the  days  of  the  elder  Penn.  The  adoption  of 
hard  labor  as  a  punishment  was  an  experiment.  In 
executing  it,  Chief  Justice  McKean  requested  the  street 


2  06  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

commissioners  to  employ  condemned  criminals  at  hard 
labor  on  the  streets.  They  were  generally  called  "the 
wheelbarrow-men,"  who  worked  under  the  eye  of  their 
keepers.  They  were  dressed  in  a  peculiar  way  so  that 
their  detection  was  easy.  Their  clothing  consisted  of  a 
parti-colored  roundabout  and  trousers.  The  jacket  of 
one  convict  might  be  half  red  and  half  green,  another 
black  and  white  or  blue  and  yellow.  The  sleeves  of 
the  roundabout  were  of  different  colors  and  likewise  the 
trousers.  If  danger  was  feared  from  a  convict,  one  end 
of  a  chain  ten  or  twelve  feet  long  was  fastened  to  his 
ankle  and  the  other  end  to  a  heavy  iron  ball.  When 
employed  in  the  street  he  would  work  within  the  length 
of  his  chain,  and  after  completing  his  task,  move  to  an- 
other spot.  Some  of  the  prisoners  would  throw  down 
their  balls  in  a  way  to  injure  persons  who  were  passing 
along  the  street.  The  experiment  was  watched  with 
much  interest.  One  of  the  worst  difficulties  was  the 
accessibility  of  the  criminals  to  their  friends,  who  often 
gave  them  liquor.  Many  of  them  were  thieves,  and 
were  able  to  ply  their  unhallowed  work.  Finally  the 
experiment  was  abandoned. 

One  of  the  gravest  objections  to  the  system,  so  many 
thought,  was  the  discretionary  power  given  to  the 
judges  to  punish  criminals.  The  common  law,  which 
was  a  part  of  the  people's  ancient  inheritance,  they  did 
not  favor.  A  writer  in  the  Packet  wrote  that  as  one  of 
the  judges  had  passed  the  bill,  "no  wonder  that  the 
chorus  of  the  song  should  be — at  the  discretion  of  the 
court.  I  wish,"  he  adds,  "  they  would  get  the  judge  of 
the  admiralty  to  set  these  pleasant  words — it  wrould 
delight  their  honors  much,  if  they  have  any  ears  for 
music — but  I  am  told  they  have  none."     This  surely 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  1Qy 

was  a  breezy  way  of  treating  the  judiciary,  whose 
sincere  desire  to  serve  the  public  none  could  question. 
It  was  a  time  for  thinking  and  saying  sharp  words  ;  no 
individuals,  whatever  their  station,  were  spared,  for  the 
flames  of  controversy,  shooting  up  higher  and  more 
fiercely  than  ever  during  the  Revolution,  could  not  for 
many  years  die  down.  It  had  become  a  part  of  the  very 
life  of  the  people  to  watch  each  other,  and  to  contend 
in  harsh  ways  ;  and  the  newspaper  furnished  a  ready 
vehicle  for  every  one  to  hold  converse  with  the  public, 
from  the  most  harmless  contributor  to  the  coarsest 
libeller. 

It  was  the  fate  of  the  chief  justice  to  suffer  more  per- 
haps in  this  regard  than  any  contemporary,  nor  were  the 
attacks  upon  him  without  provocation.  Again  his  old 
enemy  Oswald  stirred  up  the  judicial  waters.  As  the 
result  of  an  article  published  in  his  newspaper,  a  suit  was 
brought  against  him  for  libel  by  Andrew  Brown.  In 
the  course  of  the  proceedings  Oswald  heaped  more 
remarks  on  Brown,  and  finally  fell  into  an  antagonistic 
position  with  his  own  counsel,  which  led  Lewis,  the 
lawyer  for  Brown,  to  ask  the  court  why  Oswald  should 
not  be  attached  for  contempt.  The  chief  justice, 
assisted  by  Atlee  and  Rush,  ordered  the  defendant's 
arrest,  and  he  was  brought  before  the  tribunal  to  purge 
himself  of  contempt  and  to  answer  such  questions  as 
might  be  put  to  him.  He  refused  to  answer  those  that 
might  criminate  him  and  insisted  on  his  right  to  a  trial 
by  jury.  The  bench  was  inexorable.  "  He  shall  be 
imprisoned,"  exclaimed  the  chief  justice,  "until  his 
stomach  is  brought  to.  I  will  see  whether  he  will  bend 
to  the  law,  or  whether  the  law  will  bend  to  him." 
Oswald,    however,    was  made   of  stern   stuff  and   still 


j  oS  HISTOR  ) '  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  J  A. 

refused  to  bend.  So  he  was  fined,  the  chief  justice 
addressing  him  in  these  tender  and  dignified  words: 
"As  your  course  has  been  mean  and  pitiful  and  we 
have  inquired  and  found  your  circumstances  are  very 
small,  though  your  crime  be  very  great,"  and  then  pro- 
ceeded with  the  sentence.  The  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  realizing  the  injustice  of  the  court,  at  once 
remitted  the  fine  without  any  application  by  Oswald  or 
bv  his  friends. 

At  the  next  session  of  the  Assembly  Oswrald  com- 
plained of  these  justices  and  demanded  their  impeach- 
ment. Party  cries  were  immediately  raised  and  behind 
them  was  found  secure  shelter.  Oswald  was  indeed, 
violent,  untamed  and  untamable,  vexing  many  who 
came  in  contact  with  him  ;  but  when  due  allowance  is 
made  for  his  temper  and  his  tongue,  the  fact  still 
remains  that  the  court  was  imperious  and  excessive  in 
its  punishments. 

Were  these  eruptions  the  cause  of  the  movement  to 
reduce  the  compensation  of  the  judges?  Chief  Justice 
Allen,  who  served  just  before  the  Revolution,  had  a 
salary  of  ^400  a  year  besides  fees  and  perquisites.  At 
the  same  time  he  was  a  member  of  the  council,  held 
the  office  of  registrar-general  to  probate  wills  and  grant 
letters  of  administration,  with  power  also  to  appoint  a 
deputy  in  each  county.  The  emoluments  of  his  judicial 
office  were  more  than  ^1,200  a  year.  The  senior  judge 
was  clerk  of  the  peace,  a  younger  judge  was  speaker  of 
the  Assembly,  each  of  them  having  an  annual  salary  of 
^200  besides  fees  and  perquisites,  while  they  were  not 
precluded  from  holding  any  other  office  civil  or  military. 
"  The  Assembly  of  that  day  offered  to  fix  the  salary  of 
the  chief  justice  at  ^1,000  provided  the  governor  would 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  IOq 

give  him  a  commission  during  good  behavior."  Chief 
Justice  McKean  was  given  that  salary,  but  he  was  for- 
bidden to  hold  any  other  office,  civil  or  military,  or  to 
take  any  fees  and  perquisites.  The  attempt  to  lessen 
the  compensation  of  the  judges  by  reducing  either 
their  salaries  or  travelling  expenses  was  denounced  as  a 
breach  of  contract.  It  was  declared  to  be  an  attempt 
to  win  favor  with  the  people  and  gain  seats  in  the  next 
Assembly.  It  failed,  and  the  cause  of  justice  triumphed 
though  the  measure  had  been  recommended  by  a  com- 
mittee of  the  Assembly.  One  reason  for  the  reduction 
was  the  political  dislike  of  the  Tories,  then  controlling 
the  Assembly,  for  the  judges,  especially  Judge  Bryan, 
who  during  the  time  of  the  most  prominent  political 
offenders,  was  the  chief  executive  officer. 

At  this  time  a  spirit  of  association  arose  and  spread 
so  rapidly  that  it  attracted  the  attention  of  a  writer  who 
thought  he  descried  danger  in  the  movement.  Many 
of  the  combinations  were  for  political  purposes.  Their 
rise  seemed  to  indicate  a  weakness  in  framing,  or  in 
executing  the  laws.  Some  associations  undertook  to 
regulate  public  professions;  others  to  control  public 
officers.  Indeed,  the  only  persons  who  were  thought 
incapable  of  managing  the  public  business  were  those 
to  whom  it  had  been  entrusted.  The  societies  for 
theoretical  investigation  and  for  dispensing  charity  were 
considered  harmless  or  commendable,  but  was  there 
not  danger  of  oppression  "where  interested  individuals 
may  parcel  out  the  stations,  honors  and  consequently 
the  emoluments  of  a  profession?  And  is  it  not  con- 
trary to  the  genius  of  freedom  that  any  man,  at  pleas- 
ure, may  inquisitorially  scrutinize  the  family  arrange- 
ments of  another?     That  mischievous  confusion  which 


t  IO  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

politicians  deprecate,  arising  from  a  mixture  of  the  great 
offices  of  government,  must  be  inconceivably  increased 
by  the  least  attempt  of  the  people  to  take  into  their 
own  hands  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  to  intrude  upon 
the  legislative  province  by  partial  combinations  and 
private  compacts. ' ' 

Twelve  years  had  passed  since  the  adoption  of  the 
State  constitution.  The  election  was  approaching  of 
members  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  who  were 
to  choose  the  sixth  and  last  president  under  the  first 
constitution.  There  was  no  lack  of  candidates,  speech- 
making,  or  printed  election  addresses.  Some  of  these 
productions  are  curious  reading.  Remembering  the 
heated  temper  of  the  times,  one  might  expect  to  find 
strong  statements  and  fierce  denunciation  of  opponents. 
On  the  contrary,  such  attacks  were  usually  reserved  for 
other  occasions.  The  writer  of  an  election  address 
tried  to  commend  himself  by  the  sobriety  of  his  lan- 
guage and  by  his  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  govern- 
ment. Sometimes  his  rhetoric  was  luxuriant,  as  in 
the  following  election  address  issued  during  the  October 
election  in  1786.  "The  original  stock  [of  liberty]  that 
furnished  the  goodly  plant  is  now  decaying  or  decayed 
in  all  the  eastern  world ;  but  the  tender  slip  taken 
from  the  parent  tree  flourishes  in  this  western  hemi- 
sphere; let  your  vigilance  serve  as  a  cherubim  with  a 
flaming  sword  to  protect  every  avenue  through  which  it 
may  be  attacked.  May  more  than  death,  may  eternal 
infamy  pursue  the  wretch  that  with  sacrilegious  hand, 
attempts  to  lop  off  one  of  the  branches !  It  is  planted 
in  a  luxuriant  soil,  you  have  besides  watered  it  with 
your  blood,  and  with  a  little  care  and  culture  it  will 
shoot  up  with  such  redoubled  strength,  that  the  hills 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  1IZ 

will  be  covered  with  the  shadow  of  it,  and  its  boughs  be 
like  unto  the  goodly  cedar,  and  may  you  and  your  pos- 
terity repose  securely  under  its  friendly  and  hospitable 
shads." 

The  election  of  1788  was  held  just  after  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution:  not  only  recent  events,  but 
fears  of  the  future  policy  of  the  State,  strongly  stirred 
both  parties.  They  were  divided  into  friends  and  op- 
ponents of  the  constitution.  Whenever  an  important 
issue  was  pending  both  parties  besought  the  aid  of  the 
German.  A  thoughtful  Teuton  remarked  that  for 
twenty  years  whenever  all  was  quiet  and  no  public 
schemes  on  foot  in  which  the  votes,  influence  and  con- 
tributions of  the  Germans  could  be  of  any  service  they 
were  "ignorant  Germans;"  but  as  soon  as  their  num- 
bers could  be  of  use  in  promoting  the  political  man- 
euvers of  man  or  party,  the  newspapers  were  filled  with 
"the  respectable  body  of  Germans"  "the  honest  and 
enlightened  Germans,"  etc.  "And  these  good  souls," 
said  he,  "are  much  more  anxious  about  our  rights, 
interests  and  advancement  than  we  are  ourselves." 
The  present  contest  between  the  federalists  and  anti- 
federalists  once  more  brought  the  Germans  to  the  front, 
and  the  newspapers  were  filled  "with  flatteries  too 
absurd,"  says  our  German  critic,  "  to  be  digested  by 
any  but  fools."  He  was  persuaded  that  those  pretend- 
ing so  deep  a  concern  for  the  privileges  of  Germans 
really  thought  them  incapable  of  judging  for  them- 
selves, or  of  taking  care  of  their  own  interests,  being  only 
for  tools.  They  were  told  they  must  have  a  separate 
ticket  and  be  represented  in  the  federal  government. 
But  the  German  observer  was  not  to  be  hoodwinked. 
"For  my  part,"   he  said,    "I   can    scarcely  imagine  a 


!  1 2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

case  wherein  the  interests  of  the  Germans  can  come 
into  competition  with  those  of  the  other  citizens  of 
Pennsylvania.  Distinctions  of  this  kind  may  be  carried 
to  any  extent,  and  there  seems  to  be  just  as  much  reason 
that  the  tall  citizens  should  be  jealous  of  the  short,  and 
that  a  fat  ticket  be  in  opposition  to  a  lean  one,  or  that 
each  should  insist  upon  his  proportional  share  of  repre- 
sentation in  the  great  federal  assembly."  Wise  words! 
How  different  would  have  been  the  history  of  the  State 
had  they  always  been  heeded  ! 

On  the  8th  of  November,  1788,  Mifflin  succeeded 
Franklin  as  President  of  the  Executive  Council.  He 
was  one  of  the  most  attractive  orators  of  the  day  ;  jolly 
and  popular,  especially  with  the  boys.  He  had  served 
throughout  the  cause  of  the  Revolution ; — Pennsylvania 
had  not  a  more  ardent  patriot. 

One  of  the  last  remnants  of  war  legislation  was  a 
kind  of  poll-tax  that  was  unpopular  with  many  because 
the  poor  paid  as  much  as  the  rich.  Still  worse,  if  a 
writer's  complaint  be  true,  the  laborers  and  mechanics 
were  obliged  to  turn  out,  on  a  militia  day,  while  the 
wealthy  escaped  this  duty,  and  also  the  fine  for  not 
complying.  The  men  were  obliged  "to  go  through  a 
farcical  tour  of  militia  duty,  and  to  exhibit  a  scene  suf- 
ficiently ludicrous  to  burlesque  forever  the  use  of  arms 
in  Pennsylvania."  Considerable  sums  might  have  been 
collected  under  this  law  had  it  been  effectively  en- 
forced; but  its  administration  was  partial,  and  it  was  in 
truth  as  unpopular  as  any  on  the  statute-book.  Under 
a  form  of  government  based  upon  equal  rights  for  all, 
the  favoring  of  classes  or  individuals  because  of  wealth, 
standing  or  influence  will  always  enrage  those  who 
suffer. 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBL  V.  113 

Meanwhile,  with  the  passing  of  the  Revolution  the 
wave  of  population  was  fast  rolling  westward.  The 
County  of  Westmoreland  was  formed  west  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna, and  that  of  Washington  in  the  extreme 
southwestern  corner  of  the  State.  The  workmen's  axe 
constantly  broke  the  stillness  of  the  receding  forest,  and 
new  hope  aroused  their  latent  energies.  But  busy  as 
they  were  in  their  hard  conquest  of  nature,  a  severer 
and  longer  struggle  was  before  them  to  mould  their 
political  institutions,  federal,  State  and  local,  to  their 
needs.  The  federal  constitution  had  been  adopted  by 
the  State,  but  its  enemies  were  by  no  means  ready  to 
yield  submission.  This  antagonism  was  strong  and  gen- 
eral, and  the  friends  of  the  measure  could  not  yet  confi- 
dently predict  that  it  was  safe  from  destruction.  Oppo- 
sition to  the  State  constitution,  which  had  long  been 
growing,  was  soon  to  culminate  in  a  thorough  revi- 
sion. The  making  and  execution  of  the  laws  was  not 
satisfactory  ;  and  party  spirit  still  ran  very  high.  Yet 
had  not  that  cheerful  old  sage,  Franklin,  said  not  long 
before  that,  "by  the  collision  of  different  sentiments 
sparks  of  wealth  are  struck  out,  and  political  light  is  ob- 
tained !"  All  the  different  factions  which  divided  the 
people  aimed  at  the  public  good.  The  people  however 
were  suffering  more  from  other  plagues  than  from  a 
questionable  political  constitution.  A  blight  was  begin- 
ning to  pass  over  their  commercial  and  industrial  pros- 
perity. This  condition  was  rendered  worse  in  some  parts 
of  the  State  by  the  bad  administration  of  the  laws.  Says 
a  dweller  in  Westmoreland  County  :  "It  appears  almost 
impossible  to  live  in  this  country  at  present  and  escape 
the  various  snares  of  the  law  even  if  our  conduct  is  gov- 
erned by  the  most  unerring  rectitude  and  watchful 
8 


!  1 4  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

care.  The  poverty  of  the  people  which  disables  them 
from  paying  the  numerous  debts  they  owe  to  each 
other,  and  the  precarious  tenure  by  which  a  great  deal 
of  landed  property  is  unfortunately  held,  will  un- 
doubtedly prove  dangerous  sources  of  controversy,  in 
which  it  is  too  probable  that  almost  every  description 
of  man  will  find  himself  unhappily  involved."  This  is 
not  a  pleasing  report,  yet  it  is  amply  sustained  by 
common  experience. 

Let  us  then  turn  away  to  a  more  pleasing  scene. 
The  end  of  the  struggle  against  Great  Britain  was  the 
beginning  of  the  struggle  to  free  the  slave.  A  strong 
blow  had  been  struck  in  1780.  The  Pennsylvania 
Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  formed  in  1775  and 
composed  of  Friends,  was  doing  effective  work  in  the 
cause  of  freedom.  At  this  time  some  Americans  who 
had  been  seized  by  the  Algerines,  were  held  in  bond- 
age. A  committee  was  appointed  to  collect  informa- 
tion concerning  their  capture,  and  to  devise  means  of 
relief.  It  reported  that  vessels  had  been  fitted  out  at 
Philadelphia  "provided  with  handcuffs  and  military 
implements,  in  order  to  stir  up  the  princes  of  Africa  to 
wage  war  against  each  other  and  for  the  encouragement 
and  support  of  an  unrighteous  war  in  human  flesh." 
The  Society  also  asserted  that  the  law  of  1780  for 
the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Commonwealth 
was  evaded  by  persons  who  sent  their  slaves  to  the 
West  India  Islands  and  sold  them.  Some  of  the 
negroes  who  left  the  State  were  deceived  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  their  masters.  "Violence  was  used  to  cap- 
tivate others."  The  act  was  declared  to  be  defective, 
because  it  did  not  prohibit  the  owner  of  slaves  from 
separating  wives  from  husbands,  parents  from  children 


THE  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY.  H^ 

and  selling  them  to  individuals  living  in  distant  parts 
or  foreign  countries,  nor  did  the  act  prescribe  any 
punishment  for  stealing  slaves,  or  provide  for  the 
keeping  of  negroes  who  would  become  free  when 
they  were  twenty-eight  years  old.  A  new  bill,  there- 
fore, was  prepared,  containing  more  effective  means 
for  securing  the  freedom  of  the  slaves.  Those 
brought  into  the  State  by  its  citizens  were  to  be  im- 
mediately free  as  well  as  those  who  came  here  with  the 
citizens  of  other  States  who  intended  to  live  in  Penn- 
sylvania. 

With  the  passing  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council, 
Franklin  also  died  full  of  years  and  honors.  For  more 
than  half  a  century  he  had  been  one  of  the  foremost 
figures  in  Pennsylvania  politics,  and  since  his  electrical 
discovery  his  name  had  been  familiar  to  the  civilized 
world.  His  devotion  to  the  cause  of  independence  was 
sincere  and  deep,  and  from  the  outset  he  had  been  an 
arch-leader  in  the  movement.  He  was  distinguished  in 
the  political  field,  not  so  much  for  brilliancy  of  action, 
as  for  the  union  of  rare  sense,  richness  of  resource, 
unwearied  energy,  hopefulness  and  courage.  He  al- 
ways found  a  way  through  the  thicket;  his  name  was 
the  synonym  of  success.  Projectors  of  new  enterprises 
came  to  believe  that  if  they  could  but  enlist  Franklin, 
their  success  was  assured.  Yet  unlike  Penn,  he  had  no 
great  ideals  with  which  to  inspire  succeeding  genera- 
tions. He  was  a  man  essentially  of  the  present,  a  most 
useful,  kindly  citizen,  and  in  warmest  sympathy  with 
every  movement  for  the  upbuilding  of  man.  Since 
1736  he  had  employed  for  the  public  the  most  effective 
combination  of  powers  ever  possessed  by  an  American, 
nor  has  his  like  since  appeared. 


!  j  6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

Of  all  the  opponents  of  Penn,  Franklin  inflicted  on 
him  the  heaviest  blows.  The  reputation  of  both  is 
now  in  the  keeping  of  posterity ;  which  will  endure  the 
longer  and  be  painted  in  the  fairer  colors  ?  If  time  is 
widening  the  world's  knowledge  of  Franklin's  ability 
to  pluck  success  from  every  venture,  it  is  also  lighting 
up  more  brightly  the  loftier  aims  and  sacrifices  of  Penn, 
and  the  truth  and  worth  of  his  political  principles. 
Each  has  a  secure  place  in  the  small  galaxy  of  actually 
great  men  :  the  one  as  the  true  interpreter  of  the  half- 
formed  wishes  and  ideas  of  his  day  and  as  the  successful 
guide  to  a  secure  haven ;  the  other  as  the  philosophic 
statesman  who,  with  faith  in  God  and  hope  in  man, 
laid  those  moral  and  political  foundations  on  which 
alone  the  sound  and  steady  growth  of  the  people  is 
assured. 


PART  II. 


SPECIAL  CHAPTERS. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

IMMIGRATION. 

Pennsylvania  was  settled  chiefly  by  the  English, 
Scotch-Irish,  Welsh  and  Germans,  and  the  Lower  Coun- 
ties by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes.  For  a  long  time  the 
Swedes  maintained  their  importance,  and  many  a  family 
still  living  in  the  Commonwealth  boasts  of  its  descent 
from  that  source.  At  all  times  the  Dutch  were  less 
numerous.  Trading  was  the  chief  pursuit  of  the  more 
substantial  members ;  and  as  the  ability  of  the  Indians 
to  furnish  furs  and  skins  lessened  with  their  diminish- 
ing number,  the  profits  of  the  Dutch  traders  declined 
and  they  disappeared.  Probably  many  of  them  went  to 
New  Amsterdam,  which  was  a  more  congenial  home; 
while  others  in  turn  left  there  and  settled  along  the 
Upper  Delaware.  Another  portion  of  the  Dutch  who 
had  been  engaged  in  light  trades,  tailoring  and  the  like, 
previously  to  emigrating  to  America,  remained,  though 
they  never  took  kindly  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 
The  Swedes  were  of  a  higher  order ;  they  improved  the 
land,  built  homes,  school-houses  and  churches.  Though 
some  friction  existed  between  them  and  the  Dutch, 
especially  after  the  Dutch  conquest,  and  their  con- 
querors seriously  thought  of  dispossessing  them,  the 
Swedes  overcame  all  fears  of  a  rising  by  their  peaceable 
conduct,  and  were  permitted  to  remain. 

Among  the  Friends  who  came  to  Pennsylvania  were 
persons  of  every  degree  of  mental   and   moral  cultiva- 

(  119) 


1 20  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

tion.  They  were  industrious,  of  excellent  character, 
and  prospered  exceedingly.  By  reason  of  their  number 
and  belief,  they  formed  for  many  years  the  controlling 
element  in  the  Province  and  Assembly.  The  first 
Welsh  settlers  comprised  seventeen  families,  and 
spent  eleven  weeks  on  the  sea.  Their  long  voyage 
"was  not  for  want  of  art  to  control  winds."  They 
were  joined  by  others,  and  ere  long  the  number  in- 
creased to  fifty  families.  They  settled  on  a  barony, 
which  was  broken  by  running  a  division  between  Phila- 
delphia and  Chester  counties,  parting  the  Welsh  settle- 
ments of  Radnor  and  Haverford  from  those  of  Merion. 
This  caused  no  little  dissatisfaction  among  them  and  a 
pathetic  appeal  was  made  by  Griffith  Owen  that  the 
descendants  of  the  ancient  Britons  might  be  allowed  to 
have  their  bounds  and  limits  by  themselves,  wherein  all 
causes,  quarrels,  crimes  and  disputes  might  be  tried  and 
wholly  determined  by  officers,  magistrates  and  juries  of 
their  own.  The  appeal  was  not  heeded  and  the  tract 
was  thrown  open  for  settlement  to  others  of  a  different 
race. 

The  Welsh  Friends  were  educated  people.  The 
minutes  of  their  meetings,  their  memorial  respecting 
Thomas  Lloyd  and  other  literary  remains,  clearly  prove 
the  existence  of  literary  culture  among  them.  For 
twenty-five  years  the  only  physicians  of  Philadelphia 
and  vicinity  were  Welshmen.  Dr.  Thomas  Wynne, 
and  Edward  Jones,  the  leading  physicians  of  the  time, 
were  of  the  Celtic  race. 

Of  the  many  continental  people  who  were  borne  west- 
ward to  Pennsylvania,  the  Germans  were  the  most  num- 
erous. They  started  early.  Penn  visited  many  places 
on  the  Rhine  and  through  him  and  other  sources  the  Ger- 


IMMIGRA  TION.  !  2  x 

mans  learned  of  his  intentions  and  offers  to  settlers.  The 
spirit  of  unrest  began  to  hover  over  the  Rhine  and  its 
tributaries,  and  though  expatriation  is  a  severe  ordeal, 
especially  to  a  wilderness,  nevertheless  they  continued 
to  corne  in  increasing  numbers.  Many  influences  co- 
operated in  this  wonderful  transformation  scene,  the 
despotism  of  princes,  differences  between  the  smaller 
states,  religious  persecutions,  military  conscriptions. 
The  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685,  which 
cost  France  seven  hundred  thousand  of  her  best  citi- 
zens, brought  much  suffering  on  the  French  partisans 
of  Germany.  Huguenots  fled  in  great  numbers  to  the 
shelter  offered  by  the  Lutheran  Palatinate  Elector,  whose 
kindness  drew  on  him  the  vengeance  of  Madame  de 
Maiutenon,  the  greatest  as  well  as  the  most  bigoted 
woman  of  France,  who  gave  orders  through  her  hus- 
band that  the  Palatinate  should  be  utterly  destroyed. 
Forthwith  Louis  XIV.  sent  one  hundred  thousand 
soldiers  to  do  the  work.  The  devastations  of  General 
Turenne  and  the  French  finally  aroused  the  con- 
demnation of  the  world.  Hardly  had  the  war  ended  by 
the  treaty  of  Nimeguen,  before  Louis  laid  claim  to 
several  German  territories  and  for  four  years  more, 
through  his  army,  he  continued  the  work  of  destruction. 
The  treaty  of  1684  ended  the  conflict,  but  two  years 
afterward  William  III.  of  England  formed  the  League 
of  Augsburg  against  the  French,  and  in  1686  Louis's 
army  for  the  third  time  desolated  with  fire  and  sword 
the  Palatinate  and  other  portions  of  Germany.  Even  to 
this  day  the  line  of  march  is  marked  by  crumbling 
walls,  ruined  battlements,  blown-up  towers.  No 
wonder  that  under  such  a  terrific  dispensation  the  Ger- 
mans  deserted    fatherland.      A    few    landed    in    Massa- 


!  2  2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

chusetts  Bay,  some  went  to  New  York,  but  the  great 
tide  of  emigration  set  toward  the  valleys  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Until  1682  the  arrival  of  emigrants  in  this 
country  had  been  neither  frequent  nor  regular.  In 
1683  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius  arrived  at  Philadelphia 
with  German  emigrants  and  settled  at  Germantown. 
Arents  Calcien  erected  the  first  three-story  house  and 
Penn  was  present  at  the  raising-dinner.  Within  a  few 
years  the  settlement  numbered  more  than  one  thousand 
Germans,  most  of  whom  had  come  from  the  vicinity  of 
Worms  in  Westphalia.  They  had  not  been  here  long 
before  they  heard  of  the  dreadful  ravages  of  the  French 
who  had  laid  waste  their  entire  country,  and  burnt  every 
hamlet,  market-place  and  church  in  the  Duchy  of  Cleves. 
By  the  beginning  of  the  next  century  the  wave  of 
emigration  was  rolling  very  high.  Within  the  next 
twenty-five  years  over  fifty  thousand  had  come.  A  few 
miles  from  Coblentz  on  the  Rhine  is  the  beautiful  town 
of  Neuwied,  with  a  population  of  ten  thousand,  con- 
sisting of  Romanists,  Lutherans,  Moravian  brethren, 
Baptists  and  Jews  who  now  live  in  harmony,  for  their 
religious  disputes  are  ended,  never,  may  we  hopefully 
believe,  to  be  renewed.  Frederick  Wied  founded  the 
town  in  1653  on  the  site  of  the  village  of  Langendorf, 
which  was  entirely  destroyed  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 
Here,  in  1705,  arrived  a  number  of  Lutherans  who  had 
fled  from  persecution.  The  count  welcomed  and  pro- 
tected without  distinction  of  religion  all  comers.  After 
remaining  there  for  some  time  they  went  down  the 
river  to  Holland,  and  sailed  for  New  York.  Driven  by 
a  storm  within  the  Capes  of  the  Delaware,  they  changed 
their  plan  and  landed  at  Philadelphia,  and  most  of  them 
settled  in  Morris  County,  New  Jersey. 


IMMIGRA  TION.  j  2  3 

Other  German  emigrants  went  to  England  believing 
that  the  English  Government  would  send  them  to  New 
York,  the  Carolinas  or  Pennsylvania.  Of  Pennsylvania 
they  knew  more  than  of  any  other  Province,  as  it  had 
been  attractively  described  by  Pastorius,  the  founder 
of  Germanopolis  (Gerinantown),  in  German  circulars. 
Among  the  exiles  were  many  from  Heidelberg.  They 
fled  because  of  their  unwillingness  to  change  their 
religion  in  accordance  with  the  wish  of  the  head  of  the 
government.  The  Elector,  Frederick  II.,  was  a  Luth- 
eran, Frederick  III.,  a  Calvinist,  Ludovic  V.,  a  Luth- 
eran, while  his  son  and  successor  returned  to  Calvinism. 
He  was  succeeded  by  a  Roman  Catholic  prince  who  cru- 
elly oppressed  the  Protestants.  Whoever  has  seen  the 
beautiful  town  of  Heidelberg  hidden  in  dense  foliage 
and  occupying  a  narrow  bit  of  land  between  the  lofty 
Konigsstuhl  and  the  restless  Neckar,  forcing  its  foamy 
way  through  a  narrow  gorge  to  the  broader  Rhine,  will 
remember  on  the  mountain  side,  clinging  to  the  very 
edge  of  the  precipice,  the  most  magnificent  ruin  in 
central  Europe.  For  three  hundred  years  it  grew  from  a 
castle  to  a  palace  and  was  the  stronghold  of  generations 
of  electors.  Then  came  the  French,  who  terribly 
battered,  though  not  entirely  destroyed  this  royal 
abode.  Again  they  came,  burnt  the  place  to  the 
ground,  reduced  the  castle,  and  blew  up  its  ancient 
tower.  One-half  of  the  mighty  structure  fell  into  the 
moat  below  where  it  still  lies,  an  impressive  monument 
of  the  cruelty  of  Louis  XIV.  Again  was  Heidelberg 
rebuilt  in  1693  only  to  be  overwhelmed  by  his  armies. 
Not  long  after  the  elector  induced  the  inhabitants  to 
rebuild  the  town,  promising  thein  liberty  of  conscience 
and  thirty  years'  exemption  from  taxes.     After  his  con- 


j  24  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

version  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  he  disregarded  his 
promise,  and  began  anew  the  work  of  persecution. 
From  that  time  onward  the  waves  of  emigration  rolled 
in  ever-increasing  volume  to  our  shores. 

One  of  these  great  waves,  bearing  thirteen  thousand 
or  more,  reached  England  during  the  reign  of  Queen 
Anne.  Some  of  them  were  sent  to  the  Falls  of  the 
Rappahannock,  thence  spreading  into  the  adjoining 
counties  and  also  into  North  Carolina ;  but  the  larger 
number  was  sent  to  New  York.  At  one  time  a  fleet  of 
ten  ships  sailed  having  on  board  between  three  and  four 
thousand  Germans.  They  intended  to  form  a  colony  in 
New  York  and  to  engage  in  raising  and  manufacturing 
for  exportation,  tar  and  turpentine.  Before  embarking 
they  agreed  to  labor  for  a  sufficient  time  to  discharge 
the  cost  of  their  transportation  and  settlement,  and 
after  the  expiration  of  the  period,  were  each  to  receive 
forty  acres  of  land  exempt  for  seven  years  from  taxa- 
tion. A  large  tract  of  land  was  acquired  for  them 
in  Ulster  County.  Badly  treated  by  the  government 
inspector  and  director,  many  wandered  away  and  sought 
new  homes.  Finally  in  the  spring  of  1712-1713,  seven 
hundred  deserted  the  Hudson  and  settled  in  the  fertile 
valleys  of  Schoharie  County.  But  they  did  not  under- 
stand the  principles  of  land-tenure,  and  discovering, 
after  ten  years  of  litigation,  that  the  titles  to  much  of 
the  land  were  invalid,  one-half  of  them  for  the  third 
time  moved  southward,  and,  floating  down  the  Susque- 
hanna for  three  hundred  miles,  finally  found  a  home 
under  the  friendly  government  of  Pennsylvania. 

These  emigrants  felt  that  they  had  been  wronged  by 
the  authorities  of  New  York.  A  writer  who  has 
eloquently  described  the  German  emigration  to  America 


IMMIGRA  TION.  j  2  c 

says,  "That  whether  they  were  right  or  not  it  is  at  this 
late  day  difficult  to  determine,  but  there  is  no  doubt 
that  the  existence  of  such  a  feeling  resulted  in  after 
years  to  the  great  advantage  of  Pennsylvania."  Peter 
Kalm,  who  travelled  in  America  in  1748,  says  that  the 
Germans  were  not  satisfied  with  the  treatment  they  re- 
ceived in  New  York  and  advised  their  relations  and 
friends  that,  if  they  ever  intended  to  come  to  America, 
not  to  go  to  New  York  where  the  government  had  shown 
itself  so  iniquitous.  Kalm  adds :  "  This  abode  had  such 
influence  with  the  Germans  who  afterward  went  in 
great  numbers  to  North  America  that  they  constantly 
avoided  New  York  and  always  went  to  Pennsylvania. 
It  sometimes  happened  that  they  were  forced  to  go  on 
board  such  ships  as  were  bound  for  New  York,  but  they 
scarce  got  on  shore  when  they  hastened  to  Pennsylvania 
in  spite  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  New  York." 

Another  class  of  German  emigrants  requires  a  passing 
description,  the  Mennonites.  Persecuted  while  living 
under  the  shadows  of  the  Alps  in  the  cantons  of  Zurich, 
Bern  and  Schaffhausen,  they  went  in  the  year  1672  to 
Alsace  on  the  Rhine,  where  they  lived  for  a  generation, 
and  then  emigrated  to  Pennsylvania.  For  several  years 
they  remained  at  Germantown.  Having  some  means 
they  bought  in  171 2  a  large  tract  of  land  in  the  Pequea 
Valley,  now  forming  a  part  of  Lancaster  County.  Girt 
around  by  the  gloomy,  silent  forest,  whose  solitude  was 
uncheered  by  the  murmurs  of  the  honey  bee,  or  the 
twitterings  of  the  swallow,  they  felled  trees,  built 
houses  and  improved  the  land.  On  every  side  were 
Indians,  yet  they  lived  without  fear.  In  belief,  they 
were  in  full  accord  with  the  Friends,  especially  in  the 
doctrine  of  non-resistance.     This  German-Swiss  settle- 


I26  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

ment  in  the  Eden  of  Pennsylvania,  formed  the  nucleus 
or  centre  of  a  rapidly  increasing  Swiss,  French  and 
German  population. 

In  1734  some  Lutherans  from  Salsburg,  a  seat  of 
upper  Austria  arrived  in  Georgia.  They,  too,  had  been 
the  victims  of  bloody  persecution.  With  them  were 
their  pastors  and  school-masters.  Receiving  accessions 
from  time  to  time,  in  1745  they  numbered  several  hun- 
dred families.  They  were  Moravians.  All  went  well 
in  their  new  home  until  the  opening  of  the  Spanish 
war,  but  as  their  religious  faith  forbade  them  from 
taking  up  arms,  almost  every  one  started  then  for  Penn- 
sylvania and  settled  at  Bethlehem. 

During  the  first  period  of  twenty  years,  from  1682  to 
1702,  not  more  than  two  hundred  German  families 
arrived,  most  of  whom  went  to  Germantown.  Many 
of  them  were  from  Cleves,  a  duchy  in  Westphalia. 
During  the  next  twenty-five  years  a  much  larger 
number  left  their  native  country.  They  settled  in 
Bucks,  Berks,  Montgomery,  Lancaster  and  York  coun- 
ties. Thus  before  the  Revolution  they  had  spread  over 
a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  Province.  But  in 
Berks  and  Lancaster  counties  was  the  heart  of  the  Ger- 
man population. 

Many  of  the  early  settlers,  especially  the  Germans, 
preserved  the  usages  of  their  native  land  ;  their  conver- 
sation was  in  German ;  their  children  were  not  edu- 
cated in  any  other  tongue.  Their  books,  newspapers, 
deeds  and  other  legal  instruments  were  in  German. 
The  French  made  a  German  settlement  in  the  Illinois 
country,  and  Franklin  declared  that  they  might  in  time 
come  to  a  good  understanding  with  ours.  Indeed,  in 
the  first  war  with  the  French,  the  Germans  showed  a 


IMMIGRA  riON.  !  2  7 

disposition  that  seemed  to  bode  no  good,  for  when  the 
English,  except  the  Friends,  were  alarmed  by  the 
danger  arising  from  the  defenceless  state  of  the  country, 
and  entered  unanimously  into  an  association  and  raised, 
armed  and  disciplined  ten  thousand  men,  the  Germans, 
except  a  very  few  in  proportion  to  their  number,  re- 
fused to  join,  declaring  one  to  another  and  even  print- 
ing the  statement,  that  by  remaining  quiet,  the  French, 
if  taking  the  country,  would  not  molest  them.  At  the 
same  time  they  abused  the  Philadelphians  and  repre- 
sented the  probable  hazard  and  expense  of  defending 
the  Province  as  a  greater  inconvenience  than  any  that 
might  be  expected  from  a  change  of  government. 

At  first,  therefore,  the  Germans  were  not  patriotic. 
Simply  regarding  their  own  interests  in  a  narrow  way, 
so  long  as  they  were  permitted  to  till  their  land  one 
master  was  quite  as  good  for  them  as  another.  Let  us 
not  judge  them  too  harshly  if  they  could  not  suddenly 
transplant  their  affections  and  loyalty  to  their  new 
home.  Loyalty  and  patriotism  are  not  the  growth  of  a 
day,  but  the  outcome  of  a  reciprocal  service  rendered  by 
the  individual  and  the  state.  As  soon  as  the  Germans 
came  here  they  plunged  into  the  woods,  and  by  hard 
labor  prepared  the  land  for  cultivation.  And  though 
living  more  freely  now  than  they  had  ever  lived  before, 
working  without  hindrance,  they  could  not  readily  com- 
prehend its  worth.  If,  therefore,  they  clung  loosely  to 
their  new  allegiance,  the  bond  doubtless  around  others 
would  have  been  no  tighter  under  similar  conditions. 
As  the  years  passed  and  they  acquired  better  homes  and 
far  richer  fields  than  they  had  ever  possessed  before, 
their  loyalty  for  their  adopted  country  grew  vigorously, 
and  on  the  battlefields  of  the  Revolution  yielded  a  large 
measure  of  sacrifice. 


j  28  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Besides  the  English,  Welsh,  Dutch,  Swedes  and  Ger- 
mans were  the  Scotch-Irish.  They  were  called  Scotch- 
Irish  because  they  were  descendents  of  Scots  who  had 
been  persuaded  to  reside  in  the  North  of  Ireland,  and 
had  contributed  much  to  its  improvement.  They  were 
brave,  hardy  and  hot-headed.  They  loathed  the  pope 
as  sincerely  as  they  venerated  Calvin  and  Knox.  They 
were  not  particularly  fond  of  the  Friends  and  disliked 
the  Indians.  The  emigrants  from  these  two  countries 
Ireland  and  Scotland  approached  so  closely  in  national 
character;  their  sentiments  and  principles  were  so  con- 
genial ;  their  sufferings  were  of  such  a  common  nature — 
that  they  were  identified  as  one  people. 

Three  causes  impelled  the  Irish  of  Ulster  to  desert 
their  country  :  religious  bigotry,  commercial  jealousy 
and  the  oppression  of  landlords.  The  Protestant  set- 
tlers in  Ireland  were  of  the  same  metal  as  those  who 
had  sailed  in  the  Mayflower.  They  fell  under  the 
same  stigma,  and  suffered  for  their  non-conformity. 
This  was  a  stain  for  which  nothing  could  atone. 
Though  their  persecution  was  continued,  their  Pres- 
byterian loyalty  did  not  cool.  Says  Froude,  "Vexed 
with  suits  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  forbidden  to  edu- 
cate their  children  in  their  own  faith,  treated  as  danger- 
ous to  the  state,  which  but  for  them  would  have  had  no 
existence/and  deprived  of  their  civil  rights,  the  most 
earnest  of  them  at  length  abandoned  the  unthankful 
service."  To  live  as  freemen,  and  to  profess  openly 
the  creed  of  the  reformation,  they  must  seek  another 
country  where  the  long  arm  of  policy  could  not  reach 
them. 

Another  cause  of  emigration  was  the  repressive 
measures  adopted  by  the  English  government  towards 


IMMIGRA  TION.  !  29 

commerce  and  agriculture.  In  the  beginning,  encour- 
agement was  given,  especially  in  the  growing  of  flax; 
but  the  linen  trade  of  Ireland  increased  so  rapidly  that 
England  feared  the  result,  repented  of  her  policy  and 
introduced  indirect,  yet  effectual  means  to  break  down 
the  Irish  trade  in  favor  of  her  own  people  across  the 
channel.  Fearing  Irish  competition  in  agriculture, 
checks  were  put  on  their  productions  to  prevent 
English  land  from  sinking  in  value.  Her  salt,  meat 
and  butter  were  laid  under  an  embargo  when  England 
went  to  war,  that  the  English  fleets  and  armies  might 
be  victualed  cheaply  at  the  expense  of  Irish  farmers. 
By  such  a  policy  the  people  were  remanded  to  poverty 
and  their  opposition  to  the  government  inflamed. 
Those  who  could,  resolved  to  seek  a  home  wherein 
they  might  be  free  from  such  unnatural  and  unjust 
discriminations. 

By  the  arbitrary  treatment  of  their  landlords,  they 
were  embittered  and  led  to  emigrate.  When  the  six 
counties  of  Ireland  were  escheated  to  the  crown,  and  a 
portion  of  the  land  placed  in  charge  of  Scotch  colonists, 
agriculture  was  in  a  low  state.  Great  changes  im- 
mediately followed  the  introduction  of  a  more  frugal 
and  industrious  class  of  farmers.  The  landlords  raised 
their  rents  all  they  possibly  could,  regardless  of  what 
the  tenants  had  done  to  make  their  land  valuable.  As 
soon  as  leases  expired,  others  were  invited  to  lease  the 
lands.  This  was  an  invitation  to  bid  for  the  improve- 
ments. Roman  Catholics  were  ready  to  bid  more  than 
their  value,  and  to  promise  anything  in  order  to  recover 
possession  of  the  soil.  By  such  a  policy  the  landlords 
expelled  their  Protestant  tenantry,  yet  were  sustained 
in  their  action  by  the  House  of  Commons.  No  wonder 
9 


j  ^o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

that  they  hastened  to  leave  a  country  in  which  they 
fared  so  poorly.  "  In  two  years,"  says  Froude,  "  which 
followed  the  Antrim  evictions,  thirty  thousand  Protest- 
ants left  Ulster  for  a  land  where  there  was  no  robbery, 
and  where  those  who  sowed  the  seed  could  reap  the 
harvest.  The  South  and  West  were  caught  by  the  same 
movement,  and  ships  could  not  be  found  to  carry  the 
crowds  who  were  eager  to  go." 

The  tide  of  emigration  was  checked  for  a  short  time 
after  the  enactment  of  the  toleration  law  in  1718,  but 
within  ten  years  was  resumed.  Archbishop  Boulter 
sent  a  "melancholy  account"  to  the  English  Secretary 
of  State  of  the  emigration  movement.  In  1728  more 
than  four  thousand  left  for  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
archbishop  says,  "  The  whole  North  is  in  a  ferment  at 
present ;  the  people  every  day  engaging  one  another  to 
go.  The  humor  has  spread  like  a  contagious  distemper, 
and  the  people  will  hardly  hear  anybody  that  tries  to 
cure  them  of  their  madness.  The  worst  is  that  it 
affects  only  Protestants,  and  runs  chiefly  in  the  North." 
The  next  year  the  archbishop  wrote  in  a  private  letter 
that  the  humor  of  going  to  America  still  continued. 
At  that  time  there  were  seven  ships  at  Belfast  which 
were  to  take  nearly  one  thousand  passengers. 

Their  first  settlements  were  in  Bucks  County,  chiefly 
in  the  part  organized  in  1729  into  the  County  of  Lan- 
caster. Settlements  were  made  on  Octoraro  Creek,  at 
Pequea,  Donegal  and  Paxtang.  Others  settled  in  the 
County  of  Chester,  and  afterwards  in  York  County. 
Still  later  they  went  into  the  beautiful  Kittatinny 
Valley,  thus  named  from  the  mountain  range  forming 
its  western  boundary,  and  signifying  endless  mountains. 
Bounded  on  either  side  by  mountain  ranges  and  posses- 


IMMIGRA  TION.  z  3  x 

sing  a  fertile  soil,  clear  running  streams,  a  variety  of 
forest  timber,  luxuriant  vegetation  and  a  healthful 
climate,  this  lovely  valley  furnished  a  most  tempting 
asylum  for  these  enterprising  settlers.  Their  numbers 
increased  rapidly  and  in  1750,  nine-tenths  of  the  popu- 
lation were  natives  of  North  Ireland  or  Scotland. 

At  first  there  was  some  difficulty  in  getting  a  good 
title  to  the  land,  for  it  was  claimed  by  Maryland,  and  the 
Indian  title  had  not  been  purchased.  The  proprietaries, 
desirous  of  securing  it  against  invaders  from  Maryland, 
gave  authority  to  the  Scotch-Irish  to  take  possession  by 
virtue  of  licenses  in  writing.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  their  title.  A  similar  method  had  been  adopted 
with  the  first  settlers  near  York.  By  so  doing,  inroads 
by  the  authority  of  Maryland  were  checked.  In  1736 
the  proprietaries  succeeded  in  negotiating  with  the 
Indians  for  these  lands.  After  acquiring  the  Indian 
title,  they  ignored  the  rights  of  Maryland  and  opened 
a  land-office  for  the  sale  of  lands  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna on  the  usual  terms.  The  settlers  now  rapidly 
came  into  the  valley. 

One  of  the  foremost  of  the  Scotch-Irish  race  who 
came  to  the  Province  was  Logan.  Afterwards,  when 
he  had  risen  to  the  post  of  provincial  secretary,  and  the 
stream  of  Scotch-Irish  to  America  had  grown  large,  he 
was  desirous  of  restraining  future  emigrants,  fearing 
they  might  gain  control  of  the  Province.  They  were 
active  in  politics,  and  tried  to  elect,  if  possible,  mem- 
bers of  the  Assembly  who  were  not  altogether  favorable 
to  the  proprietary  wishes  and  power.  Possessing  a 
strong  spirit  of  independence,  they  were  bent  on  exer- 
cising it  as  far  as  the  law  would  permit,  and  at  some  of 
the  early  elections  there  were  warm  scenes,  signs  feared 
by  the  thoughtful   of  still  more  serious  conflicts. 


132  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

The  Germans,  by  uniting,  some  from  principle,  and 
others  from  interest,  with  the  Friends,  widened  the 
gap  between  them  and  the  Scotch-Irish.  Nor  was  this 
ever  closed  so  long  as  the  Friends  were  the  leaders  in 
the  Assembly.  Had  the  Scotch-Irish  and  Germans 
united,  they  could  easily  have  shaped  the  course  of 
legislation.  Whether  it  would  have  been  better,  or  the 
Assembly  more  peaceful,  are  questions  not  readily 
answered.  Violently  agitated  as  the  legislative  waters 
often  were,  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
Scotch-Irish,  if  permitted  to  throw  stones,  would  not 
have  shown  their  skill.  Whatever  the  truth  may  be, 
they  were  in  a  hopeless  minority,  and  powerless  to 
direct  the  legislative  current  until  after  the  retirement 
of  the  Friends  in  1756. 

Another  bond  of  union  between  many  of  the  Germans 
and  the  Friends  was  a  similarity  of  religious  belief. 
They  were  Friends  before  coining  to  the  Province. 
Penn,  in  his  journeys  on  the  Continent  had  met  them, 
and  had  held  meetings  among  them.  Thus  united  in 
religious  sentiments,  it  was  natural  that  they  should 
sustain  the  same  political  policy,  especially  in  preserv- 
ing peace. 

An  incident  occurred  in  York  County  that  widened 
the  breach  between  the  Scotch-Irish  and  the  Germans. 
A  Marylander  named  Cresap,  with  abont  fifty  kindred 
spirits,  made  a  raid  on  the  German  settlers  in  the 
Southern  part  of  that  county.  They  offered  the  Scotch- 
Irish,  as  their  share  of  the  booty,  if  they  would  assist 
in  driving  the  Germans  away,  the  improvements  they 
had  made.  Unluckily  for  the  Scotch-Irish  they  did 
assist,  and  failed,  but  were  not  soon  forgotten.1 

1  See  p.  49. 


IMMIGRA  Tl 'ON.  T ., ., 

Not  content  with  their  beautiful  valley,  some  of  the 
Scotch-Irish  went  into  Shearman's  Valley.  This  was  in 
1750  before  the  organization  of  Cumberland  County. 
Immediately  all  who  were  west  of  the  Kittatinny 
or  Tuscarora  Mountains,  were  requested  to  retire. 
Although  numbering  only  sixty-two,  their  presence 
aroused  among  the  Indians  a  feeling  of  general  dis- 
content. The  movement  was  impolitic  and  the  gov- 
ernment acted  with  prudence  in  requiring  them  to 
abandon  their  advanced  positions.  Their  dwellings 
were  burned,  and  they  left  their  forest-homes  and 
retreated  over  the  mountains  into  Cumberland  Valley. 
Doubtless  most  of  the  Scotch-Irish  settlers  who  were 
cultivating  and  improving  their  farms  in  other  parts  of 
the  Province,  knew  nothing  of  these  movements,  and 
were  in  no  sense  responsible  for  them.  A  defender  of 
the  Scotch-Irish  says  that  even  the  inhabitants  of  Kitta- 
tinny Valley,  which  was  the  nearest  settlement  of 
civilization,  were  in  no  respect  responsible  for  their  acts 
or  character.  They  were  parted  from  them  by  ranges 
of  lofty  mountains,  and  in  place  of  encouraging  their 
Scotch-Irish  friends  or  acquaintances  to  make  settle- 
ments where  they  would  be  exposed  to  Indian  hostility, 
as  well  as  contravene  the  law,  would  have  directed 
them  to  their  own  attractive  valley,  where  fertile, 
vacant  land  was  abundant,  and  where  an  increase  in 
number  and  strength  by  accessions  of  peaceful  and  in- 
dustrious freemen  was  greatly  desired. 

Notwithstanding  their  enterprise  and  bold  character, 
the  slower,  ever-plodding  Germans  overtook  them,  and 
in  the  end  gained  possession  of  many  of  their  fields. 
Preferring  cleared  lands  to  the  work  of  clearing,  the 
Germans  were  so  thrifty  that  they  gained  the  means  to 


t  lA  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAKIA. 

buy  lands  of  clearers  who,  in  turn,  were  compelled  to 
plunge  into  the  wilderness  and  renew  the  hard,  original 
task  of  clearing.  In  this  manner  the  Scotch-Irish 
pushed  farther  westward,  while  the  Germans  followed 
and  completed  the  transformation  of  the  forest  to  land 
for  easy  tillage. 

Several  explanations  have  been  given  of  the  migrat- 
ing propensity  of  the  Scotch-Irish.  Full  of  energy,  yet 
their  energies  were  more  diverse.  They  were  men  of 
affairs  and  of  the  world.  They  did  not  stick  so  closely 
to  the  barnyard  and  the  field.  Besides,  they  had  a 
greater  liking  for  frontier  life ;  its  excitements  and  con- 
quests. They  rejoiced  in  clearing  laud  and  building 
houses,  and  carrying  forward  the  work  of  civilization. 
The  Germans  were  content  to  work  in  a  different  way. 
Nor  did  the  Scotch-Irish  take  kindly  to  paying  quit 
rents.  Regarding  these  as  a  burden,  they  thought  that 
there  was  a  better  chance  of  escaping  from  their  pay- 
ment by  living  on  the  frontier,  or  in  the  wilderness, 
than  by  living  in  the  more  thickly  populated  sections. 
These  reasons,  with  their  love  of  independence,  led 
them  to  face  toward  the  wilderness  and  found  new 
homes  and  villages. 

Penn  did  not  regard  all  who  came  as  possessing  the 
same  political  relations.  The  Dutch  and  Swedes  re- 
quired naturalization  to  transform  them  into  citizens  of 
his  new  Commonwealth.  By  this  legislation  they,  as 
well  as  the  Finns,  were  endowed  with  every  provincial 
right.  At  the  same  time  the  Assembly  resolved  that  no 
others  should  be  naturalized  without  the  governor's 
consent.  Though  the  privy  council  made  no  objection 
to  this  exercise  of  power,  an  act  passed  in  1700  for 
naturalizing  all  foreigners  who  had  come  into  the  Pro- 


IMMIGRA  TION.  !  ,  c 

vince  was  repealed  by  the  privy  council,  the  attorney- 
general  declaring  that  as  the  proprietary  did  not  have 
the  power  to  do  this  by  his  grant,  it  was  not  right  "that 
he  should  give  it  to  himself  by  an  act  of  the  As- 
sembly." In  1708  the  Assembly,  "probably,"  says  Dr. 
Stille,  "on  some  hint  that  the  difficulty  about  natural- 
izing foreigners  really  arose  from  a  fear  lest  they  might 
be  Roman  Catholics,  passed  an  act  naturalizing  by  name 
the  most  prominent  Germans  who  had  settled  at  Ger- 
mantowu,  giving  as  a  reason  therefor  that  these  people 
were  Protestants.  In  the  years  i729-'30-'34  and  '37 
similar  special  acts  of  naturalization  were  passed,  and 
the  same  reasons  were  given  for  enacting  them."  So 
while  they  were  invited  by  Penn,  Pastorins  and  other 
leaders  to  emigrate  to  the  Province,  they  were  not 
endowed  with  their  political  rights  without  hesitation. 
In  1 72 1  many  Palatines  who  had  long  resided  here 
applied  for  naturalization.  For  three  years  the  consid- 
eration of  their  petition  was  delayed,  and  when  the 
privilege  to  them  was  granted  it  contained  the  proviso 
that  individually  they  should  obtain  from  a  justice  of 
the  peace  a  certificate  stating  the  value  of  their  property 
and  the  nature  of  their  religious  faith.  They  were  not 
satisfied  with  this  condition,  and  a  year  afterward  the 
Assembly  sent  to  the  governor  a  bill  containing  the 
offered  terms.  He  instantly  returned  it,  declaring  that 
in  a  country  where  English  liberty  and  law  prevailed  a 
scrutiny  into  the  private  conversation  and  faith  of  the 
citizens  and  particularly  into  their  estates  was  unjust 
and  a  dangerous  precedent.  The  Assembly  yielded  to 
the  force  of  his  reasons,  though  a  considerable  period 
passed  before  their  jealousy  sufficiently  cooled  to  confer 
on   these   Palatines  the   full    privileges   of  citizenship. 


!  36  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Though  the  action  of  the  Assembly  checked  the  inflow 
of  foreigners,  the  result  was  not  regarded  with  displeas- 
ure. Indeed,  to  check  emigration  a  law  was  passed  in 
1729,  imposing  a  duty  on  all  aliens  who  should  come 
into  the  Province.  In  1742,  two  years  after  Parliament 
had  authorized  the  naturalization  of  Protestants  in 
the  colonies,  the  Assembly  passed  a  general  act  for 
naturalizing  foreigners  who  had  lived  seven  years  in 
Pennsylvania  and  were  willing  to  take  the  tests  and  sub- 
scribe to  the  declaration  previously  required.  This  re- 
mained in  force  until  1778,  and  excluded  foreign  born 
Roman  Catholics,  Jews  and  Socinians.  In  that  year 
the  estates  held  by  aliens  were  validated. 

At  times  so  many  foreign  emigrants  came  that  the 
officials  were  alarmed.  Logan  was  desirous  that  Parlia- 
ment should  put  forth  its  strong  repressive  hand  "for 
fear  the  colony  would  in  time  be  lost  to  the  crown." 
In  one  of  his  letters  he  wrote :  "  The  numbers  from 
Germany  at  this  rate  will  soon  produce  a  German 
colony  here,  and  perhaps  such  a  case  as  Britain  received 
from  Saxony  in  the  fifth  century."  This,  doubtless, 
was  one  of  the  reasons  for  maintaining  so  rigidly  the 
qualifications  of  an  elector.  So  long  as  these  were  pre- 
served and  naturalization  was  restricted,  notwithstand- 
ing their  number — perhaps  in  1750  one-half  or  more  of 
the  entire  population — there  was  no  danger  of  German 
political  ascendency.1 

franklin  wrote  to  Peter  Collinson,  May  9,  1753:  "Not  being 
used  to  liberty,  they  know  not  how  to  make  a  modest  use  of  it. 
They  are  under  no  restraint  from  ecclesiastical  government  ;  they 
behave,  however,  submissively  enough  at  present  to  the  civil  govern- 
ment, which  I  wish  they  may  continue  to  do,  for  I  remember  when 
they  modestly  declined  intermeddling  with  our  elections,  but  now 
iVey  come  in  droves  and  carry  all  before  them,  except  in  one  or  two 
counties." 


IMMIGRA  TION.  737 

As  early  as  1682  the  Provincial  Council  took  steps  to 
prevent  the  importation  of  vagabonds  and  felons,  the 
dregs  of  the  British  population  who  were  cast  by  Great 
Britain  on  her  colonies  without  the  least  regard  for 
their  feelings.  From  this  moral  pestilence  the  people 
shrank  with  horror.  The  evil  was  then  only  prospec- 
tive, but  to  guard  effectively  against  it  in  1722  a  law 
was  passed  which,  though  not  prohibitory  in  terms,  was 
intended  to  operate  in  that  manner.  A  master,  mer- 
chant or  other  importer  was  required  to  pay  a  duty  of 
five  pounds  on  every  convicted  felon  and  to  give  a 
fifty  pound  bond  for  his  good  behavior  for  one  year. 
To  render  these  provisions  effectual  the  owner  or  master 
was  bound  to  render  on  oath  or  affirmation  within 
twenty-four  hours  after  the  arrival  of  his  vessel,  an  ac- 
count to  the  collector  of  all  the  names  of  servants  and 
passengers.1 

The  stream  of  colonization  therefore  was  composed  of 
many  branches,  nor  was  any  one  of  them  powerful 
enough  to  determine  permanently  the  course  of  the 
current.  When  the  Scotch-Irish  appeared  on  the  scene 
and  their  qualities  were  fully  sounded,  the  Friends  dis- 
covered a  menace  to  their  political  ascendency.  Yet 
Penn  never  designed  Pennsylvania  exclusively  for  the 
Friends  ;  he  graciously  bade  all  to  come  and  worship  at 
the  forest-altar  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  His  invi- 
tation is  conclusive  proof  of  his  intention.  But  there 
were  Friends  who,  believing  that  the  Province  was 
founded  exclusively  for  members  of  their  faith,  did  not 
regard  with  pleasure  the  prospect  of  ever  possessing  less 
authority.     The  first-comers,  long  the  leaders  in  wealth 

J3  Stat,  at  Large,  Chap.  248,  p.  264.     Concerning  the  importation 
of  negroes,  see  Id.,  Chap.  218,  p.  117  and  Chap.  250,  p.  275. 


1 3S  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

and  influence,  they  preferred  to  live  under  their  own 
dominion  rather  than  under  that  of  the  Scotch-Irish  or 
Germans,  or  any  other  foreign  combination.  Happily 
for  them  they  succeeded  in  enlisting  the  Germans,  and 
thus  enforced,  were  able  to  control  the  destinies  of  the 
Province  until  1756.  Like  the  waves  of  the  ocean 
which  continue  to  roll  long  after  the  subsiding  of  the 
storm,  their  power  was  felt  for  many  a  year  after  their 
leadership  had  passed  away. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

LAND   AND   LABOR. 

Section  I. 
The  Purchase  of  Land. 

Penn  owned  47,000,000  acres.  He  was  the  largest 
land  owner  in  the  world.  Of  this  vast  domain  the 
Indians  had  never  cultivated  more  than  a  small  portion; 
the  remainder  was  a  vast  hunting-ground.  Yet  the 
animals,  the  chief  source  of  Indian  subsistence,  were 
of  little  value  compared  with  the  perpetual  riches  that 
might  be  drawn  from  the  earth  by  diligent  and  intelli- 
gent toil. 

To  accomplish  this  result,  Penn  adopted  a  plan  for 
drawing  thrifty  settlers  from  the  old  world.  As  he  was 
the  sole  proprietor,  he  could  dispose  of  his  lands  on  any 
terms  he  pleased.  No  one  could  purchase  an  acre  from 
the  Indians,  for  this  was  strictly  forbidden.  In  impos- 
ing this  prohibition  Penn  was  doubtless  impelled  by 
two  reasons,  the  preservation  of  peace  with  the  Indians 
and  self-interest.  Had  the  settlers  been  permitted  to 
ignore  him  and  make  terms  with  them,  the  most  dis- 
astrous consequences  would  have  probably  followed,  the 
breaking  of  the  Indian  chain  of  friendship  and  the  de- 
struction of  his  own  fortunes.  The  history  of  trading 
with  them,  so  redolent  of  fraud,  affords  a  solid  basis  for 
this  prediction. 

Possessing  a  perfect  title  to  the  land,  so  far  as  a  royal 

(i39) 


I4o  H1ST0R  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

grant  could  be  perfect,  Perm  was  not  less  desirous  of 
purchasing  a  title  from  the  Indians.  Though  never 
questioning  their  title,  those  who  complain  of  the 
bargains  struck  on  some  occasions  with  them  might 
profitably  inqure,  what  title  had  they  to  the  soil  ?  how 
long  had  they  owned  it?  and  how  had  they  acquired  it?1 
And  if  Penn  and  his  followers  could  make  a  better  use 
of  it,  were  they  not  justified  in  taking  possession?  It  is 
enough  to  state  these  questions,  for  the  most  subtile 
writers  of  our  time  have  spun  answers.  Morally,  title 
acquired  by  might  is  no  title  at  all,  nor  will  subsequent 
transfers  of  such  a  title  whiten  it.  After  the  battle  of 
Hastings,  William  divided  English  land  among  his  fol- 
lowers, because  he  had  the  power;  but  no  transfer  since 
that  day  can  convey  a  better  right  than  those  had  to 
whom  William  gave  the  land  as  a  reward.  One  can 
rightfully  sell  the  work  of  his  hands ;  but  in  attempt- 

1  "  On  what  is  the  Indian  title  founded  ?  Having  had  a  foot  first  on 
the  continent  ?  Then  one  Indian  might  claim  the  whole,  spend  his 
winter  in  the  Torrid  Zone,  his  summer  in  one  or  other  of  the  Frigid, 
and  spring  and  fall  in  the  Temperate.  That  would  be  unreasonable. 
Will  two  Indians  have  this  right  ?  There  must  be  more  than  that. 
Two  tribes  ?  It  would  be  too  much  to  take  up  the  whole  continent 
with  two  tribes.  How  many  must  there  be  to  give  the  right  ?  Just  as 
many  as  there  are.  If  there  was  one  less,  would  they  have  the 
right?  Yes.  Two  less  ?  Yes.  How  many  might  there  be  less,  and 
the  right  exist?  I  cannot  tell — nor  any  one  else.  There  must  be 
some  fixed  principles  on  which  all  right  depends.  Under  the  great 
law  of  nature  it  is  a  right  to  as  much  as  is  necessary  for  our  sub- 
sistence. By  pasturage  or  hunting  ?  No :  by  agriculture.  Because 
in  this  way  of  life  most  can  subsist  at  the  same  time.  But  men  by 
the  municipal  laws  of  society  hold  more  than  an  equal  quantity. 
What  has  this  to  do  with  the  great  out-wheel  of  natural  law,  which 
gives  the  earth  to  man  in  common  ?  The  municipal  law  binds  as 
citizens ;  the  law  of  nations  as  societies  ;  but  the  law  of  nature  as 
men."     H.  H.  Breckenridge,  in  Gazette  Publications,  p.  102. 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  1/^1 

ing  to  transfer  what  was  never  thus  acquired  the  moral 
difficulties  are  clearly  seen. 

During  Penn's  lifetime  only  a  small  quantity  along 
the  Delaware  had  been  purchased  of  the  Indians.  It 
was  not  enough  to  endanger  their  means  of  subsistence. 
From  time  to  time  a  new  claimant  appeared,  and  to 
satisfy  him  something  more  was  given  and  a  deed  was 
taken  from  him.  As  many  of  the  boundaries  were 
indefinite,  a  large  purchase  was  made  in  1718  along  the 
Delaware,  covering  all  previous  acquisitions.  Several 
other  large  tracts  were  bought  in  1736,  '49,  '54,  '68  and 
'84,  including  all  the  land  within  the  State,  except  the 
Erie  triangle,  which  was  not  purchased  until  1792. 

All  of  the  large  sales,  except  the  first,  were  made 
reluctantly  by  the  Indians,  but  the  "walking-purchase" 
(1737)  and  that  of  1754  were  the  most  iniquitous.  It 
is  difficult  to  ascertain  the  truth  concerning  the 
walking-purchase  even  after  careful  study  of  all  the 
known  facts.  Allen,  a  friend  of  the  Penns,  and  a  Tory 
during  the  Revolution,  owned  land  in  many  places,  and 
was  the  greatest  land  speculator  of  his  time.  He  pur- 
chased ten  thousand  acres  at  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware, 
a  section  of  the  country  belonging  to  the  Minisinks, 
and  to  which  they  still  held  the  title.  Had  Allen  been 
content  to  buy  the  laud,  and  retain  it  until  the  proprie- 
taries should  have  confirmed  the  transaction,  the  pur- 
chase would  have  been  proper  ;  but  as  he  began  to  sell 
soon  after  acquiring  the  land,  in  a  short  time  he  had 
parted  with  a  large  portion.  As  the  purchasers  bought 
intending  to  taking  possession,  they  expected,  of  course, 
that  Allen  would  fulfil  his  agreement  by  making 
delivery. 

How  were  the  Indians  to  be  dispossessed?     A  method 


142  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

was  adopted  as  ingenious  as  it  was  wicked.  A  claim 
was  made  that,  many  years  before,  the  Indians  had  sold 
to  Penn  a  tract  of  land  extending  as  far  from  the 
Delaware  as  a  man  could  walk  in  a  day  and  a  half  at  a 
right  angle  from  that  point  to  the  river.  Another  ver- 
sion is  that  a  purchase  had  been  made  extending  as 
far  as  a  man  could  go,  and  at  the  end  of  the  third  day 
the  line  was  to  extend  at  a  right  angle  to  the  river. 
After  walking  a  day  and  a  half  the  walker  stopped,  and 
a  second  walk,  the  one  in  controversy,  was  undertaken 
to  complete  the  first. 

The  lines  of  many  of  the  early  purchases  were  equally 
indefinite.  In  one  of  the  deeds  the  land  was  to  run 
backward  from  a  creek  "two  days'  journey  with  a 
horse,  up  into  the  country  as  far  as  the  said  river  doth 
extend."  In  another  deed  the  land  was  to  extend 
"north-easterly,  back  into  the  woods,  to  make  two 
full  days'  journey  as  far  as  a  man  can  go;"  in  another 
conveyance  the  land  was  between  two  creeks  "extending 
backwards  as  far  as  a  man  could  ride  in  two  days  with 
a  horse."  These  terms  prove  that  the  use  of  man  and 
horse  for  measuring  purposes  was  common,  and  cer- 
tainly they  could  be  more  conveniently  employed  than 
the  chain  and  compass. 

A  deed  was  produced  for  Allen's  use,  but  it  was  an 
apocryphal  instrument  and  has  since  disappeared.  It 
seems  to  have  served  its  purpose  of  beguiling  the  tawny 
children  of  the  Delaware,  whose  literary  accomplish- 
ments were  slight,  and  knowledge  of  forgeries  was  abso- 
lutely blank. 

A  way  was  prepared  in  advance,  and  an  expert  was 
selected.  At  six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  ap- 
pointed   day  the  walk  began.     The  Indians  are  very 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  X^, 

rapid  walkers,  nevertheless  on  this  occasion  the  white 
man  was  too  much  for  them.  The  Indians  lagged  and 
the  white  people  were  good  enough  to  mount  them  on 
horses,  and  suffer  them  to  ride.  The  walker,  stimu- 
lated by  the  prospect  of  a  rich  reward,  was  untiring. 
The  party  stopped  fifteen  minutes  for  lunch  and  the 
walk  was  continued.  The  Indians  began  to  compre- 
hend the  performance,  and  one  of  them  remarked  in  de- 
scribing it:  "No  sit  down  to  smoke — no  shoot  a 
squirrel;  but  lun,  lun,  lun,  lun  all  day  long."  At  a 
quarter  past  six  all  stopped  for  the  night  and  slept  on 
the  field.  The  next  morning  rain  fell,  but  at  eight 
o'clock  the  walk  was  resumed  and  continued  for  six 
hours.  They  had  gone  so  far  that  by  extending  a  line 
at  a  right  angle  from  their  route,  the  enclosed  section 
would  include  the  land  conveyed  to  Allen,  and  thus  he 
and  his  grantors,  the  proprietaries,  were  relieved  of  their 
embarrassment.  The  walker  receiving  his  damning 
reward,  which  was  soon  followed  by  his  death,  from 
excessive  fatigue.     But  the  end  was  not  yet. 

The  Indians  felt  that  they  had  been  robbed,  as  did  all 
the  people  in  the  Province.  The  occupants  were  un- 
willing to  move,  and  then  another  scheme  was  adopted 
to  get  them  out  of  the  country.  For  a  long  period  the 
Iroquois  had  held  the  Minisinks  in  bondage  as  women, 
a  most  humiliating  condition.  So  they  were  sum- 
moned to  come  and  remove  the  Delawares,  who,  not- 
withstanding their  loss  of  spirit,  still  had  a  sense  of 
wrong  as  keen  as  in  the  days  of  their  greatness.  The 
Iroquois  appeared,  and  Canassatego,  their  spokesman, 
thus  addressed  the  despairing  Delawares:  '  'How  came  you 
to  take  upon  you  to  sell  lands  at  all  ?  We  conquered  you; 
we  made  women  of  you.     For  this  land,  you  claim  you 


144  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

have  been  furnished  with  clothes,  meat  and  drink,  and 
now  you  want  it  again,  like  children  as  you  are.  We 
charge  you  to  remove  instantly;  we  don't  give  you 
liberty  to  think  about  it.  You  are  women.  Take  the 
advice  of  a  wise  man,  and  remove  instantly." 

Sorrowfully  was  the  message  received,  for  from  this 
judgment  there  was  no  appeal.  The  Minisinks  decided 
to  go  to  the  Wyoming  Valley,  and,  realizing  that  they 
would  never  return,  burnt  their  huts  to  signify  their  final 
departure.  Thus  the  original  denizen  of  the  Delaware 
was  driven  forth  from  his  hunting-ground  to  occupy 
new  possessions ;  yet  even  these  he  was  not  to  retain 
long,  for  the  pilgrimage  had  now  begun  which  was  to 
end  only  with  his  destruction. 

The  message  of  the  Iroquois  was  effective,  the  land 
was  cleared,  and  the  theft  complete.  The  Friends  espec- 
ially felt  that  the  Indians  had  been  outraged,  and  were 
determined  to  clear  themselves  of  all  complicity  in  the 
transaction.  They  insisted  on  a  thorough  investigation 
of  their  dealings  with  the  Indians.  The  Peuns  did  not 
favor  such  a  proceeding,  and  instead  of  aiding  in  the 
worthy  work,  prepared  a  report  without  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Friends,  in  which  the  character  of  those 
whom  they  assailed  was  unjustly  aspersed.  The  report 
was  addressed  to  Governor  Denny,  but  was  intended 
especially  for  the  English  eye,  to  screen  the  conduct  of 
the  proprietaries  from  the  grave  charges  made  against 
them  by  the  Indians,  and  also  to  soften  the  blow  which 
the  authors  were  preparing  to  administer.  The  report 
was  prepared  by  Thomas  Penn's  instructions,  and  was 
transmitted  to  him  for  his  defence  before  the  king  and 
the  board  of  trade.  Such  is  the  story  of  this  disgrace- 
ful walking-purchase,  one  of  the  most  villainous  trans- 
actions in  the  provincial  history  of  Pennsylvania. 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  !45 

T>e  purchase  of  1754  was  much  larger  than  any  that 
had  previously  been  made.  The  Indians  in  their  sim- 
plicity agreed  to  sell  another  part  of  the  Province,  but 
were  quite  ignorant  of  the  nature  of  compass  and  chain, 
and  when  the  survey  was  completed  were  surprised  to 
learn  that  the  purchase  included  so  much.  They  com- 
plained that  no  hunting-grounds  remained  to  them; 
and  to  make  their  humiliation  still  worse,  the  purchase 
had  been  made  of  the  Iroquois,  who  claimed  ownership. 
The  wiser  and  more  thoughtful  settlers  urged  the  con- 
veyance of  a  portion  to  the  Indians,  fearing  the  conse- 
quences if  this  was  not  done;  but  their  words  fell  un- 
heeded. The  proprietaries  had  a  deed,  and  this  was 
quite  enough  ;  the  methods  used  were  of  no  importance. 
They  did  not  fear  the  vindictiveness  of  the  Indians,  for 
they  were  safe  in  their  snug  homes;  if  the  wrong  was 
avenged,  only  those  on  the  frontiers  would  suffer.  Of 
all  the  short-sighted  acts  of  the  government  this  was 
the  least  excusable,  for  the  seizure  was  made  just  on  the 
eve  of  war  between  the  French  and  English,  when  the 
good  will  of  the  red  men  was  most  strongly  desired. 
The  Indians  promptly  became  allies  of  the  French,  and 
eagerly  engaged  in  the  fray.  Ere  long  blazing  homes 
and  horrible  massacres  perpetrated  on  the  frontiers, 
were  the  heavy  price  paid  for  the  greed  of  the  proprie- 
taries. At  last,  to  quiet  the  Indians,  a  portion  of  the 
land  was  relinquished.  Justice  was  too  tardy;  had  this 
been  done  in  the  beginning,  the  neutrality  or  assistance 
of  the  Indians  would  have  been  secured,  and  the  blood 
and  fire  averted  that  devastated  the  region  from  the 
southern  border  to  the  River  Lehigh. 

There  was  land   enough   for  all,   as  not  more  than 
thirty  or  forty  thousand   Indians  then  lived  in  the  Pro- 
10 


j^S  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

vince.  Had  the  whites  been  less  greedy  in  purchasing 
furs,  the  incentive  of  the  Indians  to  kill  animals  would 
not  have  been  so  strong,  their  hunting-grounds  would 
not  have  been  so  quickly  despoiled,  and  smaller  areas 
would  have  furnished  them  with  abundant  game.  Un- 
happily the  opposite  policy  was  adopted,  and  within 
a  century  from  the  coming  of  Penn,  almost  every  acre 
had  been  taken  from  the  original  owners. 

Penn  sold  nearly  300,000  acres  of  his  land  to  persons  in 
England  who  had  never  seen  it.  They  were  called  "the 
first  purchasers."  It  was  sold  in  parcels  varying  from 
three  hundred  to  ten  thousand  acres,  and  the  price  paid 
was  forty  shillings  sterling  for  one  hundred  acres,  and 
one  shilling  quit-rent.  The  quit-rent  was  a  perpetual 
annual  payment.  The  purchasers  had  the  right  to 
select  any  land  within  the  Province.  They  did  not  im- 
mediately choose  their  sites,  for  the  Province  was  so 
vast  that  they  probably  supposed  there  was  no  need  of 
haste  ;  in  truth  some  of  them  never  claimed  their  lands. 
Those  who  did  were  protected  by  the  Divesting  Act  of 
1779,  whereby  the  State  took  possession  of  all  the  land 
then  belonging  to  the  proprietaries.  The  purchasers 
were  divided  into  three  classes  ;  the  names  included  in 
two  of  them  were  filed  in  the  land-office,  but  the 
names  of  the  third  class  were  not;  and  their  claims 
were  questioned  by  the  proprietary  officers  before  the 
Revolution. 

By  the  conditions  of  the  first  or  original  grant  Penn 
agreed  that  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  immigrants  "  a 
large  town"  should  be  laid  out  at  a  convenient  place  on 
the  Delaware  ;  and  every  purchaser  in  addition  to  his 
purchase  was  to  receive  a  section  of  town-land.  The 
•  roportion  "in  the  first   great  town   or  city"  was  to  be 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  1^j 

ten  acres  for  every  five  hundred  purchased  "  if  the  place 
will  allow  it."  Penn  selected  a  place  for  the  city, 
covering  two  square  miles.  This  was  the  original  size 
of  Philadelphia.  The  city  was  divided  into  lots  of 
different  sizes,  and  a  large  tract  adjoining  was  surveyed 
and  called  the  Liberties.  The  Schuylkill  divided  this 
bordering  territory  into  two  parts  ;  and  the  lots  beyond 
were  of  less  value  than  those  in  the  city.  On  the  city 
plan  two  large  lots  of  twenty  thousand  acres  each  were 
set  aside  for  two  purchasers,  and  other  lots  of  ten  thou- 
sand, five  thousand,  one  thousand  and  five  hundred  acres 
and  less,  were  apportioned  among  the  smaller  buyers. 

By  Penn's  scheme  persons  could  rent  land,  as  well  as 
purchase  it;  but  nearly  every  settler  desired  to  be  an 
absolute  owner.  "Though  very  few  of  them,"  says 
Judge  Huston,  "  were  above  the  condition  of  tenants,  if 
not  tenants  at  will  at  home,  the  general  wish  was  to 
become  the  absolute  owner  of  some  soil  in  the  new 
country.  Although  lands  wrere  offered  to  those  who 
would  settle  on  them  at  a  rent,  it  is  surprising  how  very 
few  entered  upon  lands  as  renters." 

Penn  purposed  dividing  the  Province  into  townships 
of  five  thousand  or  ten  thousand  acres,  and  for  a  long 
period  his  conveyances  or  warrants  indicated  this  pur- 
pose. Desirous  of  attracting  the  greatest  possible  num- 
ber of  persons,  he  did  not  favor  sales  of  large  tracts. 

A  few  exceptions  were  made  to  this  policy,  one  of 
them  in  favor  of  a  society  called  the  Free  Traders,  who 
had  extensive  plans  for  colonizing  and  improving  the 
land.  They  were  influential  men  of  considerable 
means,  and  on  them  were  founded  strong  hopes  for  a 
prosperous  settlement,  but  the  society  never  flourished. 
A  large  tract  of  forty  thousand  acres  was  sold  in  1684  to 


I48  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

the  Welsh,  who  were  not  numerous  enough  to  occupy 
the  whole,  though  they  applied  for  it  to  the  commis- 
sioners of  property.  The  commissioners  insisted  that 
interest  must  be  paid  on  the  purchase-money  for  the 
whole,  and  quit-rents  from  the  date  of  granting  war- 
rants. Unwilling  to  comply  with  these  terms,  the  un- 
settled portion  was  left  open  to  other  purchasers,  which 
caused  no  little  grumbling  among  the  Welsh.  Their 
demand  was  unreasonable,  for  the  commissioners  could 
not  reserve  any  portion  for  which  settlers  were  unwill- 
ing to  pay. 

An  attempt  was  made  to  sell  another  section  by 
lottery.  As  the  proprietary  was  in  need  of  money, 
they  tried  to  stimulate  settlement  by  the  sale  of  100,000 
acres,  the  purchasers  to  have  the  privilege  of  selecting 
any  unsold  land  in  the  Province,  except  the  manor 
lands,  those  already  surveyed,  or  actually  settled  or  im- 
proved. The  price  was  to  be  ^15  10  for  one  hundred 
acres,  and  seven  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
tickets  were  to  be  issued.  The  largest  prize  was  for 
twenty-eight  thousand  acres,  the  others  were  for  eigh- 
teen thousand,  fifteen  thousand,  twelve  thousand  five 
hundred,  two  for  ten  thousand,  and  two  for  three  thou- 
sand acres.  The  lottery  never  filled,  and  the  offers 
were  withdrawn.  Nevertheless  as  some  tickets  were 
sold,  their  holders  acquired  .  titles  to  lands,  that  were 
surveyed  and  kept  apart  from  others.  Sometimes  spec- 
ulators made  large  purchases  for  the  purpose  of  selling 
at  higher  rates.  Penn,  though  opposed  to  this  practice, 
was  powerless  to  prevent  it,  for  it  was  difficult  to  watch 
people  three  thousand  miles  away. 

The  mode  of  selling  may  be  briefly  described.  There 
was  an  office  composed  of  a  secretary,  surveyor-general, 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  ^o 

auditor-general  and  receiver-general,  who  held  their 
offices  at  the  seat  of  government.  Deputy-surveyors 
were  appointed  by  the  proprietary  or  commissioners  of 
property,  and  afterwards  by  the  surveyor-general. 
These  commissioners  were  appointed  by  Penn  from 
among  his  intimate  friends  in  the  Province.  They  had 
authority  to  purchase  lands  and  to  sell  them.  The 
usual  practice  was  for  the  buyer  to  make  an  application, 
a  warrant  was  issued  by  the  proprietary  or  by  his  com- 
missioners to  the  receiver-general,  who  was  to  make  a 
survey  for  the  warrantee,  on  the  terms  described 
therein.  The  warrant  was  then  taken  to  the  surveyor- 
general,  who  gave  a  copy  with  an  order  to  the  deputy- 
surveyor  of  the  proper  county,  directing  him  to  make 
the  survey.  The  application,  as  well  as  the  warrant, 
indicated  the  situation  of  the  land  desired.  After  the 
deputy-surveyor  had  completed  his  measurements,  he 
reported  to  the  office  of  the  surveyor-general,  who 
issued  a  patent  to  the  purchaser  for  his  land.  He  was 
expected  to  pay  the  surveyor-general  for  it  before  the 
warrant  was  issued  ;  but  this  was  never  done;  and  large 
losses  were  incurred  by  reason  of  the  failure  to  pay  for 
lands  or  even  to  pay  the  annual  quit-rents.  In  1740 
there  were  two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  acres  for 
which  patents  had  been  granted,  but  on  which  no  pay- 
ments had  been  made,  while  other  land,  held  by  settle- 
ment without  grant,  amounted  to  nearly  four  hundred 
thousand  acres.  The  sums  due  on  these,  without  inter- 
est, were  declared  to  be  ^104,850.  The  proprietaries 
sought  in  every  manner  to  effect  the  collection  of  quit- 
rents  and  purchase  money,  but  in  many  cases  they  were 
unsuccessful. 

Afterward    another    method    of    granting    land    was 


j  5o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

adopted.  This  was  called  the  application  system.  De- 
sirous of  increasing  purchases,  the  proprietaries  in  1765 
introduced  a  new  system.  Settlers  were  not  asked  to 
pay  in  the  beginning.  An  applicant  applied  to  the  sec- 
retary of  the  land-office,  who  instead  of  granting  a  war- 
rant, entered  the  purchaser's  name  on  the  back,  the 
date  of  his  application,  and  the  description  and  location 
of  his  land.  No  request  could  be  made  by  any  person 
for  more  than  three  hundred  acres  without  a  special 
order.  At  the  close  of  each  day  the  secretary  sent  to 
the  surveyor-general  copies  of  all  the  applications,  regu- 
larly numbered  in  the  order  received.  The  surveyor- 
general  then  sent  transcripts  to  his  deputy  with  the 
dates  of  entry,  together  with  an  order  to  survey  the 
land.  The  survey  was  completed  within  six  months, 
and  after  the  report  was  returned,  the  applicant  paid 
the  receiver-general  on  terms  then  established,  five 
pounds  for  one  hundred  acres  with  interest  from  the 
date  of  the  application,  and  one  penny  sterling  per  acre 
quit-rent.  When  this  was  done,  a  warrant  was  directed 
to  the  surveyor-general  for  his  acceptance  of  the  survey, 
which  was  then  returned  to  the  secretary's  office  and  a 
patent  was  issued.  This  system  was  simple  and  lenient. 
It  gave  the  lands  to  the  buyers  as  soon  as  the  survey 
was  completed,  before  requiring  payment  of  any  part  of 
the  purchase-money,  and  without  the  ordinary  expenses 
of  the  office.  One  reason  for  adopting  this  method  was 
the  conduct  of  the  speculators,  who,  having  purchased 
large  quanties  of  land,  were  selling  at  a  profit.  An- 
noyed by  the  competition,  the  proprietaries  made  still 
more  favorable  terms  to  stimulate  the  sale  of  their  own 
lands. 

The  purchasers  did  not  long  enjoy  the  system  of  quit- 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  I5I 

rents.  They  had  come  to  breathe  the  free  air  of  the 
American  wilderness,  and  resented  the  choking  process 
of  paying  a  perpetual  obligation.  Penn  once  proposed 
to  sell  their  quit-rents,  but  his  proposition  was  declined. 
Afterward,  when  the  tenants  were  desirous  of  purchas- 
ing, he  answered,  "I  must  depend  upon  my  rents  for  a 
supply,  and  therefore  must  not  easily  part  with  them, 
and  many  years  have  elapsed  since  I  made  you  that 
offer  that  was  not  accepted."  As  the  essence  of  the 
quit-rent  system  was  feudalism,  the  reader  may  ask  how 
this  ardent  lover  of  liberty  came  to  adopt  such  a  mode 
of  selling  his  lands.  One  would  imagine  that  Penn  was 
still  living  in  the  twilight  of  the  Middle  Ages.  In  all  of 
the  deeds  the  purchasers  were  described  as  holding  their 
lands  from  him  "in  comon  socage."  This  venerable 
phrase  was  a  survival  of  the  Norman  conquest,  when 
lands  were  held  in  two  ways.  In  every  instance  the 
king  was  regarded  as  the  paramount  lord  or  owner,  and 
the  lauds  were  granted  to  his  followers  on  condition  that 
one  of  two  kinds  of  service  should  be  rendered — knight 
service  or  socage  service.  Those  who  held  lands  by 
knight  service  were  obliged  to  serve  the  ruler  forty 
days  in  a  year,  and  to  furnish  pecuniary  aid  whenever  it 
was  needed.  Furthermore,  the  lord  could  dispose  of 
his  infant  ward  in  marriage,  who,  if  refusing  to  obey, 
forfeited  whatever  might  be  arbitrarily  assessed  as  the 
value  of  the  match.  If  a  tenant  or  holder  sold  his 
land,  he  was  obliged  to  pay  a  fine  for  the  privilege,  and 
if  he  died  without  leaving  an  heir  competent  to  perform 
service,  or  was  convicted  of  treason  or  felony,  the  land 
escheated  to  the  feudal  lord.  This  tenure  or  service 
was  so  severe  that  every  one  preferred  tenure  by  socage, 
which  meant  that  the  land  was  held  by  a  fixed  service, 


1 52  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

which  was  not  military  or  within  the  power  of  the  lord 
to  vary  at  his  pleasure.  In  Penn's  agreements  with  his 
tenants  a  service  of  some  kind  was  expected,  but  their 
republican  spirit  was  galled  by  this  condition,  and  they 
tried  to  escape  from  it  at  an  early  day.  His  relationship 
to  the  people,  in  his  own  mind,  was  essentially  patriar- 
chal, and  he  desired  its  continuance  because  he  felt 
sure  that  if  they  were  left  unrestrained  their  progress 
would  be  slower  than  under  his  mild  and  enlightened 
rule. 

The  income  derived  from  these  sales  by  the  founder 
was  not  enough  to  pay  his  expenses,  and  his  affairs  fell 
into  a  bad  way.  To  relieve  himself  Penn  mortgaged 
his  Province,  and  the  persons  to  whom  the  conveyance 
was  made  had  power  to  sell.  Three  years  afterward,  in 
171 1,  the  commissioners  of  property  were  given  author- 
ity to  grant  lands  and  receive  moneys.  The  incum- 
brance was  not  removed  at  the  time  of  Penn's  death, 
but  the  sale  of  lands  continued.  Warrants  were 
granted  and  patents  issued,  though  not  in  precisely  the 
same  manner  as  before.  It  has  been  asserted  that  the 
office  was  closed  from  the  death  of  William  Penn  till 
the  arrival  of  his  son  Thomas.  This  statement  is 
hardly  correct,  for  warrants  were  issued  for  lands  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Schuylkill  during  the  entire  period. 

At  a  later  date  titles  were  acquired  by  settlement. 
This  was  the  father  of  many  difficulties,  and  was  not  at 
first  regarded  with  favor.  The  title  arose  by  the  settler's 
entering  on  vacant  lands  without  any  office-right,  and 
without  applying  to  the  proprietary  or  his  officers. 
From  feeble  beginnings  this  method  of  acquisition  grew 
to  be  an  acknowledged  right,  and  was  recognized  by 
: 'ie  board  of  property,  the  Legislature  and  the  courts  of 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  l^ 

justice.  A  distinction  was  made  between  mere  settle- 
ment and  a  permanent  improvement.  If  a  man  plunged 
into  the  wilderness,  made  a  clearing  and  then  aban- 
doned it,  he  acquired  no  title;  but  if  he  remained  on  the 
land,  improving  it,  he  was  regarded  as  a  settler  and  after 
a  time  his  rights  became  secure. 

Delinquents  were  threatened  with  the  loss  of  their 
lands,  though  this  menace  was  rarely  executed.  Settle- 
ments were  vacated  in  a  few  cases,  because  of  the 
unwillingness  of  the  occupants  to  pay  for  them.  When- 
ever they  were  thus  formally  vacated  by  a  warrant,  the 
lands  became  the  property  of  others  to  whom  they  were 
given  ;  in  some  rare  cases  the  authorities  ventured  to 
take  them  away  from  those  who  had  no  right  or  title. 

Many  claims  acquired  either  by  settlement  or  by 
warrants  were  sold.  These  rights  were  considered 
personal  property  and  their  transfer  caused  no  little 
difficulty  and  litigation.  Until  the  enactment  of  the 
divesting  law,  the  business  of  the  laud-office  was  never 
conducted  with  much  system.  The  proprietary  desired 
to  encourage  settlers  for  the  purpose  of  selling  his  land 
and  obtaining  a  revenue.  A  policy  of  lenient  treatment 
was  adopted,  for  if  he  dealt  harshly  with  purchasers  dis- 
satisfaction was  sure  to  follow.  Irregularities  were 
overlooked,  and  the  system  was  remolded  to  fit  more 
perfectly  the  ever-changing  conditions  of  the  people. 

From  time  to  time  the  Assembly  enacted  laws  relat- 
ing to  quit-rents  and  other  similar  subjects,  thinking 
that  the  acquiescence  of  the  proprietary's  deputy  would 
siiffice  to  enforce  the  acts.  Nearly  all  of  these  laws 
were  disapproved  by  the  privy  council,  not  on  constitu- 
tional grounds,  but  for  reasons  advanced  by  the  pro- 
prietary. 


I54  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Evidently  this  system  of  proprietary  ownership  could 
not  always  last.  Long  before  the  Revolution,  the 
question  was  often  asked,  what  could  be  done  toward 
putting  an  end  to  it.  At  the  time  the  divesting  act 
was  passed  the  proprietaries  were  two  grandsons  of 
William  Penn,  the  founder — John,  the  son  of  Richard,  and 
also  governor,  and  John,  the  son  of  Thomas.  In  Febru- 
ary, 1778,  President  Reed  in  his  message  to  the  Assembly 
referred  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  late  proprietaries' 
claims,  and  the  consistency  of  these  with  the  interests 
and  happiness  of  the  people.  He  declared  that  it  was 
worthy  of  the  Assembly's  most  serious  attention  to 
reconcile  the  rights  of  society  with  those  of  individual 
justice  and  equity.  The  pending  rights  of  many  indi- 
viduals and  the  common  interests  of  all  did  not  admit 
of  longer  delay,  though  war  with  its  calamities  and  con- 
fusion had  for  a  time  hidden  the  matter  from  the  notice 
of  the  government.  The  House  gave  notice  to  John 
Penn,  who  was  then  living  in  Pennsylvania,  and  a  time 
was  set  to  hear  his  objections.  For  five  days  the  case 
was  argued  before  the  Assembly.  A  series  of  questions 
was  propounded  to  Chief  Justice  McKean  by  order  of 
the  House,  concerning  the  authority  of  the  crown  to 
give  the  charter,  the  nature  of  the  grant,  the  extent  of 
concessions  to  the  first  purchasers,  the  right  to  reserve 
quit-rents,  their  proper  appropriation  and  the  effect  of  a 
change  of  government  on  the  rights  of  the  proprietaries. 
The  chief  justice  did  not  shrink  from  answering,  though 
he  knew  that  his  opinion  would  not  please  the  assembly- 
men. He  declared  the  authority  of  the  crown  to  be 
unquestionable,  that  the  grant  to  Penn  and  his  right  to 
the  quit-rents  was  absolute,  and  he  denied  that  the 
object  of  reserving  these  payments  was  to  support  the 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  !55 

govern  men  t.  He  agreed  with  the  popular  party  on  one 
point  only,  the  right  of  preemption,  which  he  con- 
sidered was  vested  in  the  new  government.  The 
opinion  of  the  Assembly's  committee  did  not  harmonize 
with  that  of  the  chief  justice.  Both  reports  were 
ordered  to  be  printed  and  soon  after  the  Assembly 
adjourned.  At  the  next  session  the  new  Legislature 
immediately  resumed  consideration  of  the  subject. 
The  bill  was  improved  and  referred  for  examination  to 
the  chief  justice  and  the  attorney-general,  and  was 
finally  passed  by  a  vote  of  forty  to  seven.  The  minority 
entered  a  short  protest,  and  on  the  same  day  Mr.  Penn 
addressed  the  Assembly  in  a  brief  and  decorous  remon- 
strance which,  at  his  request,  was  printed  in  the  journal. 
The  law  divested  the  proprietaries  of  their  lauds  and 
quit-rents,  but  carefully  protected  the  manors  and  what- 
ever could  be  distinguished  as  private  property,  grant- 
ing a  compensation  of  ^130,000,  which  was  paid  with 
interest  within  eight  years  after  the  close  of  the  war. 
Besides  this  sum  the  Penn  family  received  an  additional 
remuneration  in  the  form  of  an  annuity  from  the 
British  government  of  ^4,000.  Thus  they  had  the  rare 
fortune  of  receiving  compensation  for  their  wrongs  on 
both  sides.  The  annuity  is  still  paid  to  the  descendants 
of  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania. 

Section  II. 

Cultivation  of  the  Land. 
Penn,  knowing  the  need  of  preserving  a  portion  of  the 
forest,  wisely  guarded  in  his  charter  against  its  destruc- 
tion. A  fifth  part  was  to  be  kept  in  its  original  condi- 
tion ;  but  later  generations,  disregarding  this  wise 
restriction  and  neglecting  to  guard  against  fires,  have 


I56  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

suffered  all  to  disappear,  save  a  few  small  patches  of 
oak,  ash  and  hemlock.  They  are  now  paying  a  heavy 
'penalty  for  this  in  deluges  of  water  followed  by  long 
periods  of  drought  that  plague  the  land.  On  the  re- 
maining four-fifths  the  settlers  could  labor  in  their  own 
way,  and  the  story  of  their  conquest  of  the  wilderness 
possesses  a  peculiar  interest. 

The  Indians  cultivated  only  small  plots  of  laud,  for 
they  were  not  farmers.  Squaws  performed  the  work  in 
a  primitive  manner.  Patches  of  land  were  cleared 
along  the  streams  and  flats  by  girdling  and  burning 
down  the  trees.  Then  the  ground  was  scratched  with 
sticks,  and  seeds  were  sown — corn,  beans,  squashes, 
pumpkins  and  melons.  The  beans  sown  by  them,  it  is 
said,  were  procured  from  the  Europeans.  Peas  were 
sown  before  any  foreigners  came  into  the  country. 
Sharp  stones  were  used  as  hoes.  Their  land  was  kept 
clear  by  burning,  but  in  some  places  where  the  scrub 
oak  grew,  fire  would  not  ordinarily  kill  the  growth. 

Within  a  year  after  the  settlement  of  the  Province, 
between  twenty  and  thirty  ships  arrived  with  passen- 
gers, the  numbers  increasing  so  rapidly  that  the  land 
along  the  Delaware  was  soon  taken  from  Chester  to 
the  Falls  of  Trenton.  The  valleys  were  first  chosen 
because  the  land  in  them  was  more  productive,  as  it 
was  mainly  the  rich  deposit  of  many  ages,  and  yielded 
large  crops  of  corn,  wheat  and  other  products.  The 
Friends  who  came  first  were  very  provident  and  cau- 
tious, and  had  provided  themselves,  as  they  believed, 
with  enough  food  and  clothing  to  suffice  until  new 
supplies  were  forthcoming.  They  also  brought  house- 
hold furniture,  utensils,  implements  and  tools  used  in 
many  trades  and  occupations.     In  the  order  of  settle- 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  ^7 

ment  the  English  Quakers  and  others  from  Wales  came 
first,  followed  by  the  Scotch-Irish  and  the  Germans. 
Two  or  three  years  passed  before  the  earth  began  to 
display  its  riches,  and  during  this  time  the  people 
suffered.  Many  of  the  adventurers  were  not  young  or 
fitted  to  endure  hardships.  Some,  too,  had  lived  well  in 
their  native  country,  enjoying  ease  and  plenty,  and  were 
ill  prepared  for  the  privations  of  the  wilderness. 

Their  first  labor,  after  arriving,  was  to  land  their 
goods.  Their  lodgings  were  in  the  woods,  a  tree  some- 
times was  chosen  for  shelter.  Then  caves  were  in- 
habited, and  afterwards  huts  were  occupied  until  the 
completion  of  better  houses.  Those  who  went  farther 
into  the  wilderness  lived  in  their  wagons.  All  this  was 
a  novel  experience.  They  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
proper  method  of  improving  the  land,  and  every- 
thing had  to  be  learned  by  experience.  Proud  says  that 
the  great  difference  between  the  open  cultivated  coun- 
tries among  the  near  kinsmen  that  many  of  the  settlers 
had  left  behind,  and  the  wild  wooded  desert  which  they 
had  now  to  encounter  among  savages,  must  have 
created  in  the  colonists  startling  ideas,  and  made  strange 
impressions  on  their  minds.  Yet  the  soil  was  fertile, 
the  air  was  clear,  streams  of  water  were  plentiful,  there 
was  an  abundance  of  wood  for  fuel  and  buildings,  and 
all  went  to  their  tasks  with  a  strong  heart.  In  selecting 
sites  for  their  houses,  the  settlers  did  not  forget  the 
importance  of  a  water  supply.  The  dusky  sons  of  the 
wilderness  were  the  neighbors  who  gazed  on  these 
strange  toilers,  whose  methods  of  activity  were  so  unlike 
their  own. 

The  first  comers  had  cleared  enough  land  by  the  suc- 
ceeding spring  to  plant  Indian  corn,  and  in  a  year  or 


!  58  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

two  to  grow  wheat  and  other  grain.  Many  stories  are 
told  of  their  trials  before  they  could  raise  a  sufficient 
supply  for  their  wants.  At  times,  the  air  was  darkened 
by  the  flocks  of  wild  pigeons,  which,  flying  low,  were 
knocked  down,  then  cooked  and  eaten.  Those  not  im- 
mediately needed  were  salted  and  kept  for  further  use. 
The  story  is  told  of  a  deer  that  came  so  close  to  a 
woman  as  she  was  journeying,  that  she  secured  him  by 
putting  a  strap  around  his  horns.  The  animals  did  not 
know  what  kind  of  creatures  had  come  among  them, 
but  as  soon  as  they  found  out  many  disappeared  in  the 
recesses  of  the  forest. 

In  selecting  laud  the  Germans  always  preferred  that 
which  contained  a  large  quantity  of  meadow.  They 
also  cleared  the  land;  though  not  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  other  settlers.  They  did  not  girdle  or  belt  the 
trees  and  leave  them  to  perish,  but  cut  them  down  and 
burned  them.  Underwood  and  bushes  were  grubbed 
up,  and  a  field  was  thus  made  as  fit  for  cultivation  the 
second  year  after  clearing  as  it  might  otherwise  have 
been  with  twenty  years  of  different  treatment.  The 
land  could  then  be  plowed,  harrowed  and  reaped. 
The  expense  of  repairing  a  plow,  which  was  likely  to 
be  broken  in  a  partly  cleared  field,  was  greater  than 
the  cost  of  removing  the  undergrowth  in  the  beginning. 
The  Scotch-Irish  and  other  settlers  were  not  as  thorough 
in  clearing  the  ground.  The  trees  were  mortally 
wounded  by  girdling  them  ;  in  a  short  time  the  smaller 
branches  decayed  and  fell,  exposing  unsightly  skeletons 
which  were  ere  long  transformed  by  fire  and  weather 
into  huge  ghostly  forms.  The  underwood  was  grubbed 
up,  piled  in  heaps  and  burned.  There  were  no  matches 
to  light  them  in  those  days.     Punk  and  flint  stone  were 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  jrn 

commonly  used  to  ignite  wood,  or  else  live  coals  were 
brought  from  the  fire  in  the  house.  Much  of  the 
timber  was  split  into  rails  and  used  for  making  a  worm 
fence  around  the  newly  cleared  field. 

To  protect  the  lands,  they  were  fenced  in  different 
ways.  One  way  of  fencing  was  by  palisades,  formed  of 
sticks  driven  into  the  ground  close  together.  Another 
was  by  rails,  eight  or  ten  feet  long,  laid  on  top  of  each 
other  at  a  sufficient  angle  to  remain  secure.  They  were 
called  worm  fences  because  they  were  so  crooked. 

The  tools  used  for  cultivating  the  land  were  of  the 
simplest  description.  Each  German  family  usually 
brought  a  large  iron-bound  chest  filled  with  homespun 
and  some  of  the  more  important  household  utensils. 
They  were  also  supplied  with  a  wooden  plow,  a  scythe, 
a  hoe  and  a  sickle.  The  old-fashioned  wooden  plow, 
shared  often  by  several  farmers,  was  drawn  by  a  heavy 
draught-horse  or  by  a  pair  of  oxen.  The  crops  were 
planted  or  sown  by  hand,  and  covered  by  hoeing  or 
brushing.  Seeds  in  great  variety  were  sown ;  wheat 
and  rye  in  the  autumn,  and  reaped  the  following  June  or 
soon  after ;  barley  and  oats  in  April,  and  garnered 
towards  the  end  of  July.  Corn  was  a  native  of  America 
and  easily  cultivated.  Buckwheat,  cotton,  rice,  spelter, 
millet,  lucerne,  sainfoin,  flax,  melons  and  rape  were  also 
raised.  There  was  a  long  struggle  to  grow  hemp,  but 
finally  its  culture  was  abandoned.  Peas  were  cultivated 
at  an  early  day,  every  Swedish  farmer  having  a  little 
field  of  them.  Beets  and  radishes  flourished,  the  latter 
growing,  it  is  said,  to  seven  inches  in  diameter.  The 
convolvulus  or  batata,  called  the  Bermudain  potato  in 
the  Province,  was  raised,  says  Kalm,  by  the  common 
people,   and  by  the  gentry,   without  distinction,  some 


j  60  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

putting  them  in  hillocks  prepared  for  that  purpose, 
others  planting  them  in  fiat  beds.  The  sweet  potato, 
called  the  Maryland  potato,  also  thrived.  Pumpkins 
were  raised,  their  round  yellow  bellies  glistening  in  the 
sun  and  remaining,  in  that  day  as  in  ours,  the  last 
golden  decoration  of  the  fields.  Wheat  fields  were  pre- 
pared in  the  English  manner,  with  no  ditches;  but 
there  were  numerous  furrows  draining  the  water,  four 
or  five  feet  apart. 

In  cultivating  the  land,  no  fertilizer  was  used,  and  of 
course  after  a  few  years  the  soil  became  less  productive. 
When  Kalm,  an  eminent  Swedish  professor,  was  journey- 
ing through  the  Province  in  1748,  he  remarked  that  a 
grain  field  that  had  yielded  the  same  kind  of  corn  for 
three  years  produced  nothing  after  that  unless  it  was 
fallowed  for  several  years  or  fertilized.  In  the  interval 
plants  and  brush  overspread  it,  while  a  new  piece  of 
ground  was  used,  or  a  piece  that  had  been  lying  fallow. 

Every  house  had  a  garden,  and  an  orchard  was 
planted  as  soon  as  possible  after  a  clearing  had  been 
made.  Apple,  peach,  pear  and  cherry  trees  were 
planted,  and  grew  luxuriantly.  Kalm  relates  that  once 
when  he  and  a  companion  were  passing  an  orchard,  his 
friend  leaped  over  the  hedge  and  gathered  some  apples. 
The  Swede  expected  that  some  serious  result  would 
follow  from  such  a  bold  theft ;  but  those  working  in 
the  orchard  did  not  even  look  at  him.  The  people  were 
more  generous  with  their  fruits  than  in  other  countries 
where  the  soil  was  less  fruitful.  In  the  environs  of 
Chester  were  many  gardens  full  of  apple-trees,  sinking 
under  the  burden  of  fruit. 

After  the  sowing,  planting  and  tending,  came  the  joy- 
ful   period    of  harvest.     This  was  the  most   gladsome 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  rfi 

season  of  the  year.  Neighboring  families  assisted  each 
other,  men  and  women  working  in  the  field.  Trades- 
men and  town  people  dropped  their  vocations  and 
joined  in  the  reaping.  One  "through"  was  reaped, 
the  "grips"  were  bound  on  the  return,  and  a  keg  of 
ardent  spirits  was  tapped  at  the  end  of  each  round 
Exciting  scenes  attended  the  harvesting  of  corn.  Days 
were  appointed  for  husking-bees,  at  which  both  old  and 
young  assembled  to  enjoy  the  sport.  There  were  re- 
freshments of  cider,  cider-royal,  metheglin  and  luscious 
red  and  yellow  apples.  The  golden  corn  flew  thick  and 
fast,  and  as  evening  approached  the  pile  swelled  higher 
and  higher  until  the  work  was  finished.  Happy  the 
swain  who  found  a  red  ear,  for  he  was  permitted  to 
take  therefor  a  kiss  from  the  maiden  of  his  choice. 
These  festivals  were  in  Indian  summer,  when  a  dreamy 
haze  enveloped  the  landscape,  and  the  woods  were 
clothed  in  gorgeous  colors.  The  clear  blue  sky,  the 
rich  meadows  and  deep  groves,  the  tinkling  bells  of  the 
cattle,  the  unregarded  music  of  the  brooks,  all  told  of 
beauty  and  peace. 

The  Germans,  perhaps,  were  less  given  to  the  enjoy- 
ments of  agriculture  than  the  Scotch-Irish  and  other 
settlers,  yet  in  their  own  way  they  enjoyed  existence 
and  were  as  contented  and  prosperous  as  any  people  in 
the  Province.  In  superstitions,  perhaps,  they  led  the 
rest.  In  planting  and  pruning,  in  sowing  and  reaping, 
they  were  influenced  by  the  age  and  appearance  of  the 
moon,  yet  they  were  not  the  exclusive  possessors  of 
this  supernal  assistant.  Absurd  incantations  were  held 
to  be  infallible  remedies  for  many  diseases,  nor  was 
a  belief  in  witches  yet  banished  from  the  popular 
faith.  Over  the  low  door  of  the  German's  cottage  one 
ii 


262  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

would  be  sure  to  find  the  fateful  horse-shoe.  The  Ger- 
man who  suspected  that  his  fireplace  was  a  resort  for 
witches  expelled  them  by  burning  alive  therein  a 
young  dog  or  two.  If  dogs  were  the  innocent  victims 
of  the  delusion,  human  beings  escaped  punishment, — a 
great  gain  to  society  surely  compared  with  their  fate  in 
some  other  colonies.  If  the  black  cats,  those  old  com- 
panions of  sorcery,  did  not  fare  so  badly  as  the  puppies, 
they  did  not  entirely  escape ;  but  earless  and  tailless, 
they  wandered  through  the  neighborhood,  mutely  testi- 
fying to  the  use  of  their  blood  in  the  treatment  of  ery- 
sipelas. 

Kalm  says  that  the  cattle  slowly  degenerated.  All 
the  cows,  horses,  sheep  and  hogs  in  England  were 
larger  than  those  first  imported  from  there  of  the  same 
breed.  The  first  generations  grew  smaller;  the  third 
and  fourth  were  of  the  same  size  as  those  common  in 
the  Province.  The  climate,  soil  and  food  produced  the 
change.  The  English  did  not  bring  many  to  this 
country,  but  the  Swedes  imported  a  large  stock,  or 
bought  of  the  Dutch  who  were  in  the  Lower  Counties. 
The  Germans  fed  their  cattle  well ;  consequently  their 
horses  were  better  able  to  work.  German  horses  were 
known  in  every  part  of  the  Province,  while  their  cows 
yielded  a  larger  quantity  of  milk.  The  beasts  were 
kept  as  warm  as  possible  in  the  winter,  and  thus  much 
hay  and  grain  were  saved.  There  were  many  cows 
and  oxen  in  New  Jersey  which  had  become  so  wild  by 
keeping  them  in  the  fields  that  no  enclosure  was  strong 
enough  to  hold  them. 

Kalm  gives  a  long  list  of  animals  that  were  tamed  by 
the  settlers.  Among  these  he  mentions  the  American 
deer,  which  soon  yielded  to  the  arts  of  the  white  man 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  rf^ 

and  were  sometimes  used  for  hunting  or  for  decoying 
wild  deer.  Beavers  also  were  so  domesticated  that  they 
went  fishing,  and  brought  their  catch  to  their  masters. 
They  were  as  tame  as  dogs,  and  followed  their  owners 
everywhere.  If  he  went  into  a  boat,  the  beaver  went 
with  him,  jumping  into  the  water,  and  after  awhile 
bringing  up  a  fish.  The  opossum  was  trained  to  follow 
persons  like  a  dog.  The  raccoon  ran  about  the  streets 
like  a  domestic  animal,  and  was  an  incorrigible  thief. 
He  would  creep  into  a  poultry  yard  and  in  a  single 
night  kill  the  whole  stock.  It  was  necessary  to  hide 
sugar  and  other  sweet  things,  otherwise  he  would  get 
into  chests  or  boxes,  eat  the  sugar  and  lick  the  treacle. 
Women  tired  of  this  pet  and  finally  discarded  his 
society.  Among  tamed  animals  were  the  gray  or  flying 
squirrels,  that  became  so  gentle  as  to  sit  on  the  shoulders 
of  boys  and  to  follow  them  everywhere.  Wild  geese 
lost  their  shyness,  and  partridges  would  run  around  all 
day  with  the  poultry  and  go  with  them  to  their  feeding 
places  when  called.  Some  winters  there  were  enormous 
flocks  of  pigeons,  which  became  so  tame  that  they  would 
fly  out  and  return  again.  Though  the  truth  of  some  of 
these  statements  may  be  questioned,  there  is  abundant 
proof  that  many  of  the  animals  of  that  day  were  easily 
brought  under  the  dominion  of  the  new  lords  of  the 
land. 

To  prevent  the  swine  from  jumping  over  the  low 
enclosures,  a  triangular  wooden  yoke  was  put  around 
their  necks.  To  the  horses  was  fastened  a  tooth  or 
hook,  stopping  the  animal  just  when  he  lifted  his  fore- 
feet to  leap  over  a  fence.  Other  devices  were  also  used 
to  keep  them  within  bounds.  Bells  were  indispensable 
to  indicate  the  whereabouts  of  cattle  that  roamed  in  the 


i  64  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

woods.  If  a  bell  was  broken  or  lost,  it  was  not  easy  to 
find  the  animal  to  which  it  had  been  attached.  Dodd- 
ridge tells  of  a  drove  of  horses  intended  for  a  Baltimore 
market,  on  whose  necks  bells  were  hung  at  the  time  of 
starting  on  the  journey.  At  a  lodging-place  in  the 
mountain  two  bells  belonging  to  the  drove  were  stolen 
during  the  night  by  the  landlord  and  his  hired  man. 
The  drover  had  not  gone  far  in  the  morning  before  he 
missed  the  bells,  and  a  man  was  sent  back  to  recover 
them.  The  landlord  and  his  servant  were  found  reap- 
ing in  the  field.  They  were  accused  of  the  theft,  but 
denied  it.  By  a  custom  of  the  time  the  torture  of 
"sweating"  was  applied  to  them.  They  were  sus- 
pended by  their  arms,  which  were  pinioned  behind  their 
backs.  This  brought  a  confession  ;  the  bells  were  forth- 
coming and  hung  around  the  culprits'  necks.  Thus 
attired  they  were  driven  on  foot  until  they  overtook  the 
drove,  which  had  gone  nine  miles.  A  halt  was  called, 
a  jury  selected  to  try  them,  and  they  were  condemned  to 
receive  from  each  drover  a  fixed  number  of  lashes. 
When  the  time  came  for  the  owner  of  one  of  the 
stolen  bells  to  use  his  hickory,  he  said  to  the  thief, 
"  You  infernal  scoundrel,  I  will  work  your  jacket 
nineteen  to  the  dozen  !  Only  think  what  a  rascally 
figure  I  should  make  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore  with- 
out a  bell  on  my  horse  !  "  And  he  meant  what  he  said, 
for  he  thought  bells  were  needed  everywhere,  even  in 
the  streets  of  a  city,  never  having  seen  horses  without 
them. 

Of  the  forest  trees  that  were  utilized,  the  red  maple 
was  most  in  demand.  From  its  wood  were  made  plates, 
spinning-wheels,  rolls  and  legs  for  chairs  and  beds. 
Worsted  and  linen  were  dyed  with  its  bark,  which  gave 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  ^5 

the  fabrics  a  dark  blue  color.  From  it  a  good  black 
ink  was  also  made.  At  that  time  the  settlers  did  not 
utilize  the  sweet  juice  of  the  maple,  though  in  Canada 
both  treacle  and  sugar  were  made  of  it.  A  curled 
variety  was  used  for  utensils,  and  in  all  kinds  of  joiner's 
work,  but  the  most  valuable  furniture  was  of  curled 
black  walnut,  which  was  exceedingly  scarce. 

Of  all  the  settlers  the  Germans  were  the  most  indus- 
trious. They  worked  early  and  late,  women  also  toil- 
ing in  the  field.  Aided  by  her  daughter,  the  good 
housewife  tended  the  grape-vine,  cultivated  the  garden, 
and  trained  the  honeysuckles  about  the  cottage.  A  loom 
was  in  every  family,  and  the  women  in  the  winter  spun 
flax  and  wove  lmen,  linsey  and  woolen  cloths.  The 
linen  was  bleached  by  spreading  it  on  the  lawn  during 
the  warm  weather.  One  of  the  industries  carried  on 
among  the  fanners  was  that  of  distilling  liquor  from 
wheat  and  other  cereals.  At  first,  rye  was  used,  and 
afterward  corn  was  found  to  be  valuable  for  the  same 
purpose.  Drink  was  common  among  the  agricultural 
classes  at  harvest  time,  and  was  regarded  as  a  necessity. 
The  whiskey  of  those  days  was  pure.  The  Friends 
drank  as  well  as  others;  but  if  one  of  them  indulged  too 
freely  he  was  put  out  of  meeting.  Many  a  case  is 
recorded  of  members  who  were  "brought  before  meet- 
ing" for  imbibing  ardent  spirits  too  freely.  If  public 
acknowledgment  was  made,  the  offenders  were  generally 
excused. 

Wine-making  was  also  quite  general,  the  women 
pressing  it  from  the  fruits.  White  and  red  currants, 
raspberries  and  cherries  were  often  used  for  this  pur- 
pose, as  were  strawberries  and  blackberries,  which  grew 
abundantly    in   the   fields.     In    Maryland   a   wine   was 


! 06  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS YL  VA NIA . 

made   from    wild   grapes.     Brandy   was   distilled    from 
peaches  and  apples. 

By  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Germans 
formed  a  considerable  part  of  the  farming  population. 
Brissot,  a  French  traveler,  remarks  that  they  were  re- 
garded as  the  most  honest,  industrious  and  economical 
of  the  farmers.  They  never  contracted  debts,  and  of  all 
the  people  were  the  least  addicted  to  the  use  of  rum  and 
other  ardent  spirits.  Their  families  were  large,  and  it 
was  common  to  see  twelve  or  fourteen  children  in  one 
household.  Brissot  also  remarks  that  the  principal 
cause  of  migration  to  the  remote  parts  of  the  Province 
was  the  hope  of  escaping  taxes,  though  the  laud-tax 
was  very  light,  not  exceeding  a  penny  to  the  pound  on 
an  assessment  much  below  the  real  valuation. 

The  same  Frenchman  describes  the  early  progress  in 
cultivating  the  land,  as  related  to  him  by  a  farmer 
whom  he  met  during  his  travels.  Doubtless  his  account 
is  correct,  but  it  applies  only  to  a  small  class  who  lived 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  provincial  period.  The 
first  planter  or  farmer  was  usually  a  man  who  had  lost 
his  fortune  and  his  credit  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
State.  He  went  westward  in  the  month  of  April.  His 
first  task  was  to  bnild  a  little  cabin  for  himself  and 
family,  the  sides  and  roof  of  which  were  of  rough 
hewn  wood,  and  the  floor  of  earth.  It  was  lighted  by  a 
door  and  sometimes  by  a  little  window  covered  with 
oiled  paper.  An  adjoining  hut  gave  shelter  to  a  cow, 
and  a  pair  of  miserable  horses.  When  the  work  of 
building  was  completed  the  farmer  attacked  the  forest, 
and  the  trees  were  cut  two  or  three  feet  from  their 
roots.  The  ground  was  then  plowed  and  planted  with 
Indian  corn  that  often  yielded  in  October  a  harvest  of 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  ify 

forty  to  fifty  bushels  to  the  acre.  As  early  as  September 
it  was  ready  to  be  eaten  and  furnished  an  agreeable 
food.  In  winter  time  the  planter  sustained  himself  and 
family  by  hunting  and  fishing,  while  the  cow  and  horses 
fed  on  wild  grass.  During  the  first  year  he  suffered 
much  from  cold  and  huuger,  and  living  near  the  savages, 
he  copied  their  example  by  solacing  himself  with  liquor. 
Thus  rolled  away  the  first  two  or  three  years  of  his  ex- 
istence. As  the  neighboring  population  increased  his 
troubles  began.  The  cattle  which  had  run  at  large,  he 
was  now  compelled  to  keep  within  his  little  farm. 
Formerly  he  could  obtain  much  wild  game,  now  it  had 
fled  from  the  country.  Increasing  society  brought  laws, 
taxes  and  regulations,  and  nothing  was  so  hateful  as 
these  shackles.  Unwilling  to  sacrifice  even  a  single 
right  for  the  benefit  of  the  government,  he  abandoned 
his  new  home  and  retreated  still  farther  into  the  wilder- 
ness. So  potent  were  the  charms  of  independence  that 
many  men  cleared  consecutively  four  farms  in  different 
parts  of  the  Province.  Brissot  remarked  that  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel  always  drove  away  men  of  this 
class,  but  this  was  not  surprising  when  one  considered 
how  much  the  Bible  precepts  were  opposed  to  their 
manner  of  living. 

The  labor  of  the  first  planter  gave  some  value  to  the 
farm  that  w7as  now  occupied  by  a  man  of  the  second 
class.  The  new  tenant  began  by  adding  to  his  cabin. 
A  saw-mill  in  the  neighboring  settlement  furnished  him 
with  boards,  and  his  house  was  now  covered  with 
shingles,  and  raised  to  two  stories  in  height.  He  pre- 
pared a  small  meadow  and  planted  an  orchard  of  two  or 
three  hundred  apple  trees.  He  enlarged  his  stable  and 
built  a  spacious  barn  which  he  covered  wTith  rye  straw. 


1 68  HI±  1  OR  Y  OF  FENNS  YL  VAN  I  A. 

Instead  of  planting  only  Indian  corn,  he  cultivated 
wheat  and  rye.  Of  the  latter  he  made  whiskey.  Never- 
theless this  planter  did  not  manage  well.  His  fields 
were  badly  plowed  and  never  enriched,  and  they  pro- 
duced but  small  crops.  His  cattle  broke  through  the 
fences  and  destroyed  the  crops.  His  horses  were  ill-fed 
and  feeble,  and  in  the  spring  they  often  died  of  hunger. 
His  house  and  farm  showed  signs  of  neglect ;  the  glass 
of  his  windows  was  replaced  with  old  hats  and  rags. 
He  was  fond  of  company ;  he  drank  too  much,  and 
passed  his  time  in  political  disputes.  He  contracted 
debts  and  after  a  few  years  was  forced  to  sell  his  home- 
stead to  a  planter  of  the  third  and  last  class. 

The  newcomer  was  usually  a  man  of  property.  His 
first  task  was  to  convert  into  meadow  all  his  land  that 
could  be  flowed  with  water.  He  then  built  a  barn  of 
stone  to  protect  his  cattle  from  cold,  for  they  ate  less 
when  they  were  kept  warm.  To  spare  the  consumption 
of  fuel  he  used  improved  stoves,  and  saved  the  labor  of 
cutting  and  carting  much  wood.  Besides  corn,  wheat 
and  rye,  he  cultivated  oats  and  buckwheat.  Near  his 
house  was  a  garden  in  which  cabbages,  potatoes,  turnips 
and  other  vegetables  were  raised;  and  he  built  a  dairy 
house  near   the  spring  which  furnished  him  with  water. 

He  improved  the  size  and  quality  of  his  orchard. 
His  sons  worked  by  his  side,  and  his  wife  and  daughters 
quit  their  wheels  and  looms  to  labor  in  the  harvest. 
Finally  he  built  a  house,  generally  of  stone,  which  was 
well  furnished.  His  horses  and  oxen  proved  by  their 
strength  and  good  appearance  that  they  were  well  fed. 
The  ordinary  drinks  of  his  family  were  beer,  cider  and 
wine.  As  he  grew  rich,  perceiving  the  value  of  legal 
protection,  he  paid  his  taxes  punctually,  and  contrib- 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  r6a 

uted  to  the  support  of  schools  and  churches.  Two- 
thirds  of  the  families  of  Pennsylvania  belonged  to  this 
third  class,  and  to  them  the  Province  owed  its  reputa- 
tion and  importance.  If  they  were  less  cunning,  they 
possessed  more  republican  virtues  than  their  southern 
neighbors,  whose  land  was  cultivated  by  slaves.  In 
this  description  the  Germans  must  be  excepted,  for  they 
were  thrifty  from  the  beginning.  Many  bought  farms 
that  had  been  rescued  from  the  forest,  but  they  rarely 
sold  them. 

Tli is  chapter  would  be  incomplete  without  describing 
the  frontier  fort,  so  essential  to  the  security  of  the 
settlers,  especially  after  their  estrangement  from  the 
Indians.  The  fortifications  consisted  of  cabins,  block- 
houses and  stockades.  Partitions  of  logs  separated  the 
cabins  from  each  other.  The  outside  walls  were  ten  or 
twelve  feet  high,  and  the  slope  of  the  roof  turned  in- 
ward. The  floors  were  usually  of  earth.  The  block- 
houses were  built  at  the  angles  of  the  fort  and  stood  two 
feet  beyond  the  stockades  and  the  outer  walls  of  the 
cabins.  The  upper  stories  were  eighteen  inches  larger 
on  every  side  than  the  under  one,  with  an  aperture  at 
the  beginning  of  the  second  story  for  firing  downward, 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  getting  under  the  walls.  A 
large  folding  gate,  made  of  thick  slabs,  and  nearest  a 
spring,  closed  the  fort.  The  cabins,  stockades  and 
blockhouse  walls  were  pierced  with  holes  at  proper 
heights  and  distances,  and  the  outside  was  completely 
bullet-proof.  A  community  would  have  felt  uncomfort- 
able without  one  of  these  places  of  retreat  in  times  of 
danger,  when  the  Indian  was  lurking  around  for  the 
white  man's  blood. 

These    unwelcome    visitors    were    expected    in    the 


!  jo  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

summer  or  autumn,  and  at  such  times  the  families  in 
exposed  positions  were  compelled  to  leave  their  farms 
and  remove  with  their  furniture  to  the  fort.  Parties  of 
armed  men  would  cultivate  each  plantation  in  turn, 
with  scouts  at  a  distance  to  warn  of  impending  danger. 
Taught  by  their  wily  antagonist,  they  took  every  pre- 
caution. When  signs  of  invasion  were  detected,  the 
women  and  children  were  quickly  brought  within 
shelter,  the  cattle  and  furniture  placed  in  safety,  and  a 
few  of  the  more  adventurous  men  set  to  watch  the  pro- 
gress of  the  enemy.  Let  the  panic  of  his  coming  once 
spread,  and  immediately  plantations  and  settlements 
were  abandoned,  and  the  inland  towns  crowded  with 
anxious,  careworn  refugees,  leaving  their  old  homes  and 
crops  to  the  torch  of  the  invader.  When  the  danger 
had  passed,  the  settler  returned  once  more  to  his  home 
if  it  had  been  spared,  and  lingering  over  the  fire  during 
the  long  winter  evenings,  listened  to  the  wild  wailing 
of  the  northern  winds  that  piled  the  deep  snowdrifts 
against  the  wooden  walls.  Perchance  the  fierce  howl- 
ing of  a  distant  wolf  would  lead  his  thoughts  to  his  ox 
stalls,  and  he  would  go  forth,  floundering  through  the 
snow  in  the  darkness,  to  assure  himself  of  the  safety  of 
his  herd. 

So  rapidly  had  the  land  in  the  eastern  section  been 
taken  up  and  cleared,  that,  by  the  closing  year  of  pro- 
prietary rule,  the  country  had  a  settled  appearance. 
The  ghostly  black  and  white  skeletons  were  gone,  the 
lands  were  fenced,  and  in  many  directions  divided  by 
highways.  A  traveler  journeying  over  the  roads  during 
the  spring,  after  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  would 
have  beheld  as  thriving  a  scene  as  any  in  the  world. 
The  sun's  renewed  strength,  loosening  the  earth  from 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  j-j 

the  frosty  grip  of  winter,  is  followed  by  that  annual 
display  of  nature's  alchemy  which  will  never  cease  to 
be  a  marvel.  A  burial-place  for  seeds,  ere  long  the 
earth  shows  signs  of  life  and  is  covered  with  tiny 
shoots.  The  grains  spring  up  soonest,  and  in  a  brief 
time  their  stalks  rustle  in  the  breeze.  As  summer 
advances,  their  changing  color  from  green  to  yellow  be- 
tokens the  completion  of  nature's  process.  Each 
perishing  seed  manifolds  itself,  every  new  one  as  per- 
fect as  the  old.  Then  the  green  corn  plants,  shooting 
rapidly  upward,  become  the  dominating  feature  of  the 
scene,  while  potatoes,  peas,  beans,  squashes  and  other 
lowly  forms  of  vegetation  overspread  many  a  field. 
Silently  but  cheerfully  the  farmer  goes  forth  to  his 
daily  task,  content  to  use  his  hoe,  his  sickle  and  his 
scythe,  thankful  for  the  harvest  won  by  his  honest  toil, 
and  unvexed  by  the  crushing  competition  of  modern 
days,  that  compels  the  husbandman  either  to  use  every 
labor-saving  device,  in  order  to  extract  the  largest 
possible  product  from  the  groaning  earth,  or  to  abandon 
his  fields  to  those  more  hopeful  or  more  desperate  than 
himself. 

Section  III. 
Slaves,  Apprentices  and  Redemptioners. 

In  the  early  provincial  times  all  men  were  workers 
and  almost  every  one  was  independent.  Yet  not  many 
months  passed  before  two  classes  arose;  those  who 
owned  land,  or  engaged  in  commerce  or  exchange,  and 
those  who  as  helpers  received  a  fixed  stipend.  The 
second  class  naturally  fell  into  a  fourfold  division, 
slaves,  apprentices,  redemptioners  and  ordinary  labor- 
ers.    The  slaves  were  brought  from  the  West  Indies  and 


J-J2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

other  places,  and  some  of  them  objected  from  the  first 
to  their  bondage.  The  opposition  was  very  strong  at 
the  time  that  the  Tuscarora  Indians  in  North  Carolina 
were  attached  by  the  whites  and  driven  from  their 
ancient  possessions.  Some  of  them  were  sold  into 
slavery  and  taken  to  Pennsylvania  as  bondmen.  The 
remnant  of  the  tribe  migrated  to  the  central  portion  of 
the  State,  to  the  land  which  had  been  given  them  by 
the  Iroquois.  The  other  Indians  were  greatly  moved 
when  they  heard  of  the  misfortune  to  their  race,  nor 
was  their  fear  quieted  until  the  Legislature  forbade  the 
purchase  and  employment  of  Indians  as  slaves.  Noth- 
ing could  have  been  more  impolitic  than  to  deprive 
the  Indians  of  their  liberty,  for  the  antagonism  of  the 
red  man  living  in  the  Province  was  already  burning 
fiercely  without  adding  fresh  fuel.  Everywhere  was 
abundant  cause  for  discontent  without  adding  such 
highly  inflammable  material. 

The  Dutch  and  English  were  engaged  in  the  African 
slave  trade  before  the  arrival  of  William  Penn.  The 
police  regulations  concerning  these  servants  were 
severe.  If  found  abroad  without  a  pass  they  were  im- 
prisoned to  await  recovery  by  their  owners,  and  if  not 
claimed  they  were  sold  at  public  auction  to  defray  ex- 
penses. Yet  negro  slavery  was  always  of  a  mild  type 
in  Pennsylvania.  Just  before  the  Revolution,  Hector 
St.  John  wrote:  "In  Pennsylvania  they  enjoy  as  much 
liberty  as  their  masters  do,  are  as  well  fed  'and  as  well 
clad,  and  in  sickness  are  tenderly  taken  care  of.  If  liv- 
ing under  the  same  roof  they  are  in  effect  a  part  of  the 
family,  they  are  companions  of  their  labors,  and  are 
treated  as  such;  they  do  not  work  more  than  ourselves, 
and  think  themselves  happier  than  many  of  the  lower 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  1 73 

classes  of  whites."  Penn  provided  for  the  freeing  of  his 
slaves  at  his  death,  and  in  his  will  he  bequeathed  to 
"Old  Sam,"  "one  hundred  acres  of  land,"  to  be  the 
property  of  his  children,  after  the  death  of  himself  and 
his  wife.1 

Another  kind  of  laborer  was  the  apprentice.  In  the 
olden  time  he  began  to  learn  his  trade  in  boyhood,  and 
was  bound  to  his  employer  by  an  agreement  called  an 
indenture.  He  was  usually  taken  into  his  employer's 
family,  and  surrounded  by  healthful  influences.  After 
the  close  of  his  term  he  often  continued  as  a  journey- 
man in  his  master's  service  for  many  years,  perhaps  for 
his  lifetime.  He  took  an  interest  in  his  employer's  work 
and  prosperity,  and  in  return  secured  regularity  of  em- 
ployment. As  a  return  for  his  skill  and  fidelity,  his 
master  was  bound  to  care  for  him  in  sickness  and  to 
retain  him  in  dull  as  well  as  in  prosperous  times.  This 
system  was  growing  healthfully  when  Penn  and  his  fol- 
lowers arrived  in  the  Province.  The  first  important  reg- 
ulation of  apprentices  was  enacted  in  1770.  Whereas 
great  mischief  and  losses  had  been  sustained  by  masters 
and  mistresses  for  want  of  some  law  to  regulate  the  con- 
duct and  behavior  of  apprentices  and  to  prevent  their 
absence  from  their  master's  service  without  leave,  and 
to  punish  them  for  disorderly  or  immoral  behavior,  and 
to  make  the  covenants  mutually  obligatory,  it  was 
enacted  that  every  apprentice  should  be  bound  for  the 
time  mentioned  in  the  indenture,  to  his  master,  occupa- 
tion or  service,  with  the  consent  of  his  parents,  guar- 

1  Friends'  servants  were  not  buried  in  the  same  inclosure  with  their 
masters,  as  the  prejudice  against  them  was  too  strong.  By  direction 
of  the  Middletown  Monthly  Meeting  of  Bucks  County,  a  lot  was 
fenced  off  for  burying  negroes. 


!  74  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

dians  or  friends,  or  with  the  consent  of  the  overseers  of 
the  poor  and  the  approbation  of  two  justices.  If  a 
master  abused  or  ill-treated  his  apprentice,  or  did  not 
discharge  his  duty  to  him,  then  the  law  provided  re- 
dress. If  an  apprentice  absconded,  the  law  also  pro- 
vided for  the  master  means  to  recover  him.  The  next 
year  another  law  was  enacted  prescribing  a  more  effec- 
tive mode  for  apprentices  to  obtain  justice  from  their 
masters  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service.  The 
system  continued  until  the  rise  of  the  factory,  which 
sounded  the  death-knell  by  radically  changing  the  con- 
ditions of  employment. 

Another  class  of  servants,  which  has  filled  a  larger 
place  in  history  by  reason  of  their  sufferings,  were  the 
redemptioners.  There  were  several  kinds:  those  who 
had  fallen  into  that  condition  in  consequence  of  mis- 
fortune, and  emigrants  who  paid  for  their  passage  from 
Europe  by  agreement  with  the  shipmaster  that  they 
were  to  be  sold  for  a  number  of  years  after  their  arrival 
in  payment  for  their  transportation.  The  name  was 
also  given  to  the  debtor  without  means  who  was  sold 
for  a  fixed  time  to  cancel  his  obligation ;  and  to  the 
criminal  who,  unable  to  pay  his  fine,  was  sold  for  as 
long  a  period  as  was  necessary  to  make  up  the  amount. 
The  directors  of  the  poor  were  empowered  by  law  to 
bind  men  and  women  from  the  poorhouse  for  a  term 
not  exceeding  three  years,  to  pay  the  expenses  of  their 
keeping,  and  many  were  often  sold  in  Philadelphia 
publicly.  They  were  offered  to  purchasers  by  ordinary 
advertisement  in  the  newspapers.  Many  of  the  inden- 
tured servants  were  called  redemptioners,  because  they 
redeemed  their  liberty  by  service  to  the  master  to  whom 
they  were  apprenticed.     They  were  farm  laborers,  mil- 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  Lj$ 

lers,  butchers,  weavers,  blacksmiths,  brickrnakers,  car- 
penters, joiners,  hatters,  tailors,  shoemakers,  saddlers, 
tanners  and  even  barber-surgeons. 

The  custom  of  selling  criminals  who  were  unable  to 
pay  their  fines  arose  from  the  poor  jail  facilities  of  the 
country,  and  the  unwillingness  of  the  early  settlers  to 
pay  jail  expenses.  On  one  occasion  a  man  in  Lancaster 
county  stole  ^14  7.  He  received  twenty-one  lashes, 
and  was  then  sold  for  ^16  to  a  farmer  for  a  term  of  six 
years.  The  records  of  many  counties  contain  instances 
of  freemen  who  were  sold  as  a  punishment  for  their 
offences.  This  was  indeed  slavery,  but  it  was  mitigated 
by  the  fact  that  a  man  was  not  to  be  sold  for  his  life- 
time, but  only  for  a  comparatively  short  period.  Im- 
prisonment for  debt  was  common  in  England,  in  Penn- 
sylvania and  in  other  colonies.  By  a  law  passed  in  1705, 
if  a  debtor  had  no  estate  he  was  compelled  to  make  satis- 
faction by  a  period  of  service,  not  exceeding  seven  years, 
if  he  were  single  and  under  the  age  of  fifty-three  ;  or  five 
years,  if  he  were  married  and  tinder  the  age  of  forty-six. 

The  labor  of  redemptioners  was  usually  sold  at  prices 
varying  from  £2  to  ^4,  while  free  labor  ranged  at  that 
time  from  ^10  to  ^20  a  year.  The  difference  in  these 
values  was  caused  by  the  purchaser's  obligation  to  feed 
and  clothe  those  who  were  bound  to  him,  and  the  labor 
of  the  bondman  was  less  efficient  than  that  of  the  free. 
These  servants  were  constantly  running  away  and  were 
therefore  a  loss  to  their  owners.  The  colonial  papers 
were  filled  with  advertisements  of  rewards  for  the 
capture  and  return  of  fugitives.  A  master  could  chas- 
tise them,  and  sometimes  he  ill-treated  them.  Some  of 
the  runaways  enlisted  as  soldiers  and  became  dis- 
tinguished in  the  early  wars. 


!  76  HISTOR  V  OF  PENftSYL  V Art  I  A. 

Vessels  bearing  the  Irish,  Scotch,  Welsh  and  English 
came  from  Dublin,  Belfast  and  other  Irish  seaports. 
Germans  from  the  south  of  fatherland  sailed  from 
Rotterdam  and  other  Dutch  ports.  An  advertisement 
like  the  following  often  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia 
papers:  "Just  arrived  in  the  ship  Sallie,  from  Amster- 
dam, a  number  of  German  men,  women  and  children, 
redeinpti oners.  Their  times  will  be  disposed  of  on 
reasonable  terms  by  the  captain  on  board." 

The  sufferings  of  the  German  redemptioners  have  been 
described  by  Mittelberger.  The  first  part  of  their 
journey  was  undertaken  on  the  Rhine  boats  from  Heil- 
bronn  to  Holland.  Thirty-six  custom  towns  were 
passed,  at  each  of  which  the  boats  and  their  passengers 
were  detained  and  examined  and  the  emigrants  in  con- 
sequence were  compelled  to  spend  money.  The 
passage  on  the  Rhine  consumed  from  four  to  six  weeks. 
In  Holland  they  were  detained  quite  as  long,  and  were 
compelled  to  spend  more  money.  When  the  ship 
finally  reached  England  at  the  City  of  Cowes,  anchor 
was  raised  for  the  long  voyage,  and  then  the  misery 
actually  began.  When  their  sufferings  could  be  no 
longer  quietly  endured,  the  spirit  of  discontent  broke 
forth.  The  passengers  called  down  curses  on  others  or 
on  themselves,  and  on  the  day  they  were  born.  With 
the  fierce  raging  of  hunger  one  blamed  another  for 
undertaking  the  voyage;  oftentimes  children  reproached 
their  parents,  husbands  blamed  their  wives,  and  broth- 
ers and  sisters,  friends  and  acquaintances,  threatened 
vengeance  against  each  other,  and  most  of  all  against 
the  man-stealers.  At  last  after  a  wearisome  voyage, 
they  wept  for  joy,  and  shouted  with  gladness  at  the 
sight   of  the  green    earth.     But   alas!    when  the  ship 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  jj~ 

arrived  at  Philadelphia,  no  one  could  leave  her  unless  he 
had  money  to  pay  for  his  passage.  Those  who  had  not 
the  means  remained  on  board  until  they  were  released 
from  the  ship  by  their  purchasers.  Mittelberger  de- 
scribes the  mode  of  selling  them:  "Every  day  Eng- 
lishmen, Highlanders  and  high  Germans  secured  from 
the  healthy  persons  those  whom  they  desired,  and  bar- 
gained with  them  concerning  the  length  of  time  they 
were  willing  to  serve  in  payment  of  their  passage, 
which  they  usually  owed  in  full.  Three,  four,  or  five 
years  must  be  served  to  pay  for  their  passage,  many  of 
them  if  quite  young,  from  ten  to  fifteen  years  were  per- 
haps required  to  serve  until  they  were  twenty-one  years 
old.  Many  parents  traded  and  sold  their  own  children 
like  cattle,  by  which  means  only  the  parents,  not  the 
children,  assumed  the  payment  of  the  passage.  Many 
were  released  from  the  ship,  and  it  often  happened  that 
parents  did  not  see  their  children  for  many  years  after 
their  departure  from  the  ship,  or  perhaps  never  again ; 
often  it  happened  that  the  entire  family,  husband,  wife 
and  children  were  separated,  because  they  were  pur- 
chased by  different  persons.  Such  were  some  of  the  in- 
justices of  this  terrible  system,  which  had  such  an 
enduring  life  in  the  Province." 

The  steady  stream  of  emigration  led  sea-captains  to 
abuse  their  privileges.  The  carrying  of  passengers  was 
more  profitable  than  freight  traffic.  Travelers  were 
often  huddled  together,  and  as  they  sailed  southward 
into  a  warmer  climate,  thousands  became  sick  and  died. 
In  one  year  no  less  than  two  thousand  were  buried  at 
sea  and  in  Philadelphia.  Of  all  the  barbarous  sea- 
captains,  John  Steadman  attained  the  most  notoriety. 
He  bought  a  license  from  a  magistrate  of  Rotterdam 

12 


i78 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 


which  stated  that  no  captain  or  merchant  should  carry- 
passengers  so  long  as  Steadman  had  not  two  thousand 
on  his  own  vessel.  By  this  license  the  avaricious 
captain  enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  the  traffic.  An  ordinary 
passenger  was  carried  for  seven  pistoles  and  a  half. 
Many  were  redemptioners,  and  when  they  reached 
Philadelphia,  were  forced  to  pay  whatever  their  masters 
demanded.  More  than  one  of  them  had  paid  for  his 
passage  before  leaving,  but,  as  Steadman  had  not 
credited  him  with  the  money,  another  sum  was  exacted 
on  reaching  this  country.  The  thousands  who  died  on 
the  way  increased  Steadman' s  profits,  for  by  a  contract 
the  living  were  bound  to  pay  for  the  passage  of  the 
dead.  Often  after  a  man  had  paid  his  own  fare,  he  was 
sold  for  that  of  some  one  else.  Baggage  was  left  behind 
to  be  carried  in  freight  vessels,  and  when  this  reached 
Philadelphia  chests  and  trunks  were  frequently  broken 
open  and  nearly  all  the  contents  stolen. 

By  this  miserable  trade  flourished  a  class  of  importers 
or  brokers  who  had  agencies  in  Philadelphia  and  in 
European  cities.  Other  dealers  called  newlanders  or 
soul-drivers  went  to  Switzerland  and  Germany  and,  by 
describing  America  as  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and 
honey,  tempted  the  people  to  emigrate.  They  were 
then  sold  in  Philadelphia  and  the  surrounding  country. 
In  Rotterdam  some  of  the  wealthiest  citizens  were 
engaged  in  this  infernal  business.  A  great  jealousy 
sprang  up  in  this  trade  between  Amsterdam  and  Rotter- 
dam. Runners  were  engaged  to  watch  the  arrival  of 
emigrants  and  to  ply  their  arts  of  persuasion.  For 
each  redemptioner  the  runners  obtained  a  fee.  All  the 
routes  to  the  sea-coast  were  watched  and  dealers  even 
carried  on  house-to-house  solicitation  through  Germany. 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  jyg 

The  evil  was  so  great  that  a  law  was  enacted  by  the 
Assembly  for  the  relief  of  the  victims,  but  it  was  never 
executed.  An  old  sea-captain  was  appointed  overseer 
of  one  of  Steadman's  vessels  to  look  after  passengers, 
but  he  was  bribed  to  conceal  the  truth  of  their  condi- 
tion, though  sometimes  the  emigrants  had  scarcely 
twelve  inches  of  space  between  them,  and  often  no 
bread  or  water.  After  his  death,  the  Assembly  elected 
an  overseer  named  Trotter,  but  he  permitted  the  vessels 
to  slip  through  without  enforcing  the  law.  The  people 
of  Philadelphia  and  Germantown  then  asked  the  Assem- 
bly to  appoint  as  overseer  Thomas  Lay,  an  English 
merchant  living  in  Philadelphia,  who  every  one  be- 
lieved was  impervious  to  bribery.  The  petitions  of  the 
people  were  disregarded,  nor  did  the  redemptioners 
obtain  relief  until  1764,  when  a  German  society  in 
Philadelphia  was  organized  for  their  protection. 

These  despised  workers  were  important  members  of 
the  Province.  The  Assembly  was  very  slow  in  taking 
action  to  improve  their  condition.  The  members  re- 
garded with  disfavor  the  presence  of  so  many  redemp- 
tioners and  thought  that  any  improvement  in  their  con- 
dition would  only  swell  their  number  more  rapidly. 

The  workingmen  were  well  paid.  One  of  the  laws 
proposed  by  Penn  prescribed  the  rates  to  be  paid  for 
labor.  This  was  discussed  more  fully  than  any  other 
measure  during  the  first  session  of  the  Assembly.  That 
body  resolved  itself  into  a  grand  committee,  and  in- 
dulged in  a  general  debate.  The  principal  points  were, 
whether  artificers  should  work  at  a  general  rate,  or 
specified  rates  for  each  one,  or  whether  all  should  be 
free  to  make  terms.  The  differences  were  so  great  and 
vital   that  the  question  was  suspended  until  the  next 


!8o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

session.  Happily  nothing  more  was  attempted.  While 
the  colonial  legislatures  generally  regarded  themselves 
quite  competent  to  establish  prices  for  nearly  every- 
thing, and  did  indeed  fix  the  rates  of  wages  on  many 
occasions,  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  was  an  exception, 
leaving  all  to  make  such  agreements  as  they  pleased. 

Gabriel  Thomas,  who  wrote  his  little  book  on  the 
Province,  in  1698,  after  a  residence  of  fifteen  years,  gave 
many  interesting  facts  concerning  the  employment  and 
rewards  of  this  class.  The  first  mentioned  was  the 
wages  of  a  blacksmith,  who,  he  says,  with  a  negro  man 
employed  by  him,  received  fifty  shillings  in  one  day  for 
working  up  one  hundred  pounds  of  iron.  House  and 
ship  carpenters,  brick  layers  and  masons  usually  re- 
ceived between  five  and  six  shillings,  shoemakers  and 
journeymen  two  shillings  per  pair  for  men  and  women's 
shoes ;  dealers  twelve  shillings  per  week  and  their 
board  ;  the  reward  of  sawyers  was  between  six  and 
seven  shillings,  and  ten  shillings  for  cutting  pine 
boards  ;  the  wrages  of  weavers  was  ten  and  twelve  pence 
per  yard  for  weaving  cloth  a  little  more  than  one-half  a 
yard  in  width;  wool-combers  received  twelve  pence  per 
pound  for  combing  wool,  and  potters  sixteen  cents  for 
an  earthen  pot  that  might  be  bought  in  England  for  four 
cents;  tanners  bought  their  hides  for  three  and  one-half 
pence  per  pound  green,  and  sold  their  leather  for  twelve 
pence  per  pound,  while  curriers  received  three  shillings 
and  fonr  pence  per  hide  for  dressing  it;  butchers  five 
shillings  a  day  and  their  board,  and  silver-smiths  one- 
half  crown  and  three  shillings  an  ounce  for  working 
their  silver;  plasterers  received  eighteen  shillings  per 
yard  for  plastering,  and  last-makers  sixteen  shillings  per 
dozen  for  their  lasts,  and  heel-makers  two  shillings  per 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  !8i 

dozen  for  their  heels.  Such  were  the  wages  received 
by  some  of  the  mechanics  and  other  working  men  in 
the  Province;  a  long  additional  list  is  mentioned,  whose 
gains  and  wages  Thomas  says  are  in  the  same  propor- 
tion. Laboring  men  received  between  fourteen  and 
fifteen  pence  an  hour,  and  their  meat,  "drink,  washing, 
lodging;"  and  their  total  wages  was  generally  between 
eighteen  pence  and  one-half  crown,  and  their  board  in 
harvest,  or  they  usually  had  between  three  and  four 
shillings  a  day  and  their  board.  The  wages  of  maid 
servants  were  between  six  and  ten  pounds  per  annum 
with  very  good  accommodations,  "and  the  women  who 
get  their  livelihood  by  their  own  industry,  their  labor  is 
very  dear,  for  I  can  buy  in  London  a  cheese-cake  for 
two  pence,  bigger  than  theirs  at  that  price,  when  at  the 
same  time  the  milk  is  as  cheap  as  we  can  get  in 
London,  and  their  flour  cheaper  by  one-half." 

Corn  and  meat,  food  and  raiment,  were  much  cheaper 
than  in  England,  and  farmers  could  afford  to  pay  large 
wages  to  their  working  men,  because  their  land  was 
so  cheap  and  productive,  and  their  outlay  so  small. 
Nor  was  there  any  alternative,  for  if  these  stipends  were 
refused,  servants  would  quickly  set  up  for  themselves. 

Wages  changed  with  the  price  of  other  things,  but 
throughout  the  provincial  period  the  laborer  fared  well, 
and  if  he  did  not  thrive  the  fault  was  his  own,  unless  he 
was  afflicted  with  ill  health  or  some  other  misfortune. 
Depressions  did  indeed  visit  the  country,  but  they  were 
less  frequent  than  now;  and  land  could  be  purchased  on 
reasonable  terms.  Crowds  of  unemployed  were  rarely 
if  ever  seen  ;  they  are  one  of  the  depressing  sights  of 
our  more  modern,  and  as  we  boast,  higher  civilization. 

The  principal  offence  of  servants  was  the  abandon- 


^2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

inent  of  their  masters,  and  the  Assembly  vainly  endeav- 
ored, by  means  of  penalties  and  other  terrors,  to  restrain 
them  from  running  away.  Occasionally  a  servant  fell 
from  virtue,  and  Mittelberger  tells  of  one  who,  unable 
to  conceal  her  condition  longer,  informed  her  master, 
and  also  that  another  servant  of  his  had  been  the  guilty 
participant.  He  was  very  angry,  and  told  her  that  she 
would  do  a  great  wrong  if  she  charged  such  "a  loose 
bird"  with  the  deed;  but,  if  she  would  heed  him,  he 
would  give  her  some  good  advice.  Assuring  him  of 
her  obedient  disposition,  he  told  her  to  go  to  a  justice 
and  charge  an  unmarried  man  of  means,  whom  she 
knew,  with  the  offence.  The  servant  went  off,  but,  in- 
stead of  going  to  the  justice  as  directed,  she  went  to 
another  and  charged  her  master.  As  he  would  not  con- 
fess, he  was  condemned  to  prison  until  he  would  either 
give  her  £200  or  marry  her.  Was  ever  such  a  bad 
dilemma  more  unexpected?  He  married  his  servant, 
acknowledging  that  his  fate  was  a  just  punishment  for 
advising  her  to  charge  an  innocent  man  with  the 
offence.  Thus  justice  in  the  strangest  of  ways  again 
triumphed. 

Section  IV. 

Farming  During  and  After  the  Revolution. 

The  Revolution  was  a  severe  but  not  mortal  blow  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  The  earth  once  subdued  is 
easily  restored  from  the  ravages  of  war.  Houses  may 
be  burned,  trees  cut  down,  growing  crops  laid  waste, 
but  by  industry  all  can  soon  be  restored.  The  earth  for 
a  few  seasons  may  look  scarred  from  the  loss  of  trees, 
but  these  soon  begin  to  grow,  and  thus  in  a  few  years 
the  worst  ravages  to  the  earth  are  covered  and  repaired. 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  jg^ 

But  not  all  the  devastations  wrought  by  war  are  so 
easily  mended.  The  currents  of  trade  may  be  turned 
and  never  return.  And  this  was  one  of  the  conse- 
quences of  the  American  Revolution.  The  markets  for 
agricultural  productions  were  to  a  considerable  degree 
cut  off,  especially  the  English  islands  of  the  West 
Indies.  The  European  demand  too  for  products  fell  off, 
and  farmers  soon  began  to  suffer. 

While  the  war  continued  their  prosperity  varied  in 
different  parts  of  the  State.  In  the  East  they  were  sub- 
jected to  more  frequent  inroads  from  the  armies. 
While  the  British  were  in  Philadelphia  they  bought  a 
large  portion  of  their  supplies,  and  the  farmers  did  not 
suffer  much  from  their  devastations.  They  fared  still 
worse  from  seizure  by  order  of  the  commanders  of 
the  American  army.  Certificates  were  in  all  cases 
given,  but  a  promise  to  pay  of  this  nature  was  a  very 
unsatisfactory  return.  These  certificates  were  funded 
and  ultimately  paid,  but  after  the  system  of  seizure  was 
once  begun,  farmers  feared  the  application  of  it  to  them- 
selves and  lessened  their  production.  Still,  it  cannot 
be  shown  that  their  losses  by  the  Revolution  were,  in 
the  aggregate,  very  great.  The  farmers  in  Lancaster 
County  especially,  and  still  farther  removed  from  the 
seat  of  war,  suffered  far  less ;  indeed  they  flourished  and 
often  brought  their  produce  to  Philadelphia  and  took 
their  pay,  not  in  the  paper-money  then  current,  but  in 
specie  which  had  no  wings  and  would  not  fly  away. 
This  was  safely  put  away  because  its  owners  knew  that 
whatever  else  might  perish  this  would  survive  the  revo- 
lutionary storm. 

The  farmers  formed  then,  as  they  ever  have,  by  far 
the  largest  class  of  toilers.     Said  Franklin  in  1786,  "For 


j  84  HISTOR  V  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

one  artisan  or  merchant,  I  suppose  we  have  at  least  one 
hundred  farmers,  by  far  the  greatest  part  cultivators  of 
their  own  land."1  They  had  borne  their  share  in  the 
Revolution,  their  blood  had  reddened  every  battle-field. 
Many  of  them  were  expert  in  the  use  of  the  rifle,  for 
they  had  served  in  wars  against  the  Indians,  or  in  the 
chase.  After  the  war  was  over  a  large  number  rushed 
into  mercantile  pursuits.  The  people,  "drunk,"  said  an 
observer,  "with  the  idea  of  gain,  seem  to  think  that  the 
whole  community  can  live  by  buying  and  selling  Euro- 
pean gewgaws. ' ' 2 

With  the  renewal  of  trade,  after  peace  was  made  with 
Great  Britain,  farmers  fell  into  the  way  of  purchasing 
more  largely  than  they  had  done  before,  and  of  supply- 
ing themselves  less  with  home-made  productions.  The 
increased  expenditure  for  these  purposes,  with  a  lessen- 
ing demand  for  their  own  products  and  a  diminished 
price  for  them,  soon  led  them  into  a  slough  of  despond- 
ency that  was  as  unexpected  and  novel  to  them  as  it 
was  distressing.  The  newspapers  of  the  day  for  several 
years  after  1783  are  articulate  with  their  complaints. 
Yet  all  writers  did  not  look  on  their  condition  in  the 
same  manner.  One  of  them  declared  that  times  were 
as  easy  with  men  who  did  their  duty  as  they  ever  were; 
but  those  who  wandered  experienced  trouble.  He  as- 
serted that  the  complaint  of  hard  times  in  the  State 
was  imaginary,  "and  as  for  cash,  there  was  enough  in 
circulation  for  a  medium."  Those  who  complained 
loudest  of  a  scarcity  had  nothing  with  which  to  pur- 
chase money.  At  every  period  those  who  complain 
most  of  a  lack  of  banking  facilities  and  of  money  do 
not  seem  to  understand  that,  if  they  have  anything  to 

'  Gazette,  May  17,  1786.  *  1  American  Museum,  461. 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  jSc 

sell  desired  by  others,  money  can  be  surely  obtained 
in  return.  Generally  desert  places  are  debtor  places, 
and  money  will  never  stay  long  in  them  until  they 
cease  to  be  deserts.  Pennsylvania  after  the  close  of 
the  Revolution  was  a  forceful  illustration  of  this  truth. 
Much  of  the  specie  had  gone  to  England  to  pay  debts, 
yet  the  farmer  who  was  not  in  debt  with  something 
saleable  on  hand  could  always  get  money. 

Indolence  and  extravagance  in  dress  were  the  causes 
from  which  all  the  bitter  evils  flowed.  Of  late,  the 
farmers  had  been  vying  with  the  merchants  in  dress. 
They  had  neglected  to  make  their  own  wearing  apparel 
because  it  was  not  so  handsome  as  the  foreign ;  though 
more  durable  and  cheaper.  Was  a  writer  making  out 
a  case  from  straw?  Listen  to  his  plain  unvarnished 
tale.  "The  other  day,"  he  says,  "I  went  to  see  some 
farmers  who  owed  me  a  trifle.  I  found  them  in  the  field 
at  work  ;  one  was  clad  in  a  velvet  vest  and  breeches, 
and  fine  worsted  stockings,  the  other  in  a  sattinet  vest 
and  breeches,  stockings  like  his  companion,  and  a  fine 
holland  shirt  with  a  ruffle  at  the  bosom.  I  asked  them 
for  the  money  they  owed  me  and  was  told  '  Money  is 
exceedingly  scarce,  the  times  are  very  hard,  and  it  is  an 
impossible  thing  to  get  money.'  I  offered  to  take  stock 
or  almost  any  other  article,  but  they  had  nothing  to  pay 
me  except  land,  and  that  they  could  not  spare.  The 
extravagance  of  people  to  decorate  their  bodies  is  the 
origin  of  their  poverty ;  and  the  hardness  of  the  times 
arises  from  a  foolish  pride."  J 

Did  he  not  tell  the  truth?  We  need  not  delay  with 
his  moralizings.  He  unfolds  another  idea  however  that 
is  worthy  of  notice.     In  a  free  and  independent  state, 

1 1  American  Museum,  461 


!  86  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

he  remarked,  the  idea  of  equality  breathed  through  the 
whole,  every  individual  felt  ambitious  to  rival  his 
neighbor.  Among  all  the  idea  of  inferiority,  as  in  pur- 
suing a  mean  employment  or  occupation  for  a  liveli- 
hood, mortified  the  feelings  and  soured  the  minds  of 
those  who  felt  their  inferiority,  and  so  they  strove  to  be 
equal  with  the  rich  in  dress,  if  in  nothing  else.  So 
"the  farmer  in  the  field  was  found  clad  in  as  delicate  a 
garment  as  the  merchant  behind  his  counter."  Such 
was  the  diagnosis  of  the  farmer's  distress  by  one  who 
looked  on  him  with  a  friendly  regard  and  understood 
his  situation. 

Farmers  also  suffered  in  another  way.  Nemesis  never 
fails  to  avenge  herself,  and  one  of  the  inevitable  con- 
sequences of  issuing  paper-money,  passing  tender  and 
ex  post  facto  laws,  regulating  prices  by  law  and  pro- 
viding plentiful  ways  for  debtors  to  cheat  their  creditors, 
was  the  destruction  of  public  and  private  credit.  The 
sources  of  private  loans  dried  up  or  disappeared,  farmers 
could  no  longer  borrow  money.  In  1786  there  were 
three  times  as  many  tenants  in  the  old  counties  of 
the  State  as  before  the  war,  because  they  could  not  bor- 
row money  on  interest  to  pay  for  land.  Perhaps  they 
had  not  participated  in  laying  low  public  and  private 
credit,  and  might  have  been  worthy  of  confidence  ;  but 
this  is  one  of  the  inevitable  and  saddening  consequences 
of  any  great  movement  of  the  kind,  the  innocent  suffer 
for  the  guilty. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  period  we  are  now  consider- 
ing, the  condition  of  the  farmer  had  much  improved. 
He  had  learned  his  lesson,  and  had  mended  his  ways. 
The  medicine  was  not  liked  and  it  never  ought  to  be, 
for  if  it  were,  individuals  would  be  still  more  inclined  to 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  j^y 

go  astray.  Though  mother  earth  had  not  yielded  so 
abundantly  as  in  other  days,  prices  advanced,  and  laud 
with  the  increase  in  population  rose  in  value.  Those 
who  worked  for  wages  were  well  paid,  and  Franklin 
was  probably  right  in  saying  that  "in  no  part  of  the 
world  were  the  laboring  poor  so  generally  well  fed,  well 
clothed,  well  lodged  and  well  paid  as  in  America." 

The  workingman  was  free  to  labor  as  he  would  ;  no 
law  in  Pennsylvania  had  ever  regulated  the  rates  of 
wages.  There  had  been  some  restraint  on  his  freedom 
in  traveling,  but  this  applied  to  all  classes,  in  all 
states,  the  survival  of  ancient  conditions.  But  in  1786  a 
law  was  enacted  in  New  Jersey  regulating  the  practice 
of  physic  and  surgery  which  started  an  interesting  dis- 
cussion concerning  the  right  of  a  state  to  restrict  or 
regulate  employment.  On  the  one  hand,  it  was  con- 
tended that  if  mechanics  were  regulated  the  public 
would  be  better  served,  especially  in  the  quality  of 
workmanship ;  that  the  tendency  of  such  a  law  would 
be  to  establish  a  standard  of  prices,  while  "men  of 
property  "  would  be  more  inclined  to  educate  their  sons 
to  useful  callings  than  at  present. 

On  the  other  hand  it  was  contended  that  in  a  country 
where  the  common  trades  were  well  understood  and  the 
workmen  generally  distributed  as  in  New  Jersey  and 
Pennsylvania,  the  government  ought  not  to  abridge  their 
natural  rights.  If  one  were  to  set  up  as  a  shoemaker, 
without  competent  knowledge  of  the  art  of  cutting  and 
stitching  leather,  he  would  soon  be  obliged  to  quit  the 
business,  whether  he  had  served  his  trade  or  not.  "  Com- 
petition," so  he  argued,  "  is  the  true  and  only  regulator 
of  artisans  in  places  where  the  arts  have  made  any 
progress."       The     keeping     out     of    interlopers     and 


^8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

foreigners  was  not  deemed  a  sound  reason,  nor  that  of 
putting  the  sons  of  "men  of  property"  to  trades,  for 
such  action  would  neither  improve  the  quality  of  manu- 
factures, nor  reduce  the  prices  of  them,  but  would  lessen 
the  number  of  artists. 

To  the  other  argument  for  the  prohibition  proposed, 
it  was  answered,  that  beyond  all  peradventure  the  bind- 
ing out  of  young  persons  to  trade  was  very  proper,  and 
in  "the  case  of  ordinary  geniuses,  very  necessary." 
But  was  it  necessary  to  establish  this  regulation?  Not  at 
all.  Notwithstanding  the  natural  right  of  every  person 
to  follow  any  business  for  which  he  was  apt  had  been 
hitherto  uninterrupted,  yet  apprentices  had  been  suffi- 
cient to  supply  artisans  with  hands.  "  But  suppose  the 
parent  to  mistake  his  child's  natural  turn,  and  the 
apprentice  to  turn  out  a  bungler,  unable  to  get  his 
bread  by  the  trade  he  was  put  to,  or  suppose  the 
occupation  from  unforeseen  occurrences  fall  out  of  use, 
and  there  be  nothing  to  do,  shall  not  this  person  be 
allowed  to  exert  himself  as  his  natural  talent  directs,  or 
as  circumstances  admit?"  To  give  a  monopoly  to  any 
persons  whatever  would  invade  a  natural  right,  restrain 
the  effects  of  genius  and  industry  and  damage  the  com- 
munity.    How  then  could  such  a  law  be  justified  ? 

The  writer  then  inquires,  "Suppose  it  was  established 
by  law,  that  no  man  should  set  up,  exercise  or  use  any 
trade  to  which  he  had  not  previously  served  a  regular 
apprenticeship  and  that  this  regulation  were  enforced 
and  freely  executed,  how  would  it  affect  many  of  our 
important  manufactures?  If  no  one  who  had  not  been 
regularly  bred  to  the  making  and  refining  of  iron 
could  carry  on  or  be  a  partner  in  the  business,  how  few 
iron  works  would  be  supported  ;  the  real  artists  seldom 


LAND  AND  LABOR.  ^9 

possessing  the  capital  necessary  to  such  expensive 
undertakings.  Furthermore,  how  could  sugar  baking, 
distilling  and  brewing  be  conducted  on  extended  plans 
— the  only  way  of  deriving  profit  and  counteracting  the 
importation  of  foreign  manufactures."  So  the  writer 
concluded  that  "  if  foreigners  and  interlopers  were  for- 
bidden to  meddle,  the  introduction  of  new  arts  would 
be  almost  impossible." 

The  writer  truly  sounded  a  high  note  for  freedom  of 
contract,  which,  to  a  large  degree,  has  been  preserved. 
There  have  indeed  been  some  restrictions  under  the 
guise  of  regulation,  yet  the  right  has  been  jealously 
guarded  by  all  classes,  for  if  it  were  ever  invaded  the 
wisest  prophet  could  not  foretell  who  would  suffer  most. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

TRADE. 

Section  I. 
Trade  Before  the  Revolution. 

Having  described  in  another  chapter  the  kinds  of 
money  in  circulation,  let  us  inquire  how  the  people 
transacted  business  and  what  prosperity  followed  their 
undertakings.  In  the  beginning,  as  money  was  very 
scarce,  exchanges  were  chiefly  effected  by  the  ancient 
method  of  barter.  Later,  money  in  somewhat  larger 
quantity  sluggishly  moved  in  the  ways  of  trade  ;  but  as 
the  risks  and  other  difficulties  of  exchange  were  great, 
a  margin  of  one  hundred  per  cent,  profit  was  often 
added,  and  not  unfrequently  more. 

The  most  profitable  source  of  trade  was  the  Indians. 
From  the  beginning  the  white  man  realized  his 
enormous  advantages  in  trading  with  the  simple 
children  of  the  wilderness.  The  articles  purchased  by 
white  traders  were  bear  skins,  the  furs  of  beavers,  foxes, 
etc.,  for  which  they  exchanged  usually  liquor,  blankets, 
various  kinds  of  trinkets  and  wampum,  the  Indian 
money.  Of  this  there  were  two  kinds,  the  red  and 
white,  which  were  strung  like  beads.  They  were  used 
for  decorations  as  well  as  gifts,  and  their  kings  wore 
wampum  crowns.1 

The    Indians   preferred    this   money    to   silver   coin, 

1  One  string  of  the  red  was  worth  as  much  as  two  white  ones. 

(190) 


TRADE.  I9I 

because  they  could  not  be  so  easily  deceived  by  it. 
They  could  not  calculate  the  values  of  the  pieces  of 
silver,  which  varied  greatly  in  value.  To  the  untutored 
Indian  the  white  man's  money  was  a  mystery,  and  he 
soon  learned  that  it  was  an  instrument  of  jugglery  from 
which  he  usually  suffered  by  taking  it. 

The  Indian  traders  were  divided  into  two  classes; 
those  who  furnished  supplies,  and  those  who  bought 
them.  The  first  class  lived  usually  in  the  frontier  towns 
like  Lancaster,  and  some  of  them  transacted  a  large 
business.  The  other  class  went  among  the  Indians, 
setting  out  usually  at  the  beginning  of  May,  and 
remaining  with  them  three  or  four  months.  Some  of 
these  traders  were  members  of  a  large  company,  having 
extensive  connections  and  venturing  far  into  the 
Mississippi  Valley.  They  usually  possessed  great  enter- 
prise, and  ran  many  risks  in  their  journeyings.  Some- 
times their  goods  were  stolen  from  them  ;  now  and 
then  a  trader  paid  the  penalty  for  his  rashness  with  his 
life.  As  a  class  they  were  among  the  hardest  in  the 
Province.  Without  principle,  they  regarded  civiliza- 
tion, law  and  order  as  their  foes;  religion  and  morality 
were  especially  hateful  ;  and  the  Indians  rightly  looked 
on  them  as  their  enemies.  In  trading,  they  first  offered 
him  a  draught  of  fire-water,  and  then,  having  intoxi- 
cated him,  were  ready  for  business.  The  reader  can 
readily  comprehend  who  won  the  advantage  in  trading 
under  such  conditions. 

Happily  not  all  who  traded  with  the  Indians  took 
advantage  of  their  ignorance,  or  their  propensity  for 
strong  drinks.  Heckewelder  relates  an  incident  of  an 
Indian  from  the  Susquehanna  country  who  went  to 
Bethlehem  with  his  son  to  dispose  of  his  peltry.     He 


IO,2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

was  accosted  by  a  trader  from  a  neighboring  town  who 
thus  addressed  him:  "Well,  Thomas,  I  really  believe 
you  have  turned  Moravian."  "  What  makes  you  think 
so?"  answered  the  Indian.  "Because,"  replied  the 
other,  "you  used  to  come  to  us  to  sell  your  skins  and 
peltry  and  now  you  trade  with  the  Moravians." 
"Now,"  rejoined  the  Indian,  "I  understand  you  well 
and  know  what  you  mean  to  say.  Now  hear  me,  my 
friend.  When  I  come  to  this  place  with  my  skins  and 
peltry  to  trade,  the  people  are  kind,  they  give  me  plenty 
of  good  victuals  to  eat  and  pay  me  money  or  whatever 
I  want,  and  nobody  says  a  word  to  me  about  drinking 
rum,  neither  do  I  ask  for  it.  When  I  come  to  your 
place  with  my  peltry,  all  call,  '  Come  Thomas,  here  is 
rum,  drink  heartily,  drink,  it  will  not  hurt  you.'  All 
this  is  done  for  the  purpose  of  cheating  me.  When  you 
have  obtained  from  me  all  you  want,  you  call  me  a 
drunken  dog  and  kick  me  out  of  the  room."  Had  all 
who  traded  with  the  Indians  been  like  the  Moravians, 
we  should  have  been  spared  a  dark  chapter  in  our 
provincial  history. 

During  the  administration  of  the  Duke  of  York, 
laws  were  passed  to  protect  the  Indian  against  the 
avarice  and  rascality  of  Indian  traders  ;  afterwards 
other  restrictions  were  invented  and  applied.  One  of 
these  restrictions  related  to  the  quantity  of  ardent 
spirits  that  could  be  sold  to  Indians,  another  to  private 
trade,  but  no  plan  availed.  Finally  the  British  Govern- 
ment elaborated  a  plan  and  put  it  into  operation,  but 
this  too  the  remorseless  trader  soon  broke  down ; 
indeed,  the  regulation  of  Indian  trade  was  a  complete 
failure.  The  government  doubtless  was  honestly  desir- 
ous of  protecting  them  ;  it  was  one  of  those  evils  which 


TRADE.  IO, 

the  government,  with  all  its  power,  was  quite  unable  to 
destroy  or  lessen  ;  and  the  Indian  traders  were  practi- 
cally unhindered  in  their  work.  Of  all  whom  they 
hated,  the  missionaries,  who  had  the  most  extensive 
knowledge  of  their  rascalities,  were  hated  worst. 

The  innocent  and  unoffending  whites  were  made  to 
pay  dearly  for  the  wrongs  inflicted  on  the  Indians  by 
these  conscienceless  traders.  The  two  gravest  charges, 
over-topping  all  others  in  the  long  indictment,  are 
wrongful  trading  for  furs  and  other  commodities,  and 
the  so-called  purchase  of  their  lands.  Those  engaged 
in  these  things  were  only  a  small  number  of  all  the 
people  in  the  Province  ;  the  younger  Penns,  and  Allen, 
the  land  speculator,  were  responsible  for  the  land  swin- 
dles, and  a  small  body  of  traders  for  the  ordinary  ones. 

In  the  early  days  exchanges  were  chiefly  among  the 
people  in  the  Province  and  adjoining  colonies.  As  the 
people  increased  in  number,  trade  slowly  spread, 
especially  into  England  and  the  West  Indies.  Its 
progress  was  not  uniform,  and  within  twenty  years  after 
founding  the  Province  it  was  darkened  by  the  cloud  of 
hard  times.  The  crops  failed  in  the  summer  of  1705, 
and  wheat  was  worth  only  four  shillings,  or  fifty-three 
cents  per  bushel,  while  goods  of  all  kinds  were  dear  and 
money  was  scarce.  Penn  wished  to  make  bonds  assign- 
able and  current  as  money,  and  to  establish  a  land-bank. 
Probably  his  scheme  of  a  land-bank  sprung  from 
Chamberlain's  idea,  that  had  been  current  in  Great 
Britain  a  few  years  before.  It  had  been  planted  in  New 
England  and  had  borne  fruit,  though  not  of  a  desirable 
kind.  To  bonds  were  given  an  assignable  quality, 
which  they  still  retain.  Budd,  one  of  the  earliest 
of  the  Pennsylvania  writers,  had  great  faith  in  the 
13 


194  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN/ A. 

plan  ;  he  wished  to  go  a  step  further  and  have  all  bills 
and  bonds  registered  and  made  assignable,  thereby  con- 
verting them  into  bills  of  exchange.  He  also  proposed 
that  lands  and  houses  should  be  valued,  and  that  these 
particulars  should  also  be  registered.  "We  having 
thus  fitted  ourselves,"  he  says,  "with  a  public  register 
of  all  our  lands  and  houses,  whereby  it  is  made  ready 
money  at  all  times,  and  a  law  being  passed  for  the  pay- 
ment of  all  such  large  interest  for  moneys  and  land, 
and  the  security  being  so  undeniably  good,  a  bank  will 
in  time  arise,  and  such  a  bank  as  will  be  for  the  benefit 
and  advantage  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey  and  trade 
universally." 

Business  revived,  but  just  before  the  introduction 
of  paper-money,  the  agricultural  products  of  the  Prov- 
ince had  become  abundant  and  farmers  were  aeain  dis- 
couraged,  and  many  laborers  were  unemployed.  The 
true  remedy  was  to  increase  home  consumption  and 
exports.  The  Assembly  essayed  to  cure  the  evils  by 
legislation.  The  use  of  molasses,  sugar,  honey  and 
other  substances,  except  grain  and  hops,  was  forbidden 
in  the  manufacture  of  beer,  and  distillers  were 
encouraged  to  supply  the  consumption  of  ardent  spirits 
made  from  domestic  materials.  Improvements  in  the 
manufacture  of  flour  also  claimed  the  attention  of  the 
Assembly  and  the  people.  Inspection  laws  were 
adopted,  establishing  the  character  of  flour  and  of  all 
salted  provisions  shipped  to  foreign  markets,  and  the 
regulations  were  effective.  Standards  were  adopted,  and 
these  products  soon  acquired  a  real  value,  because  so 
much  care  was  taken  to  insure  a  good  quality.  But 
this  one-sided  legislation  was  sure  to  react  on  the 
Province.     To  cut  off  exports  from  other  countries  with 


TRADE.  Xgi| 

which  we  were  trading,  and  to  supply  them  with  our 
own,  was  to  furnish  cargoes  in  one  direction  only  to 
American  vessels,  and  therefore  to  enhance  the  price  of 
outward  freights  and  the  cost  of  the  commodities  to 
purchasers.  Again,  such  a  policy  was  sure  to  lead  the 
West  Indies,  with  which  we  were  trading,  to  go  else- 
where if  possible,  in  search  of  persons  who  would  take 
their  products  in  exchange  for  the  goods  desired. 

At  a  later  period  there  was  commercial  embarrass- 
ment arising  from  an  inadequate  market  for  superfluous 
produce.  Payments  were  delayed;  litigation  increased  ; 
and  above  all  things  there  was  a  deficiency  in  the 
circulating  medium.  It  was  clearly  seen  that  direct 
trade  with  England  was  disadvantageous  to  the 
Province.  Colonial  produce  was  not  needed  there,  and 
colonial  manufactures  were  prohibited.  On  the  other 
hand,  all  the  specie  obtained  from  other  sources  was 
needed  to  pay  English  debts,  consequently  there  was  an 
incessant  drain,  and  an  increasing  debility  arising  from 
this  commerce.  Many  remedies  were  proposed.  One 
of  the  most  curious  was  an  attempt  to  prevent  the 
hiring  out  of  slaves  who,  working  at  reduced  prices, 
prevented  the  employment  of  freemen.  The  manu- 
facture of  beer  and  distilled  spirits  received  further 
encouragement  from  the  Assembly,  and  produce  was 
made  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  The  rate  of 
interest  was  reduced  from  eight  to  six  per  cent.  Legal 
proceedings  for  the  collection  of  debts  was  stayed,  and 
the  value  of  coin  was  raised  twenty-five  per  cent.  This 
measure  produced  some  relief,  as  the  debtor  discharged 
his  debts  more  easily  ;  but  as  a  measure  for  preventing 
the  export  of  gold  and  silver,  it  was  a  complete  failure, 
for  English  goods  rose  in  value  with  the  coin  on  all  new 
contracts. 


I96  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

In  1736,  fourteen  years  after  adopting  paper-money, 
six  thousand  tons  of  shipping  were  employed,  and  two 
thousand  more  had  been  built  for  sale.  Pennsylvania 
sent  to  the  West  Indies  great  quantities  of  flour,  butter, 
meat,  timber,  planks  and  other  lumber;  to  Spain  and 
Portugal  wheat,  corn,  flour;  and  frequently  the  ships,  as 
well  as  their  cargoes,  were  sold,  and  the  proceeds  sent 
home.  To  Ireland  was  sent  a  great  deal  of  linseed,  be- 
sides many  ships;  to  England  various  kinds  of  wood, 
especially  black  walnut  and  oak  planks  for  ships,  iron, 
hides  and  tar.  Ships  also  were  in  the  category  of 
things  sold  to  England.  At  that  time  West  India  goods 
were  also  sent  there  from  the  Province. 

In  return,  a  great  variety  of  imports  was  received. 
Those  from  England  amounted  in  1722  to  ^16,000,  and 
in  1736  to  ^58,690.  They  consisted  in  part  of  English 
manufactures,  fine  and  coarse  cloth,  linen,  ironware  and 
other  wrought  metals  and  East  India  goods.  From  the 
Dutch  island  of  Curacoa  alone,  four  to  six  thousand 
pistoles  were  received  for  provisions  and  liquors.  There 
was  a  brisk  trade  with  Guiana,  the  French  port  of  His- 
paniola,  and  the  other  French  sugar  islands,  from 
which  molasses  and  specie  were  received.  From  Ja- 
maica specie  alone  usually  came,  because  such  a  high 
price  was  demanded  for  its  rum  and  molasses.  The 
Province  also  traded  extensively  with  Madeira,  the 
Azores  and  Canaries,  and  ports  in  the  Mediterranean. 
"All  the  money,"  remarks  Kalm,  "which  is  got  in  these 
several  countries,  must  immediately  be  sent  to  England 
in  payment  of  the  goods  which  is  got  from  thence,  and 
yet  these  sums  are  not  sufficient  to  pay  all  the  debts." 

After  a  while  trade  began  to  feel  the  keen  breath  of 
competition.     Other  places,  smaller  than  Philadelphia, 


TRADE.  I97 

suffered  from  its  superiority  as  a  trading-place.  New 
Castle  was  one  of  the  first  places  to  complain.  Even 
the  people  of  the  Lower  Counties,  instead  of  stopping 
and  trading  at  New  Castle,  continued  up  the  river  to 
the  newer  and  more  thriving  city.  This  was  exasper- 
ating to  the  merchants  of  New  Castle;  and  to  lessen 
this  competition  was  one  of  the  reasons  for  separating 
the  lower  from  the  upper  counties.  Says  Logan  in  one 
of  his  letters  to  Penn,  "That  there  might  be  no  connec- 
tion between  this  and  the  Lower  Counties,  whose  inhab- 
itants have  always  chosen  rather  to  bring  their  goods 
and  trade  quite  to  Philadelphia,  than  to  stop  or  have 
anything  to  do  with  New  Castle,  which  with  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  place,  and  their  disorderly  way  of  living 
among  the  people,  has  been  the  cause  of  that  place  not 
being  much  more  considerable  than  it  was  thirty  years 
ago,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  there  are  three  times 
the  number  of  people  in  the  country  about  it  than  there 
were  at  the  time  Philadelphia  was  the  first  city.  To 
make  this  town  flourish,  therefore,  was  the  business  to 
which  nothing  seemed  more  conducive  than  the  entire 
separation  of  these  counties  from  the  Province." 
Neither  separation  from  Pennsylvania  nor  any  other 
legal  regulation  could  turn  the  current  of  trade.  Legis- 
lation may  indeed  do  something  to  kill  or  to  stimulate 
trade,  but  no  fact  of  history  is  more  familiar  than  this, 
that  most  expedients  of  this  nature  prove  failures;  nor 
did  the  citizens  of  New  Castle  revive  their  decaying  and 
fading  trade  by  separating  themselves  from  Pennsyl- 
vania. 

At  a  later  day  Philadelphia's  turn  came;  and  mer- 
chants began  to  complain  of  the  rivalry  of  Baltimore. 
The  trade  along  the  Susquehanna  naturally  flowed  into 


!  98  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  lower  port.  ,What  advantages  were  to  be  gained  in 
going  to  Philadelphia  sufficient  to  overcome  the  addi- 
tional transit?  In  those  days  transportation  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions  was  expensive,  and  the  car- 
riage of  goods  around  the  peninsula  and  up  the  bay  to 
Philadelphia  was  a  costly  charge.  To  overcome  Balti- 
more's advantage,  it  was  proposed  to  build  a  canal  from 
the  Susquehanna  to  the  Schuylkill,  and  to  improve  "the 
navigation  of  all  rivers  so  far  as  they  led  towards  our 
capital  city."  This  was  just  before  the  Revolution; 
and  many  were  desirous  of  building  a  canal  through 
the  heart  of  the  country.  The  contest  with  Great 
Britain  soon  overshadowed  every  other,  and  business 
rivalry  was  forgotten. 

The  early  merchants  were  very  different  from  the 
modern  in  giving  credit.  People  were  more  honest, 
more  conscientious  in  fulfilling  their  agreements.  The 
importers,  who  gave  long  credit  on  their  sales  to  the  re- 
tailers, purchased  on  long  credits  in  England.  Fre- 
quently they  were  for  a  year  or  still  longer  period.  As 
individuals  had  confidence  in  each  other,  they  were  not 
importuned  boldly  and  fiercely  to  pay.  A  different  rule 
also  prevailed  in  giving  notice  to  indorsers.  Before  the 
founding  of  the  Bank  of  North  America,  "promissory 
notes  were  few,"  and  there  was  no  fixed  time  for  notify- 
ing indorsers;  and  two  or  three  months  often  passed  be- 
fore the  notice  was  given.1  Everyone  is  familiar  with 
the  rigid  modern  rules  that  are  observed. 

No  country  though  is  so  prosperous  that  some  persons 
will  not  be  wrecked  from  time  to  time  on  the  uncertain 
shores  of  trade  and  commerce.     To  provide  a  mode  of 

1  See  the  remarks  of  the  court  in  Bank  of  North  America  vs.  Pettit, 
4  Dallas,  117. 


TRADE.  ig9 

settling  the  affairs  of  such  unlucky  adventurers  is  an  im- 
portant duty  for  every  state.  The  first  insolvent  law 
in  Pennsylvania  was  enacted  in  1705.  It  was  based  on 
stern  justice,  and  is  a  colder  piece  of  legislation  of  its 
kind  than  can  be  found  in  any  modern  statute-book. 
No  person  could  be  imprisoned  for  a  debt  or  fined  for 
a  longer  period  than  the  second  day  of  the  session  of 
the  court  succeeding  his  committal  unless  he  had  con- 
cealed his  property.  And  if  this  was  not  sufficient  to 
pay  his  debts,  he  was  compelled  to  remain  in  prison, 
should  the  creditor  require  him  to  do  so,  for  a  term  of 
years  prescribed  by  law.1  But  if  the  creditor  refused  such 
satisfaction  for  his  debt,  the  prisoner  was  discharged. 
The  severity  of  the  law  worked  its  own  repeal,  and 
twenty-five  years  later  another  act  was  passed,  which  is 
the  foundation  of  the  present  system.  By  this  if  the 
debtor  surrendered  his  property  for  the  use  of  his  credit- 
ors, he  was  discharged  from  imprisonment.  If  the 
creditor  did  not  believe  his  statement  concerning  his 
affairs,  he  might  be  remanded  to  prison,  and  on  pay- 
ment of  a  fixed  sum  to  the  prisoner,  his  imprisonment 
might  be  continued  at  the  pleasure  of  the  creditor. 
The  law  having  been  abused  by  many  small  creditors 
there  was  a  return  to  the  older  one,  so  far  as  obtaining 
satisfaction  by  servitude  whenever  debts  of  an  insolvent 
did  not  exceed  ^20. 

If  the  law  dealt  more  severely  with  a  debtor  than 
modern  insolvent  laws,  the  sympathy  of  his  friends  over 
his  misfortunes  was  deeper  and  more  general  than  the 
sympathy  shown  in  later  times.  Failures  were  less 
frequent  in  proportion  to  the  number  engaged  in  busi- 
ness, because  men  were  more  honest  and  did  not  em- 

JFor  term  of  iniprisoinent  see  p.  175. 


200  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

bark  in  business  without  some  means  of  their  own. 
Consequently  when  one  was  obliged  to  succumb,  every 
man  who  met  his  neighbor  made  known  his  feeling  of 
chagrin,  and  when  meeting  the  debtor  himself  expressed 
genuine  sympathy  over  his  misfortune. 

Section  II. 
Trade  During  and  After  the  Revolution. 

We  need  food,  clothing  and  other  things  to  live  and 
be  happy,  and  if  these  can  be  had  more  easily  and 
economically  through  exchange  than  by  direct  effort, 
trade  will  go  on  regardless  of  war  and  weather.  Yet 
trade  movements  are  not  regular  like  the  trade  winds, 
but  as  capricious  as  human  desire  and  not  more  easily 
foretold. 

That  war  with  England  should  lessen  trade  was 
inevitable.  Nevertheless,  an  illicit  trade  sprung  up 
which  swelled  to  very  considerable  proportions.  On 
the  roll  of  illicit  traders  was  a  man  named  Rumford,  of 
Wilmington,  Delaware,  who  was  discovered  one  night 
putting  flour  on  a  pilot  boat  near  Brandywine  Creek. 
Previously  suspected  of  the  same  offence,  he  now  stoutly 
defended  his  conduct,  declaring  that  he  was  shipping 
the  flour  on  account  of  the  consul-general  of  France  at 
Philadelphia  to  the  French  fleet.  He  showed  a  letter 
of  authority  that  was  repudiated  by  the  consul-general, 
and  the  flour  was  sent  by  the  committee  of  Wilmington 
to  the  committee  of  Philadelphia.  Afterward  a  con- 
siderable quantity  was  found  in  his  possession,  pur- 
chased at  prices  higher  than  those  fixed  by  law.  Again 
he  showed  a  letter  from  the  French  consul-general, 
Holker,  in  which  Robert  Morris'  name  was  mentioned 
as  Holker' s  agent,  who  was  authorized  to  employ  Rum- 


TRADE.  20 ! 

ford.  The  Wilmington  committee,  doubting  Rumford, 
seized  the  flour,  and  notified  Holker  and  Morris.  Rum- 
ford  succeeded  in  showing  that  he  was  acting  for  them, 
and  did  not  suffer. 

Not  all  escaped  so  easily.  In  1780  a  partnership 
sprang  up  between  individuals  residing  in  Philadelphia, 
New  Jersey  and  New  York  for  transporting  lumber  to 
New  York,  that  was  to  be  sold  or  exchanged  for  British 
goods.  The  vessels  loaded  at  Philadelphia  and  cleared 
for  Boston  or  some  other  Eastern  port.  As  soon  as  they 
had  passed  the  Capes  and  were  beyond  sight  of  land 
they  steered  for  New  York.  If  overhauled  by  British 
cruisers,  they  showed  passes  given  by  the  British 
admiral  and  were  permitted  to  go  on  their  way.  If 
overhauled  by  American  privateers,  they  showed  the 
proper  papers  and  were  no  longer  restrained.  When 
the  vessels  arrived  at  New  York  the  lumber  was  taken 
to  the  king's  lumber-yard,  and  the  vessels  were  sold  or 
remained  there  until  they  found  a  favorable  chance  to 
slip  out  of  port.  In  many  a  case  the  captain  and  crews 
were  charged  as  American  prisoners  and  exchanged  as 
though  they  had  been  captured.  Thus  these  inglorious 
traders,  besides  fattening  on  the  miseries  of  their 
country,  perpetrated  a  still  more  disgraceful  swindle  in 
pretending  to  have  been  taken  prisoners  and  permitting 
themselves  to  be  traded  off  for  others  who  had  been 
captured  by  the  costly  methods  of  war.  Not  content 
with  practicing  these  iniquities,  they  brought  counter- 
feit bills  into  the  State,  so  long  as  paper-money  formed 
the  chief  money  sinew  of  the  war,  believing,  as  did 
many  others,  that  if  this  could  be  destroyed,  the 
Revolution  would  collapse. 

The  sea  was  not  the  only  avenue  for  these  hardened, 


202  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

illicit  traders.  Wagons  were  made  with  false  bottoms 
and  sides,  having  a  capacity  to  carry  several  hundred 
pounds  of  goods.  Many  articles  were  packed  in  water- 
tight kegs,  which  were  enclosed  in  barrels  containing 
cider.  Laws  were  passed  to  prevent  these  practices, 
but  the  meshes  were  too  large  to  catch  these  wary 
traders.  Specie  was  often  paid  for  the  goods  imported, 
and  the  withdrawal  of  so  much  from  the  circulating 
medium  "justly  alarmed,"  so  President  Moore  remarked 
in  a  message  to  the  Assembly  in  the  summer  of  1782, 
"every  good  citizen  with  apprehension  of  the  most 
fatal  consequences  if  that  destructive  trade  is  not  im- 
mediately and  effectively  restrained." 

There  was  another  mode  of  getting  British  goods 
into  the  State,  as  novel  as  it  was  effective.  The  British 
authorities  were  permitted  to  send  necessaries  to  British 
prisoners,  and,  under  cover  of  this  authority,  large 
quantities  of  goods  were  sent  for  sale.  After  the 
capitulation  of  Yorktown,  the  British  prisoners  at  Lan- 
caster "  received  fifty  wagons  loaded  with  European 
goods  of  every  kind."  A  store  was  opened  for  their 
sale  and  they  were  "hawked  about  all  over  the  county 
and  its  neighborhood  by  the  soldiers,  their  wives  or 
strumpets."  An  indignant  observer  remarked  that  "  the 
goods  were  never  intended  for  the  soldiery,  but  that  the 
capitulation  of  Yorktown  is  to  serve  the  most  impudent 
and  perfidious  smuggling  which  can  be  conceived." 

The  chance  for  profits  was  so  great  that  privateering 
became  a  very  general  and  most  fascinating  pursuit. 
The  greater  the  risk  of  capture,  the  larger  the  gains  if 
not  captured,  and  consequently  there  was  never  a  time 
when  ill  fortune  was  strong  enough  to  deter  the  most 
daring.     The  increasing  list  of  the  captured,  instead  of 


TRADE.  203 

cooling-  the  zeal  of  those  who  escaped,  heightened  it  by 
enriching  the  prospect  with  larger  profits.  The  waters 
in  every  direction  were  vexed  by  these  bold  adventureis. 
Capital  and  men  were  always  ready  to  embark  in  these 
exciting  enterprises.  From  the  beginning  to  the  close 
of  the  war  the  ocean  was  alive  with  them.  They  were 
trnly  the  terror  of  the  seas.  The  captains  were  usually 
brave  and  resourceful;  and  in  an  irregular  way  was 
cultivated  a  spirit  for  naval  warfare  that  has  never  died 
away. 

One  of  the  most  spirited  of  these  encounters  was  near 
Delaware  Bay,  in  the  closing  years  of  the  war.  These 
waters  were  much  infested  by  small  boats,  one  of  which 
was  known  as  the  Trimmer.  Its  draught  was  so  light 
that  it  could  retreat  into  shoal  waters,  where  it  was  safe 
from  pursuing  privateers  and  cruisers.  There  were 
British  privateers  also  cruising  around  the  bay,  and 
merchantmen  bound  to  and  from  Philadelphia  were 
constantly  captured.  Among  others  was  the  General 
Monk  which,  in  her  earlier  days,  had  flown  the  opposite 
flag  and  was  known  as  the  General  Washington.  She 
was  especially  successful  in  cruising  around  the  bay  and 
annoying  and  capturing  American  coasting  vessels. 
Finally  a  number  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  deter- 
mined to  fit  out  a  vessel  to  capture,  if  possible,  this 
bold  marauder.  The  money  was  contributed  partly  by 
private  individuals  and  partly  by  the  bank  of  North 
America.  A  vessel  was  purchased  and  named  after  the 
terrible  living  antagonist  of  the  British  arms  in  India, 
Hyder  AH.  Joshua  Barney  was  selected  for  com- 
mander, and  with  a  crew  of  one  hundred  and  sixteen 
volunteers  and  a  battery  of  sixteen  six-pounders  she 
sailed  down  the  bay. 


204 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 


Barney's  instructions  were  to  convoy  a  fleet  of  mer- 
chantmen to  the  Capes,  but  no  farther,  as  the  intention 
of  the  owners  was  simply  to  protect  the  waters  of  the 
bay  chiefly  from  the  "refugee  boats,"  as  they  were 
called,  that  had  so  long  plied  their  inglorious,  though 
too  successful  business.  The  couvov  had  gone  down 
the  bay  and  was  waiting  for  a  fair  wind  to  sail  away. 
While  lying  there  two  ships  and  a  brig  were  discovered 
coming  toward  them.  Barney  immediately  signaled  to 
the  convoy  to  get  under  weigh  and  return.  The  Charm- 
ing Sally  obeyed  orders  and  put  on  all  sail.  Unfor- 
tunately she  ran  aground,  and  one  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  came  up,  fired  into  her,  wounding  two  men, 
and  she  struck  her  colors.  The  General  Greene,  an 
American  privateer,  was  the  next  to  suffer.  She  ran 
ashore  and  was  captured,  leaving  the  Hyder  Ali  alone 
to  protect  the  convoy.  Even  a  strong  man  might  have 
looked  darkly  on  the  prospect,  but  Barney's  courage 
was  of  no  common  kind. 

Barney  kept  in  the  rear  of  the  vessels  and  eagerly 
watched  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  his  plan  was  to  send  one  of  the  ships 
ahead  and  cut  off  his  convoy  and  then  attack  the 
Hyder  Ali  with  the  other  ship  and  brig  and  thus  secure 
all.  The  brig  first  came  along,  gave  him  a  broadside 
and  passed  on.  The  guns  of  Barney's  ship  sounded  no 
reply,  for  the  other  ship  was  rapidly  approaching  and 
Barney  was  reserving  his  fire  for  her.  When  she  had 
come  within  pistol-shot,  the  Hyder  Ali  delivered  a  well- 
directed  broadside.  The  enemy  was  now  ranging 
alongside  of  him,  and  Barney  saw  the  advantage  of 
securing,  if  possible,  a  raking  position.  By  skillful 
maneuvering  Barney  succeeded  in  entangling  the  fore- 


TRADE.  205 

rigging  of  his  ship  with  that  of  the  enemy  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  give  him  the  desired  position,  of  which  he 
at  once  availed  himself.  Twenty  broadsides  were  fired 
in  twenty  minutes,  and  so  well  directed  were  they  that 
hardly  a  shot  missed.  Entering  the  starboard  bow  they 
went  through  the  ship,  grape,  canister  and  round-shot, 
and  were  so  effective  that  in  half  an  hour  the  British 
ship  had  had  enough  and  struck.  The  other  frigate 
was  now  rapidly  coming  up,  but,  to  Barney's  great  joy, 
withdrew  and  thus  his  victory  was  won. 

What  was  the  name  of  the  captured  ship?  No  other 
than  the  General  Monk,  mounting  twenty  nine-pounders 
and  carrying  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  men.  During 
the  action,  Barney,  in  order  to  watch  the  fight  more 
closely,  stood  on  the  binnacle  during  the  entire  action, 
exposed  to  the  musketry  fire  of  the  enemy.  One  ball 
passed  through  his  hat,  grazing  the  crown  of  his  head, 
another  tore  off  part  of  the  skirt  of  his  coat.  While 
his  own  men  were  picking  off  the  enemy  one  of  them 
called  out  to  Captain  Barney,  "  Captain,  do  you  see  that 
fellow  with  the  white  hat;"  and  firing  as  he  spoke  the 
poor  fellow  sprang  at  least  three  feet  from  the  deck  and 
fell  dead.  "Captain,"  said  the  Bucks  County  rifleman, 
"that's  the  third  fellow  I've  made  hop."  While  Barney 
was  standing  on  the  binnacle,  he  saw  one  of  his  officers 
with  an  axe  in  his  hand,  in  the  act  of  raising  it  to 
cleave  the  head  of  one  of  his  own  men  who  had 
deserted  his  gun  and  skulked  behind  the  mainmast.  At 
this  instant  a  round  shot  struck  the  binnacle  and 
Barney  fell  on  deck.  The  officer,  supposing  he  was 
wounded,  dropped  the  axe  to  attend  to  his  commander. 
Soon  discovering  that  Barney  was  unhurt,  he  again 
picked  up  the  axe  to  execute  his  dreadful  purpose,  when 


2o6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

he  saw  his  victim  fighting  as  fearlessly  as  any  other  of 
that  gallant  crew. 

There  was  one  peculiarity  in  the  armament  of  the 
General  Monk  that  ought  not  to  be  omitted.  Six  of 
the  guns  were  of  a  Chinese  pattern,  made  of  wood. 
For  what  purpose  these  show  guns  had  been  mounted 
is  not  known,  nor  after  the  most  diligent  inquiry  have 
we  been  able  to  learn  whether  any  one  had  ever  been 
terrified  by  them. 

After  the  British  left  Philadelphia,  the  State  fleet  was 
again  fitted  out  for  service,  and  the  Lord  Drummond  was 
soon  afterward  captured  by  one  of  the  galleys.  Ignor- 
ant of  the  departure  of  the  British,  the  master  steered 
into  the  bay  and  became  an  easy  prey.  Privateers' 
commissions  were  issued  to  the  sloops  Le  Girard  and 
Addison,  and  powder  and  cannon  were  loaned  to  them. 
A  large  number  of  letters  of  marque  were  issued,  but  for 
awhile  there  were  no  important  captures. 

The  most  famous  capture  was  made  by  Captain 
Houston  in  the  brig  Convention.  It  was  the  sloop 
Active — a  prize  that  started  a  long  controversy  between 
the  State  and  the  United  States  concerning  their  re- 
spective rights  to  deal  with  captured  property.  The 
Active  had  sailed  from  Jamaica  for  New  York  having  on 
board  Gideon  Olmsted,  a  Connecticut  fisherman,  and 
three  other  Americans  who,  much  against  their  will, 
were  compelled  to  assist  in  navigating  the  vessel.  She 
had  on  board  a  cargo  of  arms  and  supplies  for  the 
British  army,  which  was  then  in  possession  of  New 
York.  Olmsted  and  his  three  companions  determined 
to  seize  the  vessel,  though  thrice  outnumbered.  They 
rose  on  the  master  and  crew,  confined  them  to  the 
cabin  and  steered  for  Little  Egg  Harbor,  New  Jersey. 


TRADE.  207 

The  British  captain  had  no  thought  of  submitting 
tamely  and  a  desperate  fight  followed.  The  British 
melted  pewter  spoons  into  bullets,  forced  up  the 
hatches,  and  attempted  to  clear  the  deck.  Olmsted 
was  wounded,  but  succeeded  in  turning  a  gun  heavily 
loaded  down  the  companion  way,  and  this  for  a  time  had 
a  quieting  effect  on  those  below.  Then  one  of  the 
number  proposed  to  blow  up  with  gun-powder  the 
quarter-deck.  Finally  the  British  captain  cut  a  hole 
through  the  stern  and  fastened  the  rudder  and  it  could 
be  no  longer  used.  Confinement  and  starvation  at  last 
brought  the  prisoners  to  submission  and  the  rudder  was 
released.  As  Olmsted  and  his  gallant  three  were 
nearing  land,  overjoyed  with  their  capture,  the  armed 
brig  Convention,  that  had  been  fitted  out  by  the  State 
of  Pennsvlvania,  commanded  by  Captain  Houston,  took 
possesion  of  the  Active,  carried  her  to  Philadelphia,  and 
claimed  the  vessel  as  a  prize.  As  another  privateer,  L,e 
Girard,  was  near  the  scene,  it  also  claimed  a  share  of 
the  prize.  Olmsted  resisted,  claiming  that  his  conquest 
was  complete  before  the  Convention  appeared.  In  due 
time  legal  proceedings  were  begun,  and  the  case  was 
tried  by  a  judge  and  jury  who  awarded  three- fourths  of 
the  prize  money  to  the  Convention  and  Le  Girard,  and 
the  other  fourth  to  the  daring  Olmsted  and  his  three 
associates.  Judge  Ross  did  not  conceal  his  admiration 
for  their  conduct  and  his  disappointment  in  the  action 
of  the  jury,  yet  felt  obliged  to  acquiesce  in  the  verdict. 
Olmsted  and  his  party  would  not  submit,  and  appealed 
to  Congress.  Security  was  required  and  he  applied  to 
Arnold,  who  was  also  from  Connecticut.  Seeing  a 
chance  for  gain,  he  and  Stephen  Collin  purchased,  for  a 
small  sum,  an  interest  in  the  affair.     The  capture  was 


2o8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN! A. 

made  in  September,  1778,  and  ere  long  the  case  received 
the  attention  of  Congress.  It  was  referred  to  a  standing 
committee  on  appeals,  consisting  of  four  eminent  men, 
one  of  whom  was  Oliver  Ellsworth,  afterward  Chief- 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Judge  Ross's  judgment  was  reversed,  the  marshal  of  the 
State  was  directed  to  sell  the  sloop  and  cargo  and  pay 
over  the  entire  fund  less  the  costs  to  Olmsted  and  his 
three  associates.  A  just  decision  surely,  yet  the  State 
was  not  inclined  to  submit.  The  Assembly  had  op- 
posed Penn  and  his  successors;  many  of  the  people  had 
opposed  independence  ;  and  now  the  State  opposed  Con- 
gress. The  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  was  denied 
and  a  controversy  was  begun,  extending  far  beyond  the 
boundary  of  the  present  work. 

A  court  of  admiralty  had  been  established  in  1780  to 
try  prize  causes,  that  was  to  exist  for  seven  years  and 
be  governed  by  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  acts  of  Con- 
gress. Francis  Hopkinson,  the  former  Admiralty  Judge, 
was  appointed  to  preside  over  the  court.  He  had  not 
been  long  on  the  bench  before  articles  of  impeach- 
ment were  presented  against  him  to  the  Supreme  Exec- 
utive Council.  The  first  charge  consisted  of  an  offer  to 
appoint  Blair  McClenachan  prize  agent  "if  he  would 
make  him  a  present  of  a  suit  of  clothes ;  and  this  con- 
dition not  being  complied  with,  other  persons  were  ap- 
pointed in  his  stead."  The  third  charge  was  the  tak- 
ing of  illegal  fees.  He  was  tried  before  the  Council, 
the  Assembly  acting  by  a  committee  and  the  attorney- 
general,  and  unanimously  acquitted. 

Such  were  some  of  the  difficulties  in  carrying  on 
foreign  commerce.  The  way  of  the  sea  was  indeed 
perilous  ;  yet  those  who  were  lucky  enough  to  escape 


TRADE.  209 

amassed  such  large  profits  that  these  ventures  were 
continued  throughout  the  Revolution.  On  both  sides 
were  many  captures,  and  both  the  English  and  Ameri- 
can admiralty  courts  were  busy  adjudicating  prize 
causes. 

If  the  enemy's  ships,  even  though  carrying  wooden 
guns,  fettered  trade  on  the  high  seas,  other  causes 
interfered  almost  as  seriously  with  trade  on  land.  Of 
these,  the  use  of  paper-money  overtopped  all  others. 
It  was  a  kind  of  viper  on  which  every  one  looked  with 
disgust.  No  one  touched  it  without  harm  ;  no  art 
could  remove  its  poison.  Of  course,  specie  was  driven 
out  of  sight,  though  not  out  of  the  country.  On  the 
contrary,  the  French  and  English  sent  over  large 
quantities  to  pay  the  troops  and  purchase  supplies. 
With  the  disappearing  of  paper-money  and  the  restora- 
tion of  a  specie  standard,  hard  money,  as  by  magic, 
immediately  began  to  appear.  At  no  former  period  had 
there  ever  been  such  a  large  quantity,  or  so  great  a 
variety.  Besides  all  the  Spanish  coins  that  had  flowed 
in  from  the  West  Indies  and  British  coins  from  Great 
Britain,  many  French  coins  had  come  in  with  the 
French  armies.  The  return  of  gold  and  silver  to  trade, 
after  their  long  banishment,  was  like  the  return  of  the 
sun  to  the  earth  after  a  long,  cheerless  winter. 

But  coin  was  not  to  be  seen  here  and  gladly  taken 
long.  As  soon  as  peace  was  declared  foreign  goods 
were  imported  in  large  quantities  and  specie  was  sent 
abroad  to  pay  for  them.  To  tempt  purchasers  to  buy 
still  more  largely,  liberal  credits  were  given.  Exports 
also  continued,  though  they  were  not  as  large  as  before 
the  war.  Yet  considerable  quantities  of  tobacco,  flax- 
seed, cattle,  beef,  pork,  fish,  corn,  flour,  rice,  naval  stores 


2 IO  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

and  iron  were  still  sent  to  the  European  markets.  In 
return  there  came  from  the  West  Indies  chiefly  sugar, 
rum,  molasses,  cotton,  coffee,  pimento,  and  some  silver, 
and  from  Europe  clothing,  iron-mongery,  teas,  spices, 
drugs,  fruits  and  wines.  Of  these  Great  Britain  could 
furnish  the  whole,  except  wines,  oil  and  the  preserved 
fruits  of  the  countries  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean. 
She  had  had  a  monopoly  of  American  imports,  with  few 
exceptions,  besides  the  merchandise  brought  into  the 
country  by  industrious  smugglers.  Many  of  the  manu- 
factures of  Great  Britain  were  better  and  cheaper  than 
those  of  other  countries,  especially  all  kinds  of  iron  and 
textile  products.  During  the  war  the  sale  of  European 
manufactures  had  been  confined  chiefly  to  the  large 
towns ;  the  country  people  had  bought  and  consumed 
but  little ;  yet  notwithstanding  all  the  guards  against 
the  introduction  of  British  goods,  enough  had  crept  in 
clandestinely,  together  with  the  goods  sold  that  had 
been  taken  by  capture,  to  keep  the  habits  and  preju- 
dices of  those  who  preferred  them  alive. 

The  reader  may  imagine  that  after  the  French 
alliance  the  American  people  turned  their  eyes  at  once 
toward  France  for  fashions  and  goods.  Though  eager 
for  French  assistance  against  Great  Britain,  they  did 
not  take  to  French  fashions  and  French  goods  with  the 
same  alacrity.  Nor  are  the  reasons  for  the  slow  progress 
of  French  taste  and  manufactures  without  interest, 
especially  at  the  present  time,  when  we  are  trying  to 
supply  other  countries  with  our  manufactures.  As  an 
intelligent  observer  of  the  day  remarked  :  "  The 
French  manufacturers  were  wholly  uninformed  of  the 
habits,  taste  and  style  of  dress  in  use  among  us,  and 
therefore  knew  not  how  to  adapt  their  goods  to  these 


TRADE. 


211 


circumstances;  but  reasoning  as  our  conventions  did  in 
framing  constitutions  of  government,  rather  from  what 
they  conceived  they  ought  to  be  than  what  they  were, 
they  sent  us  ordinary  fabrics,  dressed  and  finished  in  a 
style  far  below  onr  ideas  and  unsuited  to  our  taste." 
The  risk  and  expense  of  getting  these  goods  were  as 
great  as  those  for  getting  better  ones,  and  consequently 
the  price  to  consumers  was  nearly  as  great.  Again,  the 
.actors  in  France  were  strangers  in  that  country  and  did 

>t  understand  the  best  modes  of  purchasing  goods 
i  om  the  manufactories,  and  as  they  were  often  required 

i  get  them  quickly  for  shipment  by  some  vessel  that 
was  sailing  to  America,  the  time  was  too  short  "to  make 
a  proper  choice  and  draw  them  from  the  proper  places. 
Knowing,  moreover,  that  the  demand  here  was  so  great 
that  almost  anything  they  should  send  would  find  a 
ready  market,  they  took  such  goods  as  they  could  get 
with  the  least  trouble,  paying  less  regard  to  their  fitness 
than  they  ought  to  have  clone."  The  factors  also 
"added  to  the  prices  of  such  goods  as  they  got  from 
the  manufacturers,  so  as  to  raise  them  to  an  equality 
with  the  selling  prices  at  Nantes  and  L'Orient."  Con- 
sequently importations  from  France  almost  ceased  as 
soon  as  commerce  was  resumed  with  Great  Britain. 
Sentimental  regard  for  France  did  not  in  the  least  affect 
the  devotee  of  fashion,  or  the  general  consumer  of 
foreign  wares  and  products.  He  knew  what  he  liked, 
and  the  price  and  quality  were  the  matters  that 
interested  him  more  than  the  nationality  of  the  pro- 
ducer. 

At  first,  the  times  were  lively  with  importers,  as  the 
demand  for  their  goods  was  great,  and  there  was  a 
goodly  quantity  of  specie  obtainable  to  pay  for  them. 


2i2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

But  the  demand  was  soon  satisfied,  and  as  the  supply 
did  not  diminish,  they  were  sent  to  the  auction-room 
for  sale.  This  mode  of  selling  goods  had  been  practiced 
before  the  Revolution,  especially  by  strangers.  They 
often  sent  cargoes  here  and  sold  them  in  this  manner 
for  cash,  and  then  bought  other  goods  to  carry  home. 
Many  cargoes  especially  came  from  Ireland,  and  flax- 
seed and  other  articles  of  produce  were  purchased  for 
shipment.  Some  persons  contended  that  strangers 
bearing  no  part  of  the  burden  of  the  State  ought  not  to 
be  encouraged  to  sell  their  goods  here;  but  as  the  State 
imposed  a  duty  on  the  goods  sold  at  auction  which 
equaled,  if  not  exceeded  any  man's  share  of  taxes,  there 
was  no  foundation  for  the  contention.  "It  certainly 
is,"  remarks  a  citizen  of  the  day,  "an  advantage  to  this 
State  to  vend  the  manufactures  of  Europe  as  cheap  as 
possible,  because  by  so  doing  we  pay  for  them  a  less 
value,  and  that  in  part  by  the  produce  of  our  lands." 

While  the  war  was  in  progress  and  when  goods  were 
scarce  it  was  thought  that  they  "contributed  to  depre- 
ciate the  money  and  to  raise  the  prices  of  the  necessary 
and  essential  articles  requisite  to  the  convenience  of  the 
citizen  and  support  of  the  army,"  and  consequently 
their  sale  by  this  method  was  strictly  confined  to  a  city 
auctioneer.  This  was  regarded  as  an  invasion  of  pri- 
vate right  and  justified  only  by  the  stern  necessities  of 
war. 

After  the  war,  therefore,  the  restrictions  were  re- 
moved, though  the  business  for  several  years  was 
hedged  within  narrow  bounds.  It  was  held  in  the 
strong  grip  of  a  few  persons,  who  had  no  intention  of 
opening  their  hands  for  others  to  see  their  profits  and 
grasp  a  part  of  their  business.     Auctions  were  held  very 


TRADE.  213 

much  as  they  were  before  the  war,  though  by  a  smaller 
number.  The  goods  imported  that  could  not  be  sold  in 
other  ways  were  put  into  the  auction-rooms.  Very 
soon  the  retail  merchants  began  to  complain.  The  im- 
porters accused  them  of  first  filling  them  up  with  goods 
and  then,  through  the  auction-houses,  of  supplying  their 
customers  and  thus  cutting  off  their  sales.  "  By  which 
means,"  says  a  disheartened  observer,  "the  cash  which 
was  brought  from  the  country  and  intended  to  pay  the 
citizen  for  goods  sold  mouths,  perhaps  years  ago,  has 
been  laid  out  at  vendue  for  fresh  goods,  sent  there  by 
the  agents,  and  the  native  merchants  been  thereby  un- 
justly kept  out  of  their  money  and  their  stock  on  hand 
remained  still  within  shelves — while  men  who  occa- 
sioned this  scene  of  difficulty  are  now  completing  the 
distress  by  suing,  getting  judgment  and  selling  our  real 
estate  at  a  time  when  the  circulating  money  had  almost 
all  flown  to  Britain,  where  the  lordly  purchasers  of  our 
lands  will  shortly  follow,  and  we  at  length  shall  be  re- 
duced to  that  debased  situation  which  the  worthies  who 
ruled  America  in  1775  pledged  themselves  to  the  world 
they  would  never  submit  to  be  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  to  Great  Britain." 

Unhappily  this  picture  of  affairs  was  quite  true.  The 
imprudence  of  European  and  American  merchants  in 
giving  extensive  credits,  the  numerous  speculations  of 
uninformed  adventurers  in  trade,  yielded  their  inevit- 
able fruits  of  disappointment  and  suffering.  The  farmer 
had  been  tempted  by  the  same  allurement  to  buy  things 
he  did  not  need,  and  others  less  thrifty  than  himself 
followed  in  the  same  thoughtless  way. 

The  distress  was  intensified  in  another  direction. 
With  the  restoration  of  peace  an  ardent   commercial 


214 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 


spirit  appeared  throughout  the  Union.  "  Ever}-  man 
was  tempted  to  throw  his  money  into  foreign  commerce. 
The  desire  of  gain  and  fear  of  tender  laws  conspired  to 
produce  this  conduct.  Trade  was  overdone  and  badly 
conducted.  The  most  judicious  merchants  made  un- 
profitable voyages  by  resuming  branches  of  business 
which  had  raised  the  fortunes  of  themselves  and  their 
fathers  in  former  times."  All  alike  were  shipwrecked 
by  the  adverse  gales  that  now  swept  over  the  country. 
Only  few  escaped.  Merchant  and  farmer  alike  were 
caught  and  borne  toward  the  unfriendly  shore. 

Credit  which  had  been  unbounded  a  few  years  before 
disappeared.  A  writer  in  the  Packet  toward  the  end  of 
1786,  says:  "  The  commerce  with  America  seems  now 
to  be  almost  entirely  given  up  in  London,  for  no  mer- 
chant in  his  senses  will  give  credit  to  the  amount  of 
£10  to  above  one  house  in  twenty  on  the  continent. 
One  house  in  the  city  received  bills  to  be  paid  in  twelve 
months  to  discharge  one  shilling  on  the  pound,  and 
another  a  most  curious  promissory  note  for  one  shilling 
and  nine  pence  on  the  pound  for  ^250  payable  seven- 
teen months  after  the  decease  of  the  American  Trader's 
Mother."  Perhaps  credit  was  dead,  but  the  persistent 
joker  was  not. 

Having  cut  off  their  credits,  creditors  began  to  turn  the 
remorseless  screws.  When  a  creditor  has  stopped  sell- 
ing, he  no  longer  regards  his  purchaser  with  the  same 
friendly  interest  as  he  did  before.  The  day  for  fine 
words  is  over.  He  regards  himself  somewhat  in  the 
light  of  an  injured  man,  a  victim ;  no  matter  what  he 
may  have  done  to  tempt  a  weaker  man  to  buy.  Credit- 
ors therefore  resorted  to  the  law.  Every  one  knows 
there  is  not  much  sentiment  in  legal  proceedings.     Debts 


TRADE.  2I5 

were  sued,  judgments  obtained,  and  lands  were  taken  to 
satisfy  creditors.  So  much  was  thrown  on  the  market 
that  prices  soon  became  depressed.  A  writer  in  the 
Packet  thus  relieved  himself:  "It  has  been  a  matter 
of  astonishment  to  the  inhabitants  of  not  only  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  but  the  State  at  large,  that  so  numerous, 
respectable  and  wealthy  a  part  of  the  community  as  the 
dry -goods  merchants  are  known  to  be,  should  have  so 
long  tamely  submitted  without  a  struggle  to  see  their 
landed  estates  daily  wrested  from  them  and  sold  at  pub- 
lic sale,  by  the  tyranny  of  the  British  agents  now 
amongst  us,  especially  at  such  times  as  the  present, 
when  it  is  universally  known  and  acknowledged  that 
landed  property  will  not  at  forced  sales  bring  more  than 
one-third  of  its  real  value,  and  notwithstanding  it  is  so 
low  there  are  no  purchasers  even  at  its  reduced  price, 
except  the  very  agents  who  have  pushed  its  owners  to 
extremity  in  order  to  become  the  purchasers." 

Nor  was  this  cry  confined  to  a  set  of  discontented 
traders  who  wished  to  defraud  British  merchants.  It 
was  the  cry  also  of  the  sober  trader  whose  only  fault 
had  been  an  error  of  judgment  in  importing  too  many 
goods  and  selling  them  to  shop-keepers  and  farmers 
who,  in  consequence  of  the  low  price  of  produce  and  of 
the  inability  of  the  government  to  pay  its  indebted- 
ness, were  unable  to  pay  for  their  purchases. 

Notwithstanding  the  pall  that  had  fallen  on  the 
industry  and  hopes  of  the  country,  the  evidences  of 
luxury  were  present  in  many  places.  A  writer  of  the 
time  could  not  help  noticing  that  "the  cry  of  scarcitv 
and  poverty"  increased  with  "the  appearance  of  ex- 
pense and  luxury."  This  was  especially  true  of  the 
people  in  Philadelphia.     The  costliness  of  the  furniture, 


2 16  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN! A. 

the  profusion  of  the  table,  the  elegance  of  equipage  and 
the  refinement  of  dress  were  evidences  of  affluence  and 
prosperity,  while  the  tenor  of  conversation,  the  accumu- 
lation of  debts,  and  the  unpunctuality  of  payments 
indicated  real  want  and  actual  insolvency.  The  build- 
ing or  improving  of  houses  might  be  seen  on  almost 
every  street  and  the  rapid  extensions  of  the  city  west- 
ward, while  "hundreds  of  houses"  were  untenanted 
and  "  crowds  were  daily  retiring  to  the  distant  districts 
of  the  continent.''  Such  was  the  condition  of  things 
after  a  few  short  years  of  free  commerce  and  political 
independence.  The  desire  to  over-trade,  to  purchase 
without  adequate  means,  together  with  a  decaying 
market  for  exports  and  lower  prices,  enveloped  the  State 
and  country  in  industrial  and  commercial  depression 
without  a  parallel.  A  mournful  introduction  surely  to 
the  golden  prosperity  and  happiness  that  were  to  follow 
political  independence.  If  political  dependence  was 
depressing,  the  people  had  suddenly  learned  that  there 
was  something  far  worse,  industrial  and  commercial  de- 
pendence, the  loss  of  credit,  the  inability  to  buy  and 
sell,  and  the  hopeless  mental  and  moral  dejection  that 
inevitably  attends  unrequited  toil. 

Yet  not  all  fell  out  by  the  way  from  a  lack  of  hope  or 
ability  to  continue ;  if  we  can  trust  the  chronicles  of 
those  days,  already  had  debtors  learned  the  art  of  getting 
rich  by  failing.  A  debtor  acquired  property,  and  to 
save  appearances  contracted  large  debts  to  his  family, 
revived  old  continental  transactions,  and  gave  generous 
bonds  for  the  payment  of  the  immense  sums  which  his 
sons  and  daughters  or  parents  and  kinsmen  had  lent 
him  in  the  days  of  his  prosperity.  Then  followed  "  the 
swearing  part  of  the  comedy."     If  he  had  given  all  his 


TRADE.  2 1 7 

property  away,  he  could  safely  swear  that  he  had  none, 
and  that  his  inventory  was  just.  The  oath  in  many 
cases  was  regarded  simply  as  a  form  of  law,  "whatever 
it  might  have  been  in  the  days  of  our  superstitious 
ancestors,  or  whatever  it  might  have  been  in  the  days  of 
the  old  pagan  Romans  who  were  weak  enough  to 
cultivate  a  reverence  for  an  oath  as  the  surest  pledge  of 
civil  obedience  and  of  military  discipline."  In  due 
time  the  insolvent  was  ripe  for  his  discharge,  and  to  that 
end  he  notified  the  public  through  the  newspaper  of  the 
time  and  place  of  his  deliverance.  He  then  received 
from  the  venerable  hand  of  justice  the  pardon  of  his 
past  follies,  deliverance  from  the  hands  of  his  enemies 
and  an  open  entrance  into  the  bright  prospects  of 
enjoying  the  property  which  he  was  expected  to  receive 
from  the  generosity  of  his  friends.  "If  these  directions 
are  carefully  attended  to,"  says  a  somewhat  caustic 
critic  of  the  period,  "and  a  little  more  time  and 
experience  added  to  the  salutary  practice,  one  may 
shortly  expect  to  see  every  man  able  to  conduct  this 
business  for  himself,  and  whenever  he  finds  it  con- 
venient, to  rid  himself  at  once  of  all  his  debts  as  well  as 
the  other  obligations  of  law  and  gospel." 

With  debtors  everywhere  unable  or  unwilling  to  pay 
their  debts,  what  a  strange  overturn  was  this  for  the 
hitherto  prosperous  people  of  Pennsylvania!  What 
should  be  done  to  prevent  creditors  from  dealing  too 
harshly  with  their  debtors?  was  a  question  everywhere 
asked.  American  merchants  feared  that  with  the  cessa- 
tion of  war  they  would  suffer  from  the  collection  of 
debts  due  to  British  creditors  ;  and  on  the  first  announce- 
ment of  the  preliminary  treaty  with  Great  Britain  the 
sub-executive  council   had    addressed  the  delegates  in 


2 1 8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Congress  on  the  subject.  Though  not  wishing  to 
repudiate  their  debts,  the  merchants  desired  the  inser- 
tion of  an  article  in  the  treaty  giving  a  reasonable  time 
for  the  payment  of  their  debts  to  British  creditors. 
And  the  treaty  provided  that  "creditors  on  either  side 
should  meet  with  no  lawful  impediment  to  the  recovery 
of  the  full  value  in  sterling  money  of  all  bona  fide  debts 
heretofore  contracted." 

There  was  no  little  discussion  over  the  conduct  of 
creditors  in  pressing  so  severely  for  payment,  and  many 
plans  were  suggested  to  ease  the  road  for  debtors. 
Most  of  these  were  impracticable  schemes,  which  the 
good  sense  and  honesty  of  the  people  saw  clearly 
enough  must  not  be  adopted.  It  would  not  do  to  stop 
the  hands  of  justice,  for  this  would  still  more  disorgan- 
ize society.  The  courts  must  not  be  closed  to  protect 
debtors,  for  if  they  were,  all  bad  men  might  take 
advantage  of  the  situation  to  rob  and  burn,  and  render 
life  insecure  and  still  more  wretched.  One  of  the 
thoughts  with  many  was  the  perfecting  of  some  scheme 
whereby  debtors  could  get  an  extension  of  time  for  pay- 
ing their  indebtedness  without  an  accumulation  of 
excessive  interest.  For  a  long  time  prior  to  the  Revolu- 
tion, goods  had  been  bought  in  England  on  a  year's 
credit  without  charging  interest  ;  but  it  had  been 
proved  in  trials  for  the  recovery  of  unpaid  debts  of  this 
character  in  the  courts  of  Pennsylvania  that  a  higher 
price  had  been  charged,  so  that  the  merchant  had  not 
reaped  as  much  advantage  from  his  long  credit  as  he 
perhaps  imagined.  Besides,  if  the  American  importer 
could  not  pay  at  the  expiration  of  the  period  of  credit, 
an  interest  account  was  started,  which  was  compounded 
until   the   debt  wras  discharged.     Thus  the  merchant, 


TRADE.  2I9 

often  added  interest  to  the  price  of  his  goods,  and  man- 
ipulated the  debt  in  such  a  manner  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  if  it  was  not  paid,  as  to  inflate  it  in  a  few  years 
enormously. 

Another  remedy,  aiming  not  so  much  to  the  relief  of 
present  debtors,  as  to  prevent  an  increase  in  their 
number,  was  the  taxation  of  imports.  "This  was,"  in 
the  opinion  of  a  newspaper  writer,  "perhaps  the  best 
means  that  can  be  adopted  to  check  the  superfluous  use 
of  foreign  productions,  as  it  operates  at  once  as  a 
restraint  on  the  introduction  of  such  articles,  and  as 
a  bounty  on  genius  in  producing  the  like  articles  among 
ourselves,  or  others  to  supply  their  places."  Moreover, 
so  he  continued,  it  was  one  of  the  best  sources  of 
revenue  that  could  be  devised,  because  it  was  productive 
and  easily  collected,  "every  consumer  paying,  as  it 
were  insensibly,  a  portion  of  it."  The  writer  did  not 
see  the  other  side  that  was  soon  to  be  urged  by  more 
than  one  of  the  revolutionary  fathers,  that  this  was  the 
very  worst  form  of  tax  that  could  be  laid,  because  the 
people,  not  feeling  it,  would  be  led  into  wastefulness. 
To  lead,  therefore,  to  watchfulness  in  public  expendi- 
tures, direct  taxation  was  long  favored  for  the  reason 
that  the  people,  feeling  as  much  as  possible  the  weight 
of  them,  would  be  on  the  side  of  public  economy, 
which  implied  economical  and  more  efficient  govern- 
ment. And  yet  we  have  learned  from  experience  that 
no  theory  of  taxation  when  tested  has  proved  a  greater 
failure. 

Another  reason  urged  by  the  writer  in  favor  of  tax- 
ing imports  was,  the  tax  would  be  laid  "  chiefly  on  those 
who  could  best  afford  it."  Since  the  decay  of  the  feudal 
systems,  direct  taxation  had  been  found  insufficient  to 


220  HISTOR Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

supply  the  needs  of  the  best  governments.  Money 
supplied  the  place  of  personal  services  and,  therefore, 
more  was  wanted,  much  more  than  direct  taxation 
yielded,  especially  in  a  free  republic,  composed  of  so 
few  people  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  the  country. 
Such  was  the  writer's  remedy  for  the  discontented  times 
in  which  he  lived.  He  had  thrown  an  idea  into  the 
great  sea  of  discussion  which  in  due  time  was  to 
permeate  and  color  our  national  history. 

The  principal  remedy  was  of  a  different  nature,  more 
paper-money.  This  was  not  the  first  time  it  had  been 
prescribed  for  the  relief  of  debtors,  nor  would  it  be  the 
last.  Seeing  how  easily  the  debtors  in  the  revolutionary 
time  had  relieved  themselves  by  issuing  paper-money, 
what  was  more  natural  than  for  the  people,  throwing 
principle  aside,  to  turn  to  this  remedy?  Get  some 
more  rags  and  make  a  bountiful  supply  of  paper,  and 
set  the  printing  press  in  operation,  and  the  sick  patient 
would  immediately  rise  from  his  bed  and  rejoice  in  his 
deliverance.  The  newspapers  of  the  day  teemed  with 
articles  advocating  this  panacea.  Every  reader  must 
indeed  have  sympathy  with  the  numerous  debtors  of 
that  day,  for  their  sudden  indebtedness  was  a  new 
experience,  the  result  it  is  true,  of  their  folly,  but  none 
the  less  heavy  and  impatiently  borne.  Doubtless  many 
a  one  had  learned  the  lesson  and  had  determined,  if  he 
could  succeed  in  throwing  off  the  chain,  never  to  wear 
another. 

The  Bank  of  North  America,  which  had  done  so 
much  for  the  country,  for  individual  borrowers  and  for 
all  classes  of  citizens,  debtors  now  regarded  as  their 
great  enemy.  It  had  been  established  in  1781  chiefly 
through  the  influence  of  Robert  Morris,  who  was  then 


TRADE.  22  j 

superintendent  of  finance.  The  original  capital  was 
$400,000,  payable  in  gold  and  silver.  Its  affairs  were 
managed  by  twelve  directors  and  its  stock  was  transfer- 
able. It  had  had  a  unique  life,  living  under  a  double 
charter,  Congress  granting  one  in  1781  and  Pennsyl- 
vania another  the  following  year.  The  states  wrere 
recommended  to  pass  laws  forbidding  the  establishment 
of  another  bank  during  the  war,  and  to  receive  its  notes, 
which  were  payable  on  demand  in  gold  and  silver,  in 
payment  of  taxes,  duties  and  debts  dne  the  United 
States. 

When  the  bank  began  business,  the  amount  of  specie 
in  its  vaults  did  not  exceed  forty  thousand  dollars,  and 
the  fear  of  an  early  exhaustion  was  so  great  that  persons 
were  employed  during  the  earlier  and  more  critical  days 
of  its  existence  to  follow  those  who  demanded  specie 
and  urge  them  to  return  it  in  order  to  preserve  the 
precious  foundation.  Notwithstanding  every  effort  to 
make  the  issues  of  the  bank  safe,  they  circulated  in  the 
beginning  from  ten  to  fifteen  per  cent,  below  par  in  the 
Eastern  states.  Had  not  Morris  taken  immediate 
measures  to  create  a  demand  for  them,  and  prevented 
further  issues  from  going  to  those  states,  their  value  for 
a  time  would  have  been  totally  lost.  Once  gone,  their 
value  could  not  have  been  easily  restored  after  the 
recent  costly  experience  of  the  people  in  circulating 
paper-money.  Morris  succeeded  in  checking  the  de- 
pression, the  issues  of  the  bank  soon  rose  to  par  and 
were  thus  kept  without  much  difficulty. 

On  many  occasions  the  bank  relieved  the  pressing 
needs  of  the  government.  Considering  its  poor  credit, 
the  bank  ventured  a  long  way,  much  further  than  many 
individuals  professing  strong  patriotism  and  possessing 


222  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

ample  means.  The  bank  discounted  bills  drawn  on  the 
superintendent  of  finance,  whereby  he  obtained  the 
means  to  supply  the  army  with  clothes  and  provisions. 
By  the  ist  of  July,  1783,  these  discounts  had  amounted 
to  $860,000.  ' '  Without  the  establishment  of  the  bank, ' ' 
said  Morris,  "the  business  of  the  department  of  finance 
could  not  have  been  performed.  From  the  aids  given 
by  this  institution  the  United  States  were  able  to  keep 
up  an  army  consisting  of  a  larger  number  of  men  than 
they  had  had  in  the  field  before,  or  than  they  could 
have  maintained  without  these  aids.  The  army  was  in 
every  point  on  a  much  more  respectable  footing  than 
formerly,  and  they  kept  the  enemy  at  bay." 

The  bank  did  not  limit  its  public  assistance  to  the 
United  States.  The  State,  unable  to  pay  the  officers 
of  the  army,  had  given  certificates  of  indebtedness  and, 
to  pay  the  interest  on  them,  had  mortgaged  the  revenue 
of  the  excise.  But  as  the  revenue  was  not  collected, 
the  officers  suffered,  and  the  bank,  learning  of  their  con- 
dition, advanced  the  money  to  them,  taking  the  security 
given  to  them  by  the  State  to  secure  itself.  On  other 
occasions,  the  bank  loaned  money  to  the  State,  on  one 
occasion  the  sum  of  $80,000  to  pay  its  quota  due  to  the 
United  States.  The  indebtedness  of  the  United  States 
to  the  bank  grew  so  large  that  the  directors  became 
uneasy.  Morris  therefore  sold  $200,000  of  the  govern- 
ment stock,  and  paid  the  bank  $300,000  of  its  indebt- 
edness. Indeed,  it  continued  to  be  a  varying  debtor, 
often  for  a  larger  sum,  until  1784. 

If  many  who  were  invited  in  the  beginning  to  sub- 
scribe to  the  stock  declined,  they  were  eager  to  share  in 
the  profits  as  soon  as  these  were  known  to  be  large.  As 
the  shareholders  were  not  especially  desirous  of  parting 


TRADE.  223 

with  any  of  their  stock,  it  was  proposed  to  found  another 
bank,  to  be  called  the  Bank  of  Pennsylvania.  Sub- 
scriptions were  taken  and  an  application  was  made  to 
the  Assembly  (1784)  for  a  charter.  As  the  bank  was  a 
monopoly,  many  favored  the  new  institution.  "Two 
shops  to  go  to,"  was  the  phrase  of  the  day.  The  air 
was  full  of  the  controversy.  The  feeling  ran  high. 
The  old  bank  asked  to  be  heard  before  a  committee 
charged  with  the  matter  in  opposition  to  the  new 
charter.  No  attention  was  paid  to  the  request.  The 
committee  reported  in  favor  of  granting  the  applica- 
tion, and  matters  looked  dark  for  the  Bank  of  North 
America.  Its  owners  dreaded  a  division  of  the  business. 
Hitherto  they  had  had  the  field,  and  could  act  in  a  very 
different  manner  than  would  be  practicable  in  the 
presence  of  a  sleepless  rival.  At  last  an  effective 
quietus  was  adopted.  The  projectors  of  the  new  enter- 
prise were  permitted  to  become  shareholders  on  favor- 
able terms  in  the  other,  and  the  new  scheme  suddenly 
disappeared. 

Darker  days  were  coming.  The  people  were  deter- 
mined to  have  more  money.  A  debtor  of  course  always 
needs  money.  If  he  wishes  to  have  more,  his  rational 
course  is  to  produce  something  that  others  desire  ;  and 
then  he  will  have  money  enough,  if  he  produces 
enough.1     But  he  is  apt  to  try  some  easier  way.     He  is 

1  Another  writer  as  clearly  saw  that  more  paper-money  was  no 
remedy.  "At  this  gloomy  period,  when  poverty  seems  to  have 
spread  her  veil  over  the  State  and  idleness  as  pillars  to  support  it,  the 
people  who  have  had  struggles  with  work  and  have  been  overcome, 
see  no  other  way  to  live  but  to  have  an  emission  of  paper  currency, 
which  they  seem  to  think  would  dispel  the  gloomy  clouds  and  bring 
on  a  sunshine  of  ease  and  plenty.  Those  people  who  have  any  of 
the  productions  of  the  earth  to  sell  can  command  money,  those  who 


224  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

always  trying  to  invent  some  way  either  of  borrowing 
it,  or  of  making  his  produce,  whatever  it  may  be, 
yield  a  larger  amount.  The  bank's  supply  he  deemed 
totally  inadequate.  There  was  no  doubt  a  scarcity  of 
money  after  the  vanishing  of  paper-money  and  the 
swift  return  to  Europe  of  specie  to  pay  for  unusual  im- 
portations. The  multitude  of  State  debts  were  taken 
as  money, *  besides  the  notes  of  the  bank.  These  were 
readily  taken,  and,  as  other  forms  of  paper-money  dis- 
appeared, filled  to  a  very  considerable  extent  the  va- 
cancy. The  amount  steadily  expanded.  This  was  not 
deemed  enough,  and  recourse  was  had  once  more  to 
State  issues  secured  by  real  estate.  In  other  words,  the 
early  plan  of  a  State  loan  office  was  revived.  Yet  the 
aid  thus  furnished  had  not  been  very  great.  A  writer 
who  professed  to  be  a  friend  of  the  loan-office  in  all 
states  where  there  were  new  lands  to  settle,  and  on 
which  private  loans  could  not  be  made  until  their  value 
was  determined  by  cultivation  and  increased  by  build- 
ings and  other  improvements,  maintained  that  now 
such  an  office  could  only  be  supported  by  specie,  and 
this  he  contended  could  be  easily  procured  from  a 
variety  of  sources  if  the  springs  of  industry  and  con- 
fidence in  government  were  opened  by  the  annihilation 
of  paper-money.  The  loan-office  formerly  supplied  only 
a  few  hundred  thousand  pounds  to  new  settlers  and 
farmers.      Individuals     were     the     principal     lenders. 

are  so  poor  that  they  have  nothing  to  dispose  of  cannot  command 
any,  therefore  they  wish  for  a  paper  emission.  If  a  paper  emission 
should  be  granted  it  would  doubtless  be  of  service ;  it  would  discover 
the  depravity  and  imperfection  of  human  nature  and  serve  as  strong 
evidence  to  convince  mankind  of  the  inconsistency  and  folly  of 
human  transactions."     Packet,  June  13,  1786. 

•A  very  considerable  business  in  them  was  done  by  speculators. 


\ 


TRADE.  22  c 

Nearly  ^2,000,000  were  supposed  to  have  been  loaned 
in  Pennsylvania  on  bond  and  mortgage  in  1774.  This 
was  the  most  important  spring  that  invigorated  every 
field  of  production  and  exchange.  The  loan-office  was 
"  only  a  drop  in  the  bucket  compared  with  the  ocean  of 
private  credit."  The  writer  contended  that  by  up- 
holding a  loan-office  the  people  grasped  a  drop  and  lost 
an  ocean.  Nor  could  a  paper  loan-office  and  private 
credit  exist  together.  A  loan-office,  if  lending  gold  and 
silver  instead  of  paper  could  not  fulfil  all  the  demands 
of  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufactures.  Private 
loans  were  of  "  ten  times  more  consequence  than  a  loan- 
office,  as  they  brought  ten  times  more  money  into 
circulation." 

The  writer  had  another  fear  arising  from  a  State  loan- 
office.  The  times  had  changed.  When  this  institution 
was  first  established  there  were  not  many  people  in  the 
State,  who  were  "seldom  deficient  in  their  engage- 
ments." The  case  now  was  very  different.  What  laws 
could  be  made  under  our  feeble  constitution  to  compel 
the  early  and  punctual  payment  of  the  interest  or  prin- 
cipal of  money  lent  to  borrowers  three  hundred  miles 
away  from  the  seat  of  government? 

"It  was  truly  diverting,"  he  continued,  "to  hear 
some  men  wish  that  we  had  not  a  silver  dollar  or  guinea 
in  our  country,  in  order  to  favor  the  credit  and  circula- 
tion of  our  paper-money."  These  men  put  him  in 
mind  of  a  story  of  a  man  who  contended  that  a  saw-dust 
pudding  was  better  than  a  flour  pudding,  because  it  lay 
longer  in  the  stomach  and  thereby  nourished  the  system 
for  a  longer  period.  He  maintained  the  doubtful  propo- 
sition that  in  proportion  as  paper-money  acquired  the 
credit  and  value  of  specie,  it  was  expelled  from  the 
15 


226  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

country;  but  there  was  another  and  less  questionable 
consequence  of  issuing  paper-money,  the  creation  of  a 
larger  foreign  debt  in  proportion  to  the  quantity  issued, 
thereby  entailing  poverty,  dependence  and  slavery  on 
the  country. 

The  great  services  of  the  bank  to  the  public  and  to 
individuals  were  ignored  in  the  determination  of  the 
people  to  put  an  end  to  its  existence  and  to  establish  a 
new  supply  of  paper-money.  Before  the  Revolution 
the  part  credit  had  played  in  building  ships 
and  houses  was  forgotten.  By  the  same  potent  agency 
manufactures  had  been  established  and  carried  on ; 
farms  purchased  and  improved.  But  by  enacting  a 
post-tender  law  private  credit  had  been  destroyed,  and 
the  lending  of  money  on  bond  and  mortgage  had  ceased. 
The  revival  of  this  credit  was  the  result  largely  of  the 
action  of  the  Bank  of  North  America  in  lending  to 
individuals,  thus  repairing  the  injury  wrought  to 
them  by  others,  and  by  the  State.  "Houses  and  ships 
were  built  and  improvements  in  manufactures  of  all 
kinds  were  carried  on  by  money  borrowed  from  the 
bank." 

The  bank  was  charged  with  not  favoring  State  issues; 
in  truth,  of  depreciating  them.  Of  course  these  were 
hostile  to  its  own.  Yet  this  charge  was  not  just,  for  the 
bank  had  received  State  issues  on  deposit,  and  in 
March,  1786,  had  over  ^100,000,  nearly  the  whole  of 
those  outstanding  except  the  bills  reserved  for  the  oper- 
ations of  the  land-office.  There  was  no  bank  then  in 
New  Jersey,  and  yet  the  paper-money  of  the  State 
passed  at  a  discount  of  twenty  per  cent.  "  It  is  no  un- 
common thing,"  said  a  defender  of  the  bank,  "for  a  de- 
luded people  to  trace  their  misfortunes  to  false  causes. 


TRADE.  227 

A  poor  man  who  fell  from  his  horse  while  riding  from 
Edinburgh  to  Leith  and  broke  his  leg,  cursed  the 
authors  of  the  union  of  England  and  Scotland  as  the 
cause  of  it,  while  the  bad  weather  during  the  reign  of 
George  II.  was  ascribed  by  the  mobs  of  London  to  Lord 
Bute."  Quite  as  irrational  were  the  deductions  that 
the  people  were  suffering  from  the  action  of  the  bank. 

This,  however,  was  not  the  chief  cause  of  its  un- 
popularity and  fall.  Tempted  by  the  profits  on  the 
use  of  its  credit,  and  by  the  popular  demand  for  more 
money,  the  bank  kept  pushing  its  notes  into  circulation. 
At  length  the  quantity  was  so  large  that  the  people 
began  to  distrust  the  bank  and  to  present  them  for 
redemption.  This  movement  alarmed  the  directors, 
and  loans  were  refused  right  and  left.  The  notes 
received  from  debtors  were  cancelled,  and  thus  the 
policy  of  note  expansion  was  quickly  changed  to  that 
of  note  contraction.  Debtors  who  were  unable  to  get 
accommodations  could  not  pay  their  creditors,  and 
bankruptcy — a  far  worse  thing  in  those  days  than  in 
ours — followed. 

The  people  felt  keenly  toward  an  institution  that  had 
treated  them  so  kindly  one  day  and  so  coldly  the  next. 
Its  conduct  was  in  no  wise  reprehensible  from  its  own 
point  of  view,  for  prudence  declared  that  if  its  circula- 
tion was  excessive  it  ought  to  be  retired.  Furthermore, 
the  action  of  the  people  in  demanding  specie  for  the 
notes  was  the  clearest  proof,  a  loud  warning,  that  too 
many  were  in  circulation.  If  the  people  were  afraid  of 
them,  certainly  it  was  not  just  to  accuse  the  bank 
of  inconsiderate  action  in  declining  to  issue  more.  But 
no  applicant  to  a  bank  for  money  has  a  higher  opinion 
of  it  for  denying  his  application,  though  he  may  think 


2  28  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

otherwise  of  its  action  in  denying  another.     So  now  dis- 
appointed applicants  were  enraged  and  eager  for  revenge. 

Their  feeling  was  strengthened  by  opposition  to 
corporate  power  in  general,  and  the  Bank  of  North 
America  in  particular.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
this  was  the  early  day  of  corporations,  when  they  were 
monopolies  in  the  strict  sense,  and  were  regarded  with 
disfavor.  This  feeling  was  doubtless  intensified  bv  the 
throttling  of  the  projected  Bank  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
people  believed  that  a  second  bank  would  open  the  door 
of  competition,  and  lower  the  rates  for  money.  It 
might  have  led  to  excessive  issues  and  thus  wrought  a 
serious  evil.  Unmoved  by  any  fear,  the  people  did  not 
regard  with  equanimity  the  quiet  burial  of  the  scheme. 
They  magnified  the  power  of  the  bank  for  doing  evil. 
A  committee  of  the  Assembly  said  :  u  We  have  nothing 
in  our  free  and  equal  government  capable  of  balancing 
the  influence  which  this  bank  must  create,  and  we  see 
nothing  which  in  the  course  of  a  few  years  can  prevent 
the  directors  of  the  bank  from  governing  Pennsylvania. 
Already  we  have  felt  its  influence  indirectly  interfering 
in  the  measures  of  the  Legislature.  Already  the  House 
of  Assembly,  the  representatives  of  the  people,  have 
been  threatened  that  the  credit  of  our  paper  currency 
will  be  blasted  by  the  bank ;  and  if  this  growing  evil 
continues,  we  fear  the  time  is  not  very  distant  when  the 
bank  will  be  able  to  dictate  to  the  legislature  what  laws 
to  pass  and  what  to  forbear." 

This  attack  on  the  bank  intensified  the  general 
suffering.  "In  no  period  of  the  late  war,"  said  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  "did  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia 
experience  so  much  distress  as  they  have  felt  since  the 
last  session   of    the  Assembly.     The  attack  upon  the 


TRADE.  229 

bank,  by  stopping  the  circulation  of  cash,  has  involved 
thousands  in  difficulties.  Several  mechanical  businesses 
have  been  suspended ;  and  the  tradesmen,  who  have 
large  sums  of  money  due  to  them,  suffer  from  the  want 
of  market  money.  The  wealthy  merchants,  whose  cash 
formerly  circulated  at  six  per  cent,  from  the  banks,  now 
treasure  it  up  in  their  iron  chests,  where  it  will  not  see 
the  light  of  the  sun  perhaps  for  years,  or,  if  it  comes 
forth,  it  will  circulate  only  for  their  own  benefit.  The 
moneyed  man  (with  his  last  hope  blasted  in  the  credit 
of  his  country)  is  remitting  his  specie  to  Europe  to  be 
secured  by  laws  which  encourage  industry  and  protect 
property.  These  distresses  will  soon  spread  themselves 
among  the  farmers.  The  low  price  of  wheat  and  the 
weight  of  old  and  new  taxes  will  probably  produce  such 
scenes  of  misery  as  were  never  known  or  felt  before  in 
Pennsylvania.  It  is  computed  that  the  loss  to  the 
farmers  from  the  reduced  price  of  wheat  will  amount  to 
^200,000  in  the  course  of  the  present  year,  and  that 
from  the  same  cause  which  has  reduced  the  price  of 
wheat,  there  will  be  five  ships  and  one  hundred  houses 
less  built  this  year  than  were  built  last  year."  ' 

Yet  the  charter  was  repealed,  though  less  than  four 
years  old.  Had  the  bank  withdrawn  its  circulation 
entirely  and  stopped  all  discounts,  the  public  would 
have  suffered  far  more.  Happily,  the  interest  of  the 
bank  and  that  ,of  the  public  were  in  harmony,  though 
the  public  did  not  realize  it.  The  bank  still  had  a 
charter  from  the  United  States,  but  the  worth  of  it  was 

1  Our  wharves  look  on  a  week  day  as  they  used  to  look  on  Sundays. 
Only  a  few  houses  are  building  and  still  fewer  contracted  for,  and  not 
a  ship  on  the  stocks  the  property  of  our  merchants."  Gazette,  March 
29,  1786. 


2  30  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A . 

questionable.  To  strengthen  its  position,  the  bank 
obtained  a  charter  from  the  State  of  Delaware,  and 
seriously  contemplated  removing  to  Wilmington,  or 
perhaps  establishing  there  a  branch.  But  it  went  on  its 
old  way,  though  not  to  sleep,  and  at  once  set  out  to  pro- 
cure a  new  charter  from  the  Assembly.  For  two  sessions 
the  battle  was  hot  and  prolonged.  The  newspapers 
teemed  with  articles  for  and  against  granting  the  charter. 
Its  repeal  somewhat  cooled  its  opponents;  and  like 
many  an  opponent  before  and  since  that  time,  the 
thinking  they  should  have  done  before  making  war  on 
the  bank  was  done  afterward.  Its  great  services  to  the 
State  and  to  individuals  were  reviewed  by  numerous 
writers;  and  as  a  large  part  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
people  were  more  and  more  clearly  traced  to  their  sense- 
less action  in  smiting  down  their  best  and  strongest 
friend,  the  current  of  opinion  set  strongly  in  favor  of  its 
restoration.  Another  charter  was  granted  (1786),  and 
since  that  day  no  attempt  has  ever  been  made  to  destroy 
the  bank,  and  it  still  flourishes,  living  a  vigorous  life 
and  doing  its  proper  work,  assisting  trade  and  industry. 
As  might  be  expected  of  a  body  so  far  astray  as 
to  repeal  the  charter  of  the  bank,  seeking  to  destroy 
it  when  most  needed,  the  Assembly  authorized  the 
issue  of  ^150,000  of  paper-money.  The  cogent  argu- 
ments of  Pelatiah  Webster, — still  interesting  to  the 
reader  because  they  glow  with  the  sure  touch  of  genius 
— fell  on  unheeding  ears.  ^100,000'  were  "to  be  paid 
into  the  hands  of  the  continental  loan-offices  in  this 
State,"  for  "the  payment  of  the  interest  due  on  the 
debts  of  this  State,"  the  bills  were  to  be  received  for  all 
purposes  as  equal  to  gold  and  silver  money  for  the  sums 
'March  16,  1785.     2  Dallas's  Laws,  256,  294. 


TRADE.  231 

mentioned  in  them  ;  and  ^20,000  were  to  be  cancelled 
annually  after  their  return  to  the  treasury.  The  remain- 
ing ^50,000  were  to  be  paid  to  loan-office  commissioners 
and  loaned  by  them  to  borrowers  in  Philadelphia  and 
the  different  counties,  in  amounts  varying  from  ^8,000 
to  the  people  of  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia  to 
^1,130  to  the  people  of  the  County  of  Fayette.  The 
loans  were  not  to  be  for  a  longer  period  than  eight 
years,  nor  for  less  than  ^25  or  more  than  ^100  in 
amount.  The  borrowers  were  to  secure  the  State  by 
giving  mortgages  on  their  land  with  a  margin  as 
large  as  the  loan  itself.  Borrowers  could  pay  off  their 
loans  before  the  time  specified,  and  the  money  could  be 
re-loaned.  Thus  the  old  venture  of  lending  the  State's 
credit  to  individuals,  which  had  been  undertaken  sixty 
years  before,  and  by  the  Roman  emperor  Tiberius 
seventeen  centuries  earlier,  was  to  be  renewed.  Un- 
happily the  character,  ability  or  circumstances  of  debtors 
had  changed  since  the  provincial  venture,  for  their  obli- 
gations were  to  be  less  faithfully  fulfilled. 

The  specie  still  in  circulation  was  of  foreign  origin, 
except  some  of  the  cents  which  had  been  coined  by 
authority  of  New  York,  Connecticut  and  Vermont. 
Pennsylvania  had  coined  none,  though  there  had  been 
some  discussion  concerning  the  expediency  of  establish- 
ing a  State  mint.  The  State  coins  were  "in  general 
well  made  and  of  good  copper."  But  advantage  was 
quickly  taken  of  the  State  coinage  to  manufacture  and 
put  into  circulation  counterfeit  ones,  which  soon  found 
their  way  into  Pennsylvania.  At  once  they  were  refused 
recognition  by  the  trading  part  of  the  community, 
though  perhaps  one-half  of  the  copper  coins  in  the  State 
for  twenty  or  thirty  years  before  the  close  of  the  period 


2  ^2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

we  are  now  describing,  had  been  manufactured  at 
Birmingham,  England.  They  had  stealthily  crept  into 
circulation  and  maintained  their  place,  notwithstanding 
their  illegitimate  origin,  until  the  issue  of  others  of 
the  same  ignoble  character,  produced  in  our  own  coun- 
try. The  people  then  concluded  it  was  quite  time  to 
disown  such  base  servants,  and  they  speedily  ceased  to 
circulate. 

Another  untoward  effect  on  trade  at  this  period  was  its 
diversion  to  Baltimore.  The  merchants  had  scented 
this  trail  before  the  Revolution,  and  it  was  somewhat 
stimulated  during  the  war  by  the  peculiar  operations  of 
paper  money.1  The  trade  drawn  toward  Baltimore  was 
principally  from  York  and  Cumberland  counties,  lying 
near  the  border  and  the  Susquehanna.  Says  "  Common 
Sense"  in  the  Packet  early  in  1787 :  "The  commerce 
and  traffic  of  the  back  county  members  and  the  parts 
they  represent  goes  to  Baltimore.  As  their  imports 
were  derived  from  this  source,  their  exports  went  there. 
They  come  here  to  legislate  and  go  there  to  trade." 
Indeed,  Baltimore  had  joined  with  the  destroyers  of  the 
bank  to  protect  and  promote  its  trade  interests.  "Were 
this  not  the  case,"  so  one  wrote  at  the  time,  "there 
would  be  no  opposition  about  a  bank,  but  what  arises 
from  the  narrow  motives  of  party  spirit." 

With  so  many  failures,  the  legislation  for  releasing 
insolvent  debtors  had  become  of  the  greatest  interest 
both  to  the  debtor  and  creditor  classes.  By  the  consti- 
tution of  1776  the  debtor,  unless  there  was  a  strong  pre- 
sumption of  fraud,  could  not  be  continued  in  prison 
after  delivering  up  all  his  estate  for  the  use  of  his 
creditors.     Nothing   had    since   been   done    to    relieve 

1  See  p.  41. 


TRADE.  233 

insolvent  debtors  except  to  revise  the  laws  previously 
enacted.  The  members  of  the  convention  who  framed 
the  constitution  doubtless  remembered  the  frequent 
practice  of  passing  expost  facto  laws  in  favor  of  par- 
ticular persons,  and  therefore  they  adopted  the  constitu- 
tional provision  above  mentioned.  Indeed,  a  general 
bankruptcy  law  was  imperatively  needed,  for  among 
the  fifteen  cases  which  were  the  subjects  of  special 
legislative  regard  during  the  ten  years  preceding  1774 
there  were  some  very  improper  characters.  Among 
these  was  the  case  of  John  Kinott,  "  the  chief  shop- 
keeper" in  Philadelphia,  who,  notwithstanding  his 
"  scandalous  frauds,"  sought  the  interposition  of  the 
Legislature,  which  was  granted.  "  The  truth  was,"  as 
a  thoughtful  newspaper  correspondent  remarked,  "the 
cases  of  individuals  are  highly  improper  to  be  canvassed 
by  large  bodies  of  men  ;  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  they 
can  avoid  the  fascination  of  undue  influence.  Besides, 
what  perhaps  any  five  of  a  large  assembly  would 
scarcely  take  upon  themselves,  it  is  too  often  easy  to 
lead  the  larger  number  into,  as  the  blame  of  wrong 
doing  is  supposed  to  be  lightened  in  proportion  as  it  is 
diffused.  What  a  corruption  of  justice  would  ensue  if 
the  House  of  Assembly  for  the  time  being  exercised  the 
privilege  of  pardoning  ?  This  executive  authority  is 
not  only  with  propriety,  but  of  necessity,  lodged  with 
the  President  and  Council." 

Truly  there  was  need  of  a  general  bankruptcy  law, 
yet  it  was  not  to  be  enacted  for  many  years  Already 
the  danger  of  special  legislation  was  beginning  to  be 
understood,  and  the  need  of  enacting  general  laws  for 
application  to  all  cases  of  the  same  character  as  a  means 
of  escape.     Special  legislation  for  the  relief  of  the  debt- 


234  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

ors  alarmed  creditors,  for  it  endangered  their  legal 
rights.  However  kindly  its  purpose  to  the  debtor,  such 
legislation  was  an  overthrow  of  private  arrangements. 
"What,"  says  a  critic  of  the  day,  "will  strangers, 
merchants  in  Europe,  and  elsewhere  beyond  seas,  think 
of  these  retrospective  doings?  Will  they  not  affect  and 
injure  our  national  and  individual  credit  abroad?" 
Well  might  he  fear  the  consequences. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  period  we  are  considering,  the 
need  of  establishing  more  general  regulations  for  busi- 
ness led  to  an  expression  of  the  reasons  for  establishing 
a  chamber  of  commerce  in  Philadelphia.  Hitherto  the 
merchants  had  irregularly  met  in  coffee-houses.  It  was 
asserted  that  "many  merchants  were  undermined  by 
the  deep  and  recently  laid  plots  of  their  neighbors,  who 
enticed  away  correspondents  by  offering  them  lower 
terms,  to  the  prejudice  of  trade  in  general."  Further- 
more, it  was  asserted  that  the  rates  at  which  business 
ought  to  be  done  should  be  established  by  common  con- 
sent, and  when  once  fixed  ought  to  be  maintained;  and 
their  violation  be  regarded  as  improper  and  disgraceful. 
The  conducting  of  business  on  such  principles,  it  was 
believed,  would  promote  "a  spirit  of  equity  "  and  "a 
more  generous  policy."  This  was  a  reversal  of  the 
policy  of  independent  action  which  had  hitherto  guided 
the  merchants  of  the  city,  but  perhaps  the  time  had 
come  for  diminishing  the  friction  of  competition  and  for 
acting  in  greater  harmony.  The  two  principles  have 
long  been  contending  for  mastery  in  the  worlds  of  pro- 
duction and  exchange,  and  neither  principle  is  nearer  a 
decisive  victory  than  it  was  centuries  ago.  At  this 
moment  the  spirit  of  commercial  union  was  rising,  but 
it  was  not  permanent ;    for  the  restless  spirit  of  indi- 


TRADE.  235 

vidual  supremacy  will  forever  keep  the  leaders  in  every 
great  pursuit  in  a  path  by  themselves,  free  from  the  re- 
striction which  union  imposes  for  the  common  benefit, 
unless  perchance  they  become  powerful  enough  to  com- 
bine and  devour  all  who  are  in  the  same  field  of 
competition. 

So  far,  however,  as  trade  was  restricted  by  inspection 
laws,  there  was  no  escape,  and  these  from  time  to  time 
were  increased.  An  inspector  was  appointed  to  inspect 
before  their  exportation  pot  and  pearl  ashes ;  another, 
staves  and  headings ;  and  another,  shingles.  The 
modern  tendency  is  to  provide  penalties  against  adulter- 
ation, and  leave  every  buyer  to  make  his  own  inspection. 
In  that  earlier  day,  the  State  had  greater  faith  in  its 
direct  intervention  than  it  has  now.  The  duty  has  be- 
come too  complex  and  extended  to  be  well  performed 
by  any  State,  however  wisely  and  effectively  governed. 
Socialism  has  had  a  set-back,  in  some  directions  at  least, 
since  those  early  law-makers  prepared  their  panaceas 
for  inspecting  and  registering  human  conduct. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

MANUFACTURES. 

The  first  mill  erected  in  the  Province  was  for  grind- 
ing grain.  It  is  true  the  Dutch  had  their  wind-mills, 
built  perhaps  by  the  power  of  habit,  just  as  beavers  in 
zoological  gardens  continue  their  ancient,  though  use- 
less occupation  of  dam-building.  John  Printz,  gov- 
ernor of  New  Sweden,  built  a  grain-mill  in  1643  at 
Cobb's  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Darby  Creek,  not  far  from 
Tinicum.  As  the  people  fell  into  the  bad  way  of 
distilling  too  much  grain,  it  was  ordered  in  1676  that  no 
grain  fit  to  grind  and  bolt  should  be  used  for  distilla- 
tion. The  first  grist-mill  was  built  in  Germantown  by 
Richard  Townsend,  who  came  over  with  William  Penn, 
and  was  afterwards  known  as  Roberts's  Mill.  Penn 
himself  engaged  in  the  milling  buisness,  but  his  venture 
was  not  successful. 

Grist-mills  were  essentially  the  same  in  plan  and  struc- 
ture, picturesque  objects,  among  the  willows  and  alders. 
The  oldest  were  built  of  logs  with  flaring  gables  and 
peaked  cock-loft,  from  which  dangled  a  rope  like  a  hang- 
man's for  raising  grain.  On  one  side  hung  the  ponder- 
ous wheel,  dark  and  green  with  slimy  moss,  which  rolled 
slowly  around  ;  or,  when  silent  in  winter,  glistened 
with  frozen  pendants.  How  often  has  the  sight  of  one 
of  these  old  mills  waked  the  lyre  of  the  poet,  or  formed 
the  subject  of  some  painter's  art?  And  what  curious 
places  were  they,  with  their  quivering  floors  and  cob- 

(236) 


MANUFACTURES.  237 

web-covered  ceilings,  inhabited  by  the  solitary  miller, 
whitened  with  meal-dust.  As  the  machinery  was  made 
of  wood,  the  sound  of  the  grinding  was  low,  giving  a 
new  meaning  to  that  beautiful  description  of  eastern 
life  in  sacred  story  before  the  coining  of  evil  days.  A 
few  of  these  ancient  mills  with  their  wooden  machinery 
have  survived  and  still  give  forth  a  soft,  cheery  sound, 
so  soothing  to  the  ear,  rasped  by  the  harsh  clangor 
of  iron  and  steel ;  truly  typical  of  the  older,  slower 
and  more  quiet  times  compared  with  our  restless,  noisy 
civilization.  In  the  earlier  mills  the  bolting  of  flour 
was  often  done  in  another  place,  by  persons  engaged  in 
the  bakery  business.  At  a  later  period  the  mills  were 
built  in  a  more  substantial  manner,  of  stone,  with  bolt- 
ing mills,  and  were  capable  of  grinding  two  thousand 
bushels  or  more  of  wheat  yearly. 

At  an  early  day,  the  machinery  for  grinding  was 
greatly  improved  by  Oliver  Bvans,  of  Delaware.  By 
his  genius  a  complete  revolution  was  wrought  in  the 
manufacture  of  flour.  His  invention  was  opposed  at 
first  by  the  millers  on  the  Brandywine,  indeed,  several 
months  passed  before  they  were  willing  to  test  it. 
Finally,  a  Friend  made  the  following  proposition : 
"  Oliver,  we  have  had  a  meeting,  and  agreed  that  if  thee 
would  furnish  all  the  materials,  and  thy  own  boarding, 
and  come  thyself  and  set  up  the  machinery  in  one  of 
onr  mills,  thee  may  come  and  try,  and  if  it  answers  a 
valuable  purpose,  we  will  pay  thy  bill,  but  if  it  does  not 
answer,  thee  must  take  it  all  out  again  and  leave  the 
mill  just  as  thee  found  it,  at  thy  own  expense."  Sure 
of  success,  Oliver  accepted  the  terms,  his  invention  was 
tested,  and  its  great  merits  were  acknowledged. 

Notwithstanding   their  utility,  no  millstones  turned 


238  HISTORY  OF  PMNSYL  ™NIA- 

for  a  considerable  period  in  the  imrrL  Pennsylvania,  but 
of  some  settlements.     Thus  the  peopkthe  imPortation 

*  A        "1 

were  obliged  for  several  years  to  cross  therain' 

1  1        1  * 

with  their  grain,  and  make  a  long  journey\a  co  10  1C 
mill.'  '*  under 

Before  many  years,  the  exportation  of  flour  bega 
especially  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the  milling  busines. 
proved  to  be  very  profitable.  The  exportation  of  flour 
was  regulated  by  the  Assembly,  that  body  prescribing 
the  size  of  the  casks,  the  quantity  to  be  put  in  them, 
their  storage,  and  the  kind  of  punishment  to  be  admin- 
istered to  those  who  should  mix  any  improper,  unwhole- 
some ingredient  in  flour.  Millers,  bolters  and  bakers 
were  required  to  provide  brand-marks,  and  wagons  for 
conveying  flour  were  to  be  covered.  The  counterfeiting 
of  brand-marks  was  punishable  ;  and  inspectors  were 
specially  appointed  to  execute  the  law. 

Next  to  the  grain-mill,  the  saw-mill  was  of  the  highest 
importance.  These  were  needed  to  prepare  timber  for 
erecting  buildings.  At  first,  hand-sawyers  were  em- 
ployed, a  and  in  Bucks  County  no  saw-mills  existed 
before  1730.  In  1760,  the  assessors  for  the  County  of 
Philadelphia  reported  forty  saw-mills.  Oak,  hickory, 
walnut  and  other  lumber  was  sawed  near  the  city,  or 
rafted  down  the  Delaware.  In  early  days  lumber  con- 
veyed from  Middletown  down  the  Susquehanna,  and 
down  other  streams,  was  always  abundant  in  the  Phila- 
delphia market.     Saw-mills  speedily  multiplied  along 

1  Gibson's  York  Co.,  p.  20. 

2  They  received  for  their  labor  for  sawing  pine  boards,  7  shillings 
per  100.  The  price  for  the  same  labor  in  1705  was  10  shillings,  which 
would  indicate  an  increased  demand  for  lumber.  Boards  were  then 
10  shillings  per  100 ;  shingles  10  shillings  per  1000 ;  timber  6  shill- 
ings per  ton,  and  wheat  4  shillings  a  bushel. 


MANUFACTURES.  241 

the  peace  to  grant  separate  licenses  to  exporters,  and  to 
ale  houses,  on  the  condition  that  no  wine,  brandy,  rum 
or  other  distilled  liquors,  mixed  or  unmixed,  should  be 
sold  in  such  places. 

The  collection  of  an  excise  on  liquors  sold  under 
twenty-five  gallons,  imposed  by  the  law  of  1720,  was 
attended  with  great  difficulty.  In  rural  places  this  was 
quite  impossible.  In  grain  producing  districts,  the  sur- 
plus grain  was  largely  converted  into  spirits,  and  sold  or 
bartered  for  other  things.  To  collect  the  excise  would 
have  required  a  costly  revenue  service.  So  generally 
was  the  law  violated,  that  in  1733  further  legislation 
was  enacted  to  prevent  an  evasion  of  the  law. 

In  1724,  not  many  years  after  the  erection  of  iron 
furnaces,  an  attempt  was  made  to  regulate  the  liquor 
traffic  in  the  neighborhood  of  these  places.  The  sale 
of  ardent  spirits  to  iron  workers  had  proved  "  very  pre- 
judicial and  injurious"  to  employers  as  well  as  to  their 
men.  The  sale  of  it,  therefore,  was  forbidden  within 
two  miles  of  any  furnace  without  a  license  or  permit 
recommended  by  the  majority  of  the  owners.  This  re- 
striction did  not  apply  to  ale  houses  licensed  under  the 
act  for  encouraging  brewing.  At  a  later  period  the  sale 
of  strong  liquors  was  prohibited  within  two  miles  of 
any  muster-field  or  drill-ground. 

The  superabundance  of  grain,  and  cheapness  of  rum, 
led  to  much  intemperance,  which  culminated  in  the 
Rush  Temperance  movement.  As  every  farmer  dis- 
tilled spirits  for  his  own  use  and  also  for  his  workmen, 
who  were  often  paid  in  whiskey  instead  of  money,  the 
drinking  habit  rapidly  spread.  With  the  general  man- 
ufacture and  use  of  ardent  spirits,  the  brewery  industry 
made  no  progress.  When  Acrelius  wrote,  he  remarked 
16 


240  HISTORY  OF  PL 

^NNSYL  VANIA. 
Brewing  gained  a  firm  place 

somewhat  declined  in  consequence  61  Pennsylvania,  but 
of  rum,  and  the  domestic  distilling  of  \the  importation 
spirits  became  so  cheap  that  the  desire  ffain.  Ardent 
beverages  increased.  The  beverage  then  so1!  alcoholic 
the  name  of  beer  had  nothing  in  common  wittf*  under 
liquors,  as  neither  malt  nor  hops  was  cousumenalt 
Beer  was  simply  fermented  molasses,  honey  or  sugar  d. 
Governor  Gordon,  in  his  address  to  the  Assembly  in 
1713,  deplored  the  decline  of  the  brewing  industry. 
When  the  Province  was  young,  it  excelled  all  others  in 
the  quality  of  its  beer;  as  a  consequence  of  the  decline 
in  brewing,  the  cultivation  of  hops  was  neglected.  To 
encourage  the  industry,  the  Assembly,  in  1713,  imposed 
a  duty  of  threepence  per  pound  on  imported  hops, 
except  those  imported  from  Delaware  and  the  Jerseys. 
The  encouragement  thus  given  to  brewing  was  offset 
the  same  year  by  imposing  a  tapster's  excise  on  malt 
liquors  to  the  amount  of  one  penny  per  gallon,  which 
was  discontinued  in  1718. 

In  1722  further  action  was  taken,  and  the  use  of 
rum  was  discouraged  by  adding  a  penny  on  every 
gallon  of  imported  molasses.  Another  motive  for  doing 
so  was  to  substitute  malt  liquors  for  the  molasses  beer. 
To  this  end  the  Assembly  passed  an  act  "  for  encourag- 
ing the  making  of  good  beer,  and  for  the  consumption 
of  grain."  After  setting  forth  that  the  use  of  molasses 
and  other  saccharine  substances  in  brewing  had  hin- 
dered the  consuming  of  malt,  and  thereby  discouraged 
the  raising  of  barley,  a  penalty  was  imposed  on  an}' 
brewer  or  retailer  of  beer  who  used  molasses,  coarse 
sugar  or  honey.  The  law-makers  separated  the  sale  of 
beer  from  the  liquor  traffic  by  empowering  justices  of 


MAN  UFA  CTURES.  2<\ 1 

the  peace  to  grant  separate  licenses  to  exporters,  and  to 
ale  houses,  on  the  condition  that  no  wine,  brandy,  rum 
or  other  distilled  liquors,  mixed  or  unmixed,  should  be 
sold  in  such  places. 

The  collection  of  an  excise  on  liquors  sold  under 
twenty-five  gallons,  imposed  by  the  law  of  1720,  was 
attended  with  great  difficulty.  In  rural  places  this  was 
quite  impossible.  In  grain  producing  districts,  the  sur- 
plus grain  was  largely  converted  into  spirits,  and  sold  or 
bartered  for  other  things.  To  collect  the  excise  would 
have  required  a  costly  revenue  service.  So  generally 
was  the  law  violated,  that  in  1733  further  legislation 
was  enacted  to  prevent  an  evasion  of  the  law. 

In  1724,  not  many  years  after  the  erection  of  iron 
furnaces,  an  attempt  was  made  to  regulate  the  liquor 
traffic  in  the  neighborhood  of  these  places.  The  sale 
of  ardent  spirits  to  iron  workers  had  proved  "  very  pre- 
judicial and  injurious"  to  employers  as  well  as  to  their 
men.  The  sale  of  it,  therefore,  was  forbidden  within 
two  miles  of  any  furnace  without  a  license  or  permit 
recommended  by  the  majority  of  the  owners.  This  re- 
striction did  not  apply  to  ale  houses  licensed  under  the 
act  for  encouraging  brewing.  At  a  later  period  the  sale 
of  strong  liquors  was  prohibited  within  two  miles  of 
any  muster-field  or  drill-ground. 

The  superabundance  of  grain,  and  cheapness  of  rum, 
led  to  much  intemperance,  which  culminated  in  the 
Rush  Temperance  movement.  As  every  farmer  dis- 
tilled spirits  for  his  own  use  and  also  for  his  workmen, 
who  were  often  paid  in  whiskey  instead  of  money,  the 
drinking  habit  rapidly  spread.  With  the  general  man- 
ufacture and  use  of  ardent  spirits,  the  brewery  industry 
made  no  progress.  When  Acrelius  wrote,  he  remarked 
16 


242  HISTQR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

concerning  the  beer,  that  it  was  "  brown,  thick  and 
unpalatable,  and  only  used  by  the  common  people." 
This  remark  was  not  true  at  a  later  period,  for  good 
beer  was  brewed  in  many  places,  while  the  liquors  of 
the  native  growth  and  produce  of  the  country  between 
1760  and  '70,  so  Proud  remarks,  were  "mean,  scarce  and 
inferior."  "This  seems  to  arise,"  he  adds,  "at  least  in 
part,  by  getting  rum  and  spirits  at  such  exceeding  low 
rates  from  the  West  Indies,  which  has  rendered  malt 
liquor,  though  more  wholesome  and  profitable  for  the 
country,  less  used  than  formerly." 

Penn  was  desirous  that  the  grape  should  be  culti- 
vated and  made  into  wine.  The  Province  abounded  in 
wild  grapes,  the  vines  climbing  near  the  borders  of 
clearings  or  by  "low  voiced  brooks  that  wandered 
drowsily."  The  Huguenots,  who  were  vine  dressers, 
and  still  living  in  fresh  memory  of  the  vine-clad  hills 
of  the  Rhine,  cultivated  the  fertile  bottoms  and  sunny 
slopes  of  the  hills  raising  the  purple  grape  of  their  an- 
cestral home.  Penn  cultivated  the  grape,  and  em- 
ployed a  Frenchman,  skilled  in  the  art  of  vine  dressing. 
He  had  less  faith  in  adopting  the  foreign  plant  than  in 
improving  the  native  one.  In  one  of  his  letters,  with 
the  wisdom  shown  on  so  many  other  occasions,  he  wrote: 
"It  seemed  most  reasonable  to  believe  that  not  only  the 
thing  groweth  best  where  it  naturally  grows;  but  will 
hardly  be  equalled  by  any  species  of  the  same  kind  that 
doth  not  naturally  grow  there,  but  to  solve  the  doubt  I 
intend,  if  God  give  me  life,  to  try  both,  and  hope  the 
consequences  will  be  as  good  wine  as  any  of  the  Euro- 
pean countries."  Penn  was  right,  for  no  foreign  vine 
could  supplant  the  indigenous  one.  French,  German 
nnd  other  cultivators  failed  in  cultivating  the  European 
plant. 


MANUFACTURES.  243 

The  ship-building  induslry  was  closely  allied  to  that 
of  preparing  boards  and  planks  and  other  materials 
from  timber,  and  before  the  Province  was  many  years 
old  vessels  were  built.  Fine  oak  abounded,  some  of 
the  timbers  were  fifty  or  sixty  feet  long,  very  straight, 
and  well  grained.  Among  the  vessels  mentioned  in 
rj22  were  a  pink,  Orgalie,  and  a  great  flyboat  of  four 
hundred  tons,  that  crossed  the  Atlantic.  Many  vessels 
were  built  for  sale.  Among  the  early  marine  produc- 
tions were  rafts,  built  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
timber,  and  were  taken  apart  on  arriving  at  their  des- 
tination. The  last  of  this  class  was  constructed  at 
Kensington  a  few  years  before  the  Revolution.  The 
Baron  Renfrew,  built  at  an  earlier  period,  exceeded 
5,000  tons,  or  double  the  measurement  of  an  ordinary 
seventy-four,  and  made  a  safe  passage  into  the  Downs. 

The  reflecting  quadrant,  invented  by  Thomas  God- 
frey, though  bearing  the  name  of  Hadley,  was  first 
used  by  vessels  that  went  to  the  West  Indies.  Frank- 
lin, ever  active  and  inventive,  improved  the  models  of 
sailing  ships,  and  called  attention  to  the  advantages 
in  vessels  of  water-tight  compartments,  which  within  a 
few  years  have  been  adopted  as  an  essential  feature 
of  safety.  This  improvement  was  suggested  by  his 
study  of  Chinese  vessels  which  had  such  compartments. 
An  eminent  naval  architect  of  those  days,  Joshua 
Humphreys,  furnished  drafts  and  models  for  the  six 
frigates  that  formed  the  beginning  of  the  American 
navy.  As  a  ship  carver  and  sculptor,  William  Rush 
was  pre-eminent.  At  that  time  great  attention  was 
paid  to  marine  decorations.  The  figure-heads  executed 
by  him  excited  admiration  even  abroad,  and  he  re- 
ceived  orders   from    England.     Some   of  them   repre- 


244  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

sented  Indians,  and  were  graceful  and  spirited  designs. 
The  figurehead  of  an  Indian  trader  in  Indian  costume, 
on  the  ship  William  Penn,  excited  much  curiosity  in 
London,  and  was  often  sketched. 

There  were  ship-carpenters,  carvers,  block-makers, 
turners,  rope- walks,  and  rope-makers  in  Philadelphia ; 
indeed,  all  the  different  parts  and  apparel  of  a  ship 
could  be  made  and  fitted.  The  iron  needful  was  also 
manufactured  in  the  Province.  Its  presence  was  early- 
known,  and  Penn's  charter  provided  for  the  reservation 
of  all  minerals  to  the  proprietary.  Traces  of  gold  were 
found  in  the  time  of  Governor  Printz,  and  silver,  cop- 
per, iron  and  lead,  besides  several  kinds  of  precious 
stones  were  afterward  discovered.  Penn  describes  the 
discovery  of  a  mineral  of  copper  and  iron  in  divers 
places,  while  Thomas,  whose  account  of  the  Province  is 
often  flattering,  states  that  in  1698  iron-stone  had  been 
found,  exceeding  in  purity  that  of  England.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Keith  during  his  administration  erected  iron 
works.  Indeed,  prior  to  1730  several  furnaces  or  forges 
had  been  put  in  operation.  The  first  iron  works  in 
Lancaster  County  were  probably  built  in  1726,  and  the 
firm  of  Grubbs  was  established  two  years  afterward. 
The  Cornwall  cold  blast  furnace  in  Lebanon  County 
was  built  by  Peter  Grubb  in  1742.  A  few  miles  west 
of  the  Cornwall  ore  bank  a  large  charcoal  blast  furnace 
was  erected  in  1745,  and  eleven  years  afterward  Eliza- 
beth furnace,  near  Litiz,  was  built.  It  was  managed  by 
one  of  the  proprietors,  Henry  William  Stiegel,  a 
German  baron  of  wealth,  skill  and  enterprise.  At  the 
village  of  Manheim,  in  Lancaster  County,  he  erected 
large  glass  and  iron  furnaces.  Here  he  built  a  castle  or 
tower,  and  mounted  it  with  cannon,  which  were  fired  on 


MANUFACTURES.  245 

his  visit  to  the  country,  as  a  signal  for  his  friends  to 
assemble,  and  for  his  workmen  to  quit  the  smoke  and 
labors  of  the  furnace,  and  wait  on  his  guests  with  music 
and  other  accompaniments.  During  the  revolutionary 
war  he  was  cut  off  from  his  European  resources  and 
failed.  Some  of  the  first  stoves  cast  in  this  country 
were  made  by  Stiegel.  Parts  of  them  may  still  be 
found  in  Lancaster  and  Lebanon  counties. 

The  first  rolling  and  slitting  mill  was  built  in  Thorn- 
bury  Township,  Chester  County,  in  1746,  and  remained 
in  operation  four  years.  At  the  end  of  that  time  Par- 
liament required  a  particular  account  of  the  works. 
This  was  the  only  one  of  the  kind  returned  by  the 
sheriff  under  oath,  in  obedience  to  the  proclamation  of 
Governor  Hamilton,  and  in  conformity  with  the  act  of 
Parliament  requiring  certificates  of  all  rolling  and  slit- 
ting mills,  plating  forges,  and  steel  furnaces  erected  in 
the  colonies  previous  to  June  of  that  year.  The  sheriff 
of  Philadelphia  County  returned  one  plating  forge,  with 
a  tilt  hammer,  located  in  Byberry  Township.  It  was 
the  only  one  in  the  Province,  and  had  not  been  in  use 
for  twelve  months.  In  the  same  county  were  two  steel 
furnaces.  In  Bucks  County  a  furnace  and  forges  were 
erected  during  the  first  half  of  the  18th  century.  The 
iron  was  transported  in  a  kind  of  flat  boat  or  barge, 
known  as  the  Durham  boat.  Pig  iron  was  thus  con- 
veyed from  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware  to  Philadelphia 
for  twenty  shillings,  fivepence  per  ton.  In  York  and 
Cumberland  counties  furnaces  and  forges  were  erected 
for  smelting  ores,  at  the  base  of  the  South  mountain 
before  the  Revolution.  Spring  forge  in  York  County 
was  built  in  1790.  In  the  same  year  the  Pine  Grove 
blast  charcoal  furnace  was  built  on  Mountain  Creek, 
and  is  still  in  operation. 


246  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

During  the  revolutionary  war  the  development  of  the 
iron  manufacture  had  progressed  far  enough  to  furnish 
cannon  and  guns.  A  blacksmith  of  Cumberland 
County  made  some  curiously  wrought  iron  cannon. 
One  of  them  fell  into  the  possession  of  the  British  at 
the  battle  of  the  Brandywine,  and  was  sent  to  London, 
and  is  still  preserved  in  the  Tower  as  a  monument  of 
his  ingenuity  and  patriotism.  It  was  made  of  wrought 
iron  staves,  hooped  like  a  barrel,  with  bands  of  the 
same  material.  Instead  of  one  layer  of  staves,  there 
were  four  layers,  firmly  bound  together.  A  still  rarer 
piece  of  field  artillery  was  invented  by  the  Indians  in 
1777,  consisting  of  a  hollow  maple  log,  plugged  at  one 
end  with  a  block  of  wood,  and  bound  with  iron  chains. 
It  was  heavily  charged  with  powder,  and  filled  with  bits 
of  stone,  and  slugs  of  iron,  and  levelled  at  the  gate  of 
a  frontier  fort.  As  soon  as  the  match  was  applied, 
it  burst  into  fragments  to  the  great  disappointment  of 
the  Indian  artillerists.  Early  in  the  Revolution, 
Benjamin  Loxley  proposed  to  cast  for  Congress  brass 
motors,  howitzers,  cannon  and  shells.  Daniel  Joy,  who 
tested  them,  proposed  the  construction  of  fire-rafts  for 
the  defence  of  the  Delaware.  Congress  exempted  from 
military  duty  all  persons  who  were  employed  in  casting 
shot,  and  manufacturing  military  stores.  Cannon  were 
cast  at  a  number  of  furnaces  during  the  Revolution, 
especially  at  the  Reading  and  Warwick  furnaces,  and 
small  arms  were  made  at  Philadelphia,  Lancaster, 
Lebanon  and  other  places.  The  insecurity  of  the 
frontier  settlements,  especially  during  the  French  and 
Indian  war  and  afterward,  rendered  fire-arms  essential 
to  every  household,  and  consequently  the  demand  was 
constant  for  rifles  and  other  effective  weapons.     Their 


MANUFACTURES.  247 

manufacture  received  a  great  impulse  during  the 
Revolution.  The  exportation  of  fire-arms,  gun-powder 
and  other  military  stores  from  Great  Britain  was  pro- 
hibited in  1774,  and  Congress  recommended  their 
manufacture  in  each  state.  Governor  Penn  declared  in 
his  examination  before  the  House  of  Lords  in  1775  that 
the  casting  of  cannon  had  been  carried  to  a  great  per- 
fection, and  that  excellent  small  arms  were  also  made. 
Their  workmanship  and  finish  were  universally 
admired.  Rifles  were  made  in  many  places,  equal  in 
quality  to  those  imported. 

During  the  Revolution  the  committee  of  safety  estab- 
lished a  gun-lock  manufactory,  and  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  erect  and  conduct  it,  and  contract  for  the 
manufacture  of  arms.  The  factory  was  erected  in 
Philadelphia  and  removed  to  Hummelstown,  afterward 
to  French  Creek.  The  price  paid  to  gunsmiths  for  good 
barrels  delivered  at  the  lock  manufactory  was  fixed  in 
November,  1776,  at  twenty-four  shillings  apiece.  The 
price  of  a  musket  with  a  bayonet  and  steel  ramrod  was 
eighty-five  shillings,  but  the  price  was  soon  raised  five 
to  ten  shillings  more  as  materials  became  scarce,  and 
workmen  were  unwilling  to  quit  the  manufacture  of 
rifles  for  which  there  was  a  great  demand. T 

From  the  metallic  let  us  turn  to  the  textile  manu- 
factures. During  the  Swedish  supremacy,  Governor 
Printz  was  instructed  to  encourage  the  raising  of  sheep 
for  the  purpose  of  exporting  wool  to  Sweden,  and  to  ex- 
periment in  raising  silk.  The  writer  of  a  letter  to  a 
Swedish  official  in    1693,  after  ten  years  of  proprietary 

1  Money  was  also  advanced  to  Lawrence  Byrne  to  enable  him  to 
erect  an  air  furnace  and  mills  for  file  cutting  in  connection  with  the 
gunlock  factory. 


248  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  J A. 

rule,  rejoices  over  the  happy  condition  of  the  people, 
for  they  were  exporters  of  bread,  grain,  flour  and  oil, 
and  their  wives  and  daughters  were  employed  in  spin- 
ning wool  and  flax  and  weaving.  Among  the  first 
branches  of  industry  encouraged  by  Penn  was  the  manu- 
facture of  linen  and  woolen  cloth.  To  promote  and 
encourage  trade  and  to  furnish  a  ready  market  for 
domestic  products,  especially  woolen  and  linen,  fairs 
were  established.  The  first  fair  held  in  Philadelphia 
was  in  1686,  and  in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of 
money  only  ^10  worth  of  products  were  sold.  In 
Penn's  charter  to  the  city,  two  markets  were  to  be  held 
weekly,  and  two  fairs  annually.  These  occasions  were 
much  prized  for  exhibiting  and  selling  all  kinds  of 
domestic  goods,  and  stimulated  the  development  of 
domestic  manufactures. 

The  Germans  who  came  to  Pennsylvania  were  early 
noted  for  their  linen  and  hosiery.  To  quicken  their 
exertions  in  producing  cloth,  Penn  offered  for  the  first 
piece  a  premium.  In  September  1686,  the  petition  of 
Abraham  Opdengrafe  was  read  in  the  council  claiming 
the  premium  offered  by  the  governor.  A  variety  of 
linen  and  woolen  stuffs  was  manufactured  during  the 
first  twenty  years,  such  as  druggets,  serges  and 
cambletts,  which  improved  in  quality.  The  price  for 
spinning  worsted  or  linen  in  1688  was  usually  two  shil- 
lings a  pound,  and  for  knitting  coarse  yarn  stockings, 
half  a  crown  a  pair.  The  price  for  wearing  linen  of 
half  a  yard  in  width  was  ten  or  twelve  pence  per  yard. 
Wool  combers  or  carders  received  twelve  pence  per 
pound,  and  the  pay  of  journeyman  tailors  was  twelve 
pence  per  week  and  "their  diet."  The  German  linen 
was  declared  to  be  "such  as  no  person  of  quality  need 
be  ashamed  to  wear." 


MAN  UFA  CTURES.  249 

In  those  days  linen  served  nearly  all  the  purposes  for 
which  cotton  is  now  used ;  consequently  much  attention 
was  given  to  the  cultivation  of  flax  and  hemp.  The 
linens  were  of  a  coarse  texture.  The  kerseys,  linsey- 
woolsey,  serges  and  druggets  were  of  wool  variously 
combined  with  flax  or  tow,  and  formed  the  outer  cloth- 
ing of  many  persons  during  the  colder  seasons;  hempen 
cloth,  and  linen  of  different  degrees  of  fineness  formed 
the  principal  wearing  apparel  at  other  times.  The 
inner  garments  and  the  bed  and  table  linen  of  nearly  all 
classes  were  largely  supplied  by  household  industry. 
The  material  was  grown  on  farms  ;  the  breaking  and 
heckling  of  the  flax  was  done  by  men  ;  while  the  card- 
ing, spinning,  weaving,  bleaching  and  dyeing  were  per- 
formed by  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  farmers. 

The  cultivation  of  hemp  and  flax  was  general  among 
the  Germans  and  Scotch-Irish,  and  an  import  duty  was 
early  laid  on  hemp  and  flax  products.  Flaxseed  was 
an  important  export  from  Pennsylvania  to  Ireland  and 
Scotland.  In  1730  the  Assembly  passed  an  act  for  con- 
tinuing the  aid  bestowed  on  those  who  raised  hemp, 
and  imposed  penalties  on  persons  manufacturing  un- 
merchantable hemp  into  cordage. 

At  length  clouds  gathered  over  the  prosperity  of  the 
people.  During  the  French  and  Indian  war  their 
progress  in  manufacturing  and  accumulating  wealth 
was  disclosed,  and  the  jealousy  and  fear  of  English  man- 
ufacturers were  aroused.  To  raise  money  for  reimburs- 
ing Great  Britain  and  to  check  the  growth  of  colonial 
manufactures,  Parliament  imposed  a  scheme  of  taxation. 
The  colonies  responded  by  passing  non-importation  acts 
and  depending  still  more  on  home  skill  and  industry 
for  supplying  the  needs  of  the  people.     Societies  were 


2  50  HI*  TOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN  I  A . 

formed  for  the  promotion  of  arts,  agriculture  and 
economy,  and  premiums  were  offered  to  stimulate  the 
production  of  goods  of  finer  quality.  The  non-importa- 
tion resolution  and  retrenchment  in  the  use  of  foreign 
merchandise  alarmed  British  producers.  Further  in- 
quiry was  made  into  the  efforts  of  the  people  of  the 
Province  to  stimulate  their  production.  Ships  in  the 
colonial  trade  now  went  fiom  Great  Britain  only  partly 
laden,  and  many  were  withdrawn.  Thousands  of 
weavers  and  workmen  in  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial towns  were  unable  to  find  employment  and 
emigrated  to  America.  English  merchants  engaged  in 
colonial  trade  were  imperiled,  and  feared  the  solvency 
of  their  American  debtors.  The  pecuniary  interests 
of  these  classes  led  Parliament  to  abandon  most  of  the 
taxes,  leaving  enough  to  preserve  the  principle  on 
which  they  were  based,  Townsend  bluntly  announcing 
at  the  same  time  the  intention  of  the  ministry  to  adhere 
to  its  policy.  So  the  American  people  knew  that  the 
withdrawal  of  the  duties  on  imports  was  merely  a  tem- 
porary expedient. 

Not  content  with  establishing  a  policy  to  drown  the 
spirit  of  American  enterprise,  the  exportation  of 
machinery  was  prohibited.  In  1719  the  transporting 
of  artificers  was  made  punishable  by  fine  and  imprison- 
ment. Thirty  years  afterward,  the  sale  of  tools  and 
utensils  used  in  woolen  manufacturing  was  prohibited, 
though  not  in  British  colonies.  In  1774  however  Par- 
liament raised  a  barrier  against  the  exportation  of  tex- 
tile machinery  to  any  country.  Whoever  packed  or 
put  on  board  any  machine,  engine  or  tool,  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  woolen,  cotton,  linen  or  silk,  forfeited 
not  only  the  thing  itself,  but  ^200  in  money,  and  was 


MANUFACTURES.  2$l 

liable  to  imprisonment  fur  a  year.  The  statute  was 
rigidly  enforced.  In  1784  a  German  was  fined  ^500 
for  seducing  operatives  to  Germany,  and  in  1786  a  set 
of  complete  brass  models  of  Arkwright's  machinery  for 
spinning  and  carding,  made  and  packed  in  England  for 
shipment  to  Philadelphia,  was  seized. 

Perhaps  the  first  joint  stock  company  to  manufacture 
cotton  goods  in  America  was  organized  in  Pennsylvania 
in  1775.  The  company  was  to  continue  for  three 
years,  possess  a  capital  divided  into  ten  pound  shares, 
and  manufacture  cottous,  woolens  and  linens.  The 
first  general  meeting  was  held  at  Carpenters'  Hall.  Dr. 
Rush  was  elected  president,  and  made  an  appropriate 
speech  showing  the  necessity  and  advantages  of  estab- 
lishing such  manufactures.  The  advantages  were  not 
only  in  saving  money,  but  in  employing  individuals  to 
establish  a  new  basis  of  wealth  in  introducing  foreign 
manufactures;  in  excluding  vice  and  luxury  of  which 
foreign  goods  were  declared  to  be  the  vehicle;  and  in 
forming  an  additional  barrier  to  tyranny.  All  kinds  of 
machinery  and  implements  were  extremely  scarce,  by 
reason  of  the  interruption  of  trade  between  Great  Brit- 
ain and  the  colonies.  These  difficulties  only  stimulated 
still  more  production  at  home.  In  1777,  Oliver  Evans, 
then  a  young  man  engaged  making  card-teeth  by  hand, 
invented  a  machine  for  manufacturing  them  at  the  rate 
of  1,500  per  minute.  He  devised  a  plan  for  pricking 
the  leather,  and  for  cutting,  bending  and  setting  the 
teeth,  but  abandoned  it  because  he  had  failed  to  secure 
a  due  share  of  the  benefits  of  a  previous  invention. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  improvements  in  making 
textile  goods,  clothing  for  the  army  during  the  Revolu- 
tion was  scarce  and  dear.     The  labor  of  supplying  an 


252  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

army  of  several  thousand  men  was  very  different  from 
that  of  providing  for  the  wants  of  one's  household. 
Clothing  could  not  be  purchased  abroad  for  lack  of 
money  ;  indeed,  this  was  one  of  the  most  serious  diffi- 
culties in  getting  clothing  at  home.  Congress  repeat- 
edly appealed  to  the  people  for  supplies  of  wool  and 
other  materials  for  the  manufacture  of  cloth.  In  1775 
that  body  resolved  that  clothing  be  provided  for  the 
continental  army,  and  payment  be  made  by  stopping 
every  month  a  portion  of  the  soldiers'  pay.  The  man 
who  brought  into  camp  a  good,  new  blanket,  was  al- 
lowed $2,  with  the  liberty  of  taking  it  away  at  the  end 
of  the  campaign.  The  several  assemblies,  conventions 
and  committees  of  safety  were  recommended  to  do  their 
utmost  to  promote  the  culture  of  hemp,  flax,  cotton 
and  wool.  In  1776  each  colony  was  asked  to  furnish  to 
every  soldier  it  sent  a  suit  of  clothes,  of  which  the 
waistcoat  and  breeches  might  be  of  deer  leather,  a 
blanket,  felt  hat,  two  shirts,  two  pairs  of  hose,  and  two 
pairs  of  shoes,  for  which  Congress  promised  to  pay. 
Notwithstanding  orders  had  been  issued  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  to  import  quantities  of  woolens  and 
other  cloths  from  Europe,  Philadelphia  was  twice  asked 
to  furnish  blankets,  which  could  not  be  purchased 
in  the  stores,  and  even  to  sell  awnings  for  tents,  of 
which  the  army  had  only  a  very  few.  The  sufferings 
of  the  soldiers  during  the  winter  were  extreme.  A 
large  portion  of  their  clothing  was  linen.  The  lack 
of  woolen  goods  was  apparent  in  the  contributions  for 
the  army.  The  commissioners  in  France  were  directed, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,  to  make  purchases  of 
clothing  and  blankets,  and  each  state  was  assessed  for 
their  cost.      In    September    the    Supreme    Executive 


MANUFACTURES.  253 

Council  of  Pennsylvania  was  advised  to  take  any  lin- 
ens, blankets  or  other  woolens  found  in  the  stores,  and 
give  certificates  of  their  value. 

In  consequence  of  the  rise  in  the  price  of  wool  and 
labor,  the  cloth  manufacturer  of  Philadelphia  was 
unable  to  fulfill  his  contract  with  the  government.  At 
the  time  of  making  his  contract  wool  was  sold  at  seven 
shillings,  sixpence  a  pound.  Soon  the  spinners  and 
weavers  doubled  their  wages,  and  the  supply  of  wool 
became  extremely  scarce.  Carding,  spinning  and  shear- 
ing, etc.,  were  manual  operations ;  and  forty  or  fifty 
cents  was  the  usual  price  for  fulling  and  dressing  a  yard 
of  cloth. 

The  sufferings  of  the  American  army  at  Valley  Forge 
in  the  winter  of  1778,  badly  sheltered,  and  still  worse 
fed,  were  greatly  enhanced  by  the  deficiency  of  clothing 
among  the  officers  as  well  as  men.  Clothing  was  after- 
wards bought  in  Holland,  and  sent  to  America.  To 
provide  clothing  for  the  soldiers  not  a  few  of  the  women 
were  active.  On  one  occasion  Lafayette  was  invited  to 
a  ball,  and  the  invitation  was  accepted.  Instead  of 
joining  in  the  amusements,  as  might  be  expected  of  a 
young,  lively  Frenchman,  he  addressed  the  ladies : 
"  You  are  very  handsome ;  you  dress  very  prettily  ; 
your  ball  is  very  fine ;  but  my  soldiers  have  no  shirts." 
The  appeal  was  effective ;  the  ball  ceased  ;  the  ladies 
ran  home  and  went  to  work,  and  in  a  short  time  shirts 
were  prepared  for  the  defenders  of  their  country. 

Closely  related  to  the  textile  industry  is  that  of  felt- 
making.  In  1704  the  felt-makers  of  Pennsylvania  peti- 
tioned the  Assembly  to  prohibit  the  exportation  of 
beaver  and  other  furs.  A  bill  was  passed  but  evaded  ; 
and  hats  were  exported  to  other  colonies,  and  not  infre* 


254  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

quently  to  foreign  countries.  Felts,  which  were  the 
ordinary  wear  of  the  people,  were  made  in  large 
quantities,  and  much  of  the  business  was  done  in  the 
interior  towns,  where  wool  was  cheap,  and  the  manu- 
facturer was  less  exposed  to  official  examination  than  at 
the  seaports. 

Another  industry  of  great  importance  was  that  of 
printing.  The  first  printing-press  set  up  in  Philadel- 
phia was  by  William  Bradford  in  1685,  and  one  of  his 
earliest  publications  was  an  almanac,  by  "Daniel  Leeds, 
a  student  in  agriculture."  He  had  printed  another  two 
years  before,  prepared  by  Samuel  Atkins,  in  which  a 
reference  was  made  to  Lord  Penn  that  enraged  the 
council.  Soon  George  Keith  engaged  in  a  religious 
controversy,  and  the  pamphlets  flew  back  and  forth  like 
weavers'  shuttles,  printed  by  Bradford,  who  sided  with 
the  hardened  and  industrious  apostate.  Bradford  re- 
moved to  New  York  ;  but  persons  of  the  same  name 
soon  followed.  Jansen  was  the  immediate  successor  of 
Bradford,  and  was  succeeded  in  1712  by  Bradford's  eldest 
son.  Jansen  published  the  first  literary  work  on  a  non- 
religious  subject  ever  published  in  Pennsylvania.  It 
was  a  work  of  travel  by  Jonathan  Dickinson,  entitled 
"  God's  protecting  Providence,"  and  was  "a  touching 
narrative  of  the  author's  deliverance,"  with  others 
from  shipwreck  on  the  coast  of  Florida.  The  typo- 
graphy wras  described  as  "  wretchedly  executed,  and 
disfigured  by  constant  blunders."  The  Bradfords  were 
a  somewhat  numerous  progeny,  and  for  over  one  hun- 
dred years  supplied  Philadelphia  with  printers.  In 
1732  Bradford  was  the  public  printer,  as  well  as  post- 
master. The  first  newspapers  printed  in  Philadelphia 
and  New  York  were  started  by  this  enterprising  family. 


MANUFACTURES.  255 

In  1723  when  Benjamin  Franklin,  the  greatest  of  Amer- 
ican typographers,  came  to  Philadelphia,  the  Bradfords 
were  the  only  printers  in  the  two  cities,  though  Keimer 
was  about  to  start  a  second  press  in  Philadelphia. 
Franklin  constructed  the  first  copperplate  printing-press 
used  in  America.  The  first  daily  paper  in  America  was 
the  Pennsylvania  Packet,  which  was  begun  in  Philadel- 
phia in  November,  1771,  as  a  weekly  by  John  Dunlap, 
and  converted  into  a  daily  in  1784  under  the  direction 
of  D.  C.  Claypoole. 

During  the  provincial  period  the  printers  often  com- 
bined with  their  business  of  printing  that  of  book-bind- 
binding  and  book-selling,  like  Caxton  and  other  early 
printers.  Some  of  them  sold  groceries  or  fancy  articles  ; 
others  were  extensive  dealers  in  merchandise  and  im- 
ported books.  Some,  who  began  as  book-sellers  or  pub- 
lishers, with  the  accumulation  of  more  means  estab- 
lished printing-presses,  and  finally  devoted  their  atten- 
tion exclusively  to  printing.  The  books  imported  in 
the  early  days  were  not  costly  or  rare,  but  chiefly 
practical  and  useful,  and  adapted  to  a  young  country 
whose  inhabitants  were  eager  for  things  that  could  be 
immediately  acquired.  Books  of  law,  medicine,  history 
and  some  practical  branches  of  science  and  general 
knowledge  were  the  staple  of  colonial  book -stores.  In 
1773  there  were  thirty-eight  book-sellers  in  Philadel- 
phia, two  at  Germantown,  and  two  at  Lancaster. 

To  print,  it  was  needful  to  have  paper,  and  paper- 
mills  were  established  at  an  early  day.  One  was  built 
in  Roxborough  by  the  immediate  ancestors  of  the  phil- 
osopher, Rittenhouse.  The  family  had  emigrated  from 
Arnheim  and  for  several  generations  had  manufactured 
paper  on    the  Rhine.     The  mill   was  destroyed   by  a 


256  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

freshet,  and  William  Perm  asked  the  people  to  render 
assistance  in  rebuilding  the  structure.  Perhaps  the 
next  one  was  erected  by  Thomas  Wilcox  on  Chester 
Creek,  in  Delaware  County.  Writing  and  printing 
paper  and  clothier's  pasteboard  were  manufactured  there, 
and  also  much  of  the  paper  used  by  Franklin.  Here 
also  was  made  bank-note  paper,  used  for  printing  the 
continental  paper  currency.  Another  paper-mill  was 
built  by  the  German  settlers  at  Ephrata,  and,  after  part- 
ing company  with  Saur,  a  printing-press.  During  the 
scarcity  of  paper  in  the  revolutionary  war,  a  few  days 
before  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  messengers  were  sent 
to  this  mill  for  a  supply  of  cartridges.  The  mill  hap- 
pened to  have  none,  but  the  fraternity,  who  held  their 
property  in  common,  generously  put  at  the  disposal  of 
their  country  several  two-horse  loads  of  Fox's  Book  of 
Martyrs,  printed  long  before  and  remaining  unbound. 
Equipped  with  this  fiery  ammunition,  the  soldiers 
plunged  into  the  bloody  fight.1 

Before  the  Revolution  paper-mills  had  multiplied  in 
the  Province;  and  six  were  in  operation  in  the  County 
of  Philadelphia.  Eighteen  of  them,  as  Franklin  told 
Brissot,  had  been  established  through  his  efforts.  This 
optimistic  Frenchman  also  remarks,  after  visiting 
Boston  and  New  York,  that  there  was  no  town  on  the 
continent  so  much  engaged  in  printing  as  Philadelphia. 
Ever  ready  to  encourage  domestic  industry,  Franklin 
was  especially  interested  in  the  progress  of  printing, 
and  the  allied  arts.  His  metrical  pleasantry  on  the  sub- 
ject of  poetry  is  familiar  to  all  ;  but  his  description  of 
the  process  "  to  be  observed  in  making  large  sheets  of 

1  Nearly  five  hundred  of  the  wounded  were  sent  to  the  village  of 
Ephrata  after  the  battle  and  two  hundred  who  died  were  buried  there. 


MANUFACTURES.  257 

paper  in  the  choicest  manner  with  one  smooth  surface" 
is  less  known. 

The  manufacture  of  glass,  undertaken  as  already 
stated,  in  1762  by  Henry  William  Stiegel,  was  exceed- 
ingly scarce  during  the  War  of  Independence.  The 
disuse  of  English  glass  had  become  compulsory,  and  it 
was  quite  impracticable  to  obtain  it  from  other 
countries.  Lord  Sheffield,  who  wrote  in  the  year  of  the 
peace,  remarks  on  the  existence  of  glass  works  in 
Pennsylvania,  but  asserted  that  not  any  quantity  of 
glass  was  made  in  America  except  for  bottles.  A 
window  glass  manufactory  had  been  established  in  New 
Jersey. 

One  other  industry  requires  mention,  that  of  tanning. 
The  Swedes  were  well  supplied  by  the  Swedish  West 
India  Company  with  neat  cattle  from  their  native 
country,  and  made  their  own  leather  shoes,  and  the 
Dutch  probably  had  tanneries.  Like  the  Indians,  these 
early  settlers  wore  dressed  skins.  The  women  too 
wore  jerkins  and  petticoats  of  the  same  material,  and 
their  beds  even,  except  the  sheets,  were  composed  of 
the  spoils  of  the  chase.  The  Indians  had  a  mode 
of  dressing  leather,  whereby  it  became  very  soft,  and 
the  early  colonists  in  the  beginning  made  good  use  of 
Indian  leather.  The  skins  were  often  embroidered  and 
painted  in  various  styles,  and  the  wearer  presented  a 
grotesque  appearance.  Leather  stockings  or  overalls 
were  charged  in  the  accounts  of  William  Penn  at  twenty- 
two  shillings,  and  painted  skins  at  twelve  shillings. 
In  1704  the  shoemakers,  saddlers  and  others  petitioned 
for  a  law  against  the  transportation  of  deer  skins  dressed 
in  the  hair.  In  1721  the  Legislature  passed  an  elaborate 
act  relating  to  the  tanning  and  currying  of  leather,  and 
17 


258  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

regulating  cordvvainers  and  other  artificers  of  leather. 
At  first  interior  towns  were  chiefly  supplied  with  shoes 
and  leather  from  Philadelphia,  but  tanneries  soon  arose 
in  most  of  the  older  settlements.  In  Lancaster,  the 
manufacture  of  leather  became  an  important  business. 
In  York  County,  for  a  considerable  period,  there  was 
neither  a  shoemaker  nor  tanner.  Shoes  were  bought  in 
Philadelphia  and  mended  by  itinerant  cobblers  who  went 
from  house  to  house.  Usually  the  tanning  industry  did 
not  tarry  long  behind  the  settlement  of  a  town.  It  was 
a  necessary  feature  of  every  village,  and  especially  as 
long  as  communication  between  them  was  slow  and  im- 
perfect. Leather  then  was  even  more  important  than  it 
is  now,  because  it  was  used  so  extensively  for  garments. 
Pennsylvania  soon  developed  in  this  direction  as  well 
as  in  others,  and  took  the  lead  in  supplying  New  York 
and  the  southern  colonies  with  shoes  and  leather. 
Tanned  leather  was  among  the  exports  of  Philadelphia 
in  1731.  The  manufacture  of  leather  and  other  kinds 
of  dressed  or  half  dressed  skins  for  clothing  was  a  dis- 
tinct branch  of  the  leather  business  in  the  principal 
cities  and  large  towns.  Dog  skin  for  jackets,  vests, 
breeches,  etc.,  formed  a  part  of  a  tailor's  stock.  In 
Bradford's  Mercury,  Nathan  Cowley,  a  skinner  of 
Philadelphia,  announces  his  arrival  "  to  dwell  in  Walnut 
Street  where  the  great  number  of  persons  may  have 
their  buck  and  doe  skins  drest  after  the  best  manner, 
and  at  reasonable  rates."  The  buttons  were  made  of 
various  materials;  leather,  glass,  brass,  tin  and  pewter. 
The  Indians  also  furnished  large  quantities  of  prepared 
skius  of  wild  animals.  One  of  the  most  noted  hunters 
was  Logan,  the  Mingo  chief,  who  lived  in  Mifflin 
County.     He  hunted  the  wild  deer  on  the  mountains, 


MANUFACTURES.  259 

and  sold  the  skins,  dressed  by  his  own  hands,  to  the 
white  people.  In  their  raw  and  prepared  state  they 
were  an  important  article  of  commerce,  and  their  prices 
were  regularly  quoted  like  other  merchandise. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 

Local  government  developed  with  the  increase  of 
population,  though  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  were  not 
sectionally  divided  until  after  the  English  conquest 
(1664).  Then  a  code  of  law  was  adopted  containing 
something  of  the  spirit  of  New  England  local  legisla- 
tion. The  country  was  divided  into  towns  and  parishes. 
Over  each  town  was  a  governing  body  consisting  of  a 
constable  and  eight  overseers,  four  of  whom  were 
elected  annually  by  the  plurality  of  freeholders,  while 
a  constable  was  chosen  in  the  same  manner  from  the 
retiring  overseers.  When  the  constable  was  not  present 
and  the  exigency  demanded  immediate  action,  any 
overseer  could  act  as  constable  by  carrying  with  him 
the  staff  of  office — a  staff  six  feet  long  with  the  king's 
arms  inscribed  thereon. 

The  constable  and  overseers  possessed  both  judicial 
and  legislative  authority.  They  held  the  town  court 
and  could  try  an  action  for  debt  and  trespass,  not  invol- 
ving more  than  five  pounds,  or,  if  exceeding  that 
amount,  could  submit  it  to  arbitration.  They  had  large 
authority  in  conducting  internal  affairs  ;  they  could 
plant  and  build,  sell  and  convey  lots,  assess  taxes  and 
do  many  things  of  a  prudential  nature,  making  for 
peace  and  good  government.  The  constable,  with  the 
consent  of  five  overseers,  could  ordain  needful  constitu- 
tions, not  of  a  criminal  nature,  or  having  a  penalty  not 

(260) 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  26l 

exceeding  twenty  shillings,  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  court  of  sessions  or  assizes.  Besides  all  this 
authority  the  constable  performed  fiscal  and  police 
functions,  and  was  the  leading  officer  of  the  local 
government. 

The  parish  also  had  a  distinct  organization.  At  the 
head  were  a  constable  and  overseers,  who  chose  yearly 
from  their  body  two  church  wardens.  The  overseers 
had  charge  of  the  levies  and  assessments  for  building 
and  repairing  churches,  providing  for  the  poor,  main- 
taining the  minister,  and  in  general  for  conducting  the 
affairs  of  the  parish.  The  church  wardens  also  had 
prescribed  duties,  which  consisted  chiefly  in  making 
presentments  to  the  court  of  sessions  of  violations  of 
the  law,  swearing,  profaneness,  Sabbath-breaking, 
drunkenness,  fornication,  adultery,  and  other  abomin- 
able sins.  The  minister's  office  was  prescribed  with 
great  particularity.  Besides  other  duties,  he  was  to 
attend  to  the  cure  of  souls,  to  preach  every  Sunday, 
pray  for  the  King,  Queen,  Duke  of  York  and  royal 
family,  to  administer  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  in  the  parish  church  and  in  the  houses  of  sick 
persons. 

Not  until  1676  were  many  changes  introduced  by  the 
Duke  of  York  in  the  law  or  government  established  by 
the  Dutch  magistrates.  In  that  year  the  Duke's  laws, 
which  had  been  prepared  by  the  colony  of  New  York, 
were,  with  the  chief  exception  of  the  constable's 
courts,  put  in  force  by  Governor  Andros.  Arbitration 
was  recommended  by  the  constable  and  overseers  as  a 
substitute  for  the  trial  of  small  causes  ;  and  courts 
similar  to  the  sessions  held  in  the  ridings  of  Yorkshire 
were    established.      These    tribunals    were,    in    truth, 


262  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

county  courts,  and  the  districts  or  places  where  they 
were  held  are  styled  counties  in  the  original  court 
records. 

The  records  of  one  of  these  primitive  tribunals,  that 
of  Upland,  have  been  preserved.  The  county  court  pos- 
sessed remarkable  functions,  combining  executive, 
judicial  and  legislative  power.  Grants  of  land  were 
made  by  it  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  governor  and 
council  ;  conveyances  of  real  estate  were  acknowledged 
in  open  session  and  afterward  were  recorded  ;  letters  of 
administration  were  granted;  ways  and  bridges  built; 
tobacco  inspectors  appointed ;  and  taxes  levied.  Besides 
these  functions  many  others  were  performed,  from 
directing  the  construction  of  a  mill  on  the  Schuylkill  to 
the  building  of  fences.  Church  affairs  also  came  under 
its  jurisdiction.  The  judical  procedure  was  doubtless 
crude,  and  attorneys  were  not  allowed. 

After  Penn's  purchase  local  government  developed 
more  rapidly.  Six  counties  were  created  with  authority 
to  build  and  repair  highways  and  bridges,  and  for  this 
purpose  overseers  could  summon  the  inhabitants  to 
"come  in  and  work"  and  impose  a  penalty  on  them 
of  twenty  shillings  if  they  refused.  The  county  also 
had  authority  to  appoint  viewers  of  pipe  staves  made 
for  transportation  ;  viewers  of  bread  in  market  towns  ; 
appraisers  of  property  taken  in  payment  of  debts ; 
public  packers  for  inspecting  meat  for  export;  viewers 
of  fences;  and  beadles  to  execute  the  law  against  cattle 
running  at  large. 

The  more  important  expenditures  of  a  county  were  to 
support  the  poor,  build  and  repair  prisons,  pay  the 
salaries  of  members  of  the  Assembly  and  of  the  judges. 
These  charges  were  paid  through  the  medium  of  a  tax, 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  363 

which  by  "The  Great  Law  "  of  1682  could  be  continued 
only  one  year.  The  next  year  the  Assembly  provided 
that  a  tax  should  be  laid  one-half  on  lands  and  one-half 
on  polls;  and  non-resident  landholders  were  to  pay  one- 
half  more  than  residents.  Even  at  that  early  day  the 
Assembly  regarded  non-residents  with  less  favor  than 
others.  The  legislative  authority,  instead  of  looking 
on  land  and  other  forms  of  tangible  wealth  as  exclusive 
subjects  of  taxation,  fastened  its  eye  on  persons,  and 
ever  since  has  discriminated  unfavorably  against  the 
weakest  and  least  able  to  resist  its  power.  The  levy  in 
each  county  was  made  up  in  open  court  by  the  magis- 
trates. 

Ten  years  afterward,  the  levy  consisted  of  one  penny 
in  the  pound  clear  value  on  land  and  other  realty,  and  a 
poll-tax  of  six  shillings  on  all  free  men  who  had  been 
out  of  servitude  for  six  months  if  not  worth  one  hundred 
pounds  or  otherwise  rated  by  the  act;  but  persons  who 
had  many  children  and  were  indigent  or  in  debt,  and 
did  not  own  thirty  pounds  of  personal  and  real  estate, 
were  exempted.  The  members  of  the  Assembly,  or 
any  two  of  them  from  each  county,  with  three  of  the 
justices  or  other  substantial  freeholders,  constituted  a 
board  of  assessment. 

Warrants  were  issued  by  a  justice  of  the  peace  to  con- 
stables, directing  them  to  bring  before  the  assessors  lists 
of  taxable  persons  and  estates;  when  the  assessment 
was  complete,  collectors  were  appointed  by  the  assess- 
ors, and  all  moneys  collected  by  them  were  paid  into 
the  hands  of  the  treasurer  designated  by  the  governor. 

The  tax  of  1696  was  assessed  in  a  similar  way,  by 
members  of  the  Assembly  and  four  justices  or  free- 
holders   and  was  collected  by  the  sheriff  or  other  per- 


264  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

sons  appointed  by  the  assessors.  Three  years  afterward 
the  constitution  of  the  board  of  assessors  was  changed. 
It  then  consisted  of  three  or  more  justices  in  each 
county  assisted  by  four  or  more  substantial  freeholders. 

In  1693,  when  Fletcher  was  governor,  a  tax  of  one 
penny  per  pound  on  real  and  personal  estate  was  laid 
for  one  year,  for  the  support  of  the  general  government ; 
and  three  years  later  a  similar  tax  was  laid  for  that 
purpose. 

In  1725  there  was  another  elaborate  enactment.  At 
the  annual  elections  for  assemblymen,  coroners  and 
sheriffs,  three  commissioners  and  six  assessors  were  to 
be  chosen  ;  the  commissioners  were  to  perform  the 
functions  previously  discharged  by  the  court  of  sessions  ; 
the  assessors  and  commissioners  were  to  hold  a  joint 
meeting  annually,  to  calculate  the  public  debts  and 
charges.  Directions  were  to  be  issued  by  the  commis- 
sioners directed  to  the  constables  of  the  several  town- 
ships, commanding  them  to  bring  lists  of  all  polls  and 
property  subject  to  taxation  to  the  assessors,  who  were 
to  fix  the  rate ;  the  assessors  were  to  divide  the  county 
into  districts,  and  to  appoint  a  collector  for  each  one  of 
them.  Aggrieved  persons  could  apply  to  the  commis- 
sioners as  a  board  of  equalization  ;  the  commissioners 
also  were  authorized  to  fine  either  the  treasurer  or  the 
assessors  for  the  neglect  of  their  duty ;  while  they  in 
turn  were  accountable  to  the  conrt  of  sessions  ;  and  all 
fines  were  to  be  "added  to  the  stock  of  the  respective 
counties."  Eight  years  afterward  the  system  was  still 
further  developed  by  providing  that  commissioners 
should  not  serve  more  than  three  years  at  one  time,  and 
their  accounts  as  well  as  those  of  the  treasurer  and 
assessors  were  to  be  submitted  annually  to  the  justices 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  26^ 

and  grand  jury.  The  grand  jury's  commissioners  and 
assessors  with  the  concurrence  of  the  justices  were  to  be 
the  sole  judges  for  building  bridges,  and  also  to  let  all 
contracts  for  the  construction  and  repair  of  such  works. 
This  system  thus  developed  continued  without  much 
change  until  1779,  when  two  assistant  assessors  for  each 
township  were  appointed  by  the  board  composed,  as 
before,  of  three  commissioners  and  six  assessors.  At 
the  same  time  a  county  assessor  with  two  assistants  was 
to  make  the  assessment  for  each  district,  instead  of  the 
whole  board  acting  for  the  county.  In  1724  the  office 
of  clerk  of  the  commissioners,  the  prototype  of  the 
modern  county  clerk,  had  been  created. 

The  county  organization  of  Pennsylvania  during  the 
provincial  period  was  without  a  parallel.  In  no  other 
colony  was  county  government  so  clearly  and  fully 
developed.  The  departure  from  the  town  or  township, 
the  unit  of  government  in  New  England,  for  the  larger 
organization  of  the  county,  was  radical  and  fraught 
with  important  consequences.  Other  states,  that  were 
organized  afterward,  instead  of  adopting  the  town  as  the 
unit  of  government,  which  had  operated  so  successfully 
in  New  England,  and  is  still  so  efficient  in  that  part  of 
the  Union,  adopted  the  Pennsylvania  system  of  county 
government. 

One  of  the  important  functions  performed  by  the 
local  government  was  the  care  of  the  poor.  The  only 
provision  in  the  Duke  of  York's  laws  related  to  dis- 
tracted persons,  who  might  be  both  very  chargeable 
and  very  troublesome,  and  so  would  prove  too  great  a 
burden  for  one  town  alone  to  bear.  Each  town  there- 
fore in  the  riding  where  such  person  happened  to  be 
was  to  contribute  towards  the  expense  of  maintaining 


266  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

him.  By  Penn's  "Great  Law"  of  1782  any  county 
where  a  person  fell  into  decay  and  poverty  and  was  not 
able  to  maintain  himself  and  children,  or  died  leaving 
orphans,  was  obliged  to  take  care  of  him  until  the  next 
county  court,  when  further  provision  was  to  be  made 
for  his  future  comfortable  subsistence.  In  1705  an  act 
was  passed  for  the  erection  of  prisons  and  workhouses 
in  every  county,  for  felons,  thieves,  vagrants,  and  loose 
and  idle  persons.*  In  1770  an  elaborate  act  was  passed 
relating  to  the  relief  of  the  poor.  By  this  the  adminis- 
trative area  for  the  exercise  of  the  poor-law  function 
was  the  township  or  town,  wrhich  corresponded  with  the 
English  parish,  and  in  truth  this  act  was  largely 
founded  on  English  legislation,  enacted  during  the 
reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  Charles  II.  Thus  the  English 
poor-law  system  was  transferred  to  Pennsylvania.  By 
this  system  the  overseers  of  the  poor  were  appointed  by 
the  magistrates  and,  with  their  consent,  were  to  assess 
aud  levy  the  necessary  taxes  on  the  clear  yearly  value 
of  all  the  real  and  personal  estate  within  the  district, 
and  as  frequently  within  the  year  as  might  be  neces- 
sary. The  funds  were  to  be  employed  in  providing 
proper  places  and  houses,  and  a  convenient  stock  of 
hemp,  flax,  thread  and  other  wares  and  stuffs  for  setting 
to  work  such  poor  persons  as  applied  for  relief  and  were 
capable  of  working;  also  in  relieving  the  poor,  old, 
blind  and  others  who  were  not  able  to  work  and  also 
poor  children  who  were  bound  out  as  apprentices.  The 
overseers  could  establish  poor-houses  and  deny  relief  to 
any  person  who  refused  to  be  maintained  in  them.     The 

1In  1718  an  act  was  passed  for  erecting  workhouses  in  the  respect- 
ive counties  ;  there  was  further  legislation  for  Lancaster  as  well  as 
other  counties  in   1763,  and  at  later  periods. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  367 

poor-rate  or  tax  was  compulsory,  and  a  defaulter  might 
be  imprisoned.  The  order  of  relief  and  the  poor-box 
were  established  as  checks  on  the  overseers.  The  over- 
seers of  Philadelphia  were  required  to  account  to  the 
magistrates  who  acted  as  auditors,  but  in  townships 
regularly  elected  auditors  were  introduced,  who  were 
chosen  by  the  freeholders  "by  tickets  in  writing."  To 
serve  as  an  overseer  was  made  a  compulsory  duty  and 
no  compensation  was  allowed.1 

Besides  the  townships  and  counties  for  building  and 
maintaining  highways  and  caring  for  the  poor,  borough 
governments  were  established,  of  which  Germantown 
was  the  first.  By  its  charter  of  1689  six  members  were 
chosen  committee-men,  who  with  the  bailiff  and  bur- 
gesses, were  the  general  court  of  the  corporation  of 
Germantown.  Once  a  year  the  court  met  and  elected 
officers  taken  from  the  membership  of  the  corporation. 
Thus  the  borough  began  its  political  career  by  limiting 
the  right  of  full  citizenship  to  a  select  few.  One  of  the 
provisions  declared  that  the  "yeomen  by  the  name  of 
bailiff,  burgesses  and  commonalty  and  their  successors 
were  at  all  times  thereafter  to  be  able  and  capable  in 
law,  with  joint  stock  to  trade,  and  that  the  same  or  any 
part  thereof  to  have,  take,  purchase,  possess,  and  enjoy 
manors,  messuages  and  lands,  tenements  and  rents  of 
the  yearly  value  of  ^1500  per  annum." 

Having  a  court  of  their  own,  the  citizens  thought 
that  they  ought  to  be  independent  of  the  court  of  Phila- 
delphia County.  They  lived  to  themselves,  settled 
their  own  quarrels,  their  court  ordered  the  overseers  of 
ways  to  make  roads,  and   the   county  was  not  regarded 

*See  Report  of  Poor  Law  Commission,  1890. 


268  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN! A . 

as  essential  to  their  happiness  or  welfare.  Once  a  year 
the  people  met  for  the  purpose  of  having  the  ordinances 
read  aloud  to  them.  A  writer  who  has  described  the 
history  of  this  borough,  thus  apostrophises:  "Oh  ye 
modern  legislators!  Think  how  few  must  have  been 
the  statutes,  and  how  plain  the  language  in  which  they 
were  written,  in  that  happy  community." 

Only  with  difficulty  did  the  corporation  maintain  its 
existence,  and  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Penn,  Pastorius 
expressed  his  fear  of  not  getting  men  enough  to  serve 
in  the  general  court  for  "conscience  sake,"  and  hoped 
to  find  a  remedy  in  the  expected  arrival  of  some  emi- 
grants. It  was  said  that  "  they  would  do  nothing  but 
work  and  pray,  and  their  mild  consciences  made  them 
opposed  to  the  swearing  of  oaths  and  would  not  suffer 
them  to  use  harsh  weapons  against  thieves  and  tres- 
passers." Finally,  in  1707,  as  not  enough  persons  were 
willing  to  serve,  the  elections  were  not  held,  and  the 
charter  was  forfeited.  Thus  ended  the  first  borough  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Several  others  were  created  during  the  provincial 
period.  The  borough  of  Chester  was  established  in 
1701  ;  that  of  Bristol  in  1720  ;  of  Lancaster  in  ]  742,  of 
Carlisle  in  1782  and  of  Reading  the  next  year.  In 
1720,  when  Sir  William  Keith  was  governor,  the 
settlers  of  Bristol  petitioned  for  a  borough  charter. 
It  defined  the  boundaries  of  the  town,  described  the 
streets,  regulated  their  width,  and  required  that  they 
should  be  kept  free.  Two  burgesses,  one  high  con- 
stable, and  such  other  officers  as  were  necessary'  to 
keep  the  peace  of  the  borough,  were  to  be  elected.  The 
burgess  first  chosen  was  styled  the  chief  burgess  or 
chief  magistrate,  and    the    other  the   second    burgess. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  269 

The  officers  were  to  be  fined  not  exceeding  £\o  for  a 
burgess,  and  five  for  a  constable,  if  they  refused  to  serve. 

A  fruitful  subject  of  legislation  was  the  encroach- 
ment of  buildings  on  the  streets,  another  was  the  stray- 
ing of  animals.  The  usual  ordinances  against  fire  were 
proclaimed.  Between  Bristol  and  Burlington  was  a 
ferry  which  required  much  legislative  attention.  The 
council  leased  the  ferry  and  fixed  the  rate  of  tolls. 
When  the  time  came  for  paying  the  rent,  the  ferryman 
usually  represented  that  his  tolls  were  too  light  to  pay 
all,  and  the  council  was  merciful  enough  to  release  him 
with  paying  half.  The  tax  rate  was  fixed  by  the 
council.  In  1733  the  tax  levied  was  twopence  per 
pound  on  all  assets,  and  six  shillings  a  head  on  all 
single  men.  In  1745  the  limit  of  taxation  was  increased 
to  threepence  per  pound.  The  wants  of  the  settlers 
were  fewer  than  those  of  the  present  generation,  and 
the  old  town  pump  was  a  sufficient  fire  apparatus. 

Two  important  privileges  were  granted  to  Bristol  and 
the  other  boroughs — markets  and  fairs.  At  first,  when 
stores  were  few,  they  served  a  useful  purpose  in  facili- 
tating trade,  just  as  they  did  for  many  centuries  in 
Europe,  and  do  still  in  eastern  Russia.  But  they 
were  not  needed  to  stimulate  the  growth  of  civic  life  in 
Pennsylvania,  as  they  were,  so  Henry  the  Fowler 
thought,  among  the  forest-loving  Germans.  The 
markets  were  held  in  Bristol  on  every  Thursday  and  the 
fairs  for  two  days  twice  a  year.  Many  things  were 
bought  and  sold,  including  general  merchandise  and 
live  stock.  They  were  attended  by  all  classes  some  to 
make  purchases,  others  for  a  frolic  ;  horse-racing,  drink- 
ing, gambling  and  stealing,  were  the  prevailing  amuse- 
ments and  customs.     On  the  last  day  of  the  fair  masters 


2  jo  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

permitted  their  slaves  to  attend,  who  regarded  the  day 
as  a  grand  jubilee.  The  carousing  and  worldliness 
troubled  the  worthy  leaders  of  the  borough,  and  conse- 
quently, in  1773,  they  resolved  that  the  fair  was  no 
longer  needed  because  stores  were  so  numerous  ;  and 
that  the  debauchery,  idleness  and  drunkenness  conse- 
quent on  the  meeting  of  the  lowest  class  of  people  were 
real  evils,  and  called  for  redress.  They  had  no 
authority  to  abolish  them,  as  they  were  granted  by 
charter,  and  though  urging  the  Legislature  to  do  this  for 
them,  that  body  did  not  comply  until  1796.  As  other 
boroughs  had  quite  the  same  experience  with  their  fairs, 
they  were  abandoned  generally.  Toward  the  close  of 
the  century,  agricultural  and  mechanical  fairs  rose  as 
survivors  and  substitutes. 

From  the  government  of  boroughs  let  us  turn  to  the 
government  of  Philadelphia.  Prior  to  1701  what  kind 
of  government  existed  there  is  not  clearly  known. 
Those  who  have  devoted  careful  study  to  the  inquiry 
think  that  "there  must  have  been  some  local  authority 
exercised  prior  to  1701,"  though  the  traces  of  it  "  are 
vague  and  shadowy."  In  that  year  Penn  granted  a 
charter  closely  resembling  that  of  many  a  city  of 
Europe,  which  was  dearly  prized  as  the  birthright  of 
their  liberties.  Nor  is  the  reason  for  thus  cherishing 
them  obscure,  for  they  were  concessions  often  bought 
from  the  king  by  paying  a  heavy  price.  One  of  his 
ways  of  getting  means  to  wage  war  was  by  the  granting 
of  municipal  privileges.  Thus  during  the  Middle  Ages 
civil  freedom  grew  most  rapidly  in  the  cities.  It 
was  purchased  with  the  wealth  gained  in  trade,  and  is 
one  of  the  noblest  uses  to  which  it  was  ever  dedicated. 
Many  a  charter  has  been  wrested  from  a  king  by  taking 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  27 1 

advantage  of  his  needs  and  of  relieving  him  on  condi- 
tion of  granting  larger  privileges  to  the  relievers. 

Penn's  charter  was  a  gift,  and  the  government  thereby 
established  was  to  be  administered  by  a  small  number 
of  persons.  The  corporation  was  of  a  kind  termed 
"close,"  consisting  of  a  mayor,  recorder,  eight  alder- 
men and  twelve  common  councilmen.  They  did  not 
act  in  a  representative  capacity  ;  were  not  elected  by  the 
people.  Penn  selected  the  first  names  and  put  them  in 
the  charter,  who  thenceforth  filled  all  vacancies.  The 
mayor,  who  was  one  of  the  eight  aldermen,  was 
elected  annually  by  the  other  aldermen  and  common 
councilmen  ;  and  all,  including  the  recorder,  held  their 
offices  for  life.  Their  number  could  be  increased,  but 
the   mode   of    selecting   them    could    not  be  changed. 

As  there  was  not  much  opposition  to  this  form  of 
government,  it  endured  until  the  Revolution.  There 
was  some  friction,  some  inefficiency,  and  often  a  lack  of 
revenue.  The  Revolution,  like  a  bolt  of  lightning, 
shivered  every  corporation  into  ruins.  The  Legislature 
hastened  to  authorize  all  constables,  overseers  of  the 
poor,  supervisors  of  the  highways  and  the  wardens  and 
street  commissioners  to  continue  to  exercise  their  func- 
tions, and  not  long  afterward  a  mode  of  electing  justices 
of  the  peace  was  established.  The  courts,  as  we  have 
seen,  were  still  open.  The  occupation  of  the  city  by 
the  British  suddenly  put  an  end  even  to  the  exercise  of 
these  imperfect  powers.  On  the  re-occupation  of  the 
city  by  the  Americans  it  was  governed  for  a  long  period 
by  the  military,  to  which  all  submitted,  notwithstanding 
the  harshness  of  such  rule,  because  there  seemed  to  be 
no  other  kind  of  government  to  put  in  its  place.  Such 
a  government  could  not  last.     In  1783  a  petition  largely 


272  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

signed  by  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  was  presented  to 
the  Legislature  and  referred  to  the  city  members.  A 
bill  was  prepared,  and  though  the  condition  of  the  city 
government  was  weak  and  nerveless,  closely  border- 
ing on  anarchy,  final  action  was  delayed.  Strangely 
enough,  there  were  those  who  thought  "it  was  worth 
while  to  consider  seriously"  whether  the  bill,  if  passed, 
would  "contribute  to  the  advantage  or  injury  of  the 
people."  One  of  the  political  skeptics  of  the  times  ad- 
mitted that  when  incorporated  towns  exempted,  as  they 
did  for  centuries  in  Europe,  a  number  of  people  from 
the  anarchy  and  slavery  of  vassalage,  promoting  arts  and 
industry,  reviving  liberty,  and  supporting  "the  interests 
of  human  nature,"  they  served  a  wise  purpose.  "  But, 
in  a  land  of  freedom,  where  every  man  is  entitled  to  the 
blessings  of  liberty,  to  select  a  particular  number  of 
people  from  the  rest  of  the  community,  and  form  them 
into  a  distinct  society,  will  be  found  to  have  quite  a 
different  effect;"  consequently,  so  the  writer  continued, 
"in  modern  times,  the  people  in  those  countries  in 
Europe  which  are  most  free  desert  the  corporate  towns 
for  the  same  reason  that  they  flocked  into  them  when 
they  were  first  erected." 

The  writer  then  seeks  to  show  that  a  charter  would 
abridge  the  liberties  of  the  people  and  therefore  was  not 
desirable.  Another  difficulty  perplexed  his  mind.  "One 
of  the  powers  with  which  the  corporation  is  proposed  to 
be  vested  is  that  of  making  by-laws.  These  by-laws 
will  impose  an  additional  duty  of  obedience  on  the 
citizens.  We  must  obey  the  laws  of  the  State  and  the 
laws  of  the  corporation.  We  shall  be  the  subjects  of  two 
Legislatures."  Already  the  Assembly  had  passed  more 
laws  than  were  well  understood  or  easily  remembered. 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  273 


<( 


We  shall  then  be  in  the  wretched  situation  of  serving 
two  masters  without  knowing  whom  to  obey." 

The  truth  was,  so  another  writer  of  the  time  asserted, 
"  these  persons  intend  by  the  designed  incorporation  to 
establish  an  aristocratic  influence  within  the  city,  which 
may  operate  over  the  State.  Having  failed  in  their 
open  attack  on  our  democratic  constitution,  which  they 
detest,  because  it  holds  out  equal  liberty  to  all,  they 
now  watch  for  and  lay  hold  of  every  opportunity  to 
undermine  the  fair  fabric."  Continuing  in  the  same 
strain,  "they  hoped  to  fix  the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 
delphia with  their  consent  in  the  thraldom  of  being 
governed  by  a  distinct  legislature,  needlessly  invested 
with  the  dangerous  authority  of  binding  their  fellow 
citizens  by  ordinances." 

Looking  across  a  century,  these  objections  sound 
strangely  in  our  ears.  Greatly  needed  as  was  a  gov- 
ernment of  some  kind,  many  were  afraid  almost  of  the 
shadow  of  authority.  The  Continental  Congress, 
denouncing  its  exercise  by  Great  Britain,  was  afraid  to 
exercise  authority  itself,  and  more  than  once  the 
Revolution  seemed  to  be  dying  when  fresh  life  could 
have  been  easily  supplied.  The  people  believed  in 
liberty,  and  liberty  meant  not  much  governing,  save  in 
regulative  directions,  and  few  laws.  To  endow  men 
with  authority  to  exercise  civic  power  was  to  narrow  the 
circle  of  personal  freedom,  besides  incurring  the  danger 
of  narrowing  the  circle  still  more  through  wanton 
action.  Slowly  did  the  idea  develop  that  liberty  might 
not  be  in  the  least  endangered  by  stronger  institutions 
and  laws.  To-day  the  people  are  centralizing  power  in 
order  to  gain  public  responsibility  and  efficiency  and  to 
serve  the  well  being  of  all. 
18 


274  HISTOR Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

After  a  lengthy  debate,  the  Assembly  passed  the 
charter,  under  which  the  city  for  a  long  period  lived. 
Henceforth  its  growth  was  to  be  very  unlike  that  of  the 
earlier  period ;  though  time  was  to  reveal  new  diffi- 
culties and  require  more  changes.  Such  is  the  history 
of  every  attempt  at  institution-making  ;  for  the  present 
generation,  however  wise,  pure  and  unselfish,  can  only 
prepare  an  imperfect  way  and  for  a  short  distance  into 
the  labyrinth  of  the  future. 

At  this  period  there  was  a  movement  to  incorporate 
boroughs  in  Reading,  York  and  Carlisle,  but  oppon- 
ents appeared  who  questioned  whether  these  com- 
munities were  not  assaulting  popular  government  by 
creating  a  species  of  rival  republic  in  the  State.  "In 
the  provinces,"  said  one  of  them,  "  which  form  the  con- 
federation of  the  Low  Dutch,  every  large  town,  from  the 
ancient  times  of  the  dukes  of  Burgundy,  communities 
of  this  nature  still  subsist  which  are  possessed  of  such 
privileges  as  constitute  them  distinct  republics  within 
the  state,  a  circumstance  very  unfavorable  to  unity  and 
dispatch  in  the  national  councils."  If  these  things  were 
so,  he  contended,  why  should  the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 
delphia, or  of  any  of  the  county  towns  in  the  State 
seek  after  any  new  plans  of  police,  or  other  changes? 
After  describing  the  mode  of  governing  Philadelphia, 
he  could  discover  no  use  for  incorporating  the  city. 
On  the  contrary,  he  feared  that  by  forming  and  marshal- 
ing the  citizens  into  a  body  politic,  "apparently  in 
formidable  array,"  the  country  people  would  become 
jealous,  as  they  were  apt  to  be  of  the  town  people; 
while  the  city  people  might  be  "nothing  the  better  for 
their  terrific  form."  Trenton  had  yielded  up  its 
franchise,  the  inhabitants  having  learned  from  experi- 


LOCAL  GOVERNMENT.  275 

ence  that  it  was  more  vexatious  than  helpful.  His 
objections  and  fears  fell  on  hardened  ears,  for  the 
boroughs  were  established ;  and  were  continued  for 
Reading  and  York  until  they  expanded  into  cities. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

HIGHWAYS   AND   TRANSPORTATION. 

When  the  first  settlers  came  to  Pennsylvania,  the 
rivers  and  Indian  paths  were  the  only  highways.  The 
Indians,  says  Proud,  "seldom  travelled  so  regularly  as 
to  be  traced  or  followed  by  footsteps,  except  perhaps 
from  one  of  their  towns  to  another."  In  hunting  they 
were  like  ships  at  sea,  going  and  leaving  no  track.  Yet 
there  was  an  Indian  path  across  Pennnsylvania  from 
east  to  west,  passing  through  the  Juniata  Valley,  and 
crossing  the  Allegheny  Mountains  at  Kittanning  Point. 
War  parties  of  Indians  and  white  traders  and  settlers 
used  this  route.  It  was  not  passable  for  wheeled 
vehicles,  but  only  for  men  and  horses.  This  was  the 
leading  route  to  the  Ohio  until  1753,  when  the  Ohio 
Company  partly  completed  a  road  from  Cumberland  to 
Fort  Du-Quesne. 

The  building  of  roads  was  not  undertaken  for  several 
years,  though  a  statute  was  passed  in  1699  describing 
the  mode  of  laying  them  out.  At  first  these  were  short, 
extending  from  the  landing-places  to  places  not  far 
inland.  When  Braddock  started  in  1755  on  his  ill-fated 
expedition,  no  road  had  been  built  over  the  mountains. 
The  army  was  preceded  by  a  body  of  men  who  cut 
down  trees  and  made  a  rough  road  for  horses  and 
wagons,  which  were  procured  through  the  efforts  of 
Franklin.  For  each  wagon  with  four  good  horses  and 
a  driver,  fifteen  shillings  per  day  were  paid ;    for  two 

(276) 


HIGHWAYS  AND  TRANSPORTATION.  277 

horses  with  a  pack-saddle,  or  other  saddle  and  furniture, 
two  shillings,  and  for  each  horse  without  a  saddle, 
eighteen  pence.  For  wagons  and  horses  lost  or  de- 
stroyed their  owners  were  to  be  fairly  compensated. 
The  losses  amounted  to  nearly  ^20,000,  from  which 
Franklin  was  relieved  by  General  Shirley,  who  ap- 
pointed commissioners  to  examine  the  claims,  and  after- 
ward ordered  their  payment. 

Before  Penn's  time,  when  the  southern  counties  were 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Duke  of  York,  regulations 
had  been  adopted  for  making  roads,  the  deputy-gov- 
ernor and  council  directing  the  work.  In  Penn's  land 
grants,  as  an  addition  of  five  per  cent,  was  added  for 
roads,  it  was  not  needful  when  laying  them  out  to  make 
any  compensation  to  the  owners.  As  the  land  in- 
creased in  value  by  settling  the  country,  the  value  of 
the  land  taken  was  often,  though  not  always,  assessed 
in  opening  roads.  When  the  turnpike  was  built  from 
Lancaster  to  Philadelphia  in  1733,  it  was  decided  that 
if  the  Legislature  did  not  think  fit  to  give  compensation 
to  the  owners,  this  need  not  be  done,  as  it  could  be 
taken  for  public  use  in  accordance  with  Penn's  original 
grant. 

In  1700  the  Assembly  declared  that  roads  should  be 
laid  out  by  direction  of  the  governor  and  council.  The 
roads  were  to  be  fifty  feet  wide,  and  six  men  were  to  be 
appointed  by  the  county  court  to  lay  them  out.  Over- 
seers, similarly  appointed  and  serving  seven  years,  were 
endowed  with  authority  to  compel  the  inhabitants  to 
make  repairs.  Roads  were  thus  built  and  repaired  until 
1772,  when  an  elaborate  statute  was  passed.  Free- 
holders were  to  meet  and  choose  surveyors  of  highways, 
who  were  authorized  to  lay  a  tax,  not  exceeding  nine- 


278  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

pence  on  the  pound,  for  opening  and  repairing  high- 
ways within  their  respective  townships.  The  law  pre- 
scribed for  repairing  roads  laid  out  on  the  division  line 
between  townships,  the  appointment  of  supervisors,  the 
time  of  service,  the  mode  of  collecting  taxes  and  their 
deduction  by  tenants  from  their  rents.  If  a  tenant  had 
taken  land  on  a  lease  for  a  year  or  more,  and  paid  the 
taxes  imposed,  or  his  property  had  been  detained  for 
them,  he  could  deduct  the  amount  from  his  rent.  But 
landlords  were  permitted  to  make  any  contract  with 
their  tenants  they  pleased  concerning  the  payment  of 
the  tax.  Finally  the  electors  were  to  choose  four  free- 
holders to  settle  the  supervisor's  accounts. 

In  the  early  days  there  were  many  ferries,  because 
the  people  could  hardly  afford  to  build  bridges.  The 
Assembly  fixed  the  rates  and  legislated  concerning  their 
maintenance.  Sometimes  the  proprietary  claimed  an 
interest  in  them,  gave  licenses,  and  converted  them 
into  monopolies.  Thus  a  ferry  was  established  on  the 
Lehigh  at  Bethlehem  in  1756,  for  which  an  annual 
rent  of  five  shillings  was  paid.  The  person  to  whom 
it  was  granted  was  given  the  exclusive  right  for  the 
period  of  seven  years,  paying  therefor  "five  English 
silver  shillings  or  value  thereof  in  coin  current,  accord- 
ing as  the  exchange  shall  be,"  between  the  Province 
and  London.  Such  a  proprietary  right  does  not  har- 
monize with  legislative  action  regulating  ferries,  giving 
the  proceeds  to  the  adjoining  townships,  or  to  the  ferry- 
men who  were  willing  to  conduct  them. 

At  a  later  period  regulations  were  established  for 
building  bridges.  In  some  places  the  law  provided  for 
the  building  of  a  bridge  by  two  or  more  townships, 
and  dividing  the  income  between   them.     But  if  any 


HIGH  WA  YS  AND  TRANSPOR  TA  TION.  279 

individual  was  willing  to  embark  in  the  enterprise,  the 
law  provided  that  he  might  take  all  of  the  receipts. 
In  some  cases,  he  was  permitted  to  occupy  land  near  the 
ferry,  at  a  reasonable  rent,  determined  by  the  township 
in  which  it  was  located. 

The  Province  authorized  loans  for  bridge  purposes, 
and  divided  them  between  townships  and  counties. 
One  of  the  laws  provided  that  this  should  be  done  by 
the  order  of  the  county  court,  and  if  the  creek  bounded 
or  limited  two  counties,  the  expense  of  the  bridge 
should  be  borne  equally  by  them.  The  governor  and 
his  council  were  to  make  agreements  for  their  construc- 
tion, and  to  superintend  the  work. 

Among  the  earliest  highways  was  one  from  Philadel- 
phia to  New  York,  extending  along  the  eastern  side  of 
the  Delaware.  In  the  beginning  it  was  a  horse-way. 
The  turnpike  from  Philadelphia  to  Morrisville,  opposite 
Trenton,  through  Bristol,  followed  essentially  the  same 
route.  It  was  opened  in  1677  and  called  the  king's  path. 
There  were  not  many  roads  in  fair  condition  before  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  trees  and  stumps 
remaining  to  impede  and  annoy.  A  road  from  Phila- 
delphia to  Chester,  called  the  queen's  road,  was  estab- 
lished in  1706.  The  old  York  road  was  located  in  1711, 
and  a  branch  to  Doylestown  and  Easton  was  laid  out 
eleven  years  later.  In  1733  a  road  was  surveyed  from 
Lancaster  to  Philadelphia,  and  three  years  later  was  ex- 
tended to  Harris's  Ferry.  An  important  early  road  to 
the  Susquehanna  passed  through  Strasburg,  eight  miles 
from  Lancaster,  and  was  called  the  Strasburg  road.  In 
1735  a  road  was  laid  out  from  Harris's  Ferry,  through 
Cumberland  County,  towards  the  Potomac. 

Wagons,  even  among  farmers,  were  slowly  introduced. 


28o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS YL  VANIA. 

At  first  sleds  were  used,  both  in  winter  and  in  summer. 
The  best  farmers  had  carts  on  their  farms  by  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  In  the  earliest  wagons 
little  or  no  iron  was  used,  and  the  wheels  generally  were 
of  solid  wood,  cut  with  a  saw  from  the  end  of  a  log. 
The  strength  of  two  horses  was  required  to  draw  them, 
as  the  rocks  and  stumps  remained,  and  the  streams  were 
not  bridged.  The  farmers  were  better  furnished  with 
wagons  at  an  earlier  date  in  the  southern  counties  than 
those  in  *the  northern.  The  Germans  had  a  large, 
strong  wagon,  the  ship  of  inland  commerce,  covered 
with  linen  cloth,  an  essential  of  the  German  family. 
By  this  wagon,  drawn  by  four  or  five  Conestoga  horses, 
they  conveyed  to  market,  over  the  roughest  roads,  two 
or  three  thousand  pounds  of  produce.  After  the  coun- 
try became  more  settled,  in  September  and  October, 
fifty  to  one  hundred  of  these  wagons  might  be  seen 
daily  on  the  Lancaster  and  Reading  roads,  going  to 
Philadelphia. 

The  roads  were  gradually  improved,  and  within  a 
century  after  the  landing  of  Penn,  when  Chastellux 
visited  the  country,  he  remarked  on  the  excellence  of 
the  roads  around  Philadelphia.  The  one  from  Bristol 
to  that  city  was  wide  and  handsome,  passing  through 
several  towns  or  villages.  One  could  not  go  five  hun- 
dred paces  without  seeing  beautiful  houses. 

Pleasure  carriages  were  the  last  vehicles  to  appear. 
Penn  had  one  and  also  a  "kalash."  Even  in  1761  only 
eighteen  chariots  were  enumerated  in  a  general  list 
supposed  to  be  complete,  and  in  1772  there  were  only 
eighty-four ;  but  near  the  close  of  the  century  they  in- 
creased rapidly.  In  1728  Thomas  Skelton  had  in 
Chestnut  Street  a  four-wheel  chaise  for  hire.     For  four 


HIGH W A  YS  AND  TRANSPOR  TA  TION.  2  8 1 

persons  to  Gennantowu  he  charged  twelve  shillings  six- 
pence ;  to  Frankford,  ten  shillings,  and  to  Gray's  Ferry, 
seven  shillings  sixpence  to  ten  shillings.  In  1746  a 
cooper  in  Dock  Street  advertised  two  chairs  and  some 
saddle  horses  in  the  following  manner: 

"  Two  handsome  chairs 
With  very  good  gears 
With  horses  or  without, 
To  carry  friends  about. 

Likewise  saddle  horses  if  gentlemen  please, 
To  carry  them  handsomely,  much  at  their  ease ; 

Is  to  be  hired  by  Abraham  Carpenter,  cooper, 
Well  known  as  a  very  good  cask-hooper." 

Family  livery  stables  and  horses  were  not  known  ; 
and  those  who  desired  horses  to  drive  procured  them  of 
others  who  kept  them  for  business  purposes.  Merchants 
hired  the  horses  of  their  draymen  ;  a  man  who  kept 
two  or  three  horses  for  porterage  usually  had  a  plain 
chair  for  such  occasions. 

When  the  pioneers  first  crossed  the  Allegheny  Moun- 
tains, and  made  their  homes  on  the  tributaries  of  the 
Ohio,  the  chief  means  of  communication  were  by 
canoe  on  the  streams,  and  by  horseback  through  the 
forest.  The  only  guides  for  the  traveler  were  trees 
blazed  or  notched.  Long  after  the  Braddock  expedition, 
the  pack-horse  system  was  the  only  method  of  transpor- 
tation to  the  East  over  the  Alleghenies.  Braddock' s 
trail  was  the  favorite  route,  but  some  deflections  were 
made  by  way  of  Bedford  and  Fort  Ligonier,  which  was 
the  military  road  to  Fort  Pitt.  Household  furniture 
was  carried  on  pack-horses  furnished  with  pack-saddles. 
Doddridge  in  his  Notes,  one  of  the  most  valuable  works 
on    frontier   life,    describes   the   mode   of   using   pack- 


282  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

horses.  Every  family  collected  what  peltry  and  fur 
could  be  obtained  throughout  the  year  to  send  over  the 
mountains  for  barter.  In  the  autumn,  after  seeding 
time,  the  families  united  and  started  on  their  journey. 
A  master  driver  was  selected,  who  was  assisted  by  one 
or  more  young  men.  The  horses  were  fitted  with  pack- 
saddles,  to  which  was  fastened  a  pad  of  hobbles,  made 
of  hickory  withes ;  a  bell  and  collar  ornamented  their 
necks.  Their  food  was  carried  in  bags  and  some  of 
these  were  left  in  different  places  to  be  eaten  on  the 
return  of  the  caravan.  Large  wallets  were  filled  with 
bread,  jerk,  boiled  ham  and  cheese  for  the  travelers. 
At  night,  after  feeding,  the  horses  were  put  into  a 
pasture,  or  turned  into  the  woods  and  hobbled,  and  the 
bells  were  "opened."  Long  files  of  pack-horses  might 
be  seen  laden  with  poultry,  pork,  butter,  flax  and  even 
live  calves  and  sheep.  During  their  journey  they  were 
fastened  together,  the  head  of  a  horse  to  the  tail  of  the 
horse  in  front.  Sometimes  these  trains  numbered  more 
than  one  hundred.  Iron  and  salt  were  the  most 
essential  articles  purchased  in  the  East.  Two  bushels 
of  salt,  weighing  one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  pounds, 
were  the  common  load  for  a  horse.  At  a  later  period 
grain  was  converted  into  whiskey  and  carried  in  kegs 
placed  on  each  side  of  a  horse.  Grain  was  not  trans- 
portable in  its  original  form,  but  was  when  converted 
into  this  more  concentrated  and  valuable  product. 

At  an  earlier  day  this  had  been  the  ordinary  mode  of 
transportation  in  Eastern  Pennsylvania.  At  first,  for 
several  years  wheat  was  the  only  marketable  product; 
then  butter,  poultry,  fresh  meat  and  other  things  were 
taken.  At  a  later  period  tongue-carts  drawn  by  two 
horses  came  into  use,  which  in  turn  were  supplanted  by 


HIGH W A  YS  AND  TRANSPOR  TA  TION.  283 

tire- wagons.  When  this  change  happened,  the  women, 
who  hitherto  had  usually  conducted  the  marketing, 
retired  in  favor  of  the  men.  Doubtless  many  a  woman 
regretted  her  inability  to  continue  her  visits  to  the  city 
and  look  on  fresh  scenes,  to  meet  friends  and  learn 
news  to  relate  to  others  on  her  return. 

After  the  introduction  of  stage  lines,  pack-horse 
drivers  grew  very  jealous  of  their  competitors.  Each 
tried  to  make  life  uncomfortable  and  wretched  for  the 
other.  One  of  the  wicked  devices  of  a  stage  driver  was 
to  go  so  near  the  edge  of  the  road  as  to  compel  the 
unlucky  passing  pack-horse  driver  to  jump  off  the 
bank,  or  be  run  over.  And  for  many  years  this  state  of 
warfare  between  the  two  classes  continued. 

Notwithstanding  the  poor  roads,  a  postal  service  was 
established  in  1683  between  Philadelphia,  New  Castle, 
Chester  and  other  settlements,  the  rates  of  postage  vary- 
ing from  five  to  uinepence.  Notice  of  the  times  of 
arrival  and  departure  of  the  mail  was  posted  on  the 
meeting-house  door  and  other  public  places.  Ten  years 
later,  in  1693,  a  general  post-office  was  organized  by 
Andrew  Hamilton,  in  Philadelphia,  from  which  letters 
and  packets  were  sent  into  all  the  colonies.  He  was 
authorized  to  receive  postage  on  all  letters  conveyed  by 
post.  On  foreign  letters  from  Europe,  the  West  Indies 
or  anywhere  beyond  the  seas,  twopence  were  received  on 
each  single  letter.  If  packets  were  not  demanded 
within  forty-eight  hours,  and  the  postmaster  sent  them 
to  the  houses  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  were 
directed,  a  penny  more  was  added.  On  all  foreign 
letters  bound  outward,  delivered  into  the  post-office, 
twopence  were  received  on  each  letter  or  packet.  The 
rates  for  letters  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia 


284  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

were  fourpence-halfpenny ;  between  that  city  and  Con- 
necticut, nine  pence,  Rhode  Island  twelve  pence,  Boston 
fifteen  pence,  and  to  places  beyond  nineteen  pence.  Be- 
tween Philadelphia,  Lewes,  Maryland  and  Virginia  the 
postage  was  nine  pence,  and  to  any  place  within  eighty 
miles  of  Philadelphia,  fonrpence-halfpenny.  Public 
letters  were  received  and  sent  without  charge,  and  the 
post  passed  over  all  ferries  within  the  Province  without 
paying  toll. 

In  1700  John  Hamilton  of  New  York  devised  a  post- 
office  system  for  which  he  obtained  a  patent,  and  after- 
ward sold  it  to  the  crown.  For  several  years  Benjamin 
Franklin  was  postmaster-general,  and  he  introduced 
several  improvements.  The  mails  were  carried  on 
horse-back  between  Boston,  New  York,  Philadelphia 
and  Baltimore.  The  time  from  Boston  to  Baltimore 
was  reckoned  by  weeks. 

In  1756  John  Butler  established  a  stage  line  from 
Philadelphia  to  New  York,  byway  of  Perth  Ainboy  and 
Trenton,  which  went  over  the  route  in  three  days.  In 
1765  a  second  line  of  stages  was  placed  on  this  route, 
and  the  fare  was  reduced  two  cents  per  mile.  The 
stages  were  covered  Jersey  wagons  without  springs.  In 
the  same  year  a  weekly  line  was  established  between 
Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  and  soon  after,  a  third  line 
of  stages  with  spring  seats,  was  established  between 
Philadelphia  and  New  York,  which  made  the  journey 
in  two  days  in  summer,  and  three  in  the  winter.  The 
fare  was  twenty  shillings.  Letters  for  Chester  and 
Bucks  counties  were  delivered  at  the  post-office  in 
Philadelphia. 

In  July,  1742,  a  weekly  post  and  express  between 
Philadelphia   and    Bethlehem    was    organized    by   the 


HIGH IV A  YS  AND  TRANSPOR  TA  TION.  285 

Moravians.  Four  postillions  were  appointed.  There 
were  two  agents  in  Bethlehem  and  two  in  Philadelphia, 
and  one  in  Faulkner's  swamp,  now  in  Montgomery 
County. 

In  1777  a  bi-weekly  post  route  was  opened  between 
Wyoming  and  Hartford  in  Connecticut;  Prince  Bryant 
was  engaged  as  post-rider  for  nine  months;  and  the 
expenses  of  the  route  were  paid  by  private  subscription. 
During  the  Pennamite  war  letters  and  communications 
were  sent  by  private  messengers.  On  one  occasion  the 
wife  of  Lieutenant  Jamison  left  Wyoming  for  Easton 
where  her  father  with  twenty  other  Connecticut  settlers 
were  confined  in  jail.  The  letters  were  carefully  folded 
and  concealed  in  her  hair,  which,  in  those  days,  was 
formed  into  a  roll  on  the  top  of  the  head.  On  the  way, 
at  night,  she  was  discovered  near  Bear  Creek  and 
arrested  by  Colonel  Patterson,  the  Pennamite  com- 
mander. Happily  the  letters  were  not  found  by  the 
suspicious  Pennamite,  and  she  was  permitted  to  con- 
tinue, reaching  Easton  safely,  and  delivering  the  letters 
to  her  father  and  other  prisoners. 

The  inhabitants  used  the  rivers  for  highways,  and 
this  was  one  of  the  reasons  for  settling  along  their 
banks.  In  177 1  the  Assembly  declared  the  Susquehanna 
river  a  public  highway.  Portions  of  the  land  along  the 
river  had  been  cultivated  for  many  years,  and  the  in- 
habitants needed  some  convenient  avenue  for  their  grain 
and  other  products.  They  proposed  to  expend  a  con- 
siderable sum  of  money  to  improve  its  navigation,  and 
the  Assembly  appropriated  an  additional  sum,  and 
appointed  commissioners  to  superintend  the  work.  The 
gravel  bars  were  cleared  away  ;  trees  and  stumps  were 
removed ;  a  channel   was  opened   and  tow  paths  were 


286  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

made  along  the  rapids.  In  a  few  months  the  river  was 
navigable  from  Wrightsville  to  Wyoming,  and  after- 
ward from  the  Chesapeake  to  the  New  York  line. 

For  a  long  time  the  canoe  was  a  popular  craft.  It 
was  hewn  out  of  a  single  trunk,  and  could  carry 
several  tons.  One  of  them,  a  leviathan  of  its  kind, 
carried  one  hundred  and  forty  bushels  of  wheat.  On 
one  occasion  canoes  were  used  in  a  very  original 
manner.  Some  persons  arrived  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Susquehanna,  who  desired  to  cross  with  their 
horses.  Finding  no  other  kind  of  craft,  they  fastened 
two  canoes  together,  and  putting  the  hinder  feet  of  their 
horses  in  one  and  their  fore  feet  in  the  other,  started  for 
the  other  shore,  where  they  safely  landed. 

The  first  advance  in  the  means  of  transportation  on 
the  Delaware  was  a  boat,  "The  Durham,"  built  at  a 
town  of  that  name  on  the  river,  a  few  miles  below 
Easton.  The  construction  of  these  boats  began  in 
1750.  They  were  sixty  feet  long,  eight  feet  wide,  two 
feet  deep,  and  when  laden  with  fifteen  tons  drew  twenty 
inches  of  water.  The  stem  and  bow  were  sharp  and 
decked;  a  running-board  extended  the  whole  length  on 
either  side.  The  boat  carried  a  mast  with  two  sails  and 
was  manned  by  a  crew  of  five  men.  One  remained  at 
the  stern  with  a  long  oar  for  steering,  and  two  on  each 
side  with  setting  poles  for  pushing  them  forward.  The 
Schuylkill  boats  were  of  the  same  construction,  but 
larger,  and  were  often  manned  by  more  persons.1 

1  "The  boats  seldom  come  down  but  with  freshes,  especially  from 
the  Minnesinks.  The  freight  thence  to  Philadelphia  is  8  d  a  bushel 
for  wheat,  and  3  s  a  barrel  for  flour.  From  the  Forks  and  other  places 
below,  20  s  a  ton  for  pig  iron,  7  d  a  bushel  for  wheat,  2  s  6  d  a  barrel 
for  flour."  Pownall's  Topographical  Description  of  the  Middle 
British  Colonies,  p.  35. 


HIGHWAYS  AND  TRANSPORTATION.  287 

The  rivers  were  valuable  as  fisheries.  They  abounded 
in  shad  and  other  kinds  of  fish ;  large  quantities  were 
annually  caught.  Excellent  oysters  were  found  in  the 
Delaware  near  its  mouth  and  in  the  bay.  To  facilitate 
fishing,  fish-dams  were  erected  in  the  rivers,  but  these 
impeded  navigation.  One  of  the  early  boatmen  of  the 
Schuylkill,  with  a  canoe-load  of  wheat,  started  down  the 
river,  and  striking  a  fish-dam,  nearly  lost  his  senses 
and  cargo.  Another  would  have  lost  his  wheat  had 
he  not  leaped  into  the  river  and  prevented  his  canoe 
from  swinging  around  against  the  current.  Another 
whose  name  is  preserved  to  us,  Jonas  Jones,  had  the 
same  watery  experience.  Proceeding  on  his  journey, 
in  his  wet  clothes,  they  were  frozen  stiff  on  his 
back,  by  means  whereof,  he  quaintly  remarked,  he 
underwent  a  great  deal  of  misery.  No  one  will  ques- 
tion the  truth  of  Jonas's  sensations.  These  obstruc- 
tions multiplied.  They  were  generally  placed  where 
they  were  most  detrimental  to  navigation,  below  the 
mouths  of  creeks,  and  where  islands  and  shallow  waters 
aided  in  their  construction.  Boatmen,  enraged  by  the 
presence  of  these  dams,  often  broke  through  them  and 
wantonly  destroyed  them,  and  also  the  weirs,  baskets 
and  other  apparatus  for  decoying  fish.  Nay,  the  fisher- 
men charged  them  at  times  with  stealing  the  proceeds 
of  their  labor.  For  many  a  year,  the  excitement  along 
the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Schuylkill  between  the  fish- 
ermen and  the  boatmen  was  intense.  Many  a  contest 
was  waged  far  more  serious  than  that  of  words.  The 
Assembly  again  and  again  tried  to  quiet  their  troubles. 
Then  the  fishermen  below  quarreled  with  those  above; 
those  who  lived  near  the  mouth  were  accused  of  getting 
too  many,  and  of  not  permitting  any  to  go  up-stream. 


288  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Again  the  Assembly  attempted  to  regulate  times  and 
quantities.  Then  those  above  had  a  very  exhaustive 
way  of  fishing.  Setting  their  nets  so  that  nothing 
could  go  below,  they  would  begin  a  considerable  dis- 
tance up  stream  and  with  brooms,  and  other  appropriate 
apparatus,  strike  the  water  and  startle  the  fish  south- 
ward. In  due  time  all  were  netted.  Thus  between  the 
fishermen  and  the  boatmen,  and  between  the  fisher- 
men themselves,  the  Schuylkill  river  society  for  years 
was  lively,  if  not  happy.  The  same  complaints  and 
events  occurred  on  the  Lehigh,  Susquehanna  and  other 
rivers.  Sometimes  fleets  of  canoes  would  be  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  destroying  all  fish  dams,  weirs,  and  baskets 
in  the  Schuylkill.  On  such  occasions  the  fishermen 
would  unite  to  protect  their  property.  If  any  one  were 
unlucky  enough  to  get  fast  with  his  canoe,  or  venture 
too  near  the  shore,  the  fishermen  would  bring  their 
artillery  to  bear  on  him  in  the  form  of  a  shower  of 
stones.  They  were  very  hard,  harder  than  heads,  so  the 
heads  rather  than  the  stones  yielded  and  called  on  the 
magistrates  for  assistance.  As  these  officials  had  no 
jurisdiction  over  the  stones  along  the  river,  the  fisher- 
men, thus  amply  supplied  with  free  ammunition,  could 
hardly  be  prevented,  especially  in  the  presence  of 
curious,  if  not  admiring  spectators,  from  displaying 
their  skill  in  throwing  them  ;  consequently  at  times,  the 
navigation  of  the  Schuylkill,  next  to  fighting  the 
Indians,  was  the  most  wretched  business  of  the  period. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

CLIMATE  AND   HEALTH. 

The  climate  of  Pennsylvania  has  greatly  changed 
since  the  coming  of  the  first  settlers.  Every  traveler 
of  the  early  time  who  visited  the  country  was  impressed 
with  its  beauty  and  fine  climate.  When  the  enthusi- 
astic Brissot  came,  he  remarked  that  in  dry  weather  the 
air  had  a  peculiar  elasticity  which  rendered  heat  or  cold 
less  insupportable  than  they  were  in  places  more  humid. 
The  air  never  became  heavy  and  fatiguing  except  when 
the  rains  were  not  followed  by  the  beneficent  north- 
west winds.  During  the  three  weeks  he  was  in  the 
Province,  in  August  and  September,  he  experienced  no 
languor  of  body,  nor  depression  of  spirits,  though  the 
heat  was  very  great.  Prodigal  in  wealth  of  forest  and 
stream,  nature  did  not  deal  less  kindly  in  endowing 
Pennsylvania  with  a  mild,  equable  climate,  under  which 
both  man  and  beast  flourished. 

Ere  long  a  change  was  felt.  By  destroying  the 
forests,  the  fields  were  bathed  in  sunlight  and  the  waters 
of  the  streams  were  drawn  to  the  clouds.  The  change 
was  marked  by  many  thoughtful  persons,  and  was 
ascribed  by  all  to  the  same  cause.  "  Many  creeks,"  says 
Brissot,  "and  even  rivers  have  disappeared  by  degrees, 
and  this  is  to  be  expected  in  a  country  where  forests 
give  place  to  cultivated  fields."  The  Swedish  scientist, 
Kalm,  during  his  travels  made  a  similar  observation  : 
"  The  mills,  which  sixty  years  ago  were  built  on 
19  (289) 


290 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 


rivers,  and  at  that  time  had  a  sufficient  supply  of  water 
almost  all  the  year  long,  have  at  present  so  little  that 
they  cannot  be  used  but  after  a  heavy  rain,  or  when  the 
snow  melts  in  spring.  This  decrease  of  water,  in  part, 
arises  from  the  great  quantity  of  land  which  is  now  cul- 
tivated, and  from  the  extirpation  of  great  forests  for  that 
purpose."  Great  droughts  followed,  one  of  which  was 
experienced  in  1782.  This  was  so  severe  that  the 
Indian  corn  did  not  mature,  the  meadows  failed,  and 
the  soil  became  so  inflammable  that  in  some  places  it 
caught  fire,  and  the  surface  was  burned.  In  contrast 
with  the  excessively  dry  weather  of  some  seasons,  a 
vast  quantity  of  water  fell  in  others,  injuring  the  crops. 
Happily  the  country  was  so  large  that  a  general  scarcity 
was  never  known,  either  by  reason  of  the  drought,  or  of 
excessive  rain.  The  usual  annual  quantity  of  rain  was 
thirty-five  inches. 

If  the  people  suffered  from  drought  and  excessive 
rain  as  a  consequence  of  disrobing  the  country  of  its 
natural  water  protection,  in  some  respects  the  health  of 
the  people  was  improved  by  these  changes.  One  of  the 
most  common  causes  of  early  suffering  was  malaria  ;  in 
the  Lower  Counties  especially,  the  people  suffered 
terribly  from  this  malady.  Its  visitations  are  by  no 
means  extinct,  but  are  very  light  compared  with  its 
visitations  in  the  earlier  provincial  days.  An  old  settler 
remarked  to  Brissot  that  the  visages  of  the  people  were 
less  pale  than  they  were  thirty  or  forty  years  before,  and 
that  both  "  ceutenuaries  "  and  "  septuagenaries  "  had 
increased. 

The  Province,  in  the  earliest  times^  was  visited  occa- 
sionally by  an  earthquake,  and  the  one  that  shook 
Philadelphia  on  the  arrival  of  John  Penn  in  1763  was 


CLIMATE  AND  HEALTH.  2<^\ 

the  precursor  of  the  political  one  that  shook  the 
country  on  his  departure  in  July,  1776.  In  1732 
another  earthquake  visited  Pennsylvania,  New  England 
and  Canada.  Five  years  later,  when  the  well  known 
prince  from  Mount  Lebanon,  Sheik  Sidi,  was  traveling 
here,  another  performance  of  the  same  kind  came  off, 
but  no  record  is  left  describing  his  impressions  of  the 
event. 

The  snow,  also,  was  a  more  frequent  and  abundant 
visitor.  At  times  it  was  so  deep  in  the  villages  that  all 
including  women  were  immediately  set  to  work  to  clear 
the  way  between  the  houses.  With  the  destruction  of 
the  forest,  the  snow  fell  in  smaller  quantities.  The 
winter  of  1740-1  was  long  remembered  as  the  "winter 
of  deep  snow."  It  lay  on  the  ground  four  or  five  feet 
deep,  from  Christmas  to  the  beginning  of  March  ;  and 
horses  could  safely  walk  on  its  firm  crust.  Those  who 
had  cut  down  trees  were  surprised  in  the  spring  to  see 
the  stumps  standing  six  and  seven  feet  high. 

If  the  winters  were  no  longer,  they  were  often 
severer  than  they  are  now,  the  Delaware  freezing  over 
many  miles  below  Philadelphia.  The  summers  too 
were  cooler,  with  monthly  visitations  of  frost  some  years, 
and  a  longer  duration  of  vegetable  and  plant  life. 
Such,  in  brief,  was  the  climate  during  the  provincial 
period  of  our  history.  One  of  the  persons  met  by 
Brissot  was  a  profound  believer  in  the  theory  that  the 
activity  of  the  inhabitants  could  be  measured  by  the 
rapidity  of  its  rivers  and  the  variations  of  its  atmos- 
phere. He  could  perceive  dullness  and  indecision  of 
the  Virginians  in  the  slow  movement  of  the  Potomac, 
while  the  rapid  currents  of  the  rivers  of  the  north  were 
in  harmony  with  the  activity  of  the  people  of  New 


292  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

England.  Furthermore,  he  believed  that  the  health  of 
the  persons  was  largely  dependent  on  variations  of  the 
air,  and  activity  in  bodily  movements  The  Friends 
lived  the  longest,  the  Moravians  next,  and  the  Presby- 
terians were  the  third  on  the  list.  Many  diseases  and 
deaths  were  ascribed  to  sudden  variations  in  the 
atmosphere.  Doctor  Rush  gave  as  examples,  the  hard 
winter  of  1780,  the  hot  summer  of  1782,  and  the  rainy 
summer  of  1788. 

The  most  common  disease  was  phthisis.  It  was 
unknown  to  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
and  consequently  was  the  result  of  European  habits  of 
life  transported  to  the  Province.  It  was  more  common 
in  the  town  than  in  the  country.  The  physicians 
attributed  this  disease  to  different  causes ;  to  the  exces- 
sive use  of  hot  drinks  like  tea  and  coffee,  to  excessive 
sleeping  and  the  use  of  feather  beds,  to  excessive  meat 
eating  and  to  the  excessive  use  of  spiritous  liquors. 
Women,  especially  Quaker  women,  were  more  frequently 
victims  than  men  because  they  did  not  take  enough 
exercise.  Brissot  said  this  was  doubtless  due  to  their 
gravity  and  immobile  habits  formed  in  early  life,  pre- 
served for  hours  in  their  silent  meetings.  To  other 
women  besides  the  Friends,  attacked  in  the  same 
manner,  different  causes  were  ascribed  ;  excessive  danc- 
ing, the  drinking  of  too  much  cold  water,  the  eating  of 
unripe  fruits,  the  drinking  of  boiling  tea,  insufficient 
clothing  in  winter  and  lack  of  attention  to  sudden 
changes  of  weather.  The  Friends  were  more  reasonable 
in  all  these  regards  ;  among  them,  however,  was  the 
fatal  neglect  of  exercise.  Brissot  remarks  :  "  To  pre- 
serve good  health,  a  family  should  have  the  gaiety  of  a 
woman  of  fashion,  with  the  prudence  and  caution  of 
a  Quaker." 


CLIMATE  AND  HEALTH.  293 

Another  common  disease  in  those  days  was  sore 
throat,  which  when  putrid  was  mortal.  It  was  gen- 
erally caused  by  excessive  heat,  cold  drinks  and  careless 
dressing.  Influenza  was  a  common  disease  ;  likewise 
fever  and  ague ;  not  limiting  its  ravages  to  marshy 
places  and  the  sea  coast,  it  often  invaded  healthy 
regions.  It  was  combated  by  Peruvian  bark  ;  but  the 
most  successful  remedy  was  a  journey  into  the  moun- 
tains or  Northern  states.  From  its  assaults  negroes 
were  free.  Their  exemption  was  attributed  to  the 
custom  they  preserved  of  keeping  fires  always  in  their 
cabins,  even  in  the  hottest  season.  They  regarded  ex- 
cessive heat  as  a  guarantee  of  health,  and  even  a 
negress,  when  laboring  in  the  field  under  a  burning  sun, 
would  expose  her  infant  to  its  power,  rather  than  lay  it 
under  the  cooling  shade  of  a  tree.  Other  maladies 
were  pleurisy  and  pneumonia,  while  the  small-pox  was 
a  constant  and  much  dreaded  visitor.  The  yellow 
fever,  a  terrible  scourge,  came  at  a  later  period.1 

A  frequent  cause  of  suffering  was  from  the  bites  of 
rattlesnakes.  To  cure  these,  a  variety  of  remedies  was 
known  and  applied.  Sometimes  a  portion  of  the  snake, 
if  caught,  was  laid  on  the  wound  to  draw  out  the 
poison.  Many  of  the  remedies  applied  were  effective. 
Doddridge,  who  studied  the  subject  carefully,  says  that 
if  a  person  were  bitten  where  the  blood-vessels  were 
neither  numerous  nor  large,  the  bite  soon  healed  under 
any  kind  of  treatment.     Horses  were   frequently  killed 

'"The  first  epidemic  which  prevailed  in  this  county  was  in  the 
year  1763  ;  it  was  a  nervous  fever  and  very  mortal  ;  it  was  more 
general  along  the  Juniata  river,  but  it  also  extended  widely  over  the 
interior  of  the  country."  Bank's  Letter,  Collections  of  Hist.  Society, 
p.  66. 


2^4  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

by  them,  as  they  were  generally  bitten  around  the  nose, 
which  contained  numerous  blood-vessels.  For  the  con- 
trary reason,  hogs  were  rarely  killed.  The  animal  gen- 
erally took  immediate  revenge  for  the  injury  by  tearing 
the  serpent  to  pieces  and  devouring  it. 

Many  diseases  were  ascribed,  especially  in  the  central 
and  western  part  of  the  country,  to  the  power  of 
witches.  On  children  more  frequently  they  inflicted 
strange  and  incurable  diseases,  especially  on  the  internal 
organs,  dropsy  of  the  brain,  rickets  and  the  like.  The 
witches  destroyed  cattle  by  shooting  them  with  hair 
balls  and  other  inscrutable  weapons.  They  often  did 
still  worse  things,  transforming  men  into  horses,  and 
after  bridling  them,  riding  them  at  full  speed  over  hill 
and  dale.  Wizards  also  abounded  possessing  similar 
mischievous  powers.  Happily,  instead  of  using  them 
for  bad  purposes,  they  were  used  to  counteract  the  evil 
influences  of  the  witches.  Doddridge  says  that  he 
knew  of  several  witch-masters,  as  they  were  called,  who 
made  a  public  profession  of  curing  diseases  inflicted  by 
the  influence  of  witches. 

An  act  relating  to  conjuration,  witchcraft  and  dealing 
with  evil  spirits  was  passed  during  the  reign  of  James  I. 
This  was  applied  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Penn  in  1683. 
The  persons  tried  before  Penn  and  his  council  were  not 
the  only  cases  of  witchcraft.  In  Northampton  and 
other  counties  persons  were  arrested,  charged  with 
witchcraft  and  imprisoned,  but  on  none  was  passed  the 
death  penalty.  A  woman  in  Wyoming  Valley  was  ac- 
cused of  bewitching  the  cattle,  several  of  which  had 
died  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Titus,  an  old  negro  witch- 
doctor. For  several  days  Titus  used  the  ordinary 
remedy,  a  gun  barrel  filled  with  a  peculiar  liquid,  but 


CLIMA  TE  AND  HEAL  TH.  295 

no  effect  was  produced  on  the  witch.  Finally  a  fine  ox 
was  taken  sick,  and  then  a  new  remedy  was  applied  to 
break  the  spell.  The  sexton  of  the  church  took  the 
church  key,  approached  the  ox,  and  putting  it  in  the 
animal's  mouth  turned  the  key  around  three  times,  re- 
peating some  spell-breaking  words  known  only  to  him- 
self. The  power  of  the  witch  was  destroyed,  and  the 
ox  recovered.  A  woman  near  Tunkhannock  frequently 
bewitched  a  hunter's  gun.  The  remedy  was  as  peculiar 
as  the  difficulty.  A  bullet  was  fired  from  an  unbe- 
witched  gun  into  the  body  of  a  tree.  As  soon  as  the 
bullet  was  covered  by  the  growth  of  the  wood,  the 
witch  was  seized  by  severe  pains  from  which  she  found 
no  relief  until  she  removed  the  spell  from  the  gun.  In 
another  village  a  woman  bewitched  the  cows  and  hogs. 
The  cows  twisted  their  tails  on  their  backs,  threw  up 
the  earth  with  their  feet,  bellowed  and  ran  their  hind 
legs  up  the  trunks  of  trees.  The  pigs  squealed  night 
and  day  ;  frothed  at  the  mouth  ;  rolled  over  ;  turned 
somersets,  and  indulged  in  various  other  performances 
that  would  have  pleased  even  our  modern  circus  attend- 
ant. The  owner  and  his  wife  were  terribly  scared. 
Fortunately,  a  celebrated  German  witch-doctor  arrived 
on  the  scene,  who  applied  an  effective  antidote.  We, 
who  laugh  at  these  follies  may  with  profit,  perhaps,  in- 
dulge in  a  little  thinking  concerning  ourselves.  The 
day  of  witchcraft  has  passed,  but  what  shall  be  said  of 
those  who  cannot  pass  a  graveyard  by  night  without 
trembling  and  fearing  the  dread  presence  of  a  spook  or 
ghost?  And  what  shall  be  said  of  those  who  betake 
themselves  to  mesmeric  doctors,  clairvoyants  and  spir- 
itualists? The  number  is  legion  who  still  believe 
in  unnatural  processes  of  some   kind  or  other,  cover- 


2q6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN! A. 

ing  up  their  superstitions  by  long  names  and  smooth 
sentences. 

Witchcraft,  as  believed  in  Pennsylvania,  was  mild 
and  harmless ;  the  wizards  were  effective  in  undoing 
the  work  of  witchcraft;  and  the  people  suffered  much 
less  than  they  did  in  some  of  the  colonies  from  this 
diabolical  agency. 

From  the  diseases  of  people  let  us  turn  to  their  physi- 
cians. The  practice  of  the  Welsh  was  essentially 
English,  as  they  were  educated  at  the  school  of  Edin- 
burgh. They  generally  had  an  apothecary  store,  thus 
combining  the  practice  with  the  sale  of  medicine.  This 
was  done  partly  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  those  who 
ordered  medicine,  that  their  physician  should  prepare  it. 
At  a  later  period  apothecaries  appeared  from  whom  the 
physicians  purchased  their  drugs.  As  long  as  they 
continued  to  furnish  medicines  they  sometimes  made 
"an  advanced  charge"  on  them  to  include  attendance. 
This  was  done  to  make  up  for  the  patient's  deficiency 
in  fees,  and  was  deemed  proper.  Indeed,  says  the  emi- 
nent Doctor  John  Morgan,  "a  most  extensive  practice 
otherwise  would  be  insufficient  to  support  a  family  in  a 
becoming  manner."  The  paying  of  a  physician  for  at- 
tendance, and  of  an  apothecary  for  his  medicines,  was 
regarded  as  "the  most  eligible"  mode  of  practice,  both 
to  patients  and  practitioners;  yet  it  could  not  be  denied 
that  the  practice  of  rating  medicines  at  such  a  price 
as  to  include  the  charge  for  medicines  and  attendance 
was  liable  to  gross  impositions  by  ignorant  medicasters, 
too  many  of  whom  swarmed  in  every  city. 

Beside  these  practitioners,  was  another  class  who 
practiced  especially  in  the  country,  and  had  never  ac- 
quired a  regular  medical   education.     One  of  these  is 


CLIMA  TE  AND  HEAL  TH.  397 

well  described  by  his  great  grandson,  Dr.  John  Watson. 
He  had  read  several  books  relating  to  surgery,  physic 
and  chemistry,  and  having  settled  in  Buckingham, 
where  no  doctor  lived,  grew  into  public  esteem  as  a 
practitioner  in  the  healing  art.  He  was  very  successful 
in  setting  broken  bones,  curing  scalded  heads,  ulcers 
and  disorders  in  general.  He  also  invented  a  spicy 
anodyne,  called  Watson's  Black  Drops,  pronounced  by 
his  great  grandson  to  be  "an  excellent  medicine." 

Douglass,  who  wrote  a  valuable  Summary  of  the 
American  Colonies,  was  a  physician,  and  described  the 
medical  practice  in  all  of  them.  He  declared  that 
in  the  plantations,  a  practitioner  bold,  rash,  impu- 
dent, a  liar,  basely  born  and  educated,  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  an  honest,  cautious,  modest  gentleman. 
The  practice  was  so  perniciously  bad,  that  except 
in  surgery  and  some  very  acute  cases,  it  was  better 
to  let  nature,  under  a  proper  regime,  take  her  course, 
than  to  trust  to  the  honesty  and  sagacity  of  a  doctor. 
American  practitioners  were  so  rash  and  officious  that 
the  saying  in  the  Apocrypha  might  with  propriety  be 
applied  to  them:  "He  that  siiineth  before  his  Maker, 
let  him  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  physician."  Fre- 
quently there  was  more  danger  from  the  physician  than 
from  the  distemper. 

Practitioners  were  given  to  quackery,  and  the  use  of 
quackish  medicines  was  encouraged.  Apothecary  shops 
were  wainscoated  or  papered  with  advertisements  re- 
commending quack  medicines.  Doctor  Douglass  re- 
marks that  in  the  most  trifling  cases  medical  practice 
was  of  a  routine  nature.  He  once  asked  a  noted  practi- 
tioner what  was  the  general  method  of  practice,  and 
was  told  that  it  was  very  uniform.     Bleeding,  vomiting, 


ZgS  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

blistering,  purging  and  an  anodyne  if  the  illness  con- 
tinued ;  then  there  was  repetendi,  and  finally  murder- 
andi.  Blood-letting  and  anodynes  were  the  principle 
remedies  of  the  doctors  in  that  day.1 

Far  away  from  the  larger  places  not  even  the  uncul- 
tivated country  doctor  practiced  medicine,  and  people 
were  obliged  to  depend  on  themselves.  Consequently 
they  paid  more  attention  to  remedies  than  they  do  now- 
adays. There  were  remedies  for  every  kind  of  disease; 
and  whenever  serious  sickness  occurred,  usually  the 
neighbors  were  very  kind  in  aiding  the  afflicted  family, 
revealing  the  nobler  side  of  human  nature.  Many  of  the 
remedies,  if  effective  in  curing  the  sick,  certainly  would 
have  made  well  persons  sick  if  they  had  been  taken. 
For  example,  the  croup,  then  called  the  bold  hives,  was 
a  common  disease  among  children,  and  often  fatal. 
The  remedy  consisted  of  the  juice  of  roasted  onions  or 
garlic,  given  in  large  doses.  Wallink  was  also  a 
favorite  remedy  with  many  of  the  old  women.  For 
fevers,  as  though  the  afflicted  were  not  hot  enough,  they 
were  put  through  a  severe  course  of  sweating.  To  pro- 
duce this  state,  a  strong  decoction  of  Virginia  snake- 
root  in  large  doses  was  given.  For  purgation,  white 
walnut  bark  was  used,  peeled  downward  ;  for  a  vomit, 
the  same  kind  of  bark,  peeled  upward.  Rum  was  a 
favorite  remedy.  A  dram,  either  raw,  sweetened  with, 
wormwood  or  rye  juice,  was  used  as  an  antidote  against 
infectious  or  offensive  smells.  Besides  rum,  tobacco 
was  a  popular  remedy.  The  early  settlers  used  these 
things  to  ward  off  infection,  especially  to  prevent  the 
bad  effects  of  drinking  water.  They  imagined  air  and 
water  to  be  unwholesome.     The  immediate  bad  effect 

1  Douglass  wrote  in  the  middle  of  the  iSth  century. 


CLIMA  TE  AND  HEAL  TH.  299 

of  drinking  cold  water,  and  the  autumn  fevers  and 
agues,  confirmed  this  opinion  and  so  the  practice  of  the 
laboring  people  of  the  West  Indies  was  adopted,  that  of 
drinking  rum. 

The  quackery  that  has  survived  the  longest,  pow- 
wowing, was  derived  from  the  Indians.  Even  amid 
modern  enlightenment  and  civilization,  no  small  num- 
ber still  resort,  with  undiminished  hope,  to  the  pow- 
wower  for  relief.  He  is  regarded  as  more  successful 
in  dealing  with  some  diseases  than  others  ;  and  erysip- 
elas and  scrofula  seem  to  be  his  specialties.  Charms 
and  incantations  were  also  used  for  the  cure  of  many 
diseases. 

For  the  mentally  dethroned  the  government  in  its 
early  years  sought  to  provide.  In  1751  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Hospital  was  founded  for  the  care  of  persons 
"distempered  in  mind,  and  deprived  of  their  rational 
faculties,"  as  well  as  the  relief  of  the  sick  and  injured. 
In  treating  lunatics  a  radical  departure  was  made ;  the 
restoration  of  their  reason  was  attempted,  instead  of 
confining  them,  as  had  formerly  been  done,  like  male- 
factors. In  1709  the  Association  of  Friends  had  sought 
to  establish  a  public  hospital  in  the  city,  but  forty  years 
passed  before  their  humane  conception  crystallized  into 
an  institution  that  is  an  honor  to  the  city,  to  the  State, 
and  to  the  country. 

In  establishing  this  noble  enterprise,  Franklin  was 
among  the  most  zealous  and  effective.  He  labored 
especially  to  secure  Legislative  assistance,  but  there 
was  strong  opposition,  and  the  right  to  appropriate 
money  for  this  purpose  was  questioned.  Franklin  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  an  appropriation  of  ^2,000  on  con- 
dition that  a  similar  sum  was    raised    by  the  people. 


300  HISTOR Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN/A. 

Franklin  says  that  "this  condition  carried  the  bill 
through  ;  for  the  members  who  had  opposed  the  grant, 
and  now  conceived  they  might  have  the  credit  of  being 
charitable  without  the  expense,  agreed  to  its  passage, 
and  then,  in  soliciting  subscriptions  among  the  people, 
we  urged  the  conditional  promise  of  the  law  as  an  addi- 
tional motive  to  give,  since  every  man's  donation  would 
be  doubled ;  thus  the  clause  worked  both  ways.  The 
subscription  accordingly  soon  exceeded  the  requisite 
sum,  and  we  claimed  and  received  the  public  gift,  which 
enabled  us  to  carry  the  design  into  execution."  " 

Notwithstanding  all  the  diseases  from  which  the 
people  suffered,  they  lived  to  a  good  old  age.  This  was 
doubtless  due  to  their  vigorous  constitution,  abundance 
of  exercise,  and  freedom  from  care  and  anxiety  com- 
pared with  the  condition  of  many  under  the  stress  of 
modern  civilization. 

'Franklin  adds:  "I  do  not  remember  any  of  my  political 
manceuvers,  the  success  of  which  gave  me  at  the  time  more  pleasure, 
or  wherein,  after  thinking  of  it,  I  more  easily  excused  myself  for 
having  made  some  use  of  cunning." 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 

Section  I. 

Social  Intercourse,  Family  Livmg  and  Entertainments. 

The  society  of  Pennsylvania  was  much  more  com- 
plex than  elsewhere  in  America.  This  was  the  natural 
consequence  of  a  membership  so  varied  in  nationality 
and  religious  belief.  The  newcomers  had  a  hearty, 
sincere  good  will  for  each  other,  and  realized  the  need 
of  mutual  assistance.  Though  not  buffeted  by  the 
fierce  competition  for  wealth,  place  and  power,  a  note 
in  our  times  so  often  cruel  and  -discordant;  and 
assured,  if  industrious,  of  a  comfortable  and  honest 
livelihood,  they  were,  nevertheless,  sorely  tried  by  new 
and  strange  conditions,  which  tended  to  promote  and 
strengthen  a  common  life.  This  was  rendered  still 
stronger  by  equality  of  circumstance,  similarity  of  pur- 
suits and  aims,  and  unity  in  civic  action.  Lastly,  the 
remembrance  of  their  old  homes,  and  of  those  still  left 
in  them  grew  more  tender  with  advancing  years,  unit- 
ing all  more  closely  with  the  subduing  power  of  a 
common  suffering. 

On  the  frontier  a  common  life  was  even  more  strongly 
felt.  Without  fine  words  for  each  other,  they  divided 
their  rough  fare  with  a  neighbor  or  a  stranger  and 
would  have  felt  hurt  by  an  offer  of  payment.  After  the 
enmity  of  the  Indian  had  risen  strongly  against  them, 

(30O 


302  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN  I  A . 

the  ever-increasing  presence  of  this  deadly  peril  formed 
a  strong  bond  of  unity.  For  greater  protection  they 
built  forts  and  often  lived  in  them  in  common,  and 
toiled  together  in  the  fields.  Thus  inured  to  danger  by 
its  constant  presence,  their  life  was  somewhat  like  that 
of  the  generous  and  sacrificing  soldier  who,  notwith- 
standing his  own  perils,  does  not  forget  the  needs  and 
sufferings  of  his  comrades. 

To  an  observing  traveler  of  that  early  time,  the 
scarcity  of  women  in  the  Province  would  surely  have 
started  some  reflection.  Many  married  before  twenty 
years  of  age,  and  elderly  spinsters  were  unknown. 
The  children  generally  were  well  favored  and  beautiful. 
On  his  arrival,  Peun  remarked  that  in  all  the  houses  of 
the  Dutch  and  Swedes  he  saw  lusty  and  fine  looking 
children. 

In  the  beginning,  the  Indians  were  kindly  disposed 
toward  the  newcomers,  and  gave  abundant  proofs  of  a 
desire  to  live  in  peace  with  them.  On  many  occasions 
they  supplied  the  white  people  with  meat,  with  beans 
and  other  vegetables,  besides  bringing  other  gifts  to 
their  houses  and  refusing  anything  in  return.  The 
Indian  children  were  sociable  and  fond  of  play.  In 
some  respects  the  difference  between  the  two  races  was 
not  great  at  that  early  period,  "when  to  live  was  the 
utmost  hope,  and  to  enjoy  a  bare  sufficiency  the  greatest 
luxury." 

When  Philadelphia  had  grown  into  a  goodly  town, 
the  Indians  came  every  autumn  to  the  city  in  bodies  of 
fifty  or  more,  men,  women  and  children.  They 
encamped  at  different  places  on  their  way,  occupying 
much  of  the  time  in  making  and  selling  baskets,  mats 
and  splint  brooms.     After  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  303 

century,  most  of  them  came  from  beyond  the  Blue 
Mountains,  between  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware 
rivers,  and  often  brought  furs  for  sale. 

From  the  beginning,  the  houses  of  the  settlers  were 
much  superior  to  those  of  the  Indians.  In  divers 
localities  these  houses  differed  greatly  ;  the  country 
house  from  that  in  Philadelphia  ;  the  house  of  the 
frontiersman  from  that  of  the  farmer  in  the  more 
thickly  settled  parts  of  the  Province.  In  a  frontier 
home  a  block  or  two  served  for  stools,  a  broad  slab  of 
timber  for  a  table,  and  a  rude  framework  for  a  couch. 
In  the  one  chamber  slept  all  the  family,  men,  women 
and  children,  married  and  single,  young  and  old.  This 
room  constituted  kitchen,  dining-room  and  parlor. 
Doddridge,  who  lived  on  the  frontier  most  of  his  life, 
says  that  for  several  years  after  the  settlement  of  the 
country,  the  furniture  for  the  table  consisted  of  a  few 
pewter  dishes,  plates  and  spoons,  with  wooden  bowls  and 
trenchers.  If  noggins  were  scarce,  gourds  and  hardshell 
squashes  supplied  the  deficiency.  Iron  pots,  knives  and 
forks  were  brought  from  east  of  the  mountains. 

At  a  later  period  a  farmer's  kitchen  presented  a 
different  aspect.  Within  the  ample  fire-place  a  kettle 
was  suspended  from  a  crane  over  a  wood-fire  resting 
on  andirons,  and  close  by  were  shovel,  tongs  and  bellows. 
On  the  shelf  of  the  mantel  above  were  a  coffee-mill, 
candlestick,  glasses  and  stone  pitcher  for  cider.  In  one 
corner  was  a  large  cupboard  containing  tiers  of  pewter 
plates  and  brown  earthenware.  From  a  peg  in  the 
wall  a  tin  horn  was  suspended ;  beneath  it  stood  a  high- 
backed,  splint-bottomed  chair.  From  a  heavy  joist  in  the 
ceiling  hung  bunches  of  red  peppers  and  ears  of  Indian 
corn,  culled  for  seed.     A  spinning  wheel  and  flax  stood 


304  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

on  one  side  of  the  room,  and  close  by  was  a  bench  table 
or  settee.  Above  it  was  suspended  a  mahogany  looking- 
glass  with  a  huge  ornamented  top,  several  of  Poor 
Richard's  Almanacs,  and  a  hat  and  coat  from  nails  in 
the  wall.  In  one  corner  was  a  splint  hickory  broom, 
and  a  basket  of  apples;  while  on  the  window-sill  pots 
containing  plants  were  proofs  that  neither  cares  nor 
ceaseless  tasks  had  quenched  the  good  house-wife's  love 
of  the  beanti  Til. 

The  houses  had  huge  fire-places,  and  as  wood  was 
plentiful,  a  fire  in  the  winter  was  kept  burning  brightly. 
Into  these  huge  fire-places,  to  save  the  labor  of  cutting 
and  splitting,  were  put  "back-logs"  of  a  size  sufficient 
to  last  for  several  days.  These  gave  forth  not  only 
warmth,  but  light  enough  for  ordinary  purposes,  and 
perhaps  quickened  the  imaginations  of  those  who  sat 
around  during  the  long  winter  evenings,  for  one  mode 
of  entertainment  was  to  narrate  astonishing  stories  con- 
cerning witches  and  Indian  ghosts.  Many  a  glen  and 
forest  was  supposed  to  be  haunted,  especially  at  the 
dreary  hour  of  midnight.  Adventures  of  the  chase 
were  described,  the  skill  displayed  at  marksmanship,  or 
feats  of  persons  in  wrestling,  or  throwing  the  tomahawk. 
On  these  occasions  they  ate  shellbarks  and  apples,  and 
"  moistened  their  clay  "  freely  with  cider,  cider-royal  and 
metheglin. 

The  best  wood  for  fuel  was  hickory;  white  and  black 
oak  were  regarded  as  next  in  quality.  In  1746  Kalm 
remarks  that  the  woods  around  Philadelphia  would 
lead  one  to  believe  that  fuel  must  be  cheap.  It  was  not 
so,  because  the  great  forest  near  the  town  belonged  to 
some  individuals  who,  believing  that  wood  would  be- 
come  scarce,   sold    only    to  joiners,   coach-makers   and 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENT*.  -,    r 


j^  o 


other  craftsmen,  willing  to  pay  a  high  price.  Those 
who  sold  wood  in  the  market  were  peasants,  living  at  a 
great  distance  from  the  town.  Every  one  complained 
about  the  increase  of  price,  which  was  ascribed  to  the 
rapid  growth  of  the  town,  and  to  consuming  wood  in 
making  brick.  The  farmers,  too,  had  consumed  enor- 
mous quantities  ;  and  so  had  persons  engaged  in  smelt- 
ing iron.  Indeed  a  large  portion  of  the  forest  had  been 
cut  by  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Kalm 
prophesied  that  Philadelphia  would  be  obliged  to  pay  a 
high  price  for  wood.  Like  many  another  prophecy  it 
failed,  because  he  did  not  know  of  the  vast  stores  of  fuel 
hidden  in  the  earth. 

The  settlers  discovered  a  wax  or  tallow  on  a  shrub 
called  the  candleberry  or  bayberry,  from  which  they 
made  candles.  The  berries  grew  abundantly  on  the 
female  shrub  and  looked  as  though  flour  had  been 
strewn  on  them.  They  were  gathered  late  in  autumn, 
and  when  put  into  a  kettle  of  boiling  water,  the  fat 
floated  to  the  top  and  was  skimmed  off.  It  soon  hard- 
ened and  looked  like  common  tallow  or  wax,  but  pos- 
sessed a  dirty,  green  color.  By  re-melting  and  boiling, 
it  acquired  a  transparent  green  color,  and  was  worth 
twice  the  price  of  ordinary  tallow  because  the  candles 
neither  melted  so  easily,  nor  smoked,  and  when  put  out 
yielded  an  agreeable  odor.  For  many  years  the  Swedes 
had  collected  this  tallow  and  made  caudles  of  it. 

In  Philadelphia  the  houses  improved  more  rapidly 
than  elsewhere.  In  winter,  company  was  often  received 
in  the  sitting-room,  which  usually  was  also  the  dining- 
room,  and  sometimes  a  sleeping-room.  There  was  a 
high  backed  settee  revealing  a  bed  when  the  top  was 
turned  down.  The  furniture  was  of  the  simplest  kind  : 
20 


2p6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS)  L  VANIA. 

settees  with  stiff  high  backs,  one  or  two  large  tables  of 
pine  or  maple,  a  high,  deep  chest  of  drawers  containing 
the  wearing  apparel  of  the  family,  a  corner  cupboard 
for  plate  and  china  and  a  looking-glass  adorning  the 
wall.  The  floor  was  sanded,  the  walls  whitewashed,  the 
fireplace  ornamented  with  a  wide  mantel  and  windows 
contained  small  panes  set  in  a  lead  frame. 

The  wealthier  class  had  damask-covered  couches  in- 
stead of  settees,  oak  or  mahogany  furniture.  They 
used  china  cups  and  saucers,  Delft  ware  from  Holland, 
and  massive  silver  bowls,  waiters  and  tankards.  Those 
of  less  means  used  pewter  plates  and  dishes,  while  not  a 
few  ate  from  wooden  trenchers.  Lamps  were  hardly 
known ;  but  candles  in  brass  candlesticks  furnished 
light. 

Not  until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  were 
carpets  introduced.  At  first,  they  covered  the  centre 
of  the  floor  in  front  of  the  chairs  and  tables; 
their  extension  over  the  whole  floor  is  a  modern  prac- 
tice. Many  stories  are  told  of  persons  who,  at  first, 
were  afraid  to  walk  on  them,  and  went  around  the  sides 
of  the  room  on  tiptoe  to  avoid  soiling  them.  Wall 
paper  was  not  introduced  until  nearly  the  close  of  the 
century.1 

Plain  indeed  were  the  furnishings  in  the  first  houses, 
but  they  were  in  harmony  with  the  plain  food  eaten. 
On  the  frontier,  hog  and  hominy  was  the  most  common 
dish.    Johnny-cake  and  pone  were  the  only  forms  of 

1  Perhaps  the  most  vivid  idea  that  can  be  presented  of  the  interior 
of  a  well-furnished  house,  is  from  a  letter  written  by  Mrs.  Benjamin 
Franklin  to  her  husband  in  1765,  after  their  new  house  in  Franklin 
Court  had  been  completed.  This  letter  is  not  in  any  of  the  collections 
of  Franklin's  letters,  but  may  be  found  in  Westcott's  newspaper  his- 
tory oT  Philadelphia,  Chap,  ccxviii. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  307 

bread  for  breakfast  and  dinner.  At  supper,  milk  and 
mush  was  the  standard  dish.  When  milk  was  scarce, 
hominy  supplied  its  place,  and  mush  was  frequently 
eaten  with  sweetened  water,  molasses,  bear's  oil  or 
gravy  from  fried  meat.  In  the  beginning  the  settlers 
in  the  older  parts  of  the  Province  fared  rather  poorly 
for  food,  but  after  a  few  years  meat,  grain  and  all 
kinds  of  vegetables  were  abundant.  Milk,  bread  and 
pie  formed  the  staple  of  the  breakfast ;  in  winter  the 
milk  was  sometimes  boiled  and  thickened  before  using. 
The  dinner  consisted  of  good  pork  or  bacon  with  plenty 
of  sauce,  and  wheat  flour  pudding  or  dumplings  with 
butter  and  molasses,  and  the  supper  of  mush  or  hominy 
with  milk  and  butter  and  honey.  Pies  of  green  or 
dried  apples  were  liked,  especially  by  the  children. 
When  milk  was  scarce,  small  beer  or  cider,  thickened 
with  flour  and  egg  made  "an  agreeable  breakfast." 
In  many  families  doughnuts  were  too  great  a  rarity  to 
be  eaten  on  any  day  other  than  Christmas. 

The  German  farmers  lived  quite  as  frugally.  They 
sold  their  most  profitable  grain,  wheat,  and  ate  the  less 
profitable,  rye  and  Indian  corn.  "The  profit  to  the 
farmer,  from  this  single  article  of  economy,"  says  an 
enthusiastic  writer,  "is  equal,  in  the  course  of  a  life- 
time, to  the  price  of  a  farm  for  one  of  his  children." 
They  ate  sparingly  of  boiled  animal  food,  and  used 
large  quantities  of  vegetables,  and  especially  sauerkraut. 
Milk  and  cheese  were  largely  used.  Few  consumed 
distilled  spirits ;  their  drinks  were  cider,  beer,  wine  and 
water. 

As  corn  in  various  forms  was  one  of  the  chief  articles 
of  food,  its  conversion  into  meal  was  an  important  but 
difficult  task  in  the  early  days,  before  the  erection  of 


208  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

water-mills.  The  hominy-block  and  hand-mills  were 
used  in  most  houses.  The  first  was  a  large  block  of 
wood  three  feet  long,  with  a  hole  burned  in  one  end, 
wide  at  the  top  and  narrow  at  the  bottom,  so  that  by 
the  action  of  the  pestle  on  the  bottom  the  corn  was 
thrown  up  on  the  sides  toward  the  top,  and  fell  down 
into  the  centre.  By  this  movement  the  whole  mass  of 
grain  was  subjected  quite  equally  to  the  strokes  of  the 
pestle. 

A  sweep  was  sometimes  used  to  lessen  the  toil  of 
pounding  corn  into  meal.  This  was  a  pole  made  of 
springy,  elastic  wood,  thirty  feet  or  more  in  length. 
The  butt  was  placed  under  the  side  of  the  house  or  a 
large  stump,  and  the  pole,  supported  by  two  forks,  was 
placed  one-third  of  its  length  from  the  butt,  elevating  the 
small  end  fifteen  feet  from  the  ground.  To  this  was  at- 
tached a  sapling  five  or  six  inches  in  diameter,  and 
eight  or  ten  feet  in  length.  The  lower  end  was  shaped 
so  as  to  form  a  pestle.  A  pin  of  wood  was  put  through  it 
at  a  proper  height,  so  that  two  persons  could  work  at 
the  sweep.  This  simple  machine  was  very  effective. 
Sometimes  it  was  used  in  making  gun-powder.  When 
the  corn  was  too  soft  to  be  beaten,  it  was  grated  in  a 
half-circular  piece  of  tin,  perforated  with  a  punch  from 
the  concave  side,  and  nailed  by  its  edges  to  a  block  of 
wood.1 

If  the  people  had  good  appetites  for  eating,  so  had 
they   for  drinking.     Everywhere  springs  gushed  forth 

'The  hand-mill  was  better  than  the  mortar  and  grater.  It  was 
made  of  two  circular  stones  placed  in  a  hoop.  A  staff  was  inserted  in 
a  hole  in  the  top  of  the  runner,  or  upper  stone,  and  this  upper  end 
through  a  hole  in  a  board  fastened  to  a  joist  above,  so  that  two  per- 
sons could  be  employed  in  turning  the  mill.  The  corn  was  put  by 
hand  into  the  opening  in  the  runner. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  309 

and  ran  their  sparkling  courses,  nndefiled  with  coal 
dust,  dye-stuffs,  or  any  other  refuse  of  modern  industry. 
But  the  settlers  did  not  content  themselves  simply  with 
drinking  water.  Garden  herbs,  like  sage  and  thyme 
were  used,  and  more  especially  dittany  or  mountain 
mint.  Rye  also  furnished  an  agreeable  drink.  Tea 
and  coffee  did  not  come  into  use  until  nearly  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  in  Philadelphia,  and  still  later 
in  the  country.  Its  introduction  was  slow,  and  was 
limited  to  those  in  good  circumstances,  or  used  only  on 
Sundays. 

The  use  of  spirits  was  very  common,  indeed,  too 
common.  Doubtless  the  modes  of  employment  con- 
tributed to  a  larger  consumption  of  ardent  spirits.  At 
public  sales,  bottles  were  handed  round,  and  the  prac- 
tice became  so  prevalent  that  the  Assembly  prohibited 
the  use  of  spirits  on  these  occasions.  In  Philadelphia 
drinking  became  so  frequent  that  the  Friends  discoun- 
tenanced its  use.  Drunkenness  was  attacked  and  de- 
fended in  verse. 

An  eminent  citizen  of  the  time,  writing  to  his  son, 
who  afterward  became  chief  justice,  declared  it  was  too 
common  a  thing  for  young  men  to  sit  at  table  two  or 
three  hours  tippling  wine  and  punch,  and  when  "so 
stupid  they  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  themselves, 
they  go  either  to  the  tavern,  or  to  one  of  their  houses 
and  drink  away  till  the  clock  strikes  twelve,  and  then, 
being  quite  devils  and  quite  beasts,  they  stagger  away 
home  to  snore  and  groan  by  the  side  of  their  innocent 
young  wives,  who  deserve  ten  thousand  better  things  at 
their  hands ;  and  all  this  after  the  poor  young  things 
have  been  moping  at  home  and  bemoaning  themselves 
of  their  hard  fate,  and  crying  out  a  hundred  times  in  an 


3 1  o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VANIA . 

evening  'Well,  if  this  be  the  pleasure  of  matrimony, 
would  to  Heaven  that  we  had  remained  under  our 
parents'  roof.'  "  On  wedding  occasions  and  other 
feasts,  the  drinking  was  excessive. 

At  burials  the  practice  was  common  to  feast  and 
drink  in  a  very  immoderate  manner,  a  custom  which 
had  prevailed  in  England.  When  a  person  of  high 
rank  died,  the  body  was  kept  for  several  days  lying  in 
state,  and  during  this  period  visitors  must  be  enter- 
tained. The  necessity  of  doing  this  grew  into  a  custom 
at  every  funeral.  The  English  practice  of  burying  by 
torchlight  never  became  general  in  Philadelphia,  but 
was  occasionally  followed.  In  1748  "burial  biscuit" 
were  advertised  for  sale  by  a  city  baker,  showing  that 
the  custom  of  funeral  feasting  still  continued. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Province,  love-makings  and 
marriages  were  quite  as  important  events  in  society  as 
now.  Among  the  Friends,  courtship  was  a  very  solemn 
business.  The  heart-stricken  man  before  declaring  his 
love  to  the  object  of  his  sweet  trouble  must  first  speak 
to  her  parents  If  permission  were  granted,  then  he 
strove  by  his  grave  demeanor  and  solid  conversation  to 
make  a  favorable  impression  on  the  object  of  his  affec- 
tions. He  could  not,  like  other  young  men,  whisper 
his  vows  during  a  moonlight  ramble,  or  resort  to  any  of 
the  thousand  ways  so  often  inspired  by  love.  The  only 
pleasures  permitted  to  them  were  those  of  eating,  drink- 
ing and  going  to  meeting.  Such  a  thing  as  going 
away  unattended  by  a  chaperone  was  unknown  ;  they 
must  be  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  yet  they  seemed 
to  succeed  quite  as  well  as  others. 

As  the  Friends  had  no  ministers,  marriage  with  tliem 
was  a  contract  between  the  individuals  simply  witnessed 


SOLVE  T) ',  DRESS  AND  A  MUSE  MEN  TS.  3  x  T 

by  several  persons.  Sometimes  it  was  held  in  the 
meeting-house ;  at  others,  in  the  home  of  either  the 
bride  or  the  groom ;  but  it  was  a  very  simple  affair,  unat- 
tended with  any  of  the  accompaniments  of  modern 
marriage.  In  general,  marriages  were  ordered  by  affix- 
ing to  the  court-house  and  meeting-house  doors  the 
intention  of  the  parties,  and  after  the  act  had  been 
solemnized  a  record  of  it  was  preserved.  True  love 
laughs  at  shackles  and  bolts,  and  Watson,  in  his 
Annals,  tells  the  story  of  an  elopement  in  1707  of 
Colonel  Coxe  with  Sarah  Eckley,  a  wealthy  Quakeress. 
The  runaway  couple  ran  into  the  Jersey  woods  in  the 
night  and  met  the  chaplain  of  Lord  Cornbury,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  New  Jersey,  who,  oddly  enough,  prevailed  on 
them  to  be  married,  and  there  preformed  the  ceremony 
by  firelight. 

In  these  days  when  with  some  women  great  titles  are 
everything  and  character  nothing,  let  us  stop  to  note 
the  first  courtship  and  marriage  perhaps  of  a  provincial 
girl  to  a  "baronet."  For  many  years  Lawrence 
Bathurst  was  the  teacher  of  a  school  in  Philadelphia 
County.  He  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  girl  who  lived 
with  Mrs.  Roberts,  whose  grandson,  a  United  States 
Senator,  has  preserved  for  us  the  tale.  Though  illiterate 
she  knew  how  to  get  ink,  red  ink  too,  to  use  in  com- 
municating with  her  lover.  She  punctured  her  arm 
and  stained  a  piece  of  paper  with  some  highly  original 
hierogylphics,  which  were  sent  to  Bathurst  by  Mrs. 
Roberts'  son,  who  was  one  of  Bathurst' s  pupils.  He 
gave  Master  Roberts  a  written  answer,  but  as  the  girl 
could  not  read,  at  her  request  he  read  the  letter  to  her. 
A  glass  frame  was  fitted  up  in  the  house  on  one  side  of 
the  kitchen  fire-place,  and  here  young  Roberts  often  sat 


3 1 2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

as  though  he  was  conning  his  lesson.  The  frame  was 
so  arranged  that  he  could  elude  his  mother's  "  vigilant 
eye,,!  while  the  girl,  without  attracting  attention,  could 
tell  him  things  to  write  for  the  eye  and  heart  of  her 
noble  lover.  Roberts  doubtless  enjoyed  the  fun,  though 
he  was  hardly  five  years  old.  His  father  finally  found 
out  what  he  was  doing,  and  asked  him  about  the 
contents  of  the  letters.  The  youngster  replied  that 
there  was  a  good  deal  of  love  in  them.  The  girl 
won  "the  young  baronet,"  though  they  did  not 
always  live  tog-ether.  Roberts,  the  grandson  and 
United  States  Senator,  saw  Mrs.  Bathurst  "  in  ad- 
vanced years,"  but  "could  not  judge,"  so  he  quaintly 
said,  "by  the  stubble  what  might  have  been  her  early 
merit." 

But  who  was  Bathurst?  He  was,  says  Senator 
Roberts,  "  the  son  of  a  dissolute  father  who  had  dis- 
sipated his  property  and  left  him  in  charge  of  his 
uncle,"  Allen,  the  first  Lord  Bathurst.  He  sent  him  to 
the  Westminster  School  in  London,  where  he  fell  a 
prey  to  some  persons  who  were  then  bringing  servants 
to  the  colonies.  By  them  "our  baronet"  was  kid- 
napped and  stripped  of  his  quality  ensigns  and  sold  for 
a  term  of  years.  Roberts  adds  that  "through  his  sub- 
sequent metamorphoses  you  could  still  trace  something 
of  his  early  associations."  After  many  years  his  uncle 
found  out  where  he  was  and  invited  him  to  return. 
Having  learned  of  his  marriage,  his  uncle  asked  him  if 
he  had  married  "  a  woman  of  fortune,"  and  he  replied, 
"My  lord,  where  is  rav  fortune?"  Not  content  in 
England,  he  returned  to  Pennsylvania,  where,  for  many 
years,  he  amused  companies  with  his  never-ending  fund 
of  stories,  and  at  the  age  of  eighty  died  at  the  home  of 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  3^ 

his  youngest  son,  "to  whom  he  left  his  empty  title 
with  its  armorial  bearing,  a  bloody  hand."1 

In  early  times  weddings  were  festivals.  Relatives 
and  friends  were  invited,  a  good  dinner  was  provided, 
and  a  lively  spirit  of  friendship  prevailed.  The  next 
day  many  of  the  young  people  again  met,  and  with  less 
restraint,  indulged  in  social  plays  and  sports.  Many  of 
these  entertainments  were  very  expensive ;  the  company 
dined,  but  still  remained  for  tea  and  for  supper.  For 
two  days  punch  flowed  in  abundance.  The  gentlemen 
met  the  groom  on  the  first  floor,  and  ascended  to  the 
second,  where  they  saw  the  bride.  Every  one  in 
those  days  had  the  right  to  kiss  her,  and  not 
infrequently  she  submitted  to  more  than  a  hundred  such 
attentions  during  a  day.  Even  the  Friends  yielded  to 
this  part  of  the  performance.  For  two  days  they 
called  and  took  punch,  and  each  time  kissed  the 
bride.  Then  the  married  pair  had  large  tea  parties  at 
their  home  that  were  attended  nightly  by  the  grooms- 
men and  bridesmaids.  Besides  thus  eating  and  drink- 
ing at  home,  punch,  cakes  and  meats  were  sent  out 
generally  in  the  neighborhood,  even  to  those  who  were 
not  visitors  in  the  family.  At  length  wedding  enter- 
tainments were  regarded  with  dread,  both  by  those  who 
paid  the  bills,  and  by  the  bride.  Originating  in  a  spirit 
of  hospitality,  the  occasion  degenerated  into  a  fearful 
abuse.  The  Friends  were  the  first  to  counsel  modera- 
tion. 

Weddings  on  the  frontier  were  of  a  very  different 
character.  The  whole  neighborhood  was  always  in- 
terested in  an  affair  of  that  kind,  for  it  was  a  huge 
frolic.     Indeed,  it  was  almost  the  only  one  not  accom- 

1  MS.  Autobiography  of  Senator  Roberts. 


314  HTSTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

panied  with  the  labor  of  reaping,  log-rolling,  building  a 
cabin  or  planning  a  campaign.  The  bridegroom 
appeared  dressed  in  moccasins,  leather  breeches,  leg- 
gings and  a  linsey  hunting-shirt.  The  bride  wore 
linsey  petticoats  and  a  linsey  gown,  coarse  shoes,  stock- 
ings and  buckskin  gloves.  If  there  were  any  buckles, 
rings,  buttons  or  ruffles,  they  were  the  relics  of  old  times 
that  had  descended  to  the  present  possessors.  A  caval- 
cade was  formed  for  the  purpose  of  marching  to  the 
place  of  ceremony  in  double  file,  through  narrow  paths 
which  perhaps  were  rendered  worse  by  the  ill-will  of 
neighbors  who  had  felled  trees  or  tied  grape-vines 
across  the  way.  Sometimes  an  ambuscade  was  formed 
by  the  wayside,  and  an  unexpected  discharge  of  guns 
covered  the  party  with  smoke.  Imagine  the  scene  which 
followed,  the  sudden  spring  of  the  horses  and  the 
shrieks  of  the  girls!  At  this  period  of  provincial 
life,  another  ceremony  often  took  place  before  the 
party  reached  the  house  of  the  bride.  When  within  a 
mile  of  their  destination  two  young  men  would  run  for 
the  bottle.  The  worse  the  path,  the  more  logs,  brush 
and  deep  hollows,  the  better.  The  start  was  announced 
by  an  Indian  yell,  and  logs,  brush  and  hollows  were 
speedily  passed  by  the  rival  ponies.  The  first  to  reach 
the  door  was  presented  with  the  prize,  which  he  took 
back  in  triumph  to  the  company.  The  bottle  was  first 
given  to  the  groom  and  his  attendants,  and  then  to  each 
pair  in  succession,  to  the  end  of  the  line.  The  marriage 
ceremony  was  followed  by  a  dinner,  during  which  the 
greatest  hilarity  always  prevailed.  Then  followed  danc- 
ing that  generally  lasted  until  the  next  morning.  If 
any  of  the  company  through  weariness  attempted  to 
conceal    themselves   for  sleep,   they  were   sought   out, 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  ^ 

paraded  on  the  floor,  and  the  fiddler  was  ordered  to  play 
"  Hang  On  Till  To-Morrow  Morning." 

About  nine  or  ten  o'clock  a  deputation  of  the  young 
ladies  stole  away  the  bride  and  put  her  to  bed ;  gen- 
erally, they  had  to  ascend  a  ladder  instead  of  stairs  lead- 
ing from  the  dining  and  ball-room  to  the  loft.  This 
done,  a  deputation  of  young  men  in  like  manner  stole 
away  the  groom  and  placed  him  by  the  side  of  his  bride. 
The  dance  continued,  and  if  seats  were  scarce,  every 
young  man  not  engaged  in  the  dance  was  obliged  to 
offer  his  lap  as  a  seat  for  one  of  the  girls,  which  was 
always  accepted.  In  the  midst  of  this  hilarity  the  bride 
and  groom  were  not  forgotten.  "Black  Betty,"  the 
name  for  the  bottle,  was  sent  up  the  ladder,  and  not  in- 
frequently was  accompanied  with  bread,  beef,  pork  and 
cabbage  enough  for  at  least  half  a  dozen  hungry  men. 
The  couple  were  compelled  to  eat  and  drink  whatever 
was  offered  to  them. 

Inexpressibly  coarse  and  shocking  as  all  this  is  to 
modern  ears,  the  mode  of  celebrating  the  event  fitted 
into  the  social  arrangements  and  ideas  existing  among 
the  dwellers  on  the  frontier.  Yet  criticise  them  as  one 
may,  in  the  sterling  qualities  of  life,  in  purity  and 
honesty  of  character,  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence 
whereon  to  found  an  unfavorable  judgment  compared 
with  those  living  in  the  longer  settled  parts  of  the 
Province. 

In  many  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  a  cabin  was  often 
built  for  a  newly  married  couple  by  their  neighbors.  A 
piece  of  land  was  selected,  and  a  day  appointed  for  be- 
ginning the  work.  One  party  felled  the  trees  and  cut 
them  at  proper  lengths ;  another  hauled  and  arranged 
them,  while  another  selected    proper  trees  for  making 


-j !  6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

clapboards  for  the  roof.  Other  men  were  employed  in 
getting  puncheons  for  the  floor  of  the  cabin,  which  was 
done  by  splitting  trees  about  eighteen  inches  in 
diameter,  and  hewing  the  faces  with  a  broadaxe.  Ma- 
terials were  mostly  prepared  on  the  first  day,  and  some- 
times a  foundation  was  laid  in  the  evening.  The  next 
day  the  neighbors  assembled  for  the  raising.  Four 
corner  men  were  selected,  who  notched  and  placed  the 
logs.  The  rest  of  the  company  supplied  them  with  the 
timbers.  Meanwhile  the  boards  and  puncheons  were 
collected  for  the  floor  and  roof,  so  that  when  the  cabin 
was  a  few  rounds  high,  the  process  of  laying  the  floor 
beean.  The  door  was  made  in  one  side  by  cutting  an 
opening  about  three  feet  wide,  secured  by  upright 
pieces  of  timber  three  inches  thick,  through  which 
holes  were  bored  into  the  ends  of  the  logs  to  pin  them 
fast.  A  large  opening  was  made  at  the  end  for  the  log 
chimney  which  had  a  back  and  jambs  of  stone.  In 
the  meantime  the  masons  worked,  filling  up  all  cracks  ; 
and  also  putting  in  the  back  and  jambs  of  the  chimney. 
When  finished  the  ceremony  of  housewarming  occurred 
before  the  young  couple  took  possession.  This  was  a 
whole  night's  dance  at  which  the  relatives  of  the  bride 
and  groom,  and  neighbors  were  present.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  young  couple  took  possession  of  their 

cabin. 

To  what  extent  the  practice  of  "bundling"  was  a 
feature  of  courtship  in  those  days  is  imperfectly  known. 
An  old  one  in  the  British  Isles  and  in  Holland,  it 
was  adopted  among  the  early  New  Englanders  to  pre- 
vent the  ill  consequences  of  sitting  in  cold  and  cheerless 
rooms.  It  was  not  an  all-the-year-round  custom,  but 
confined  solely  to  the  winter  season.     About  1756,  says 


SOCIE  TV,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  3  r  7 

Stiles,  Boston,  Salem,  Newport  and  New  York  resolved 
to  be  more  polite  than  their  ancestors,  and  forbade  the 
custom.  In  Pennsylvania  perhaps  it  was  never  so  gen- 
eral, owing  to  the  milder  climate,  but  was  longer  con- 
tinued. 

Another  phase  of  this  practice  sprung  from  necessity. 
Before  inns  became  common  and  when  a  house  con- 
sisted of  a  single  room,  the  traveler  was  often  obliged 
to  sleep  with  one  or  more  bed-fellows.  Numerous 
experiences  have  been  recorded  of  travelers  who  were 
thus  obliged  to  lodge  in  the  same  room  and  bed  with 
others.  In  many  cases  all  the  proprieties  that  the 
situation  permitted  were  observed  ;  in  other  cases  there 
were  great  departures  from  them. 

Section  II. 
Dress  and  Amusements. 

The  clothing  of  the  early  settlers  was  more  durable 
than  handsome.  In  the  beginning  the  reign  of  fashion 
was  unknown.  The  early  dress  of  the  people  of  the 
city  was  simple  and  made  of  strong,  coarse  material, 
cloth  and  deerskin  for  the  men,  and  linsey  and  worsted 
for  the  women  for  everyday  use.  The  best  clothing 
was  carefully  preserved  in  a  huge  chest  of  drawers. 
At  that  time  there  was  little  difference  between  the 
dress  of  the  Friends  and  of  other  people.  At  a  later 
day  the  Friends  adopted  sober  colors  to  resent  the 
extravagances  of  fashion. 

Amost  every  woman  was  a  spinner  and  weaver.  At 
a  later  period  women  wove  carpets  for  their  houses,  and 
were  as  proud  of  their  fabrics  as  any  manufacturer  is  of 
his  productions.  The  women  of  one  neighborhood  or 
township  vied  with  those  of  another  in  spinning,  weav- 


3 1 8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN  I  A . 

ing  and  dyeing  cloth.  One  hundred  knots  were  some- 
times spun  by  a  woman  ;  even  as  many  as  one  hundred 
and  thirty-five  knots  in  twelve  hours  have  been  re- 
corded. The  principal  fabric  was  a  warm,  durable 
cloth,  called  linsey,  composed  of  a  warp  of  flax  and  a 
filling  of  wool. 

Every  family  tanned  its  own  leather.  The  tan- vat 
was  a  large  trough  sunk  in  the  grouud.  Each  spring  a 
quantity  of  bark  was  obtained,  with  which  the  leather 
was  stained  and  pounded  on  a  block  of  wood  with  an  axe 
or  mallet.  Ashes  were  used  for  removing  the  hair. 
The  operation  of  currying  was  performed  by  a  drawing 
knife,  with  its  edges  turned  after  the  manner  of  a  curry- 
ing-knife.  The  leather  was  blackened  by  a  preparation 
made  of  soot  and  hog's  lard. 

Almost  every  family  had  its  own  tailor  and  shoe- 
maker. Those  unable  to  make  shoes,  could  make  shoe- 
packs.  Like  moccasins  these  were  a  single  piece  of 
leather,  except  the  tongue  piece  on  the  top  of  the  foot. 
To  the  shoepack  a  sole  was  sometimes  added.  The 
women  did  the  tailor  work. 

With  the  increase  of  wealth,  fashions  in  dress  began 
to  appear,  first  in  the  city  and  then  in  the  country. 
Leather  clothing  was  very  common  for  many  years,  and 
moccasins  held  their  supremacy  on  the  frontier  for  a 
period  after  the  Revolution.  During  the  French  and 
Indian  war,  large  quanties  of  foreign  goods  were  im- 
ported;  "half  silks"  and  calicoes  were  common,  also 
silk  bonnets,  silk  and  fine  linen  handkerchiefs;  indeed, 
almost  every  article  of  woman's  attire  was  of  foreign 
manufacture.  The  men  wore  jackets  and  breeches  of 
Bengal,  nankeen,  fustian,  black  everlasting  and  cotton 
velvet 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  3^ 

At  this  period  too  the  distinction  between  the  richer 
and  poorer  classes  began  to  emerge.  Household  furni- 
ture was  imported,  and  the  new  fashioned  and  old  fash- 
ioned people  were  daily  seen.  The  first  beginnings 
were  imperceptible,  and  tea  and  calico  were  perhaps  the 
initiatory  articles.  Tea  was  easily  brev/ed  and  made  a 
convenient  treat  on  an  afternoon's  visit,  and  calico  was 
a  light  simple  dress  that  would  bear  washing.  Home- 
spun could  not  compete  with  foreign  manufactures, 
that  could  be  purchased  in  the  city  or  country  stores  at 
low  figures,  and  often  on  credit. 

Notwithstanding  the  rise  of  class  distinctions,  cordial 
relations  contiued  to  exist  between  all.  This  was  as 
true  of  people  in  the  city  as  in  the  country.  An  ancient 
writer  says,  "  for  many  years  there  subsisted  a  common 
concord  and  benevolent  disposition  among  the  people 
of  all  denominations,  each  delighting  to  be  recipro- 
cally helpful  and  kind  in  acts  of  friendship  for  one 
another." 

Ere  long  the  distinction  between  the  dress  of  a 
gentleman  and  that  of  other  classes  became  clearly 
marked.  To  check  undue  assumption  by  tradesmen  in 
the  city  the  term  members  of  the  Leather  Apron  Club 
was  invented  and  applied  to  them.  While  at  work,  or 
when  going  abroad  on  week-days,  carpenters,  masons, 
coopers  and  blacksmiths  always  wore  a  leather  apron, 
covering  their  vest.  Buckskin  breeches,  check  shirts, 
and  a  red  flannel  jacket  were  the  common  garb  of  most 
workingmen,  and  men  and  boys  from  the  country  were 
seen  always  in  leather  breeches  and  aprons.  Felt  hats, 
coarse  leather  shoes  with  brass  buckles  and  wooden 
heels,  and  coarse  yarn  stockings  completed  their  dress. 
In  those  days  tailors,  shoemakers  and  hatters  waited  on 


320  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

their  customers  to  take  their  measures,  and  afterwards 
called  to  fit  the  partly  finished  garments. 

After  the  reign  of  fashion  began,  some  went  to 
extremes,  some  were  moderate,  but  only  a  few  men 
and  women  were  seen  representing  the  old-fashioned 
kind  of  people.  Watson  describes  a  young  lady  who 
purchased  in  Philadelphia,  in  1765,  a  pair  of  black 
velvet  wedding-shoes,  the  style  of  the  time,  and  putting 
them  on  in  her  chamber,  was  unable  to  descend  the 
stairway  because  the  cork  heels  were  so  high.  The 
seller  was  wholly  to  blame  for  this  unhappy  predica- 
ment. He  ought  to  have  instructed  her,  when  selling 
them,  that  the  approved  method  was  to  descend  the 
stairs  backwards,  for  though  not  an  especially  graceful 
movement,  it  was  free  from  peril. 

Wigs  were  worn  by  many  until  the  return  of  Brad- 
dock's  defeated  army.  The  soldiers  returned  to  Phila- 
delphia with  only  their  natural  hair,  although  they 
went  forth  all  bewigged  and  powdered  like  those  left  in 
the  city.  The  natural  mode  was  well  adapted  to 
military  life,  and  the  change,  though  arising  from 
necessity,  was  immediately  adopted  by  the  citizens. 
The  king  of  England,  too,  at  that  time  discarded  his 
wig,  and  his  example  was  rapidly  followed  by  the  Eng- 
lish people,  to  the  ruin  of  wig  makers.  Penn  attended 
carefully  to  his  wigs,  and  he  purchased  several  during 
his  short  stay  here.  They  were  made  of  horse  hair. 
When  wigs  were  universally  worn,  grey  wigs  were 
powdered,  and  for  that  purpose  were  frequently  sent  in 
a  wooden  box  to  the  barber  to  be  dressed  on  his  block- 
head. Brown  wigs  were  exempt  from  the  white  dis- 
guise. At  first  they  were  as  much  worn  by  genteel 
Friends  as  bv  other  people.     In  1719  Jonathan  Dick- 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  ^21 

inson,  a  Friend,  in  writing  to  London  fur  his  clothes, 
says:  "I  want  for  myself  and  my  three  sons,  each  a 
wig,  light  good  bobs."  The  perukes  of  that  time  were 
thus  described  :  ' '  Tyes,  bobs,  majors,  spencers,  foxtails 
for  men,  and  twists  and  curls  or  tates  for  women." 

The  abolition  of  wigs  was  followed  by  a  change  in 
the  mode  of  dressing  the  hair.  Among  women  espec- 
ially, it  was  prepared  in  a  wonderful  manner.  At  firsts 
curling  was  very  common.  Not  infrequently  a  four 
hours'  torture  was  required  to  produce  properly  crisped 
curls.  Wishing  to  be  inimitably  captivating,  and  un- 
certain of  securing  the  services  of  an  expert  at  the  time 
desired,  some  performed  the  operatiou  the  day  before 
and  then  slept  all  night  in  a  sitting  posture  to  prevent 
the  disarrangement  of  their  frizzles  and  curls.  Of 
course,  not  all  put  themselves  in  this  category.  Curl- 
ing was  succeeded  by  the  creation  of  some  foundation 
head-work  consisting  of  rollers,  over  which  the  hair 
was  combed  back  from  the  forehead.  These,  again, 
were  superseded  by  cushions  and  artificial  curl-work 
that  could  be  dressed  on  the  barber's  block  like  a  wig, 
leaving  the  lady,  in  the  meantime,  free  to  pursue  other 
pleasures.  The  hair  was  dressed  by  plaiting  it,  by 
cuing  and  clubbing,  and  by  wearing  it  in  a  black  silk 
sack  or  bag  adorned  with  a  large  black  rose.  With  the 
cues  belonged  frizzled  side  locks  and  toupees  of  the 
natural  hair,  or  a  long  tie  and  splice.  Such  was  the 
general  passion  for  the  longest  possible  whip  of  hair, 
that  sailors  and  boatmen  tied  theirs  in  eelskin  to  aid  its 
growth. 

Many  styles  of  hats  were  worn,  but  the  most  stylish  for 
men  were  gold-laced  cocked  hats.     Fur  hats  of  natural 
beaver  were  also  worn.     Whenever  an  apprentice  re- 
21 


322  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VANIA. 

ceived  his  freedom,  he  was  given  a  real  beaver  hat.  A 
common  hat,  called  a  felt,  was  made  of  wool.  Rorem 
hats  used  soon  after  the  Revolution,  consisted  of  fur 
fastened  on  wool  felts.  The  fashion  of  those  worn  by 
women  was  still  more  varied.  The  skimmer  hat,  made 
of  a  fabric  which  shone  like  silver  tinsel,  possessed  a 
very  small  flat  crown  and  big  brim.  Another  hat,  not 
unlike  this  in  shape,  was  made  of  horsehair,  woven  in 
flowers  and  called  the  horsehair  bonnet.  The  musk- 
melon  bonnets  had  numerous  whalebone  stiffeners  in 
front  of  the  crown  an  inch  apart  in  parallel  lines,  and 
presented  ridges  to  the  eye  between  the  bones.  The 
"calash  bonnet"  was  always  of  green  silk.  It  was 
worn  abroad,  covering  the  head,  but  in  a  room  was 
pushed  back  like  the  springs  of  a  calash  or  gig  top. 
To  keep  it  up  over  the  head,  it  was  drawn  up  by  a  cord, 
always  held  in  the  hand  of  the  wearer.  The  wagon- 
bonnet  was  of  black  silk,  and  was  used  exclusively  by 
the  Friends.  It  was  supposed  to  look  not  unlike  the 
top  of  a  Jersey  wagon,  and  had  a  curtain  of  silk  covering 
the  shoulders.  The  "straw  beehive"  bonnet  was  worn 
generally  by  old  people. 

The  coats  worn  in  the  beginning  were  very  simple, 
consisting  of  a  shirt  or  series  of  shirts  as  the  weather 
required.  In  the  summer-time  the  early  settler  wore  a 
shirt  of  linsey-woolsey  or  of  similar  material,  and  if  not 
warm  enough,  he  added  another  and  another,  and  so  on 
through  the  winter  until  sufficiently  clad  to  withstand 
the  stiffest  boreas.  It  thus  served  as  a  combination  of 
shirt,  undershirt,  coat  and  overcoat.  With  the  accumu- 
lation of  wealth  and  introduction  of  fashions  the  style 
of  coat  as  well  as  of  other  garments  changed.  The  coat 
of  the  beau  had  three  or  four  plaits  in  the  skirt,  with 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  323 

wadding  almost  like  a  coverlet,  to  keep  them  smooth  ; 
and  large  capes  to  the  elbows,  open  below,  and  inclined 
down,  and  loaded  with  lead.  The  capes  were  thin  and 
low,  to  expose  the  close  plaited  neck-stock  of  fine  linen 
cambric,  and  the  large  silver  stock-bnckle  on  the  back 
of  the  neck.  To  his  shirts  were  hand-rnffles,  with 
sleeves  finely  plaited;  his  breeches  were  close-fitting, 
with  silver,  stone  or  paste  gem  buckles ;  his  shoes  or 
pumps  were  ornamented  with  silver  buckles  of  various 
sizes  and  patterns.  The  poorer  classes  wore  sheep  and 
buckskin  breeches  that  fitted  closely  to  the  limbs.  Gold 
and  silver  sleeve  buttons  set  with  stones  and  paste  of 
various  colors  adorned  the  wrists  of  the  shirts  of  all 
classes.  L,ace  ruffles  extending  over  the  hand  were  a 
mark  of  indispensable  gentility.  The  coat  and  breeches 
were  generally  of  the  same  material,  broadcloth  for 
winter,  and  silk  camlet  for  summer.  Cotton  fabrics 
were  not  then  in  use,  or  known ;  and  hose  were  of 
thread  or  silk  for  summer  use,  and  of  fine  worsted  for 
winter.  Coats  of  red  cloth  were  considerably  worn 
even  by  boys,  and  plush  breeches  and  plush  vests  of 
various  colors  were  in  common  use.  Everlasting,  a 
worsted  fabric,  was  very  common  for  breeches,  and 
sometimes  for  a  vest.  The  vest  had  great  pocket  flaps, 
and  the  breeches  were  very  short,  for  suspenders  were 
unknown.  It  was  the  test  of  a  well  formed  man  that 
he  could  by  his  natural  form  readily  keep  his  breeches 
above  his  hips,  and  his  stockings,  without  garters, 
above  the  calves  of  his  legs.  There  was  nothing  like  a 
snrtout,  but  men  had  greatcoats  of  blue  cloth  and 
brown  camlet  cloaks  with  a  green  lining.  During  the 
time  of  the  American  war,  many  of  the  American 
officers  introduced  the  fashion  of  wearing  Dutch 
blankets  for  greatcoats. 


324  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

The  "small  clothes"  of  sailors  were  immense  white 
petticoat  breeches  wide  open  at  the  knees,  and  not  ex- 
tending further.  Working  men  in  the  country  wore 
the  same  kind  of  breeches,  made  so  full  that  they  were 
turned  around  when  the  seat  was  worn  out.  Among 
sailors  and  the  common  people  big  silver  brooches  were 
worn  in  the  bosom,  and  long  quartered  shoes  with  big 
buckles  in  the  extreme  front. 

In  the  summer  season  men  often  wore  calico  morning 
gowns  throughout  the  day,  even  in  the  streets.  A 
damask  banyan  was  almost  the  same  thing  with  another 
name.  Laboring  men  wore  ticklenburg  linen  for  shirts 
and  stripped  ticklen  breeches.  They  wore  gray  duroy 
coats  in  winter,  and  men  and  boys  always  wore  leather 
breeches. 

In  the  olden  time  men  used  to  carry  muffetees  in 
winter.  It  was  a  little  woolen  muff  of  various  colors, 
large  enough  to  admit  both  hands,  and  long  enough  to 
protect  the  wrists,  for  men  wore  short  sleeves  to  their 
coats  to  display  their  fine  linen  and  plaited  shirt  sleeves 
with  their  gold  buttons  and  lace  ruffles.  The  sleeve 
cuffs  were  very  wide,  and  leads  were  put  in  them  to 
make  them  hang  down. 

The  shoe  underwent  many  changes  from  the  moccasin 
worn  by  the  first  settler  to  the  elegant  and  dainty  shoe 
worn  within  a  century  afterward.  Before  the  Revolu- 
tion no  hired  man  or  woman  wore  shoes  of  calfskin,  but 
used  coarse  neat  leather.  The  shoes  were  square  toed 
and  often  "double  channelled;"  then  the  fashion 
changed  to  peaked  shoes,  and  ever  since  it  has  varied 
from  the  one  kind  to  the  other.  Calfskin  shoes  had  a 
wide  rand  of  sheepskin  stitched  into  the  top  edge  of  the 
sole,  which  was  kept  white  as  a  dress  shoe  as  long  as 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  325 

possible.  Ladies'  shoes  were  made  mostly  of  white  or 
russet  rands  stitched  very  fine  on  the  rand  with  white 
waxed  thread.  The  heels  were  wood,  gold,  crosscut, 
common  and  cork,  followed  by  the  plug  and  wedge  or 
spring  heel.  Sole  leather  was  all  worked  with  the  flesh 
side  out.  In  the  earlier  time  the  materials  of  the  uppers 
were  common  wool  and  cloth,  or  coarse  curried  leather ; 
afterwards  cashmere,  everlasting,  shalloon,  russet  and 
similar  stuffs  were  used.  Some  were  of  satin  and 
damask  ;  others  of  satin  lasting  and  Florentine. 

In  the  surrounding  counties  the  dress  was  somewhat 
different.  The  first  settlers,  and  those  succeeding  them 
wore  a  strong  coarse  kind  of  dress,  with  buckskin  for 
breeches,  and  sometimes  for  jackets;  while  osenbrig 
made  of  hemp-tow  was  much  used  for  boys'  shirts.1  A 
wool  hat,  strong  shoes  with  brass  buckles,  two  linsey 
jackets  and  a  leather  apron  formed  an  ordinary  stock 
of  winter  apparel.  This  kind  of  dress  was  common 
among  the  laboring  people  until   1750  and  even  later. 

On  the  frontier  one  of  the  forms  of  dress  commonly 
worn  was  the  hunting-shirt.  This  was  a  kind  of  loose 
frock,  reaching  half  way  down  the  thighs,  having  large 
sleeves,  opening  in  front,  and  lapping  over  a  foot  or 
more  when  belted.  To  this  was  a  large  cape,  sometimes 
handsomely  fringed  with  a  ravelled  piece  of  cloth  of  a 
contrasting  color.  The  bosom  of  the  dress  served  as  a 
wallet  to  hold  bread,  cakes,  jerk,  tow  or  other  things 
needful  for  the  hunter  or  warrior.  The  belt  was  tied 
behind  and  served  several  purposes  besides  that  of  hold- 
ing the  dress  together.  In  cold  weather  the  mittens  and 
sometimes  the  bullet-bag  occupied   the  front  part.     To 

1  Sometimes  flax  and  flax  and  tow  were  used  for  that  purpose,  and 
coarse  tow  for  trousers. 


326  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  right  side  was  suspended  the  tomahawk,  and  to  the 
left  the  scalping-knife  in  its  leather  sheath.  The  hunt- 
ing-shirt was  usually  made  of  linsey,  sometimes  of  coarse 
linen,  and  a  few  of  dressed  deerskin.  A  pair  of  drawers 
or  breeches  and  leggins  covered  the  thighs  and  legs, 
and  for  the  feet,  moccasins  of  dressed  deerskin  were 
better  than  shoes.  Flaps  were  left  on  each  side  to  reach 
some  distance  up  the  legs.  They  were  nicely  adapted 
to  the  ankles  and  lower  part  of  the  leg  by  thongs  of 
deerskin,  so  that  no  dust,  gravel  or  snow  could  get 
within.  In  cold  weather  the  moccasins  were  stuffed 
with  deer's  hair  or  dry  leaves,  to  keep  the  feet  warm  ; 
to  wear  them  in  wet  weather  was  a  decent  way  of  going 
barefoot,  because  of  the  spongy  texture  of  the  leather. 
In  consequence  largely  of  defective  covering  of  the 
feet,  hunters  and  warriors  were  often  afflicted  with 
rheumatism. 

Leaving  the  more  plainly  dressed  people  of  the 
country  for  those  in  the  city,  a  description  may  be  given 
of  the  beau  as  he  appeared  in  1772.  On  his  head  was  a 
vast  quantity  of  hair  standing  on  end,  "giving  him  the 
appearance"  says  an  old  chronicler,  "of  being  fright- 
ened." His  hair  was  loaded  with  powder  and  pomatum, 
"all  little  enough  too  to  keep  any  degree  of  light  or 
heat  in  the  few  brains  scattered  about  the  cavities  of  the 
soft  skull  it  covered."  The  rest  of  his  dress  consisted 
chiefly  of  French  silk,  gold  lace,  fringe,  silk  stockings, 
a  hat  and  feather,  and  sometimes  a  cockade.  He  wore 
a  diamond  ring,  carried  a  snuffbox  and  a  scented  hand- 
kerchief, and  managed  a  cane.  His  employment  was  to 
present  his  snuff  box,  wield  his  cane,  show  his  white 
teeth  in  a  perpetual  grin,  "to  say  soft  things  in  every 
sense  of  the  word  "  to  ladies,  and  to  follow  them  every- 
where like  their  shadow. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  337 

A  picture  of  a  fashionable  couple  walking  in  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia  at  an  earlier  period  is  given  by 
Watson.  The  lad)-  tripped  lightly  on  her  dainty  feet, 
cased  in  satin  slippers.  She  wore  a  flowered  silk  petti- 
coat, so  enlarged  by  hoops  that  it  required  great  skill  to 
get  through  an  ordinary-sized  doorway.  Her  too  tightly 
laced  stomacher  was  richly  ornamented  with  gold  braid; 
the  sleeves  were  short  and  edged  with  wide  point  lace, 
which  fell  in  graceful  folds  near  the  wrist.  At  this 
time  her  hair  was  no  longer  propped  up  by  wires  and 
cushions,  but  dropped  in  curls  on  her  neck.  Cherry 
color  was  then  the  prevailing  fashion  of  the  light  silk 
hood  that  protected  her  head.  The  parasol  was  not  yet 
known,  but  the  fan  was  in  use.  The  gentleman  by 
her  side  was  quite  unable  to  offer  her  the  support  of  his 
arm  because  the  great  size  of  her  skirts  as  well  as  his 
own  prevented,  for  his  square-cut  coat  of  lavender  silk 
was  stiffened  out  at  the  sides  with  wire  and  buckram. 
It  opened  in  such  a  manner  as  to  show  the  long  flapped 
waistcoat  with  wide  pockets  for  carrying  the  snuff-box 
and  the  bonbonniere.  The  sleeves  were  short,  with 
rounded  cuffs,  and  his  hands  were  covered  with  gold- 
fringed  gloves.  Around  his  neck  was  a  point  lace 
cravat,  and  over  his  tight  wig  he  wore  a  cocked  hat 
trimmed  with  gold  lace.  His  feet  were  enclosed  in 
square-toed  shoes  with  small  silver  buckles.  His 
partridge- silk  stockings  reached  above  his  knees,  where 
they  met  his  light  blue  silk  breeches.  Thus  attired, 
this  pair  of  walking  balloons  started  on  their  tour 
through  the  streets.  At  a  short  distance  behind  walked 
the  gentleman's  valet  and  the  lady's  maid.  He  wore  a 
black  hat,  brown  colored  coat,  a  stiiped  waistcoat  with 
brass  buttons,  leather  breeches,  worsted  stockings  and 


328  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

stout  shoes  with  brass  buckles.  The  maid's  dress  was 
of  huckaback,  made  short.  The  skirts  were  not  so 
ample  as  those  of  her  mistress,  yet  were  somewhat 
puffed  out,  in  humble  imitation  of  her  high  and  mighty 
superior.  Her  costume  was  somewhat  set  off  by  a 
white  apron,  a  silk  neckerchief  and  a  net  cape.  This 
quartette  must  have  presented  a  striking  appearance  in 
the  plain  city  of  Philadelphia,  which  still  bore  many  of 
the  marks  of  a  town  in  the  wilderness. 

Perhaps  not  far  away  was  a  tradesman  with  his  wife. 
His  coat  was  of  stout  gray  cloth,  trimmed  with  black, 
while  his  gray  waistcoat  half  concealed  his  serviceable 
leather  breeches.  Worsted  stockings  and  leather  shoes 
protected  his  feet.  His  wife  wore  a  chintz  dress  made 
up  in  fashionable  style,  with  the  indispensable  hoops  of 
the  day.  A  checked  apron  extended  over  her  stomacher 
and  concealed  the  bright  petticoat. 

Among  the  Friends  the  plainest  women  wore  silk 
aprons  of  green,  blue  and  other  colors.  In  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  the  gay  wore  white  ones. 
In  time  the  white  aprons  disappeared  from  the  gentry, 
and  then  the  Friends  discarded  colored  ones  and  sub- 
stituted white.  The  old  ladies  among  the  Friends  who 
wore  white  aprons  covered  their  heads  with  large, 
white,  almost  crownless  beaver  hats,  confined  by  silk 
cords  tied  under  the  chin.  Eight  dollars  would  buy 
one,  and  it  lasted  a  lifetime. 

Women  often  went  abroad  and  to  church  wearing 
checked  aprons.  Hired  women  wore  short  gowns  and 
petticoats  of  domestic  fabric,  and  thus  could  be  instantly 
recognized  wherever  seen. 

Fans  were  used  before  the  Revolution,  and  some 
costly  ones  were  made  of  ivory  and   pictured   paper. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  329 

Among  elderly  gentlemen,  gold-headed  canes  were  a 
mark  of  distinction.  They  were  used  in  the  churches 
and  other  public  places  to  support  the  chin;  in  truth, 
this  was  only  done  to  show  them.  The  pride  thus  dis- 
played was  of  the  same  kind  as  that  shown  by  the 
owners  of  gold  snuff-boxes  who  freely  proffered  their  con- 
tents to  others.  Silas  Deane  had  one  given  to  him,  set 
in  diamonds,  that  he  was  very  proud  of  displaying. 
Many  of  the  younger  men  wore  short  swords.  Children 
and  working  women  often  wore  beads  made  of  Job's 
tears, — the  berry  of  a  shrub, — believing  they  prevented 
diseases.  In  1771  umbrellas  were  introduced  as  a  defence 
from  the  sun.  Some  of  the  journals  of  the  day  ridiculed 
their  use  as  an  effeminacy,  but  physicians  advised  the 
people  to  carry  them.  One  of  the  citizens,  after  amass- 
ing a  great  fortune  in  the  West  Indies,  appeared  abroad, 
attended  by  a  mulatto  boy  bearing  his  umbrella ;  but 
his  example  was  not  followed. 

The  men  of  former  days  never  wore  Mohammedan 
whiskers.  Watson  remarks  that  perhaps  men  of  leisure 
could  be  endured  who  wore  them,  but  not  business 
men,  and  that  during  business  hours  especially  they 
ought  to  be  "  unbobbed  and  uncorseted."  Intellectual 
men  were  rarely  found  in  this  array  unless  possessed  of 
some  obliquity  of  imagination  and  taste. 

Amusements  in  the  early  days  were  somewhat  rough, 
though  hardly  rougher  than  some  of  the  sports  of  our 
most  advanced  civilization.  "Among  people  in  the  city 
shooting,  fishing  and  sailing  parties  were  frequent,"  says 
"Watson,  "while  respectable  citizens  much  indulged  in 
glutton  clubs,  fishing  houses  and  country  practice."  All 
classes  were  sociable  until  the  conflict  with  Great 
Britain  sent  every  man  to  his  own  ways.     The  discord 


330  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

created  by  that  event  was  never  fully  allayed ;  but  all 
changed  rapidly  their  manners,  thoughts  and  associa- 
tions. For  a  long  time  the  amusements  of  the  young 
people  of  the  city  were  of  the  simplest  kind.  To 
those  already  mentioned  may  be  added  riding,  swim- 
ming and  fishing.  While  "going  to  meeting"  should 
not  be  classed  as  an  amusement,  it  surely  was  a  pious 
recreation  for  the  young  Quakers.  The  annual  meeting 
in  1716  advised  the  Friends  to  keep  aloof  "  from  plays, 
games,  lotteries,  music  and  dancing."  In  1722  there 
was  an  exhibition  "of  the  Czar  of  Muscovia's  country 
seat,  with  its  gardens,  walks,  fountains,  fish  ponds 
and  fish  that  swim."  Two  years  afterward  the  first 
rope-dancer  astonished  the  town  with  a  performance  on 
Society  Hill. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  recreations  was  known 
as  the  porch  amusement.  After  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  the  houses  were  usually  built  with  a 
front  porch,  where  it  became  customary  for  the  ladies 
of  the  family  to  sit  in  pleasant  weather  at  the  close  of 
the  day.  Neighbors  called,  while  beaux  with  swords, 
silk  ties  and  stockings,  powdered  wigs,  and  square-cut 
coats,  lifted  while  passing  their  three-cornered  hats  to 
the  fair  ones. 

Numerous  small  shows  were  given  from  time  to  time 
in  the  city.  "  The  lion,  king  of  beasts,"  was  advertised 
for  exhibition  in  1727.  Ten  years  later  a  curious  cat 
came  to  town,  having  one  head,  eight  legs  and  two 
tails.  Then  came  a  mechanical  contrivance  of  moving 
figures,  representing  Joseph's  dream.  In  1744  "a  beau- 
tiful creature,  but  surprising  fearless,  called  a  leopard" 
was  exhibited  in  Market  Street,  and  the  same  year  "a 
strange  and  surprising  creature  called  a  mouse,  about 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  ^\ 

the  bigness  of  a  horse.  It  lias  a  face  like  a  mouse,  ears 
like  an  ass,  neck  and  back  of  a  camel,  hind  parts  like  a 
horse,  tail  like  a  rabbit,  and  feet  like  a  heifer."  In 
1740  the  camel  was  exhibited  ;  two  years  later  there 
was  a  magic  lantern  exhibition,  and  in  1745  a  camera 
obscura. 

In  1738  Theobald  Hackett,  dancing  master,  opened  a 
dancing  school,  advertising  to  teach  "all  sorts  of  fash- 
ionable English  and  French  dances,  after  the  newest 
and  politest  manner  practiced  in  Loudon,  Dublin  and 
Paris;  and  to  give  all  young  ladies,  gentlemen  and 
children  the  most  graceful  carriage  in  dancing,  and 
genteel  behavior  in  company,  that  can  possibly  be  given 
by  any  dancing  master  whatever."  A  dancing  assem- 
bly was  formed  in  the  city,  and  an  association  for 
musical  purposes  ;  they  also  gave  parties  and  balls. 
In  1761  John  Walsh  advertised  that  he  taught  "dancing 
in  all  its  parts,  after  the  most  elegant  tastes,  together 
with  the  masquerade  and  Spanish  fandango." 

The  country  folk  indulged  in  athletic  games;  wrest- 
ling, running  or  shooting  at  a  mark  were  the  sports 
wherein  each  strove  for  honorable  fame.  Boys  were 
taught  to  throw  the  tomahawk,  and  to  imitate  the 
cries  of  the  creatures  of  the  forest  with  a  fidelity  that 
would  deceive  the  most  practiced  ear.  Ruder  sports, 
however,  were  not  infrequently  practiced,  and  quarrels 
and  fist-fighting  were  common  among  the  lower  classes 
of  people.  Often  these  grew  out  of  a  free  use  of  rum  at 
sales,  frolics,  and  in  hay-time  and  harvest.  Duels  were 
rarely  fought. 

From  an  early  day  a  great  variety  of  amusements  was 
practiced  at  the  fairs  held  both  in  the  city  and  in  small 
places.     In  the  early  days  of  the  Province,  when  the 


332 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


people  had  fewer  opportunities  for  meeting  together, 
these  occasions  were  of  far  more  consequence  than  now. 
The  theatre  grew  slowly;  Henry  Hallam,  called  the 
"father  of  the  American  stage,"  was  the  projector  of  a 
company  of  poor  players  who  came  to  the  new  world,  and 
appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1754.  Though  the  leading 
city  in  America,  Hallam  encountered  a  strong  opposi- 
tion. The  Friends  were  hostile  and  influential,  and  the 
Presbyterians  had,  if  possible,  still  greater  horror  of 
"profane  stage-plays."  If  the  Germans  were  not  op- 
posed, at  least  they  were  indifferent  to  the  theatre. 
Besides,  Philadelphia  was  proud  of  its  scientific  and  lit- 
erary pre-eminence.  The  lectures  of  Professor  Kinnersly 
on  electricity  and  his  practical  experiments  were  re- 
garded as  more  instructive  and  entertaining  than  an 
exhibition  of  stage-plays  by  a  company  of  strolling 
players.  Notwithstanding  this  unfavorable  atmosphere, 
the  first  American  play,  "The  Prince  of  Parthia,"  was 
produced  in  1759  by  Thomas  Godfrey  of  Philadelphia. 
Seven  years  afterward  the  Southwark  Theatre  was 
built,  and  was  used  for  dramatic  representations  until 
the  beginning  of  the  present  century.  The  first  perma- 
nent structure  of  the  kind  built  in  America,  it  was  ill 
contrived  both  without  and  within.  It  was  built  of 
brick  and  painted  a  bright  red,  and  the  stage  was 
lighted  with  oil  lamps.  It  was  not  opened  without  op- 
position. A  remonstrance  was  presented  to  the  Assem- 
bly, and  a  committee  prepared  an  address  to  the  gov- 
ernor that  was  unfavorably  received.  Governor  Penn 
answered  that  he  would  consider  the  remonstrance  and 
*>ct  agreeably  to  his  judgment  "without  regard  to  per- 
sons, or  parties."  As  he  did  not  interfere  with  the 
players,  i.v,e  remonstrance  was  in  truth  disregarded. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  333 

After  the  colonies  had  fairly  started  on  their  wondrous 
career  they  were  a  fresh  and  interesting  field  for 
travelers.  The  English  and  French  were  the  most 
frequent,  and  many  wrote  letters,  journals  and  books 
describing  the  manners,  customs,  dress  and  lives  of  the 
people.  Like  modern  books  of  travel,  some  were 
hastily  prepared,  colored  with  prejudice,  and  showing 
inappreciation  and  ignorance  of  colonial  life  and  its 
conditions.  Other  accounts  were  careful  pieces  of  work. 
Among  these  are  the  travels  of  a  Swedish  professor, 
Kalm,  who  visited  the  province  in  1748,  and  who  left  a 
valuable  account,  especially  of  the  land,  its  cultivation, 
and  of  all  matters  possessing  more  especially  a  scientific 
interest.  Chastellux  was  a  Frenchman  unable  to  per- 
ceive the  good  things  in  colonial  life.  Another  French- 
man, Brissot,  who  came  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution, 
wrote  a  very  different  work,  in  which  he  upbraids  his 
countryman  more  than  once  for  his  superficial  and 
prejudiced  account  of  things.  Brissot  met  the  best 
people  of  Pennsylvania,  and  through  them  obtained 
correct  ideas  concerning  their  lives,  manners  and  pros- 
perity. With  the  Friends  especially  he  was  pleased. 
Simplicity,  candor  and  good  faith  characterized  their 
lives  as  well  as  their  discourse.  They  were  not  affected, 
but  were  sincere  ;  they  were  not  polished,  but  were 
humane.  They  had  not  that  wit,  that  sparkling  wit, 
without  which  a  man  was  nothing  in  France^  and 
with  which  he  was  everything;  but  they  had  good 
Sense,  sound  judgment,  an  upright  heart,  and  an  oblig- 
ing temper  of  mind.  "  If  I  wished  to  live  in  society,  it 
would  be  with  the  Quakers ;  if  I  wished  to  amuse 
myself,  it  would  be  with  my  countrymen.  And  their 
women,  you  ask,  what  are  they?     They  are  what  they 


334  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

should  be  ;  faithful  to  their  husbands,  tender  to  their 
children,  vigilant  and  economical  in  their  households, 
and  simple  in  their  ornaments.  Their  principal  char- 
acteristic is  that  the}'  are  not  eager  to  please  all  the 
world." 

Of  criticism  and  caricaturing  of  men  and  things 
there  was  no  lack.  To  "crack  the  satiric  thong"  on 
the  offenders  of  the  day  was  much  in  vogue  during  the 
closing  years  of  the  Province.  One  was  cracked  by  a 
teacher  in  the  Academy  named  Dove,  who  dared  to 
"wash  the  Blackmoor  white,"  meaning  Judge  Moor. 
Another  denounced  the  Friends  for  promoting  Indian 
ravages  in  the  time  of  their  association  for  preserving 
peace.  Judge  Peters,  who  had  been  Dove's  pupil, 
described  him  as  "a  sarcastical  and  ill-tempered  dog- 
gerel izer,  who  was  but  ironically  Dove,  for  his  temper 
was  that  of  a  hawk,  and  his  pen  the  beak  of  a  falcon 
pouncing  on  innocent  prey." 

Section  III. 
The  Revolutionary  Period. 

During  the  Revolution,  society  passed  through  many 
changes,  but  English  fashions,  which  had  been  so  long 
followed,  still  retained  their  magical  power.  Near  the 
close  of  the  struggle,  the  French  had  become  so  highly 
esteemed  and  were  so  numerous  in  the  country,  that 
French  fashions  began  to  supplant  the  English.  Besides, 
the  French  fashions  were  more  graceful,  and  ardent 
devotees  suffered  less  physically  from  adopting  them. 

With  the  change  in  fashions  one  of  the  first  things  to 
go  was  the  three-cornered  hat.  By  1778  it  was  replaced 
with  the  gold-laced  hat,  which  in  turn  gave  way  to  the 
round  hat  that  first  appeared  in   England  during  the 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  335 

Revolution.  Within  eleven  years  it  had  pushed  the  old 
cocked  hat  entirely  out  of  fashion. 

Then  the  square-cut  coat  and  low  flapped  waistcoat 
passed  through  a  transformation.  Cloth  of  various 
colors  replaced  the  richly  embroidered  silk,  satin  and 
velvet.  The  stiffening-  was  taken  out  of  the  skirts  and 
the  waists  were  shortened.,  All  this  was  in  the  direction 
of  a  plainer  and  cheaper  garb. 

The  knee  breeches  were  gradually  replaced  by 
trowsers.  During  the  Revolution  General  Lee  indulged 
in  a  furious  correspondence  over  a  charge  attributed  to 
Miss  Franks  that  he  "wore  green  breeches  patched  with 
leather."  He  assured  her  that  he  wore  "  actually  legiti- 
mate sherryvallies,  such  as  his  Majesty  the  King  of 
Poland  wears,"  who  had  made  more  fashions  "than 
all  the  knights  of  the  Mischianza  put  together,  notwith- 
standing their  beauties."  This  doughty  warrior,  who 
was  so  much  more  interested  in  his  breeches  than  in 
fighting  the  enemy,  proposed  to  fortify  his  word  by 
sending  them  to  her.  When  Lee  learned  that  Miss 
Franks  had  never  had  the  slightest  interest  in  the 
color  of  his  breeches,  his  fury  calmed  down  and  in  due 
time  he  made  an  elaborate  apology.  Lee  is  not  the  first 
man  who  has  worked  himself  up  into  an  hysterical 
mood  over  some  fancied  remark  of  a  man  or  woman, 
and  the  breeches  episode  is  a  good  proof  of  Lee's  greater 
interest  in  little  things  than  in  the  grave  matters  of 
war.  The  reader  may  wonder  how  such  a  fop  ever 
secured  a  position  in  the  army,  and  especially  such  a 
responsible  one,  but  let  us  not  forget  that  wire-pulling 
and  politics  abounded  in  the  Revolution,  as  they  have 
in  every  subsequent  war,  notwithstanding  the  gravity 
of  the  occasion. 


336  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  the  hair  was  pow- 
dered and  tied  in  a  long  queue,  and  shoes  were  fastened 
with  silver  buckles.  The  queues  and  buckles  disap- 
peared by  the  close  of  the  century,  but  in  1782  a  farmer 
complains  bitterly  of  the  fashions  still  raging.  He  says 
that  his  eldest  son  having  spent  some  weeks  in  the  city 
has  come  home  "a  mere  baboon,"  a  choice  name  surely 
to  apply  to  a  beloved  son.  His  hair  is  besprinkled  with 
powder,  as  white  "  as  that  of  an  old  man  eighty  years  of 
age;"  a  pair  of  ruffles  reaches  from  his  waistbands  to 
the  extremity  of  his  nails ;  a  strip  of  gold  lace  encircles 
his  hat,  while  a  huge  stock  is  worn  around  his  neck 
containing  "muslin  enough  to  be  his  winding-sheet." 
To  complete  his  dress,  "a  long  piece  of  cold  iron,  called 
a  sword,  dangles  by  his  side."  Doubtless  the  reader  will 
readily  excuse  the  old  farmer  for  thinking  that  his 
son's  dress  was  not  well  adapted  to  working  in  the  field 
or  milking  cows  ;  and  the  farmer's  surprise  may  indeed 
be  excused.  What  a  change  from  the  primitive  leather- 
breeches  days ! 

Amid  the  conquests  of  fashion  the  Friends  had  re- 
mained loyal  to  their  principles  concerning  dress.  A 
French  traveler  in  1788  who  perhaps  was  inclined  to 
paint  everything  in  too  favorable  colors,  thus  describes 
the  Quaker  dress :  "  a  round  hat,  generally  white,  cloth 
coat,  cotton  or  woolen  stockings,  no  powder  on  the  hair, 
which  is  cut  short.  He  carries  in  his  pocket  a  little 
comb,  and  on  entering  a  house,  if  his  hair  is  disordered, 
he  combs  it  before  the  first  mirror  that  is  seen.  " 

Perhaps  the  French  Revolution  effected  greater 
changes  in  the  dress  of  women  than  in  the  dress  of  men. 
One  of  the  most  marked  was  in  hair-dressing.  As  we 
have  seen,  in  the  earlier  seventies  the  hair  was  displayed 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  337 

in  toupee  and  curls.  Then  it  began  to  rise  in  various 
forms  by  means  of  flowers,  feathers  and  artificial  hair, 
pads,  rolls  and  other  appliances,  until  the  distance  from 
a  woman's  brow  to  the  top  of  her  head-dress  was  nearly 
three  feet.  This  sky-towering  feat  was  not  ac- 
complished at  a  single  venture,  but  by  gradual  as- 
cents. The  needful  skill  was  slowly  acquired,  and 
the  mind  was  insensibly  accustomed  to  the  display. 
Nor  need  the  reader  be  reminded  that  this  arrangement 
was  intended  for  the  drawing-room  and  fair  weather, 
and  not  for  a  gale  of  wind  or  a  rain-storm.  Under  the 
influence  of  French  fashion  the  huge  pile  was  reversed, 
the  height  was  lessened  and  the  expansion  was  lateral. 
The  hairy  mountain  was  still  visible,  the  form  only 
was  changed.  An  east  and  west  view  was  deemed 
more  graceful  than  a  perpendicular  one;  fashion  is  so 
peculiar!  Timothy  Pickering  wrote  to  his  wife:  "I 
mention  to  you  the  enormous  head-dresses  of  the  ladies 
here.  The  more  I  see  the  more  I  am  displeased  with 
them.  'Tis  surprising  how  they  fix  such  loads  of 
trumpery  on  their  polls ;  and  not  less  so  that  they  are 
by  any  one  deemed  ornamental.  The  Whig  ladies 
seem  as  fond  of  them  as  others.  I  am  told  by  a  French 
gentleman  they  are  in  true  French  taste,  only  that  they 
want  a  few  French  feathers.  The  married  ladies,  how- 
ever, are  not  all  infected."  A  hardened  critic  in  1779 
thus  writes  of  them:  "Ladies  are  accused  of  robbing 
their  breasts  of  gauze,  cambric  and  muslin  for  the  use 
of  their  heads,  with  quilts  or  supernumerary  upper  petti- 
coats for  cushions,  pomatum,  powder  and  essence  above; 
their  heads  tower  to  the  extremity  of  the  fashion;  be- 
low, a  single  petticoat  leaves  them  as  lank  as  rats." 
The  change  to  French  fashions  was  a  change  in  the 
22 


238  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

for  a  considerable  period  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
of  some  settlements.  Thus  the  people  in  York  County 
were  obliged  for  several  years  to  cross  the  Susquehanna 
with  their  grain,  and  make  a  long  journey  to  reach  a 
mill.1 

Before  many  years,  the  exportation  of  flour  began, 
especially  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the  milling  business 
proved  to  be  very  profitable.  The  exportation  of  flour 
was  regulated  by  the  Assembly,  that  body  prescribing 
the  size  of  the  casks,  the  quantity  to  be  put  in  them, 
their  storage,  and  the  kind  of  punishment  to  be  admin- 
istered to  those  who  should  mix  any  improper,  unwhole- 
some ingredient  in  flour.  Millers,  bolters  and  bakers 
were  required  to  provide  brand-marks,  and  wagons  for 
conveying  flour  were  to  be  covered.  The  counterfeiting 
of  brand-marks  was  punishable  ;  and  inspectors  were 
specially  appointed  to  execute  the  law. 

Next  to  the  grain-mill,  the  saw-mill  was  of  the  highest 
importance.  These  were  needed  to  prepare  timber  for 
erecting  buildings.  At  first,  hand-sawyers  were  em- 
ployed, a  and  in  Bucks  County  no  saw-mills  existed 
before  1730.  In  1760,  the  assessors  for  the  County  of 
Philadelphia  reported  forty  saw-mills.  Oak,  hickory, 
walnut  and  other  lumber  was  sawed  near  the  city,  or 
rafted  down  the  Delaware.  In  early  days  lumber  con- 
veyed from  Middletown  down  the  Susquehanna,  and 
down  other  streams,  was  always  abundant  in  the  Phila- 
delphia market.     Saw-mills  speedily  multiplied  along 

1  Gibson's  York  Co.,  p.  20. 

2  They  received  for  their  labor  for  sawing  pine  boards,  7  shillings 
per  100.  The  price  for  the  same  labor  in  1705  was  10  shillings,  which 
would  indicate  an  increased  demand  for  lumber.  Boards  were  then 
10  shillings  per  100 ;  shingles  10  shillings  per  1000 ;  timber  6  shill- 
ings per  ton,  and  wheat  4  shillings  a  bushel. 


MANUFACTURES.  239 

the  rivers  in  the  in-'erior  where  timber  abounded,  and 
many  of  them  w^e  owned  by  the  industrious  German. 
L,ar«e  quantity  of  staves,  heading  and  shingles,  planks 
and  board?  were  exported. 

Flour  and  saw-mills  were  twins   in  this  flourishing 

Produce.     The  trees  were  large  and  abundant,  enough 

Se-mingly  for  all  ages,  yet  hardly  an  original  monarch  of 

he  forest  is  now  alive.     The  State  has  suffered  greatly 

m  conseqnence  of  ruthless  forest  butchery,  regardless  of 

Penn's  far-seeing  provision  for  retaining  a  fifth  of  the 

forest  lands.     Had  not  coal  been  discovered  at  an  early 

day,  the   State    would   have    been  stripped    still   more 

closely  of  its  woody  mantle. 

A  portion  of  the  corn  and  other  produce  of  the  land 
was  consumed  in  the  manufacture  of  beer.  The  brew- 
ing business  was  begun  early,  and  regulated  by  law. 
By  one  of  Penn's  first  laws  every  person  who  became 
drunk  was  required  to  pay  five  shillings,  or  work  five 
days  in  the  house  of  correction  at  hard  labor,  and  to 
live  on  bread  and  water  only.  For  a  second  offence  the 
penalty  was  doubled.  For  health-drinking  a  fine  of 
five  shillings  for  every  offence  was  imposed.  The  price 
of  strong  beer  and  ale  was  fixed  at  twopence,  and  beer 
made  of  molasses,  at  a  penny  a  quart.  In  those  days 
beer  was  a  very  common  drink;  the  tavern  license  had 
fixed  the  prices  of  food  and  lodgings,  and  prescribed 
that  a  meal  should  not  cost  more  than  seven  and  a  half 
pence,  consisting  of  "beef  or  pork,  or  such  like  pro- 
duce of  the  country  and  small  beer."  At  the  session  in 
1684  the  Assembly  increased  the  price  of  beer  to  three 
pence  per  Winchester  quart.  Laws  also  relating  to 
adulteration  were  passed,  and  imposed  a  fine  on  those 
who  were  guilty  of  adulterating  rum,  brandy  and  other 
spirits  by  the  admixture  of  water  and  other  liquors. 


240  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Brewing  gained  a  firm  place  in  Pennsylvania,  but 
somewhat  declined  in  consequence  of-,  the  importation 
of  rum,  and  the  domestic  distilling  of  grain.  Ardent 
spirits  became  so  cheap  that  tl>e  desire  for  alcoholic 
beverages  increased.  The  beverage  then  soi^  under 
the  name  of  beer  had  nothing  in  common  with  :nalt 
liquors,  as  neither  malt  nor  hops  was  consumed. 
Beer  was  simply  fermented  molasses,  honey  or  sugar. 
Governor  Gordon,  in  his  address  to  the  Assembly  in 
1713,  deplored  the  decline  of  the  brewing  industry. 
When  the  Province  was  young,  it  excelled  all  others  in 
the  quality  of  its  beer;  as  a  consequence  of  the  decline 
in  brewing,  the  cultivation  of  hops  was  neglected.  To 
encourage  the  industry,  the  Assembly,  in  1713,  imposed 
a  duty  of  threepence  per  pound  on  imported  hops, 
except  those  imported  from  Delaware  and  the  Jersej's. 
The  encouragement  thus  given  to  brewing  was  offset 
the  same  year  by  imposing  a  tapster's  excise  on  malt 
liquors  to  the  amount  of  one  penny  per  gallon,  which 
was  discontinued  in  17 18. 

In  1722  further  action  was  taken,  and  the  use  of 
rum  was  discouraged  by  adding  a  penny  on  every 
gallon  of  imported  molasses.  Another  motive  for  doing 
so  was  to  substitute  malt  liquors  for  the  molasses  beer. 
To  this  end  the  Assembly  passed  an  act  "  for  encourag- 
ing the  making  of  good  beer,  and  for  the  consumption 
of  grain."  After  setting  forth  that  the  use  of  molasses 
and  other  saccharine  substances  in  brewing  had  hin- 
dered the  consuming  of  malt,  and  thereby  discouraged 
the  raising  of  barley,  a  penalty  was  imposed  on  any 
brewer  or  retailer  of  beer  who  used  molasses,  coarse 
sugar  or  honey.  The  law-makers  separated  the  sale  of 
beer  from  the  liquor  traffic  by  empowering  justices  of 


MAN  UFA  CTURES. 


241 


the  peace  to  grant  separate  licenses  to  exporters,  and  to 
ale  houses,  on  the  condition  that  no  wine,  brandy,  nun 
or  other  distilled  liquors,  mixed  or  unmixed,  should  be 
sold  in  such  places. 

The  collection  of  an  excise  on  liquors  sold  under 
twenty-five  gallons,  imposed  by  the  law  of  1720,  was 
attended  with  great  difficulty.  In  rural  places  this  was 
quite  impossible.  In  grain  producing  districts,  the  sur- 
plus grain  was  largely  converted  into  spirits,  and  sold  or 
bartered  for  other  things.  To  collect  the  excise  would 
have  required  a  costly  revenue  service.  So  generally 
was  the  law  violated,  that  in  1733  further  legislation 
was  enacted  to  prevent  an  evasion  of  the  law. 

In  1724,  not  many  years  after  the  erection  of  iron 
furnaces,  an  attempt  was  made  to  regulate  the  liquor 
traffic  in  the  neighborhood  of  these  places.  The  sale 
of  ardent  spirits  to  iron  workers  had  proved  "  very  pre- 
judicial and  injurious"  to  employers  as  well  as  to  their 
men.  The  sale  of  it,  therefore,  was  forbidden  within 
two  miles  of  any  furnace  without  a  license  or  permit 
recommended  by  the  majority  of  the  owners.  This  re- 
striction did  not  apply  to  ale  houses  licensed  under  the 
act  for  encouraging  brewing.  At  a  later  period  the  sale 
of  strong  liquors  was  prohibited  within  two  miles  of 
any  muster-field  or  drill-ground. 

The  superabundance  of  grain,  and  cheapness  of  rum, 
led  to  much  intemperance,  which  culminated  in  the 
Rush  Temperance  movement.  As  every  farmer  dis- 
tilled spirits  for  his  own  use  and  also  for  his  workmen, 
who  were  often  paid  in  whiskey  instead  of  money,  the 
drinking  habit  rapidly  spread.  With  the  general  man- 
ufacture and  use  of  ardent  spirits,  the  brewery  industry 
made  no  progress.  When  Acrelius  wrote,  he  remarked 
16 


342  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

dentists,  wits  and  idiots.  The  next  day  the  idolized 
stranger  is  not  known  in  the  street,  except  that  he  be 
wealthy,  especially  in  money,  when  indeed  the  polite- 
ness of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  continues  to  exist 
as  long  as  the  stranger  can  purchase  estates,  and  even 
beyond  that  term — for  the  homage  paid  to  wealth  is  a 
worship  in  which  all  sects  unite." 

The  noble  Frenchman  relieves  his  picture  somewhat 
by  his  fine  words  concerning  the  women.  Everywhere 
they  possessed  the  highest  degree  of  virtue.  "  They  have 
more  sweetness  and  more  goodness,  at  least  as  much 
courage,  but  more  sensibility  than  the  men."  Good 
wives  and  mothers  they  were ;  their  husbands  and 
children  and  household  affairs  engaged  their  entire 
attention.  The  young  women  too  enjoyed  a  liberty 
which  in  France  "  would  seem  disorderly "  in  going 
alone  and  walking  with  young  men,  enjoying  in  short 
the  liberty  of  a  French  married  woman,  nor  was  it  ever 
abused.  Thus  from  a  primitive  simple  condition, 
society  had  grown  to  be  complex  and  highly  stratified, 
and  wealth  had  already  wrought  wonders  in  building  up 
a  social  supremacy.  Yet  we  must  guard  against  errors 
in  foreign  judgments,  as  they  were  generally  founded  on 
narrow  premises.  Most  of  these  visitors  were  here 
only  a  short  period  ;  they  dined  with  a  few,  talked  with 
others ;  but  it  is  easy  to  go  wrong  on  interiors  unless 
one  sees  them,  and  they  never  saw  many.  Nor  is  the 
judgment  true  that  money-worship,  as  we  now  under- 
stand the  term,  had  already  been  set  up,  nor  had  the 
city  become  inhospitable.  Long  famed  for  its  hospi- 
tality, its  sincerity  and  good  cheer,  we  are  loth  to 
believe  that  its  character  had  so  soon  and  so  radically 
changed. 


SOCIE  T}  \  DRESS  AND  A  MUSE  MEN  1 S.  343 

The  flooding  of  the  country  with  imports  after  the 
close  of  the  war  led  to  an  era  of  extravagance  that 
brought  no  little  suffering  in  its  train.  "An  honest 
farmer"  has  left  an  artless  picture  of  the  insidious  way 
in  which  luxury  crept  into  his  household.  For  these 
many  years  it  has  lain  in  the  dusty  Packet  gallery, 
unnoticed,  apparently,  by  any  seeker  after  knowledge 
of  that  time.  He  begins  by  saying  that  all  the  country 
was  afflicted  as  well  as  himself,  all  too  were  telling  their 
grievances,  but  not  how  their  troubles  came  on  them. 
It  was  common  for  people  to  throw  the  blame  of  their 
misdeeds  on  others,  or  at  least  to  excuse  their  own  con- 
duct. As  he  was  "an  honest  man,"  he  could  not  in 
conscience  say  that  any  one  had  brought  his  trouble  on 
him  but  himself.  "Hard  times,  no  money,  says  every- 
one. A  short  story  of  myself  will  show  you  how  it 
came  hard  times,  and  no  money — with  me,  at  the  age 
of  sixty-five,  who  have  lived  well  these  forty  years.  My 
parents  were  poor,  and  they  put  me  at  twelve  years  of 
age  to  a  farmer,  with  whom  I  lived  till  I  was  twenty- 
one  ;  my  master  fitted  me  off  with  two  stout  suits  of 
homespun,  four  pair  of  stockings,  four  woolen  shirts, 
and  two  pair  of  shoes — this  was  my  whole  fortune  at  my 
setting  out  in  the  world,  and  I  thought  it  a  good  one  at 
twenty-two.  I  married  me  a  wife,  and  a  very  working 
young  woman  she  was  ;  we  took  a  farm  of  forty  acres 
on  rent ;  by  industry  we  gained  ahead  fast.  I  paid  my 
rent  punctually  and  laid  by  money.  In  ten  years  I  was 
able  to  buy  me  a  farm  of  sixty  acres,  on  which  I 
became  my  own  tenant.  I  then  in  a  manner' grew  rich 
and  soon  added  another  sixty  acres,  with  which  I  was 
content.  My  estate  increased  beyond  all  account.  I 
bought  several  lots  of  out-land  for  my  children,  which 


344  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

amounted  to  seven  when  I  was  forty-five  years  old. 
About  this  time  I  married  my  oldest  daughter  to  a 
clever  lad  to  whom  I  gave  one  hundred  acres  of  my  out- 
land.  This  daughter  had  been  a  working  dutiful  girl, 
and  I  fitted  her  out  well,  and  to  her  mind,  for  I  told  her 
to  take  of  the  best  of  my  wool  and  flax,  to  spin  herself 
gowns,  coats,  stockings  and  shifts  ;  nay,  I  suffered  her 
to  buy  some  cotton  and  make  into  sheets,  as  I  was 
determined  to  do  well  by  her.  At  this  time  my  farm 
gave  my  whole  family  a  good  living  on  the  produce  of 
it,  and  left  me  one  year  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
silver  dollars,  for  I  never  laid  out  (besides  my 
taxes),  more  than  ten  dollars  a  year  which  was  for 
salt,  nails  and  the  like.  Nothing  to  wear,  eat  or 
drink  was  purchased,  as  my  farm  provided  all. 

"With  this  saving  I  put  money  to  interest,  bought 
cattle,  fatted  and  sold  them,  and  made  great  profit,  in 
two  years,  after  my  second  daughter  was  courted.  My 
wife  says,  Come,  father,  you  are  now  rich,  you  know 
Molly  had  nothing  but  what  she  spun,  and  no  other 
clothing  has  ever  come  into  our  home  for  any  of  us. 
Sarah  must  be  fitted  out  a  little,  she  ought  to  fare  as 
well  as  neighbor  N — 's  Betty — I  must  have  some  money 
and  go  to  town.  Well,  wife,  it  shall  be  as  you  think 
best :  I  never  was  stingy,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  what 
we  spin  at  home  will  do.  However,  wife  goes  down  in 
a  few  days,  and  returns  with  a  calico  gown,  a  calamanco 
petticoat,  a  set  of  stone  tea-cups,  half  a  dozen  pewter- 
tea-spoons,  and  a  tea-kettle,  things  that  were  never  seen 
in  my  home  before ;  they  cost  but  little,  I  did  not  feel 
it,  and  I  confess  I  was  pleased  to  see  them.  Sarah  was 
as  well  fitted  out  as  any  girl  in  the  township.  In  three 
years  more  my  third  daughter  had  a  spark,  and  wed- 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  345 

ding  being  concluded  upon,  wife  comes  again  for  the 
purse,  but  when  she  returned,  what  did  I  see!  a  silken 
gown,  silk  for  a  cloak,  looking-glass,  china  tea-gear, 
aud  a  hundred  other  things  with  the  empty  purse,  but 
this  was  not  the  worst  of  it.  Some  time  before  the 
marriage  of  this  last  daughter  and  ever  since,  this 
charge  increased  in  my  family;  besides  all  sort  of  house- 
hold furniture  unknown  to  us  before,  clothing  of  every 
sort  is  bought,  and  the  wheel  goes  only  for  the  purpose 
of  exchanging  our  substantial  cloths,  of  flax  and  wool, 
for  gauze,  ribbons,  silk,  tea,  sugar,  etc.  My  butter, 
which  used  to  go  to  market  and  brought  money,  is  now 
expended  on  the  tea-table  ;  my  time  of  breakfast,  which 
used  to  take  ten  minutes  in  eating  milk,  or  pottage 
made  of  it,  now  takes  my  whole  family  an  hour  at  tea 
or  coffee;  my  lambs,  which  used  also  to  bring  cash,  are 
now  eaten  at  home,  or  if  sent  to  market,  are  brought 
back  in  things  of  no  use,  so  that,  instead  of  laying  up 
one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  every  year,  I  find  now  all 
my  loose  money  is  gone,  my  best  debts  called  in  and 
expended,  and,  being  straitened,  I  can't  carry  on  my 
farm  to  good  advantage  and  it  costs  me  to  live  (though 
less  in  family  and  all  able  to  work)  fifty  or  sixty  dollars 
a  year  more  than  all  my  farm  brings  me.  Now  this 
has  gone  on  a  good  many  years  and  has  brought  hard 
times  into  my  family,  and  if  I  can't  reform  it  ruin  must 
follow,  and  my  land  must  go.  I  am  not  alone;  thirty  in 
our  township  have  gone  hand  in  hand  with  me  and 
they  all  say — hard  times." 

The  old  farmer  then  says  to  the  editor:  "I  don't 
know  how  you  live;  may  be  you  are  more  frugal  now 
than  we  are,  as  all  of  us  used  to  be."  But  he  declares 
that  he  is   still    master  of  his  home   and   that   he   is 


34 6  HISTOR Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

determined  to  mend  his  ways.  He  will  live  as  he  did 
twenty  years  before,  when  he  laid  up  one  hundred  and 
fifty  dollars  a  year.  "No  one  thing  to  eat,  drink  or 
wear  shall  come  into  my  home  which  is  not  raised  on 
my  farm,  or  in  the  township,  or  in  the  country,  except 
salt,  and  iron  work  for  repairing  my  buildings  and 
tools — no  tea,  sugar,  coffee  or  rum.  The  tea  shall  be 
sold.  I  shall  then  live  and  die  with  a  good  conscience ; 
my  taxes,  which  appear  now  intolerable,  will  then  be 
easy ;  my  younger  children  and  my  grandchildren  will 
see  a  good  example  before  them,  and  I  shall  feel  happy 
in  seeing  a  reform  of  abuse  which  has  been  growing  on 
me  more  than  twenty  years."  x 

We  have  given  this  lengthy  picture  because  it  brings 
us  so  near  those  days.  It  is  not  an  isolated  one,  for  he 
says  that  thirty  farmers  in  his  owu  township  were 
suffering  like  himself  and  from  the  same  causes. 
Indeed,  the  evidence  is  abundant  that  for  a  few  years 
after  the  Revolution  all  classes  seem  to  have  abandoned 
their  old  habits  of  frugality  and  supplying  their  wants 
by  their  own  exertions,  and  as  the  farmers  were  by  far 
the  most  numerous  class  their  complainings  were  more 
frequently  heard.  Their  situation  was  worsened  by  the 
falling  off  of  exports,  and  a  shrinkage  in  prices.  Of 
course,  this  finally  led  to  a  return  to  more  economical 
ways  of  living.  The  old  farmer  was  right,  and  clearly 
saw  that  to  recover  he  must  spend  less  and  save  more; 
and  he  and  thousands  of  others  by  their  resolute  course 
rescued  themselves. 

The  taxes  bore  with  unusual  heaviness  while  the 
depression  lasted  ;  everywhere  murmurings  were  heard 
over  their  weight,  for  they  diminished  the  living  fund 

'Packet,  Oct.  6,  1786. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  347 

and  increased  suffering.  Though  this  weight  would  not 
have  been  felt  and  noticed  in  prosperous  times,  they 
now  seemed  to  many  a  serious  blight  011  their  prosperity 
and  contentment. 

Another  consequence  of  luxury  was  soon  observable, 
yielding  pleasure  to  neither  sex,  the  growth  of  bach- 
elorhood. The  difficulty  was  not  one  simply  of  support ; 
something  more  was  wanted,  style  in  living.  "Wed- 
lock, in  short,"  said  one,  was  "perverted  from  all  its 
good  old  purposes  to  a  mere  scheme  of  splendor  and 
parade."  "All  onr  matches  nowadays,"  he  asserts,  "are 
calculated  upon  a  luxury  beyond  what  was  enjoyed  be- 
fore. It  is  thought  ungenteel  not  to  be  able  to  make  a 
wife  appear  in  public  with  some  kind  of  taste  and  pomp, 
and  therefore  it  is  thought  more  convenient  to  avoid 
matrimony."  *  This  ebbing  of  the  matrimonial  tide 
was  much  greater  in  the  city  than  in  the  country,  but 
everywhere  sprang  from  the  same  causes.  The  desire 
for  more  expensive  dress  and  other  luxuries  competed 
with  the  pleasures  of  married  life,  and  the  balance  fell 
more  and  more  on  the  former  side.  Luxury,  therefore, 
was  a  usurper,  as  viewed  by  men,  into  the  domain  of 
matrimonial  felicity,  though  the  statement  would  not 
be  complete  without  adding  that  the  desire  of  women 
"to  appear,"  as  a  writer  expresses  the  idea,  "in  greater 
lustre  in  the  world,"  also  deterred  the  men  from  marry- 
ing. The  same  causes  produced  the  same  results  on 
both  sides ;  in  other  words,  the  old  trite  question  was 
faced  by  them  that  has  been  faced  by  most  of  the  gen- 
erations of  men,  If  you  cannot  have  everything,  what 
will  you  have?     The  situation  had  greatly  changed  since 

1  The  writer  adds  :     "It  is  incredible  how  many  matches  have  been 
put  by  for  the  want  of  a  coach,  or  an  elegant  tea-room." 


348  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  earlier  day,  before  luxuries  had  become  so  numer- 
ous and  inviting;  for  in  that  day  the  opposing  scale  of 
marriage  was  much  lighter,  and  consequently  marriages 
were  far  more  numerous. 

The  desire  for  luxuries,  finer  living,  was  closely  allied 
with  the  desire  "  for  a  town  and  genteel  life."  A 
writer  who  did  not  mince  his  words  remarked  that  men 
would  choke  before  they  succeeded  in  the  way  they  were 
then  seeking  for  these  things.  Indolence  and  brilliant 
dress  he  reiterated  were  the  constituent  parts  of  a 
gentleman.  So  many  had  successfully  attempted  to  get 
into  this  mode  of  life  that  poverty  began  to  disturb  the 
peace  of  all.  Yet  was  he  not  right  in  saying  that  a  new 
country  can  support  only  a  small  number  of  its  inhabi- 
tants in  mercantile  and  learned  professions?  Neverthe- 
less, the  profession  of  the  law  was  greatly  overcrowded; 
one  quarter  of  the  number  of  attorneys  could  easily  have 
transacted  all  the  business.  And  yet  young  men  were 
crowding  into  the  profession  "as  though  the  whole 
community  would  live  by  practising  law."  In  truth, 
there  were  "not  much  more  than  two  cases  each  court 
to  a  lawyer  in  a  county."  In  the  medical  profession 
the  physicians  were  almost  as  numerous  as  the  patients, 
yet  almost  every  practitioner  had  two  or  three  pupils 
studying  with  him  "  and  all  complaining  that  it  is  such 
healthy  times  they  cannot  get  a  living  by  their 
business."  ' 

The  forming  and  hardening  of  classes  wrought  many 
changes  in  society  and  industry.  It  is  said  that  in 
India  a  person  who  is  not  a  member  of  a  caste  would  be 
absolutely  helpless,  shut  out  of  all  society.  To  be  a 
member  of  a  caste  is  an  essential  part  of  existence.     In 

1  Packet,  June  13,  1786. 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  349 

the  early  provincial  days  either  the  caste  system  or  any 
stratification  akin  to  classes  was  unknown  ;  all  were 
helpful  to  each  other,  for  all  were  on  nearly  the  same 
plane  of  dependence  and  material  condition.  But  it 
was  inevitable  that  differences  should  appear — differ- 
ences in  mental  and  moral  temperament,  in  taste  and 
education,  in  physical  surroundings  derived  from  un- 
equal prosperity.  The  possessor  of  fine  taste  and  educa- 
tion could  find  no  more  pleasure  in  the  society  of  a  boor 
in  that  day  than  he  can  in  ours.  The  possessor  of  a  fine 
moral  sense  sought  to  escape  from  the  society  of  a 
coarse  vicious  man  as  eagerly  as  a  trout  darts  away  from 
any  impurity  in  a  stream. 

In  1788  a  writer  divided  the  social  strata  then  exist- 
ing into  the  cream,  the  new  milk,  the  skim  milk  and 
the  canaille ;  and  asserts  that  in  private  parties  and  in 
public  meetings  the  distinctions  were  accurately  pre- 
served. The  cream  curdled  into  a  small  group ;  the 
new  milk  floated  between  the  wish  to  coalesce  with  the 
cream  and  to  escape  from  the  skim  milk;  while  the  skim 
milk  in  a  fluent  kind  of  independence  laughed  at  the 
anxiety  of  the  new  milk  and  grew  sour  on  the 
arrogance  of  the  cream.  Hence,  he  asserted  that 
the  concerts  and  assemblies  had  lost  their  charm,  "for 
the  superiority  established  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
mortifications  felt  on  the  other  seem  to  have  produced 
this  resolution  ;  that  never  again  shall  the  ears  of  cream 
and  new  milk  listen  to  the  same  melody,  or  their  feet 
caper.  Notwithstanding  these  variances,"  he  adds, 
"each  class  imitates  its  immediate  superior,  and  from 
the  conduct  of  one  you  may  easily  conceive  the  conduct 
of  all." 

The  theatre  had  been  under  the  ban  ever  since  1774, 


35o  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

when  Congress  declared  that  the  members  would  dis- 
courage every  kind  of  extravagance  and  dissipation, 
especially  horse-racing,  all  kinds  of  gaming,  cock-fight- 
ing, exhibitions  of  shows,  entertainments,  and  all  other 
diversions  and  amusements.  The  American  theatre  in 
South  Street  was  closed  and  silent  until  the  British  took 
possession  in  1777.  After  the  retaking  of  the  city  the 
Southwark  theatre  remained  open  for  a  time,  when  Con- 
gress resolved  that  any  person  holding  an  office  under  the 
United  States  who  should  promote  or  encourage  the  at- 
tendance at  such  places  should  be  deemed  unworthy  of 
office  and  be  dismissed.  And  this  resolution  was  soon 
after  fortified  by  the  sanction  of  the  State. 

Notwithstanding  this  prohibition,  performances  of 
various  kinds  were  given,  and  at  the  same  time  the  war 
for  opening  the  theatres  was  begun.  One  plan  was  to 
open  and  tax  them.  The  newspapers  ranged  them- 
selves on  both  sides;  the  Friends  presented  a  memorial 
to  the  Executive  council  in  opposition.  In  this  it  was 
remarked  that  "  the  nature  and  tendency  of  these  exhibi- 
tions, unhappily  introducing  a  variety  of  intemperance, 
dissoluteness  and  debauchery,  must  necessarily  affect 
every  pious,  judicious  mind  with  real  concern,  and 
excite  a  tender  compassion  toward  unwary  youth,  whose 
minds,  becoming  vitiated  by  a  taste  of  delusive  pleasures, 
grow  indisposed  to  the  regular,  laudable  and  virtuous 
satisfaction  of  domestic  and  social  life,  and  are  often 
gradually  drawn  into  infidelity  and  corrupt  principles, 
of  which  experience  has  given  abundant  proof  in  those 
places  where  such  ensnaring  amusements  are  allowed 
and  encouraged."  The  Friends  concluded  by  calling 
on  the  Council  "  to  put  an  entire  stop  to  the  undertak- 
ing, however  plausibly  disguised  to  elude  the  penalties 
of  the  law." 


SOCIETY,  DRESS  AND  AMUSEMENTS.  3^ 

Neither  State  nor  Council  was  yet  ready  to  throw 
open  the  doors  of  the  theatre.  In  the  meantime  plays 
were  performed  in  disguise.  Thus  one  of  the  advertise- 
ments consisted  of  "lectures — being  a  mixed  entertain- 
ment of  representation  and  harmony."  It  was  to  con- 
sist of  three  parts.  The  first  part  was  "a  serious  inves- 
tigation of  Shakespeare's  morality,  illustrated  by  his 
most  striking  characters,  faithfully  applied  to  the  task  of 
mingling  profit  with  amusement."  The  second  part 
was  i(a  practical  introduction  to  a  display  of  characters, 
comic  and  satiric,  in  which  those  light  follies  and 
foibles  that  escape  more  serious  animadversion  will 
be  exposed  to  the  lash  of  ridicule,  and  a  scene  of  inno- 
cent mirth  be  opened  to  the  heart  without  sacrificing 
sense  to  laughter  or  decency  to  wit."  The  third  part 
was  a  "dissertation  on  the  passions,  showing  the  different 
complexions  they  assume."  The  advertisement  was  a 
very  thin  cover  of  a  play,  and  it  was  evident  that  the 
spirit  of  the  law  was  utterly  disregarded.  Yet  it  re- 
mained on  the  statute-book,  and  every  year  an  attempt 
was  made  to  repeal  it.  Finally  in  1789,  an  act  was 
passed  authorizing  the  president  of  the  Executive 
Council  and  the  chief  justice  and  president  of  the  court 
of  common  pleas,  or  either  of  them,  to  license  theatrical 
entertainments  for  three  years,  while  unauthorized  ex- 
hibitions were  to  be  fined  ^200.  Thus,  after  long  per- 
sisting, theatrical  managers  prevailed  in  gaining  the 
right  to  present  their  plays  without  violating  the  law. 
The  Assembly  Committee  of  1787  did  indeed  report  in 
favor  of  a  total  repeal  of  the  inhibition,  for  "they  had 
been  led  to  contemplate  the  stage  as  the  great  mark  of 
genius,  and,  as  such,  a  natural  and  necessary  concomi- 
tant of  our  independence.     We  have  cast  off  a  foreign 


352  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

yoke  or  government;  but  shall  we  still  be  dependent 
for  those  productions  which  do  most  honor  to  human 
nature  until  we  can  afford  due  encouragement  and  pro- 
tection to  every  species  of  our  own  literature?" 
But  two  years  more  must  pass  before  a  majority  of  the 
Assembly  are  ready  or  bold  enough  to  vitalize  this 
opinion. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

RELIGION. 

Section  I. 

The  Provincial  Period. 

To  the  thoughtful  of  every  age  religion  has  been  a 
question  of  transcendent  import,  and  nothing  of  its 
gravity  was  lost  by  the  speech  and  conduct  of  William 
Penn.  From  early  manhood  his  liberty  to  worship  God 
in  the  manner  revealed  by  the  highest  light  he  knew 
had  been  restrained  by  the  cold  and  unfeeling  arm  of 
civil  power.  Twice  imprisoned  for  his  religious  belief, 
constantly  seeking,  and  often  successfully,  to  secure 
freedom  for  others  who  had  been  proscribed  or 
imprisoned  for  a  similar  cause,  by  much  experience 
Penn  had  learned  the  worth  of  religious  liberty.  At 
last,  acquiring  an  empire  of  his  own,  he  planted  therein 
his  dearly  cherished  principles,  which,  quickened  by  a 
more  genial  sun  than  had  ever  warmed  them  before, 
sprang  up  and  joyfully  grew.  The  first  law  enacted  by 
Penn  established  liberty  of  conscience,  whereby  man 
could  think  and  worship  as  freely  as  the  waters  of  the 
Delaware  ran  to  the  sea.  So  this  broad-minded,  far- 
seeing  founder  established  freedom  of  religious  thought 
and  belief  on  a  basis  broad  as  the  heavens  ;  broad  enough 
for  men  of  all  nations  and  climes. 

No  wonder  that  the  people  of  the  old  world,  having 
suffered  long  from  public  oppression,  by  sword,  by 
23  (353) 


354  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

pillage  and  by  fire,  eagerly  embraced  Perm's  invitation 
to  join  him  in  building  such  a  State.  No  wonder,  too, 
that  they  came  in  ever-increasing  numbers ;  for  having 
given  his  life  to  resist  civil  and  religious  tyranny,  lie 
had  a  wider  European  reputation  than  any  other  man 
who  had  come  to  America. 

That  the  leading  object  with  many  of  the  early 
settlers  was  to  enjoy  their  religious  rights  no  one  will 
dispute.  "Our  business  in  this  new  land,"  wrote  one 
soon  after  coming,  "  is  not  so  much  to  build  houses  and 
establish  factories  and  promote  trade  and  manufactures 
that  we  may  enrich  ourselves,  as  to  erect  temples  of 
holiness  and  righteousness  which  God  may  delight  in  ; 
to  lay  such  lasting  frames  and  foundations  of  temper- 
ance and  virtue  as  may  support  the  superstructures  of 
our  future  happiness." 

For  many  years  the  Friends  were  the  religious  leaders 
in  the  Province.  Outnumbering  all  others,  and  led  by 
Penn,  a  mighty  impetus  was  given  to  the  Quaker 
movement.  Besides  the  English,  many  Welsh  and 
Germans  who  had  adopted  the  same  belief  hastened  to 
join  the  migration  to  America.  Of  the  Scotch-Irish, 
Germans  and  Huguenots  drawn  to  Pennsylvania  by  the 
powerful  attractions  offered  by  Penn,  we  have  spoken 
elsewhere. 

Most  of  the  earlier  settlers  were  religious,  chiefly 
Friends,  Presbyterians,  German  Reformed  and  Luth- 
erans. As  Penn's  gracious  shade  was  sufficient  to  cover 
all,  there  was,  also,  a  large  and  interesting  assortment 
of  unique  beliefs;  no  other  Province  sheltering  so  great 
a  variety.  Hither  came  all  religious  oddities  who,  for 
the  first  time,  were  free  to  fly  in  an  undisturbed  atmos- 
phere their  religious   kites.      This   modern   pantheon, 


RELIGION.  355 

erected  by  a  Friend,  drew  for  a  generation  a  more  varied 
concourse  of  religious  worshippers  than  any  other  place 
in  the  world. 

Penn's  legislation  indicated  clearly  his  profound 
religious  belief.  Some  of  his  laws  savored  strongly  of 
restricting  action,  though  not  accompanied  by  severe 
penalties  like  the  blue  laws  of  New  England.  They 
forbade  profane  swearing,  lying,  drunkenness,  bull- 
baiting,  cock-fighting,  theatrical  exhibitions,  card  play- 
ing and  the  like.  On  the  first  day  of  the  week  all  were 
to  abstain  from  daily  labor  that  "  they  might  better  dis- 
pose themselves  to  worship  God  according  to  their 
understandings. "  Litigation  was  prevented  by  the 
appointment  of  arbitrators,  and  controversies  between 
Friends  were  adjusted  by  their  monthly  meetings. 
Well  might  the  freemen  exclaim,  after  enacting  these 
laws,  "This  is  the  best  day  we  have  ever  seen  ;"  and 
another  said,  "  We  may  worship  God  according  to  the 
dictates  of  a  Divine  principle,  free  from  the  mouldy 
error  of  tradition.  Here  we  may  thrive  in  peace  and 
retirement  in  the  lap  of  unadulterated  nature  ;  here  we 
may  improve  an  unsound  course  of  life  on  the  virgin 
Elysian  shore." 

One  of  the  marked  characteristics  of  Penn's  legisla- 
tion was  his  regard  for  the  Indians.  Genuine  believers 
in  peace,  the  Friends  brought  no  weapons  of  war  to 
America.  If  tradition  be  believed,  the  Indians  assem- 
bled fully  armed  under  the  Shackamaxon  tree,  while 
the  Friends  had  neither  gun  nor  sword.  Yet  into  the 
presence  of  that  motley  throng  which  might  easily  have 
overwhelmed  them,  the  Friends  came  without  the 
slightest  fear.  Seeing  them  unarmed  the  Indians  threw 
down  their  tomahawks,  bows  and  arrows.     Never  be- 


356  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

fore  had  the  Indians  beheld  such  a  scene.  No  wonder 
they  were  impressed  by  Penn  as  they  had  never  been 
by  the  Dutch  and  Swedes  whom  they  had  seen  with 
their  guns  during  fifty  years  or  more. 

The  constitution  framed  by  Penn  harmonized  with 
the  views  of  the  Friends;  and  in  council  and  Assembly 
they  shared  fully  in  serving  the  State.  Indeed,  for  a 
long  time  the  civil  offices  were  filled  mostly  by  them. 
So  long  as  Penn  stayed  in  the  Province  the  proceedings 
of  the  council,  over  which  he  presided,  were  opened  not 
with  prayer,  but  in  solemn  silence  after  the  manner  of 
the  Friends. 

The  test  of  citizenship  and  for  holding  office  provided 
that  no  person  confessing  an  Almighty  God  to  be  the 
creator,  upholder  and  ruler  of  the  world,  and  desiring 
to  live  peaceably  under  civil  government,  should  be 
molested  or  prejudiced  for  his  persuasion  and  practice, 
nor  should  be  obliged  at  any  time  to  frequent  or  main- 
tain religious  worship,  but  should  freely  enjoy  his 
liberty.  By  another  law  all  officers  of  the  Province,  as 
well  as  electors,  were  required  to  profess  faith  in  Jesus 
Christ.  These  laws  were  active  for  more  than  ten 
years,  no  one  either  in  the  Province  or  in  England 
complaining  of  their  operation.  During  Fletcher's  rule, 
he  summoned  a  General  Assembly  whose  members,  be- 
fore assuming  their  duties,  were  required  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  prescribed  by  the  act  of  Parliament, 
and  to  subscribe  to  the  test  of  disbelief  in  the  chief 
peculiarities  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  This  was 
the  first  attempt  to  introduce  into  the  Province  a  special 
religious  test  as  a  qualification  for  office.  After  Penn 
regained  his  Province  the  same  requirements  were  ap- 
plied to  all  public  officers  before  fulfilling  their  duties, 


RELIGION.  357 

and  were  incorporated  into  the  third  charter  adopted  in 
1696.  An  eminent  writer  on  Pennsylvania  history  says 
it  is  hard  to  understand  how  such  a  test  could  have 
been  interposed  under  Penn's  direct  authority.  Though 
the  test  in  form  was  very  elaborate,  its  essential 
characteristics  were  rejection  of  the  cardinal  tenets  of 
Roman  Catholicism,  and  a  belief  in  the  divinity  of 
Christ  and  the  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures.  This  test 
not  conflicting  with  the  belief  of  the  religious  persons 
in  the  Province,  except  a  small  number  of  Roman 
Catholics,  why  should  any  one  have  objected  strenu- 
ously who  was  willing  to  submit  to  the  test  imposed  by 
the  first  charter? 

As  the  Friends  in  the  beginning  comprised  nearly 
the  entire  population  for  a  long  time  their  meetings 
were  the  only  religious  assemblies.  Within  two  months 
after  the  lauding  of  Penn,  a  monthly  and  quarterly 
meeting  were  established  ;  and  three  months  after  the 
founding  of  Philadelphia  no  less  than  nine  weekly 
meetings  beside  three  monthly  meetings  were  held  in 
the  Province.  Within  two  years  after  its  settlement 
eight  hundred  persons  were  in  regular  attendance  on 
first  and  week  days  at  the  meetings  in  Philadelphia. 
Two  years  later  the  number  of  meetings  had  increased 
to  twenty,  and  in  1700  the  yearly  meeting  represented 
at  least  forty  separate  assemblies.  This  increase  arose 
not  simply  from  immigration;  many  were  drawn  to  the 
Friends  by  religious  conviction.  Of  these  the  Welsh 
were  the  most  numerous. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  serenity  of  the 
Quaker  fold  was  invaded  by  a  fierce  controversy  lasting 
several  years.  For  fifteen  years  the  unity  of  the 
Friends  had  been  complete.     The  society  had  moved 


358  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

along  as  serenely  as  on  a  summer  sea ;  but  toward  the 
close  of  1691,  the  stillness  was  broken  by  the  apostasy 
of  George  Keith.  Of  unusual  literary  attainments,  he 
came  to  Philadelphia  in  1689  and  was  appointed  to  the 
head  mastership  of  the  charity  school  recently  founded 
in  that  city.  Formerly  a  rigid  Presbyterian,  he  had 
changed  to  the  Quaker  faith,  but  finding  fault  with  the 
discipline,  sought  to  correct  it  and  prepared  an  essay  on 
the  subject  that  was  presented  for  approval  to  a  meeting 
of  ministers.  Unwilling  to  sanction  the  paper,  they 
referred  it  to  the  yearly  meeting.  With  this  body  the 
paper  fared  no  better,  and  some  one  proposed  to  submit 
it  to  the  yearly  meeting  of  London.  To  this  tribunal 
Keith  objected,  preferring  to  abandon  its  publication. 
Becoming  captious  and  self-willed,  Keith's  wrath  in- 
creased to  a  flame.  He  was  then  accused  of  unsound- 
ness of  doctrine,  especially  "  concerning  the  efficacy 
and  universality  of  divine  grace."  The  lines  were  now 
fairly  drawn  between  Keith  and  Ins  opponents.  The 
dissension  grew;  other  improprieties  followed.  The 
conduct  of  the  meetings  was  arraigned,  their  active 
members  denounced,  and  charges  of  unsoundness  were 
preferred  against  the  society.  At  a  quarterly  meeting 
Keith  roundly  accused  them  of  meeting  together  "to 
cloak  heresies  and  deceit,"  declaring  "there  were  more 
damnable  heresies  and  doctrines  of  devils  among  the 
Quakers  than  among  any  profession  of  Protestants." 
Some  Friends  visited  him  to  obtain  a  retraction.  He 
did  not  listen  to  their  counsels,  and  told  them  plainly 
that  he  "  trampled  upon  the  judgment  of  the  meeting 
as  dirt  under  his  feet."  All  hope  of  reconciliation 
vanished,  and  the  society  issued  a  declaration  of  dis- 
unity with  him  for  seeking  not  only  by  unjust  charges 


RELIGION.  259 

to  render  Friends  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  the  world, 
but  also  to  divide  and  scatter  them.  Keith  therefore 
was  disowned.  He  determined  to  appeal  to  the  yearly 
meeting.  He  had  numerous  friends,  and  the  quarrel 
did  not  easily  die.  Neutralized  passages  from  the  writ- 
ings of  the  Friends  were  taken  to  prove  the  charges  of 
unsoundness  in  doctrine,  and  to  mislead  the  unwary. 
Nor  was  his  course  entirely  unsuccessful;  many  joined 
his  party,  and  the  schism  widened.  Separate  meetings 
were  held  at  Philadelphia,  Neshaminy  and  other  places. 
Families  were  divided;  husbands  and  wives,  professedly 
of  the  same  faith,  worshiped  no  longer  in  the  same 
house.  Says  a  historian  of  the  Friends:  "Scarcely  in 
the  history  of  the  society  has  there  been  a  more  lament- 
able exhibition  of  the  devastating  effects  of  a  dividing 
spirit  than  was  manifested  on  this  occasion."  Though 
he  did  not  bring  his  appeal  before  the  authorized  body 
of  Friends,  Keith  continued  his  plotting.  As  his  con- 
duct was  condemned  generally  by  the  society  in  Amer- 
ica, his  power  gradually  declined  ;  and  he  tried  to  restore 
his  influence  by  obtaining  a  favorable  judgment  from 
the  yearly  meeting  at  London.  At  last  his  strongest 
adherents  began  to  waver  in  their  allegiance.  Thus 
deserted,  he  renounced  the  views  of  the  Friends,  joined 
the  Episcopal  ministry  and  returned  to  America  as  a 
missionary  "to  gather  Quakers  from  Quakerism  to  the 
mother  Church."  While  playing  the  missionary  role 
he  frequently  sought  to  allure  the  Friends  into  the 
arena  of  public  disputation.  After  two  years  he  re- 
turned to  England  boasting  of  the  success  of  his  mis- 
sion in  the  new  world,  especially  in  proselyting 
Quakers.  Though  his  attempt  failed,  his  tongue  did 
not,  and  he  continued  his  attacks  after  his  influence  had 
entirely  ceased. 


300  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

With  the  practice  of  thrift  came  prosperity,  and 
acquiring  means  to  aid  others,  the  Friends  were  not 
remiss  in  deeds  of  charity.  In  1692  money  was  raised 
to  redeem  their  brethren  held  in  captivity  in  the 
Barbary  States;  and  in  1697  they  sent  ^200  for  the 
relief  of  their  suffering  fellow  members  in  the  eastern 
part  of  New  England. 

From  time  to  time  they  were  visited  by  ministers 
from  England,  attracted  by  their  success  and  peculiar 
situation.  Two  of  the  most  distinguished  were  Thomas 
Story  and  Roger  Gill.  Penn  and  Story  were  warm 
friends.  During  Story's  visit  much  sickness  occurred 
in  the  Province  ;  within  a  short  period  two  hundred  and 
thirty  persons  had  succumbed  to  the  ravages  of  the 
yellow  fever.  Few  if  any  houses  escaped  its  attacks. 
Learning  of  the  sufferings  of  those  in  Pennsylvania 
Gill  returned  from  New  England  to  minister  consola- 
tion. 

The  Episcopalians  were  the  first  to  contest  the  field 
with  the  Friends.  The  state  church  in  England,  it 
became  the  policy  of  the  British  ministry  to  establish, 
if  possible,  its  pre-eminence  in  America.  The  royal 
charter  endowed  the  Bishop  of  London  with  power  to 
appoint  a  chaplain  for  any  congregation,  of  not  less 
than  twenty  persons,  who  desired  a  minister.  In  1693 
the  Episcopal  church  acquired  ascendency  in  New 
York,  and  the  assembly  passed  an  act  "  for  settling  and 
maintaining  a  ministry."  In  1700  the  Roman  Catholic 
province  of  Maryland  also  passed  an  act  "for  the  service 
of  Almighty  God  and  the  establishment  of  religion 
according  to  the  Church  of  England."  Four  years  later 
a  similar  position  was  gained  in  Carolina.  Before  this 
time    Christ   Church    had   been    established   in    Phila- 


RELIGION.  36 1 

delphia.  The  officiating  priest,  undaunted  alike  by  his 
isolation,  or  by  numerous  Friends,  petitioned  the  crown 
to  provide  for  an  income  for  him  from  the  customs  on 
tobacco.  No  means  were  left  untried  to  overthrow  the 
religious  liberty  of  the  Province.  In  1737  the  clergy 
of  Maryland,  now  enjoying  ecclesiastical  authority, 
attempted  to  extend  their  power  over  Pennsylvania. 
They  prayed  the  king  "  that  a  regular  clergy  be  encour- 
aged under  royal  protection,  to  reside  not  only  on  the 
borders,  but  also  in  the  whole  Province  of  Pennsyl- 
vania." The  attempt  received  no  encouragement  from 
the  king. 

The  most  active  spirit  in  trying  to  establish  a  state 
church  in  Pennsylvania  was  Colonel  Quarry,  a  judge 
of  the  court  of  admiralty  for  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. An  enemy  of  every  form  of  democratic  govern- 
ment, he  constantly  sent  false  reports  of  the  condition 
of  the  Province  to  the  board  of  trade,  and  in  various 
ways  tried  to  uproot  the  authority  of  the  proprietary. 
Not  content  with  seeing  the  Anglican  church  on  the 
same  plane  as  the  meetings  of  the  Friends,  he  tried 
to  secure  sectarian  domination.  Liberty  of  conscience 
had  attracted  men  of  every  shade  of  religious  opinion, 
and  one  consequence  for  years  was  the  absence  of  all 
heart-burnings  for  ecclesiastical  supremacy.  Not  until 
the  advent  of  Quarry,  prompted  by  the  Episcopalians 
in  England,  and  inspired  by  the  renegade  Keith,  was 
anything  ever  heard  in  the  Province  of  ecclesiastical 
control.  Again  and  again  this  imaginary  Samson 
attempted  to  pull  down  the  pillars  of  the  proprietary 
temple.  One  of  his  brilliant  deeds  was  obtaining  an 
order  for  the  enforcement  of  oaths  on  all  not  conscienti- 
ously opposed  to  them.     This  excluded  Friends  from 


362  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN! A. 

acting  as  magistrates,  as  they   were  unwilling   to  ask 
others  to  do  what  they  themselves  believed  to  be  wrong. 
Again  he  sought  to  overthrow    Peuu    as   well   as   the 
Friends  in  the  Province,  by  exaggerating  the  evil  con- 
sequences of  attempting  to  live  without  either  engaging 
in  war  or  making  war  preparations.     Indeed,  he  exerted 
every  effort  to  secure  the  repeal  of  Penn's  charter,  per- 
sistently urging  the   futility  of  successful  government 
by  the  principle  of  non-resistance.     He  was,  in  truth, 
so  villainous  that  Penn  finally  denounced  him  in  the 
harshest  terms,  and  his  representations  to  the  govern- 
ment  were   labelled    "swish-swash    bounces."      Never 
ceasing  to  exasperate   the    Friends,   he   continued   his 
opposition  to  the  proprietary  authority  until  removed. 
In  1718  Penn  died.     What  shall  be  said  concerning 
his  "  Holy  Experiment "  at  the  time  of  his  death?     The 
population  was  not  less  than  forty  thousand.     Of  these, 
one-fourth  lived   in  the   city    and    half  of  them    were 
Friends.     Besides  the  Episcopalians,  the  other  leading 
religious    bodies    were    Presbyterians,    Lutherans    and 
German   Reformed.     The   first   day   of  the  week    was 
religiously  observed  ;  there  were  no  theatres  or  dancing 
schools ;    no    pawnbrokers,    beggars    or    lotteries ;    no 
soldiers  ;  no  martial  spirit.     During  Penn's  lifetime  a 
duel   never  disgraced  the   Province;  horse  racing  and 
brutal  sports  were  unknown.     The  instrument  of  public 
authority  was  the  constable's  staff,  and  "never,"  says 
Clarkson,   "was   a   government   maintained   with    less 
internal  disturbances,  or  more  decorum."     Who  shall 
say  that  to  a  considerable  degree  the  Province  had  not 
fulfilled  Penn's  expectations?     There  was  some  cursing 
and  drunkenness,   cheating  of  the  Indians,  dissatisfac- 
tion in  the  Assembly,  and  contentions  among  religious 


RELIGION.  363 

sects  ;  yet  the  general  tone  of  society  was  sound. 
Doubtless  the  absence  of  great  individual  wealth,  the 
necessity  of  working  in  order  to  live,  and  the  common 
spirit  of  mutual  dependence  contributed  in  no  slight 
degree  to  make  men  thoughtful,  humble  and  religious. 
Not  long  after  Penn's  death  the  moral  and  religious 
decadence  began. 

Twenty  years  after  establishing  the  government,  the 
Presbyterians  began  to  arrive  in  large  numbers.  Nearly 
six  thousand  Scotch-Irish  came  before  1729;  and  more 
than  twice  that  number  arrived  annually  for  several 
years  afterward.  At  first,  some  English  and  Welsh  dis- 
senters and  French  Protestants  with  a  few  Baptists  as- 
sembled for  religious  worship  in  a  storehouse  in  the  city, 
to  whom  Mr.  Watts,  a  Baptist  minister,  ministered. 
Not  pleased  with  their  relations,  the  Presbyterians  called 
a  minister  from  Boston,  Jedediah  Andrews,  who  came 
to  Philadelphia  in  1698.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  dissen- 
sions between  the  Baptists  and  Presbyterians  rose,  and 
the  Baptists  withdrew,  leaving  the  others  in  possession 
of  the  store-house.  Here  they  continued  to  worship 
until  1704,  when  they  moved  to  a  new  meeting-house 
on  Market  Street.  The  next  year  a  Presbytery  was 
formed  in  the  city,  and  eleven  years  later  their  number 
had  increased  enough  to  form  a  synod,  comprising  the 
presbyteries  of  Philadelphia,  New  Castle,  Snow  Hill,  and 
Long  Island.  After  the  formation  of  the  synod,  the  body 
continued  to  receive  additions,  and  by  1732  there  were 
fifteen  or  sixteen  Presbyterian  churches  in  Pennsylvania. 

Large  numbers  of  the  Scotch-Irish  journeyed  west- 
ward towards  the  frontier.  In  their  march  toward  the 
Susquehanna  they  met  the  Germans,  but  their  ways 
were  too  diverse  for  harmonious  living.     The  proprie- 


364  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

tary  therefore  urged  these  energetic  settlers  to  move 
along  southern  and  western  lines  instead  of  mingling 
with  the  Germans  then  in  Lancaster  County  and  further 
north.  There  was  land  enough  for  all,  and  accordingly 
they  went  into  York  and  Cumberland  counties.  Thus 
parting  in  the  early,  days,  they  have  never  formed  a 
common  stream  of  civic  and  religious  life.  Their 
business  relations  have  indeed  been  constant,  but  with- 
out corresponding  social  intercourse,  while  their  reli- 
gious relations  have  been  still  more  distinct. 

The  ministers  who  came  with  the  Scotch-Irish  were 
scholars;  among  these  were  Makemie,  Alison,  Blair,  the 
Tennents,  and  others  who  stamped  themselves  on  the 
men  and  institutions  of  their  time.  Besides  founding 
common  schools  they  organized  and  conducted  classical 
academies.  Thus  the  Province  soon  had  a  considerable 
number  of  higher  institutions  of  learning,  the  offspring 
of  these  learned  and  good  men. 

The  Germans  were  more  numerous  than  the  Scotch- 
Irish,  and  more  diverse  in  their  beliefs.  Many  Luther- 
ans came  to  escape  political  oppression.  In  their  new 
homes  they  found  no  German  ministers  nor  school- 
masters ;  and  they  were  not  drawn  toward  English 
teachers  and  preachers.  The  few  ministers  accompany- 
ing the  large  number  of  emigrants  in  1710  gradually 
went  elsewhere,  while  those  who  remained  exerted  very 
slight  influence.  Thousands  of  educated  German  Luth- 
erans now  scattered  in  the  Province  never  entered  a 
church  or  cared  for  one.  "  Many,"  says  an  eminent 
writer,  "  were  so  utterly  indifferent  to  all  religion  that  it 
became  proverbial  to  say  that  they  belonged  to  the 
Pennsylvania  church."  * 

1  Reichel. 


RELIGION.  365 

The  German  Reformed  were  as  numerous  as  the 
Lutherans,  and  perhaps  came  here  at  an  earlier  date. 
The  greater  number  were  from  the  Palatinate,  and 
settled  in  Montgomery  County,  in  Germantown  and  in 
other  places.  The  oldest  German  Reformed  congrega- 
tion is  supposed  to  be  that  at  Goshenhoppen,  organized 
in  1717.  Another  congregation  built  a  church  at  Ger- 
mantown in  1733.  In  a  few  years  there  were  thousands 
of  German  Reformed  immigrants  in  Pennsylvania  for 
whose  spiritual  welfare  no  one  cared.  Without 
churches,  without  schools,  without  ministers,  they  grew 
up  in  ignorance  and  vice. 

The  Mennonites  were  fewer  in  number  than  the 
Lutherans  or  German  Reformed.  Their  most  pro- 
nounced peculiarities  were  disbelief  in  infant  baptism, 
refusal  to  taka  a  judicial  oath  and  to  bear  arms.  They 
were  not  poor  settlers,  and  therefore  were  able  to  make 
a  judicious  selection  of  land.  Economy,  industry, 
frugality,  and  simplicity  of  dress,  and  in  their  meeting- 
houses, were  their  chief  characteristics. 

The  Tunkers  or  German  Baptists  also  refused  to  take 
an  oath  or  to  bear  arms,  and  believed  in  baptism  by 
immersion.  The  most  active  spirit  was  Peter  Becker 
who,  in  1723,  was  chosen  official  baptizer  of  the  church 
of  Germantown.  They  increased  in  numbers  but 
retained  the  simplicity  of  their  forefathers,  wearing  long 
beards,  and  disregarding  education. 

From  this  sect  sprung  the  Siebentager  or  German 
Seventh  Day  Baptists.  They  lived  at  Ephrata.  Some 
of  their  wooden  buildings  with  their  little  windows  and 
narrow  walls  still  stand.  These  voluntary  exiles  in 
order  to  enjoy  greater  mental  and  moral  independence, — 
Protestant  friars,  among  whom  were  men  of  letters, — 


366  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

lived  simple  and  severe  lives,  not  unlike  the  order 
founded  by  St.  Francis  of  Assisi.  Father  Friedsam  the 
founder  possessed  great  natural  ability  and  a  lively 
imagination.  In  his  wanderings  through  Germany  he 
adopted  the  views  of  the  Pietists,  and  resolved,  in  1720, 
to  emigrate  to  Pennsylvania  and  dedicate  his  life  to 
God  in  contemplative  solitude.  Having  learned  the 
weaver's  trade  with  the  Tunkers,  he  removed  to  Cones- 
toga  and  settled  near  Mill  Creek.  Becker  visited  this 
neighborhood  and  met  their  baptizer,  Friedsam,  who 
soon  afterward  became  a  minister  of  the  new  Tnnker 
congregation.  Ere  long  he  discovered  that  the  Tunkers 
were  wrong  in  their  observance  of  a  day  for  Sunday, 
and  that  the  seventh  was  established  and  sanctified  by 
the  Lord.  Heeding  his  discovery,  his  congregation  set 
apart  the  seventh  day  for  public  worship.  They 
worked  on  Sundays  though  they  were  often  fined  for 
their  diligence.  Men  and  women  flocked  from  all  sides; 
even  married  women  left  their  families  to  lead  a  more 
holy  life,  which  influenced  them  to  write  a  tract  against 
matrimony,  entitled,  "The  Penitentiary  Carnal  Man." 
In  1732  Friedsam  went  secretly  to  a  cell  on  the  banks 
of  the  Cocalico,  previously  occupied  by  a  hermit.  Dis- 
covering his  retreat,  some  adherents  followed,  settling 
around  him  in  solitary  cottages  and  imitating  his  mode 
of  life.  He  won  over  a  German  Reformed  minister, 
who  proved  a  very  valuable  associate.  Some  Lutherans 
were  also  led  away,  and  among  them  was  Conrad 
Weiser,  the  famous  Indian  interpreter.  As  the  number 
of  hermits  increased,  a  conventicle  and  a  monastic 
society  were  established.  Kedar,  the  first  convent  for 
sisters,  was  built  in  1735,  and  three  years  later  Zion  was 
built  for  the  brethren.     They  adopted  the  habit  of  the 


RELIGION.  367 

Capuchins  or  White  Friars,  consisting  of  a  shirt, 
trousers  and  vest  with  a  long  white  woolen  gown  or 
cowl  in  winter,  and  one  of  linen  for  the  summer.  For 
the  sisters  the  dress  was  slightly  changed,  petticoats 
for  trousers,  and  a  cowl  of  a  somewhat  different  form. 
Monastic  names  were  given  to  all  who  entered  the 
cloister.  Though  the  community  was  a  republic  in 
form,  all  possessing  equality  and  freedom,  yet  Father 
Friedsam  held  very  despotic  sway.  One  of  the  most  re- 
markable men  of  this  society  was  Israel  Eckerling,  or 
Brother  Onesimus.  He  became  friar  of  the  brethren's 
convent  in  1740,  and  supported  by  Father  Friedsam,  his 
word  became  the  supreme  law.  Assisted  by  his  own 
brothers,  he  sought  to  acquire  sole  control  of  the 
property  of  the  brotherhood,  and  by  extending  its  busi- 
ness, to  increase  the  power  and  influence  of  the  cloister. 
A  grist  mill,  oil  mill,  woolen  mill,  and  paper  mill  were 
erected,  and  still  larger  buildings  were  added.  Sharon, 
a  new  sisters'  house,  was  erected,  and  in  1746  a  new 
brothers'  house  called  Bethel  was  finished.  This  was 
three  stories  in  height  and  contained  eight  large  rooms. 
To  each  of  these  belonged  six  or  eight  small  dormi- 
tories, scarcely  large  enough  to  contain  a  closet,  an  hour 
glass,  and  a  sleeping  bench  with  a  block  of  wood  for 
a  pillow.  The  passages  leading  to  the  cells,  and 
through  the  different  parts  of  both  convents,  were  barely 
wide  enough  to  admit  a  person.  The  windows  con- 
tained only  four  panes  of  glass,  and  the  outer  walls 
were  shingled.  Before  beginning  its  erection  a  dispute 
rose  concerning  the  length  of  the  house,  some  desiring 
66  feet,  others  99,  and  others  100.  Happily  one  of  the 
number  had  a  dream  that  solved  the  difficulty.  He 
dreamed  that  the  circle  meant  God,  and  the  stroke  man. 


368  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

If  66  was  selected  God  was  placed  below  and  man 
above  ;  if  ioo,  then  man  stood  before  God;  hence  99  was 
preferable,  because  God  stood  above  and  man  below. 
This  dream  settled  the  contention,  and  99  was  adopted. 
For  a  long  period  the  hour  of  religious  worship  was 
midnight,  and  the  meeting  was  often  prolonged  until 
daybreak,  every  one  then  going  to  work.  At  other 
times  no  meetings  were  held,  "  that  all  might  have  time 
to  bring  into  practice  what  they  had  been  taught." 
Especially  among  the  sisters  much  time  was  devoted  to 
music  and  ornamental  writing.  Father  Friedsatn  was 
a  poet  and  musical  composer,  though  of  a  very  peculiar 
order.  For  fifty  years  this  society  nourished,  exerting 
no  small  influence  among  the  people  around  Ephrata. 
An  eminent  writer  says  "  this  fact  shows  only  too 
plainly  how  low  must  have  been  the  state  of  religious 
and    Christian    life   among   the   Germans   of   Pennsyl- 


vania." 


The  Schwenkfelders  were  of  the  smaller  German 
sects.  At  no  time  did  they  display  much  religious 
activity,  either  in  the  missionary  field  or  in  polemical 
controversy.  Thankfully  enjoying  the  religious  free- 
dom of  Pennsylvania,  they  lived  quiet  and  peaceful 
lives,  following  high  standards  of  living.  A  Silesian 
noble,  Kaspar  Schwenkfeld  von  Ossig,  Counsellor  to  the 
Duke  of  Liegnitz,  wras  the  founder.  He  was  a  contem- 
porarv  of  Luther,  of  liberal  education,  and  active  in  the 
service  of  his  country.  Differing  from  Luther,  and  still 
more  widely  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  per- 
secuted by  both,  many  of  the  Schwenkfelders  desired  to 
leave  their  country.  Some  sought  shelter  in  Saxony, 
while  others  were  protected  by  Count  Zinzendorf. 
Endeavoring  to  procure  for  them  free  transportation  to 


RELIGION.  369 

Georgia,  he  succeeded  only  in  acquiring  a  grant  of  land. 
In  1734  one  hundred  and  eighty  left  Berthelsdorf,  led 
by  George  Wies  and  soon  followed  by  Spangenberg. 
Changing  their  plan,  they  went  to  Philadelphia  and 
settled  principally  on  the  Skippack  and  Perkiomen. 

Not  the  least  remarkable  of  the  many  sects  were  the 
Separatists,  whose  only  fixed  principle  was  to  oppose  all 
other  religious  associations  and  societies.  Some  not 
only  refused  to  join  any  Christian  denomination,  but 
impelled  by  sectarian  fanaticism,  avoided  all  human 
society,  and  lived  as  hermits,  exposed  to  constant 
dangers  from  the  Indians.  Others  pretended  to  be 
recipients  of  a  special  divine  revelation,  and  called 
themselves  the  inspired.  Another  branch  professed  per- 
fection, maintaining  that  those  who  received  the  new 
birth  sinned  no  more,  consequently  whatever  they  did 
was  right  and  good.  This  branch  called  "The  New 
Born,"  was  founded  by  a  Palatinate  named  Matthias 
Bauman,  and  flourished  but  for  a  short  time  in  Oley  town- 
ship in  Berks  county.  Another  "Spiritual  Society," 
consisting  largely  of  unmarried  men  of  liberal  educa- 
tion, was  founded  by  John  Kelpius,  an  Austrian,  who 
came  to  Philadelphia  in  1694.  Forty  persons  joined  him 
and  settled  on  the  Ridge,  then  a  complete  wilderness. 
They  called  their  society,  "  The  Woman  in  the  Wilder- 
ness." Ten  years  afterwards  Conrad  Matthai,  a  noble 
Swiss,  joined  them,  and  also  Christopher  Witt,  a  famous 
doctor  and  magician. 

Of  the  Pietists  described,  what  shall  be  said?  More 
than  one  hundred  associations  existed  within  a  radius 
of  fifty  miles  from  Philadelphia.  In  lonely  retreats 
they  spent  lives  of  silence  and  contemplation  like  the 
monks  of  the  middle  ages,  forming  a  strong  contrast  to 
24 


370  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VANIA . 

the  bustling,  energetic  settlers  around  them.  What 
strange  influences  had  led  these  truly  religious  people  to 
seek  the  far-off  wilderness  and  there  indulge  in  musings 
so  foreign  to  their  time?  A  few  years  though  were 
enough  to  bring  these  to  an  end.  How  different  and 
painful  might  their  existence  have  proved,  had  Venn 
attempted,  as  was  so  often  done  by  others  having  the 
power,  to  constrain  all  into  conformity  with  his  own 
belief.  By  letting  them  alone  the  world  in  due  time 
learned  that  theirs  was  no  perennial  fountain,  but  a 
shallow  spring  soon  to  run  dry. 

Section  II. 

The  Provincial  Period  (co?itiniced). 

The  history  of  the  Moravians  is  unlike  that  of  many 
of  the  sects  already  described.  John  Huss,  the  fore- 
runner of  this  society,  was  one  of  the  noblest  characters 
of  all  time.  Persecuted  in  the  old  world,  the  Moravians 
sought  an  asvlum  in  the  new.  Count  Zinzendorf 
obtained  a  grant  of  land  in  Georgia,  and  in  1735  a 
settlement  was  begun.  Under  the  leadership  of  Bishop 
Nitschmann  a  church  was  organized  the  following  year. 
Ere  long  war  between  England  and  Spain  interfered 
with  the  work,  and  the  Moravians,  refusing  to  bear 
arms,  emigrated  to  Philadelphia  with  George  White- 
field,  the  famous  preacher.  They  bought  a  domain  of 
five  thousand  acres  at  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  and 
began  to  build  a  large  school  house  for  negro  children. 
The  land  was  purchased  by  Whitefield,  but  a  question  of 
doctrine  caused  a  rupture,  and  they  were  ordered  to 
leave.  Happily  at  this  time  Bishop  Nitschmann 
returned    from    Europe   and   purchased  Bethlehem,  an 


RELIGION.  yjX 

extensive  tract  on  the  Lehigh  River  ten  miles  south  of 
Whitefield's  land,  and  the  colony  again  began  work. 
Afterward,  Whitefield's  laud  was  also  purchased,  and 
called  the  Barony  of  Nazareth.  Nominally,  it  belonged 
to  the  Countess  von  Zinzendorf.  On  this  tract  several 
settlements  were  organized.  The  expenses  of  emigra- 
tion remaining  unpaid,  the  brethren  united  in  a  semi- 
communistic  association,  Bethlehem  forming  the  centre. 
It  was  a  communism  not  of  goods,  but  of  labor.  Each 
settler  was  free  to  choose  or  reject  the  plan,  while 
retaining  exclusive  control  of  his  own  property.  Parti- 
cipants gave  time  and  work,  receiving  in  return  the 
necessaries  and  comforts  of  life.  This  system  was 
called  Economy  and  was  admirably  adapted  to  their 
peculiar  wants.  It  continued  for  twenty  years,  and 
sufficed  to  defray  the  expenses  of  ordinary  emigration, 
to  furnish  the  colony  with  daily  support,  and  to  main- 
tain a  mission  among  the  Indians,  besides  an  extensive 
itinerary  among  the  white  settlers  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  In  1762  the  Economy  at  Bethlehem  and 
Nazareth  was  discontinued  on  the  final  departure  of 
Bishop  Spangenberg  to  Europe,  who  had  administered 
the  affairs  of  the  Moravians  with  great  wisdom.  For 
the  next  eighty  years  the  other  peculiarities  of  the 
settlements  were  rigidly  maintained  at  these  places, 
and  also  at  Litiz,  a  third  colony,  established  in  Lan- 
caster County. 

In  this  early  period  one  of  the  most  interesting  under- 
takings by  the  Moravians  was  an  attempt  by  Count 
Zinzendorf  to  unite  the  German  religious  denomina- 
tions of  the  Province  in  "the  Church  of  God  in  the 
Spirit."  Circulars  were  sent,  inviting  members  of  all 
denominations  to  attend  a  meeting  at  Gennantown,  not 


372  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

for  the  purpose  of  disputing,  but  of  agreeing,  if 
possible,  in  the  most  important  matters  of  faith,  and  in 
promoting  mutual  love  and  forbearance.  The  fir.^t 
synod  was  held  in  January,  1742.  The  most  prominent 
sects  present  were  the  Lutherans,  German  Reformed, 
Mennonites,  Tunkers,  Schwenkfelders,  Siebentagers, 
Separatists,  Hermits  and  Moravians.  When  the  Sie- 
bentagers received  the  circular  "a  council  of  war  was 
held  in  the  camp,"  and  it  was  resolved  that  a  brother 
in  Ziou,  and  some  fathers  should  attend  the  synod. 
Curiously  enough,  these  synodic  meetings  had  the 
effect  of  increasing  the  religious  warfare  rather  than 
of  allaying  it,  for  the  members,  instead  of  confining 
themselves  to  outward  forms  and  ceremonies,  burned 
their  way  into  the  very  heart  of  Christianity  itself. 
Resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted,  presenting  a 
common  belief  in  some  of  the  cardinal  truths  of 
Christianity,  and  the  conference  ended  in  peace.  Never- 
theless, the  waters  were  destined  to  remain  not  long 
untroubled.  Prior  Onesimns,  the  Tunker  representa- 
tive, treated  by  Zinzendorf  with  great  consideration, 
desired  that  the  next  synod  should  be  held  at  Ephrata, 
but  was  strenuously  opposed  by  Father  Friedsam.  It 
was,  therefore,  held  in  Faulkner's  Swamp,  truly  a 
fitting  place  for  a  body  of  men  in  such  hopeless  con- 
fusion concerning  their  beliefs.  Seven  synods  were 
held  ;  one  by  one  the  different  denominations  withdrew, 
until  finally  only  the  Moravians  were  left.  So  ended 
the  first  attempt  in  the  Province  to  establish  Christian 
unity.  It  has  been  said  that  the  result  might  have  been 
different  had  more  consideration  been  given  to  discus- 
sion, and  to  the  working  of  the  leaven  of  the  spirit  of 
unity  among  the  representatives  and   their  sects.     At 


RELIGION.  373 

the  fifth  synod,  held  in  Germantown,  it  was  declared 
that  "Pennsylvania  is  a  complete  Babel.  The  first 
thing  to  be  accomplished  is  to  liberate  its  sighing 
prisoners,  which  cannot  be  done  according  to  the 
common  rule.  Apostolic  powers  are  required."  Some- 
thing more  than  common  rules  were  indeed  required  to 
bring  concord  from  such  confusion;  even  "apostolic 
powers"  might  have  proved  ineffective.  Yet  this 
result  was  accomplished  in  a  large  measure  by  a  slower 
agency.  In  less  than  half  a  century  most  of  those  who 
had  differed  radically  disappeared,  leaving  to  succeeding 
generations  the  older  and  broader  currents  of  religious 
faith,  untroubled  by  the  vagaries  of  the  "Rosicrucians," 
"The  Hermits  on  the  Wissahickon"  or  "The  Woman 
in  the  Wilderness." 

The  Moravians  were  a  missionary  church.  From  the 
beginning  they  sought  to  Christianize  the  Indians,  nor 
were  their  efforts  unavailing.  Believers  in  peace,  like 
the  Friends,  and  making  their  professions  good  by  daily 
practice,  they  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Indians  by 
treating  them  with  inflexible  honesty,  and  thus  pre- 
pared the  way  for  religious  teachings.  Among  the 
Moravian  missionaries  was  David  Zeisberger,  whose  in- 
telligent and  unselfish  devotion  to  this  fated  race  has 
been  beautifully  described  by  De  Schweinitz.  He 
wandered  among  the  fierce  Iroquois,  and  in  the  far 
west,  everywhere  kindly  treated,  for  he  was  a  messenger 
of  good  will  and  peace.  At  times,  it  is  true,  the  integ- 
rity of  his  mission  was  suspected,  and  he  was  regarded 
merely  as  a  courier  to  persuade  them  into  parting  with 
their  lands.  No  saintlier  spirit  ever  roamed  through 
the  American  forests.  If  his  missionary  work  did  not 
blaze   with   the  fiery   zeal    of  the  Jesuits   among   the 


374 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 


Hurons,  and  if  his  life  was  less  tragic  than  theirs,  no 
one  can  doubt  that  within  him  glowed  the  strongest  de- 
sire for  their  moral  elevation. 

He  and  his  fellow  workers  were  confronted  with  diffi- 
culties far  more  serious  than  perils  in  the  wilderness, 
though  these  have  led  many  a  less  resolute  spirit  to 
falter  and  retire.  The  Indians  were  indignant  over 
their  ill-treatment  by  the  invading  race.  Their  early 
figurative  expression  for  their  homes,  "night  lodgings," 
had  become  literal,  for  they  saw  clearly  themselves  re- 
garded with  contempt,  and  their  rights  disregarded. 
The  government  endeavored  to  protect  them  from  the 
rapacity  of  white  traders,  but  every  regulation  proved 
unavailing. 

"These  traders  formed  a  class  of  their  own;  bold, 
courageous,  with  a  sagacity  almost  equal  to  that  of  the 
Indian,  but  unscrupulous  and  dishonest,  of  degraded 
morals,  intent  upon  their  own  advantage,  and  indiffer- 
ent to  the  rights  of  the  natives."  But  far  the  greatest 
enemy  of  the  Indians  was  intemperance,  and  for  its  in- 
troduction and  awful  work  the  whites  were  responsible. 

Though  not  describing  the  efforts  of  these  mission- 
aries to  convert  the  children  of  the  wilderness  to  the 
Christian  faith,  we  must  linger  over  their  first  expedi- 
tion to  the  country  of  the  Cayugas.  The  party  con- 
sisted of  Cammerhoff,  bishop  of  the  Moravians,  Zeis- 
berger,  and  a  chief  of  the  Cayugas,  his  wife  and  two 
children.  Zeisberger  proposed  to  ascend  the  Susque- 
hanna as  far  as  the  present  boundary  of  New  York. 
The  baggage  was  put  on  board,  the  indispensable  rifle 
and  powder  horn,  the  hatchet,  flint  and  steel.  Waving 
a  last  farewell  to  his  friends  on  the  bank,  Zeisberger 
seized  the  paddle,  and  using  it  with  the  expertness  of 


RELIGION.  375 

an  Indian,  the  canoe  glided  swiftly  toward  the  famed 
country  of  the  Iroquois. 

De  Schweinitz  tells  the  story  of  their  strange  adven- 
tures. In  the  evening  of  the  first  day  their  canoes  were 
fastened  to  the  shore,  and  a  walnut  bark  hut  built,  in 
which  they  kindled  a  fire.  On  the  one  side,  wrapped 
in  their  blankets,  lay  the  missionaries  ;  on  the  other, 
the  Indians.  Similar  shelters  were  erected  every  night. 
Near  the  northern  boundary  of  the  present  County  of 
Wyoming,  a  village  was  reached  in  which  lived  some 
Christian  Indians.  Here  the  party  stopped  a  day  to 
visit  these  "  Brown  Sheep,"  as  the  Indian  converts  were 
called.  "  The  winding  course  of  the  river  after  leaving 
this  village,  led  them  through  a  primeval  wilderness. 
Wooded  hills  stretched  from  the  Susquehanna  to  the 
spurs  of  the  Alleghenies,  with  the  young  foliage  of 
early  summer  clothing  them  in  a  mantle  of  soft  green, 
variegated  by  the  flowers  of  the  tulip  trees  and  the 
blossoms  of  gorgeous  forest  shrubs.  Sweeping  around 
bluffs,  the  stream  in  many  places  burst  into  wild  rapids, 
through  which  it  was  almost  impossible  to  paddle  a  canoe. 
Ducks  rose  at  their  approach  from  the  coves  between 
the  hills,  or  the  startled  deer  bounded  back  into  the 
thicket.  Above  their  heads  clouds  of  wild  pigeons 
passed  on  their  swift  way,  while  basking  upon  rocks  in 
the  sun,  or  coiled  with  head  erect,  they  saw  occasion- 
ally, and  one  day  in  extraordinary  numbers,  that  terror 
of  the  American  wilderness,  the  mottled   rattlesnake." 

Through  such  scenes  they  traveled  for  nearly  ten 
days,  shooting  game  for  food,  conversing  with  the 
Indians,  and  listening  at  night  to  the  chief's  tales  of 
the  heroism  of  his  ancestors.  Finally  the  southern 
boundary  of  Lake  Cayuga  was  reached,  and  advancing 


3  j 6  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VANIA. 

along  its  eastern  shore,  they  came  to  the  spot  which 
their  guide  approached  with  proud  steps  and  glowing 
eyes.  The  trees  all  around  were  full  of  figures  and 
curious  symbols  carved  on  the  bark,  telling  of  battles 
won,  and  other  deeds  of  war.  Every  civilized  nation 
has  sought  to  record  its  chronicles  in  pillars  of  stone  ; 
the  Indian,  less  advanced,  used  the  forest  trees  to  pre- 
serve his  fame.  In  this  forest  metropolis  the  Moravians 
were  kindly  treated,  and  lived  in  the  lodge  of  a  sachem. 
After  some  days  they  continued  their  journey  to  the 
country  of  the  Senecas,  a  beautiful  valley,  blooming 
like  a  garden.  Thus  far  their  eyes  had  evervwhere 
fallen  on  beauty,  and  kindness  had  been  lavished  on 
them  ;  but  now  their  joy  vanished.  They  had  reached  a 
village  of  drunken  Indians,  all  shouting,  laughing  and 
dancing  in  wild  confusion.  Zeisberger  and  Cammer- 
hoff  immediately  realized  their  critical  situation.  They 
were  invited  to  take  part  in  the  feast.  To  offend  might 
prove  instant  death  ;  while  to  join  in  the  revelry  was 
contrary  to  their  principles.  The  Indians  pressed 
around  with  threatening  looks,  and  insisted  that  Zeis- 
berger should  at  least  drink  their  health.  Seeing  no 
way  of  escape,  he  barely  lifted  the  proffered  cup  to  his 
lips,  and  then  the  Indians  let  him  go.  Rejoining  the 
bishop,  they  prepared  for  rest  ;  but  there  was  none. 
The  savages  burst  into  their  lodge  shouting  and  sing- 
ing, showing  marks  of  fierce  anger.  Before  completing 
their  journey,  they  suffered  still  more  severely  from  the 
drunkenness  of  the  Indians  in  other  places.  Yet  they 
escaped  all  perils,  and  though  Cammerhoff  was  much 
exhausted,  they  reached  Bethlehem  in  safety,  having 
traveled  more  than  sixteen  hundred  miles  on  horseback, 
afoot,  and  in  their  canoe. 


RELIGION.  377 

For  man}-  years  the  Moravians  continued  their  work 
with  varying  success.  Intemperance  and  wars  between 
the  Indians  and  the  whites  were  the  chief  hindrances. 
Again  and  again  were  their  labors  almost  ready  to 
blossom,  when  war  suddenly  cut  down  the  plant  so 
faithfully  cultivated. 

Perhaps  the  Moravians  would  have  found  a  more 
congenial  soil  among  the  Germans,  for  after  a  few 
years  they  were  in  sore  need  of  religious  teachers. 
There  were  more  than  enough  mystics,  but  the  fol- 
lowers of  Luther  and  Zwingli  cannot  be  blamed  for 
declining  to  partake  of  such  nebulous  food.  As  their 
governments  at  home  had  established  churches  and 
schools,  these  immigrants  did  not  understand  why  the 
Province  should  not  care  for  their  spiritual  and  educa- 
tional interests.  In  many  places,  what  little  religious 
light  once  burned,  had  flickered  and  expired.  Very 
different  were  the  lives  of  the  neighboring  Swedish 
Lutherans,  who  for  a  long  period  had  had  their  regular 
pastors.  Yet  the  Swedish  Lutheran  ministers  confined 
their  work  within  the  narrow  bounds  of  their  own  sect, 
while  some  sadly  impaired  their  spiritual  teachings, 
for  immediately  after  the  Sunday  service  they  repaired 
to  the  nearest  tavern  and  spent  the  remainder  of  the  day 
in  drinking  and  frolicking  with  their  parishioners. 

The  religious  condition  of  the  Germans  was  imper- 
iled by  the  rapid  influx  of  so  many  without  their 
pastors  or  religious  teachers  Still  worse,  some 
preachers  were  frauds,  resorting  to  the  pulpit  to  earn  a 
living.  Among  these  rogues  was  one  Carl  Rudolph, 
"Prince  of  Wurtemberg, "  probably  an  army  deserter. 
Posing  as  a  minister,  he  conducted  an  expedition  from 
Georgia  through  the  seaport  provinces,  cheating,  steal- 


2^8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

ing  and  foraging  on  German  settlers.  In  each  locality 
displaying  abundant  proof  of  his  dissolute  manners,  he 
yet  found  persons  whom  he  could  inveigle  by  his  per- 
suasive arts.  Others  dared  to  act  as  pastors,  baptizing 
children  and  marrying  people  without  ecclesiastical 
authority  ;  of  these  may  be  mentioned  parson  Frey- 
mouth,  who  lived  beyond  the  Blue  Mountains.  Finally 
in  1742  Muhlenberg  came.  Too  long  had  the  Ger- 
mans of  the  old  world  neglected  their  children  in 
the  new.  Lutheran  churches  then  existed  at  Phila- 
delphia, Lancaster,  Germantown,  New  Hanover  and 
The  Trappe.  No  Lutheran  pastor  had  ministered 
regularly  to  any  of  them,  though  Count  Zinzendorf 
was  preaching  to  the  Lutherans  in  Philadelphia  and 
was  not  inclined  to  withdraw.  There  was  a  formal 
meeting  between  these  two  eminent  worthies  of  the 
Christian  faith,  which  Muhlenberg  has  vividly  described. 
Having  gained  possession  of  the  church  he  began  his 
ministry. 

Perhaps  in  its  early  days  the  Lutheran  church  had  a 
greater  variety  of  preachers  than  at  any  other  period. 
One  of  the  truly  good  men  who  unwittingly  plunged 
his  church  into  a  sea  of  trouble  was  Handschuch,  pastor 
of  the  church  at  Lancaster.  At  the  beginning  of  his 
ministry  he  lived  as  a  bachelor  in  quiet  retirement. 
Then  he  took  a  house  and  employed  as  a  servant  the 
daughter  of  one  of  his  deacons.  No  one  found  fault 
with  this,  but  the  trouble  began  soon  after  he  told  her 
that  it  seemed  to  him  God's  will  that  he  should  marry 
her,  a  revelation  to  which  she  readily  yielded.  Nothing 
could  be  said  against  her  except  that  she  had  formerly 
kept  a  cake-stand  in  a  public  market  at  Lancaster. 
Handschuch' s  people  were  greatly  incensed  ;  and  strongly 


zn&nyiy  JUelw  cAa 


a. 


RELIGION.  ^  Q 

objected  to  calling  her  Frau  Pastorin.  Outsiders  indulged 
in  a  liberal  quantity  of  frivolous  remarks,  but  Hand- 
schuch  did  not  change  his  mind.  His  congregation  be- 
came divided.  On  the  wedding-day  he  and  his  bride  went 
to  the  church  ;  not  one  of  the  displeased  party  was  present. 
The  hilarity  so  common  on  such  occasions  was  chilled 
by  the  social  ice  that  had  so  suddenly  thickened  around 
the  pastor.  Handschuch  and  his  bride,  unable  to  endure 
the  arctic  temperature  surrounding  them,  bade  farewell 
to  Lancaster. 

During  Muhlenberg's  long  and  efficient  ministry,  he 
justly  earned  the  title  of  the  Patriarch  of  Lutheranism  in 
America.  He  was  unwearied  in  activity,  and  almost 
faultless  in  tactful  dealing  with  those  around  him.  His 
benign  face  bespoke  a  kindly  and  charitable  heart,  yet 
no  one  understood  better  than  he,  the  need  of  sharp  dis- 
tinctions between  right  and  wrong;  between  liberty 
based  on  the  solid  foundation  of  order  and  license 
issuing  from  irresponsible,  unthinking  conduct.  "The 
Pennsylvania  religion,"  meaning  no  religion,  with  many 
was  the  most  popular  ;  and  there  was  much  around  when 
Muhlenberg  came.  The  lines  of  religious  living  had 
greatly  loosened,  varying  from  the  plain  teaching  of  the 
Friends  to  the  rankest  skepticism.  Muhlenberg  clearly 
saw  that  the  church  must  be  re-established  on  stricter 
lines;  otherwise  its  pure  and  healing  waters  would  be 
absorbed  in  the  quicksands  of  unbelief.  For  this  reason 
he  was  disinclined  to  mingle  with  other  denominations. 
Free  from  jealousy,  recognizing  truth  wherever  found, 
within  the  pale  of  any  church,  he  yet  believed  that  all 
could  work  more  efficiently  within  well-defined  lines 
than  by  scattering  their  energies  over  a  broader  surface. 
When,  therefore,  it  was  proposed  to  establish  German 


380  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

schools  in  the  Province,  Muhlenberg  clearly  saw  the 
danger  attending  the  experiment.  He  believed  in  edu- 
cation, and  opposed  Saur's  low  policy  of  preserving  as 
far  as  possible  the  peculiarities  of  the  German  character. 
He  saw  the  objections  the  Germans  would  raise  to  the 
system ;  and  that  the  fruits  would  probably  be  very 
different  from  those  which  the  authors  desired  to 
garner.  So,  too,  he  did  not  favor  establishing  union 
churches  of  two  or  more  denominations.  He  knew 
these  experiments  often  led  to  the  most  bitter  quarrels, 
therefore  he  preferred  that  each  denomination,  while 
looking  kindly  on  others,  should  remain  separate,  feel- 
ing sure  that,  by  preserving  the  distinctions,  there  would 
be  greater  purity  of  life,  greater  activity  in  work,  more 
harmony  and  more  efficiency.  Above  all,  he  perceived 
that  Christian  discipline  would  be  better  observed  than 
by  trampling  down  these  lines  and  distinctions.  To 
impair  them  would  open  the  way  but  too  clearly  for  the 
abolition  and  destruction  of  all  religious  thought  and 
activity. 

Although  the  fires  of  religion  burned  freely  through- 
out the  Province,  yet  every  where  was  seen  a  decline  in 
spiritual  fervor.  Persons  removed  from  their  pastors, 
and  without  the  vivifying  influence  from  mutual  help 
and  example,  drifted  from  their  religious  moorings.  The 
decline  was  not  confined  to  any  one  sect,  but  pervaded 
all.  A  cooling  wave,  everywhere  snuffing  out  or  dead- 
ening the  religious  light,  blew  over  the  entire  American 
coast,  including  New  England.  Possibly  this  was  a 
reaction  from  the  moral  and  religious  energy  displayed 
during  the  early  days  of  provincial  life.  At  all  events 
it  came  in  full  force,  and  was  everywhere  noted  by  the 
most  thoughtful.     Even  in  England  the  same  decay  of 


RELIGION.  381 

religious  faith  was  deplored  by  the  most  spiritual 
teachers.  After  Puritanism  had  spent  itself  in  England 
there  was  a  reaction,  severe  and  prolonged,  and  all 
classes  relapsed  into  greater  worldliuess  apparently  than 
ever. 

What  were  the  causes  of  this  decline  is  a  question 
worthy  of  profound  study.  Unquestionably  prosperity  in 
several  ways  blighted  religious  life.  When  the  produc- 
tion of  wheat  became  excessive  the  surplus  was  distilled 
into  whiskey,  which  to  many  proved  a  curse.  A  large 
quantity  was  exported,  yet  the  drinking  habit  at  home 
increased,  resulting  in  moral  deterioration.  At  marriage 
celebrations  grave  irregularities  occurred,  and  even 
funerals  were  often  conducted  in  a  scandalous  and 
offensive  manner.  Drunkenness  became  common,  and 
many  of  the  newcomers  were  sensual  to  a  high  degree. 
In  1754  Muhlenberg  declared  that  Pennsylvania  had 
become  surfeited  with  people  of  all  kinds.  "It  teems 
with  a  wicked,  frivolous  rabble  and  vagabonds  of 
preachers  and  students,  and  the  devil  is  raging  and 
carrying  on  his  slanders  and  calamities  against  the  poor 
Hallenses. " 

Nor  was  the  decline  in  religious  thought  less  marked. 
Here  and  there  a  person  might  be  seen  on  the  lonely 
hights  of  theological  speculation,  but  he  did  not  long 
attract  the  interest  of  those  around  him.  The  differ- 
ences among  the  Pietists  did  not  proceed  from  the 
centre,  consequently  they  kindled  no  fierce  conflicts  for 
supremacy.  Their  beliefs  were  hardly  more  than  specu- 
lative opinions,  not  convictions  for  which  they  were 
willing  to  sacrifice  all. 

Many  ministers  in  those  days  received  a  very  inade- 
quate remuneration.     Those  of  the  Episcopal    church 


382  HISTOR  V  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

were  paid    partly  by  the  Church  of  England;    while 
Muhlenberg,  for  a  while,  was  paid  by  the  church  at 
Halle.     Some  parishioners  objected  to  an  annual  salary. 
They  regarded  this  as  an  effort  to  put  on  them  a  per- 
petual   tax,    and   they   would    not   be    thus   entangled. 
This  fact  shows  how  cold  Lutherauism  must  then  have 
been;    yet  the  people  were  kind  to  Muhlenberg,  and 
while  they  did   not  give  much   money,  supplied   him 
with    a   great   variety  of  food.     In   his   diary  he   says 
that  one  man  brought  him  a  sausage ;  another,  a  piece 
of  meat ;  a  third,  a  chicken  ;  a  fourth,  a  loaf  of  bread;  a 
fifth,  some  pigeons  ;  a  sixth,  a  rabbit.     Others  brought 
eggs,  tea,  sugar,  honey,  apples,  partridges  and  the  like. 
At    funerals,    marriages    and    infant    christenings    the 
pastor  usually  received  a  thaler,  and  many  gifts  came 
from   their   catechumens.     Hired    by  the  year,   like  a 
herdsman  in  Germany,  when  he  did  not  preach  as  his 
flock  desired,  he  was  dismissed.     For  this  reason,  says 
Mittelberger,    "I   would    rather   perform   the   meanest 
herd  service  in  Europe  than  be  a  minister  in  Pennsyl- 
vania.    Such  unheard-of  coarseness  and  wickedness  are 
the  result  of  excessive  liberality  in  the  land,  and  the 
blind  zeal  of  the  sects.     To  many  in  Pennsylvania,  the 
freedom  they  enjoy  is  more  harm  than  good,  both  in 
body  and  in  soul.     There  is  a  saying  that  Pennsylvania 
is   'the  farmer's  heaven,  the  mechanic's  paradise,  and 
the  official's  and  minister's  pandemonium.'  "    The  Pres- 
byterians paid  their  clergy  in  a  more  regular  manner. 
Though  in  the  early  days  the  people  were  hardly  in  a 
condition  to  reward  their  ministers  very  liberally,  they 
divided  with  them  fairly  the  fruits  of  their  labor.     If 
pastors  fared  scantily,   they  fared   at  least  as  well  as 
those  among  whom  they  labored  so  faithfully. 


RELIGION.  383 

For  a  long  time  religious  associations  were  without 
any  authority  to  own  land  or  burial  grounds.  In  1730 
this  right  was  conferred  by  law.  Before  soliciting  as- 
sistance from  outsiders  to  build  a  church,  permission 
from  the  governor  to  do  this  was  needful.  No  person 
could  beg  without  a  license  from  the  same  source.  In 
1766  the  Lutheran  church  of  Philadelphia  desired 
liberty  from  the  governor  "softly  to  feel  the  benevolent 
and  affectionate  pulse  of  our  munificent  patriots,  and  to 
try  the  sociable  and  mutual  charity  of  our  fellow  citi- 
zens." The  Roman  Catholics  of  Northampton  County, 
in  the  following  year,  also  petitioned  for  liberty  to  "ask 
assistance  from  charitable  and  piously  disposed  people." 
They  humbly  entreated  a  license  for  this  purpose, 
whereby  they  might  have  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of 
their  religion  prescribed  by  law,  and  reap  the  benefit  of 
the  privileges  granted  by  the  governor's  benevolent 
ancestors.1 

In  1 741  a  strong  religious  breeze  blew  over  the  waters. 
It  came  from  the  preaching  of  Whitefield.  He  drew 
followers  from  all  denominations,  preached  in  all 
churches,  and  exercised  a  tremendous  influence.  Even 
the  journalists  were  so  awed  that  they  did  not  venture 
to  correct  the  misstatements  of  his  friends  without  an 
apology  for  interference.  Like  most  reformers,  he 
turned  the  force  of  his  artillery  against  the  pleasures 
and  amusements  of  society.  Whether  or  not  people 
then  were  in  a  different  mood  from  now,  is  a  curious 
psychological  question.  His  preaching  produced  a 
wonderful  effect.  As  the  churches  were  too  small  for 
those  who  wished  to  hear,  meetings  were  held  in  the 
open  fields,  from  ten  thousand  to  fifteen  thousand  often 

•4  Pa.  Archives  252-279. 


384  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

attending  a  service.  In  giving  an  account  of  his 
preaching  at  Nottingham  he  says :  "  I  believe  there 
were  nearly  twelve  thousand  hearers.  I  had  not  spoken 
long  when  I  perceived  numbers  melting ;  as  I  preached 
the  power  increased  ;  and  at  last,  both  in  the  morning 
and  afternoon,  thousands  cried  out  so  that  they  almost 
drowned  my  voice.  Some  fainted,  and  when  they 
gained  a  little  strength,  heard  and  fainted  again. 
Others  cried  out  almost  as  though  in  the  sharpest 
agonies  of  death."  One  of  the  most  eminent  leaders 
of  the  Presbyterian  church,  Dr.  Hodge,  has  remarked 
there  must  have  been  an  extraordinary  influence  on  the 
minds  of  the  people  to  produce  such  vast  assemblies  and 
such  striking  effects  from  Whitefield's  preaching. 
Much  was  rational  in  the  experience  of  the  persons 
thus  violently  agitated ;  much  also  of  the  outward 
effect  was  the  result  of  mere  natural  excitement,  pro- 
duced by  powerful  impressions  on  excited  imaginations 
by  the  preacher's  fervent  eloquence,  and  diffused 
through  the  crowd  by  the  mysterious  influence  of 
sympathy. 

Whitefield's  preaching  was  so  marvelous  that  the 
highest  dignitaries  in  church  and  state  attended.  The 
English  historian  Hume  said  it  was  worth  while  to  go 
twenty  miles  to  hear  him,  and  repeated  this  closing 
passage  from  one  of  his  discourses:  "The  attendant 
angel  is  just  about  to  leave  the  threshold  and  ascend  to 
Heaven,  and  shall  he  ascend  and  not  bear  with  him  the 
news  of  one  sinner  among  all  this  multitude  reclaimed?" 
Then  stamping  with  his  foot,  he  lifted  up  his  hands  and 
eyes  toward  heaven,  his  eyes  filled  with  tears,  and  cried 
out,  "Stop,  Gabriel,  stop  ere  you  enter  the  sacred 
portals,  and  carry  with  you  the  news  of  one  sinner  con- 


RELIGION.  385 

verted  to  God  !"  Then,  says  Hume,  he  described  the 
Saviour's  love  in  the  simplest  language,  and  the  assembly 
was  melted  into  tears.  Sometimes  at  the  close  of  a 
sermon  he  personated  a  judge  about  to  pronounce 
sentence.  With  tearful  eyes  and  faltering  speech, 
caused  by  his  profound  emotion,  he  would  say,  "I  am 
now  going  to  put  on  my  condemning  cap.  Sinner,  I 
must  do  it;  I  must  pronounce  sentence  upon  you,"  and 
in  a  tremendous  strain  of  eloquence,  describing  the 
eternal  punishment  of  the  wicked,  he  would  close, 
repeating  the  words  of  Christ :  "  Depart  from  me,  ye 
cursed,"  etc.  The  difference  between  his  preaching  and 
that  of  the  day  may  be  illustrated  by  the  reply  of  a 
ship-builder,  "Why,  every  Sunday  that  I  go  to  my 
parish  church  I  can  build  a  ship  from  stem  to  stern 
under  the  sermon ;  but  were  it  to  save  my  soul,  under 
Mr.  Whitefield  I  could  not  lay  a  single  plank," 

Whitefield  was  followed  by  the  two  Tennents,  Gilbert 
and  William,  brothers,  who  possessed  great  learning  and 
eloquence  aud  were  powerful  religious  forces.  Their 
father  believed  in  an  educated  ministry,  aud  established 
a  "log  college"  in  Bucks  County  to  train  Presby- 
terian ministers.  Gilbert's  views,  however,  were  not 
shared  by  all  his  brethren,  and  the  gap  continued  to 
widen  until  his  denomination  was  rent  in  twain.  In  a 
famous  sermon  preached  at  Nottingham,  Gilbert 
Tennent  described  the  ministers  of  that  generation  "as 
low-learned  Pharisees;  plastered  hypocrites,  having  the 
form  of  godliness,  but  destitute  of  its  power."  Various 
efforts  were  made  to  unite  the  two  bodies,  and  after 
seventeen  years  of  difference — caused  not  by  diversity 
of  opinion  concerning  doctrine,  discipline  or  church 
government,    but    by    alienation    springing    from    the 

25 


386  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN  I  A 

different  views  of  the  Whitefield  revival  and  the  educa- 
tion of  ministers — the  breach  was  healed.1 

During  this  period  the  controversy  occurred  between 
the  First  Presbyterian  church  of  Philadelphia,  where 
Franklin  attended,  and  its  pastor,  Hemphill,  who  was 
accused  of  preaching  erroneous  doctrines.  It  was  the 
first  case  of  pronounced  heresy  that  had  broken  out 
within  the  Presbyterian  fold.  There  was  an  examina- 
tion with  searching  eyes  into  his  sermons.  Suddenly  a 
new  discovery  was  made;  instead  of  preaching  his  own, 
he  had  been  plagiarizing.  Many  of  his  attendants 
had  listened  with  surprised  delight  to  his  smooth 
periods  and  graceful  figures,  contrasting  strangely  with 
his  conversation  and  addresses.  He  was  speedily  re- 
tired, and  thus  ended  a  controversy  which  in  the  begin- 
ning threatened  to  result  in  a  genuine  old-fashioned 
"roasting"  of  Hemphill.  Doubtless  the  ending  was  a 
great  disappointment  to  the  firemen,  who  thus  lost  an 
opportunity  to  display  their  zeal  for  orthodoxy. 

The  Friends  had  experienced  their  full  measure  of 
controversy  in  dealing  with  the  apostasy  of  George 
Keith  the  century  before.  Thereafter  their  solemn, 
silent  life  wras  undisturbed  by  any  knight-errant  of  re- 
ligions disputation.  If  unmoved  by  the  teaching  of  a 
consecrated  educated  ministry,  they  were  at  least  spared 
the  ills  springing  from  a  ministry  intent  on  personal 
advancement  rather  than  on  higher  aims.  If  during 
the  long  period  of  religious  torpor  their  light  was  some- 
what eclipsed,  in  two  directions  at  least  it  shone  clearly 
amid  the  increasing  worldliness.  At  an  early  day  the 
Friends  declared  opposition  to  the  slave  system.     Some 

'  Nevin's  Churches  of  the  Valley  No.  i  and  Appendix. 


RELIGION.  387 

of  the  German  Friends,  the  simple-minded  vine-dressers 
and  corn-growers  from  the  Palatinate,  revolted  at  the 
traffic  in  human  beings.  As  early  as  1688  they  pre- 
sented an  address  to  the  yearly  meeting,  making  known 
their  views,  but  this  meeting  hesitated  to  pronounce  an 
opinion.  The  members  said  this  matter  was  "  of  too 
great  weight  for  them  to  determine,"  and  for  several 
years  the  opinion  of  the  Friends  concerning  the  subject, 
was  one  of  agitation  and  questioning.  In  1700,  during 
Penn's  second  visit  to  America,  the  subject  was  again 
considered  at  a  monthly  meeting  in  Philadelphia.  His 
mind,  he  said,  had  long  been  engaged  "  for  the  benefit 
and  welfare  of  the  negroes,"  and  he  pressed  his  brethren 
to  discharge  fully  their  duty,  regarding  more  especially 
the  mental  and  religious  improvement  of  the  slaves. 
Once  a  month  it  was  determined  to  hold  a  meeting  for 
worship,  especially  for  the  negro  race.  In  1710  the 
passage  of  an  act,  prohibiting  the  importation  of 
negroes  under  any  condition,  gave  great  satisfaction  to 
Penn.  Thus  the  anti-slavery  feeling  was  making  pro- 
gress in  Pennsylvania,  while  in  England  the  current  of 
public  sentiment  was  setting  strongly  the  other  way. 
This  act  was  indignantly  repealed  by  the  privy 
council ;  but  the  Assembly,  undaunted  by  the  repulse, 
two  years  afterwards  imposed  a  duty  of  ^20  on  each 
slave  imported.  This  act  met  a  fate  similar  to  the 
other.  During  the  same  year  a  petition  was  presented 
to  the  Assembly  for  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  in 
Pennsylvania.  The  subject  had  now  become  a  burning 
one  among  the  Friends,  and  at  their  monthly  and 
yearly  meetings  it  was  constantly  discussed,  and  resolu- 
tions adopted  discouraging  the  importation  and  sale  of 
slaves.     Ralph     Sanderford     wrote     a     work     on    the 


^88  HISTOR  i r  OR  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

"Mystery  of  Iniquity"  in  which  he  declared  that  the 
holding  of  negroes  in  slavery  was  inconsistent  with  the 
rights  of  man,  and  contrary  to  the  precepts  of  the 
Author  of  Christianity.  He  was  followed  by  two 
powerful  writers  in  moving  public  opinion,  John 
Woolman  and  Anthony  Benezet.  In  1754  Woolman 
published  his  "Constitution"  on  the  keeping  of 
negroes,  while  Benezet  was  untiring  in  his  efforts  for 
aiding  the  oppressed  slaves.  In  1755  the  yearly  meet- 
ing expressed  its  "sense  and  judgment,"  that  those  con- 
cerned in  importing  or  buying  slaves  ought  "speed- 
ily" to  be  reported  to  their  monthly  meeting.  Three 
years  afterward  it  was  declared  that  any  who  imported, 
bought,  sold  or  held  slaves,  should  not  be  allowed  to 
take  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  church.  A  considerable 
number  released  their  slaves,  and  by  1774  the  yearly 
meeting  of  Pennsylvania  was  free  from  the  business  of 
human  traffic.  During  the  last  year  of  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  yearly  meeting  of  Pennsylvania  addressed 
Congress  on  the  iniquity  of  the  slave  trade,  and  con- 
tinued to  wage  vigorous  war  against  the  system  until  it 
was  destroyed.1 

The  Friends  strongly  opposed  also  the  rising  tide  of 
fashion  and  amusement ;  at  no  time  was  their  position 
or  practice  doubtful.  They  did  not  fear  to  rebuke  in 
strong  terms  those  who  departed  from  their  ancient 
simplicity. 

The  Episcopal  church  like  the  others  had  crossed 
troubled  waters  ;  nourishing  in  the  beginning,  afterward 
it  nearly  perished.  At  the  end  of  the  first  decade  the 
clergy  had  removed  to  Virginia  or  Maryland,  or  died ; 
the  churches  were  closed,  and  the  parishes  had  disap- 

;2  Bowden,  176. 


RELIGION.  389 

peared.  Happily  in  the  inidst  of  this  general  depression, 
Christ  Church  grew  steadily  in  numbers  and  power  ; 
supported  by  the  Church  of  England.  Twelve  clergy- 
men of  the  Church  of  England  sent  by  "  The  Society 
for  the  Promulgation  of  the  Gospel,"  were  allowed 
^50  annually,  besides  what  they  received  from  sub- 
scription and  surplus  fees.  Some  were  itinerary  mis- 
sionaries, acting  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of 
London,  and  traveled  from  place  to  place  laboring 
faithfully  to  keep  the  church  alive. 

Of  all  the  branches  of  the  Christian  church,  the 
Roman  Catholic  was  the  only  one  that  encountered 
opposition,  nor  was  this  very  serious.  Doubtless  the 
first  Roman  Catholic  settlers  were  attended  by  a  priest, 
for  in  1686,  three  years  after  the  founding  of  Philadel- 
phia, Penn  mentions  an  old  priest  among  the  inhabi- 
tants. Early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  James  Logan,  the  writer  complained  that 
the  government  suffered  "public  mass  in  a  scandalous 
manner,"  and  in  a  subsequent  letter  the  same  charge 
was  repeated.  Indeed,  a  chapel  was  established  in  the 
city  as  early  as  1686,  and  a  second  one  was  built  in 
1736.  Watson  says  that  it  was  built  "  for  a  papal 
chapel,  and  the  people  opposed  its  being  so  used  in  so 
public  a  place."  Another  had  been  built  a  few  years 
before,  not  far  from  the  city,  on  the  road  to  Nicetown. 
This  was  probably  attached  to  a  private  house,  and 
built  by  the  owner,  perhaps  for  the  protection  of 
worshipers. 

In  1730,  Father  Greaton,  a  Jesuit,  was  sent  from  Mary- 
land to  Philadelphia,  though  De  Courcy,  says  he  began  in 
a  humble  chapel  at  the  corner  of  Front  and  Walnut 
streets  in  1703.     Aided  by  the  liberality  of  his  hostess, 


390  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

he  bought  a  lot  on  Fourth  Street,  and  erected  the  little 
chapel  of  St.  Joseph's.  The  authorities  were  opposed  to 
this,  and  Governor  Gordon  informed  the  council  of  its 
erection,  and  the  public  celebration  of  the  mass. 
"Father  Greaton,"  says  Archbishop  Carroll,  "laid  the 
foundation  of  that  now  flourishing  congregation.  He 
lived  there  until  about  1750,  having  long  before  suc- 
ceeded in  building  the  old  chapel  still  contiguous  to  the 
presbytery  of  that  town,  and  in  assembling  a  numerous 
congregation  which,  at  first,  consisted  of  not  more  than 
ten  or  twelve  persons."  The  archbishop  saw  this 
venerable  man  at  the  head  of  his  flock  in  1748. 

The  Jesuits  extended  their  labors  to  the  country  sur- 
rounding Philadelphia.  Father  Schneider,  a  native  of 
Bavaria,  in  1741  founded  the  mission  of  Goshenhoppen, 
forty-five  miles  from  Philadelphia,  where  he  lived  in 
poverty  for  more  than  twenty  years.  Four  years  after- 
ward he  built  a  church,  and  once  a  month  went  to 
Philadelphia  to  hear  the  confessions  of  Germans.  So 
respected  was  he,  among  even  the  Protestant  Germans, 
that  the  Mennonites  and  Hernhutters  aided  in  the  build- 
ing of  his  church.  About  the  same  time  Father 
Wapler,  Schneider's  companion,  founded  the  mission 
of  Conewa^o  :  and  later  others  established  missions  at 
various  places. 

The  Methodists  did  not  appear  in  Pennsylvania  until 
1767.  In  Wolfe's  victorious  army  on  the  plains  of  Abra- 
ham was  Captain  Thomas  Webb,  one  of  the  founders  of 
Methodism  in  Pennsylvania.  Returning  with  his  regi- 
ment to  England,  he  became  converted  under  Wesley's 
ministry,  and  was  ordered  to  duty  in  America.  The 
scarred  veteran  appeared  in  the  pulpit  in  full  uniform 
and  excited  much  attention.     The  first  place  of  meeting 


RELIGION.  o9I 

was  a  sail-loft  in  the  city.  In  this  upper  room  the  first 
Methodist  class-meeting  was  established,  and  here  he 
continued  his  active  ministrations  until  the  arrival  of 
Boardman  and  Pillmore  in  1769.  Soon  afterward  a 
society  was  formed.  The  first  church  owned  by  the 
Methodists  was  called  St.  George's,  purchased  for  ^650. 
Begun  by  a  German  Reformed  congregation,  it  was  sold 
by  an  act  of  Assembly  in  1769  in  payment  of  its  debts. 
Boardman  and  Pillmore  were  reinforced  by  Francis 
Asbury  and  Richard  Wright  in  1771  ;  and  Wesley 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  October  of  the  same  year. 
At  this  time  there  were  only  ten  Methodist  preachers  in 
America.  Bethel,  the  first  rural  church,  was  built  in 
Montgomery  County  in  1770.  During  the  Revolution 
it  afforded  shelter  to  the  wounded  and  dying  soldiers  of 
the  continental  army,  carried  there  from  the  battle-field 
of  German  town.  In  all  the  eastern  and  southern 
counties  Methodism  was  introduced  between  the  years 
1769  and  1773.  The  first  conference  of  Methodist 
preachers  convened  in  July  of  the  latter  year,  and  con- 
ferences were  held  twice  annually  afterward. 

In  tracing  the  course  of  religious  life  during  the  pro- 
vincial period,  it  is  quite  impossible,  after  the  most 
painstaking  inquiry,  to  discover  and  describe  all  the 
causes  of  its  rise,  variations  and  decline..  Religion  is 
such  an  inner,  mysterious  thing  that  by  no  investiga- 
tion, however  patient  and  prolonged,  can  its  contents 
be  wholly  revealed  and  understood.  That  Penn  desired 
above  all  else  the  religious  advancement  of  the  settlers 
in  his  Province  is  evident  from  every  act  of  his  life  re- 
lating to  them.  Pennsylvania  was  indeed  to  be  a  free 
land,  and  a  "holy"  one.  Of  his  failure  to  accomplish 
this  noble  end,  beside  the  causes  already  described, 
were  others  possessing  the  deepest  significance. 


3Q2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

Though  Penn's  government  at  the  outset  was  highly 
charged  with  moral  and  religious  principles,  the  way- 
was  thrown  wide  open  for  any  one  to  enter  and  enjoy 
his  political  paradise.  To  keep  the  religious  stream 
pure,  not  too  many  seekers  of  unsympathetic  views 
could  be  safely  admitted.  Penn,  clearly  seeing  the 
danger,  sought  to  prevent  this  consequence  by  provid- 
ing a  system  of  compulsory  education,  and  by  extending 
to  the  farthest  limits  laws  repressing  vice.  Unhappily, 
those  not  endowed  with  his  spirit,  were  soon  numerous 
enough  to  overthrow  his  educational  system,  and  to  dis- 
regard  his  legalized  moral  injunctions  against  drunken- 
ness, harlotry  and  kindred  vices.  Even  many  of  the 
better  classs  coming  without  their  ministers  departed 
from  their  religious  ways,  and  ere  long  were  adrift  on 
the  broad  current  of  irreligion  and  ignorance.  The 
general  deterioration  was  now  rapid,  and  the  better 
inclined  waited  long  and  wearily  to  see  an  effective 
check  applied. 

Had  Penn  lived  here,  his  influence  would  have  been 
incalculable  in  preserving  and  raising  the  tone  of  the 
people.  As  proprietary  and  ruler,  with  an  unselfish 
character  commanding  general  respect  and  reverence, 
his  presence  and  influence  would  have  been  a  mighty 
virtue-making  power.  This  is  clearly  shown  by  the 
effect  of  his  eloquent  letter  to  Governor  Evans  describ- 
ing the  people's  ingratitude.  It  is  a  sad  reminder  of 
what  might  have  been  accomplished  could  he  have 
spent  his  days  at  close  hand  in  shaping  the  destiny  of 
the  Province.  Unfortunately,  he  could  not  remain, 
and  from  his  deputies,  whatever  may  have  been  their 
political  fitness,  went  forth  no  moral,  health-giving 
influences.     They  were  regarded  as  the  representatives 


RELIGION.  393 

of  interests  inimical  to  those  of  the  settlers,  and  Evans 
especially  was  a  distinguished  sinner,  whose  conduct 
shocked  all  good  men.  By  completing  the  conquest 
of  the  wilderness  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Province, 
and  thus  assuring  themselves  of  earning  a  com- 
fortable livelihood,  was  aroused  the  spirit  for  money- 
making.  With  but  little  religious  or  secular  in- 
struction concerning  the  uses  to  be  made  of  wealth, 
this  spirit  grew  rapidly  and  dominated  legislation, 
deadened  respect  for  Penn  and  for  law,  and  checked  the 
growth  of  public  spirit.  It  is  true  that  a  few 
preached  and  wrote,  but  some  even  of  these  were  un- 
worthy or  inefficient.  Never  was  a  more  delusive 
or  destructive  doctrine  preached  than  this,  that  a 
country  can  easily  and  quickly  assimilate  all  forms  of 
a  grosser  or  less  advanced  life,  without  impairing 
its  own  higher  life.  Doubtless  this  can  be  done  to 
some  extent,  but  the  undeniable  consequence  of 
excessive  immigration  has  been  the  weakening  of  the 
better  elements  by  the  admixture.  The  plane  of  society 
has  been  formed,  not  on  a  high  elevation,  but  away 
down  in  the  valley.  For  a  brief  season,  the  seeds 
planted  by  the  earlier  colonists  sprang  up  and  grew  in 
a  beautiful  way,  but  failed  to  mature  through  lack  of 
husbandmen  possessing  the  same  ideals  and  purposes. 

Section  III. 
The  Church  in  the  Revolution. 

The  war  wrought  radical  changes  in  many  an  in- 
dividual and  in  every  organized  form  of  religion.  The 
church  reeled  to  and  fro  as  though  shaken  by  an  earth- 
quake. If  some  religious  denominations  sustained  the 
shock  better   than   others,   all  suffered.     Many  of  the 


394  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

churches  were  closed,  and  the  people,  left  without  their 
spiritual  directors,  strayed  away.  "The  civil  character 
of  the  war,"  remarks  a  religious  historian,  "especially 
in  the  Southern  states,  gave  it  a  peculiar  ferocity,  and 
produced  a  licentiousness  of  which  there  is  scarcely  a 
parallel  at  the  present  day.  Municipal  laws  could  not  be 
enforced  ;  civil  government  was  frustrated,  and  society 
was  well-nigh  resolved  into  its  original  elements."  ' 

A  moral  force  may  be  regarded  in  two  ways,  as  pro- 
gressive and  resistive  ;  in  either  direction  it  is  difficult 
to  measure  its  effectiveness.  Many  of  its  effects  cannot 
be  clearly  segregated  and  put  on  record.  Secrecy  in  its 
operations  is  often  a  most  important  element;  to  pro- 
claim its  work  is  to  mar  its  worth.  Carlyle  says  that 
the  highest  goodness  "is  silent  or  soft-voiced,1 '  even 
those  who  are  helped  may  never  know  whence  the 
strengthening  breeze  came.  Goodness  in  all  ages  has 
been  known  only  to  a  few  ;  the  record  has  been  kept 
within  the  sanctuary  of  the  soul.  The  great  world 
without  has  gone  rolling  on  quite  unconscious  of  the 
silent,  disinterested  activities  which,  in  myriad  ways, 
have  been  raising  and  restoring  mankind  to  moral 
health  and  happiness. 

The  resisting  power,  the  effect  of  which  in  any  case 
is  the  difference  between  what  a  man  is  and  would  have 
been,  if  no  moral  forces  had  existed,  is  still  more  diffi- 
cult to  measure.  If  they  were  withdrawn,  how  far 
would  he  recede?  In  other  words,  how  strong  are  such 
dykes  to  restrain  evil  from  making  headway?  Though 
still  far  behind,  what  moral  progress  has  man  made, 
this  is  one  test  ;  how  much  more  laggard  would  he  have 
been  had  these  dykes  not  existed,  this  is  another. 

1  Gillett. 


RELIGION.  095 

The  second  test  is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  times 
we  are  about  to  describe.  The  moral  forces  put  forth 
from  the  beginning  were  now  to  be  greatly  weakened  or 
wholly  withdrawn,  and  we  shall  learn  from  their 
departure  how  great  had  been  their  power,  both  in 
assisting  the  moral  advance,  and  in  preventing  the 
decline  that  would  have  set  in  without  their  presence 
and  action. 

The  first  effect  to  be  noted  was  dissension  in  the 
churches.  Some  members  were  in  favor  of  war,  others 
were  opposed,  and  this  antagonism  inevitably  expressed 
itself  in  open  divisions.  Individuals  might  have  their 
social  and  business  differences  without  affecting  the 
general  currents  of  religious  life ;  but  on  such  a  great 
question  it  was  impossible  for  persons  to  differ  strongly 
without  lessening  their  regard  for  each  other.  A  divid- 
ing stream  had  suddenly  appeared ;  not  some  gentle 
murmuring  brooklet  easily  crossed,  but  a  chasm 
continuing  to  deepen  and  widen  as  the  war-clouds 
deluged  the  distracted  country.  To  keep  alive  a 
church  organization  there  must  be  officers,  and  the 
selection  of  these  became  increasingly  difficult.  We 
shall  soon  see  how  great  was  the  difficulty  in  con- 
ducting the  affiairs  of  the  college  of  Philadelphia. 
While  the  anti-war  party  was  ascendent  the  institu- 
tion was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  hot-bed  of  treason.  The 
tension  could  not  last  long ;  one  faction  or  the  other 
was  sure  to  take  the  open  field  and  fight  for  supremacy. 
The  churches,  too,  were  cleft,  and  how  could  they  flour- 
ish so  long  as  they  were  sundered?  Religious  life 
weakened  and  perished. 

Other  causes,  outside  the  churches,  accelerated  the 
movement.     The  issue  of  paper-money  and  the  attend- 


3q6  histor  y  of  PENNSYL  VAN  J A. 

ant  speculation  in  it  loosened  the  moral  fibres  of  society. 
The  payment  of  debts  in  a  heavily  depreciated  money, 
and  the  delaying  of  payments  in  order  to  sell  goods  at 
higher  prices,  and  thus  receive  a  larger  nominal  sum 
that  was  effective  for  debt-paying,  were  strange  perver- 
sions of  the  common  rule  of  honesty.  The  morals  of 
the  people  rapidly  hardened  by  such  experiences.  Self- 
ishness grew  more  rankly  than  ever  before.  The  news- 
papers of  the  period  were  filled  with  the  evidences  of 
decaying  morality. 

The  keener  political  atmosphere  had  the  same 
effect.  Kindly  feeling  chilled,  the  disappointed  felt 
hard  towards  their  opponents.  The  managers  of  the 
State  were  a  body  of  firm  men  who  gave  law  to  a 
large  number  who  were  cowed  and  discontented. 
But  they  did  not  submit  serenely  to  political  servitude. 
Full  of  anger,  they  impatiently  waited  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity for  an  outbreak.  These  corrupting  streams  all 
flowed  in  one  direction — a  freshet  carrying  away  much 
that  was  noblest  and  best. 

When  men  were  thus  crazed  by  fiery  strife ;  ruled  by 
a  government  strangely  despotic  and  lax  by  turns; 
drifting  along  in  midnight  darkness,  unable  to  plan  for 
the  future,  how  could  religion  flourish?  How  could 
any  one  having  a  rightful  conception  of  Christianity  as 
a  moral,  heaven-born  power,  in  the  presence  of  the 
tragic  scenes  of  war,  bless  what  he  saw  in  the  name  of 
religion?  How  could  he  thank  a  loving  Father  for  all 
the  slaughter,  suffering  and  woe  that  filled  the  land? 
No  wonder  the  churches  were  smitten  and  fell  to  decay  ; 
it  would  be  a  wonder  indeed  had  they  not  suffered  by 
the  shock. 

Turning  from  the  general  survey  to  that  of  the  differ- 


RELIGION.  397 

ent  branches  of  religious  faith,  the  Friends  were  placed 
in  the  most  trying  situation  of  all.  By  adhering  to  the 
principle  of  peace,  many  were  put  in  the  uncomfortable 
category  of  suspected  enemies  of  their  country.  Not  a 
few  of  them  did  maintain  their  loyalty  to  Great  Britain; 
and  if  the  causes  for  rebelling  seemed  to  them  insuffi- 
cient, why  should  they  not  have  been  permitted  to  hold 
their  opinion?  It  is  true  that  the  Province  was  finally 
drawn  over  in  legal  form,  though  by  questionable 
methods,  to  the  other  side,  and  was  kept  by  a  body  of 
resolute  men  from  returning.  Yet  every  intelligent 
man  knew  when  the  change  was  effected  that  it  had 
been  accomplished  against  the  wishes  of  many,  as  had 
that  of  nearly  every  other  colony. 

The  peace  principles  of  the  Friends,  therefore,  com- 
bined with  their  loyalty,  placed  them  from  the  start 
under  the  ban  of  suspicion.  Their  unwillingness  to 
take  the  paper-money  because  this  was  an  agency  of 
war  deepened  the  enmity  towards  them.  Then,  too, 
the  vigor  of  the  friends  of  Revolution  was  all  the 
greater  because  they  were  so  few  compared  with  the 
entire  population.  It  was  necessary  to  make  up  by 
desperate  work  for  their  lack  in  numbers.  Had  the 
Friends  been  a  small  and  uninfluential  body,  their 
attitude  would  have  been  more  easily  borne.  It  was 
needful  to  crush  them  to  succeed  ;  if  not  wholly,  at  least 
to  deprive  them  of  all  political  influence. 

The  Friends  beheld  the  gathering  clouds  with  no 
little  disquietude.  At  a  meeting  of  their  representa- 
tives for  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  in  January,  1775, 
an  address  was  issued  declaring  that  by  repeated  public 
advices  and  private  admonitions  the  utmost  endeavor 
had  been  used  to  dissuade  the  members  of  the  society 


398  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

"  from  joining  with  the  public  resolutions  promoted 
and  entered  into  by  some  of  the  people  "  which  had 
increased  the  contention.  "The  divine  principle  of 
grace  and  truth  which  we  profess,"  so  the  address  con- 
tinued, ''leads  all  obedient  to  it  to  discountenance  every 
measure  tending  to  excite  disaffection  to  the  king  as 
supreme  magistrate,  or  to  the  legal  authority  of  his 
government."  Thus  believing,  they  disapproved  of 
many  of  the  recent  political  writings  because  their 
spirit  and  temper  were  "  not  only  contrary  to  the  nature 
and  precepts  of  the  gospel,  but  destructive  of  the  peace 
and  harmony  of  civil  society." 

"From  onr  past  experience  of  the  clemency  of  the 
king  and  his  royal  ancestors,  we  have  grounds  to  hope 
and  believe  that  decent  and  respectful  addresses  from 
those  who  are  vested  with  legal  authority,  representing 
the  prevailing  dissatisfactions  and  the  cause  of  them, 
would  avail  towards  obtaining  relief,  ascertaining  and 
establishing  the  just  rights  of  the  people,  and  restoring 
the  public  tranquillity  ;  and  we  deeply  lament  that  con- 
trary modes  of  proceeding  have  been  pursued  which 
have  involved  the  colonies  in  confusion,  appear  likely  to 
produce  violence  and  bloodshed,  and  threaten  the 
subversion  of  the  constitutional  government,  and  of 
that  liberty  of  conscience  for  the  enjoyment  of  which 
onr  ancestors  were  induced  to  encounter  the  manifold 
dangers  and  difficulties  of  crossing  the  seas,  and  of 
settling  in  the  wilderness." 

Such  was  the  position  taken  by  the  Friends  in  the 
contest  then  looming  up  so  darkly  before  them.  In 
November,  1775,  an  address  by  the  Friends  was  presented 
by  a  deputation  of  ten  persons  to  the  iVssembly.  After 
setting  forth  the  cry  for  an  appeal  to  arms,  and  their 


RELIGION.  j99 

principles  of  peace,  an  appeal  is  made  to  that  pro- 
vision in  the  charter  whereby  Friends  shall  not  be 
obliged  "  to  do  or  suffer  any  act  or  thing  contrary  to 
their  religious  persuasion."  The  address  concludes 
with  the  desire  that  "the  most  conciliatory  measures" 
may  be  pursued,  "and  that  all  such  may  be  avoided  as 
are  likely  to  widen  or  perpetuate  the  breach  with  the 
parent  state  or  tend  to  introduce  persecution  and  suffer- 
ings among  them,"  Others  of  similar  import  were 
issued  from  time  to  time,  and  from  the  position  thus 
taken  in  the  beginning  they  never  wavered,  except  a 
small  number,  throughout  the  war. 

As  these  could  not  be  dissuaded  by  the  believers  in 
peace,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  society  and  were 
known  as  Free  Quakers.  Perhaps  they  were  still  better 
known  as  "Hickory  Quakers,"  or  "Fighting  Quakers." 
They  were  never  a  numerous  body,  but  several  dis- 
tinguished themselves  in  the  Revolution.  Mifflin,  the 
first  governor,  was  one  of  them.  They  were  disowned, 
and  thus  the  sundering  was  complete.  The  Friends, 
however,  did  not  hesitate  to  restore  the  repentant.  Nor 
was  the  number  small.  One  of  these,  who  had  joined 
the  associators,  was  entreated  to  desist,  and  acknowledg- 
ing his  error,  was  at  once  restored.  Drafted  not  long 
afterward  into  the  military  service,  and  unwilling  for 
religious  or  other  reasons  to  go,  he  paid  his  fine. 
His  father  and  brethren  dealt  with  him,  while  he  de- 
fended his  course.  They  told  him  that  he  ought 
neither  to  have  paid  his  fine  nor  gone  to  war,  but 
to  prison;  indeed,  "to  rot  there,"  if  need  be,  before 
either  paying  or  going.  So  he  was  disowned.  Thus 
the  Friends  were  unsparing  in  dealing  with  their  mem- 
bers, though  as  each  meeting  acted  independently  not 
all  meted  out  the  same  degree  of  strictness  or  severity. 


4<x>  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

The  attitude  of  John  Dickinson  was  peculiar.  Op- 
posed to  Revolution,  when  at  last  it  came  he  joined  in  the 
movement,  took  command  of  a  battalion  and  went  to 
the  front.  Displeased  over  what  he  believed  was  unjust 
treatment,  he  resigned,  but  ere  long  proved  his  patriot- 
ism by  joining  a  company  as  a  private,  and  as  such 
participated  in  the  battle  of  Brandywine.  A  Friend 
and  man  who  neither  wrote  nor  spoke  unless  he  had 
something  important  to  say,  of  all  the  members  of  that 
immortal  body,  the  Continental  Congress,  who  dared 
defy  the  power  of  Great  Britain  and  professed  so  much 
patriotism,  Dickinson  and  McKean  were  of  the  six1 
who  ever  enlisted  and  fought.  The  rest  were  content 
to  talk.  Dickinson  put  his  patriotism  to  the  grim  test 
of  going  into  the  field  and  facing  the  guns  and  bayo- 
nets of  the  enemy.  Nor  is  the  silence  with  which  his 
conduct  was  regarded  by  his  religious  society  hardly 
less  remarkable  than  his  own,  for  the  most  diligent 
study  of  its  records  fails  to  discover  that  he  was  dis- 
owned or  reproved. 

The  Friends  suffered  through  distraints  for  military 
purposes.  Of  course,  all  suffered  in  this  way,  though 
very  likely  those  known  or  suspected  of  having  no 
sympathy  with  the  American  cause  suffered  the  most. 
When,  for  example,  a  demand  was  made  of  the  people 
in  Philadelphia  for  blankets,  they  were  taken  without 
distinction  of  persons,  and  the  Friends  were  obliged  to 
pass  a  winter  without  them.  In  the  early  days  of  the 
war,  lead  was  a  precious  article,  and  the  houses  of 
Friends  were  stripped  just  as  quickly  as  others.  When 
some  of  them  opened  their  shops  on  a  day  appointed 

'The  other  four  were:  George  Taylor,  James  Smith,  James  Wilson 
and  George  Ross. 


RELIGION.  4or 

for  a  fast,  their  houses  were  attacked  by  a  rabble. 
Some  were  committed  to  prison  for  declining  to  engage 
in  military  service;  others  were  fined  for  not  accepting 
public  office. 

Whatever  one  may  think  of  their  belief,  he  must 
admire  their  religious  loyalty  and  placid  courage.  Their 
conduct  re-lights  the  great  story  of  persecution  for 
truth's  sake  in  earlier  days.  The  world  always  admires 
unselfish  devotion  to  whatever  cause.  During  1777, 
from  the  members  of  one  meeting  alone,  goods  to  the 
value  of  nearly  ^12,000  were  taken  because  of  their 
refusal  to  enrol  in  the  militia.  Many  no  doubt  were 
loyalists,  and  with  them  their  religious  belief  accorded 
with  their  political  allegiance.  Their  opponents,  know- 
ing this,  swept  all  together  without  distinction.  So  the 
entire  number,  save  in  exceptional  cases,  were  suspected 
of  disloyalty,  if  not  openly  charged  with  disaffection  to 
the  new  order  of  things.  Hard  truly  was  their  lot,  for 
at  all  times  the  condition  of  the  revolters,  until  near  the 
close  of  the  struggle,  was  most  desperate,  preventing 
them  from  showing  any  mercy  toward  those  differing 
from  themselves  ;  as  perhaps  they  would  have  done  had 
their  own  resources  been  larger  and  their  prospects  less 
dubious. 

In  the  summer  of  1777  the  revolutionary  sky  grew 
blacker  than  ever.  The  British  army  was  preparing  to 
invade  Pennsylvania  and  every  one  felt  that  Washing- 
ton could  not  long  resist  its  advance.  The  revolu- 
tionists were  greatly  excited  ;  they  felt  that,  if  they 
could  do  nothing  else,  they  could  at  least  imprison  some 
of  those  who  would  welcome  the  coining  of  the  dreaded 
invader.  The  report  spread  that  some  of  the  Friends 
were  to  be  arrested.  At  last,  Congress  directed  this  to  be 
26 


4Q2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

done,  and  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  immediately 
proceeded  to  execute  the  order.  No  specific  charges 
were  made  against  the  persons  arrested,  and  they  sent 
a  written  remonstrance  to  the  Council  against  its  action. 
"Having  a  just  sense  of  the  inestimable  value  of  reli- 
gious and  civil  liberty,  we  claim  as  freemen,"  they  said, 
"our  undoubted  right  to  be  heard  before  we  are  con- 
fined in  the  manner  directed  by  the  order ;  and  we  have 
the  more  urgent  cause  for  insisting  on  this  our  right, 
as  several  of  our  fellow-citizens  have  been  for  some  days 
and  are  now  confined  by  your  order  and  no  opportunity 
is  offered  them  to  be  heard ;  and  we  have  been  informed 
that  it  is  your  purpose  to  send  them  into  a  distant 
part  of  the  country,  even  beyond  the  limit  of  the  juris- 
diction you  claim,  where  we  would  have  no  opportunity 
of  clearing  ourselves  of  the  charge  or  suspicions  enter- 
tained against  us."  Other  remonstrances  followed,  but 
the  council  was  unmoved  in  its  purpose  to  send  the 
prisoners  into  exile  unless  they  would  sign  a  test  of 
their  loyalty.  As  they  had  once  refused  to  do  this,  so 
again  did  they  refuse. 

At  the  time  of  arresting  the  Friends,  Rev.  Thomas 
Coombe,  then  officiating  in  one  of  the  Episcopal 
churches  in  the  city  and  who  displayed  much  feeling  for 
the  crown,  was  also  arrested.  The  vestry  of  the  united 
churches  petitioned  the  Executive  Council  for  his 
release,  because  he  had  been  arrested  without  know- 
ing his  accusers  or  having  an  opportunity  to  make  his 
defence.  This  the  petitioner  deemed  an  infringement 
of  religious  and  civil  liberty.  The  council  coldly  dis- 
regarded the  request.  Another  application  by  Colonel 
Cadwalader  and  Rev.  William  White  was  received  with 
a  different  spirit.     They  requested  that  he  be  permitted 


RELIGION.  403 

to  go  to  Virginia  and  thence  to  the  island  of  St. 
Enstatia.  He  lingered  here,  and  in  truth,  never  went 
away. 

Carriages  were  procured  for  the  journey  of  the  exiled 
Friends  and  the  procession  was  formed,  guarded  by 
soldiers.  A  large  crowd  gathered  around  to  see  this 
strange  spectacle.  Many  of  the  on-lookers  were  deeply 
moved  as  they  bade  adieu  to  their  old  friends,  snatched 
from  them,  not  because  they  believed  and  acted  differ- 
ently from  thousands  of  others,  but  as  a  warning  to 
those  spared  to  do  otherwise,  if  they  wished  to  escape 
a  similar  fate.  Day  after  day  the  carriages  rolled 
slowly  westward.  A  slumbrous,  golden  haze  filled  the 
air-  the  leaves  no  longer  stirred,  for  nature  was  begin- 
ning to  work  in  them  her  wonderous  transformation  of 
color  before  they  fell  and  perished.  But  nature  had  no 
charms  for  these  heavy-hearted  exiles.  For  twenty 
days  their  carriages  rolled  monotonously  toward  the 
Alleghenies.  When  they  reached  Winchester,  a  remote 
settlement  of  Virginia,  three  hundred  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia, they  at  last  stopped  to  exchange  their  moving 
prisons  for  others,  stationary,  though  quite  as  cheerless, 
among  a  strange  people  without  any  sympathy  for  either 
their  principles  or  for  their  sufferings. 

Not  content  with  these  arrests,  Congress  seized  the 
papers  and  minutes  of  meetings,  and  searched  for  evi- 
dence against  others.  Nothing  was  found  implicating 
the  members  in  any  way  with  the  enemy. 

The  exiles,  not  feeling  secure  in  their  frontier  home, 
again  addressed  Congress  on  the  injustice  of  their  ban- 
ishment without  a  hearing.  They  also  sent  an  address 
to  the  governor  and  Council  of  Virginia,  asking  "that 
protection  to  which  the  claims  of  hospitality  and  the 


404  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

common  right  of  mankind"  entitled  them  in  a  country 
where  they  were  strangers. 

The  opinion  soon  began  to  spread  and  strengthen 
that  they  were  exiled  without  just  reason,  a  view  shared 
by  some  of  the  more  considerate  members  of  the  Exec- 
utive Council  and  of  Congress.  "As  things  have 
turned  out,"  wrote  the  Secretary  of  the  Executive 
Council,  "the  original  arrest  was  thought  by  many  not  to 
have  answered  any  good  purpose,  and  detaining  them  in 
confinement  not  serviceable  to  the  public  cause."  Con- 
gress appointed  a  committee  to  confer  with  some 
Friends  who  had  presented  the  memorial  of  the  exiles 
to  that  bodv.  During  the  interview,  the  committee 
avowed  "that  they  had  no  other  accusation  against 
them  than  the  several  epistles  of  advice  which  had  been 
published."  The  committee,  therefore,  recommended 
Congress  either  to  hear  the  prisoners  in  their  defence, 
or  to  discharge  them  from  custody.  Early  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  Congress  voted  to  discharge  them  on  taking 
an  affirmation  of  allegiance  to  Pennsylvania  as  a  free 
and  independent  State.  This  they  could  not  do. 
Many,  unable  to  comprehend  the  spirit  and  nature  of 
the  time,  will  regard  their  stubbornness  as  unreasonable 
and  justifying  Congress  in  prolonging  their  banishment. 
Suppose  a  Unionist  during  the  Civil  War  had  refused 
to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Southern  Confeder- 
acy, would  the  Unionists  of  the  North  have  regarded 
his  act  as  unreasonable  stubbornness?  Would  they  not 
have  considered  his  loyalty  as  worthy  of  all  praise? 
The  Friends  regarded  the  British  government  as  the 
true  government ;  all  only  a  few  months  before  had  ac- 
knowledged their  allegiance  to  it,  and  probably  more 
than  a  majority  still  regarded  it  in  the  same  manner. 


RELIGION.  4Ov5 

Were  not  the  Friends,  from  their  point  of  view,  justi- 
fied in  continuing  their  allegiance? 

Yet  events  that  would  effect  their  release  were  grow- 
ing. They  were  obliged  to  live  at  their  own  expense. 
They  boarded  with  the  inhabitants  exposed  to  hard- 
ships to  which  they  were  strangers.  Two  were  taken 
ill  and  died  ;  others  sickened.  When  the  news  of  these 
things  reached  Lancaster,  where  Congress  was  sitting, 
it  was  resolved  to  release  the  prisoners;  and  after  an 
imprisonment  of  more  than  seven  months  they  were  set 
free. 

As  the  Revolution  advanced,  the  condition  of  the 
Friends  did  not  improve.  Fines  and  imprisonments  for 
refusing  to  bear  arms  were  rigorously  enforced ;  for 
refusing  to  become  collectors  of  taxes,  an  office  thrust 
on  them  with  much  frequency,  heavy  exactions  were 
demanded.  Remonstrances  to  the  Executive  Council 
received  but  little  attention.  Heavy  distraints  were 
made,  to  which  they  could  only  submit. 

Then  came  another  reverse.  By  increasing  the 
severity  of  the  test  oaths  the  Assembly  shut  out  from 
teaching  in  the  schools  all  persons  unwilling  to  comply 
with  them.  This  closed  the  schools  of  the  Friends, 
and  again  they  remonstrated.  This  was  referred  to  a 
committee  of  the  Assembly  who  required  the  Friends 
"  to  communicate  the  letters  and  testimonies  which 
their  meetings  had  published  during  the  last  seven 
years  containing  their  opinions  on  religion  and  religious 
subjects."  To  this  a  reply  was  sent  stating  that  the 
object  of  their  meetings  was  a  religious  one,  which 
"had  not  been  perverted  to  the  purpose  of  political  dis- 
quisitions, or  any  thing  prejudicial  to  the  public  safety. 
Our  Friends  have  always  considered  government  to  be 


406  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  YL  VAN  I  A . 

a  divine  ordinance,  instituted  for  the  suppression  of 
vice  and  immorality,  the  promotion  of  virtue,  and  the 
protection  of  the  innocent  from  oppression  and  tyranny. 
It  is  also  our  firm  belief  that  conscience  ought  not  to  be 
subject  to  the  control  of  men,  or  the  injunctions  of 
human  law  ;  and  every  attempt  to  restrain  or  enforce  it, 
is  an  invasion  of  the  prerogative  of  the  Supreme  Lord 
and  Lawgiver."  After  giving  their  reasons  for  oppos- 
ing war,  they  remarked  that  "  as  our  Christian  principle 
leads  into  a  life  of  sobriety  and  peace,  so  it  restrains  us 
from  taking  an  active  part  in  the  present  contest,  or 
joining  with  any  measures  which  tend  to  create  or 
promote  disturbance  or  commotions  in  the  government 
under  which  we  are  placed  ;  and  many  of  our  brethren, 
from  a  conviction  that  war  is  so  opposite  to  the  nature 
and  spirit  of  the  Gospel,  apprehend  it  their  duty  to 
refrain  in  any  degree  from  voluntarily  contributing  to 
its  support.  Some  for  considerable  number  of  years 
past  on  former  occasions  have  not  actively  complied 
with  the  payment  of  taxes  raised  for  military  sendee 
and  duties,  from  conscientious  motives,  have  now 
avoided  circulating  the  currency  which  hath  been 
emitted  for  the  immediate  purpose  of  carrying  on  war; 
although  on  these  accounts  they  have  been,  and  still 
are,  subjected  to  great  inconvenience,  loans  and  suffer- 
ings." 

None  of  these  defences  moved  those  who  were  hold- 
ing in  their  hands  the  trembling  fortunes  of  the  State. 
Notwithstanding  the  principles  of  the  Friends,  their 
horror  of  war,  their  aversion  to  force  of  any  kind, 
advantage  was  taken  of  their  submissive  attitude  to  de- 
spoil them  of  their  goods,  nor  did  they  escape  loss  when 
within  the  protection  and  grasp  of  the  invader.     Some 


RELIGION.  407 

of  them  were  carried  off  by  the  Indians.  Among  these 
captives  were  Benjamin  Gilbert  and  his  family.  They 
were  living  at  the  time  near  Mauch  Chunk,  in  the 
Lehigh  Valley. 

During  the  five  years  he  had  lived  there  he  had  built, 
besides  a  log-dwelling-house  and  barns,  a  saw  and  grist- 
mill; for  the  forest  supply  of  timber  was  abundant,  and 
Mahoning  Creek  ran  its  strong  full  course  unchecked 
by  ice  or  drought.  In  the  vicinity  others  had  settled,  so 
that  the  mill-stones  whizzed  cheerily  all  the  year  round, 
and  the  sharp,  grating  mill-saw  kept  daily  company. 
In  an  evil  hour  this  scene  of  peace,  contentment  and 
prosperous  toil  was  rudely  broken  by  the  stealthy, 
savage  intruder.  Gilbert  and  his  entire  family  of 
eleven  were  seized.  Half  a  mile  away  lived  Benjamin 
Peart,  who  also  was  taken  with  his  wife  and  little  child, 
then  nine  months  old.  Having  bound  their  prisoners, 
the  Indians  plundered  and  burned  their  dwellings.  The 
captives  now  started  on  their  unknown  journey  over  the 
hills  of  Mauch  Chunk,  catching  glimpses  for  awhile  of 
their  blazing  dwellings.  For  two  months  they  tra- 
versed the  rugged  region  of  Northern  Pennsylvania,  and 
through  the  swamps  and  rivers  of  the  Genesee  country. 
Often  from  fatigue  and  hunger  they  were  ready  to  faint 
by  the  way,  but  their  ferocious  captors  by  the  threat  of 
immediate  death  nerved  them  onward.  Gilbert's  health 
at  last  began  to  break,  and  the  Indians  painted  him 
black  as  a  prelude  to  the  death  he  should  suffer,  but 
through  his  wife's  intercession  he  was  spared.  After  a 
fearful  journey  of  fifty-four  days  the  prisoners  entered  a 
town  not  far  from  Fort  Niagara ;  but  their  sufferings 
were  not  yet  over.  Stones  were  thrown  at  them  by  the 
Indian  women  and  children,  and  not  satisfied  with  inflict- 


4o8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

ing  these  cruelties,  they  were  afterward  beaten  with 
stones,  and  we  wonder  how  they  survived.  Then  a  new 
turn  was  given  to  their  sufferings.  They  were  sepa- 
rated, some  given  over  for  adoption  into  the  Indian 
tribe,  some  hired  out  by  their  Indian  owners  to  white 
families,  while  others  were  sent  as  prisoners  of  war 
down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Montreal.  One  finally  es- 
caped, and  through  him  the  people  of  Pennsylvania 
learned  what  had  become  of  the  captives.  Finally  all 
except  Gilbert,  who  had  sunk  under  his  sufferings,  were 
collected  at  Montreal,  after  a  captivity  of  nearly  two 
years  and  a  half,  and  released. 

At  last,  with  the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  1782,  the 
heavy  clouds  broke ;  the  sufferings  of  the  Friends  less- 
ened. With  the  return  of  peace  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  the  "powers"  that  were 
now  fully  and  formally  established.  Most  of  their 
number  had  remained  loyal  to  Quaker  principles,  at  the 
cost  of  heavy  suffering.  If,  however,  they  had  pre- 
served their  religious  principles,  their  political  influence 
had  been  overthrown.  Those  in  control  had  no  kindly 
feeling  toward  the  Friends,  even  after  wholly  and 
heartily  yielding  to  the  new  order,  but  continued  to 
treat  them  with  studied  coldness  and  disdain. 

The  work  of  rebuilding  their  faith  and  influence  was 
now  to  begin,  but  so  terribly  shattered  were  they  by  the 
Revolution  that  they  shrank  from  attempting  to  exert 
any  political  influence  and  confined  themselves  to  a 
narrower  sphere.  Yet  their  religious  life  was  still  burn- 
ing, in  some  cases  dimmed  by  the  terrible  blasts  which 
had  smitten  it,  though  in  a  larger  number  purified, 
brightened,  and  giving  forth  fresh  evidence  of  its  divine 
and  enduring  power. 


RELIGION.  409 

The  fate  of  the  Episcopal  Church  will  next  be  con- 
sidered. Many  of  the  members  were  loyalists,  while  the 
clergy  were  still  more  steadfast  in  their  adherence  to 
the  British  crown.  The  clergy  were  indeed  united  by  a 
double  bond,  both  secular  and  spiritual.  At  their  ordi- 
nation, they  had  sworn  perpetual  allegiance  to  the  king. 
"They  could  not  have  left  the  obligation  of  the  ordina- 
tion oath  off  their  consciences  even  if  they  had  wished, 
and  they  did  not  wish."  Until  the  appeal  was  made  to 
arms,  they  were  ready  to  join  in  addresses  to  the  king 
for  an  adjustment  of  differences,  but  with  few  excep- 
tions they  never  swerved  from  their  allegiance. 

Besides,  many  of  them  had  not  lived  long  in  the 
colonies,  and  were  largely  supported  by  the  English 
Church.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  when  they  reached 
the  parting  of  the  ways,  that  they  should  have  turned 
toward  the  government  and  church  to  which  they  were 
bound  by  the  ties  of  moral  obligaVion  and  pecuniary 
support. 

The  laymen  were  under  no  such  close  relationship, 
yet  many  of  them  seem  to  have  been  strongly  imbued 
with  the  same  spirit,  though  some  of  the  most  com- 
manding figures  of  the  Revolution  belonged  to  that  com- 
munion,— Washington  and  Patrick  Henry,  Gouverneur 
Morris,  Livingston,  Jay,  Madison  and  other  great 
names.  Consequently  during  the  war  many  of  the 
churches  were  closed,  literally  wrecked,  and  the  mem- 
bers were  scattered  far  and  wide.  The  lover  of  his 
church  beheld  everywhere  a  scene  of  spiritual  desolation. 

There  were  in  Philadelphia  two  characters  in  the 
church  who  are  invested  with  a  permanent  interest, 
White  and  Duche.  The  one,  regarding  his  oath  more 
broadly    than   his   fellows,    as   meaning   that   he  must 


410  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

remain  faithful  to  the  actual,  justifiable  state,  threw  in 
his  fortunes  with  the  uew-born,  struggling  republic ; 
the  other,  regarding  his  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king 
as  binding  under  every  circumstance,  still  clung  to  his 
old  master,  George  III.  Were  ever  two  fellow- workers 
more  unlike  in  their  mental  processes  and  moral 
courses?  White  was  always  serious;  his  thinking 
was  never  a  mere  quest  of  discovery,  but  for  the 
purpose  of  reaching  some  important  conviction,  which, 
once  reached,  was  steadfastly  maintained.  Duche 
swam  in  shallow  waters,  sported  with  many  fancies,  and 
ere  long  suffered  the  natural  consequences  from  indulg- 
ing in  such  waywardness. 

White  continued  at  his  post  and  prayed  for  the  king 
in  the  duly  appointed  manner  until  the  Sunday  before 
the  Fourth  of  July,  1776.  Soon  afterward,  when  he 
went  to  the  court-house  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  a 
gentleman  standing  there  intimated  to  him  by  a  gesture 
the  danger  of  the  step.  After  taking  it  he  said  to  his 
friend,  "I  perceived  by  your  gesture  that  you  thought 
I  was  exposing  my  neck  to  great  danger  by  the  step 
which  I  have  taken  ;  but  I  have  not  taken  it  without 
full  deliberation.  I  know  my  danger,  and  that  it  is  the 
greater  on  account  of  my  being  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England ;  but  I  trust  in  Providence.  The 
cause  is  a  just  one,  and  I  am  persuaded  will  be  pro- 
tected." 

White's  position,  zeal  and  beautiful  character  ren- 
dered him  so  conspicuous  that  he  was  chosen  chaplain  of 
Congress — a  body  for  which,  if  we  believe  its  most 
trustworthy  secretary,  there  was  much  need  of  praying. 
He  was  elected  at  a  time  when  the  British  were  advanc- 
ing on  Philadelphia  and  Congress  was  fleeing  to  York- 


RELIGION.  4II 

town.  "Nothing  could  have  led  me  to  accept  the 
appointment,"  so  he  himself  said,  "but  the  determina- 
tion to  be  consistent  in  my  principles  and  in  the  part 
taken."  He  continued  to  serve  until  the  British  left 
Philadelphia,  and  then  returned  to  the  city  to  restore 
the  wreck  of  his  church.  He  was  the  only  representa- 
tive of  it,  and  he  was,  to  use  his  own  words,  "in  a  try- 
ing situation."  The  chief  difficulty  was  the  hot  spirit 
of  the  Whigs  and  Tories.  "  With  the  latter,  the  danger 
was  the  absenting  themselves  from  the  churches  in  the 
devotion  of  which  the  new  allegiance  was  acknowl- 
edged." The  prejudice  gradually  wore  away,  and  in  a 
few  months  he  was  elected  Duche's  successor. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  struggle  Duche*  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  for  his  patriotic  sentiments,  and  his 
"first  prayer"  for  Congress  in  Carpenters'  Hall  was  so 
eloquent  that  whether  it  ascended  to  Heaven  or  not,  it 
certainly  did  spread  far  and  wide  throughout  the 
country.  This  was  followed  by  stirring  discourses  in 
the  same  strain.  He  also  was  elected  a  chaplain  to 
Congress  and  held  that  position  at  the  time  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  His  language  in  these 
prayers  beseeching  mercy  "  on  these  our  American 
states  who  have  fled  to  Thee  from  the  rod  of  the 
oppressor,"  had  no  doubtful  sound.  When  the  British 
army  began  its  advance  on  Philadelphia  he  resigned  his 
chaplaincy.  Nor  did  he  longer  use  any  oppressor's 
rod.  When  the  British  army  entered  the  city  he  still 
remained  at  the  head  of  Christ  Church,  and  the  follow- 
ing Sunday  prayed  for  the  king  as  heartily  as  in  former 
days.  Nevertheless,  arrested  by  order  of  Sir  William 
Howe,  he  remained  in  prison  one  night — time  enough 
to  think  still  more  about  that  oppressor's  rod.     Duche* 


412  HIS  TOR  V  OF  PENNS  YL  VANIA . 

announced  that  he  had  undergone  a  political  conver- 
sion; furthermore,  he  succeeded  in  convincing  Howe 
that  he  could  reduce  Washington's  bellicose  condition 
if  given  an  opportunity.  This,  however,  was  to  be  done 
not  with  eloquent  prayers  and  sermons,  but  by  an  en- 
tirely human,  characteristic,  Duche  effort.  He  was 
set  to  the  task  and  advised  Washington  "  to  abandon 
a  wretched  cause  ; "  —  advice  that  made  not  the 
slightest  impression.  As  the  Bishop  of  London  had 
disapproved  of  Duche's  former  course  of  supporting 
the  cause  of  the  Revolution,  he  determined  to  visit  the 
bishop  and  explain  his  conduct,  for  he  had  much  to 
explain.  Soon  after  his  departure  he  was  proclaimed  a 
traitor  and  his  estate  was  confiscated.  Arriving  in 
London,  he  sought  the  bishop.  For  him  the  interview 
must  have  been  hardly  more  cheerful  than  his  endeavor 
to  convert  Washington  from  his  rebellious  ways.  The 
bishop  did  not  look  kindly  on  him  ;  with  all  his 
ingenuity,  he  did  not  strengthen  his  position.  He  had 
gone  too  far,  and  had  committed  a  deed  that  might  be 
pardoned,  but  could  not  be  forgotten.  In  his  earlier 
career  he  had  plunged  into  the  mysticism  of  Jacob 
Boehme  and  William  Law,  and  after  his  chilling  inter- 
view with  the  bishop  he  fed  for  a  season  on  the  specu- 
lations of  Swedenborg.  No  wonder,  with  his  floppy 
political  tendencies,  combined  with  still  stronger  spirit- 
ual aberrations,  that  he  was  looked  on  askance,  as  a 
kind  of  moral  and  political  vagrant,  to  be  kept  at  a  safe 
distance.  Yet  in  passing  judgment  on  his  course  the 
unusual  structure  of  his  mental  organism  ought  to  be 
remembered.  For,  assuming  him  to  be  honest  in  his 
political  and  religious  wanderings,  he  ought  to  be  re- 
garded less  as  a  trimmer,  than  as  a  kind  of  mental  and 


RELIGION.  4!  3 

religious  nomad,  voluntarily  preferring  the  free,  yet 
uncertain,  sandy  paths  of  the  desert  to  firm,  healthy 
ground. 

After  the  restoration  of  peace,  White  at  once  began 
to  gather  the  fragments  of  the  church,  preparatory 
to  its  reconstruction.  For  this  momentous  under- 
taking what  plan  should  be  adopted?  Three  ideas 
were  in  the  minds  of  men.  "  The  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land idea  was  to  save  the  former  endowments  of 
the  church,  and  to  rescue  and  hold  these  an  organiza- 
tion must  be  created  which  could  have  a  standing  before 
the  law  in  the  new  government."  The  New  England 
idea  was  to  re-establish  the  church  in  its  primitive  com- 
pleteness of  doctrine  and  discipline  and  apostolic  order. 
The  idea  of  the  Middle  colonies  was  to  organize  a 
national  church,  "to  be  to  all  its  members  what  the 
federal  government  then  in  process  of  construction 
would  be  to  its  citizens." 

The  federal  idea  was  Dr.  White's.  He  was  now,  at 
the  close  of  the  war,  thirty-five  years  old ;  and  by  educa- 
tion and  unflinching  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the 
Revolution  was  one  of  the  most  influential  men  of  the 
day.  Several  informal  conferences  were  held  at  his 
request,  and  in  September,  1785,  on  St.  Michael's  Day, 
a  constitutional  convention  was  held  at  Philadelphia 
big  with  the  fate  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  There 
were  delegates  from  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia  and  South  Caro- 
lina. Massachusetts  sent  a  letter,  while  Connecticut, 
adhering  firmly  to  the  ecclesiastical  idea,  alone  declined. 
The  convention  proceeded  at  once  to  form  a  constitu- 
tion. It  preceded  the  federal  constitution,  and  was  its 
bright     anticipation.     The     organization    was    to    be 


4I 4  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

national,  and  the  states  component  units ;  its  gov- 
erning body  was  to  be  composed  of  two  orders,  clergy 
and  laity  ;  each  state  retaining  sovereign  authority  and 
conducting  its  own  affairs.  The  constitution  also  pro- 
vided for  a  triennial  convention,  of  which  bishops  were 
to  be  ex-ofBcio  members ;  for  the  qualifications  of  the 
priesthood  ;  and  for  a  liturgy,  based  upon  the  English 
prayer-book  modified  to  meet  the  surrounding  condi- 
tions. These  changes  were  in  several  directions ;  some 
were  changes  in  doctrine,  some  of  a  political  character, 
others  in  form  merely,  while  still  others  allowed  greater 
liberty  to  the  minister  in  selecting  scriptures  for  public 
service. 

Before  electing  bishops  the  convention  wisely  pre- 
pared an  address  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of 
England.  In  this  were  set  forth  the  condition  of  the 
Episcopal  churches,  the  benefits  received  from  the  mother 
church,  and  an  appeal  for  the  consecration  as  bishops  of 
such  persons  as  the  American  Episcopal  church  might 
send.  The  English  bishops  did  not  give  an  unquali- 
fied answer.  Some  strange  stories,  they  said,  had  been 
wafted  over  the  sea  concerning  the  doings  of  the  Phila- 
delphia convention.  They  had  heard  that  the  creeds 
of  the  church  had  been  discarded,  the  prayer-book  de- 
stroyed, and  a  constitution  adopted  granting  so  much 
power  to  laymen  that  it  was  possible  for  them  to  pass 
judgment  on  the  bishops.  They  could  consecrate  no 
bishops  until  these  difficulties  were  removed. 

As  soon  as  the  reply  was  received  another  convention 
was  called,  to  meet  at  Wilmington  in  October,  1786.  A 
reply  was  prepared  showing  that  the  bishops  had  misap- 
prehended the  position  of  the  laity,  that  the  Nicene  and 
Apostle's  creeds  had  not  been  changed,  and  that  the 


RELIGION.  4^ 

English  prayer-book  was  to  remain  the  standard  until 
replaced  by  a  national  convention  with  unquestioned 
power. 

Meanwhile  three  persons  had  been  chosen  bishops, 
Dr.  Provoost  by  the  state  of  New  York,  Dr.  White  by 
Pennsylvania  and  Dr.  Griffith  by  Virginia.  Dr.  Smith, 
who  had  figured  so  prominently  in  education,  politics 
and  religion  in  Pensylvania,  and  afterward  in  Maryland, 
had  been  chosen  by  that  state  three  years  before.  The 
convention  elected  the  first  three,  but  passed  over  Dr. 
Smith  because  his  career  had  been  stormy  and  often 
criticised.  He  was  a  fiery  man  and  had  many  enemies ; 
besides  distinguishing  himself  even  in  a  winebibbing 
age  by  his  bibulous  exploits.  Surely,  considering  the 
habits  of  the  times,  he  must  have  drunk  long  and  hard 
to  have  disqualified  himself  on  that  ground. 

As  Dr.  Griffith  could  not  himself  incur  the  expense  of 
the  journey  to  London,  and  the  church  in  Virginia  was 
too  poor  to  send  him,  he  did  not  go.  So  the  number 
was  reduced  to  two,  White  and  Provoost,  who  were 
consecrated  at  the  archiepiscopal  palace  at  Canterbury. 
The  eyes  of  Duche  flashed  on  the  scene,  not  through 
any  kind  regard  for  him  by  the  bishop,  but  by  White's 
intercession.  What  regrets  stormed  into  the  mind  of 
Duche  when  he  saw  his  former  American  fellow-worker 
standing  there  in  the  unblemished  beauty  of  consistent, 
Christian  manhood,  as  sincere  and  patriotic  in  serving 
the  state  as  he  was  sincere  and  devoted  to  the  re-build- 
\\\<y  of  his  church  !  What  a  contrast  to  his  own  iucon- 
sistent  career,  in  which  he  had  been  true  to  nothing  and 
had  wrecked  all! 

Tims  the  Episcopal   Church,  torn  and  bleeding,  yet 
carrying  within  her  the  principle  of  perpetual  life,  rose 


4 1 6  HISTOR  y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN! A. 

from  the  battle-field  of  the  Revolution,  healed  her 
wounds  and  put  on  the  new  and  fitting  garment  of 
"The  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  the  United 
States."  Though  completely  severing  their  church 
politically  from  the  Church  of  England  little  did  these 
church  founders  imagine  they  were  enshrining  a  prin- 
ciple soon  to  from  the  foundation  of  the  national  con- 
stitution. Still  less  did  they  foresee  that  they  were 
building  their  ark  so  well  that  in  it  their  church  would 
float  safely  and  securely  down  amid  all  subsequent 
storms,  as  it  has  done,  to  our  day. 

How  very  unlike  the  history  of  the  Friends  and 
Episcopalians  is  that  of  the  Presbyterians !  This  was 
the  militant  church,  the  one  that  believed  in  revolution, 
that  the  Lord  was  "a  man  of  war,"  and  had  fighting 
parsons  and  army  chaplains.  Like  the  other  religious 
sects,  however,  "the  influence  of  the  war  upon  the  con- 
dition and  prospects  of  the  Presbyterian  church 
throughout  the  country  was  most  disastrous.  Its  mem- 
bers were  almost  all  decided  patriots,  and  its  ministers, 
almost  to  a  man,  were  accounted  arch-rebels.  Their 
well  known  views  and  sympathies  made  them  especially 
obnoxious  to  the  enemy,  and  to  be  known  as  a  Presby- 
terian was  to  incur  all  the  odium  of  a  Whig." 

The  ministers  were  unceasing  in  preaching  resistance 
and  revolution.  They  had  not  the  slightest  doubt  that 
the  Lord  was  on  their  side,  and  thus  believing,  they 
displayed  splendid  faith  and  zeal.  One  of  their  number 
was  John  Craighead,  pastor  of  the  Rocky  Spring 
Church,  of  whom  it  has  been  said  that  "he  fought  and 
preached  alternately."  At  the  beginning  of  the  strife 
he  joined  a  company  of  associators  raised  from  the 
members  of  his  church,  joined  Washington's  army  and 


RELIGION.  417 

fought  at  Trenton  and  Princeton.  His  friends,  Dr. 
Cooper,  of  Middle  Spring  Church,  and  Dr.  King,  of 
West  Conecocheague  entered  the  ranks  as  volunteers  to 
arouse  the  patriotism  of  others.  During  one  of  the 
dark  days,  when  many  around  Chestnut  Level  had 
been  drafted,  James  Latta,  the  pastor  of  a  church  at 
that  place,  took  his  blanket  and  knapsack  and  went 
with  the  new  recruits  to  the  field.  Another  clergyman, 
an  idol  of  the  soldiers,  was  Samuel  Eakin,  of  Perm's 
Neck.  Indeed,  there  was  scarcely  a  Presbyterian  min- 
ister, save  those  who  were  too  old  to  fight,  that  did  not 
take  part  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

With  them  was  a  strange  mingling  of  earthly  and 
spiritual  weapons.  Joseph  Patterson  had  just  knelt  to 
pray  inside  a  shed  when  a  board  in  a  line  with  his  head 
was  shivered  by  a  bullet  from  a  rifle.  Another,  Stephen 
B.  Balch,  while  preaching,  was  protected  from  the 
annoyance  of  royalists  by  soldiers  under  General  Wil- 
liams. The  ministers  on  the  frontier  were  obliged  to 
go  armed.  Thaddeus  Dod  exchanged  his  church  on  the 
Mouongahela  for  a  fort.  Samuel  Doak,  of  the  Holston 
settlements,  hearing  the  sound  of  the  enemy  while 
preaching  a  sermon,  paused,  seized  his  rifle  that  stood 
by  his  side,  and  led  his  hearers  out  in  pursuit  of  the 
foe.1 

"To  the  Presbyterian  clergy  the  enemy  felt  an 
especial  antipathy.  They  were  accounted  the  ring- 
leaders of  rebellion.  For  them  there  was  often  not  so 
much  safety  in  their  own  dwellings  as  in  the  camp. 
When  their  people  were  scattered,  or  if  it  was  no  longer 
safe  to  reside  among  them,  the  only  alternative  was  to 
flee  or  join  the  army,  and  this  alternative  was  often  pre- 

1  Gillet,  191. 

27 


4i  8  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

sented.  Not  unfrequeutly  the  duty  of  the  chaplain  or 
the  pastor  exposed  him  to  dangers  as  great  as  those 
which  the  common  soldier  was  called  to  meet.  There 
was  risk  of  person,  sometimes  capture,  and  sometimes 
loss  of  life." 

With  so  many  ministers  actively  participating  in  the 
struggle,  with  so  vigilant  a  search  for  them  and  their 
churches  by  the  enemy,  and  with  the  destruction  of  no 
small  number,  the  flock  became  demoralized  and 
scattered.  Says  Gillet,  the  best  church  historian  of 
this  period  :  "In  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  the  course  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  should 
be  retrograde  rather  than  on  the  advance.  The  camp, 
with  all  the  safeguards  that  could  be  thrown  around  it, 
and  with  all  the  counteracting  influence  which  the 
chaplains  could  exert,  was  a  school  of  immorality,  pro- 
fanity and  vice.  Religious  institutions  were  paralyzed 
in  their  influence,  even  where  they  were  still  sustained. 
Sabbath  desecration  prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent." 

Thus,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  religion  was  on  every 
side  in  a  dying  state.  Everywhere  the  churches  had 
been  swept  by  the  besom  of  destruction.  In  the  church 
of  Newtown  only  five  members  were  left  ;  and  scores 
of  others  were  in  the  same  gasping  condition.  The 
regular  ordinances  had  been  discontinued,  and  the 
young  men  who  at  other  times  would  have  been  pre- 
paring for  the  ministry,  were  in  the  army  or  engaged 
in  secular  pursuits.  The  meetings  of  the  synods  were 
disheartening  ;  the  attendance  was  small,  and  little 
was  attempted  and  still  less  accomplished.  After  the 
closing  of  the  war,  the  churches  began  to  revive. 
Attendance  on  them  increased,  and  the  signs  of  a  new 
and  enduring  springtime  began  to  appear.     The  winter 


RELIGION.  4I9 

of  desolation  was  over,  though  a  long  time  was  to  pass 
before  all  the  demoralizing  effects  of  war  were  to  fade 
away. 

The  cause  of  the  Revolution  having  won,  a  change 
was  required  in  the  confession  relating  to  civil  govern- 
ment. The  idea  now  began  to  grow  of  forming  a  gen- 
eral synod  or  assembly.  In  short,  the  work  of  perfecting 
the  organization  was  taken  up  and  long  engaged  the 
thoughts  of  the  leaders  of  the  church. 

The  revolutionary  hurricane  had  spared  no  religious 
denomination ;  for  all  of  them  this  period  was  like  a 
doleful  midnight  adventure.  The  Lutheran  patriarch 
Muhlenberg  had  two  sons,  Peter  and  Frederick.  At  the 
opening  of  the  war  Peter  was  serving  both  Lutheran 
and  Episcopal  churches  in  Virginia.  Fired  with  excite- 
ment, he  gave  notice  to  his  congregation  of  his  farewell 
sermon,  and  a  great  audience  assembled.  At  the  con- 
clusion he  exclaimed,  "There  is  a  time  of  war  and  a 
time  of  peace,  and  now  the  time  to  fight  has  come," 
and,  throwing  off  his  clerical  robe,  he  stood  before  the 
people  in  the  uniform  of  a  colonel.  The  next  day  he 
took  the  field.  In  like  manner  the  other  abandoned  his 
pulpit  and  became  a  distinguished  participant  in  the 
Revolution.  The  former  appears  in  the  stern  glory  of  a 
warrior  at  Brandywine,  where  with  his  brigade  he 
checked  the  advance  of  the  victors,  administering  the 
most  severe  punishment  they  received  on  that  hard- 
fought  field. 

The  historian  of  the  Lutheran  church,  Dr.  Wolff, 
after  remarking  on  the  length  of  the  war,  says  :  "  Surely 
the  agitations  and  immoralities  of  this  long  period,  the 
neglect  of  the  ordinances  and  the  virtual  suspension  of 
spiritual  activity  in  many  communities,  attended  often 


420  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

by  the  unhappy  division  of  sentiment  regarding  the 
war,  which  separated  families  and  broke  up  many  pros- 
perous congregations,  would  sufficiently  account  for  a 
state  of  profound  spiritual  apathy,  worldliness  and  dis- 
order from  which  it  seemed  for  years  after  the  conclusion 
of  peace  impossible  to  rouse  the  churches." 

The  ministers  in  the  Baptist,  German  Reformed, 
Lutheran  and  other  denominations  divided,  and  so  did 
their  congregations.  This  increased  the  general  dis- 
cord. Thus,  Rev.  John  H.  Weikel,  who  had  charge  of 
a  church  at  Whitpane,  usually  called  Boehm's  church, 
preached  from  the  text  :  "  Better  is  a  poor  and  wise 
child  than  an  old  and  foolish  king  who  will  be  no  more 
admonished."  He  himself  was  full  of  the  war  spirit 
and  was  often  seen  practising  with  firearms.  Not  all 
of  his  congregation,  however,  were  like-minded,  and  the 
sermon  roused  them  to  a  white  heat.  Time  widened, 
instead  of  narrowing  the  division.  In  the  end,  having 
torn  by  his  strong  utterances,  his  congregation  into 
shreds,  he  was  obliged  to  retire.  The  same  thing 
happened  in  many  other  places. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Revolution  Rev.  Robert 
Molyneux,  a  Jesuit,  was  in  charge  of  St.  Joseph's 
Church,  assisted  by  Rev.  Ferdinand  Farmer  Steinmyer, 
who  had  charge  of  the  German  Catholics.  During  the 
Revolution  the  quiet  policy  which  had  been  previously 
pursued  was  continued.  There  had  been  so  much 
opposition  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  that,  as  we  have 
seen,  they  had  moved  in  a  very  cautious  manner. 
After  the  alliance  with  France,  however,  as  many  of  the 
French  who  came  over  were  members  of  that  church, 
its  ministrations  became  more  conspicuous.  Either 
through  sympathy  or  policy  Congress  and  the  people 


RELIGION.  42 1 

ceased  their  opposition  to  that  venerable  organization, 
and  to  the  religion  professed  by  "our  good  ally,  the 
king  of  France." 

A  year  after  declaring  independence,  Congress  at- 
tended a  funeral  service  in  the  Roman  Catholic  church, 
that  of  Monsieur  Du  Coudray,  a  French  engineer  officer 
who  had  been  drowned  while  crossing  the  Schuylkill. 
On  the  4th  of  July,  1779,  Congress,  the  President,  and 
the  Council  of  State,  civil  and  military,  and  many 
ladies  and  other  gentlemen,  attended  service  on  the  in- 
vitation of  the  French  minister.  A  Te  Deum  was  per- 
formed, and  Abbe  Bandole,  the  chaplain  of  the  French 
minister,  delivered  an  address.  A  still  more  note- 
worthy service  was  held  there  three  years  afterward  on 
the  birth  of  the  Dauphin  of  France,  the  son  of  Louis 
XVI.  Congress  and  the  Supreme  Executive  Council 
and  many  other  officials  and  citizens  were  present.  At 
a  later  period,  in  1787,  when  the  constitutional  conven- 
tion was  in  session,  Washington  with  many  other  mem- 
bers attended  a  service.  When  the  church  had  grown 
to  full  stature  the  restraints  imposed  by  the  British 
government  were  no  longer  binding,  and  the  American 
people  had  no  disposition  to  hinder  its  free  course.  No 
longer  were  its  members  among  the  politically  pro- 
scribed, henceforth  they  could  live  inside  the  walls. 

When  Washington  was  elected  President,  the  Roman 
Catholics  presented  an  eloquent  address,  signed  by 
three  bishops,  Charles  Carroll  and  others  of  the  laity, 
expressing  their  confidence  in  him  and  the  happy  re- 
sults that  might  be  expected  from  his  administration. 
The  loyalty,  heartiness  and  hopefulness  of  the  address 
indicated  their  satisfaction  with  the  principles  and  re- 
sults of  the  Revolution. 


42  2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

The  Methodists,  like  the  Episcopalians,  were  under  a 
heavy  shadow  during  the  Revolution.  The  chief 
preachers  in  America  in  1775  were  Englishmen.  Their 
great  leader,  John  Wesley,  issued  "  A  Calm  Address  to 
the  Colonies"  in  London  in  1775,  in  which  he  argued 
in  favor  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  and  of  imperial  tax- 
ation of  the  colonies.  This  address  reached  America 
about  the  time  Lexington  was  fought,  and  among  his 
followers  was  a  weighty  document.  During  the  first 
year  of  the  Revolution,  Wesley  wrote  to  the  Methodist 
preachers  in  America  "to  be  peacemakers,  to  be  loving 
and  tender  to  all,  and  to  addict  yourselves  to  no  party. 
In  spite  of  all  solicitations,  of  rough  or  smooth  words, 
say  not  one  word  against  one  or  the  other  side."  At 
that  time  there  were  five  Methodist  ministers  in  the 
country,  but  they  did  not  adhere  to  this  cautious  policy. 
One  of  them,  Rodda,  joined  a  military  company  of 
Tories  raised  by  Clowe,  who  had  formerly  been  a  Meth- 
odist minister.  They  tried  to  fight  their  way  to  the 
British  lines,  but  were  dispersed,  their  leaders  arrested, 
and  Clowe  was  executed.  Rodda  escaped,  reached  a 
vessel  belonging  to  the  British  fleet  and  went  to  England. 

Another,  Asbury,  tried  to  keep  himself  within  the 
spirit  of  Wesley's  advice.  After  spending  some  months 
in  Philadelphia  in  1776,  he  was  compelled  to  withdraw 
to  a  more  secluded  place,  preaching  occasionally. 
Rankin  joined  the  British  army  after  their  entry  into 
Philadelphia,  and  subsequently  went  to  England. 
Still  another,  Shadford,  whose  movements  were  im- 
peded by  his  doubtful  course,  also  returned  to  his  old 
home.  Left  without  any  directors,  the  Methodist 
church  soon  became  a  melancholy  wreck.  In  truth,  of 
all  the  sects,  its  destruction  was  perhaps  the  most 
complete. 


RELIGION.  423 

With  the  passing  of  the  scourge  of  war,  the  sad  task 
of  rebuilding  was  resumed.  The  work  was  slow,  for 
the  air  was  filled  with  bitterness,  disappointment  and 
grief  over  the  loss  of  wealth,  prospects  and  dearest  ones. 
The  decay  of  honesty,  the  poisonous  growth  of  specula- 
tion, the  loose  regard  for  obligations  by  individuals 
and  the  state,  retarded  the  growth  of  a  religious  spirit 
and  the  restoration  of  the  church.  A  strong  flood-tide 
of  skepticism  had  also  set  in,  which  had  come  from 
France.  Infatuated  with  French  political  ideas,  many 
were  enchanted  with  the  atheistic  notions  then  prevail- 
ing among  the  French  people.  Revelation  was  thrown 
aside  as  unworthy  of  acceptance,  and  a  moral  obligation 
was  regarded  as  a  lighter  thing  than  a  cobweb.  "The 
clergy  were  a  laughing-stock  or  objects  of  disgust." 

Besides,  the  sudden  growth  of  political  independence 
strongly  tended  to  independence  in  religious  thought. 
"  The  spirit  of  independence  was  abroad,  and  along 
with  the  renunciation  of  the  old  forms  of  government 
were  ready  to  cast  off  the  old  form  of  faith,  to  repudiate 
a  strict  spiritual  authority  as  well  as  an  oppressive 
rule.  With  freedom  of  religion  made  a  part  of  the 
organic  law  of  the  land,  men  advocated  the  broadest 
toleration,  the  utmost  liberty  of  thought  within  the  pale 
of  the  churches.  Orthodoxy  was  unfashionable,  beads 
and  confessions  were  abhorred,  and  freely  denounced  in 
sermons.  It  was  even  claimed  that  they  were  outworn 
and  were  generally  laid  aside.  Reason  was  made  the 
arbiter  of  faith.  Rationalistic  methods  and  contrivances 
were  applied  to  all  phases  of  Christian  revelation  and 
life.  The  church  nurtured  the  spirit  of  doubt  until  she 
became  verily  the  bulwark  of  unbelief.  Instead  of 
staying  the  tide  of  infidelity  and  its  concomitant  dis- 


424  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

sipation  and  materialism,  she  contributed  to  swell  its 
volume.  It  is  not  without  significance  that  along  with 
the  dark  picture  given  of  the  low  morality  of  the 
people,  it  is  generally  claimed  that  of  the  clergy  was 
not  much  higher.  Laxity  of  moral  and  religious  senti- 
ment among  all  classes  was  the  feature  of  the  age." 

Years  therefore  must  pass,  a  new  generation  grow 
up,  before  the  poison  of  political  hatred  could  disappear, 
the  ruin  of  fortunes  and  families  be  repaired,  the  awful 
memories  of  the  war  forgotten,  and  society  warmed  into 
a  more  kindly  feeling  and  mutual  confidence.  Such  a 
change,  so  needful  to  the  growth  of  the  fair,  consumate 
flower  of  Christianity,  came  slowly,  almost  as  imper- 
ceptibly as  the  first  lengthening  of  winter  days,  yet 
it  came  at  last ;  though  no  one  can  ever  reckon  the 
years  that  must  still  be  added  before  the  church  will 
reach  the  splendid  height  to  which  it  would  have  risen 
had  it  not  been  overtaken  by  the  revolutionary  gale. 


CHAPTER  XXL 

EDUCATION   AND   LITERATURE. 

Of  all  who  came  to  America  none  displayed  such  far- 
seeing  wisdom  concerning  education  as  Penn.  By  his 
"  frame  of  government "  the  governor  and  the  pro- 
vincial council  were  to  "  erect  and  order  all  public 
schools,"  and  to  encourage  laudable  invention  and  pur- 
suit of  the  useful  sciences.  A  committee  of  manners, 
education  and  arts  was  appointed  to  prevent  want  and 
scandalous  living  and  to  train  the  youth  in  useful 
knowledge.  One  of  the  laws  provided  that  all  the 
statutes  of  the  Province  should,  from  time  to  time,  be 
published  in  book  form  and  regularly  taught  to  the 
children.  Penn  believed  that  if  the  laws  were  needful 
the  people  ought  to  know  them,  and  what  better 
method  could  be  adopted  than  to  teach  them  in  the 
schools?  The  people  would  thus  become  better  citi- 
zens. By  the  revised  constitution  adopted  the  next 
year,  the  provincial  council,  with  the  governor,  was  to 
have  the  management  of  public  affairs,  including  the 
education  of  youth  and  the  regulation  of  manners. 

In  a  communication  to  one  of  his  friends  Penn 
remarked  that  the  youth  must  be  secured  in  order  to 
endear  the  government  to  the  people.  This  was  to  be 
done  by  mending  the  way  of  education  "with  all  con- 
venient speed  and  diligence."  Penn  was  also  an  advo- 
cate of  industrial  education  ;  in  truth,  he  was  the 
founder  of  the  system.     Among  the  laws  prepared  in 

(425) 


426  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

England  was  one  requiring  children  of  the  age  of  twelve 
years  to  be  taught  some  useful  trade,  to  the  end  that 
none  might  be  idle,  that  the  poor  might  work  to  live, 
and  that  the  rich,  if  they  became  poor,  might  not 
want.  Force  was  to  be  applied  if  needed  to  carry  this 
law  into  effect  ;  and  if  parents,  guardians  or  overseers 
neglected  to  obey,  they  were  to  be  fined  ^5  for  the 
offence.  Such  were  the  ideas  of  Penn,  embodied  in 
the  legislation  of  the  Province. 

The  Friends  were  not  slow  to  secure  an  institution  of 
learning  in  Philadelphia.  Penn  instructed  Thomas 
Lloyd,  president  of  the  council,  to  establish  a  public 
grammar  school,  which  he  promised  to  incorporate  and 
to  which  a  charter  was  granted  in  1697.  The  William 
Penn  Charter  School,  as  it  was  called,  has  kept  in  the 
front  rank  of  educational  institutions  to  the  present 
time;  but  though  it  waxed  strong,  the  education  of 
children  was  not  generally  regarded  with  favor,  and 
when  the  fourth  charter  was  framed  not  a  word  was 
said  on  the  subject.  One  cannot  help  inquiring  what 
had  happened  to  make  such  a  radical  change.  The 
system  of  public  education  had  completely  broken 
down.  The  last  constitution  was  a  concession  or  com- 
promise. Penn  was  a  wise  statesman  and  well  under- 
stood how  to  temper  his  opinions  to  the  needs  of  the 
time.  He  abandoned  a  number  of  his  ideas,  not  be- 
cause they  were  unsound,  but  because  the  soil  was  not 
ready  to  receive  them.  Nearly  two  hundred  years  were 
to  pass  before  his  compulsory  school  law,  adopted  in 
1683,  could  be  permanently  placed  on  the  statute-book. 
Within  twenty  years  after  his  landing,  the  population 
had  become  very  mixed.  Swedes,  Germans,  Dutch, 
Welsh  and    Scotch-Irish  were  in  the  Province,  and  it 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  427 

was  not  easy  to  establish  a  system  of  instruction  for  so 
varied  a  body.  The  need  of  good  schools  was  never 
more  imperative,  especially  as  many  of  the  settlers  had 
a  very  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  English  language. 
Had  education  been  compulsory,  English  would  have 
become  the  familiar  tongue  within  a  generation.  By 
the  breaking  down  of  the  school  system  in  its  infancy, 
racial  differences  were  preserved  and  foreign  languages 
retained  their  vitality.  Thus  the  uniting  of  all  elements 
to  form  a  strong,  healthful  common  life,  so  indispensable 
to  progress,  was  long  delayed.  This  was  one  of  the 
most  obvious  consequences  of  departing  from  Penn's 
system  of  education. 

At  a  later  day  another  institution  was  founded  in 
Philadelphia  from  which  grew  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania. A  plan  for  an  academy  was  drawn  by 
Franklin  in  1743,  but  the  project  was  laid  aside  for  a 
time  in  consequence  of  the  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  France.  Six  years  afterward  it  was  renewed,  and 
Franklin  wrote  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  Proposals  Relating 
to  the  Education  of  Youth  in  Pennsylvania,"  in  which 
were  set  forth  the  objects  of  the  institution.  A  sum  of 
money  was  raised  by  the  citizens,  and  application  was 
made  to  the  common  councils  of  the  city  for  more. 
This  body  promised  to  give  ^200  in  cash,  ^50  per 
annum  for  five  years  and  ^50  additional  for  the  right  to 
send  annually  to  the  academy  a  scholar  from  the  public 
school.  In  1753  a  charter  was  granted  to  the  "  Trustees 
of  the  Academy  and  Charitable  School  of  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania."  By  a  second  act  of  incorporation, 
two  years  later,  the  institution  became  a  college  with 
the  right  to  confer  degrees.  Three  departments  were 
created,  known  as   the  college,  the  academy   and   the 


428  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA 

charity  school.  The  first  provost  was  Doctor  William 
Smith.  His  views  on  education  may  be  read  even  at 
this  day  with  interest  and  profit.  It  is  impossible,  Dr. 
Stille  has  remarked,  to  read  his  plan  which  was  to  be 
pursued  by  the  college  under  such  novel  and  peculiar 
circumstances,  without  being  struck  by  the  sagacity, 
judgment  and  far-reaching  views  of  its  author.  It  has 
formed  the  basis  of  our  present  American  college 
system.  The  curriculum  was  to  embrace  Greek  and 
Latin,  mathematics,  natural  philosophy,  chemistry, 
hydrostatics,  pneumatics,  optics,  astronomy,  ethics, 
history,  and  national  and  civil  law.  These  studies  were 
to  cover  three  years.  Doctor  Smith's  plan  did  not  exist 
merely  in  his  imagination  or  on  paper,  but  was  put 
into  effect  during  his  administration.  Nor  were  the 
results  unsatisfactory.  The  college  quickly  attained 
a  great  reputation  and  students  came  from  all  quarters. 
The  active  and  restless  provost  differed  with  the 
Friends  concerning  the  lawfulness  of  war,  and  deplored 
the  defenceless  condition  of  the  Province.  He  was 
truly  a  member  of  the  church  militant,  for  among  his 
works  are  no  less  than  eight  sermons,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  emphasize  the  Christian  soldier's  duty 
and  to  uphold  the  lawfulness  and  dignity  of  his  calling. 
Nor  did  the  provost  fear  the  name  of  "political  par- 
son,'' but  claimed  the  right  of  "pulpit  liberty"  in 
treating  of  civil  and  religious  affairs.  So  conspicuous 
were  his  efforts  to  rouse  a  war-like  spirit  that  he  was 
requested  by  General  Forbes,  at  the  opening  of  the 
campaign  in  1758,  to  urge  the  colonies  to  adopt  active 
measures  for  their  defence.  Unhappily,  when  the 
clouds  of  the  Revolution  gathered,  he  maintained,  with 
the  other  Episcopal  clergy,  his  loyalty  to  the  crown  ; 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  ^2Q 

and  this  was  the  parting'  of  the  ways.  Many  of  his  old 
friends  deserted  him,  among  them  Franklin.  Long 
had  this  great  lover  of  the  public  good  been  Smith's 
efficient  helper,  though  the  estrangement  had  already 
begun  when  Smith  showed  a  disposition  to  take  the 
side  of  the  proprietaries  in  opposition  to  that  of  the 
Assembly.  The  breach  was  widened  by  an  imprudent 
letter  which  Doctor  Smith  wrote  to  the  University  of 
Oxford,  protesting  against  a  proposal  to  confer  upon 
Franklin  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws. 

For  a  long  time  the  school  and  the  church  were 
closely  related.  In  1694  a  small  congregation  of  Epis- 
copalians gathered  in  Philadelphia  and  immediately 
organized  a  parish  shook  Their  example  was  soon 
followed  by  other  Episcopal  churches.  The  Swedes 
also  maintained  schools  of  their  own.  They  employed 
as  instructors  clergymen  of  their  nation  who  taught  the 
children  in  their  mother-tongue.  But  these  schools  were 
never  well  attended  or  regarded  with  much  favor,  and 
in  1759  Acrelius  complained  that  the  churches  suffered 
for  want  of  a  better  system  of  school  keeping. 

The  Friends  were  more  careful  in  these  matters,  and 
none  of  their  children,  as  Proud  says,  were  without  a 
competence  of  plain  and  useful  learning.  By  the  disci- 
pline of  the  society  every  Quaker  child  was  required  to 
have  the  keys  of  knowledge  in  his  hands.  But  their 
belief  in  church  schools  was  precisely  the  reverse  of  that 
held  by  the  other  sects.  They  had  never  supported  a 
paid  minister  or  missionary.  One  of  their  cardinal 
tenets  was  that  the  inner  life  should  guide  into  the  way 
of  all  truth,  and  that  education  drawn  from  books  was 
not  needful  for  religious  instruction.  Fox  was  strongly 
opposed   to  any  other  teaching  than  that  which  pro- 


430  HISTORY  Ot  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

ceeded  from  the  heart,  and  from  the  same  source  must 
come  the  only  kind  of  sermon  of  which  he  would  ap- 
prove. As  the  Friends  were  also  opposed  to  litigation, 
lawyers  were  omitted  from  their  list  of  professional 
men.  As  theology  and  law  were  thus  outside  their 
sphere  of  education,  medicine  was  the  only  special  field 
left  to  them  for  higher  study. 

The  Presbyterians  had  a  very  different  conception  of 
education.  Their  profound  belief  in  an  educated  minis- 
try led  to  the  thorough  education  of  their  children  as 
far  as  means  would  permit.  They  were  far  more  active 
in  establishing  schools  than  were  the  other  religions 
denominations.  Their  ministers  were  scholarly  men 
who  believed  in  higher  education,  especially  that  of  the 
ministry.  For  this  the  broadest  and  deepest  founda- 
tions were  to  be  laid.  In  many  places  where  churches 
were  organized,  schools  also  were  established,  some  of 
them  attaining  great  reputation.  One  of  the  most  cele- 
brated of  these  was  in  Bucks  County,  and  known  as 
Tennent's  Log  College.  Its  founder  was  a  native  of 
Ireland,  a  graduate  of  Trinity  College,  an  accomplished 
scholar  "to  whom  Latin  was  as  familiar  as  his  mother- 
tongue."  When  received  by  the  synod  as  a  member  he 
delivered  an  impressive  Latin  oration  before  that  body. 
His  motive  for  founding  the  school  was  to  provide  an 
educated  ministry,  which  he  saw  must  be  furnished  on 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  To  this  work  he  devoted  the 
remainder  of  his  life.  "He  had,"  says  one,  "the  rare 
gift  of  attracting  to  him  youth  of  wealth  and  genius, 
imbuing  them  with  his  healthful  spirit,  and  sending 
them  forth  sound  in  faith,  blameless  in  life,  burning 
with  zeal,  and  unsurpassed  as  instructive,  impressive 
and  successful  preachers."     Besides  this  school  may  be 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE. 


431 


mentioned  Alison's  school  at  New  London,    and  that 
founded  by  Doctor  Blair  at  Fagg's  Manor. 

The  Germans  were  opposed  to  educational  institutions 
under  the  control  of  either  church  or  state.  They 
regarded  them  as  political  and  ecclesiastical  agencies 
that  should  be  feared.  Many  of  the  Germans  who 
came  first  had  a  Bible,  a  prayer  book  and  hymnal,  and 
a  catechism  or  confession,  and  were  accompanied  by 
their  clergyman  or  schoolmaster.  But  they  did  not 
keep  pace  with  the  Presbyterians,  or  even  with  the 
Friends,  in  educating  their  children.  One  explanation 
of  this  is  that  they  were  widely  separated  on  farms. 
Their  unity  was  also  impaired  by  their  division  into 
many  religious  sects.  Besides  this  their  language 
isolated  them,  shutting  them  in  from  the  social,  political 
and  business  life  of  the  Province.  Yet  if  they  had  not 
been  so  deeply  engrossed  in  felling  trees  and  cultivating 
farms,  they  would  have  realized  the  need  of  unlocking 
the  English  language,  of  educating  themselves  and 
their  children,  of  thus  becoming  better  equipped  to  play 
a  prominent  and  effective  part  in  the  work  of  building 
a  state.  They  seemed  content,  however,  to  stay  in 
the  background,  leaving  the  work  of  advancement  to 
others.  Nevertheless,  they  did  something  in  the  way 
of  educating  their  children.  The  more  thoughtful 
among  the  Lutherans  and  among  the  followers  of  the 
German  Reformed  church  realized  that  the  schools  were 
too  few  and  the  schoolmasters  but  poorly  qualified,  that 
there  was  a  lack  of  interest  in  education,  and  that  if  no 
change  occurred  there  would  be  no  religious  teachers 
to  take  the  place  of  the  older  men  when  they  should 
pass  away.  Longingly  they  turned  their  eyes  to  the 
fatherland  for  helo. 


432  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

In  response  to  an  appeal  Doctor  Muhlenberg  came, 
and  Schlatter,  by  whose  labors  the  scattered  congrega- 
tions of  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  churches  were 
reorganized.  Church  schools  were  founded  and  for  a 
long  time  they  were  the  chief  educational  agencies. 
They  varied  in  quality,  but  none  of  them  carried  in- 
struction far.  Not  a  single  institution  of  worth  or 
celebrity  was  founded,  such  as  the  William  Peun 
Charter  School  of  the  Friends,  or  the  dozen  or  more 
schools  established  by  the  Presbyterians  during  the 
same  period. 

Notwithstanding  the  lack  of  schools  among  the 
Germans,  one  educator  lived  among  them  whose  beauty 
of  life  and  success  as  a  teacher  have  given  him  a  unique 
place  in  the  history  of  education.  Christopher  Dock 
was  a  Mennonite  and  the  author  of  numerous  songs 
which  found  their  way  into  the  hymnals  of  his  church. 
He  was  called  "the  pious  schoolmaster,"  for  sweetness 
and  purity  filled  his  soul.  It  is  related  that  two  men, 
who  were  discussing  his  gentleness  of  disposition, 
decided  to  test  it  by  reviling  him  in  bitter  and  profane 
terms,  but  Dock  only  replied,  "Friend,  may  the  Lord 
have  mercy  on  thee."  He  believed  that  he  was 
divinely  called  to  be  a  schoolmaster,  and  though  he 
abandoned  his  vocation  after  several  years  to  live  on  a 
farm,  he  afterwards  returned  to  his  old  pursuit.  His 
countrymen  at  Germantown  desired  to  get  a  description 
of  Dock's  method  of  keeping  school,  that  their  teachers 
might  profit  by  his  great  gift.  To  do  this  required  no 
little  diplomacy,  for  Dock  was  a  modest  man,  unwilling 
to  do  anything  that  would  redound  to  his  own  praise. 
At  the  urgent  request  of  Saur,  the  Germantown  printer, 
a  friend  of  Dock's  presented  to  him  a  series  of  questions 


/ 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  433 

on  the  subject.  The  reluctant  teacher  was  persuaded 
to  reply  on  the  condition  that  his  answers  should  not  be 
printed  during  his  lifetime.  The  request  was  heeded 
and  nineteen  years  passed  before  they  were  given  to  the 
world.  They  appeared  in  1770  and  form  the  earliest 
essay  on  school  teaching  published  in  America.  The 
questions  relate  to  the  reception  of  children  into  his 
school,  how  they  were  assembled,  how  they  were  taught 
to  spell  and  to  write  letters,  the  training  of  the  A.  B.  C. 
scholars,  "how  to  teach  figures  and  cyphering,"  and  the 
all  important  subject  of  discipline  and  punishment 
One  of  the  queries  was,  "  How  do  you  teach  the 
children  to  live  that  they  both  love  and  fear  you?" 
To  the  answers  were  added  one  hundred  rules  of  con- 
duct for  children  at  home,  in  school,  in  the  street,  at 
meeting  or  church.  The  final  precept  was,  "  Let  what 
you  see  of  good  and  decent  in  other  Chistian  people 
serve  as  an  example  for  yourself.  If  there  be  any 
virtue  and  if  there  be  any  praise,  think  on  these 
things."  Happy  would  have  been  the  condition  of  the 
Germans  had  there  been  more  teachers  with  his  tact 
and  sagacity  and  possessing  his  sweet  and  winning 
ways. 

Franklin  and  others  wished  to  establish  schools  for 
the  Germans,  who  had  come  into  the  Province  in  vast 
numbers  and  who  were  painfully  in  need  of  education. 
As  the  German  population  by  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  comprised  nearly  half  the  entire 
number,  it  was  feared  that  if  the  increase  should  be  as 
rapid  in  the  future,  German  would  become  the  official 
language  and  that  the  government  would  pass  into  their 
hands.  They  were  so  numerous  and  the  opportunities  to 
acquire  a  knowledge  of  English  so  uncertain  that  much 
28 


434  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

inconvenience  was  experienced  in  the  administration  of 
the  government.  Interpreters  were  constantly  needed  in 
the  courts,  and  they  might  soon  be  required  in  the 
Assembly  itself  to  tell  half  of  the  legislators  what  the 
other  half  said.  It  was  proposed  to  teach  both  English 
and  German  in  the  schools,  and  religious  instruction 
was  also  to  be  included.  To  this  end  contributions  were 
successfully  solicited  from  the  Society  of  Friends  and 
from  individuals  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel. 
Schlatter  was  given  a  general  oversight  of  these 
schools,  but  opposition  to  them  soon  rose,  especially 
from  Saur,  who  was  influential  among  the  Germans. 
He  was  closely  allied  to  the  Friends  in  their  anti-war 
principles  and  was  totally  opposed  to  a  church  clergy. 
His  intellectual  horizon  was  contracted,  and  he  insisted 
that  the  condition  of  the  Germans  was  not  so  bad  as  it 
had  been  reported,  and  that  the  motive  for  founding 
these  schools  was  a  political  one,  intended  to  acquire  a 
more  complete  control  of  the  Germans.  In  this  opposi- 
tion the  Friends  passively  concurred,  believing  that  the 
aim  of  the  movement  was  to  alienate  the  Germaus, 
especially  those  who  believed  in  non-resistance,  and 
thus  to  weaken  their  political  power  and  wrench  the 
government  from  them.  Doctor  Muhlenberg,  who  was 
consulted,  feared  that  the  Germans  would  regard  such 
an  enterprise  as  a  reproach  to  them.  This  opinion 
was  fostered  by  the  protests  of  Saur  through  his  paper, 
which  was  read  by  the  Germans  all  over  Pennsylvania 
and  the  neighboring  colonies.  To  counteract  this 
influence   Franklin    at   great   expense   set   up   another 

German  press.  But  Saur  held  the  vantage-ground  and 
*  ... 

continued  to  turn  the  Germans  against  their  clergy  and 

against  every  one  who  endeavored   to  lead   them  into 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  435 

orderly  ways  in  church  or  state  affairs.  His  conduct  is 
an  illustration  of  the  havoc  that  can  be  wrought  by  a 
powerful  influence  turned  in  a  wrong  direction.  Had 
Saur  supported  the  movement  it  would  have  gained 
strength  and  the  Germans  probably  would  have  encour- 
aged the  plan.  But  he  appealed  to  their  fears  and  preju- 
dices, and,  though  the  schools  were  established,  they 
were  destined  to  an  early  death.  Schlatter  continued 
in  charge  until  the  middle  of  1757,  when  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Doctor  Smith.  From  that  time  the  system 
languished.  The  Germans  lacked  confidence  in  the 
trustees,  who  disagreed  among  themselves.  In  addition 
to  this,  the  growing  coldness  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Province  and  the  disturbance  caused  by  war  on 
the  frontiers  led  to  the  closing  of  the  schools  in  1763. 

The  Moravians  were  always  believers  in  education. 
From  the  founding  of  their  church  by  John  Huss 
education  has  gone  parallel  with  their  religious  de- 
velopment In  this  country  wherever  the  Moravians 
went  the  organization  of  a  congregation  was  soon 
followed  by  that  of  a  school.  The  zeal  of  the  Bohemian 
reformer  for  higher  education,  so  conspicuous  in  his  ad- 
ministration of  the  University  of  Prague,  descended 
to  his  followers.  Their  first  school  in  Pennsylvania 
was  opened  in  1742  by  Ziuzendorf,  whose  daughter, 
the  Countess  Benigna,  was  one  of  the  teachers.  This 
was  on  the  model  of  the  Brothers'  School  in  Germany. 
Afterwards  a  boarding-school  was  opened  at  Nazareth, 
and  the  first  building  intended  especially  for  a  school- 
house  was  erected  at  Bethlehem  in  1745. 

The  number  of  church-schools  was  inadequate,  and 
many  children  lived  at  too  great  a  distance  from  them. 
There   were   large   sections  of  thickly-settled   country 


436  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

without  a  church,  persons  often  traveling  five  or  ten 
miles  on  horseback  or  in  wagons  to  the  nearest  meeting. 
This  difficulty  caused  another  class  of  schools  to  spring 
up  in  small  communities,  and  before  long  the  neighbor- 
hood schools  outnumbered  all  other  kinds.  In  propor- 
tion to  the  population  the  new  institutions  were  fewest 
in  the  oldest-settled  parts  of  the  State,  for  many  of  the 
people  moved  west  into  the  Cumberland  Valley,  and 
along  the  Susquehanna  and  Juniata  rivers.  These 
neighborhood  schools  were  at  first  crudely  organized  and 
narrow  in  their  course  of  instruction.  They  were 
inferior  to  the  church-schools,  for  these  had  generally 
been  supervised  by  clergymen  who  themselves  taught 
or  who  engaged  the  best  teachers  they  could  find. 

For  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  coming  of 
Penn  the  policy  of  the  people  was  to  educate  the  chil- 
dren of  the  poor  without  charge,  but  to  require  compen- 
sation from  those  who  were  able  to  pay.  There  were 
few  known  departures  from  this  policy  in  either  the 
church  or  the  neighborhood  schools.  Thousands  of 
these  institutions  were  established  by  the  voluntary 
efforts  of  pioneer  settlers.  Sometimes  an  enterprising 
man,  having  children  to  educate,  would  call  on  his 
neighbors  to  eo-operate  with  him  in  forming  a  school. 
A  meeting  of  those  interested  would  be  called  and  a 
committee  appointed  to  select  a  suitable  building,  ascer- 
tain the  number  of  children  who  would  attend,  fix  the 
tuition  fee  and  employ  a  teacher.  Women  sometimes 
took  part  in  the  meetings.  When  money  was  needed 
it  was  raised  by  voluntary  subscriptions.  Now  and 
then  a  public-minded  citizen  would  take  the  matter 
into  his  own  hands  without  waiting  for  the  co-operation 
of  his  neighbors.      "  In  other  cases,"  says  Wickersham, 


ED  UCA  TION  A  AD  LITER  A  TURE.  437 

"the  moving  spirit  was  one  of  the  numerous  peripa- 
tetic schoolmasters  who  wandered  about  from  settle- 
ment to  settlement  seeking  employment." 

The  provincial  school-house  was  generally  a  rough 
log  cabin,  and  the  spaces  between  the  logs  were  filled 
with  chips  of  wood  plastered  with  mortar.  The  floors 
were  of  earth  and  sometimes  of  timber,  through  which 
snakes  often  crawled.  Nearly  one  side  of  the  house 
was  occupied  by  the  chimney,  and  there  were  several 
windows,  with  small  panes  of  glass.  The  furniture 
consisted  of  four-legged  benches  made  of  logs  split 
in  two  and  hewn  to  a  proper  thickness,  and  stools  and 
tables  of  the  same  material  and  workmanship.  The 
desks  were  placed  against  the  wall,  facing  outward,  and 
seats  without  backs  were  in  the  middle  of  the  room  for 
the  smaller  scholars. 

The  primary  schools  had  generally  a  distinct  relig- 
ious side.  The  lowest  primers  were  quite  as  much 
church-books  as  school-books,  for  they  contained  hymns, 
prayers,  creeds  and  catechisms,  as  well  as  the  alphabet 
and  elementary  lessons.  The  first  regular  branch  of 
instruction  was  reading,  for  this  was  preparatory  to 
learning  the  catechism  and  taking  part  in  religious 
exercises.  When  writing  was  first  introduced  it  was 
confined  wholly  to  boys,  as  the  acquirement  was  deemed 
unnecessary  for  girls.  So  deep  rooted  was  this  pre- 
judice that  some  men  have  entertained  it  almost  to  the 
present  day.  Paper  was  costly  and  birch  bark  was 
often  used  as  a  substitute.  Ink  was  made  of  nut-galls 
bruised,  to  which  were  added  a  proper  proportion  of 
water  and  some  rusty  nails.  Sometimes  an  ink  boy 
was  appointed  who  carried  the  fluid  in  a  bottle  or  a 
horn  to  each  writer  as  he  needed  it,  but  the  custom  was 


438  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

for  each  pupil  to  have  his  own  supply.  Pens  were 
made  of  goose  quills,  and  much  of  the  master's  time 
was  employed  in  cutting  and  mending  them.  Arith- 
metic was  taught,  but  without  aid  of  books.  The 
"sums"  were  dictated  by  the  master  and  worked  out 
on  paper,  for  blackboards  were  unknown  and  slates  and 
pencils  did  not  come  into  use  until  after  the  Revolution. 
"  Ciphering  books "  were  afterward  brought  into  use. 
Geography  and  grammar  were  not  taught  until  after  the 
adoption  of  the  common  school  system. 

George  Fox,  the  founder  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
was  the  author  of  a  primer  or  spelling-book,  which  was 
re-published  at  Philadelphia  in  1701.  As  may  be  ex- 
pected, this  contained  a  perpetual  calendar  and  a  cate- 
chism explaining  the  doctrines  of  the  Friends.  An- 
thony Benezet,  a  teacher  in  Philadelphia,  also  compiled 
a  primer,  to  which  was  added  a  short  essay  on  English 
grammar.  All  through  these  books  moral  lessons  were 
interspersed. 

The  spelling-book  most  in  favor  was  prepared  by 
Thomas  Dilworth,  an  English  schoolmaster.  The 
first  edition,  printed  at  Philadelphia,  appeared  in  1757, 
and  twenty-one  years  later  the  ninety-eighth  edition 
was  published.  The  lessons  in  spelling  alternated 
with  those  for  reading,  and  there  were  also  quaintly 
illustrated  fables  and  forms  of  prayers  for  children. 
In  spelling,  the  terminations  "tion"  and  "sion"  were 
pronounced  in  two  syllables.  The  Philadelphia  edi- 
tions contained  a  small  elementary  grammar,  but  in  the 
Lancaster  edition  this  was  omitted  until,  so  the  pub- 
lisher stated,  "when  peace  and  commerce  shall  again 
smile  upon  us,  and  when,  in  spite  of  Britain  and  a 
certain  evil   one  surnamed   Beelzebub,  we  shall   have 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE.  430, 

paper  and  books  of  every  kind  in  abundance,  and 
science  shall  once  more  shoot  up  and  flourish  in  the 
country." 

Of  other  books  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  a 
people  engaged  in  so  fierce  a  struggle  with  nature  would 
soon  acquire  the  graces  of  literary  accomplishment.  It 
is  true  that  some  of  the  noblest  poetry  of  the  world  was 
sung  by  nations  in  their  early  days.  These,  however, 
are  exceptional  creations.  Literature  has  had  a  slow 
and  painful  growth,  the  result  of  unwearying  study  and 
meditation  :  that  the  early  settlers  did  not  at  once  turn 
a  graceful  sentence  or  produce  a  finished  poem,  is  not 
surprising. 

The  first  production  was  an  almanac  edited  in  1685 
by  Samuel  Atkins,  "  student  in  mathematics  and  astro- 
logy." It  contained  "both  the  English  and  foreign 
account,  the  motions  of  the  planets  through  the  signs, 
with  the  luminaries,  conjunctions,  aspects,  eclipses; 
the  rising,  southing  and  setting  of  the  moon,  with 
the  time  when  she  passeth  by,  or  is  with  the  most 
eminent  fixed  stars."  Proper  attention  was  also  given 
to  the  movements  of  the  sun,  the  action  of  the  tides, 
with  chronologies  and  many  notes,  rules  and  tables,  all 
having  special  reference  to  the  region  in  and  around 
Pennsylvania.  The  almanacs  of  that  day  were  more 
than  mere  calendars,  weather  forecastings  and  accounts 
of  astronomical  occurrences.  They  contained  poems, 
sage  remarks  and  a  variety  of  information.  Franklin's 
Poor  Richard's  Almanac  made  him  famous,  and  other 
writers  were  perhaps  tempted  to  imitate  him.  At  all 
events  these  books  rapidly  multiplied  between  the  time 
of  this  publication  and  1783,  but  none  approached  that 
of  the  inimitable  Franklin. 


440  HISTOR  V  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

No  fiction  deserving  the  name  appeared  until  the 
time  of  Charles  Brockden  Brown,  who  wrote  toward 
the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Imagination  could 
not  flourish  under  the  heavy  skies  of  early  provincial 
life,  though  some  of  its  highest  flights  have,  in  excep- 
tional cases,  been  taken  under  desperate  conditions. 

The  soil  was  too  rugged  for  even  one  little  flower  of 
poetry,  but  during  the  second  generation  the  settlers, 
somewhat  relieved  from  toil,  began  to  cultivate  buds  of 
verse.  After  the  almanacs,  the  newspapers  received 
poetical  contributions.  Rhyming  prospered  and  hardly 
a  week  passed  without  some  rhythmical  production. 
The  earliest  of  these  printed  was  "  A  Pharaphrastical 
Exposition  on  a  letter  from  a  gentleman  in  Philadelphia 
to  his  friend  in  Boston  concerning  a  certain  person  who 
compared  himself  to  Mordecai." 

Aquila  Rose  has  been  named  as  the  first  poet  of  repu- 
tation in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  a  workman  in  Brad- 
ford's printing  office  and,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  clerk 
to  the  Assembly.  Franklin  said  of  him  :  "  He  was  an 
ingenious  young  man,  and  of  an  excellent  character, 
highly  estimated  in  the  town,  and  also  a  very  tolerable 
poet." 

More  remarkable,  perhaps,  was  Samuel  Keimer. 
Instead  of  going  through  the  laborious  process  of  writ- 
ing like  the  ordinary  poet,  he  was  so  inspired,  certainly 
on  one  occasion,  that  his  verses  congealed  into  cold 
type  as  they  flowed  from  his  muse.  In  one  of  his  pub- 
lications he  promised  "to  present  to  the  world  for  its 
entertainment  an  account  of  his  sufferings  under  the 
care  of  the  white  negro,"  but  as  he  soon  quitted  Penn- 
sylvania this  production  was  never  forthcoming.  If 
Keimer  may  be   believed,  he  was  well   educated  ;  but 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  44  x 

Jacob  Taylor,  one  of  the  almanac-makers,  ridicules  his 
charlatanism  in  the  following  terms:  "Thy  constant 
care  and  labor  is  to  be  thought  a  finished  philosopher 
and  universal  scholar,  never  forgetting  to  talk  Greek 
and  Hebrew  and  oriental  tongues  as  if  they  were  as 
natural  to  thee  as  hooting  to  an  owl."  Keimer  wore 
his  beard  long  because  Moses  had  somewhere  said, 
"Thou  shalt  not  mar  the  corners  of  thy  beard."  He 
tried  to  persuade  Franklin  to  suffer  his  beard  to  grow  in 
like  manner.  This  his  friend  consented  to  do  on  the 
condition  that  the  poet  abstain  from  animal  food. 
Franklin  says  he  used  to  amuse  himself  by  shaming 
Keimer,  who  was  naturally  a  glutton.  The  poet  prom- 
ised to  make  the  trial  if  Franklin  would  do  likewise, 
and  the  arrangement  was  continued  for  three  months. 
Franklin  maintained  his  cheerfulness  easily  enough, 
but  "poor  Keimer  suffered  terribly"  and  at  last  broke 
down.  He  invited  his  friend  to  dine  with  him  on  roast 
pig,  which,  however,  was  ready  a  little  too  soon,  and, 
unable  to  resist  the  temptation,  Keimer  devoured  it 
before  his  guest  arrived. 

One  poet's  work  has  survived  the  wreck  of  time. 
Godfrey's  tragedy,  The  Prince  of  Parthia,  is  a  story  of 
considerable  merit.  The  scene  is  laid  in  Ctesiphon, 
and  the  characters  are  an  old  man,  a  good  king,  a  false 
queen  and  two  sons,  one  noble  and  the  other  wicked. 
In  his  arrangement  of  the  scenes  Godfrey  displayed  a 
clear  idea  of  the  law  of  contrast,  which  was  quite 
unknown  to  the  colonial  poets.  He  was  evidently 
familiar  with  Shakespeare,  and  the  fifth  scene  reminds 
one  strongly  of  Hamlet.  He  was  also  a  musician  and 
fond  of  painting.  Apprenticed  to  a  watchmaker,  he 
devoted    all   his   leisure   hours   to  writing.     He   found 


442  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

patrons  among  the  literary  people  of  the  Province,  and 
some  of  his  smaller  poems,  published  in  the  American 
Magazine,  were  well  received.  One  of  his  critics 
remarked  that,  as  a  dramatic  composition,  "The  Prince 
of  Parthia  "  is  defective  in  plot  as  well  as  faulty  in  style, 
but  that  it  is,  nevertheless,  "  a  most  wonderful  produc- 
tion." His  desire  to  have  it  performed  by  a  company 
of  Philadelphia  players  before  they  left  the  city  led  to 
its  presentation  in  an  unfinished  state,  and  nothing  was 
ever  done  subsequently  toward  its  improvement. 

Nathaniel  Evans  issued  a  volume  of  poems,  the  intro- 
duction to  which  was  a  witty  eulogy  of  himself  written 
by  Laura.  This  was  a  pseudonym  of  Miss  Elizabeth. 
Graeme,  to  whom  one  of  the  poems  was  dedicated.  She 
was  a  grandaughter  of  Sir  William  Keith  and  a  woman 
of  unusual  gifts.  Her  friendship  influenced  the  verse  of 
Evans,  and  perhaps  his  life  ;  and  not  the  least  interest- 
ing parts  of  his  book  are  the  addresses  and  replies  of 
these  congenial  friends.  Miss  Graeme  received  an  ad- 
mirable education,  and  at  her  father's  house  she  was 
surrounded  by  refined  and  literary  people.  In  both 
Pennsylvania  and  England  she  won  the  admiration  of 
the  accomplished  scholars  and  wits  of  the  age.  She 
wrote  on  every  occasion  and  on  almost  every  subject ; 
but,  though  her  journal,  letters  and  other  compositions 
were  admired  for  their  spirit  and  elegance,  they  have 
not  survived  the  test  of  time. 

The  first  to  make  a  profession  of  poetry  was  John 
Dommett.  He  was  fond  of  writing  salutatory  and 
panegyric  odes  addressed  to  the  governor  and  to  other 
noted  men  of  Pennsylvania.  His  verses  have  been 
declared  to  be  among  "  the  worst  produced  in  the 
Province,"  but,  if  his  poetry  was  poor  in  quality,  it  cer- 


ED  UCA  TION  AND  L I TERA  TURE.  44  , 

taiuly  was  not  lacking  in  ambitious  aim.  He  died  at 
Whitemarsh  in  1729,  and,  after  his  death,  a  eulogy  ap- 
peared in  the  Mercury  praising  his  wit  and  good  humor 
and  the  fecundity  of  his  muse.  In  an  epitaph  his  char- 
acter was  thus  described  : 

"  Wealthy  whilst  rum  he  had  was  John,  yet  poor  ; 
The  cause  worth  but  little,  rich,  the  cause  craved  no  more  ; 
Him  England,  birth  ;  heaven,  wit ;  this  Province  gave 
Food,  Indian's  drink,  rhymes  pent,  Whitemarsh  and  grave." 

Nearly  the  entire  product  of  this  long  period  was  free 
from  the  stamp  of  true  poetry,  and  only  now  and  then 
a  line  appeared  indicating  genius.  The  people  were 
too  intent  on  making  money  and  cultivating  the  land  tc 
indulge  in  poetic  fancies. 

In  this  hasty  survey  at  least  a  reference  should  be 
made  to  the  writers  of  hymns.  The  Seventh  Day  Bap- 
tists, or  Dunkers,  published  a  large  and  important  col- 
lection of  religious  songs,  some  of  which  were  written 
by  the  founder  of  the  sect,  Conrad  Beissel,  some  by 
Christiana  Hoehn,  and  others  by  various  members  of  the 
Bphrata  Community,  as  their  society  was  called.  These 
associates  were  strange  persons,  often  highly  educated, 
who  chose  to  dwell  apart  from  the  world.  Their  book 
was  the  first  printed  in  America  in  German  type.  A 
compositor  who  was  setting  up  one  of  the  hymns  asked 
Saur  whether  he  thought  more  than  one  Christ  had 
appeared.  To  the  printer's  mind  it  seemed  that  Beissel 
referred  to  himself  when  writing  of  the  Messiah.  Saur 
wrote  to  the  monk,  inquiring  whether  there  was  any 
reason  for  such  an  idea,  and  Beissel  told  him  that  he 
was  a  fool.  This  impious  and  not  very  flattering  lan- 
guage displeased  the  editor,  and  there  ensued  a  war  of 


444  HISTOR  Y  OF  FENNSYL  VANIA. 

pen  and  type.  Among  other  things  Saur  declared  that 
Beissel's  name  contained  the  number  666,  which  is  or 
the  beast  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  that  the  monk  had  re- 
ceived something  from  each  of  the  planets,  "  from  Mars 
his  strength,  from  Venus  his  influence  over  women,  and 
from  Mercury  his  comedian  tricks."  As  the  contest 
continued,  the  Dunkers  procured  a  printing-press  of 
their  own,  and  from  it  there  poured  a  flood  of  literature, 
both  prose  and  poetry,  relating  to  music,  history  and 
theology.  The  books  containing  music  for  the  hymns 
were  beautifully  written  and  illustrated  with  full-page 
decorations  of  birds  and  flowers.  They  were,  perhaps, 
the  last  specimens  of  the  Middle  Age  art  of  illuminat- 
ing manuscript.  It  was  fitting  for  this  strange  society 
to  end  in  the  new  world  an  occupation  which  for  cen- 
turies had  employed  thousands  of  monks  in  the  old. 

Turning  from  poetry  to  prose  it  may  be  divided  into 
four  kinds  :  religious,  which  was  developed  the  earliest; 
political,  which  followed  in  Lloyd's  time  and  related 
chiefly  to  the  relations  of  the  people  to  the  proprietary; 
war  literature,  springing  out  of  the  French  and  Indian 
War;  and  lastly,  the  literature  of  the  Revolution.  The 
Friends,  despite  their  pacific  principles,  were  entangled 
in  many  religious  disputes,  nor  were  they  slow  to  defend 
their  cause.  One  of  the  most  prolific  writers  of  un- 
friendly ideas  was  George  Keith,  himself  a  Friend.  He 
was  the  head-master  of  the  public  schools,  nor  had  he 
been  long  engaged  in  mending  the  boys'  grammar  and 
pens  before  he  undertook  to  mend  the  religion  of  their 
parents.  The  Friends  having  climbed  into  power,  he 
maintained  that  they  should  throw  away  their  ladder, 
and  disregard  many  of  the  practices  which  were  peculiar 
to  their  faith.     He  accused  some  of  the  leaders  of  luke- 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE.  445 

warmness,  and  denounced  the  magistrates.  In  short, 
he  was  an  advanced  liberal.  Pamphlet  after  pamphlet 
appeared  from  his  ready  pen,  each  growing'  warmer  in 
tone,  until  finally  a  prosecution  was  started  against  his 
printers,  Bradford  and  McComb.  They  were  arrested 
and  brought  to  trial.  The  principal  evidence  against 
Bradford  was  his  own  set  of  types,  and  the  frame  con- 
taining them,  a  potent,  though  silent  witness,  was 
brought  into  court.  The  jury  when  retiring  took  this 
frame  with  them,  and,  in  their  endeavor  to  place  it 
where  they  could  easily  read,  upset  the  types,  and  thus 
destroyed  the  testimony  for  the  prosecution. 

After  a  time  began  the  publication  of  sermons,  the 
first  of  which  by  Daniel  Burgess  was  printed  in  1725. 
Gilbert  and  William  Tennent,  Presbyterians  of  eloquence 
and  scholarship,  not  content  with  preaching,  published 
1  number  of  sermons  during  their  devoted  ministry,  and 
jsed  the  wider  influence  of  the  press  to  scatter  their 
strong  and  timely  words.  No  preachers  of  the  time 
treated  vital  truths  more  fearlessly  or  with  a  sincerer 
heart. 

Many  publications  of  a  political  nature  also  appeared. 
For  fifty  years  they  were  not  important,  but  with  the 
expansion  of  the  Province  serious  questions  arose.  The 
Farmer's  Letters,  by  John  Dickinson,  had  an  enormous 
circulation  throughout  the  colonies,  and  contributed 
not  a  little  toward  promoting  the  cause  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. Other  pamphlets  also  appeared  thick  and  fast 
relating  to  the  policy  of  Great  Britain. 

There  appeared  in  Philadelphia  in  1758,  printed  by 
James  Chattin,  a  book  entitled  "  A  Fragment  of  the 
Chronicles  of  Nathan  Ben  Saddi,  a  Rabbi  of  the  Jews. 
Lately  discovered  in   the  ruins  of  Herculaueum,   and 


446  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

translated  from  the  original  into  the  Italian  Language 
by  the  command  of  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  and 
now  first  published  in  English.  Constantinople. 
Printed  in  the  year  of  the  Vulgar  iEra,  5707." 

It  is  a  very  clever  satire  upon  the  incarceration  by 
order  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  of  William  Moore, 
of  Moore  Hall,  and  Dr.  William  Smith,  for  having  pub- 
lished a  political  paper,  and  is  perhaps  the  earliest  serious 
effort  of  the  kind  in  American  literature.  Among  the 
characters  depicted  under  names  more  or  less  obscure 
are  William  Moore,  Dr.  Smith,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Isaac  Norris,  William  Masters  and  Isaac  Wayne. 
Franklin,  who  was  then  clerk  of  the  House,  appears  as 
"Adonis  the  Scribe"  and  is  made  to  say:  "If  any  man 
call  me  rascal  in  one  ear  I  turn  the  other  and  bid  him 
say  on."  Norris,  the  speaker,  is  prevented  from  carrying 
into  effect  the  schemes  of  Franklin  in  consequence  of  a 
dream  in  which  he  sees  a  strange  tree  a  little  space  out  of 
the  city,  "strong and  straight  and  tall,"  with  two  trunks 
but  no  leaves  nor  fruit.  Then  the  chariot  containing 
Adonis  the  Scribe  and  Masterol  of  the  Suburbs  halted 
and  rested  under  this  tree.  "And  after  some  time  the 
chariot  moved  again,  but  behold !  my  Lord,  the  Judge, 
and  Adonis  the  Scribe  and  Masterol  of  the  Suburbs  went 
not  with  it  but  staid  behind,  for  their  heads  caught  hold 
of  the  tree  and  they  were  taken  up  between  heaven  and 
earth,  even  as  Absalom  was  taken  up  in  the  boughs  of 
the  oak,  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim,  save  that  they  were 
not  taken  up  by  the  hair." 

Passing  to  legal  literature,  it  was  extremely  rare. 
Doubtless  this  was  in  part  a  consequence  of  the  Friends' 
dislike  for  litigation.  There  were  a  few  pamphlets 
relating  to  trials,  but   hardly  anything   else   appeared 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE.  447 

worth  mentioning,  save  the  Magna  Charta,  to  which  an 
introduction  was  written  by  William  Penn. 

Of  economic  works  perhaps  the  most  important  was 
by  Francis  Rawle,  entitled,  "  Ways  and  means  for  the 
inhabitants  of  Delaware  to  become  rich,  wherein  the 
several  growths  and  products  of  these  countries  were 
demonstrated  to  be  a  sufficient  fund  for  a  flourishing 
trade."  It  was  published  in  1725,  and  was  the  first 
pamphlet  of  its  kind  in  America.  It  was  warmly 
approved  by  Governor  Keith,  who  remarked  favorably 
upon  it  in  an  address  to  the  Assembly.  The  author, 
after  tracing  the  decay  of  trade  to  its  source,  described 
ways  and  means  of  redress.  He  urged  that  a  balance 
of  trade  was  necessary  to  restore  the  Province  to  its 
former  flourishing  condition,  and  that  trade,  manufac- 
tures and  navigation  should  be  encouraged.  The  value 
of  products  was  to  be  raised  by  finding  new  markets, 
and  to  this  end  the  fanner  must  grow  everything  of 
which  the  Province  was  capable. 

A  subject  that  produced  some  of  the  best  writing  of 
the  provincial  period  was  slavery.  The  two  leaders 
of  that  time  who  will  be  longest  remembered  in  the 
crusade  against  this  traffic,  and  who  set  the  current 
most  strongly  in  the  right  direction,  were  Anthony 
Benezet  and  John  Woolman.  Benezet  was  a  French- 
man whom  a  bigoted  king  drove  from  France.  He  fled 
to  England,  there  becoming  a  Friend,  and  then  went  to 
America  in  1731,  where  he  established  himself  in  com- 
merce at  Philadelphia.  Five  years  afterwards  he 
accepted  a  position  in  the  academy,  and  from  that  time 
all  his  hours  were  consecrated  to  public  instruction, 
relief  of  the  poor,  and  defence  of  the  unhappy  negroes. 
He  had  a  school  for  children  of  this  race,  in  whom  he 


448  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A . 

took  a  deep  interest.  Besides  learning  to  read  and 
write,  the  girls  were  taught  spinning  and  needlework, 
and  were  grounded  in  the  principles  of  religion.  A 
French  traveler  declares  that  it  was  a  nursery  of  good 
servants  and  virtuous  housekeepers. 

Benezet  possessed  a  universal  philanthropy.  He 
regarded  as  his  brothers  men  of  every  country  and 
color,  and  his  example  was  a  helpful  influence  in 
determining  the  Friends  to  emancipate  their  slaves. 
John  Wool m an  was  a  fit  companion  for  such  a  man.  A 
missionary  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  he  traveled  much, 
always  on  foot  and  without  money  or  food.  Striv- 
ing to  imitate  the  apostles,  he  was  enabled  to  be  useful 
to  the  poor,  especially  the  blacks.  He  so  abhorred 
slavery  that  he  would  taste  no  food  produced  by  slave 
labor.  His  journal  is  a  classic  of  its  kind,  containing 
the  record  of  one  of  the  whitest  souls  that  ever  lived. 
Another  who  should  be  mentioned  is  Benjamin  Long. 
He  was  reared  in  Africa  and  afterwards  became  a 
planter  in  the  Barbadoes.  Abandoning  his  plantation 
because  of  the  horrors  of  slavery,  he  went  to  Philadel- 
phia, where  he  became  a  Friend,  and  during  the 
remainder  of  his  life  he  was  ceaseless  in  preaching  and 
writing  on  the  abolition  of  slavery.  His  principal 
treatise  appeared  in  1737.  Animated  in  speech,  impas- 
sioned when  speaking  on  slavery,  he  lived  and  wrought 
for  fourscore  years,  seeking  to  remove  the  shackles 
from  the  slave.  If  his  language  was  exaggerated, 
certainly  his  life  was  without  stain,  and  his  zeal  for 
humanity  boundless. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  provincial  period  a  historian 
appeared  among  the  Friends.  Proud  was  born  in  Eng- 
land, not  far  from  the  city  of  York.      In  1758  he  sailed 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  449 

for  Philadelphia,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  took  charge 
of  the  public  Latin  school  of  the  Friends.  From  that 
time  until  1780,  he  was  engaged  partly  in  trade  with  his 
brother,  and  partly,  to  use  his  own  words,  during  "the 
distraction  of  the  country,  at  the  particular  request  of 
some  Friends,  in  compiling  and  writing-  the  history  of 
Pennsylvania."  He  indulged  in  a  little  poetry  of  a 
serious  order ;  but  the  work  which  has  kept  his  name 
alive  is  his  history  of  the  Province  from  the  beginning 
to  1755.  It  is  written  in  a  quaint  style,  and  is  both 
trustworthy  and  valuable.  Nearly  a  fourth  of  the  first 
volume  is  devoted  to  an  exposition  of  the  principles 
of  Friends,  followed  by  a  description  of  Pennsylvania, 
the  coming  of  Penn,  and  a  general  account  of  the 
principal  events  during  the  golden  period  of  Quaker 
ascendency.  A  number  of  documents  form  the  basis 
of  the  narrative.  The  last  chapter  is  devoted  to  a 
general  survey  of  the  condition  of  the  Province,  an 
unusual  feature  in  such  works  at  that  time. 

Of  Pennsylvania  authors  James  Logan  was  perhaps 
the  most  accomplished  scholar.  He  was  well  versed  in 
ancient  and  modern  learning,  and  was  a  master  of 
Latin,  Greek,  French  and  Italian.  Like  Cicero,  he 
sought  to  fortify  his  mind  by  cultivating  the  best  feel- 
ings of  old  age,  and  to  that  end  made  an  elegant  trans- 
lation of  the  Senectute.  This  was  undertaken  in  his 
sixtieth  year  for  his  own  amusement,  and  is  his  best 
known  production.  It  was  printed  by  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin.   - 

The  Province  was  not  a  stranger  to  newspaper  and 

magazine    literature.       The    first    newspaper   was   the 

American   Weekly    Mercury,  and  it  appeared  in  1719. 

The  price  was  ten  shillings  per  annum.     Extracts  six 

29 


450  HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

months  old  from  foreign  papers,  and  two  or  three  badly 
printed  advertisements,  formed  the  substance  of  the 
Mercury.  One  number  told  of  an  adult  and  a  child 
who  died  during  the  week  ;  even  that  was  unusual,  for 
some  weeks  passed  without  a  single  death.  Nine  years 
afterward  a  second  paper  appeared,  published  by  the 
eccentric  Keimer.  It  was  called  The  Universal  In- 
structor in  all  arts  and  sciences,  and  Pennsylvania 
Gazette.  The  German  Magazine  and  Historical  Chron- 
icler, printed  and  edited  by  Franklin,  followed  in  Jan- 
uary, 1 741.  It  contained  some  original  matter,  but  was 
filled  chiefly  with  public  documents  and  the  proceed- 
ings of  Parliament.  The  American  Magazine,  pub- 
lished in  the  same  year,  survived  only  two  months. 
Others  were  launched  from  time  to  time,  but  were 
never  successful. 

Among  the  literary  men  of  the  time  Franklin  occu- 
pies the  foremost  place,  and  his  Autobiography  is  one 
of  the  few  books  possessing  vitality.  It  is  just  as  fresh 
and  popular  to-day  as  it  was  when  it  first  appeared, 
while  no  other  work  of  provincial  authorship  is  familiar 
to  the  people  and  few  are  known  even  to  scholars.  It 
is,  indeed,  the  one  book  which,  like  Robinson  Crusoe, 
is  read  by  each  succeeding  generation  with  undimin- 
ished delight,  and  has  been  republished  in  the  United 
States  fifty-one  times.  Compared  with  other  biogra- 
phies, it  is  one  of  the  best,  and  is  imperishable.  Of 
this  work  an  eminent  scholar,  Tyler,  who  has  de- 
voted many  years  to  the  study  of  American  literature, 
has  said  :  "  At  the  close  of  our  colonial  epoch,  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  then  fifty-nine  years  of  age,  was  the 
most  illustrious  of  Americans,  and  one  of  the  most 
illustrious  of  men  ;  and  his  renown  rested  on  permanent 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  451 

and  benign  achievements  of  the  intellect.  He  was,  at 
that  time,  on  the  verge  of  old  age  ;  his  splendid  career 
as  a  scientific  discoverer  and  as  a  citizen  seemed  round- 
ing to  its  full ;  yet  there  then  lay  outstretched  before 
him — though  he  knew  it  not — still  another  career  of  just 
twenty-five  years,  in  which  his  political  services  to  his 
country  and  to  mankind  were  to  bring  him  more  glory 
than  he  had  gained  from  all  he  had  done  before ;  and 
in  which  he  was  to  write  one  book — the  story  of  his 
own  life — that  is  still  the  most  famous  production  in 
American  literature,  that  has  an  imperishable  charm  for 
all  classes  of  mankind,  that  has  passed  into  nearly  all 
the  literary  languages  of  the  globe,  and  that  is  l  one 
of  the  half-dozen  most  widely  popular  books  ever 
printed.'  " 

If  literature  keenly  felt  the  shock  of  the  Revolution, 
so  did  educational  institutions.  At  the  outbreak,  Dr. 
William  Smith  was  still  president  of  the  college  at 
Philadelphia,  "  a  kind  of  pet  of  the  proprietary  family." 
He  was  disliked  because  of  his  unwillingness  to  support 
popular  measures,  but  on  all  other  political  or  polemic 
questions  he  was  active,  ardent  and  eloquent.  The 
holder  of  extreme  opinions,  he  was  fond  of  controversy. 
Though  the  professors  of  the  college  represented  various 
denominations,  nearly  all  the  trustees  were  Episcopal- 
ians, and  their  church  was  out  of  favor  because  of  its 
open  sympathy  with  the  royal  cause.  The  opponents 
of  the  suspected  political  party  did  not  fail  to  see  that 
vacancies,  occurring  by  the  flight  and  attainder  of  sev- 
eral members,  were  not  filled  until  popular  resentment 
was  aroused  by  neglect.  The  absentees  were  regarded, 
not  as  guilty  deserters,  but  as  accidentally  and  innocently 


452  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

prevented  from  executing  their  trusts,  and  their  suc- 
cessors were  invariably  of  the  same  party.  For  a  long 
time  this  conduct  was  endured,  but  in  1779  an  act  was 
passed  transferring  the  corporate  powers  of  the  college 
to  a  new  institution  called  the  University  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. This  was  organized  on  a  catholic  basis  and  con- 
tinued until  1784,  when  the  former  act  was  repealed. 
In  1791  the  two  institutions  were  again  united  as  a 
university.  Twelve  trustees  were  selected  from  each, 
body  and  a  Presbyterian  clergyman  was  made  the  pre- 
siding officer.  A  large  portion  of  the  funds  was  con- 
tributed by  an  archbishop  of  the  Church  of  England 
and  by  a  dissenting  minister.  "On  President  Reed," 
says  his  biographer,  "  the  friends  of  the  old  college 
bestowed  the  largest  share  of  obloquy.  Dr.  Smith  was 
his  personal  and  political  enemy,  and  a  habitual  con- 
tributor to  the  party  press.  That  the  president  con- 
curred with  the  majority  of  the  Assembly  is  unques- 
tionable ;  but,  that  any  other  motive  actuated  him  than 
a  fair  conviction  that  the  interests  of  the  community 
would  be  promoted  by  a  change  in  the  college  adminis- 
tration, no  one  pretended." 

If  political  liberty  was  to  exist,  the  education  of  the 
people,  especially  those  who  were  \o>  vote  and  to  make 
the  laws,  was  an  indispensable  condition.  At  the  out- 
break of  the  Revolution  only  a  small  number  could 
read,  write  and  calculate  ordinary  problems,  "  and  many 
remained  wholly  illiterate."  In  Philadelphia  were  the 
college  and  Friends'  public  school;  there  was  also  an 
academy  at  Germantown,  and  perhaps  half  a  dozen 
private  classical  schools  existed  in  the  older  counties. 
The  constitution  provided  for  the  establishing  of  one  or 
more  schools  in  each  county  the  salaries  to  be  paid  by 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  453 

the  public,  so  that  children  might  be  instructed  at  little 
cost.  The  law  intended  also  to  encourage  "all  learning 
in  one  or  more  universities,"  but  not  much  was  accom- 
plished iu  this  direction.  The  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania attracted  the  attention  of  the  Assembly,  more  on 
account  of  its  political  sentiments  than  of  its  work. 
Applications  for  grants  of  public  land  to  support  free 
schools  were  made  to  the  Assembly  by  the  new  German 
Catholic  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity  in  Philadelphia, 
by  the  public  school  at  Germantown,  and  the  college 
and  academy.  The  Assembly,  however,  declined  to 
make  the  grants  because  the  quantity  of  land  belong- 
ing to  the  State  was  insufficient.  Yet  the  need  of 
public  schools  was  never  greater.  Population  had 
flowed  into  the  State  with  wonderful  rapidity  until  the 
Revolution;  then  the  war,  while  it  was  in  progress, 
claimed  all  the  energies  of  the  public  and  education  had 
suffered;  but  the  time  had  now  come  for  taking  up  the 
threads  of  order  and  progress,  and  starting  on  a  fresh 
attempt  to  weave  the  fair  fabric  of  civilization. 

The  Herald  recommended  the  opening  of  free  schools 
and  the  levying  of  a  tax  for  their  support.  "  This  was 
the  first  essay  in  favor  of  education  at  public  expense." 
It  suggested  that  reading,  writing,  arithmetic  and  Ger- 
man should  be  taught,  and  that  the  children  of  each 
religious  denomination  should  be  separately  instructed 
in  the  forms  and  principles  of  their  respective  churches. 

Where  the  school -master  was  not  to  be  found  educa- 
tional methods  were  somewhat  crude,  as  may  be  seen 
from  the  following  question  and  answer,  given  by  the 
same  person,  for  the  enlightenment  of  those  engaged  in 
assessing  property  in  a  Township  in  Juniata  County. 
The   questioner   asks :     "  How   do   you    multyply    the 


454  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A . 

parts  of  any  Nomber  insted  of  the  hul  ?"  To  which  he 
thus  makes  answer:  "When  the  multyer  is  such  a 
Nomber  that  aney  Tow  figers  being  multiplyed  together 
will  make  the  said  multyplyer,  it  is  shorter  to  multy 
the  Given  Nomber  by  one  of  these  figers,  and  that 
Product  by  the  other,  as  5  times  7  is  35.  You  must 
hove  the  Multy  Ply  Casion  table  by  hart."  Let  every 
one  note,  when  reading  this  brilliant  attempt  to  explain 
the  mysteries  of  the  multiplication  table,  that  he  did  not 
forget  his  opportunity  to  insist  mildly  on  civil  service 
reform.  Verily,  a  knowledge  of  the  multiplication 
table  would  seem  to  be  a  necessary  and  modest  outfit 
for  an  assessor.  This  probably  is  an  extreme  example. 
It  is  not  surprising,  however,  when  we  remember  that 
from  early  time  people  had  been  flowing  into  the  State 
in  large  numbers.  With  their  different  languages  and 
national  peculiarities,  the  problem  of  education  was  one 
of  the  most  difficult  which  they  had  to  confront. 
Many  of  the  latest  coiners  passed  on  toward  the  frontier, 
and  while  they  were  amply  endowed  with  energy  they 
were  lacking  in  culture.  In  such  a  mixed  population 
schools  were  tardily  planted  and  had  the  slowest 
growth. 

The  Revolution  was  not  favorable  to  the  development 
of  literature.  No  works  of  note  were  produced  during 
this  time.  It  generated  but  one  order  of  ideas  and 
though  the  painting  was  monochromatic,  yet  the  single 
color  was  so  skillfully  used  under  the  powerful  stimulus 
of  the  time  that  many  vivid  effects  were  produced.  But 
a  literature,  viewed  purely  as  such,  did  not  flourish. 
For  the  wings  of  imagination  to  spread,  a  different 
atmosphere  is  required  from  that  which  surrounded  the 
writers  of  that  day.     We  can  scarcely  turn  to  a  poem  or 


EDUCA  TION  AND  Li  1  ERA  TURE.  455 

an  essay,  much  less  a  book  of  this  period  which  may  be 
regarded  simply  as  a  piece  of  literature.  The  thoughts 
of  men  were  turned  to  public  affairs  and  the  letters, 
essays  and  even  the  sermons  that  have  escaped  destruc- 
tion are  all  heavily  charged  with  political  ideas.  The 
most  noteworthy  productions  are  "The  Farmer's  Let- 
ters "  by  Dickinson,  and  Hopkinson's  "Battle  of  the 
Kegs."  Hopkinson  was  a  musician,  a  profound  lawyer, 
a  humorist  and  satirist  of  the  first  water,  and  he  had 
besides  some  knowledge  of  painting.  Doggerel  though 
it  may  be,  no  one  can  deny  that  "The  Battle  of  the 
Kegs"  is  amusing.  The  subject  of  the  poem  is  an 
attempt  to  destroy  Howe's  fleet.  The  production  cir- 
culated everywhere,  was  read  by  all  and  thoroughly 
enjoyed,  and  has  easily  kept  its  place  in  the  literature 
of  the  period.  It  did  indeed  start  a  ripple  which  even 
yet  has  not  entirely  subsided. 

"The  Farmer's  Letters"  were  prepared  with  a  high 
purpose  by  a  scholar,  and  had  a  wide  and  profound  in- 
fluence. Dickinson  was  born  in  Maryland.  He  studied 
law  in  Philadelphia  and  afterward  at  the  Middle 
Temple,  London,  that  venerable  school  of  legal  learn- 
ing, into  which  even  now  we  can  suddenly  turn  from 
the  roar  of  the  mighty  city  and  be  at  peace,  under  the 
spell  of  great  names  that  stimulate  the  rightly-trained 
mind  to  higher  and  serener  ranges  of  reflection. 
Among  those  who  were  studying  there  at  that  time 
were  Thurlow,  Kenyon  and  Cowper,  three  men  who 
have  left  enduring  marks  on  English  jurisprudence. 
Educated  amid  such  associations,  Dickinson's  love  for 
law  and  order  was  as  natural  as  for  the  air  he  breathed. 
He  loved  his  country,  and  was  willing  to  go  as  far  a.; 
anyone  in  personal  sacrifice.     He  sought  to  accomplish 


456  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  great  end  all  desired,  but  in  an  orderly  way,  because 
he  believed  this  to  be  the  most  expedient.  Harsh 
criticism  has  been  hurled  at  Dickinson  from  that  day  to 
this,  but  time,  which  does  so  much  to  correct  wrong 
verdicts,  is  reversing  that  against  Dickinson.  Tyler  is 
the  latest  scholar  to  review  "The  Farmer's  Letters" 
and  his  study  of  the  literature  of  this  period  is  free 
from  prejudice.  "To  him,"  says  this  great  student  of 
American  literature,  "who  now  reads  that  John  Dick- 
inson, having  opposed  in  Congress  the  Revolution  for 
American  Independence,  immediately  thereafter,  left 
that  body  in  order  to  lead  a  brigade  of  American  troops 
against  the  British,  it  will  probably  seem  either  that  he 
had  somewhat  too  suddenly  repented  of  his  opposition 
to  Independence,  or  else  that  he  was  guilty  of  conduct 
inconsistent  with  his  principles.  Neither  inference 
would  be  correct.  In  truth,  his  conduct  throughout 
that  particular  emergency  was  in  perfect  accord  with  all 
his  political  teachings,  which  involved,  especially,  these 
two  principles :  first,  that  it  was  the  ancient  and  manly 
method  of  loyal  Englishmen,  in  cases  of  extreme 
danger,  to  make  demand  for  political  rights  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  and  even  embodied  in  military  array 
against  the  king's  troops ;  and  secondly,  that  every 
citizen,  having  said  and  done  his  best  to  secure  the  pre- 
valence of  his  own  view,  was  bound  to  submit  himself 
to  the  decision  of  the  community  to  which  he  belonged, 
and  help  to  carry  it  out."  * 

Two  books  must  not  be  passed  over  without  notice, 

Henry's  Journal  and  Graydon's  Memoirs.     The  former 

is  a  thrilling  military  narrative  and  has  been  already 

described,  the  other  is  sparkling  in  style  and  interesting 

1  2  Lit.  Hist,  of  the  Rev.,  27. 


EDUCA  TION  AND  LITER  A  TURE.  457 

in  matter,  an  age-defying  book  because  it  possesses  both 
qualities  to  a  very  unusual  degree. 

The  newspaper  press  had  grown  to  considerable  im- 
portance, and  was  replete  with  a  peculiar  kind  of  inter- 
est. Though  the  modern  sensationalism  was  unknown, 
the  newspapers  were  highly  spiced  with  letters  and 
articles  coming  from  various  sources.  Many  of  the 
contributors  were  intelligent  and  observing  men  of  the 
day,  and  their  articles  teem  with  important  facts  and 
reasonings,  and  often  with  brilliant  reflections.  A  pe- 
culiarity of  those  publications  was  the  freedom  with 
which  individuals  aired  their  quarrels,  difficulties  and 
sorrows.  Everything  appeared  from  a  disquisition  on 
the  constitution  to  an  elaborate  account  of  the  writer's 
domestic  unhappiness. 

The  newspapers  were  the  source  to  which  many 
turned  for  light.  The  editor  was  the  adviser  of  the 
community,  or  at  least  his  advice  was  often  sought. 
On  every  kind  of  question  he  was  expected  to  have  a 
ready,  if  not  an  infallible  answer.  Many  of  the  inquir- 
ies were  from  married  men  who  were  over-heated  and 
were  trying  to  cool  off.  One  may  not  commend  their 
method,  yet  still  admire  the  ingenuous  artlessness  of 
their  confessions. 

One  of  these  afflicted  souls  was  Bobby  Bohea,  whose 
inquiry  addressed  to  the  Packet  is  a  fair  example  of  the 
inquiries  that  appeared  for  many  years  in  the  Gazette, 
Mercury  and  other  papers.  The  writer  was  married 
and  admitted  that  his  wife  was  sober  and  industrious, 
kept  his  linen  in  excellent  repair,  and  prepared  his 
meals  with  perfect  regularity.  She  also  kept  his  house 
"always  remarkable  clean,"  and  strictly  performed  her 
duty  toward  her  children.      "She  is,"  he  declared,  "  in 


458  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

every  other  respect  the  most  disagreeable  woman  liv- 
ing." If  the  maid  happened  to  break  a  teacup  the 
house  was  in  a  commotion  for  three  or  four  days  so  that 
neither  he  nor  any  of  the  children  dared  open  their 
mouths  to  this  "immaculate  woman."  We  are  not  sur- 
prised to  learn  that  with  such  an  unusual  lack  of 
serenity  in  his  household,  he  had  a  baker's  dozen  of  ser- 
vants in  the  course  of  a  year.  "The  last  maid  we  had," 
he  continued,  "she  turned  away  because  she  was  so 
careless  that  she  fell  down  stairs  and  hurt  herself;  this 
was  deemed  an  unpardonable  crime.  Not  long  after- 
ward she  discharged  another  for  wearing  white  stock- 
ings, imagining,  "so  Bobby  said,"  they  were  too  allur- 
ing for  me  to  look  at.  Another  because  she  turned  her 
toes  inward  and  she  was  afraid  the  children  would  copy 
her  manner  of  walking.  She  sent  away  a  very  fine  girl 
because  she  wore  a  wire  cap,  but  most  of  them  turn 
themselves  away  because  they  say  she  is  such  a  cursed 
vixen  that  they  would  rather  live  with  the  very  devil 
than  with  her."  Wrought  up  with  the  recital  of  his 
woes,  he  sorrowfully  adds:  "My  misfortune  is  that  it 
is  not  in  my  power  to  turn  myself  away,  or  believe  me, 
sir,  I  would  not  give  a  moment's  warning,  for  she  uses 
me,  if  possible,  worse  than  her  maids;  and  when  I  ex- 
postulate with  her,  upon  her  conduct,  she  tells  me  I  am 
the  happiest  man  in  the  world.  'You  are  blessed  with 
a  wife  that  does  not  spend  her  time  and  money  in  run- 
ning about  the  town  shopping,  a  sober  frugal  woman,  a 
woman  of  more  economy  than  any  in  the  neighborhood, 
infinitely  too  good  for  you. '  She  then  perhaps  abuses 
me  for  half  an  hour  without  intermission,  and  I  am 
obliged  to  suffer  in  silence  for  should  I  presume  to  reply 
the  contest  would  last  the  whole  day.     I  wish,  Sir,  you 


ED  UCA  TION  AND  L  ITER  A  TURE.  4™ 

would  inform  me  what  are  the  necessary  steps  to  be 
taken  with  such  a  woman,  for  I  should  be  much  happier 
with  one  who  is  idle  and  a  drunkard  than  with  such  a 
sober,  industrious  woman  as  my  wife." 

If  the  modern  newspaper  aims  to  present  life,  public 
and  private,  in  its  fulness,  its  method  is  radically  differ- 
ent from  that  of  its  humbler  progenitor.  With  it,  this 
presentation  was  an  accident,  the  work  of  others,  and 
not  its  own.  It  was  simply  a  stage  on  which  others 
appeared,  either  masked  or  openly,  before  the  public. 
Bobby  Bohea  when  narrating  the  story  of  his  domestic 
affliction  had  not  a  thought  that  he  was  acting  as  an 
annalist  of  his  times  for  the  instruction  and  commisera- 
tion of  later  ages. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

SCIENCE   AND   INVENTION. 

Closely  related  to  education  and  literature  are  the 
kindred  matters  of  science  and  invention.  To  Franklin 
his  discoveries  and  inventions  brought  world-wide 
fame.  In  a  paper  read  before  the  American  Philosophi- 
cal Society  in  1749,  his  first  great  result  was  made 
known  to  the  world.  In  this  two  brief  suggestions 
were  given,  the  power  of  points  to  draw  electricity  and 
the  similarity  of  electricity  and  lightning,  following  the 
description  of  a  splendid  experiment  in  conducting 
away  the  electricity  of  an  artificial  thunder  storm  by 
means  of  a  lightning  rod.  "If  these  things  are  so," 
continued  Franklin,  "may  not  the  knowledge  of  this 
power  of  points  be  of  use  to  mankind  in  preserving 
houses,  churches  and  shops  from  a  stroke  of  lightning 
by  directing  us  to  fix  on  the  highest  part  of  those  edi- 
fices upright  rods  of  iron,  made  sharp  as  a  needle,  and 
gilt,  to  prevent  rusting,  and  from  the  foot  of  those  rods 
a  wire  down  the  outside  of  the  building  into  the  ground. 
Would  not  these  rods  probably  draw  the  electrical  fire 
silently  out  of  the  cloud  before  it  came  nigh  enough  to 
strike,  and  thereby  secure  us  from  that  most  sudden 
and  terrible  mischief."  Three  years  afterward,  in  the 
spring  of  1752,  during  a  June  thunder-storm,  the  im- 
mortal kite  was  flown.  Who  does  not  know  the  story 
of  his  kite,  made  of  a  large  silk  handkerchief,  and 
fastened  to  the  top  of  a  perpendicular  stick  with  a  piece 

(460) 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  461 

of  sharpened  iron  wire.  Stealing  away  on  the  approach 
of  the  storm,  not  far  from  his  house,  perhaps  near  the 
corner  of  Race  and  Eighth  streets,  there  was  an  old 
cow-shed.  Wishing  to  avoid  the  ridicule  of  possible 
failure,  he  told  no  one  of  the  experiment  he  was  about 
to  try,  except  his  son,  who  however,  was  not  the  small 
boy  usually  represented  in  the  pictures,  but  a  lad  of 
twenty-two,  and  one  of  the  beaus  of  the  city.  The  kite 
was  raised  in  time  for  the  coming  gust,  and  at  the  end 
of  the  hempen  string  was  fastened  a  common  key.  In 
the  shed  was  placed  a  Leyden  bottle  to  collect  from  the 
clouds,  if  they  contained  it,  the  electric  ether.  Under 
this  shed  stood  the  father  and  son;  had  any  one  seen 
them,  he  would  probably  have  regarded  them  as  a 
couple  of  lunatics,  for  what  could  have  seemed  more  ab- 
surd to  the  ordinary  passer-by  than  the  spectacle  of  two 
persons  flying  a  kite  in  a  rain-storm.  At  last,  a  thunder 
cloud  appeared  to  pass  directly  over  the  kite,  yet  no  sign 
of  electricity  appeared,  and  Franklin's  hopes  began  to 
fade.  Suddenly  Franklin  observed  the  fibres  of  the 
hempen  string  to  rise  as  the  hair  on  a  boy's  head  rises 
who  is  standing  on  an  insulating  stool,  or  sitting, 
though  only  for  an  instant,  on  a  hornet's  nest.  With 
eager  trembling  hand  he  applied  his  knuckle  to  the 
key,  and  drew  from  it  a  spark,  and  another,  and  an- 
other, as  many  as  he  chose.  The  Ley  den  jar  was 
charged,  and  both  received  the  most  thrilling  shock 
ever  experienced  by  man  ;  a  shock  that  might  have 
been  figuratively  styled  electric,  if  it  had  not  really 
been  of  that  character.  The  kite  was  drawn  clown,  the 
apparatus  packed,  and  the  philanthopist  went  home 
exulting.  Ships  from  the  old  world  brought  the  news 
that  the  experiment  suggested  in  his  paper,  of  erecting 


462  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

an  iron  rod  on  an  eminence,  had  been  successfully  tried 
in  France,  and  that  his  name  had  become  one  of  the 
most  famous  in  Europe. 

Franklin's  active  genius  was  not  exhausted  by  draw- 
ing lightning  from  the  clouds.  He  invented  several 
machines  that  were  very  useful,  in  short,  he  was  always 
thinking  and  experimenting.  One  of  his  useful  plans 
was  the  organizing  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society  in  1744.  Its  object  was  to  unite  all  scientists, 
philosophers  and  inventors  in  America  and  Europe.  A 
bold  scheme  indeed,  yet  stamped  with  the  marks  of  its 
author  in  its  practical  details.  At  the  outset  its  success 
was  not  great,  for  the  circle  of  men  who  took  an  interest 
in  science  in  the  early  days  was  limited.  At  an  earlier 
period  Franklin  had  formed  the  Junto,  or  Leather  Apron 
Society,  a  kind  of  debating  club  of  young  men,  and 
this  formed  the  basis  of  its  more  ambitious  successor. 
The  society  was  to  investigate  botany,  medicine,  min- 
eralogy and  mining,  chemistry,  mechanics,  arts,  trades, 
manufactures,  geography,  topography  and  agriculture. 
A  comprehensive  scheme,  besides  which  it  was  to  give 
"  its  attention  to  all  philosophical  experiments  that  let 
light  into  the  nature  of  things,  and  tend  to  increase 
the  power  of  man  over  matter,  and  multiply  the  con- 
veniences or  pleasures  of  life."  Among  its  members 
were  literary  men,  statesmen  and  artists,  scientists  and 
inventors.  At  these  meetings  were  read  papers  on 
government,  history,  education,  philanthropy,  politics, 
religion,  worship  and  common  sense.  Within  twenty- 
five  years  the  society  had  drawn  within  its  circle  per- 
sons living  in  different  colonies,  in  the  West  Indies,  in 
Germany  and  Denmark,  France  and  Great  Britain. 
Between  1750  and  1767  other  societies  blossomed  whose 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  463 

aims  and  pursuits  were  essentially  identical, — the  pro- 
motion of  useful  knowledge.  This  division  in  the  ranks 
of  science,  perhaps,  was  based  on  adherence  or  opposition 
to  the  Pen  11  family.  But  they  evinced  a  disposition  to 
unite,  and  in  1769  were  incorporated  into  one  society 
under  the  title  of  "  American  Philosophical  Society  for 
promoting  useful  knowledge."  Of  this  Franklin  was 
elected  president  and  continued  in  office  until  his  death 
in  1790.  When  Brissot  was  in  Philadelphia  in  1788,  he 
exclaimed  of  Franklin:  "Thanks  be  to  God,  he  still 
exists!  This  great  man,  for  so  many  years  the  precep- 
tor of  the  Americans,  who  so  gloriously  contributed  to 
their  independence.  Death  had  threatened  his  days, 
but  our  fears  are  dissipated,  and  his  health  is  restored." 
Two  years  later  he  recorded:  "Franklin  has  enjoyed 
this  year  the  blessing  of  death,  for  which  he  waited  so 
long  a  time." 

Another  noted  scientist  in  his  day  was  David  Ritten- 
house.  Beginning  life  in  an  obscure  way  and  under 
adverse  circumstances,  in  the  fullness  of  time  his  intel- 
lect matured  and  the  glory  of  his  inventions  shone 
across  the  Atlantic.  Both  he  and  Franklin  were  drawn 
into  the  arena  of  politics,  lived  in  the  same  city,  and 
were  ardent  patriots.  Rittenhouse  was  a  Mennonite, 
and  early  in  life  displayed  his  fondness  for  mathematics. 
So  engrossed  had  he  become  in  the  study  of  optics  dur- 
ing the  French  and  Indian  war  that  he  wrote,  should 
the  enemy  invade  his  neighborhood,  he  would  probably 
be  slain  while  making  a  telescope,  as  was  Archimedes 
while  tracing  geometrical  figures  on  the  sand.  At 
seventeen  he  made  a  wooden  clock,  and  afterward  one 
of  metal.  Having  developed  his  ability  in  this  direc- 
tion, though  without  any  instruction,  he  got  from  his 


464  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

reluctant  father  money  enough  to  buy  the  necessary 
tools  to  start  a  shop  by  the  roadside  for  making  clocks 
and  mathematical  instruments.  To  his  trade,  he  rave 
his  days ;  and  to  study,  his  nights.  He  solved  the  most 
abstruse  mathematical  and  astronomical  problems. 
"What  a  mind,"  exclaimed  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush  in  a 
burst  of  enthusiastic  admiration.  Without  literary 
friends  or  society,  and  with  but  two  or  three  books,  he 
became,  before  he  reached  his  four  and  twentieth  year, 
the  rival  of  two  of  the  greatest  mathematicians  of 
Europe,  Newton  and  Leibnitz.  His  clocks  became 
celebrated  for  their  accuracy,  and  his  local  reputation  as 
an  astronomer  was  established.  Dr.  William  Smith, 
the  Provost  of  the  University,  was  drawn  toward  him, 
as  well  as  other  scientific  men  in  the  Province.  Ritten- 
house  took  a  part  in  determining  the  line  separating 
Maryland  from  Pennsylvania,  especially  in  drawing  the 
circular  boundary  twelve  miles  from  the  town  of  New 
Castle.  He  laid  out  the  circle,  and  made  a  number  of 
intricate  calculations.  The  astronomers,  Mason  and 
Dixon,  who  ran  the  line  between  the  two  states  in  1768, 
accepted  Rittenhouse's  circle  without  change.  The 
most  famous  piece  of  mechanism  was  an  orrery  that 
was  intended  to  represent  by  machinery  the  planetary 
system.  Similar  attempts  had  been  made  previously ; 
none  were  able  to  indicate  the  astronomical  phenomena 
at  any  particular  time.  One  of  these  inventors  was 
Rowley,  for  whose  machine  George  I.  gave  one 
thousand  guineas.  Rittenhouse  determined  to  make  an 
instrument  that  would  be  of  practical  value  to  the 
student  and  professor  of  astronomy.  In  1770  he  com- 
pleted his  celebrated  machine.  Around  a  brass  sun 
revolved  ivory  or  brass  planets  in  elliptical  orbits,  prop- 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  465 

erly  inclined  towards  each  other,  and  with  velocities 
varying  as  they  approached  their  aphelion  or  perihelion. 
Jupiter  and  his  satellites,  Saturn  with  his  rings,  the 
moon  and  her  phases,  and  the  exact  time,  quantity  and 
duration  of  her  eclipses,  the  eclipses  of  the  sun,  and 
their  appearances  at  any  particular  place  on  the  earth, 
were  all  accurately  displayed  in  miniature.  The  genius 
shown  by  this  piece  of  mechanism  aroused  great  en- 
thusiasm. Philosophers,  statesmen  and  poets  all  united 
to  praise  the  inventor.     Thus  Barlow  wrote: 

"  See  the  sage  Rittenhouse  with  ardent  eye, 
Lift  the  long  tube  and  reach  the  starry  sky. 
He  marks  what  laws  the  eccentric  wanderers  bind, 
Copies  creation  in  his  forming  mind, 
And  bids  beneath  his  hand  in  semblance  rise, 
With  mimic  orbs,  the  labors  of  the  skies." 

Princeton  College  and  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania contended  for  the  possession  of  this  mechanism. 
Princeton  won,  but  a  duplicate  was  made  for  the  Uni- 
versity, and  wondering  crowds  went  to  see  the  machine. 
The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  viewed  it  in  a  body, 
and  then  passed  a  resolution  giving  Rittenhouse  ^300, 
as  a  testimonial  of  their  high  sense  of  his  mathematical 
genius  and  mechanical  abilities,  besides  agreeing  to 
give  him  ^400  more  for  a  larger  instrument. 

Another  scientist  whose  fame  also  crossed  the  At- 
lantic was  John  Bartram,  a  botanist.  Like  Ritten- 
house he  had  no  opportunity  to  acquire  a  fine  educa- 
tion ;  yet  by  his  own  diligence,  atoned  as  far  as  possible 
for  the  lack  of  instruction  given  by  others.  He  prob- 
ably discovered  more  plants  than  any  of  his  contempo- 
raries in  America,  and  was  perhaps  the  first  to  conceive 
the  idea  of  having  a  botanic  garden,  for  receiving 
30 


466  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

and  keeping  the  plants  of  the  country,  as  well  as 
exotics.  He  traveled  extensively  among  the  fiercest 
Indian  tribes,  inspired  by  the  zeal  for  his  refining  and 
beautiful  study.  He  had  an  extensive  correspondence 
with  Linnaeus,  Gronovius,  Dillenius,  Fothergill,  Miller, 
Sir  Hans  Sloaue,  and  the  most  eminent  naturalists  in 
Europe,  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the  royal  societies 
of  London  and  Stockholm,  and  a  professor  of  botany  in 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  Presented  with  a  gold 
medal  by  the  Royal  Society  of  Edinburgh,  he  also  re- 
ceived the  appointment  of  American  Botanist  to  the 
King  of  England.  Linnaeus  declared  him  to  be  the 
greatest  botanist  in  the  world. 

Early  in  life  his  ruling  passion  appeared  in  a  love  for 
nature  and  her  productions.  The  house  in  which  he 
resided,  was  built  by  himself,  quarrying  the  stone  and 
preparing  the  timber  by  his  own  hands.  On  its  com- 
pletion he  engraved  the  following  lines  over  the  front 

door: 

To  God  alone,  the  Almighty  God, 
The  Holy  One,  by  me  adored. 

John  Bartram,  1770. 

One  of  his  longest  journeys  was  undertaken  at  the 
request  of  Dr.  Fothergill,  of  Loudon,  to  the  Floridas 
and  the  western  part  of  Carolina  and  Georgia  to  dis- 
cover rare  and  useful  plants.  He  wrote  a  large  volume 
containing  the  results,  besides  other  scientific  matters, 
and  valuable  facts  relating  to  Indians.  Most  of  the  for- 
eigners who  visited  Pennsylvania,  after  he  had  risen 
above  the  ordinary  heights  of  men,  paid  their  respects  to 
the  distinguished  botanist,  for  he  was  always  ready  to 
pour  out  abundant  stores  of  information.  None  went 
away  without  pleasure  in  conversing  with  him.     One 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  467 

of  these  travelers  was  Peter  Kalm,  sent  by  the  Swedish 
government,  who  remarks:  "We  owe  to  him  the 
knowledge  of  many  curious  plants  which  he  first  found, 
and  which  were  never  known  before.  He  has  shown 
great  judgment,  and  an  attention  which  lets  nothing 
escape  unnoticed";  yet  Kalm  blamed  him  for  his 
negligence,  because  he  did  not  record  his  observations. 

Another  eminent  person  was  Godfrey,  the  inventor 
of  the  quadrant  .to  which  Hadley's  name  has  been 
given.  Like  Ritteuhouse,  optics  and  astronomy  were 
his  favorite  studies.  Davis's  quadrant,  then  in  use, 
was  a  very  defective  instrument,  for,  in  order  to  make 
an  observation,  the  weather  must  be  mild,  the  sea  com- 
paratively smooth,  the  sky  clear,  and  the  sun  not  too 
high.  By  Godfrey's  invention  the  mariner  required  to 
see  only  two  objects,  the  sun  and  horizon,  which  once 
brought  into  the  field  of  his  instrument,  and  their  dis- 
tances apart  measured,  he  found  his  exact  latitude  in 
the  pathless  ocean,  even  amid  the  most  terrible  storm. 
Having  perfected  his  improvement,  James  Logan 
secured  for  him  a  skillful  person  to  try  it  at  sea.  As 
the  experiments  proved  successful,  Logan  wrote  to  his 
friends  in  England,  especially  to  Sir  Hans  Sloane,  to 
secure  for  him  the  reward  offered  by  the  royal  society. 
In  the  meantime  Hadley's  invention  had  been  made 
known  to  the  world,  who  had  probably  obtained  a  de- 
scription of  Godfrey's  instrument  through  Captain 
Wright  vho  carried  it  to  Jamaica,  where,  unsuspicious 
of  piracy,  he  showed  and  explained  it  to  several  Eng- 
lishmen, among  whom  was  Hadley's  nephew. 

As  Hadley  had  obtained  a  patent,  complete  justice 
could  not  be  done  to  Godfrey.  The  royal  society,  re- 
garding  his   ingenuity    worthy  of  reward,   either  sub- 


468  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

scribed  for  him  as  individuals  or  gave  to  him  ^"200 
from  its  funds.  This  highly  useful  instrument  wrought 
a  revolution  in  navigation.  If  Godfrey's  mathematical 
genius  was  not  fully  recognized,  perhaps  his  son  the 
poet  has  shared  a  kindlier  fate.  Time  alone  can  deter- 
mine whether  the  utilitarian  discovery  of  the  one  will 
survive  the  poetical  outburst  of  the  other. 

Another  invention  that  must  not  be  overlooked,  was 
by  Thomas  Masters,  to  whom  the  first  American 
patent  was  granted.  The  invention  for  cleaning  and 
curing  Indian  corn  was  discovered  by  Sybilla  his  wife. 
Penn  had  built  a  grist  mill  in  the  city  on  the  old  York 
Road  ;  it  did  not  flourish,  and  was  a  costly  experiment. 
In  one  of  Logan's  letters  he  writes  :  "  Our  mill  proves 
the  unhappiest  thing  in  the  country  that  ever  man,  I 
think,  was  engaged  in.  If  ill  luck  can  attend  any 
place  more  than  another,  it  may  claim  a  charter  for  it. 
I  wish  it  were  sold."  The  mill  was  run  nearly  six 
years  longer,  and  probably  Penn  wrould  have  still 
clung  to  his  ownership  except  for  Mrs.  Masters'  inven- 
tion. Her  husband  had  come  from  Bermuda,  and  was 
one  of  the  wealthiest  of  the  early  Philadelphians.  His 
wife  patented  and  sold  "  Tuscarora  rice,"  a  prepara- 
tion from  Indian  corn  somewhat  resembling  hominy, 
which  she  strongly  recommended  as  a  food  peculiarly 
adapted  to  sickly  persons.  Having  procured  a  patent, 
her  husband  set  up  a  water-mill  to  prepare  this  product 
for  the  market.  Afterward  Penn  sold  his  mill  to  these 
lucky  discoverers. 

Another  important  invention  pertained  to  the  steam 
engine.  In  1778  Thomas  Paine  had  bent  his  thoughts 
to  the  subject  of  the  application  of  steam.  Fitch  and 
Fulton  were  both  experimenting,  but  William  Henry 


SCIENCE  AND  INVENTION.  469 

of  Lancaster  was  before  them.  When  Fitch  visited 
Henry  in  1785  he  told  his  gnest  that  he  himself  had 
thought  of  steam  navigation  in  1766,  and  had  men- 
tioned the  subject  to  Andrew  Ellicott,  and  afterward  to 
Thomas  Paine.  Henry  tried  a  steamboat  on  the  Con- 
estoga  in  1763;  James  Watt  did  not  perfect  the  steam 
engine  until  six  years  afterward  ;  while  John  Fitch  did 
not  try  his  experimental  steamboat  on  the  Delaware 
until  1786.  In  1771  Henry  invented  the  screw  auger,  a 
very  valuable  invention,  that  was  generally  adopted  in 
England,  and  on  the  continent.  His  son,  in  describing 
it,  says  :  "The  day  of  the  first  trials  of  the  screw  auger 
on  poplar,  oak  and  hickory  logs  is  still  fully  in  my 
memory.  These  trials  in  the  most  part  succeeded  in 
the  soft,  but  the  temper  of  the  auger  in  some  instances 
failed  in  the  hard  wood.  Reiterated  experiment  enabled 
the  inventor  to  give  a  due  temper,  so  as  to  bore  the 
auger  deep  into  the  ends  of  well  seasoned  hickory 
logs. ' ' 

In  this  galaxy  of  scientists  and  inventors,  Logan 
should  not  be  omitted.  He  read  a  number  of  scientific 
papers  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  in 
which  his  love  of  science  was  clearly  shown.  He  ex- 
perimented with  the  seeds  of  plants,  and  in  one  of  his 
papers,  "Concerning  the  impregnation  of  the  seeds  of 
plants,"  his  experiments  and  observations  illustrating 
the  Linnaean  doctrine  of  the  sexes  of  plants  are  given. 
Logan  also  experimented  on  maize,  and  his  results  were 
published  in  Latin  at  Leyden  and  London.  He  also  in- 
vestigated "into  the  crooked  and  angular  appearance  of 
the  strokes  or  darts  of  the  lightning  in  thunder 
storms."  Another  paper  contained  "  some  facts  concern- 
ing the  sun  and  moon  when  near  the  horizon,  appear- 


470  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA . 

ing   larger  than  when   near   the  zenith."     L,ogan  was 
deeply  interested  in  Godfrey's  work. 

With  the  advance  in  scientific  knowledge  in  other 
directions,  medical  science  did  not  lag  behind.  The 
first  medical  school  in  the  country  was  established  here 
in  1765,  as  a  department  of  the  College  of  Philadelphia. 
Such  a  school  had  long  been  in  the  mind  of  Dr. 
William  Shippen.  First  associated  with  him  in  giving 
instruction  were  Drs.  John  Morgan,  Adam  Kuhn  and 
Benjamin  Rush,  while  a  course  of  clinical  lectures  was 
delivered  by  Dr.  Thomas  Bond  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Hospital.  During  the  hurricane  of  the  Revolution  in- 
struction was  suspended,  but  in  1783  was  resumed, 
Shippen  filling  his  former  chair,  Rush  succeeding 
Morgan  in  the  chair  of  practice,  while  Dr.  Wistar  was 
appointed  to  the  chair  of  chemistry  and  institutes  of 
medicine  and  Dr.  Griffitts  to  that  of  materia  medica 
and  pharmacy.  The  professorship  of  botany  and  natural 
history  was  also  created,  and  for  this  position  Dr. 
Barton  was  chosen.  All  displayed  a  rare  fitness  for 
their  work;  but  the  glory  of  the  achievements  of  Rush, 
Barton  and  Wistar  passed  beyond  the  knowledge  of  their 
professional  brethren,  and  has  longer  survived  their  time. 

Besides  the  works  and  men  mentioned,  who  walked 
in  the  paths  of  science,  a  very  considerable  class  in- 
dulged in  scientific  reading,  speculations  and  experi- 
ments. An  agricultural  society  was  formed  prior  to 
the  Revolution  that  held  regular  meetings,  at  which 
papers  were  read  of  varying  interest  and  value.  It  was 
in  the  atmosphere  to  cultivate  scientific  studies,  for  they 
harmonized  perfectly  with  the  temper  and  aims  of  the 
people.  At  that  time  Philadelphia  was  the  foremost 
city  in  America  in  literary  pursuits  and  culture. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS. 

From  a  cave  in  a  bank  by  the  Delaware,  or  from  the 
shade  of  a  pine  tree  to  a  stately  mansion,  denotes  an 
enormous  advance  in  personal  prosperity  and  comfort. 
A  log  cabin  was  the  first  advance,  then  a  floor  was 
added,  afterward  a  window,  a  door,  improvements  were 
made  in  the  chimney,  then  the  interior  was  plastered, 
afterward  other  changes,  until  the  evolution  of  a  com- 
fortable dwelling.  Then  signs  of  taste  began  to 
appear ;  and  style  and  effect  were  studied  as  well  as 
comfort.  This  was  more  marked  in  the  city  than  in 
the  country.  Brick  and  stone  were  used  as  substitutes 
for  wood,  houses  were  of  greater  length  and  width,  and 
two  stories  instead  of  one.  When  Kalm  visited  New 
York  in  1740,  he  remarked  that  the  walls  of  the  houses 
were  whitewashed  and  their  interiors  were  often  covered 
with  drawings  and  pictures  in  small  frames.  Hangings 
of  rich  cloth  were  imported  from  Holland  or  from 
India,  and  were  occasionally  seen  in  the  houses  of 
wealthy  merchants  in  the  principal  cities. 

On  the  frontier,  far  removed  from  the  Delaware,  im- 
provements in  house-building  were  slower.  Settlers 
assisted  each  other  in  doing  the  heaviest  work,  in  fell- 
ing trees,  and  in  preparing  and  putting  them  in  their 
places.  Ovens  were  built  away  from  houses  and  with- 
out a  roof. 

One  of  the  more  noteworthy  structures  in  Philadel- 

(471) 


472 


HISTORY  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 


phia  during  the  provincial  period  was  Penn's  cottage. 
It  was  located  in  the  centre  of  a  plot  of  ground  and 
was  two  stories  high  with  garret  room.  The  doorway- 
was  in  the  centre,  with  a  bracketed  porch-roof  above. 
On  either  side  were  rooms  having  a  single  front  window 
while  the  second  story  had  three  windows  in  front. 
Probably  some  of  the  original  forest  trees  were  retained. 
After  his  house  at  Pennsbury  *  was  built,  he  preferred  to 
live  there. 

Of  the  old  churches  that  of  the  Swedes  is  worthy  of 
notice.  Twelve  years  after  the  first  party  of  Swedes 
arrived  on  the  Delaware,  a  clergyman  came,  named 
Torkillus,  and  subsequently  Campanius,  who  wrote  a 
history  of  New  Sweden.  The  church  was  established 
at  Tinnicum  in  1646  ;  the  service  was  Lutheran.  The 
Indians  came  to  hear  the  preacher,  and  wondered  why 
he  had  so  much  to  say,  and  stood  alone,  and  why  the 
others  kept  silent.  They  thought  a  conspiracy  was 
brewing.  Another  of  the  Swedish  preachers  was  Fabri- 
cius,  the  first  minister  of  the  church  at  Wiccaco.  This 
was  a  block-house  erected  for  defence  against  the 
Indians,  as  well  as  the  devil,  and  situated  near  the 
Delaware  River,  in  the  present  district  of  Southwark. 
The  court  at  New  Castle  in  1675  directed  the  levying 
of  a  tax  to  pay  for  the  church.  In  that  day,  church 
and  state  were  closely  related.  Afterward  a  glebe  was 
bought  for  the  Wiccaco  church  in  Passyunk.  The  glebe 
house  was  burned  down  in  1717,  but  immediately  re- 
built. Then  sprang  up  an  agitation  concerning  a 
better  place  of  meeting  than  a  blockhouse ;  but  where 
should  the  new  church  be  located?  Some  of  the 
Swedes  lived  on  the  west  side  of  the  Schuylkill ;  otherr 

'The  cost  was  ,£"7,000. 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  473 

along  the  Delaware.  The  residents  of  Wiccaco,  Moya- 
mensing  and  Kensington  desired  its  erection  near  the 
site  of  the  old  block  church.  Finally  the  controversy 
was  settled  by  lot.  On  a  piece  of  paper  was  written  the 
word,  "Wiccaco,"  on  another,  the  word  "Passyunk." 
These  were  folded,  shaken  in  a  hat,  and  emptied  on  the 
ground.  The  first  one  opened  bore  the  name  Wiccaco. 
All  opposition  ceased,  a  hymn  of  praise  was  sung,  and 
the  controversy  ended.  The  foundations  of  the  church 
were  stone,  the  walls  of  brick.  The  exterior  was  sixty 
feet  in  length,  thirty  in  breadth  and  twenty  in  height. 
The  building  when  finished  cost  about  20,000  Swedish 
dollars,  and  was  dedicated  on  the  2nd  of  July,  1700. 
At  that  time  it  was  the  handsomest  church  in  the 
Province,  and  was  called  Gloria  Dei,  The  porches  on 
the  north  and  south  sides  were  built  two  years  afterward 
to  support  the  walls.  A  bell  was  procured,  and  a  cupola 
was  erected  on  the  west  tower. 

For  the  first  five  years  in  the  history  of  the  city  the 
Friends  and  Swedish  Lutherans  were  the  only  religious 
sects.  The  Baptists  established  a  church  at  Pennypack 
in  1687,  and  the  Presbyterians  formed  a  small  congrega- 
tion in  1692.  At  what  time  the  Church  of  England 
was  organized  is  not  exactly  known,  nor  the  location  of 
its  church.  Christ  church  did  not  acquire  ownership 
of  the  lot  on  Second  Street  until  1695,  nor  do  we  know 
whether  the  original  church  was  of  wood  or  of  brick. 
Enlarged  in  1700  and  in  1720,  the  vestry  of  the  latter 
year  resolved  to  make  a  further  enlargement,  with 
a  steeple  or  tower  adjoining  the  west  end.  The. 
addition  was  nearly  finished  in  September,  1730.  It 
was  then  resolved  to  remove  the  eastern  end  of  the 
building,  and  erect  a  more  permanent  part.     An  organ 


474  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNS  \  L  VAN  I  A . 

was  imported  from  London  in  1728  that  was  used 
thirty-eight  years,  and  replaced  in  1766.  In  1753-4  the 
tower  and  steeple  were  completed,  and  a  chime  of  bells 
was  imported  from  London.  The  captain  who  brought 
them  over,  without  charge,  specified  that  they  should 
be  muffled  and  rung  at  his  funeral,  a  contract  that  was 
more  than  executed,  for  the  bells  were  rung  on  the 
death  of  his  wife  and  on  every  arrival  of  his  vessel. 
Over  the  eastern  window  of  the  wall  on  Second  Street 
at  the  time  of  the  Revolution  was  a  profile  bust  of 
George  II.,  with  a  crown  above,  carved  in  wood. 
There  they  remained  until  1796,  when  they  were  taken 
down  and  thrown  into  the  street. 

One  other  church  mav  be  mentioned,  that  of  the 
Lutherans,  on  Race  Street.  Begun  in  1743,  five  years 
were  needful  from  lack  of  funds  to  complete  the  edifice. 
During  the  interval,  and  even  when  half-finished,  it  was 
used  for  service.  Boards  were  nailed  across  the  win- 
dows, though  not  close  enough  to  keep  out  the  drifting 
snows  of  winter.  The  congregation  formed  their 
auditorium  by  placing  loose  boards  on  logs,  which  were 
their  pews.  Their  was  no  stove  to  keep  the  interior 
warm,  and  for  five  years,  in  winter  and  summer,  the 
church  was  used  by  the  congregation.  In  winter  the 
desk  and  Bible  were  sometimes  covered  up  with  drift- 
ing snow,  which  the  minister  was  compelled  to  wipe 
off  before  he  could  read.  The  building  was  seventy 
feet  long,  forty-five  feet  wide,  and  thirty-six  feet  high, 
with  a  steeple,  improperly  built,  that  was,  in  conse- 
quence, taken  dowm.  Two  porches  were  erected  on  the 
north  and  south  sides,  near  the  end  of  the  building, 
giving  to  the  church  a  cruciform  shape.  In  1751  the 
church  furniture  was  completed  by  putting  an   organ, 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  475 

one  of  the  largest  and  finest  instruments  in  America,  in 
the  gallery.  For  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  the 
church  was  used  without  internal  alterations,  except  the 
addition  of  stoves,  introduced  toward  the  end  of  the 
century,  after  religious  people  concluded,  not  with- 
out much  debate  and  doubt,  that  it  was  not  sinful  to 
worship  the  Lord  in  a  building  comfortably  warmed. 
The  pulpit  was  a  small  queer-shaped  tub  with  a  sound- 
ing board  above.  The  pews  were  square  and  roomy, 
with  backs  high  enough  to  hide  children  and  small  per- 
sons from  the  congregation.  The  galleries  were  sup- 
ported by  low  pillars,  and  the  entire  church  had  a 
strange  appearance  to  other  church  worshipers. 

Forty-seven  years  passed  between  the  founding  of  the 
city  and  the  erection  of  a  state-honse.  Meanwhile  the 
Assembly  had  met  in  private  houses,  school -rooms  and 
the  Friends'  meeting-house.  On  the  completion  of  the 
county  court-house  in  1709,  the  Assembly  and  supreme 
court  met  there.  In  1729  the  Assembly  appropriated 
^2,000  for  the  building  of  a  state-house,  and  the 
speaker,  Andrew  Hamilton,  and  Thomas  Lawrence 
and  John  Kearsley,  members  of  the  Assembly,  were 
appointed  trustees  to  construct  the  building.  Andrew 
Hamilton  prepared  the  plan,  which  was  examined  by 
several  members  and  approved  by  the  Assembly.  He 
then  desired  to  be  relieved,  but,  notwithstanding  his 
request,  the  Assembly  appointed  him,  with  Lawrence 
and  Kearsley,  to  superintend  the  building  of  the  struc- 
ture. It  was  first  occupied  by  the  Assembly  in  1735, 
several  years  before  its  completion.  In  1743  the  west 
room  was  ordered  to  be  finished  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
in  November  of  that  year  a  plan  for  finishing  the  court- 
room and  the  piazzas  between  the  main  building  and 


476  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

the  offices  was  adopted.  The  building  was  probably 
finished  in  1744.  As  the  original  building  had  no 
steeple,  in  1750  the  Assembly  ordered  that  a  building 
be  erected  on  the  south  side  of  the  state-house,  to  con- 
tain a  staircase  with  a  suitable  place  for  hanging  a  bell. 
When  the  work  was  well  advanced  an  effort  was  made 
to  get  a  good  bell,  around  which  it  was  directed  that 
the  following  words  should  be  cast :  "  By  order  of  the 
Assembly  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the 
State-House  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  1752,"  and 
underneath,  "Proclaim  liberty  throughout  all  the  land, 
to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof."  The  bell  proved  defect- 
ive, for  it  was  cracked  by  a  stroke  of  the  clapper. 
The  founders  made  a  new  mould,  broke  up  the  bell, 
altered  the  proportion  of  metals,  and  recast  it.  It  was 
raised  in  the  steeple  early  in  June,  1753.  The  original 
English  bell  cost  ^198.  It  was  recast  by  a  firm  of 
Philadelphia  brass  founders,  for  a  little  more  than  ^60. 
The  first  Continental  Congress  of  1774  met  in  Car- 
penters' Hall.  The  Carpenters'  Company,  for  whose 
use  the' hall  had  been  erected,  was  established  in  1724, 
and  thirty  years  afterward  they  united  with  another 
company.  The  object  of  the  association  was  the  im- 
provement of  the  members  in  the  trade,  "to  obtain 
instruction  in  the  science  of  architecture,  and  to  assist 
such  of  the  members  as  should  be  in  need  of  support, 
and  of  the  widows  and  minor  children  of  such  mem- 
bers." Composed  of  master  carpenters  onl^,  for  nearly 
forty  years  its  meetings  had  been  held  in  different 
places  appointed  by  the  members.  In  1768  the  use  of  a 
lot  of  ground  was  purchased  for  an  annual  ground  rent 
of  176  milled  pieces-of-eight,  fine  silver.  Subsequently 
the  company  sold  the  eastern  portion  of  the  ground  on 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  477 

Chestnut  Street,  leaving  an  entrance  to  the  back  part 
of  the  lot  on  which  the  hall  was  built.  The  money  was 
raised  by  a  loan,  the  building  was  begun  in  January, 
1770,  and  though  unfinished  was  occupied  the  next 
year.  Indeed,  it  was  not  completed  until  1792.  One 
of  the  first  tenants  was  the  Philadelphia  Library  Com- 
pany in  1773.  During  the  revolutionary  period  im- 
portant conferences  were  held  here,  and  afterward  the 
sessions  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

Leaving  the  city,  let  us  glance  a  moment  at  Stenton, 
where  Logan  spent  many  years  of  his  life.  One  entered 
by  a  hall,  opposite  to  which  was  a  magnificent  double 
stair-case;  right  and  left  were  lofty  doors,  covered  with 
fine,  old  fashioned  woodwork.  In  some  of  the  rooms 
wainscoting  was  carried  to  the  ceiling  above  the  chimney 
place,  which,  in  all  the  apartments,  was  a  vast  opening, 
set  around  with  blue  and  white  sculptured  tiles  of  the 
most  grotesque  devices.  There  were  cupboards,  besides 
arched  niches  over  the  mantle-pieces,  show-cases  foi 
rare  china  and  magnificent  old  silver.  Half  of  the 
front  ot  the  house  in  the  second  story  was  taken  up 
with  one  large,  finely  lighted  room,  the  library  of  the 
book-loving  master  of  the  place.  The  house  was  sur- 
rounded with  ample  grounds  adorned  with  fine  old 
trees.  A  splendid  avenue  of  hemlocks  led  up  to  the 
house.  The  Wingohockiug  meandered  through  the 
grounds,  glistening  in  many  places  in  the  sun.  The 
house  was  of  brick,  two  stories  high,  with  a  pent  roof, 
and  attic.  Of  all  the  men  of  his  day,  except  perhaps 
Dr.  Smith,  Logan  was  the  most  scholarly  and  culti- 
vated. 

Not  far  off  was  the  house  of  Judge  Chew.     Though 
a  Friend,  he  had  no  scruples  concerning  the   propriety 


478  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VANIA. 

of  lawful  war.  In  a  charge  to  the  grand  jury  of  New 
Castle  in  1741  he  enforced  strongly  the  duties  of 
defence.  The  charge  was  published  in  the  "  Broad- 
side"  and  printed  in  the  Philadelphia  journals.  A 
local  bard,  full  of  patriotism,  was  thus  inspired: 

"  Immortal  Chew  has  set  our  papers  right, 
He  made  it  plain  they  might  resist  a  fight." 

His  country-house  at  Germantown  was  a  fine  stone 
mansion,  two  stories  high,  with  a  central  doorway  and 
wide  entrance  hall,  and  an  attic  lighted  by  dormer 
windows.  On  the  roof  gables  and  pediments  were  orna- 
mented urns,  so  common  in  the  style  of  building  of  that 
day.  A  separate  house  for  the  kitchen  was  in  the  rear, 
and  connected  with  the  main  building  by  a  corridor. 
These,  with  the  laundry,  formed  a  quadrangle.  To  this 
place  was  given  the  name  of  Cliveden.  During  the 
battle  of  Germantown,  in  1776,  this  house  was  the  chief 
place  of  defence  to  the  British  army,  and  prevented  the 
defeat  of  the  British  arms.  Little  did  the  occupant  sup- 
pose that  his  house  would  ever  prove  a  fortress  to  the 
enemy. 

Travelers  who  journeyed  through  Pennsylvania  in 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  often  remarked 
concerning  the  large  number  of  comfortable  houses  that 
everywhere  dotted  the  landscape.  Perhaps  the  German 
farmer  took  more  pride  in  his  barn  than  in  his  house ; 
in  the  preservation  of  his  cattle,  than  of  himself,  or  his 
wife  and  children.  Certainly,  the  contrast  was  very 
striking  between  their  diminutive  houses  and  enormous 
barns,  and  the  houses  and  barns  of  settlers  of  other 
nationalities.  The  traveler  could  easily  determine  a 
German  communitv  bv  these  infallible  marks  of  their 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  479 

thrift  and  taste.  Generally,  the  first  dwelling-honse  of 
the  Germans  was  small,  and  built  of  logs,  and  lasted 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  first  settler,  showing  "that 
the  son  should  always  begin  his  improvements  where 
his  father  left  off"  by  building  a  convenient  stone 
house. 

Turning  from  the  architecture  of  the  Province  to  its 
art,  what  could  be  expected  of  a  people  in  their  day  of 
struggle  with  the  forces  of  nature  to  acquire  a  liveli- 
hood? Yet  after  clearing  the  wilderness,  planting, 
reaping  and  gathering  a  store  for  the  future,  building 
towns  and  cities,  emerged  a  taste  for  the  painter's  art. 
It  was  first  evoked  to  preserve  the  faces  of  the  admired 
and  loved  from  the  blight  of  time.  Of  those  who 
handled  the  brush,  one  name  rose  far  above  the  others, 
a  solitary  star.  As  the  greatest  general  of  antiquity 
sprung  from  the  most  unwarlike  of  nations,  so  the 
greatest  painter  of  the  provincial  times  was  a  member 
of  the  Society  of  Friends,  which  regarded  the  painter's 
art  with  disfavor.  Benjamin  West  was  a  Friend.  In 
his  early  boyhood  his  fondness  for  the  brush  asserted 
its  mysterious  supremacy.  At  nine  years  old  he 
painted;  and  sixty-seven  years  afterward  he  pronounced 
some  of  his  boyhood  works  superior  to  those  of  maturer 
years.  The  sight  of  some  engravings  was  a  revelation 
to  him,  and  the  gift  of  a  paint-box  was  an  inspiration. 
After  going  to  sleep  he  awoke  more  than  once  during 
the  night,  and  anxiously  put  out  his  hand  to  the  box 
which  he  had  placed  by  his  bedside,  fearing  that  his 
riches  were  only  a  dream.  Rising  at  the  break  of  day, 
he  carried  his  colors  and  paper  to  the  garret  and 
began  to  work.  Here  he  passed  hours  in  a  world  of  his 
own,  neglecting  school  and  everything  else  to  continue 


48o  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

bis  secret  occupation.  His  mother  found  the  truant, 
but  she  was  so  astonished  and  delighted  with  his  work 
that  instead  of  rebuking  him,  she  took  him  in  her  arms 
and  kissed  him.  One  of  the  efforts  of  his  early  years 
was  the  death  of  Socrates,  painted  for  a  gunsmith  at  the 
age  of  sixteen.  The  Friends,  learning  of  his  strong 
taste  for  painting,  were  troubled  and  called  a  meeting 
of  the  society  to  consider  the  matter.  One  of  them, 
John  Williamson,  as  wise  as  he  was  good,  remarked; 
"  It  is  true  that  onr  tenets  deny  the  utility  of  that  art  to 
mankind;  but  God  has  bestowed  on  this  youth  a  genius 
for  the  art,  and  can  we  believe  that  Omniscience  be- 
stows His  gifts  but  for  great  purposes?  What  God  has 
given,  who  shall  dare  to  throw  away?  Let  us  not  esti- 
mate Almighty  wisdom  by  our  notions ;  let  us  not  pre- 
sume to  arraign  His  judgment  by  our  ignorance;  but  in 
the  evident  propensity  of  the  young  man,  be  assured 
that  we  see  an  impulse  of  the  Divine  nature  for  some 
high  and  beneficient  end.'1  This  view  prevailed,  and 
West  was  permitted  to  follow  the  impulse  of  his  taste, 
though  charged  to  redeem  the  art  of  painting  from 
ignoble  applications.  His  conduct  in  volunteering  as  a 
recruit  in  the  French  War  was  not  to  their  liking,  but 
his  martial  ardor  was  short-lived;  and  at  eighteen  he 
was  established  in  Philadelphia  as  a  portrait  painter, 
receiving  "five  guineas  a  head." 

Through  the  liberality  of  some  merchants  of  Phila- 
delphia and  New  York,  West  visited  Italy.  He  painted 
the  portrait  of  Lord  Granham,  and  that  nobleman's 
introduction  facilitated  his  visit  to  England,  where  he 
arrived  in  1763.  His  picture  of  Queen  Philippa  gained 
him  the  favor  of  George  III.,  who  commissioned  him  to 
paint    the    picture  of  Regulus.     His   Death    of  Wolfe 


ARCHITECTURE  AND  FINE  ARTS.  481 

created  an  era  in  English  art,  for  he  abandoned  classic 
costume.  When  it  was  exhibited  at  the  Royal 
Academy,  the  multitude  at  once  acknowledged  its  ex- 
cellence, but  the  lovers  of  old  art  complained  of  the 
barbarism  of  boots,  buttons  and  blunderbusses,  and 
cried  out  for  naked  warriors  with  bows,  bucklers  and 
battering  rams.  While  he  was  painting  the  picture 
Reynolds,  the  great  portrait  painter  of  the  time,  with 
the  Archbishop  of  York,  called  on  West  to  remonstrate 
against  such  a  bold  innovation.  West  replied  with  that 
characteristic  good  sense  which  marked  his  conduct 
through  life:  "The  event  to  be  commemorated  hap- 
pened in  the  year  1758,  in  the  region  of  the  world 
unknown  to  Greeks  and  Romans.  The  same  rule 
which  gives  law  to  the  historian  should  rule  the 
painter."  West's  departure  was  radical.  Reynolds  soon 
admitted  :  "  I  foresee  that  this  picture  will  not  only 
become  one  of  the  most  popular,  but  will  occasion  a 
revolution  in  art." 

Work,  wealth  and  honors  speedily  followed.  Readily 
did  people  pay  a  thousand  guineas  for  a  painting.  He 
succeeded  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  as  president  of  the 
Royal  Academy,  and  enjoyed  the  best  society.  One  of 
his  best  works  is  the  "Battle  of  La  Hogue."  West  was 
pains-taking  in  the  study  of  situations  and  characters. 
His  successful  experiments  to  discover  how  a  candle's 
rays  were  reflected  in  an  old  pitcher,  his  visit  to  Spit- 
head  to  study  the  effect  of  smoke  in  a  naval  combat 
before  executing  the  "  Battle  of  La  Hogue,"  are  proofs 
of  the  care  he  used  to  apply  the  facts  of  nature  to  his 
art.  Time,  however,  is  the  only  correct  test  of  a 
painter's  merit.  At  the  time  of  his  death  many  of  his 
pictures    were    in    the    national     collection,    admired 

31 


48  2  HISTOR  Y  OF  PENNSYL  VAN  I  A. 

by  thousands.  Before  many  years  had  passed  their  lack 
of  merit  was  seen,  and  one  by  one  they  were  taken 
out  and  given  to  the  galleries  of  the  British  colonies, 
until  not  a  single  picture  of  him  whose  name  once  filled 
the  whole  artist  world,  remains.  A  short-lived  fame, 
yet  happily  it  outlived  himself ;  and  thus  he  died  amid 
bis  honors,  never  doubting  perhaps  that  his  greatness 
for  all  time  was  secure. 

West  had  one  pupil,  Charles  Willson  Peale,  who  has 
won  a  secure  place  as  a  portrait  painter,  partly  by  the 
merit  of  his  works  and  partly  by  the  illustrious  charac- 
ter of  many  of  his  subjects.  Born  in  Maryland,  he 
came  to  Philadelphia  in  the  year  of  Independence, 
when  he  was  thirty-five  years  old.  The  possessor  of 
unusual  inventiveness  and  skill,  he  was  by  turns  a 
saddler,  silversmith,  watchmaker  and  carver.  He  served 
as  a  soldier,  commanding  a  company  at  the  battles  of 
Trenton  and  Germantown  ;  was  interested  in  politics, 
serving  as  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  convention  of 
1776.  But  painting  was  his  chief  delight,  and  he 
studied  first  under  Copley  in  Boston  and  afterwards 
under  West  in  London.  He  painted  the  first  portrait 
of  Washington  as  a  Virginia  colonel  in  1772;  and  man}' 
portraits  of  the  most  distinguished  people  of  his  time. 
So  well  known  and  appreciated  was  Peale  that  his  ser- 
vices were  in  constant  demand,  and  his  name  is  one  of 
the  most  familiar  in  American  art. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX. 


GOVERNORS  OF  NEW  NETHERLANDS  AND  OF  THE 
DUTCH  ON  THE  DELAWARE. 

Capt.  Cornelis  Jacobsen  Mey,  1      .         .  , 

.,.-.,-.  \  Vice-Directors,  .    .    .    .1614—1623 

Adrian  Jonssen  Tienpont,         J 

William   Van   Hulst,   Vice-Direc- 
tor,      1623 —                    1624 

Peter  Minuit,  Director-General,  .    .    .  1624 —                    1632 
Giles  Osset,  Commissary,  (killed 

by  the  Indians,) 1630 —                    1632 

Wouter   Van    Twiller,    Director-Gen- 
eral,   April  — ,  1633 — Mar.      28,  1638 

Arent  Corssen,  Vice-Director,  .    .  1633 —                    1635 
Jan  Jansen  Van  Ilpendam,  Com- 
missary,    1635 —                    1638 

Sir  William   I£eift,  Director-General,  Mar.  28,  1638 — May      27,  1647 
Jan  Jansen  Van  Ilpendam,  Vice- 
Director, 1638— Oct.      12,  1645 

Andreas  Hudde,  Vice-Director,    .    Oct.  12,  1648 — Aug.      15,  1648 
Alexander  Beyer,  acting  Commis- 
sary,      Aug.  15,  1648 —                    1649 

Peter  Stuyvesant,  Director-General,  .    May  17,  1647 — May      31,  1654 

Gerrit  Bricker,  Commissary,    .    .  1649 —                    ^54 
Captured  by  the  Swedes,  May  21,  1654. 


GOVERNORS  OP  NEW  SWEDEN  AND  OF  THE  SWEDES 
ON  THE  DELAWARE. 


Peter  Minuit,  Governor, April  28,  1638— Jan.  30,  1640 

Jost  van  Bogardt,  acting  Governor,    .  Jan.     30,  1640 — Oct.  15,  1640 

Peter  Hollander,  Governor, Oct.     15,  1640 — Feb.  15,  1643 

(483) 


484 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX. 


John  Printz,  Governor, Feb.     15,  1643 — Nov.       1,  1653 

Hendrick  Huygen,  Commissary,  1646 — 

John  Papegoga,  acting  Governor,  .    .    Nov.    — ,  1653 — May      27,  1654 
John  Claudius  Rising,  Governor,    .    .    May    27,  1654 — Sept.      1,  1655 
Captured  by  the  Dutch,  September  1,  1655. 


DOMINION  OF  THE  DUTCH. 

Peter  Stuyvesant,  Director-General,  .    Sept.     1,  1655 — Oct.        1,  1664 

John  Paul  Jacquet,  Vice-Director,  Nov.    29,  1655 — Dec.      19,  1656 

Capt.  Derick  Schmidt,  Commis- 
sary,      Oct.     — ,  1655— Nov.     29,  1655 

Andreas  Hudde,  Commissary,  .   .  1655 —  1659 

Cornells  Van  Ruyven,  Commis- 
sary,       .    Sept.   23,  1659— 

The  Colony  divided  into  that  of  the  City  and  Company,  1656. 

Colony  of  the  City  : 

Jacob  Alricks, Dec.     19,  1656— Dec.      30,  1659 

Alexander  D'Hinojossa Dec.    30,  1659 — Dec-      32>  l(>63 

Colony  of  the  Company  : 

John  Paul  Jacquet Jan.     — ,  1657— Oct.       2$,  1658 

William   Beekman,   Vice-Governor,  Oct.     28,  1658 -Dec.      22,  1663 

Colonies  of  the  City  and  Company  united,  Dec.  22,  1663. 
Alexander  D'Hinojossa,  Vice-Direc- 
tor,     Dec.    22,  1663 — Oct,        1,  1664 

Captured  by  the  English,  1664. 


DOMINION  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  YORK. 


Col.  Richard  Nicolls,  Governor,      .    .    Sept.     3,  1664— May  — ,  1667 
Sir   Robert  Carr,  Deputy   Gover- 
nor,  Oct.        1,  1664— Nov.  3,  1667 

Col.  Francis  Lovelace,  Governor,   .    .    May    — ,  1667— July  30,  1673 
Capt.  John   Carr,  Deputy  Gover- 
nor,                         1668— July  30,  1673 

Re-captured  by  the  Dutch,  July  30,  1673. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX.  485 

DOMINION  OF  THE  DUTCH. 


Anthony  Colve,  Governor  General,    .    Aug.     12,  1673 — Nov.     10,  1674 
Peter  Alricks,  Deputy  Governor,  Sept.   19,  1673 — Nov.     10,  1674 
Re-taken  by  the  English,  Nov.  10,  1674. 


DOMINION  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Governor,  .    .    .    Nov.  10,  1674 — Jan.       16,  1681 
Capt.    Matthias    Nicolls,    Deputy 

Governor, Nov.  10,  1674 —                    1675 

Capt.   Edinond  Cantwell,  Deputy 

Governor, 1675 —                    1676 

Capt.  John  Collier,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,     1676—                    1677 

Capt.  Christopher  Billop,  Deputy 

Governor, 1677 —                    *68o 

Capt.  Anthony  Brockholls,  Governor,  Jan.  16,  1681 — June     21,  1681 
Colonial  Government  ceases  by  virtue  of  the  Provincial  Charter  of 

March  14,  1681. 


GOVERNORS  OF  THE  PROVINCE. 


Wiixiam  Penn,  Proprietary,    .   .  1681 —  1693 

William  Markham,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,    April  20,  1 681 — Oct.      — ,  1682 

William    Penn,    Proprietary    and 

Governor, Oct.     27,  1682 — Sept.     18,  1684 

The     Council     (Thomas     Lloyd, 

President,) Sept.   18,  1684— Feb.        9,  1688 

1.  Thomas  Lloyd,  •> 

2.  Robert  Turner,   I   Five  Commis-  - 


sioners    ap- 
pointed   by 


■  Feb.    9,  1688— Dec.      18,  1688 


3.  Arthur  Cook,       J- 

4.  John  Simcock,  Wm.  Penn.    j 

5.  John  Eckley,       J 

Capt.    John     Blackwell,     Deputy 

Governor, Dec.     18,  1688— Jan.        2,  1690 


486 


CHRONOL  OGICA L  INDEX. 

The     Council,     (Thomas     Lloyd, 

President,) Jan.       2,  1690— Mar,     — ,  1691 

Thomas   Lloyd,   Deputy   Gov- 


ernor of  Province,  .... 
William     Markham,     Deputy   ] 
Governor  of  Lower  Counties,  J 


■    Mar.    — ,  1691 — April    26,  1693 


Crown  of  England 1693— Nov.     24,  1694 

Benjamin   Fletcher,  Governor  of 

New  York,  Governor,  ....  April  26,  1693— Mar.  26,  1695 
William     Markham,     Lieutenant 

Governor, April  26,  1693 — Mar.     26,  1695 


I  Deputies,   Nov.     24,  1694— Sept.      3,  1698 


William  Penn,  Proprietary,    .   .   Nov.  24,  1694— July     30,  1718 

William     Markham,     Lieutenant 

Governor, March  26,  1694— Sept.       3,  1698 

Samuel  Carpenter, 
John  Goodson, 

William     Markham,     Lieutenant 

Governor Sept.  3,  1698— Dec.      21,  1699 

William    Penn,    Proprietary   and 

Governor, Dec.  21,  1699— Oct.      27,  1701 

Andrew   Hamilton,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,   Oct.  27,  1 701 — April    20,  1703 

The    Council   (Edward    Shippen, 

President,)      April  20,  1703— Feb.        3,  1704 

John  Evans,  Deputy  Governor,    .   Feb  3,  1704— Feb.        1,  1709 

Charles     Gookin,    Deputy    Gov- 
ernor,   ••    Feb.  1,  1709— May     31,  1717 

Sir  William  Keith,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor  May  31,  1717— July      30,  1718 


John    Penn,   Richard    Penn,   and 
Thomas  Penn,  Proprietaries,  .   .   .  1718 —                   1746 
Sir  William  Keith,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,   July  30,  1718— June     22,  1726 

Patrick    Gordon,     Deputy     Gov- 
ernor,   June  22,  1726— Aug.       4,  1736 

The  Council,  (James  Logan,  Pres- 
ident,)      Aug.  4,  1736— June       1,  1738 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX. 


487 


George  Thomas,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor.  June  1,  1738— May      — ,  1746 

Richard  Penn  and  Thomas  Penn, 

Proprietaries, 1746 —                    1771 

George  Thomas,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,   May  — ,  1746 — May     29,  1747 

The   Council,   (Anthony   Palmer, 

President,) May  29,  1747 — Nov.     23,  1748 

James  Hamilton,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,  Nov.  23,  1748— Oct.        3,  1754 

Robert    Hunter    Morris,    Deputy 

Governor Oct.  3,  1754— Aug.     25,  1756 

William  Denny,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor  Aug.  25,  1756— Nov.     17,  1759 

James  Hamilton,  Deputy  Gov- 
ernor,   Nov.  17,  1759— Oct.      31,  1763 

John     Penn,     (son     of     Richard 

Penn,)  Deputy  Governor,  .    .       Oct.  31,1763 — May       4,1771 

Thomas  Penn  and  John  Penn,  (son 

of  Richard,)  Proprietaries,     ....  1771 —                     1776 
The   Council,    (James   Hamilton, 

President,)      May  4,  1771— Oct.       16,  1771 

Richard   Penn,    (son   of  Richard 

Penn,)  Lieutenant  Governor,   .    Oct.  16,  1771— July      19,  1773 
The   Council,    (James   Hamilton, 

President,)      July  19,  1773-Aug.     30,  1773 

John  Penn,  Governor, Aug.  30,  1773— Sept.     28,  1776 

August  30,  1773,  John  Penn,  who  was  confirmed  Lieutenant  Governor 
by  the  King,  June  30,  was  awarded  the  title  of  Governor  by  the 
Provincial  Council. 


PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  SUPREME  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL. 

Thomas  Wharton,  Jr Mar.  5,  1777 — May  23,  1773 

George  Bryan,  V.  P.,  acting  President, 

after  Wharton's  decease, May  23,  177S— Dec.  I,  1778 

Joseph  Reed Dec.  i,  1778— Oct.  8,  1781 


488 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX. 


William  Moore Nov.  14,  1781 — Oct. 

John  Dickinson Nov.  7,  1782 — Oct. 

Benjamin  Franklin, Oct.  18,  1785 —Oct. 

Thomas  Mifflin, Nov.  5,  1788— Dec. 

Vice-Presidents. 

George  Bryan  (resigned) March  5,  1777 — Oct. 

Matthew  Smith  (resigned), Oct.  II,  1779 — Nov. 

William  Moore, Nov.  15,  1779 — Nov. 

James  Potter, Nov.  15,  1781— Nov. 

James  Ewing, Nov.  7,  1782 — Nov. 

James  Irvine  (resigned) Nov.  6,  1784 — Oct. 

Charles  Biddle, Oct.  io,  1785— Oct. 

Peter  Muhlenberg  (resigned),  ....   Oct.  31,  1787 — Oct. 

David  Redick, Oct.  14,  1788 — Nov. 

George  Ross, Nov.  5   1788— Dec. 


8, 

17S2 

18, 

1785 

14,' 

1788 

20 

1790 

". 

1779 

15. 

1779 

14, 

1781 

7, 

1782 

6, 

1784 

10, 

1785 

31, 

1787 

14, 

17S8 

5, 

1788 

21, 

1790 

WILLIAM  PENN'S  CHILDREN   AND  GRANDCHILDREN. 


BY  HIS  FIRST  WIFE,  GUUELMA  MARIA  SPRINGETT. 

Born.  Died. 

Gulielma  Maria Jan.       23,  1672-3  — March  17,  1672 

William Feb.      28,  1673-4  —May      15,  1674 

Mary  Margaret  (twin)    ....  Feb.      28,  1673-4  — Feb.      24,  1674-5 

Spriugett Jan.       25,  1675  —April     10,  1696 

Letitia March    6,  1678  — April    — ,  1746 

William,  Jr March  14,  1680  —June      23,  1720 

Gulielma  Maria Nov.     17,  16S5  — Nov.     20,  1689 


BY  HIS  SECOND  WIFE,  HANNAH  CALICO WHIIX. 

Born.  Died. 

John Jan.       29,  1699-1700— Oct.      25,  1746 

Thomas March    9,  1701-2       — March  21,  1775 

Hannah  Margarita July      30,  1703  —Feb.       5,  1707-8 

Margaret Nov.       7,  1704  — Feb.      — ,  1750-1 

Richard Jan.       17,  1705-6      —Feb.       4,  1771 

Dennis Feb.      26,  1706-7       —Jan.        6,  1722-3 

Hannah Sep.        5,  1708  —Jan.       24,  1708-9 


CHRONOLOGICAL  INDEX.  489 

WILLIAM  PENN'S  GRANDCHILDREN. 


CHILDREN  OF  HIS  SON  WILLIAM. 

Born. 

Gulielma  Maria Nov.     10,  1699 

Springett    ...       Feb.      10,  1700-1 

William  Penn,  3d March  21,  1703 

CHILDREN  OF  HIS  SON  THOMAS,  WHO  MARRIED  LADY 
JULIANA  FERMOR. 

Born. 

William June     21,  1752 

Juliana May      19,  1753 

Thomas July      17,  1754 

William July      22,  1756 

Louisa  Hanuah  (twin) July      22,  1756 

John Feb.      23,  1760 

Granville Dec.        9,  1761 

Sophia  Margaretta Dec.  25  (?  21),  1764 

CHILDREN  OF  HIS  DAUGHTER  MARGARET,  WHO  WAS  MARRIED  TO 

THOMAS  FREAME. 
Thomas. 
Margaret. 

CHILDREN  OF  HIS  SON   RICHARD,  WHO  MARRIED  HANNAH   LARDNER. 

John,  born  July  14,  1729,  Governor  from  1763-1771,  and  from  1773-1776. 

Hannah. 

Richard,  Governor  from  1771-1773. 

William. 


INDEX. 


The  references  in  every  paragraph  are  to  the  first  volume,  unless 
the  heavy-faced  figure  2  is  used.  When  this  occurs,  all  subsequent 
references  in  that  paragraph  are  to  the  second  volume.  A  few 
references  in  a  (  )  are  to  a  different  volume  from  those  on  either  side 
of  them. 


Abercrombie,  General,  351 
Abercrombie,  Lieutenant  Colonel, 

536 
Adams,  Samuel,  on  taxation,  415; 
impatient  about  the  action  of 

Pa.,  430 

Act.     See  Affirmations. 

Active,  capture  of,  2,  206-208 

Acrelius,  on  beer,  2,  241 

Aetna,  fire  vessel,  attacks  the  Roe- 
buck, 438 

Affirmations,  swept  away,  257; 
judges  refuse  to  sit,  257;  justice 
is  suspended,  257;  how  the  right 
to  affirm  was  gained,  257,  258 

Agents  for  the  Province.  See 
Paris  and  Franklin. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  peace  made  at, 
292;  neither  party  is  satisfied, 
292,  293 

Albany,  deed  given  by  Indian 
chiefs  at,  2,  2 

Alison's  school,  2,  431 

Allegheny  River,  description  of,  7 

Alleghenies,  form  the  western 
boundary,  4;  crossing  of,  by  the 
Indians,  13 

Allen,  John,  member  of  committee 
of  inspection,  2,  32 


Allen,  William,  Lieutenant-Col- 
onel, 2,  32 

Allen,  Chief  Justice,  his  sa'ary,  2, 
108;  his  land  speculations,  2, 
14 1 -144 

Allen,  Fort,  2,  5 

Alligewi,  conquest  of,  13 

Alricks,  Jacob,  governor  of  the 
Colony  of  the  City,  58,  59;  diffi- 
culties, 61;  colony  does  not  pros- 
per, 61;  fall-fever,  61;  death  of 
his  wife,  61;  desertions  from  the 
colony,  61;  his  unpopularity, 
62;  death,  62 

Alricks,  Peter.    See  Duke  of  York. 

Altona,  former  name  of  Fort  Chris- 
tina, 60;  seat  of  the  government 
of  the  Colony  of  the  Company, 
60 

Alva,  Duke  of,  his  rule  in  Ant- 
werp, 35 

America,  once  supposed  to  be  a 
narrow  land,  31;  object  of  early 
voyages  to,  32 

Amherst,  351 

Amsterdam,  and  the  Dutch  West 
India  Compaii}',  58;  strengthens 
its  colony,  59;  its  offers  to  colo- 
nists, 59;  tries  to  sell  its  colony 
to  the  West  India  Company,  62; 


(490 


492 


INDEX. 


sends  unfit  colonists,  63;  buys 
out  the  West  India  Company's 
interest,  63.  See  Dutch  West 
India  Company. 

Amsterdam  Chamber,  37 

Amyrault,  of  Saumur,  instructs 
Penn,  86 

Andastes,  description  of,  14;  where 
they  settled,  15 

Andrews,  Jedediah,  2,  363 

Andros,  Major  Edmund,  orders  a 
book  of  laws  to  be  made,  74; 
based  on  what,  75;  requires  new 
deeds  to  lands,  75;  rents,  75. 
See  Duke  of  York. 

Anne,  Queen,  her  proclamation  on 
coinage,  245;  death  of,  210 

Appalachian  chain  of  mountains, 
description,  7,  8;  separates  what 
waters,  8;  nature  of  the  struc- 
ture, 8,  9;  fossils  in,  9;  age  of,  9 

Apprentice,  how  he  learned  his 
trade,  2,  173;  regulation  of,  173; 
174.     See  Labor. 

Arbitration,  180;  2,  261,  355 

Archer,  563 

Architecture,  advance  in,  2,  472; 
houses  on  the  frontier,  472; 
Penn's  house  in  Philadelphia, 
472,  473;  at  Pennsbury,  (1,  166); 
churches,  473-476;  old  Swedes 
church,  473,  474;  Baptist  church, 
474;  Church  of  England,  474; 
Lutheran  church,  475;  state- 
house,  475-477;  Carpenters' 
Hall,  477;  Stenton,  478;  Judge 
Chew's  house,  478,  479;  German 
country  houses  and  barns,  479 

Arlington,  Secretary  of  State,  Penn 
waits  on,  92 

Armand's  Legion,  472 

Armstrong,  John.an  Indian  trader, 
is  murdered,  279 

Armstrong,  Colonel  John,  his  In- 
dian expedition,  342;  is  chosen 


brigadier,  515;  at  Brandy  wine, 
524;  at  Germautown,  527 
Army,  revolutionary,  pay  of,  436; 
soldiers  raised,  436;  enlistments, 
436,  437;  associators  drill,  440, 
469;  demands  of,  446;  ftying- 
camp  formed,  447-450;  bounties, 
449;  complaints  of  associators, 
452;  formation  of  a  battalion, 
469  and  note;  minute  men,  470; 
number  enrolled,  470;  regiments 
of  the  line  formed,  471;  uni- 
forms, 473;  terms  of  enlistment, 
474;  difficulty  in  getting  military 
supplies,  475;  powder,  476;  lead, 
476;  demands  on  Philadelphia 
for  ammunition,  477;  Ticonder- 
oga  taken,  479;  invasion  of  Can- 
ada, 479;  battle  of  Long  Island, 
494-507;  capture  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington, 505-507;  fighting  at 
White  Plains,  506;  Washing- 
ton's retreat  through  New  Jer- 
sey, 507;  battle  of  Trenton,  509- 
512;  battle  of  Princeton,  512- 
513;  militia  reorganized,  515; 
Washington's  plan  of  opera- 
tions, 516;  Howe's  attack  on 
Philadelphia,  508,  516-518;  battle 
of  Brandywine,  517-524;  Phila- 
delphia taken,  526;  battle  of. 
Germautown,  526-529;  cause  of 
failure,  529;  defence  of  the  Dela- 
ware, 529-530;  Howe  in  Phila- 
delphia, 531-537;  battle  of  the 
Kegs,  533;  Howe's  attempt  to 
attack  Washington,  535;  Valley 
Forge,  537-545;  why  did  Howe 
not  attack  him,  542;  sufferings 
of  soldiers,  542-545;  taxation, 
544;  Howe  attempts  to  attack 
Lafayette,  545-547;  Howe  eva- 
cuates Philadelphia,  547-548; 
American  army  in  possession, 
548;  battle  of  Monmouth,  554- 


INDEX. 


493 


557;  military  movements  after- 
ward, 557-559;  Stony  Point,  559; 
dwindling  of  the  army,  564,  565; 
revolt  of  Pa.  Line,  565-569;  Gen- 
eral Greene  sent  South,  569; 
Yorktown,  570-575;  soldiers  fur- 
loughed,  578;  how  paid,  578; 
number  of,  during  the  war,  579 

Arnold,  General,  his  fight  on  Lake 
Champlain,  493;  in  Philadel- 
phia, 548-552.     See  Canada. 

Arran,  Lord,  a  friend  *of  William 
Penn,  87 

Art,  480-483 

Asbury,  Francis,  2,  391,  422 

Assembly,  original  number,  106, 
131;  increased  to  thirty-six,  297; 
time  of  assembling,  29S;  mem- 
bers often  served  many  terms, 
298;  election  of  speaker,  299; 
waiting  on  the  governor,  299;  he 
sent  his  messages,  299;  mode  of 
voting,  299;  decided  disputed 
election,  299;  absent  members, 
300;  fines,  300;  pay,  300;  their 
dress,  300;  debate  between 
friends'and  enemies  of  independ- 
ence, 453;  election  of  members 
of,  452;  unwilling  to  adopt  ex- 
treme measures,  453-454;  defeat 
of  Whig  party,  454;  what  Whigs 
and  Tories  wanted,  455;  appoints 
delegates  to  Continental  Con- 
gress, 45S;  resolves  to  arm,  433; 
Philadelphia  applies  for  an  ap- 
propriation for  defence,  433;  end 
of  old  Assembly,  465;  appoints 
delegates  to  the  Continental 
Congress,  422;  the  governor  did 
not  control  its  proceedings,  423; 
delegates  report,  427;  delegates 
appointed  to  next  Continental 
Congress,  427;  action  of,  432- 
435;  election  of  members  under 
the   new    Constitution,   466;    it 


meets,  467;  convenes  at  Lancas- 
ter, 533;  its  measures,  533;  legis- 
lation, 2,  32,  33;  election  of 
members  to,  34;  authorizes 
United  States  to  sue  in  the  State 
courts,  36;  issues  paper  money, 
36;  continues  its  sessions  at 
Lancaster,  42,  43;  law  for  abol- 
ishing slavery,  43,  44;  Moore's 
conflict  with,  77;  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  77,  86;  repeal  of 
test  oath,  90-93;  election  law  of 
T785,  95;  removal  of  capital,  96; 
passing  of  resolution  for  calling 
a  convention  to  adopt  the  federal 
constitution,  98,  99;  convention 
meets,  99;  constitution  ratified, 
99,  100;  system  of  accounting 
adopted,  100;  indebtedness  of 
the  state,  101;  funding  law,  101; 
approved,  102;  speculation  in 
the  public  debt,  102-104.  See 
Penn,  Evans,  Keith  and  other 
governors,  and  Supreme. Execu- 
tive Council,  Wharton,  Reed> 
and  other  presidents. 

Association,  spread  of  spirit  of,  2, 
109 

Atlee,  chosen  colonel,  445,  446;  at 
Morristown,  494;  at  Long  Island, 
496-502 

Atlee,  William  A.,  appointed  Jus- 
tice, 2,  31 

Atkins,  his  almanac,  2,  439 

Augsburg  Confession  permitted  in 
the  Swedish  colony,  48 

Aughwick  Creek,  342,  365 

Augusta,  Fort,  312,  341,  364;  2, 
10,  11 

B 
Back  Log  Mountain,   description 

of,  6 
Bailey,     Dr.    Thomas,    fellow    of 

Magdalen  College,  224,  225 


494 


INDEX. 


Balch,  Stephen  B.,  2,  417 
Baltimore,  use  of  paper  rnoney  to 

draw  trade  to,  2,  41 
Baltimore,  Lord,  watches  Perm's 
enterprise,  137;  Penn  visits  him, 
129;  on  the  boundary  dispute,  2, 
48.     See  Penn. 
Baltimore,  Lady,  attends  a  Quaker 

meeting,  169 
Baudole,  Abbe,  2,  421 
Bancroft,  on  illicit  trade,  401 
Bank  of  Pennsylvania,  2,  223 
Bank  of  North  America,  how  estab- 
lished, 220;   its  specie,  221;   its 
aid  to  borrowers,  220,  221;  con- 
tributes to  fit  out  a  privateer,  2, 
203;    relieves  the   government, 
221,  222;  and  the  state,  222;  its 
shareholders,    221;    attempt    to 
start  another  bank,  222,  223;  its 
supply  of  notes  deemed  inade- 
quate, 223,  224;  its  services  ig- 
nored, 226;  charges  against,  226; 
sudden  contraction,  227;  corpor- 
ations unpopular,  228;  effect  of 
the  attack,  228;  charter  repealed, 
229;   its  course   afterward,   229, 
230 
Barbary  States,  2,  360 
Barentsen,  his  voyages,  32 
Barclay,  on  hat-lifting,  8y 
Barneveld,   his  opposition  to  the 
formation    of    the    West    India 
Company,  36 
Barney,  exploit,  2,  203-205 
Barony  of  Nazareth,  181 
Barton,  Dr.,  470 

Bartram,  John,  465-467;  his  trav- 
els, 466,  467;  Peter  Kalm's  re- 
marks on,  467 
Bathurst,  Lawrence,  his  courtship 

and  marriage,  2,  311 
Battles.     See  respective  names  of. 
Bayard,  John,  2,  74 
Beaujeu,  M.  de,  commands  French 


and  Indians  against  Braddock, 

319 
Beaver,  Kiug,  311 

Becker,  Peter,  2,  365 

Beeker,  John,  551 

Beekman,  succeeds  Jacquet,  63; 
complains  to  Stuyvesant  of 
D'Hinojossa,  63.  See  Manufac- 
tures. 

Beer,  manufacture  of,  2,  194,  195, 
239-242;  sale  of  English,  during 
the  Revolution,  210.  See  Man- 
ufactures. 

Beissel's  poetry,  2,  443 

Benezet,  Anthony,  2,  388;  on 
slavery,  447,  448 

Berkeley,  Lord,  grant  of  New  Jer- 
sey to,  by  James  I.,  105;  agrees 
to  sell,  105 

Berks  County,  creation  of,  in  1752, 
2,  126 

Biddle,  Charles,  2,  82;  his  election 
as  member  of  the  Supreme  Ex- 
ecutive Council,  82 

Biddle,  Edward,  a  delegate  to  the 
Colonial  Congress,  422 

Bidlack,  Captain,  2,  17 

Bienville,  Celorin  de,  291 

Bigamy,  regulation  of,  165 

Bigot,  M.,  294 

Billop,  Christopher,  succeeds  Col- 
lier, 75 

Bills  of  credit,  amount  issued,  397 

Bingham,    court-martialed,    2,    65 

Bird  Grip,  43 

Bishop,  Braddock's  body-servant, 
given  to  Washington,  325 

Bitting,  Colonel,  2,  74 

Blair's  school,  2.  431 

Blackwell,  John,  appointed  dep- 
uty, 152;  who  he  was,  152;  his 
instructions,  152,  154;  arrests  the 
Speaker,  152;  members  oppose 
Blackwell,  152;  also  the  council, 
153;  is  recalled,  154.     See  Penn. 


INDEX. 


495 


Blanchard,  Captain,  18. 

Block,  Adrien,  sails  for  Sandy 
Hook,  34;  forms  another  com- 
pany, 34,  35 

Blommaert,  sends  an  agent  to 
purchase  laud,  39;  forms  a  com- 
pany, 39 

Bloody  Rock,  2,  17 

Blue  Anchor  tavern,  the  first  built, 

136 

Board  man,  2,  391 

Bohea,  Bobby,  2,  457 

Bogardt,  Jost  van,  governor  of 
West  India  Company,  48 

Bombay  Hook,  67 

Bond,  Dr.  Thomas,  2,  470 

Book-selling,  2,  255 

Boston,  fate  of  tea-ship  to,  419; 
port  bill,  421 

Bouquet,  Colonel  Henry.  See 
Denny. 

Boulter,  Archbishop,  on  Scotch- 
Irish  emigration,  2,  130 

Boundaries  of  Province,  1;  the 
French  claim,  166 

Bowman's  Creek,  2,  15 

Boynton,  a  tax  assessor,  362 

Bradford,  William,  2,  254 

Bradford,  on  the  criminal  law  of 
Pa.,  255,  256 

Braddock,  Major-General.  See 
Governor  Morris. 

Braddock's  Expedition.  See  Gov- 
ernor Morris,  Franklin. 

Brandenburg,  Elector  of,  his  treat- 
ment of  Penn,  107 

Brandywine,  how  it  flows,  4; 
Keith  settles  difficulties  with 
Indians  on,  239;  battle  of,  517- 

524 
Brant,  at  the  head  of  Six  Nations,  j 

2,24 
Brest,  French   fleet  assembles  in 

harbor  of,  306 
Breton,  Cape,  restored,  29a 


Brissot,  his  remarks  on  immigra- 
tion, 2,  166;  on  farming,  166- 
169;  on  German  farmers,  166. 
See  Society. 

Bristol  Factor,  a  vessel  carrying 
first  colonists,  113 

Brodhead,  Colonel,  is  sent  to  Fort 
Pitt,  2,  n;  goes  up  the  Sus- 
quehanna, 2i,  22;  lays  waste 
the  country  along  the  Alle- 
gheny, 25 

Broglie,  Prince  de,  2,  338 

Bryan,  George,  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent, 467;  he  succeeds  Wharton 
as  acting  President  of  the  Su- 
preme Executive  Council,  2,  43, 
44;  an  Irishman,  43;  opposed 
to  slavery,  43;  as  boundary  com- 
missioner, 53 

Bryant,  Prince,  2,  285 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  Penn  waits 
on,  91.     See  Penn. 

Bucks  County,  creation  of,  in  1682, 
123 

Budd,  on  creating  a  land  bank,  2, 

193 
Bullet,  Captain,  at   the  battle  of 

Grant's  Hill,  352 
Burd,  Major,  496 
Burgess,  his  sermons,  2,  445 
Burton,  at  Braddock's  defeat,  321 
Butler,   Colonel   John,   2,   15,    18; 
a  descendant   of  the   Duke   of 
Ormond,    19;    commanded    the 
British  Tories  against  Sullivan, 

23 

Butler,  John,  establishes  a  stage 
line,  2,  284 

Butler,  Colonel  Richard,  at  Mon- 
mouth, 555;  at  Stony  Point,  559; 
on  the  revolt  of  Pa,  Line,  567; 
at  Yorktown,  570,  573;  in  the 
South,  570-576;  in  Sullivan's 
expedition,  2,  22 

Butler,  Zebulon,  2,  7,  15 


496 

Byllinge,  Edward,  sells  New  Jer- 
sey to  Perm,  106 
Byrne,  Lawrence,  2,  247  note. 

C 

Cadwalader,  Captain  John,  drills 
associators,  469;  at  Fort  Wash- 
ington, 506;  at  Trenton,  510, 
512;  is  promoted,  514,  515;  at 
Monmouth,  554;  his  attack  on 
Dickinson,  2,  85,  86 

Calcien,  Arents,  2,  122 

Calendar,  is  reformed,  300;  mean- 
ing of  old  and  new  style,  300, 

301 

Camden,  battle  of,  575 

Cammerhoff,  2,  374-377 

Campanius,  2,  473.     See  Holm. 

Campen,  John  van,  2,  5 

Canada,  invasion  of,  479;  Quebec 
act  of  1774,  479;  Arnold's  march 
through  Maine,  480;  attack  on 
Quebec,  489;  reinforcements 
sent,  490;  Arnold  asks  to  be 
relieved,  491;  battle  of  Three 
Rivers,  492;  retreat,  492-494 

Canal  from  Susquehanna  to  the 
Schuylkill  proposed,  2,  198. 
See  Trade. 

Canning,  on  colonial  taxation,  402 

Canon,  James,  463 

Cantwell,  Edward,  takes  posses- 
sion of  the  fort  at  New  Castle,  74 

Carbery,  signs  an  order  for  Penn's 
arrest,  93 

Carlisle,  Abraham,  552 

Carrie  kfergus,  William  Penn's 
conduct  at  the  riot  of,  87 

Carroll,  Archbishop,  2,  390 

Carpenters'  Hall,  424;  2,  476 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  grant  to,  by 
James  I..  105 

Casimir,  Fort,  is  built,  51,  52; 
taken  by  the  Swedes,  52;  sup- 
plied with  men,  56;  is  taken  by 
the  Dutch,  56;  is  decaying,  61 


INDEX. 


Casimir,    John,    Palatine    of   the 

Rhine,  his  marriage,  42 
Catawba  Indians,  310 
Cayugas,  16 

Celorin-de-Bienville,  291 
Centurion,  Braddock's  ship,  305 
Chalfont,     home      of     Gulielma 

Springett,  105 
Chamberlain,  land-bank   scheme, 

2,  193 
Chambers,  James,  chosen  colonel, 

471;  at  the  battle  of  Long  Island, 

501 
Chapman,  John,  how  the  Indians 

cared  for  his  family,  139 
Chapman,  Major,  314 
Charles  II.     See  Duke  of  York. 
Chartier,  Peter.a  French  spy, seeks 

the  Shawanese  in  the  war  with 

the  Six  Nations,  280 
Chartrand,  General,  552 
Chester,  Assembly  meets  at,  127 
Chester  County,  created  in    1682, 

123;  authority  of  justices,  177 
Chester  Valley,  description  of,  4 
Cherokees,  310 
Cheyney,  521 
Chigwell.     See  Penn. 
Christ  Church,  in  the  Revolution, 

2,  411.    See  Penn. 
Christina,  Queen,  44;  her  offer  of 

friendship,  54 
Christina,  Fort,  built,  51;  captured 

by  the  Dutch,  56;  a  dividing  line 

between    what    companies,   58; 

name  changed  to  Altona,  60 
Church,  Major,  566 
Churches.     See  Architecture. 
City  tavern,  ball  at,  to  Mrs.  Wash- 
•  ington,  2,  46 

City  Troop,  at  Princeton,  512,  513 
Clair,  Sir  John  St.,  314,  316,  318. 

See  General  Arthur  St.  Clair. 
Clarendon,    Lord,   on    wearing   a 

hat,  89 


INDEX. 


497 


Clark,  General,  in  command  of 
English  prisoners,  2,  S9 

Clark,  Gen.  Rogers,  commander 
of  western  expedition,  2,  26 

Claypoole,  James,  appointed  a 
commissioner,  151 

Claypoole,  D.  C,  2,  255 

Climate,  change  in,  2,  289;  ditnu- 
uition  of  the  streams,  289; 
drought,  290;  earthquakes,  290; 
snow,  291;  winters,  291;  who 
lived  the  longest,  292;  diseases, 
phthisis,  292;  sore  throat,  293; 
influenza,  293;  fever  and  ague, 
293;  pleurisy  and  pneumonia, 
293;  small-pox,  293;  yellow 
fever,  293;  rattle-snake  bites, 
293;  nervous  fevers,  293  note; 
witches  and  witchcraft,  294-296; 
physicians,  296;  country  doctors, 
296;  quackery,  297-299;  home 
practice,  29S;  remedies,  298; 
powowing  (1,  17,  18),  299;  found- 
ing of  Pennsylvania  Hospital, 
299;  longevity,  300 

Clinton,  General  James,  2,  23 

Clothing,  skins  used  for,  2,  257 

Clowe,  2,  422 

Colden,  Governor,  406 

Coldstream  Guards,  304,  323 

Coleman,  Henry,  chief  follower  of 
Long  Finne,  71 

Collier,    John,  74;  superseded,    75 

Colonial  agents,  Greuville  con- 
venes them,  403 

Colony  of  the  City.  See  Dutch 
West  India  Company. 

Colony  of  the  Company.  See 
Dutch  West  India  Company. 

Colve.     See  Duke  of  York. 

Coombs,  Thomas,  arrest  of,  2,  402; 
action  in  behalf  of,  by  White 
and  Cadwalader,  402 

Commissioners,  names  of,  to  gov- 
ern the  Province,  151  note 

32 


Committee  of  correspondence 
formed,  422;  recommends  the 
appointment  of  deputies  to  a 
general  conference,  422;  its 
action  is  revolutionary,  422; 
duties  of,  429;  enforce  non- 
importation agreement,  430; 
superseded  by  the  committee  of 
safety,  434 

Committee  of  safety,  Franklin 
president,  434;  conduct  criti- 
cised, 439;  work  of  committee 
of  inspection,  441-445;  applies 
for  authority  to  raise  men,  445; 
has  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence read,  459 

Committee  of  inspection,  takes 
down  the  King's  arms,  459.  See 
Committee  of  safety. 

Concord,  fight  at,  431 

Couestoga,  Shekellimy  stationed 
there,  17.     See  James  Hamilton. 

Conference,  provincial,  how  held, 
422;  recommends  a  Colonial 
Congress,  422;  issues  an  address, 
422;  provincial  conference,  428; 
decides  to  hold  an  election,  456; 
its  action  concerning  independ- 
ence, 456 ;  its  courage,  457.  See 
Constitutional  Convention. 

Confiscation.  See  Supreme  Ex- 
ecutive Council. 

Congress.  See  Continental  Con- 
gress. 

Conn,  arrest  of,  441 

Connecticut.  See  Wyoming  Val- 
ley. 

Connecticut  River,  emigrants 
taken  to,  37 

Constitutional  convention,  move- 
ment for,  grows,  458;  Franklin 
chosen  president,  460;  descrip- 
tion of  him,  460;  power  it  as- 
sumed, 450,  451,  461;  nature  of 
the   new   constitution,  462;   op- 


495 


INDEX. 


position  to  it,  462-465.  See  Pro- 
vincial conference,  Assembly. 
Continental  Congress,  called,  421, 
422;  assembles,  424;  its  action, 
424;  recommends  another,  426; 
assembles  again,  435;  Washing- 
ton elected  commander-in-chief, 
435;  recommends  raising  com- 
panies, 436;  fixes  pay  of  soldiers, 
436;  establishes  a  continental 
marine,  439,  440;  recommends 
states  to  adopt  new  constitutions, 

455 

Contrecceur,  French  commander 
at  Fort  Du-Quesne,  319 

Convention,  State  war  vessel,  440 

Conwaj',  General,  at  Germantown, 
527,  523 

Cooper,  Dr.,  2,  417 

Coral  reefs,  in  middle  Pennsylva- 
nia, 9 

Cork,  Penn  holds  a  meeting  in 
the  prison-yard,  97.     See  Penn. 

Cornbury,  Lord,  reprimands 
Evans,  193 

Cornwallis,  General,  at  Brandy- 
wine,  521.  See  Military  move- 
ments. 

Corporations,    hostility  to,   2,  228 

Corps  of  Ottendorff,  472,  473 

Council  of  safety,  organized,  461; 
supersedes  committee  of  safety, 
459;  closes  schools  in  Phila., 
509;  its  end,  533 

Counties,  creation  of,  297;  divided 
into  election  districts,  29S.  See 
Lower  Counties. 

Courts.  See  Penn,  Evans,  Keith, 
Supreme  Executive  Council. 

Courtship  and  marriage  among 
Indians,  19,  20.     See  Society. 

Craig,  Colonel,  573.  576 

Craighead,  John,  2,  416 

Crawford,  Colonel  William,  2,  27 

Cresop,    Colonel   Thomas,    2,   49; 


his  raid  into  York  County,  2, 
132 

Criminal  law,  overthrown,  255; 
Bradford's  remarks  on,  255;  laws 
disallowed,  256;  re-enacted,  256; 
non-execution  of  criminal  laws 
while  affirmation  act  did  not 
exist,  257;  during  Keith's  time 
trials  were  resumed,  257;  system 
of  criminal  law  then  sacrificed 
to  secure  an  affirmation  law, 
257,  258;  new  system  was  severe, 
258;  when  repealed,  259.  See 
Evans,  Penn,  McKeau. 

Cromwell,  death  of,  S2;  conse- 
quences, S2.     See  Peun. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  S2 

Culpepper,  Lord,  Penn's  letter  to, 
130 

Cumberland  Valley,  description 
of,  6 

Cumberland,  Fort,  2,  52 

Cumberland  County,  creation  of, 
in  1750,  2,  130 

Cunningham,     Provost  -  Marshal, 

501 
Cunningham,  Robert,  483 
Cutler,  Manasseh,  2,  96 

D 

D'Hinojossa,  succeeds  Alricks,  62; 
difficulties,  62,  63;  succeeds  no 
better,  63 

Dartmouth,  Lord,  blames  Gov. 
Penn, 418 

De  Chastellux,  Marquis,  2,  339 

De  Courcy,  2,  389 

De  La  Rochefocault-Liancourt, 
Duke,  opinion  of  the  people,  2, 
341;  of  the  women,  342 

De  Ligneris,  Captain,  at  Fort  Du- 
Quesne.    320;  at    Grant's    Hill, 

354.  355 
De  Schweinitz,  describes  Zeisber- 
ger's  labors,  2,  373~377 


INDEX. 


499 


De  Vries,  Captain,  appointed  man- 
ager   of   patroons,    39;    fate   of 
ships  sent  by,  39;  settlement  of 
Zwaanendal,  40;  returns  to  Hol- 
land, 40;    learns  of  destruction  ! 
of  the   colony,   40;   returns   to,  j 
40;  engages  in  whale-fishing  and  | 
trading,  41;  goes  to  Virginia  fur  | 
food,  41;  treatment  by  the  gov- 
ernor, 41;  colony  did  not  pros- 
per,   41;    is   sold    to    the   West 
India  Company,  41 

De  Vitri,  commands  French  and 
Indians,  354. 

Deal  county,  creation  of,  1682,  123 

Defoe,  Daniel,  on  American  col- 
onies, 401 

Deiskau,  Baron,  French  com- 
mander in  America,  306 

Delaware,  discovery  of,  33;  de- 
fence of,  during  the  Revolution, 

437,  438 

Delaware,  Lord,  1,  41 

Delaware  River,  beauty  of,  3  note; 
grazing  lands  along,  10 

Delaware  Indians,  description  of, 
15;  policy  toward,  165,  281;  at 
Kittanning,  311;  conflict  with, 
339.  344;  peace  with,  371;  land 
sale  by,  357 

Delaware  Indians,  description  of, 

15;  2,  143 
Delaware,  State  war  vessel,  440 
Delaware  Water  Gap.how  formed,2 
Delftshaven,    warehouse    of    the 

West  India  Company,  137 
Dement,  William,  507 
Denny,  William,  succeeds  Morris, 
350;  how  received,  350;   his  in- 
structions,    351;    Loudoun     re- 
called,     351;     appointment     of 
General  Forbes,  351;  his  force,* 
352;      Bouquet's     march,     352; 
battle  of  Ligouier,  352,  353;  Bou- 
quet   advances,    353,    354;    im- 


portance of  victory,  354;  flight 
of  the  French,  354;  Indians 
desire  peace,  357;  Eastou  con- 
vention, 356;  quarrel  between 
Assembly  and  Moore,  357-359; 
taxation  of  the  proprietary  es- 
tate, 359-364;  Denny's  quarrel 
with  the  tax  assessors,  361; 
signs  bills  for  pay,  363;  are  dis- 
allowed, 363 

Deputy-governors,  their  salaries, 
231 

Descartes,  Ren£,  78;  instructs 
Princess  Elizabeth,  106 

Dick,  Captain,  2,  9 

Dickinson,  John,  his  birth  and 
education,  388;  contends  for 
retaining  proprietary  govern- 
ment, 388;  the  Farmer's  letters, 
411,  415;  on  taxation,  415;  on 
the  tea  question,  420,  421;  as 
colonel  prepares  to  march  to 
New  York,  446;  opposed  to  the 
new  state  constitution,  463;  is 
elected  president,  2,  82;  charges 
against,  83;  his  answer,  84; 
Cadwalader's  attack,  85;  treaty 
of  peace,  86;  exchange  of  prison- 
ers, 87,  89;  treatment  of  the 
Hessians,  88;  repeal  of  the  test 
oath,  90;  Assembly  unwilling  to 
do  it,  90;  election  law  of  1785,  95 

Dickinson,  Jonathan,  wrote  about 
the  failure  of  justice,  196 

Dinwiddie,  Governor,  310 

Doak,  Samuel,  2,  417 

Dock,  Christopher,  2,  432,  433 

Dod,  Thaddeus,  2,  417 

Doddridge  on  song-birds,  10 

Domett,  John,  his   poetry,  2,  442 

Donaldson,  John,  at  Princeton,  513 

Douop,  Count,  512 

Donegal.     See  Paxtang  boys. 

Douglass,  on  medical  practice  in 
the  colonies,  2,  297,  298 


5oo 


INDEX. 


Drake,  Sir  Francis,  his  exploits,  36 

Du  Coudray,  M.,  2,  421 

Duane,  James,  425 

Duche\  Jacob,  2,  32,  409,  411,  415 

Duke.  See  York,  Buckingham, 
etc. 

Dumas,  Captaiu,  at  Fort  Du- 
Quesne,  320 

Dunbar's  Camp,  318,  324,  326 

Dunlap,  John,  2,  255 

Dunkers,  they  establish  a  printing 
plant,  2,  444.  See  Seventh  Day 
Baptists. 

Du-Ouesne,  Marquis  de,  early  life, 
294 

Du-Quesne.  See  Thomas  and  later 
governors. 

Durkee,  Fort,  2,  6 

Durkee,  Colonel,  2,  5 

Dutch,  their  naming  of  the  Schuyl- 
kill, 4 

Dutch  East  India  Corupan}',  its 
powers,  32 

Dutch      West     India     Company,  ! 
creation  of,  35,  36;  difficulties  in  | 
forming,  36;  patent  granted,  36;  \ 
its  stock,  36;  terms  of  patent,  37;  | 
trade  the  chief  object,  37;  divi- 
dends, 37,  38;  plan  of  coloniza- 
tion,  37;  site  for  a   settlement, 
37;  neglects  to  colonize,  38;  en- 
gages in  piracy,  38;  larger  grants 
to  settlers,  3S;  patroons,  38;  buys 
Godyn    and    Blommaert's  com- 
pany, 41;  withdrawal   of  Fssel- 
ing,   42;  Dutch  at   Fort  Nassau 
learn  of  arrival  of  Swedes,  45; 
ask   Minuit  for  his  license,  45; 
so  does  the  director-general  at 
Manhattan,  45;  build  a  fort  be- 
low   the    Swedish    colony,    51; 
Derick   Schmidt    governs   New 
Sweden,  57;  succeeded   by  Jac- 
quet,    57;    his   instructions,    57;  ! 
Dutch  sought  to  remove  Swedes,  | 


57;  new  Swedish  colonists,  57; 
Dutch  unwilling  to  have  them 
land,  57,  58;  are  lauded  at  Mar- 
cus Hook,  58;  company  did  not 
prosper,  58;  sells  a  part  to  Col- 
ony of  the  City,  58;  Alricks  ap- 
pointed governor,  58;  Jacquet's 
transfer,  60 
Duties.     See  Taxation. 


Eakin,  Samuel,  2,  417 

Earle's  Royal  Regiment,  206 

East  India  Company.     See  Tea. 

Easton  convention,  356 

Eckley,  John,  151 

Eckerling,  Israel,  2,  367 

Education,  Penn's  ideas  on,  2,425; 
to  be  compulsory,  426;  public 
grammar  school  established,  426; 
William  Penn  Charter  School, 
426;  early  breakdown  of  the 
system,  426;  causes  of,  426; 
academy  established,  427;  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania,  427, 
428;  Dr.  Smith's  views  on,  428; 
his  sermons  on  war,  428;  breach 
between  him  and  Franklin,  429; 
Episcopal  Church  parish  school, 
429;  Friends'  views  of  educa- 
tion, 429;  Fox  on,  429;  Swedes 
had  schools,  429;  Presbyterians, 
430;  German  schools,  43 1 ;  efforts 
of  Muhlenberg,  432,  434;  of 
Schlatter,  432,  434;  Christopher 
Bock,  432;  Franklin  on,  433; 
Saur,  434;  Moravians,  435;  Zin- 
zendorf  on,  435;  inadequacy  of 
church  schools,  435;  neighbor- 
hood schools,  436;  education  of 
poor  children,  436;  voluntary 
action,  436;  provincial  school- 
house,  437;  school  books,  437; 
pens,  ink  and  paper,  437;  Fox's 
spelling    education    book,   438; 


INDEX. 


50I 


Dilworth's  spelling-book,  438: 
Atkins'  almanac,  439;  fiction, 
440;  poetry,  440-444;  poetry  of 
Dunkers,  443;  they  establish  a 
printing  press,  444;  four  kinds 
of  prose  literature  described, 
444;  George  Keith  as  a  writer, 
444;  sermons,  445;  John  Dick- 
inson's Farmer's  Letters,  445, 
455.  456;  Ben  Saddis  satire,  445, 
446;  legal  literature,  446;  eco- 
nomic works,  447;  works  on 
slavery,  447,  448;  Proud's  his- 
tory, 448;  Logan  as  a  scholar, 
449;  magazine  literature,  449; 
Franklin's  autobiography,  450; 
effect  of  the  Revolution  on  edu- 
cation, 451-454;  University  of 
Pennsylvania  during  the  Revo- 
lution, 451,  452;  public  schools, 
452,  453.  454;  public  taxation 
for  support  of  the  schools,  453; 
effect  of  the  Revolution  on 
literature,  454;  Hopkinson's 
Battle  of  the  Keys,  455;  Henry's 
Journal,  456;  Graydon's  Me- 
moirs,   456;     newspaper    press, 

457-459- 
Elder,  Colonel,  368 

Elections,  held  annually,  297; 
qualifications  of  voters,  297;  day 
of,  298;  preparations  for,  298; 
where  held,  298;  how  conducted, 
298;  ballots,  29S;  election  of 
1788,  2,  no,  nature  of  political 
addresses,  no.  See  Evans,  As 
sembly. 

Elector  of  Brandenburg,  his  treat- 
ment of  Penn,  107 

Elizabeth,  Princess,  Penn  visits 
her,  106;  her  birth,  106;  her 
father  and  his  reign,  106;  in- 
structed by  Rene  Descartes, 
106;  her  home,  107;  her  uncle 
tries  to  marry  her  off,  107 


Ellsworth,  Oliver,  2,  208 

Elsingborg,  Fort,  56 

Embargo,  proposed  by  Lord  Lou- 
doun, 340 

Endeavor,  ship  in  which  Penn 
returns,  143 

English,  Swedes  feared  their  com- 
ing, 52;  so  did  Dutch,  64;  their 
claim,  65;  settlers  from  New 
Haven  Colony,  65;  Dutch  de- 
termine to  expel  them,  65;  Eng- 
lish persist  in  their  claims,  66; 
New  Englauders  sail  for  the 
Delaware,  66;  stop  at  New 
Amsterdam,  66;  Stuyvesantputs 
them  in  prison,  66,  67;  claim  to 
the  Delaware,  67;  English  do 
appear,  67;  Sir  Robert  Carr 
sent  to  the  Delaware,  68;  New 
Amstel  surrenders,  68;  conse- 
quences, 68,  69;  English  power 
consolidated,  69;  Swedes  wel- 
come new  masters,  69;  their 
strange  transformation,  70 

Engrossers,  their  conduct,  444 

Erigas,  or  Eries,  description  of,  15 

Enos,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  487 

Esther,  Queen,  2,  17,  18 

Evans,  John,  succeeds  Hamilton, 
1 87;  who  he  was,  187;  fails  to 
unite  Upper  and  Lower  Counties, 
187;  dispute  over  Assembly's 
power  to  adjourn,  187;  receives 
letters  from  Penn  about  As- 
sembly's conduct,  188;  sends  it 
to  the  Assembly,  189;  Assem- 
bly's reply,  189;  Evans'  conduct 
toward  the  Assembly.  190,  191; 
sues  a  member,  190;  the  court 
decides  against  him,  190;  pro- 
hibition of  sale  of  Indian  slaves, 
191;  duty  on  negroes.  191;  war 
begun  between  PVench  and 
Spaniards,  191;  Evans  urges  the 
Assembly  to  enact  a  militia  law, 


502 


INDEX. 


I9r;  provision  for  the  governor's 
support,  191;  tries  to  scare  the 
Quakers,  191;  panic  among  the 
ships,  192;  Evans'  attempt  to 
tax  imports,  192;  pirates  come 
again,  193;  Evans  tries  to  de- 
stroy them,  193,  194;  Assembly's 
action,  193;  Evans' conduct  with 
Penn's  son,  194,  195;  reorgani- 
zation of  the  courts,  conflict 
with  the  Assembly,  195-198;  the 
people  suffer  from  lack  of,  196- 
198;  impeachment  of  Logan, 
199;  election  of  members  of  the 
Assembly,  200;  licenses  to  inn- 
keepers, 200;  Penn  displeased 
with  granting  so  many,  200; 
their  regulation,  200,  201;  Penn's 
instructions  on  the  subject,  201 
note;  regulation  of  the  suffrage, 
201;  qualifications,  2or,  202; 
disinclination  to  vote,  202; 
change  of  election  day. 

Evans,  John,  Jr.,  appointed  jus- 
tice, 2,  31 

Evans,  Nathaniel,  a  poet,  2.  442 

Evans,  Oliver,  2,  237 

Evertsen,  conquers  on  the  Dela- 
ware, 73 

Ewing,  James,  chosen  general, 
449;  at  Trenton,  512 

Ewing,  John,  2,  53 

Expenditures.  See  James  Hamil- 
ton. 

F 

Fabricius,  fate  of,  333.  473 

Fairs,  2,  248,  269,  270;  abolished, 
270;  amusements  at,  331 

Falkenstein,  Countess  Von,  Penn 
meets  her,  107 

Fall-fever,  ravages  of,  61 

Farmer,  Anthony,  223 

Fast  day,  kept  at  opening  of  Swed- 
ish war,  550;  and  at  the  starting 
of  Braddock's  expedition,  314 


I  Febiger,  Colonel,  at  Stony  Point, 
560-563 

Fellowship,  Admiral  Penn's  first 
ship,  81 

Fenwicke,  John,  trustee  for  Ed- 
ward Byllinge,  106 

Ferries,  2,  269,  278 
I  First  purchasers.     See  Land. 

First  Pennsylvania  Regiment, 
battles  fought  by,  577 

First  election  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  1 776,  466 

Fishbourne,  loan-commissioner, 
theft  of,  265 

Fisher,  Colonel,  508 

Fishery.     See  Transportation. 

Five  Nations,  history  of,  16;  con- 
ference with,  238.  See  Six  Na- 
tions. 

Fletcher,  Governor,  government 
surrendered  to  him,  156;  requires 
members  of  Assembly  to  take 
oaths,  156;  and  upper  and  lower 
counties  to  meet  together,  156; 
calls  for  men  to  resist  France, 
156;  his  conflicts  with  the  As- 
sembly, 156-159 

Fleury,  Colonel,  563 

Flower,    Enoch,  opens   a   school, 

137 
Forbes,  General,  351.     See  Denny. 
Ford,  Philip,  his  rascalities.     See 

Penn. 
Forest,  density  of  early,  10;  kinds 

of  trees,  10 
Forestallers,  their  conduct,  444 
Forrest,  Captain,  at  Princeton,  512 
Fort  of  Kinsale.     See  Penn. 
Forty  Fort,  2,  18 
Fox,  George,  362;    on  education, 

2,  429;    his   spelling-book,   438; 

Bishop    Wescott   on,   149.     See 

Penn. 
Francis,  an  eminent  lawyer,  388 
Franklin,  his  early  years,  272;  first 


INDEX. 


503 


appearance  in  public  life,  272; 
how  Keith  deludes  him,  272, 
273;  issues  1  oor  Richard,  273;  a 
peacemaker,  2S6;  is  chosen  col- 
onel, 286;  erects  a  battery,  287; 
how  he  deals  with  the  Quaker 
members  of  a  lire  company,  287; 
his  attacks  on  1'enn,  220  (2,  116); 
his  remarks  on  Assembly's  treat- 
ment of  Keith,  253;  his  plan  of  a 
colonial  union,  297;  his  advice 
to  Hamilton,  302;  procures 
horses  for  Braddock,  309;  sup- 
plies officers,  313;  in  charge  of 
northwestern  frontier,  335;  op- 
posed to  the  proprietaries,  350; 
appointed  provincial  agent,  360; 
his  work  as,  360-364;  is  sent 
again,  405;  is  examined  by  the 
privy  council,  419;  quiets  the 
Paxtang  boys,  370;  advocates 
Revolution,  3SS-394;  his  system 
for  taxing  the  colonies,  402;  is 
appointed  a  delegate  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  427;  is  presi 
dent  of  committee  of  safety,  434; 
his  opinion  of  the  Germans,  136 
note;  as  a  printer,  2,  255;  his 
almanac,  439;  his  autobiogra- 
phy, 450;  his  scientific  discov- 
eries, 463;  organizes  American 
Philosophical  Society,  462;  aids 
in  founding  Pennsylvania  Hos- 
pital, 299;  is  elected  president, 
98;  his  action  on  the  adoption 
of  the  federal  constitution,  98- 
100;  on  funding  the  state  debt, 
101-102;  speculation  in  it,  102- 
104;  improvement  of  the  crim- 
inal law,  105;  on  progress  of  the 
times,  113;  his  death,  115.  See 
Science. 

Franklin,  Captain,  2,  18 

Frederick  V. ,  his  reign,  106;  restor- 
ation of  his  domains,  107 


I-'redhaven,  Penn  attends  a  meet- 
ing at,  169 

Free  Traders'  Society,  Penn  writes 
to,  describing  the  Indians  and 
country,  139 

French  Creek,  fort  built  at,  249, 

295 

French  government,  its  territorial 
policy  in  America,  293 ;  built 
forts,  294 

Freymouth,  Parson,  2,  378 

Friedsam,  Father,  2,  366 

Frogs,  their  number,  11,  note. 

Frontenac,  Count,  had  incited  the 
Indians,  156 

Frontier  fort,  described,  2,  169 ; 
life  within,  169,  170 

Froude,  on  Scotch-Irish  emigra- 
tion, 2,  128 


Gage,  with  Braddock,  316 ;  regi- 
ment? in  New  York  under,  407  ; 
Gov.  Penn  applies  to  him  for 
aid,  2,  5 

Galisoniere,  De-La-,  Marquis,  gov- 
nor-general  of  Canada,  291 

Galloway  Joseph,  as  a  tax  asses- 
sor, 362  •  contends  for  changing 
proprietary  government,  389  ;  a 
delegate  to  the  Colonial  Con- 
gress, 422  ;  his  plan  of  union, 
424  ;  withdraws  as  a  delegate  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  427  ; 
is  superintendent-general  to  pre- 
serve the  peace,  531  ;  number  of 
loyalists,  532  ;  his  estate  is  con- 
fiscated, 2,  32 

Gambling  in  British  army,  547 

Gascoyne,  Colonel,  573 

Garrett,  Major,  2,  10 

George  I.,  succeeds  Queen  Anne, 
211 ;  displaces  Keith,  229 

George  II. ,  death  of,  374 

George  III.,  succeeds,  374,  375 


5<H 


INDEX. 


German  Baptists,  433 

German  Battalion,  2,  22 

German  Catholic  Church  at  Ger- 

mantown,  2,  453 
Germans.    .SV^  Immigration,  Land, 

Society. 
Germantown,   government  of,    2, 

267,  268 
Gibbons,     Lieutenant,     at    Stony 

Point,  561-563 
Gilbert,  Benjamin,  carried  off  by 

the  Indians,  2,  407 
Gillet,  effect  of  the  Revolutionary 

war  on  the  church,  2,  418 
Gill,  Rodgers,  2,  360 
Gist's  Plantation,  324 
Gloria  Dei,  2,  473,  474 
Gnadenhutteu,  331,  332 
Godfrey,   Thomas,  the    author,  2, 

232,  441 

Godfrey,  Thomas,  inventor  of  the 
quadrant,  2,  243,  467 

Godyn  sends  an  agent  to  purchase 
land,  39;  forms  a  company,  39 

Golden  Shark,  54 

Gookin,  Charles,  succeeds  Evans, 
206;  who  he  was,  206;  his  in- 
structions, 207;  Assembly  peti- 
tions for  a  redress  of  grievances, 
206;  governor  insists  that  Pro- 
vince must  prepare  for  war,  207; 
conduct  of  the  Assembly,  207; 
its  dislike  of  Logan,  208;  Assem- 
bly impeaches  him,  208;  he  goes 
to  London,  208;  Penn  writes  to 
the  Assembly  intimating  his  in- 
tention to  sell  the  Province,  207, 
20S;  Assembly  now  attends  to 
business,  209;  its  appropriations 
for  war,  209;  masters  of  enlisted 
servants  to  be  paid,  209;  har- 
mony between  Gookin  and  the 
Assembly,  210;  regrets  to  hear  of 
the  sale  of  the  Province,  211; 
his    allowance,    211;     becomes 


peevish  and  insolent,  211;  his 
interpretation  of  the  affirmation 
actisdispleasing,  212;  his  reason 
disappears,  212;  assails  the  char- 
acter of  Norris  and  Logan,  212; 
is  recalled,  213;  growth  of  legis- 
lative power,  213;  privy  council 
checks  the  Assembly,  213;  dis- 
approves of  its  bills,  213,214; 
Penn  appears  before  it,  214 
Gordon,  Patrick,  succeeds  Keith, 
259;  he  had  been  a  soldier,  259; 
his  commission,  260;  appoint- 
ment of  agent  for  the  Province, 
261;  issue  of  more  paper-money, 
262;  effects  of  former  issue,  262; 
income  to  the  Province  from, 
264;  governor  assents,  264;  re- 
newal of  issues,  264;  theft  from 
the  loan-office,  265;  Gordon's 
success  as  a  governor,  266;  his 
death,  266 
Gordon's  opinion  of  Logan,  185 
Grant,  Major,  fight  near  Ligonier, 

352 

Grant,  Lieutenant-colonel,  499 

Grant,  Colonel,  at  Mud  Island,  530 

Grant,  General,  546 

Grasshoppers,  11  note 

Graydon,  Captain,  enlists,  469; 
on  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  2, 
87   88;  as  an  author,  456 

Great  Christopher,  55 

Great  Cove,  settlement  of,  is  de- 
stroyed, 331 

Great  Crossing  Fort,  33T 

Great  Meadows,  Washington  re- 
treats to,  296;  capitulates,  296 

Greaton,  Father,  2,  389,  390 

Greene,  General,  and  defence  of 
Fort  Washington,  506;  at  Bran- 
dywine,  519,  521,  522;  at  Ger- 
mantown, 527,  528;  at  Mon- 
mouth, 554;  is  sent  south,  569, 
575-588 


INDEX. 


5°5 


Greens,  a  military  company,  469 

Greer,  Mrs.,  486 

Grenville,  proposes  the  stamp  act, 
394;  favors  the  navigation  acts, 
399,  400,  403;  his  plan  to  tax  the 
colonies,  403 

Grey,  General,  death  of,  529 

Griffin,  43 

Griffith,  Dr.,  2,  415 

Grouchy,  Marshal,  lived  at  North- 
umberland, 5 

Growden,  Joseph,  arraigned,  153 

Grubb,  Peter,  2,  244 

Guest,  John,  provincial  chief  jus- 
tice, 161 

H 

Half-Moon,    name    of   Hudson's 

ship,  33 
Halifax,  Lord,  Penn  writes  to  him 
about  his   enterprise,   136;  suc- 
ceeds Duke  of  Newcastle,  303; 
town  of,  founded,  293 
Halket,  Sir  Peter,  322 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  554 
Hamilton,    Andrew,    an    eminent 
lawyer,  292;  causes  of  prosperity 
of  Pa.,  3S1;   on   appropriations, 

385 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  appointed 
governor,  184;  crown  confirms 
the  appointment,  186;  why  it 
was  delayed,  186;  difficulties  in 
governing  Lower  Counties,  186; 
creation  of  militia,  187;  death, 
187 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  organizes  the 
post-office,  2,  283 

Hamilton,  James,  is  appointed 
deputy  governor,  292;  Washing- 
ton's expedition  against  the 
French,  294-296;  creation  of 
counties,  297;  calendar  re- 
formed, 300;  again  appointed 
and   succeeds  Denny,   364;  war 


with  Pontiac,  364-367;  Colonel 
Bouquet's  expedition,  365;  battle 
near  Turtle  Creek,  366;  massacre 
of  Conestoga  Indians,  367;  re- 
moval of  Moravian  Indians  to 
Phila.,  369;  Franklin  makes 
peace,  370;  Indians  return,  371; 
Bouquet  at  head  of  a  western 
expedition,  371  ;  peace  made 
with  Indians,  372;  Indians  give 
up  their  captives,  372;  Bouquet 
returns  to  Philadelphia,  373  ; 
Moravian  Indians  remove  to 
the  Susquehanna,  373  ;  then  to 
Friedenshutten,  374;  death  of 
George  II.,  George  III.  pro- 
claimed king,  375;  death  of  Con- 
rad Weiser,  375 ;  expenses  of 
Province,  376-37S;  cost  of  the 
French  and  Indian  war,  378 ; 
taxation,  378-380;  excise  tax, 
379;  liquors,  379;  exports,  379; 
poll-tax,  380. 

Hamilton,  John,  of  New  York, de- 
vises a  post-office  system,  2,  284 

Hampden,  79 

Hampton,  Colonel,  576 

Hancock,  John,  435 

Hand,  Edward,  chosen  colonel, 
436,  471;  at  Morristown,  494; 
at  battle  of  Long  Island,  501, 
504;  at  Princeton,  512;  pro- 
moted, 514 ;  at  Brandywine, 
524;  in  Sullivan's  expedition, 
2,  22 

Handschuch,  2,  378 

Hardwicke,    Lord    Chancellor,    2, 

50,  5i 

Hartley,  Thomas,  chosen  colonel, 
472  ;  on  the  frontier,  2,  20-22  ; 
in  Sullivan's  expedition,  22 

Harris,  John,  his  town,  2,  96,  97 

Harris,  Captain  David,  at  Prince- 
ton, 513 

Haslett,  Colonel,  496 


506 


INDEX. 


Harsnett,  Samuel,  founds  a  school 

where  Penn  went,  8l 
Haussegger,      Nicholas,      chosen 
colonel,     472 ;      covers     retreat 
through    New    Jersey,    508 ;    at 
Princeton,  514 
Hazelwood,  Commander,  529 
Hazen,  Moses,  chosen  colonel,  473 
Health.     See  Climate. 
Heckewelder,  explanation  of  In- 
dians'   fondness  for  liquor,    18  ; 
their     efforts     to    please     their 
wives,  23  ;  were  revengeful,  25  ; 
honesty  of,  27  ;  on  trading  with 
Indians,  2,  191 
Heemskirk,  his  voyages,  32 
Hemphill,  2,  386 
Henchman,     Bishop,    would    not 

proceed  against  Penn,  93,  94 
Hendrick,  Peter,  an  Indian  chief, 

2,  2 
Hendricks,  Captain  William,  481 
Hendrickson,  Captain,  his  explo- 
rations, 34 
Henlopen,   cape   of,   named  after 

what,  34 
Henry,  Fort,  2,  27 
Henry,  John  Joseph,  his  journal, 

4S2  ;  his  steamboat,  469 
Hermans,  Ephraim,  74 
Herwerden,     home     of     Princess 

Elizabeth,  107 
Hessians,  who  they  were,  511  ;  at 
the  battle  of  Long  Island,  500, 
501  ;  at  Trenton,  511  ;  treatment 
of,  as  prisoners,  2,  88 
Highways.     See  Transportation. 
Hoddesden,    where    Peun's    wife 

dies,  148 
Hodge,       Dr.,      on      Whitefield's 

preaching,  2,  384 
Hollander,  Peter,  succeeds  Minuit, 
48.     See    Swedish    West    India 
Company. 
Holm,   John   Campauius,    accom- 


panies Printz,  50  ;  writes  a  jour- 
nal, 50 

Hopkinson,  Francis,  judge  in  the 
case  of  the  Active,  2,  208 

Hough,  Dr.,  who  he  was,  223 ; 
meets  Penn,  225 

Houston,  Captain,  captures  the 
Active,  2,  206-208 

Howell,  Sir  Thomas,  Recorder  of 
London,  presides  over  the  trial 
of  Penn  and  Mead,  98 

Howe,  General,  at  battle  of  Long 
Island,  495-502 ;  attack  on 
Phila.,  50S.     See  Army. 

Hubley,  Adam,  is  chosen  lieuten- 
ant-colonel, 472 

Hudson,  his  early  voyages,  32 ; 
when  he  left  the  Texel,  32  ;  his 
voyage,  33  ;  discovery  of  Hud- 
son's Bay,  33  ;  mutiny  of  his 
crew,  33 

Huguenots.     See  Immigration. 

Hughes,  John,  agent  to  enforce  the 
stamp  act,  407  ;  his  conduct,  407 

Humphreys,  Charles,  a  delegate 
to  the  Colonial  Congress,  422 

Humphreys,  Joshua,  2,  243 

Humphries,  James,  532 

Hume,  on  Whitefield's  preaching, 

2,385 
Hunt,  Isaac,  441-443 
Husband,  duties  of  an  Indian,  21  ; 

his   efforts   to   please   his   wife, 

22  ;  and  when  sick,  23  ;  liked  to 

see  his  wife  well   clothed,   23  ; 

did   not   quarrel   with   her,   23  ; 

his  conduct  when  offended,  23, 

24 
Huston,  Judge,  on   land   tenancy 

in  Pa.,  2,  147 
Hutchinson,  Gov.  of  Mass.,  419 


Immigration,    the  Dutch,  2,  119; 
Swedes,  119;  Friends,   119,   120; 


INDEX. 


507 


Welsh  and  where  they  settled, 
120;  were   educated,    120;  Ger- 
mans, 120,  122,  124;  Huguenots, 
121;  German  emigration  to  New 
York,    124;  the}7    come   to    Pa., 
124  ;  Meunouites,  125  ;  Moravi- 
ans, 126;  Germans  preserve  their 
usages,   etc.,   126;  their  patriot- 
ism,     127;     Scotch-Irish,     128; 
causes    for  emigrating,  12S-130; 
where   they   settled,    130 ;  their 
title  to  the  land,  131;  union  of 
the  Germans  with  the  Friends 
politically,  132,  137,  138;  in  reli- 
gion,   132;    break    between   the 
Scotch-Irish  and  the  Germans, 
132;  Scotch-Irish  in  Cumberland 
Valley,    133  ;    Germans   follow, 
133;    migratory    propensity    of 
Scotch- Irish;  134;  naturalization, 
134;  difficulties,  134,  135;   alarm 
on  rapid  increase  of  immigrants, 
136  ;    importation  of  vagabonds 
and  felons,  137;  Penn  intended 
the  Province  for  all,  137. 
Indians,  their  early  home,  13,  16  ; 
where  they   were   most  numer- 
ous, 16;  early  controversies  with, 
17;  early  purchase  of  lands,  17; 
when    forbidden,    17;    their  si- 
lence, 10;  their  noiseless  means 
of  killing  animals,   10;  were  re- 
vengeful,   25;  amusements,  25  ; 
concealed  their  resentments,  26; 
their  suffering  from  scanty  food, 
26;  honesty   of,   27;  their  disre- 
gard for  wealth,  27;  government, 
28;  their  memories  and  records, 
28;  degeneracy  of,  29;  redress  of 
their   wrongs   by  the   Duke  of 
York,  17;  courtship  and  marri- 
age among,  19,  20;  dnration  of, 
21;    duties   of  husband,   21;  of 
wife,  22;  not  hard,  22;  ownership 
among,  23;  regard  for  the  aged, 


24;  French  alliance  with  during 
the  Revolution,  2,  1;  disturban- 
ces, 2;  the  frontier  a  battle- 
ground, 26;  Sandusky  expedi- 
tion, 26;  destruction  of  Gnaden- 
hutten,  27.  See  Wyoming  Val- 
ley, Trade,  Liquors. 

Inn-keepers.  See  Evans,  Manu- 
factures. 

Instructions  to  governors.  See 
Blackwell  and   other  governors. 

Iroquois,  submission  of  other 
tribes  to,  14;  their  hunting- 
ground,  15;  their  superiority,  16; 
their  principal  council-fire,  16; 
government,  16;  control  of  other 
tribes,  16 

Irvine,  Colonel,  471  ;  is  captured, 
492  ;  promoted,  515  ;  at  Stony 
Point,  559,  564 

Inventions.     See  Science. 


Jacobs,  Captain,  311,  342,  343 

Jacobson,  Marcus.  See  Long 
Finne. 

Jacquet,  John  Paul,  a  native  of 
Nuremberg,  appointed  Dutch 
governor  on  the  Delaware,  57, 
60,  2.  484.  See  Dutch  West  India 
Company 

Jack,  Captain,  his  exploits,  312 

Jails,  181 

Jansen,  2,  254 

Jasper,  Sarah,  Admiral  Penn's 
wife,  80 

Jay,  John,  supports  Galloway's 
plan,  425 

John  and  Sarah,  vessel  carrying 
first  colonists,  113 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  2,  15 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  attends 
Eastou  Convention,  356;  matters 
referred  to,  357;  his  action  on 
the  boundary  line,  2,  51,  52 


5o8 


INDEX. 


Johnston,  Colonel  at  Stony  Point. 

559-563 
Johnston,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  490 
Joncaire,  General,  visits  the  Ohio 

country,  294 
Jones,  Sir  William,  revises  Penn's 

charter,  in 
Jordans,    where    Penn    is   buried, 

217 
Judges,  salaries  of,  2,  108 
Judiciary.     See  Thomas  Wharton. 
Juniata  Valley,  description  of,  6 
Juniatas,  description  of,  15. 

K 

Kachlein,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  at 
Morristown,  494;  at  battle  of 
Long  Island,  496,  499 

Kachlein,  Peter,  2,  6 

Kearsley,  John,  443 

Keimer,  as  a  poet,  2,  440;  as  a 
magazine  publisher,  450;  as  a 
printer,  255 

Keith,  George,  master  of  a  public 
school,  137;  his  controversy 
with  the  Friends,  2,  357-359;  as 
a  religious  writer,  444 

Keith,  director-general  at  Man- 
hattan, 45;  protested  against  the 
English  going  to  the  Delaware, 

65 
Keith,  Sir  William,  succeeds 
Gookiu,  216;  who  he  was,  229, 
230;  a  Jacobite,  230;  his  policy, 
230;  met  assembly  of  Lower 
Counties,  231;  goes  to  Philadel- 
phia, 232;  his  address,  232;  As- 
sembly's gift  to  him,  232;  his 
commission,  233;  prosperity  of 
the  Province,  233;  principal 
matters  of  legislation,  236;  at- 
tendance of  members,  236,  237; 
little  interest  of  the  people  in 
politics,  235-237;  his  dislike  of 
the  council,  237;   quarrels  with 


the  council,  237,  238;  his  treat- 
ment of  the  Indians,  238;  visits 
them  at  Conestoga,  238;  settles 
a  difficulty  with  Indians  on  the 
Brandywine,  239;  trial  of  crim- 
inals, 239;  conviction  and  re- 
fusal of  appeal,  239;  use  of 
affirmations,  240;  is  endowed 
with  chancery  powers,  240,  241; 
former  history  of,  240,  241;  how 
long  they  were  executed,  241 ; 
blending  of  equitable  with  legal 
principles,  241;  militia  law  en- 
acted, 242;  need  of,  242;  con- 
duct of  the  French,  242,  243; 
creation  of  paper  money,  243- 
251;  need  of,  243;  how  taxes 
had  been  paid,  244;  amount  and 
kind  of  coin  in  circulation,  244; 
regulation  of  its  value,  245; 
variation  between  its  legal  and 
its  market  value,  246;  first  issue 
of  paper-money  in  Mass.  and 
in  South  Carolina,  247  ;  both 
issues  circulated  in  Pa.,  248;  not 
money  enough,  248;  Logan  and 
Norris  object  to  issuing  it,  24S; 
Keith  answers  objections,  249; 
amount  issued,  249;  plan  of 
issuing,  249,  250;  loan  office, 
249;  land  and  plate  as  security 
for  loans,  249;  mode  of  redeem- 
ing, 250;  amount  increased,  250; 
counterfeiting,  250;  Keith's  at- 
tack on  Logan,  251;  trustees 
write  to  Keith,  251;  Keith  re- 
plies, 252;  sends  his  letter  to  the 
Assembly,  252;  David  Lloyd 
replies  to  Logan,  252;  Assembly 
feebly  sustains  him,  253;  Frank- 
lin's remark  on  their  conduct, 
253,  254;  Keith's  copper  mine 
transaction,  254;  his  iron  works, 
244;  is  elected  a  member  of  the 
Assembly,    254,    255;    seeks    to 


INDEX. 


509 


wrest  the  Province,  254;  system 
of  criminal  law  overthrown, 
255-258;  new  legislation  on  the 
subject,  258;  how  long  it  con- 
tinued, 258;  proposes  to  levy  a 
stamp  duty,  402 

Kelpius,  2,  369 

Kensington,   Penn   goes  there  to 

live,  145- 
Key  of  Calmar,  43 

Kidd,  Captain,  the  frigate,  178 

Killan,  William,  3S8 

King  Solomon,  55 

Kingsesing,  fort  built  at,  51 

Kin  sale,  Fort  of.     See  Penn. 

Kittanning,  expedition  against, 
342 

Kittatinny  Mountains,  2,  4 

Kittochtinny  Valley^  6 

Knight,  Dr.,  burning  of,  2,  27 

Knox,  Lieutenant,  at  Stony  Point, 
561-563 

Knyphausen,  General,  at  Brandy- 
wine,  519 

Konigsmarke.     See  Long  Finne. 

Kuhn,  Dr.  Adam,  2,  470 


Labeydoyere,  Colonel,  552 

Lacey,  General,  536;  action  of,  at 
election  in  1781,  2,  73,  74 

Lackawaxen  River,  3 

Ladislas,  King  of  Poland,  Charles 
II.  tries  to  marry  his  niece  to, 
107 

Lafayette,  General,  at  German- 
town,  554;  Howe's  attack  on, 
near  Philadelphia,  545,  546;  at 
Monmouth,  554;  commands  in 
Virginia,  570;  his  appeal  to  wo- 
men for  clothing  for  his  sol- 
diers, 2,  253 

Lafayette,  Marchioness  de,  2,  65 

Lancaster  County,  creation  of,  in 
1829,  297 


Lancaster,  conference  of  agents 
and  Indians  there  in  1744,  279 

Laud,  area  of  the  Province,  2,  139; 
none  could  be  bought  of  the 
Indians,  139;  title  to,  139-141  ; 
not  much  bought  of  the  Indians 
while  Penn  lived,  141;  purchase 
of,  1718,  141;  walking-purchase, 
141-144,  the  purchase  of  1754, 
145-155,  other  large  purchases, 
141 ;  sales  to  first  purchasers,  146; 
how  classified,  146;  city  land, 
146,  147;  lands  rented,  147; 
townships,  147;  sale  to  Free 
Traders  Society,  147;  sale  to 
the  Welsh,  147,  14S;  sale  by  lot- 
tery, 148;  mode  of  selling,  148, 
149;  application  system  of  sale, 
150;  quit-rents,  150,  151;  Peuu's 
income  from  sales,  152;  he  mort- 
gages the  Province,  152;  sales 
after  Penn's  death,  152;  title  by 
settlement,  152  ;  delinquents, 
153;  sale  of  claims  acquired  by 
warrant  or  settlement,  153;  land 
laws  disapproved  by  privy  coun- 
cil, 153  ;  divesting  act,  154,  155; 
compensation  paid,  155;  Penn's 
reservation  for  forest,  155;  In- 
dian cultivation,  156;  land  first 
chosen,  156;  clearing,  157;  plant- 
ing corn,  157;  land  selected  by 
the  Germans,  158;  Scotch-Irish 
as  land-clearers,  158;  fencing, 
159;  tools,  159;  seeds,  159;  plant- 
ing. T59.  ]6o;  gardens,  160;  har- 
vest, 160;  husking-bees,  161;  su- 
perstitions, i6j;  cattle,  162;  an- 
imals tamed,  162;  swine,  163; 
horses,i63;  use  of  bells  on  cattle 
and  horses,  163,  164;  uses  made 
of  trees,  brush,  etc.,  164;  juice  of 
the  maple,  165;  industry  of  Ger- 
mans, 165;  women  as  tailors,  165; 
drinks,  165;  whiskey,  165;  wine- 


5X° 


INDEX. 


making,  165;  cultivation  of  the 
grape,  242;  Germans  are  a  large 
part  of  farming  population,  166; 
aspect  of  partly  cleared  country, 
170;  effects  of  the  Revolution 
on  farming,  182-184;  farmers 
bought  more  than  before,  184; 
rushed  inlo  mercantile  pursuits, 
184  ;  became  extravagant,  185; 
their  private  credit  was  de- 
stroyed, 186;  their  later  con- 
dition, 186    See  Trade. 

Land-bank,  2,  193 

Latta,  James,  2,  417 

Lay,  Thomas,  2,  179 

Le  Gerard,  2,  207 

Lee,  General  Charles,  435;  after 
crossing  the  Hudson,  506;  at 
Monmouth,  554-557;  on  Wayne's 
victory  at  Stony  Point,  564;  is 
furious    about    his  breeches,   2, 

335 

Lee,  General  Henry,  564;  at  Green 
Spring,  571,  572 

Legislature.     See  Assembly. 

Lehigh  River,  3 

Lehigh  Valley,  description,  of,  3; 
Indians  living  in,  14 

Lenapi,  where  they  met  the 
Mengwe,  13;  branches  of,  13 

Lesley,  9 

Lewis,  Major,  at  the  battle  of 
Grant's  Hill,  352 

Lexington,  battle  of,  431 

License,  to  solicit  charity,  2,  383. 
See  Evans,  Manufactures. 

Liquor,  sale  of,  to  Indians  forbid- 
den, 17,  19,  note;  their  fondness 
for  it,  18;  use  of  it  by  white  men 
in  Indian  trading,  ]8;  effects  of 
on  Indians,  18,  19;  Dutch  regu- 
lations concerning  sale  to  In- 
dians, 57.     See  Society,  309,  310. 

Liquor  drinking.  See  Beer, 
Evans,  Manufactures. 


Literature.     See  Education. 

Little  Meadows,  315 

Lloyd,  David,  is  arrested,  152;  his 
opposition  to  the  government, 
163;  acts  in  an  admiralty  case, 
178;  prepares  an  address  for  the 
Assembly,  187;  Penn  resolves  to 
prosecute  him,  189;  his  popu- 
larity, 195;  Logan's  opinion  of 
him,  195,  196;  replies  to  Logan; 
his  retirement  and  death,  272 

Llovd,  Thomas,  is  made  president 
of  the  provincial  council,  143; 
recommends  the  appointment 
of  a  single  deputy,  152;  is 
charged  with  high  crimes,  153; 
is  appointed  president  of  another 
commission,  154;  is  continued 
at  the  head  after  the  restoration, 
159;  he  governed  during  Flet- 
cher's absence,   159;  his  death, 

159 

Loan-office,  how  it  had  been  man- 
aged, 396.     See  Keith,  Trade. 

Local  government,  division  of 
country  into  towns  and  parishes, 
2,  260,261;  constables,  260;  over- 
seers, 260,  26r,  267;  churches, 
clergy,  261;  arbitration,  261; 
county  courts,  261;  creation 
of  counties,  261;  expenditures 
of,  262,  263;  county  tax  of  1696, 
263;  state  tax  of  1693,  264; 
officers  of  counties,  264;  how 
chosen,  264;  development  of 
county  organization,  265;  care 
of  the  poor,  265-267;  boroughs, 
267;  Germantown,  267;  other 
boroughs,  26S;  charter  of  Bristol, 
268;  ferries,  269;  markets,  269; 
fairs,  269;  Philadelphia,  270- 
275;  incorporation  of  Reading, 
York  and  Carlisle,  274. 

Lochry,  Colonel,  2,  27 

Locke,  John,  at  Oxford,  84;  Penn's 


INDEX. 


511 


relations  with,  84;  Perm  pro- 
cures his  release,  145;  his  plan 
of  government,  84 

Locusts,  11 

Loe,  Thomas,  Penn  first  hears  him 
at  Oxford,  84;  again  in  Ireland, 
88;  in  company  with  him,  91. 
See  Pen  11. 

Logan,  James,  attains  a  high  posi- 
tion, 1 84;  entrusted  with  Penn's 
business,  184,  185;  writes  to  Penn 
about  Lloyd,  188;  the  courts,  196; 
people's  regard  for  reun,  168; 
effect  of  disallowing  affirma- 
tions, 196;  Assembly  tries  to  im- 
peach him,  199;  objects  to  issu- 
ing paper-money,  248;  governs 
the  Province,  267;  changes  in, 
during  sixty  years,  267;  last 
change  in  the  constitution,  268; 
antagonism  of  the  people  to  the 
Proprietary,  268;  as  a  scholar,  2, 
449;  and  scientific  experimenter, 
469;  is  alarmed  over  immigra- 
tion, 131,  136;  his  death,  and  es- 
timate of,  1,  301,  302.  See  As- 
sembly, Evans,  Keith,  and  other 
governors. 

Logan,  an  Indian  chief,  2,  258 

Long,  Benjamin,  on  slavery,  2,  448 

Long  Finne  heads  an  insurrection, 
70,  71;  arrest  and  trial,  71,  72 

Loskiel,  his  designation  of  Shikel- 
limy,  17 

Lottery,  287;  for  laud,  2,  148 

Louisbourg,  siege  of,  279,  280;  fort 
is  given  up,  292 

Louis  XIV.,  Penn  is  presented  to, 

S5 

Loudoun,  Lord,  proposes  an  em- 
bargo, 340 

Lower  Counties,  government  by 
deputy  unpopular,  155;  Lloyd 
presides  over  commission,  155; 
Markham    lieutenant-governor, 


T55!  Penn  fears  consequences  of 
separation,  155;  and  that  the 
government  will  be  taken  away, 
155;  Fletcher  requires  Upper  and 
Lower  Counties  to  meet  togeth- 
er, 156;  Assembly  meets  at  New 
Castle,  164;  difficulty  in  govern- 
ing Lower  Counties,  164;  their 
jealousy,  164;  division  of  expen- 
ditures, 164;  how  laws  must  be 
enacted  to  affect  them,  164,  165; 
permitted  to  dissolve  the  union, 
171;  difficulty  in  governing,  1S6; 
separation,  186,  187;  Evans  fails 
to  unite  them,  187;  Keith  meets 
Assembly  of,  231;  Morris  goes  to, 
303.     See  Assembly,  Penn. 

Loxley,  Benjamin,  2,  246 

Lutz,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  at  Mor- 
ristown,  494 

Luxury,  2,  215.  See  Trade,  Soci- 
ety. 

Luzerne,  Countess  de,  2,  65 

Lyttleton  Fort,  341 

M 
Macaulay's  attacks  on  Penn,  222 
Mack,  331,  332;  in  the  Wyoming 

Valley,  2,  2 
Mackey,  Aeneas,  chosen  colonel, 

4/2 
Magdalen  College,  defense  of  Penn 

against  Macaulay's  attacks,  222- 

226 
Magaw.  Colonel,  471;  at  battle  of 

Long  Island,  503,  504;  at   Fort 

Washington,  505-507 
Mahanoy,  destruction  of,  331 
Mann,  Abraham,  is  unseated,  127, 

12S 
Manufactures,   first  grain  mill,  2, 

236;  improvements   in    milling, 

237;   regulation  of  exports,  238; 

Saw-mills,     238,     239;     brewing, 

T94i    J95.   239.    242;    penalty   for 


5'2 


INDEX. 


drunkenness,  239;  health-drink- 
ing, 239;  tavern  licenses,  239; 
(See  Evans)  price  of  beer,  239; 
ardent  spirits,  240;  duty  on 
hops,  240;  duty  on  rum,  240; 
excise,  241;  regulation  of  sales 
of  liquors,  241;  Rush  temper- 
ance movement,  241,  242;  culti- 
vation of  the  grape,  242;  ship 
building,  243,  244;  invention  of 
the  quadrant,  243;  iron  manu- 
factured, 244-247;  first  rolling 
mill,  245;  Pine  Grove  furnace, 
245;  cannon  making,  246,  247; 
gun-locks,  247;  muskets,  247; 
textiles,  247;  fairs,  248;  prices  of 
cloths,  248;  German  linen  and 
hosiery,  248;  linen  used  for  cot- 
ton, 249;  flax,  249;  duty  on  hemp 
and  flax  products,  249;  British 
taxation  of  American  manufac- 
tures, 249,  250;  non-importation 
agreement,  249;  British  exporta- 
tion of  machinery  prohibited, 
250;  first  cotton  joint  stock  com- 
pany, 251;  supply  of  clothing  to 
revolutionary  soldiers,  251-253; 
clothing  bought  in  Holland, 
253;  felt-making,  253;  printing, 
254;  book-selling,  255;  paper 
mills,  255-257;  tanning,  257- 
259;  skins  used  for  clothing, 
257.     See  Society. 

Manyunk,  Fort,  51 

Maps,  most  important,  of  Pa.,  1 
note. 

Marcus  Hook,  landing  of  the 
Swedes,  58 

Markhain,  on  the  boundary  dis- 
pute with  Lord  Baltimore,  2, 
48;  governs  after  Lloyd's  death, 
159.     See  Penn,  Fletcher. 

Marriages,  bills  relating  to,  dis- 
allowed, 215;  among  Indians, 
19,  20;  duration  of,  21 


Married  women,  when  first  per- 
mitted to  make  contracts,  259. 
See  Society. 

Marshall,  Christopher,  on  elec- 
tions, 452 

Mary  of  Modena,  Queen  of  James 
II.,  as  a  pardon  broker,  222 

Mason,  Captain,  appointed  to  lead 
the  .English  to  the  Delaware, 
67 

Mason  and  Dixon,  survey  the 
southern  boundary,  2,  48-53 

Mastricht,  Doctor,  of  Duysburg, 
Penn  meets  him,  107 

Master's  invention  for  cleaning 
corn,  2,  468 

Mathews,  Colonel  George,  at 
Germantown,  528 

Mattison,  Margaret,  trial  of,  177 

Matlack,  Timothy,  463 

Matlack,  Colonel,  at  Trenton,  511 

Mauch  Chunk,  conical  mountain 
at,  3 

Maxwell,  Colonel,  at  Brandywine, 
519;  in  Sullivan's  expedition, 
2,  22 

Mead,  Captain.     See  Penn. 

Meadow  Mountain,  316 

Members  of  the  Assembly,  their 
re-election,  462.     &£  Assembl}'. 

Mengwe,  where  they  met  the 
Lenapi,  13;  tribes  that  were  sup- 
posed to  be  of  this  origin,  14 

Mennonites,  393,  433.  See  Immi- 
gration, Religion. 

Meredith,  Samuel,  chosen  briga- 
dier, 515 

Mey,  Cornelius,  sails  for  Sandy 
Hook,  34;  discovers  and  names 
the  capes  of  Delaware  Bay,  34; 
forms  another  company,  34,  35 

McClenachan,  Blair,  551;  2,  208 

McDougal,  General,  at  German- 
town,  527 

Mcintosh,  General,  2,  21. 


INDEX. 


5*3 


McKean,  Thomas,  his  action  on 
the  constitutional  convention, 
463;  president  of  the  provincial 
conference,  456;  appointed  chief 
justice,  2,  31;  quarrel  with  Gen- 
eral Thompson,  92;  and  with 
Colonel  Procter,  94;  attacked 
for  official  pluralism,  93;  im 
proves  the  criminal  law,  105 

Mifllin,  Samuel,  461;  appointed 
general  and  at  the  battle  of 
Long  Island,  503,  504;  replaced 
as  quartermaster-general  by 
General  Greene,  558;  a  delegate 
to  the  Colonial  Congress,  422; 
elected  president  of  the  Execu- 
tive Council,  2,  112;  his  popular- 
ity, 112 

Miles,  Colonel,  at  Morristown, 
494;  at  Long  Island,  496,  502 

Mil  ford  Haven.     See  Penn. 

Militia.  See  Evans,  Keith,  and 
other  governors,  Supreme  Ex- 
ecutive Council. 

Milton,  John,  78,  217 

Mingo,  2,  25 

Minisink,  country  of,  2;  meaning 
of,  2.     See  Minsi. 

Minisinks,  2,  141,  143,  144 

Minsi,  description  of,  13 

Minuit,  Peter,  first  director  of  the 
Swedish  colony,  44 

Mischianza,  545,  550 

Mittelberger,  on  ministers  in  Pa., 
2,  382;  on  the  sufferings  of  the 
redemptioners,  2,  176 

Mohawks,  2,  16 

Mohocks,  river  of,  2 

Moland,  John,  388 

Molesworth,  John,  553,  note 

Molyneux,  Robert,  2,  420 

Mompesson,  Roger,  179 

Monkton,  Colonel,  556 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  554 

Monmouth,  Duke  of.  222 

33 


Mouongahela  River,  description 
of,  7 

Montague,  appointed  commis- 
sioner of  the  fleet,  83 

Montgomery,  General,  489,  491 

Montour,  an  Indian  chief,  339 

Montressor's  account  of  the  battle 
of  Brandywine,  524 

Moor,  John,  Advocate  of  the  Ad- 
miralty court,  161 

Moore,  Nicholas,  chosen  speaker, 
127,  137;  chairman  of  the  Free 
Traders'  Society,  117;  impeach- 
ment of,  149  ;  appointed  a  com- 
missioner,  151 

Moore,  William,  appointed  auditor, 
2,  67  ;  succeeds  Reed  as  Presi- 
dent, 76;  taxes,  76;  conflict  with 
the  Assemby,  77  ;  treaty  with 
Great  Britain,  77,  78;  condition 
of  the  public  spirit,  78-81;  be- 
stowal of  offices  on  the  highest 
competitor,  80;  sale  of  offices, 
81  ;  settlement  of  public  ac- 
counts, 81 

Moore,  Judge  William,  quarrel  be- 
tween him  and  the  Assembly, 357 

Moravian  missionaries,  14.  See 
Zeisberger 

Moravians,  saw  Indians  on  their 
way  to  Wyoming  Valley,  14;  at- 
tacked by  Indians,  322,  335;  pre- 
pare for  defence,  335;  settle  in 
Pa.,  2,  126;  establish  a  fort  and 
express,  284.     See  Religion. 

Morgan's  rifle  corps,  478,  480  ;  at 
Brandywine,  524  ;  with  Sulli- 
van's expedition,  2,  22,  23 

Morgan,  Dr.  John,  2,  296,  470. 

Morris,  Captain  Samuel,  at  Prince- 
ton, 513 

Morris,  James,  member  of  a  fire 
company  and  opposed  to  war, 
287;  how  Franklin  dealt  with 
him,  287 


5H 


INDEX. 


Morris,  Robert,  551 

Morris,  Robert  H.,  governor,  suc- 
ceeds Hamilton,  302 ;  goes  to 
the  Lower  Counties,  303;  what 
troops  were  sent  to  America, 
304;  General  Braddock  sent,  304; 
his  plan,  304;  war  preparations, 
305;  Braddock  sails,  305;  French 
preparations,  305;  the  fleet  de- 
scribed and  sails,  306;  Fort  Du- 
Quesne  the  objective  point,  305; 
described,  305;  Braddock's  pre- 
parations, 307;  making  of  road, 
307,  308;  starting  of  the  army, 
308;  lack  of  subsistence,  309; 
Indian  soldiers  for  Braddock, 
310;  conduct  of  Indians,  311; 
they  join  the  French,  311;  the 
army  starts,  312;  at  Will's  Creek, 
312;  number,  312,  313;  ill  sup- 
.  plied  with  provisions,3i3;  Lower 
Counties  sent  oxen,  314;  day  of 
prayer,  314;  army  starts  from 
Will's  Creek,  314;  route,  314, 
S^,  3i6,  317;  French  plan  of 
defence,  319,  320;  French  recon- 
noitre, 320;  the  battle,  321-323; 
Braddock  wounded,  323;  retreat, 
323-325;  his  death,  325;  number 
killed  and  wounded,  325;  con- 
duct of  the  Pennsylvania  wagon- 
ers, 326;  conduct  of  Indians 
after  the  battle,  327-329;  Brad- 
dock's  bones,  329;  troops  start 
for  Philadelphia,  329,  330 ; 
French  troops  sent  to  northern 
posts,  330;  Indians  desert  the 
French,  330;  consequences  of 
leaving  the  frontier  exposed, 
330;  Indian  depredations,  331- 
335;  Province  prepares  for  de- 
feuce,  334;  petition  sent  to  privy 
council  of  Assembly's  conduct, 
335;  is  condemmed,  335~337; 
action  of  Scotch-Irish,  335;  mi- 


litia law  demanded,  335,  336; 
Friends  retire  from  control,  337; 
they  still  treat  with  the  Indians, 
338;  favor  peace  with  them, 
338;  policy  adopted,  338-340; 
quartering  of  troops,  340;  bil- 
leted on  individuals,  340;  new 
militia  bill,  341;  opposition  to 
it,  341 ;  bounties  offered  for  sol- 
diers, 341;  where  stationed,  341; 
hostility  of  western  Indians, 
342,  344;  Morris's  disputes  with 
the  Assembly,  344;  his  instruc- 
tions, 345;  taxes,  345,  349;  pres- 
ents to  Indians,  346-349;  As- 
sembly and  proprietaries,  345, 
346;  conduct  with  the  Indians, 
346;  rents,  348;  division  of  ex- 
penses between  the  Province 
and  proprietaries,  345-349;  war 
contributions  of  proprietaries, 
349;  estimate  of  Morris,  350 

Mortimer,  Earl  of,  a  trustee  under 
Penn's  will,  227 

Moulder,   Captain,   at   Princeton, 
512 

Mouton-Duvernet,  General,  552 

Moylan's  dragoons,  576 

Mulheim;  a  city  visited  by  Penn, 
107,  108 

Muhlenberg,   Frederick.    2,    419; 
on  education,  432.  See  Religion. 

Muhlenberg,  General,  at  the  battle 
of  Brandywiue,  518,  522 

Muhlenberg,   F.    A.,  president  of 
the    constitutional    convention, 

2-99 
Muhlenberg,  Peter,  as  a  soldier, 

419 

Muncy,  2,   12,  25 

Muncy  Hill,  2,  II 

Murfree,   Major,    at   Stony  Point, 

561 
Musgrave,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  at 
1      Germantowu,  528,  529 


INDEX. 


5l5 


N 

Naaman,  an  Indian  spokesman,  54 

Nanticokc,  entrance  to  Wyoming 
Valley,  5 

Nanticokes,  description  of,  14; 
revered  their  dead,  14 

Nassau,  Fort,  built,  37,  41,  45; 
Dutch  in,  learn  of  the  coming  of 
the  Swedes,  45 

Naturalization,  regulation  of, 
166.     See  Immigration. 

Navigation  acts,  399,  400.  See 
Grenville. 

Navy,  Gardens.     See  Peun. 

Necessity,  Fort,  296. 

Needham,  Captain  Robert,  acts 
as  a  military  commander,  69 

Nelson's  Independent  Company, 
490 

New  Amstel,  volunteers  enrolled 
for  the  war  with  Swedes,  55;  the 
chief  Dutch  town,  59;  its  growth, 
59,  60;  regulation  of  prices  in,  60; 
frauds  in  trade,  61;  decay  of, 
61;  disputes  with  Altona,  62,  63; 
surrenders  to  the  English,  68 

New  Amsterdam,  Walloons  taken 
to,  37;  Swedes  think  of  going  to, 
47;  French  privateer  is  hired  by, 
for  the  Swedish  war,  55;  New 
Haven  settlers  stop  there,  65 

New  constitution,  462 

New  Sweden.  See  Swedish  West 
India  Company. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  his  ineffi- 
ciency, 303 

New  Castle  County,  creation  of,  in 
1682,  123 

New  Castle,  Penn  lands  at,  121 

Newton,  Isaac,  78 

Ney,  Marshal,  552 

Nitschmann,  Bishop,  2,  370 

Nicholson,  John,  appointed  comp- 
troller-general, 2, 82;  his  author- 
ity is  enlarged,  2,  100 


Nicolls,  Col.  Richard,  captures 
the  Dutch  possessions  in  Amer- 
ica, 67,  68 

Nitschmann,  Susanna,  333 

Nittany  Valley,  thickness  of  lime- 
stone in,  9 

Non-associators,  their  fine,  461. 
See  Army. 

Non-importation  agreement,  how 
enforced,  2,  427,  430;  forestall- 
ing, 428;  effect  of,  on  manufac- 
turing, 2,  250 

North,  Lord,  on  taxing  tea,  416; 
his  conciliatory  proposition,  423 

North.  Lord  Chief  Justice,  revises 
Penn's  charter,  111 

Northampton  County,  creation  of, 
in  1752,  297 

Northumberland,  Marshal  Grou- 
chy lived  there,  5 

O 

Oath.     ^^Affirmation. 

Ogden,  Captain,  2,  5-9. 

Ogle,  Governor,  2,  49 

Ohio  River,  how  formed,  7 

"Old  Sam, "2,  173 

Old  Swedes  church,  2,  473,  474 

Olmstead,    Gideon,   captures    the 

Active,  2,  206-208 
Oueida9,  16 

Onesimus,  Brother,  2,  367 
Onondaga,    principal  council  fire 

of  the  Iroquois,  16 
Onondagas,  are  attacked  without 

cause,    278;    visited    by    peace- 
makers, 339 
Opdengrafe,  Abraham,  2,  248 
Orme,  Captain,  323 
Ormond,    Duke   of,    2,    19;   Penn 

waits  on,  87;  signs  an  order  for 

Penn's  arrest,  93 
Osset,  an  Indian  chief,  40 
Osset,    Giles,  succeeds   De  Vries, 

40;    his    intercourse     with    the 

Indians,  40 


5i6 


INDEX. 


Oswald,  editor  of  the  Gazetteer, 
quarrels  with  McKean,  2,  94;  is 
again  arrested,  94;  tried  for 
libel,  107;  demands  impeach- 
ment of  the  judges,  108 

Owen  is  put  out  of  Oxford,  84 

Oxford,  Earl  of,  a  trustee  under 
Peun's  will,  227 

Oysters,  12 


Paine,  Thomas,  on  the  use  of 
steam,  2,  469 

Pallissy,  9 

Palmer,  Anthony,  President  of  the 
Council,  292  ;  governs  after 
Thomas's  departure,  292 

Papegoja,  John,  succeeds  Printz, 
52;  defies  Fort  Casimir,  58 

Paper-money,  depression  from 
need  of,  397.  See  Keith  and  other 
governors,  Supreme  Executive 
Council. 

Paris,  F.  J.,  appointed  resident 
agent  for  the  Province,  261; 
what  he  did,  261;  petition  sent 
him  of  Assembly's  conduct,  335 

Parker,  Dr.,  Bishop  of  Oxford, 
223,  224,  226 

Parliament,  its  plan  for  taxing  the 
colonies,  402;  its  right  to  tax, 
402;  response  of  colonies,  402; 
opposition  of  Pa.,  405;  stamp 
act  in,  406;  new  duties  on  tea, 
glass,  etc.,  410;  met  by  non- 
importation agreement,  411; 
effect  of,  on  importation,  412;  on 
British  merchants,  412;  Parlia- 
ment divided  on  colonial  tax- 
ation, 413;  regards  colonists  as 
rebels,  430;  Pennsylvania  active 
in  opposition  to  new  duties,  413; 
so  is  Massachusetts,  413;  change 
of  non-importation  agreement, 
414;  methods  of  Pa.  and  Mass. 


compared,  414;  prohibits  the 
export  of  machinery,  2,  250 

Parr,  Major,  2,  23,  24 

Parry,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  death 
of,  498 

Parsons,  General,  496,  499 

Party  walls,   first  act  relating  to, 

259 

Passayunk,  Indians  advise  Swedes 

to  settle  there,  54 

Pastorius,  organizes  a  company, 
117;  and  purchases  laud,  117; 
settles  at  Germantown,  2,  122  ; 
publishes  a  circular  about  the 
country,  123 

Patroons,  rights  granted  to,  38, 
39,  note;  they  sell  out,  41.  See 
De  Vries. 

Patterson,  Rev.  Joseph,  2,  417 

Patterson,  Colonel,  the  Pennamite 
commander,  2,  2S5 

Patton,  John,  chosen  colonel,  472 

Pawlet,  Earl  of,  trustee  under 
Peun's  will,  227 

Paxtang  boys,  367-371 

Peale,  Charles  Willson,  2,  483 

Pean,  Madam,  294 

Pemberton,  Israel,  340 

Penn,  William. 
Early  years  to  his  first  visit,  A. 
First  visit  to  Pennsylvnia,  B. 
Subsequent  life  in  England,  C. 
Second  visit,  D. 
His  life  afterwards,  E. 

A.  Penn,  William,  his  birth,  77 
note;  condition  of  society  in 
England,  77;  on  the  Continent, 
77;  condition  of  religion,  78; 
George  Fox,  78;  his  religious 
education,  79;  his  teaching  80; 
Penn's  life  at  Cork,  82;  Crom- 
well's death,  82;  goes  to  Oxford, 
83;  condition  of  the  University, 
83,  84;  progress  in  study,  84; 
hears   Eoe   preach,   84,    88;  his 


INDEX. 


5^7 


conduct  at  the  University,  84;  is 
expelled,  84;  grief  of  his  father, 
85;  remedies  that  are  tried,  85 
sent  to  France,  85;  life  there,  85 
admiral  sends  for  William,  86 
admiral  a  Great  Captain  Com- 
mander, 86;  wins  a  victory,  87; 
William  Peun  still  retains  his 
Quaker  faith,  87;  is  sent  to 
Shangarry  Castle,  87;  his  con- 
duct at  a  riot,  87;  his  portrait, 
87;  goes  to  Kinsale,  87;  returns 
to  London  to  his  sister's  mar- 
riage, 88;  Penn  is  arrested,  88; 
recalled  to  .London,  88;  his 
views  on  wearing  a  hat,  89;  his 
mother's  love  for  him,  90;  ban- 
ished from  the  Navy  Gardens, 
90;  returns  to  the  Navy  Gar- 
dens, 90;  asks  Fox  about  wear- 
ing his  sword,  90,  91;  lays  it 
aside,  91;  Penn's  first  book, 
Truth  Exalted,  91;  his  cour- 
ageous course,  91;  waits  on  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  91;  writes 
The  Guide  Mistaken,  92;  is 
arrested,  92;  for  what,  92; 
writes  The  Sandy  Foundation 
Shaken,  92;  Penn's  conduct  in 
prison,  93,  94;  Admiral  Penn 
intercedes  for  his  son,  94;  Penn 
writes  No  Cross,  No  Crown,  95; 
the  admiral  is  requested  not  to 
come  to  navy  board,  95;  re- 
signs his  seat  and  retires  from 
the  Navy  Gardens,  94,  95;  he 
writes  to  Lord  Arlington  to  re- 
lease his  son,  96;  Charles'  action 
in  releasing  Penn,  96  ;  his  inter- 
view with  Stilliugfleet,  96,  97  ; 
Penn  writes  Innocence  with  her 
Open  Face,  97;  is  released,  97; 
goes  to  Shangarry  Castle,  97; 
holds  a  meeting  in  the  prison 
yard  at  Cork,  97;  goes  to  Dublin 


to  see  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  97; 
is  arrested  with  Captain  Mead 
in  London,  97;  his  trial,  98- 
104;  writes  the  Great  Case  of 
Liberty  of  Conscience,  104;  goes 
to  Holland,  104;  migration  to 
America,  104;  Penn's  courtship 
and  marriage,  104,  105;  efforts 
to  secure  the  release  of  people, 
105;  revives  his  plan  to  found  a 
colony  in  America,  105;  his  first 
venture  in  New  Jersey,  105; 
George  Fox  seeks  to  found  one, 
105;  Penn  visits  the  Continent, 
106,  107;  returns  to  England, 
108;  thinks  more  about  found- 
ing a  colony,  109;  takes  Penn- 
sylvania for  a  debt,  no;  name, 
no;  payment  of  beaver  skins, 
III; boundaries,  no,  111;  reasons 
for  buying  Lower  Counties,  m; 
deed  from  the  Duke  of  York, 
ill;  Penn's  charter,  11 1;  Penn 
sends  Markham  to  take  posses- 
sion, in;  reads  Penn's  letter  to 
the  people,  112;  Penn  solicited 
to  grant  monopolies,  113  note; 
colonists  and  commissioners 
sail,  113;  protection  offered  col- 
onists by  the  Swedes,  113;  their 
shelter,  113;  number  of  persons 
in  the  Province,  113;  Penn's  in- 
structions to  his  commissioners, 
113;  laying  out  of  Philsdelphia, 
114;  instructions  relating  to  In- 
dians, 114;  his  frame  of  govern- 
ment and  great  law,  31,  114- 
116;  who  were  to  legislate,  116; 
danger  of  entrusting  people  with 
power,  117;  reasons  for  revision, 
116;  eagerness  of  people  to 
come,  117;  Free  Traders'  Society 
formed,  117;  Penn  prepares  to 
go,  119;  the  Welcome,  119;  in- 
structions for  his  wife,  119;  his 


5*8 


INDEX. 


thoughts  about  government, 
120;  his  voyage,  120. 
B.  Penn's  arrival,  121;  takes  pos- 
session and  makes  a  speech, 
122;  leaves  for  Upland,  122; 
writs  are  issued  for  an  election, 
123;  organization  of  the  provin- 
cial council,  123;  Penn  goes  up 
the  river,  123;  to  the  site  of  the 
capital,  123;  plan  of  it,  123, 
124;  purchase  of  land  of  Indians, 
14,  123,  124;  gift  to  George  Fox, 
125;  and  to  the  Duke  of  York, 
125;  sale  of  laud,  125;  intercourse 
with  the  Indians,  125;  treaty 
with,  126;  his  journey  to  New 
York,  127;  meeting  of  the 
Assembly,  127;  mode  of  con- 
ducting it,  127;  laws  passed, 
128;  visits  Lord  Baltimore,  129; 
his  correspondence,  129;  elec- 
tion of  members  of  the  Assem- 
bly in  1683,  131;  change  made 
in  number,  131;  it  is  criticised, 
131;  Assembly's  authority  to 
legislate,  131;  extension  of  leg- 
islative power,  132;  tenure  of 
office,  IJ3;  abolition  of  grand 
committees,  133;  changes  read 
and  adopted,  133,  134;  incon- 
siderate legislation,  134;  taxa- 
tion, 134;  growth  of  Philadel- 
phia, 135;  charter  to,  (2,  271;) 
immigrants,  135;  first  tavern, 
136;  what  it  was,  136;  wharves, 
136;  Penn's  feeling  about  his 
enterprise,  136;  a  school  estab- 
lished, 137;  first  meeting  of 
Assembly  under  the  new  frame, 
137;  contest  for  speakership, 
137;  Lord  Baltimore  watches 
Penn,  138;  his  offers  to  immi- 
grants, 138;  increase  of  popula- 
tion, 138;  Penn  buys  more  land, 
138;  makes  a  journey  into   the 


interior,  139;  describes  the 
Indians,  139;  their  language, 
140;  customs  and  manners,  140; 
their  feeling  for  the  dead,  141; 
persecution  of  his  friends  in 
England,  142;  decides  to  return, 
142;  advice  to  the  Indians,  142; 
number  of  people  in  Pennsylva- 
nia, 143;  advice  to  Friends, 
143;  Thomas  Lloyd  made  presi- 
dent of  the  provincial  council, 
143;  Markham,  secretary,  143; 
returns  in  the  Endeavor,  J43. 
C.  Penn  sees  the  king  and  Duke 
of  York,  144;  death  of  Charles 
II.,  144;  James  II.  releases 
Friends,  145;  Penn  goes  to  Ken- 
sington to  live,  145;  release  of 
Locke,  145;  his  success  in  get- 
ting others  released,  145;  sees 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  146; 
his  travels  in  the  Low  Countries, 
146;  warns  James  II.  of  his 
course,  146;  James  flees,  147; 
Penn's  subsequent  course,  147; 
death  of  Penn's  wife,  148;  mar- 
ries again,  14S;  George  Fox 
dies,  14S;  his  career,  14S,  149; 
hastens  his  departuie  to  Pa., 
149;  neglect  of  Assembly  to  send 
laws  to  Penn,  150;  increasing 
friction,  150;  executive  power 
transferred  to  commissioners, 
151;  decline  to  act,  151;  others 
are  appointed,  151;  ill  feeling  in 
the  Assembly,  151;  legislates 
with  closed  doors,  152;  govern- 
ing by  commission  a  failure, 
152;  John  Blackwell  is  appointed 
governor,  152;  another  commis- 
sion is  appoiuted,  154;  Penn's 
instructions,  154 ;  governing 
by  deputy  fails  in  the  Lower 
Counties,  155;  reasons  for  tak- 
ing away  Penn's  Province,  156; 


INDEX. 


5J9 


both  parties  seek  support  of  In- 
dians, 1 5b;  Fletcher  and  the 
Assembly  concerning  war,  156, 
157;  Penn  reproves  the  Pro- 
vince, 157;  the  Province  is  re- 
stored, 158;  Markharn  governs 
after  Lloyd's  death,  159;  coup- 
ling of  bills,  159;  another  con- 
stitution is  desired,  159;  dealing 
with  pirates,  160,  16  r. 
D.  Penn's  second  visit  to  the  Prov- 
ince, 160;  opposition  of  Church 
party  to  Friends,  161;  Quarry's 
opposition  to  Penn,  161;  Penn 
convenes  the  Assembly,  161;  its 
organization,  162;  the  new  char- 
ter, 162,  163;  opposition  to 
David  Lloyd,  163;  Assembly 
meets  at  New  Castle,  164;  Penn's 
treatment  of  the  Indians,  165; 
holds  a  conference  with  colonial 
governors,  165;  Pennsbury  de- 
scribed, 166;  his  house,  166;  fur- 
nishings, 166,  167;  his  table, 
167;  how  the  family  traveled, 
16S;  horses,  168;  the  colt  Tam- 
erlane, 168;  dress  and  habits, 
168;  Penn's  influence,  168;  his 
interest  in  religion,  169;  wishes 
to  use  bonds  as  money,  (2,  193;) 
is  obliged  to  return,  169;  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  steal  his  Prov- 
ince, 169;  convenes  the  Assem-. 
bly,  169;  its  treatment  of  him, 
169,  170;  change  in  the  nature 
of  the  council,  171;  selection  of 
judges,  171;  county  courts,  171; 
their  authority,  171;  jury  system 
established,  172;  how  selected, 
176;  criminal  jurisdiction,  172; 
county  taxes  levied,  172;  what 
fines  were  imposed,  173;  their 
equity  powers,  173;  authority  of 
justices  of  the  peace,  174;  ap- 
peals,  174;  forms  of  procedure, 


174;  what  witnesses  were  re- 
quired, 175;  arguments  of  coun- 
sel, 175;  how  judgment  was 
rendered  and  paid,  175;  author- 
ity of  the  provincial  council  to 
try  cases,  176,  181;  trial  of  Pick- 
ering, 176;  of  Margaret  Matti- 
son,  177;  of  Robert  Roman,  177; 
admiralty  courts,  177;  Penn  dis- 
likes Quarry,  179  ;  orphans' 
courts,  179;  peacemakers,  180; 
cases  before  them,  180;  manor- 
ial courts,  181;  no  jails  at  first, 
181;  whipping,  182;  persons  sold 
for  fines,  182;  discords  between 
Penn  and  the  Province,  182-184; 
Friends  respected  his  wishes, 
183;  selection  of  a  deputy,  184; 
Andrew  Hamilton,  184;  Penn 
promises  to  send  his  son,  184; 
he  sells  land  to  raise  money  to 
return,  185;  the  Assembly  would 
grant  nothing,  185;  departure, 
185;  he  leaves  Philadelphia  the 
last  time,  186. 
E.  Parliament  tries  to  get  his 
Province,  1S6;  crown  confirms 
Hamilton's  appointment,  186; 
unfitness  of  Friends  to  govern, 
186;  resolves  to  prosecute  David 
Lloyd,  1S9;  sends  his  son  Will- 
iam over,  194;  his  pecuniary 
distress,  202;  Ford's  rascalities, 
203;  Penn  is  arrested,  204;  Lo- 
gan tells  him  what  the  people 
think,  204;  they  neglect  Penn, 
205;  writes  to  Assembly  inti- 
mating his  intention  to  sell  the 
Province,  207,  208;  the  feeling 
towards  him  cools  off,  210;  right 
to  veto  legislation  is  denied, 210; 
licenses,  fines  and  forfeitures 
claimed,  210;  Penn  is  nearing 
the  end,  216;  is  struck  with 
paralysis,   217;   his  death,    217; 


520 


INDEX. 


where  he  is  buried,  217;  esti- 
mate of  him,  217-222;  success 
of  his  experiment,  219;  Frank- 
lin's accusations,  220;  Macau- 
lay's,  222-226';  Penn's  children 
and  will,  226;  meaning  of,  is 
settled  by  the  chancery  court, 
227,  22S;  during  its  settlement 
Mrs.  Penu  directed  affairs,  227; 
Penn's  biographers,  22S  note; 
his  children  and  grandchildren, 
227,  228;  2,  48S,  489.  See  Land, 
Religion. 

Pen  11,  Sir  Admiral,  his  dying  words 
to  William,  76;  his  victories,  80; 
his  wife,  80;  his  first  ship,  81;  is 
sent  to  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  81; 
where  his  family  lived,  81;  put 
in  command  of  an  expedition  by 
Cromwell,  Si;  corresponds  with 
Charles  II.,  81,  82;  is  put  in  the 
Tower,  81;  terms  of  release,  81, 
82;  welcomes  the  king,  83;  is 
appointed  a  commissioner  of  the 
navy,  S3;  made  captain  of  Fort 
of  Kinsale,  S3;  appointed  Ad- 
miral of  Ireland,  83;  is  to  be 
raised  to  the  peerage,  85.  See 
William  Peun,  A. 

Penn,  Hannah,  her  marriage,  184; 
directs  the  Province  after  Penn's 
death,  227;  favors  appointment 
of  Keith,  231,  232;  accuses  him 
of  neglect,  251;  her  death,  260. 
See  Penn,  Keith. 

Penn,  John,  one  of  the  proprie- 
taries, his  death,  292 

Penn,  John,  grandson  of  the  foun- 
der, succeeds  Hamilton,  3S1; 
Assembly  had  power  to  adjourn, 
3S2;  but  not  dissolve,  3S2;  effect 
of  proprietary  instruction,  383- 
385;  Assembly's  right  to  make 
appropriations,  385-387;  con- 
^  cues  Assembly,  386;  taxation, 


387,  3S8;  conflict  and  debate  to 
change  from  proprietary  to  royal 
government,  3S8-394;  cost  of 
governing  the  Province,  395; 
how  the  provincial  accounts 
were  kept,  395;  loan-office,  man- 
agement of,  396;  military  ex- 
penditures, 396;  taxes,  397;  on 
taxing  the  proprietary  estates, 
397;  amount  of  bills  of  credit 
issued,  397;  depreciation  of 
paper-money,  397;  scarcity  of, 
398.     See  Assembly. 

Penn,  Letitia,  217 

Penn,  Richard,  governor,  398 

Penn,  Springett,  son  of  William 
and  grandson  of  the  founder, 
death  of,  260 

Penn,  Thomas,  visits  the  Province, 
265;  his  reception,  265;  offers  to 
postpone  his  claim  on  the  rev- 
enue, 277;  sends  cannon,  349 

Penn,  William,  the  younger,  is 
sent  to  the  Province,  194;  his 
conduct  while  there,  194;  sends 
commission  to  Keith,  233;  sends 
commission  to  Logan  to  act  as 
Secretary,  233;  offers  to  serve  as 
agent  of  Province,  233 

Penue,  George,  the  real  pardon 
broker,  223 

Pennsylvania,  its  length  and 
breadth,  1;  square  miles  in,  1; 
acres,  1;  most  important  maps 
of,   1  Bote;  description  of,   1-12 

"Pennsylvania  Religion,"  379 

Pepperell,  2S0 

Pepys,  what  he  thought  of  Sir  Ad- 
miral Penn's  wife,  80;  on  wear- 
ing a  hat,  89 

Pequea,  description  of  Indians  in, 
15;  their  migrations,  15 

Peters,  Secretary,  388 

Philadelphia,  its  early  govern- 
ment,   2,    270;  Penn's  charter, 


INDEX. 


521 


271;  election  of  mayor,  271; 
effect  of  the  Revolution  on,  271; 
opposition   to   another   charter, 

271-275 
Philadelphia  County,  creation  of, 

in  1682,  123 
Philadelphia  Light  Horse  Troop, 

55i 
Phcenixville,  mountain  at,  4 

Pickering,  trial  of,  176 

Pillmore,  2,  39 

Piuckney, Colonel,  at  Brandywine, 
522 

Pirates,  See  Evans,  Kidd,  Penn. 

Piracy,  West  India  Company  en- 
gages in,  38 

Pitt,  prime  minister,  351 

Plate,  as  security  for  loans,  249 

Plunket,  Colonel,  9,  10 

Plymouth  pilgrims,  37 

Poll  tax,  2,  112 

Polly,  tea-ship  to  Philadelphia,  416 

Pontiac.     See  James  Hamilton. 

Poor,  General,  2,  22,  24 

Popaxtunk,  river  of,  2 

Population  at  different  times,  143, 

2,  113 

Postal  system,  establishing  of,  166. 
See  Andrew  Hamilton. 

Potter.  General,  at  Princeton,  513; 
chosen  hrigadier-general,  515; 
at  Brandywine.  524;  at  German- 
town,  527;  opposes  .Howe,  536; 
a  candidate  for  president,  2,  83; 
hitterness  at  the  election,  83 

Pow- wowing  forbidden,  18.  See 
Climate. 

Presents,  to  Indians.  See  Robert 
H.  Morris. 

Printz,  John,  succeeds  Hollander, 
48;  his  weight  and  drinking 
capacity,  50;  his  daughter  inter- 
ested in  Long  Finue,  71;  he 
builds  a  grain  mill,  2,  236.  See 
Swedish  West  India  Company. 


Privateering,  2,  201;  assembly  will 
do  nothing  to  prevent,  282 

Privy  council,  whose  opinion  it 
followed,  214;  Penn  appeared 
before  it,  214;  petitions  were 
sent  to  disapprove  bills,  214; 
it  swept  away  early  criminal 
laws,  214;  many  laws  disap- 
proved were  re-enacted,  214, 
216;  how  it  restricted  free  action, 
214:  what  bills  fell,  215;  bills 
relating  to  marriages,  215;  re- 
ligious societies,  215;  coins, 
coinage,  imports  and  slaves, 
215,  216;  percentage  disallowed, 
216. 

Procter,  Captain  and  Colonel, 
fights  the  Roebuck,  438;  at 
Brandywine,  519;  quarrels  with 
McKean,  2,  94;  is  in  Sullivan's 
expedition,  22,  24 

Proud  on  Lloyd,  164;  as  a  histor- 
ian, 2,  448 

Provincial  council.  See  Governor, 
Penn. 

Provost,  Dr.,  2,  415 

Pulaski,  Count,  514 

Pulpit  Rocks,  description  of,  6 

Puritans,  wore  hats,  89;  Penn  goes 
to  a  play  on  the,  85;  in  Oxford, 
84 

Putnam,  a  floating  battery,  440 

Q 

Quaker  blues,  469;  a  military  com- 
pany, 469 

Quarry,  Colonel,  his  opposition  to 
Penn,  161;  judge  of  the  Admir- 
alty court,  178;  Peun's  auger  at 
Quarry,  179;  supports  Episco- 
pacy, 2,  361.     See  Penn. 

R 

Rahl,  Colonel,  512 
Ralle,  Father,  484 


523 


INDEX. 


Randolph,  Peyton  424 

Rankin,  2,  422 

Rapel,  Commodore,  313 

Redemptiouers,  kinds  of,  2,  174; 
sale  of  criminals  for  a  period,  175; 
price  of  their  labor,  175;  author 
ity  of  their  master,  175;  whence 
they  came,  176;  sufferings  at 
sea,  176;  how  they  were  abused, 
177;  newlanders,  178;  soul- 
drivers,  17S 

Reed,  Joseph,  on  the  tea  question, 
420;  president  of  provincial  con- 
ference,428;  chosen  military  sec- 
retary, 435;  at  the  battle  of  Long 
Island,  495,  503;  promoted,  514; 
conduct  toward  revolted  sol- 
diers, 56S;  declines  the  office  of 
chief  justice,  2,  31;  his  opinions 
on  political  parties,  44;  elected 
president,  44;  dinner  to  him,  45; 
his  course  with  Arnold,  46,  47; 
reorganizes  the  militia,  47;  how 
privates  were  paid,  47;  fines,  47; 
completes  survey  of  southern 
boundary,  48-53;  tries  to  sustain 
the  value  of  paper-money,  53-63; 
regulation  of  prices,  53;  futility 
of,  53-55;  of  salt,  54;  effect  of 
regulating,  56;  trying  to  pre- 
serve value  by  agreement,  58; 
repudiation,  59;  Congress  au- 
thorizes the  states  to  suspend 
legal  tender  laws,  59;  suspension 
of,  60;  taxes,  60,  63;  scale  of  de- 
preciation established,  61;  more 
issues,  61;  opposition  to,  61-63 
condition  of  the  army,  64 
women  come  to  its  relief,  64 
resources  squandered,  65;  end 
of  paper-money,  66;  on  the 
transition  from  paper-money  to 
specie,  66;  indebtedness  of  the 
State,  67;  auditors  appointed, 
67;  payment  of  soldiers,  67;  land 


given  to  them,  67;  income  of  the 
State,  68;  difficulty  in  collecting 
taxes,  68;  amount  collected,  70, 
71,  72;  prosecution  of  delin- 
quents, 69;  more  paper-money 
issued,  70;  elections,  73,  fraud 
in,  74;  great  difficulties  during 
his  term,  75;  his  enemies,  75; 
on  the  divesting  act,  154;  seeks 
aid  from  Washington  to  defend 
Wyoming  Valley,  12;  his  rela- 
tions with  the  University,  452. 
See  Army,  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  Assembly. 
Religion,  the  object  of  the  early 
settlers,  2,  354;  most  of  them 
were  religious,  354;  Penn's  moral 
legislation,  355;  his  treatment 
of  the  Indians,  355;  his  consti- 
tution, 356;  test  of  citizenship, 
356;  Roman  Catholics,  356,  357; 
Friends'  meetings,  357;  contro- 
versy with  George  Keith,  357; 
charity  of  Friends,  360;  Episco- 
palians, 360;  religious  condition 
of  Pennsylvania  at  the  time  of 
Penn's  death,  362;  Presbyte- 
rians, 363;  a  presbytery  formed, 
363;  Scotch-Irish,  363;  their  min- 
isters, 364;  Baptists,  363;  Luth- 
erans, 364,  377;  German  Re- 
formed, 365;  Mennouites,  365; 
Tunkers,  365;  German  Baptists, 
365;  Seventh-Da)-  Baptists,  365- 
368;  Conrad  Weiser  won  over, 
366;  Schwenkfelders,  368;  Sep- 
aratists, 369,  Pietists,  369;  Mora- 
vians, 370-377;  purchase  land, 
371,  372;  their  system,  371;  were 
missionaries,  373-377;  Muhlen- 
berg, 377,  378;  his  work,  379; 
"The  Pennsylvania  Religion," 
379;  decline  in,  3S0;  causes  of, 
381;  decline  in  religious  specu- 
lation, 381;   ministerial  remun- 


INDEX. 


523 


eration,  381;  how  Episcopal 
ministers  were  paid,  381,  38S; 
burial  grounds,  3S3;  churches 
could  not  solicit  assistance  with- 
out license,  3S3;  Whitefield's 
preaching,  383-385;  the  Ten- 
nents,  385;  heresy,  386;  opposi- 
tion of  Friends  to  slavery,  386; 
to  fashions,  3S8;  growth  of  Christ 
Church,  3S8-390;  Roman  Cath- 
olic Church,  389;  in  Northamp- 
ton county,  3S9;  Methodists, 
390,  391;  progress  of  religion  in 
Penn's  time,  391-393;  effect  of 
the  Revolution  on,  393:  tests  of 
power  of,  394,  395;  dissension 
of  churches,  395;  effect  of  using 
paper-money,  speculation,  etc., 
395;  condition  of  Friends  during 
the  Revolution,  396-408;  "  Fight- 
ing Quakers,"  399;  attitude  of 
John  Dickinson,  400;  sufferings 
of  Friends,  400-405;  their  arrest, 
401-405;  their  taxes,  405;  effect 
of  test  oaths,  405;  Episcopal 
Church  during  the  Revolution, 
409-416;  is  re-established,  413- 
416;  Presbyterians  during  the 
Revolution,  416-419;  change  in 
the  confession  required  by  the 
war,  419;  Lutherans  during  the 
Revolution,  419,  420;  Baptist 
Church  during  the  Revolution, 
420;  and  the  German  Reformed, 
420;  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
420,  421;  Methodists,  422;  re- 
construction, growth  of  skepti- 
cism, 423;  effect  of  political  in- 
dependence on,  423 

Religious  societies,  names  of,   in 
Penn's  day,  78.     See  Religion. 

Restless,  the  ship,  34 

Revere,  Paul,  412 

Reynolds,  succeeds  Owen  at  Ox- 
ford, 84 


Rhoads,  Samuel,  a  delegate  to 
Colonial  Congress,  422 

Rich,  Chancellor.     See  Penn. 

Richardson,  Samuel,  shut  out  of 
the  Council,  153 

Rickmansworth,  Penn's  life  there 
after  his  marriage,  105 

Rising,  John.  See  Swedish  West 
India  Company. 

Rittenhouse,  David,  2,  53;  ap- 
pointed auditor,  67;  as  a  scien- 
tist, 463-465;  his  orrery,  464.  See 
Science. 

Rivers  as  highways.  See  Trans- 
portation. 

Roberdeau,  Daniel,  chosen  briga- 
dier-general, 449 

Roberts,  John,  552 

Roberts's  mill,  2,  236 

Robins,  Ezekiel,  2,  89 

Robinson,  Sir  John,  Keeper  of  the 
Tower,  holds  Penn  without  an 
order,  92;  requests  one,  92;  it  is 
issued,  93 

Robinson,  Patrick,  Assembly  is 
displeased  with,  149 

Robinson,  Sir  Thomas,  letter  from 
reproving  the  Province,  303 

Rochester  Earl  of,  has  Penn  re- 
stored to  liberty,  147 

Rodda,  2,  422 

Roebuck,  fight  with,  438,  439 

Roman,  Robert,  trial  of,  177 

Rose,  Aquila,  a  poet,  2,  440 

Ross,  Judge,  2,  207,  208 

Ross,  George,  a  delegate  to  the 
Colonial  Congress,  422 

Royal  Charles,  Sir  Admiral  Penn's 
ship,  S7 

Royal  Greens,  2,  15 

Rudolph,  Carl,  2,  377 

Ruggles,  Timothy,  at  the  Colonial 
Congress,  406 

''Rum-carriers,*'  applied  by  In- 
dians to  white  traders,  18 


524 


INDEX. 


Rumford,  2,  200,  201 

Rush    temperance  movement,   2, 

241,  242 
Rush,   Dr.   Benjamin,  2,  470;   on 

Rittenhouse,  464 
Rush,  William,  2,  243 


Sabbath,  drinking  on,  among  the 
early  Dutch,  57 

Salem,  Evans  goes  to,  193;  erection 
of  a  trading-house  there  by 
the  English,  65 

Sally,  a  naval  ship,  439 

Salt  Lick  Creek,  317 

Sanderford,  Ralph,  2,  387,  388 

Sandusky  expedition,  2,  26 

Sandwich,  Lord,  signs  an  order 
for  Penn's  arrest,  93 

Sasquehannocks,  description  of, 
14;  their  contentment,  165 

Saumur,  Penn  goes  to,  86 

Saur  on  education,  2,  434,  435 

Saxe,  Marshal,  306 

Scammell,  his  blunder  at  Long 
Island,  504 

Scarroyady,  311,  339,  340 

Schlatter,  2,  432 

Schmidt,  Derick.  See  West  India 
Company. 

Schneider,  Father,  2,  390 

Schott,  Captain,  2,  23 

Schuyler,  General,  435;  appoints 
Wayne  commander  at  Ticonde- 
roga,  493 

Schuylkill,  Printz  erects  a  fort  on, 
51;  improvement  of,  (2,  97); 
English  trading-house  on,  65; 
meaning  of  the  name,  4,  fish- 
ing in,  2,  2S7,  2S8 

Schwenkfeld,  2,  368 

Science,  Franklin's  discoveries  in, 
460-463;  his  kite,  460;  organiza- 
tion of  the  American  Philo- 
sophical Society,  462;  the  Junto, 


or  Leather  Apron  Society,  462; 
David  Rittenhouse,  463;  Dr. 
Rush  on  Rittenhouse,  464;  Bar- 
tram,  465;  Godfrey's  invention 
of  the  quadrant,  467;  Master's 
corn  patent,  468;  Paine's  steam 
invention,  469;  Henry's  steam- 
boat, 469;  progress  in  medicine, 
470;  founding  of  the  medical 
department  of  the  college  of 
Philadelphia,  470 

Searle,  James,  2,  60,  66 

Senecas,  16;  2,  15,  25 

Sergeant,  J.  D.,  appointed  at- 
torney-general, 2,  31 

Servants,  their  principal  offence, 
2,  182 

Shadford,  2,  222 

Shackamaxon,  meeting  of  Penn 
with  the  Indians  at,  125 

Shamokin,  Shikellimy  stationed 
there,  17;  Weiser  goes  to,  to 
mediate,  279 

Shangarry  Castle,  William  Penn 
sent  there,  87,  97 

Shawanese,  description  of,  14;  are 
unfriendly  to  the  English,  280; 
join  the  French,  280;  at  Kit- 
taning,  311;  war  against,  338- 
340;  treaty  with,  243;  at  peace 
with,  344,  371 

Shee,  Colonel,  at  the  battle  of 
Long  Island,  503,  504 

Sheffield,  Lord,  2,  257 

Shells,  deposit  of,  9 

Sheshequin,  2,  23 

Shikellimy,  high  ledge  of,  5;  who 
the  chief  was,  17 

Shiugas,  311,  342 

Shippen,  Edward,  President  of 
the  provincial  council,  187 

Shippen,  Dr.  William,  2,  470 

Shirley,  fort,  365 

Shirley,  Governor,  309 

Shoem,  Samuel,  531 


INDEX. 


525 


Sidney,  Henry,  has  Penn  restored 
to  liberty,  147 

Simcoe's  regiment,  555 

Simpson,  first  Pennsylvania  sol- 
dier killed  in   the   Revolution, 

478 

Six  Nations,  gift  to,  277,  280; 
council  of,  310;  influence  of, 
338;  other  Indians  join  them, 
339,  357;  forbid  the  southern 
boundary  to  be  run,  51-53.  See 
Five  Nations,  Iroquois. 

Slaves,  were  brought  from  the 
West  Indies,  2,  171;  Indians  sold 
as,  172;  forbidden,  172;  Dutch 
and  English  engage  in  the  slave 
trade,  172;  Penn  freed  his  slaves, 
173;  burial  of  Friends'  servants, 
173  note;  opposition  of  Friends 
to,  386;  action  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  on,  114;  hiring  out  of, 
forbidden,  195.  See  Redenip- 
tioners. 

Slocum,  Frances,  2,  20 

Smallwood,  Colonel,  at  the  battle 
of  Long  Island,  496;  on  the 
Schuylkill,  525 

Smith,  Adam,  on  the  relation  of 
American  Colonies  to  Great 
Britain,  425  note. 

Smith,  James,  a  captive  at  Fort 
Du  Quesne,  327 

Smith,  Captain  Matthew,  481 

Smith,  Colonel,  of  York  county, 

463 
Smith,  Dr.  William, on  education, 

2,  428,  435;  on  war,  428;  his  con- 
duct during  the  Revolution, 
451,  452;  assists  Judge  Moore,  1, 

357,  358 
Smuggling,  403,  414,  417;  during 

the  Revolution,  2,  200 
Society,  complexity  of,  2,  301;  on 

the    frontier,    301;    scarcity    of 

women,  302;  married  early,  302; 


disposition  of  Indians,  302;  In- 
dian children,  302;  Indians  came 
to  Phila.  in  bodies,  302;  homes 
of    settlers,     303;     a     farmer's 
kitchen,    303;    fire-places,    304; 
entertainments  on  winter  even- 
ings, 304;  fuel,  304;  candles,  305; 
Philadelphia  houses,  305;  furni- 
ture, 305,  306  and  note;  carpets, 
306;    food,    306;    how    German 
farmers  lived,  307 ;  corn  as  food, 
307;    how     ground,     307,     308; 
drinks,  308;  herbs,  309;  rye,  309; 
tea  and  coffee,  309;  spirits,  309, 
310;  at  burials,  310;  love-making 
and      marriage,      310;      among 
Friends,    310;     a     "baronet's" 
marriage,    311;    weddings,    313; 
on  the  frontier,  313-3151  cabin- 
building,  315;  "bundling,"  316; 
clothing  of  early  settlers,  317; 
women  as  spinners  and  weavers, 
317;  leather  tanning,  318;  shoe- 
making,    318;    fashions    appear, 
318,  319;  class  distinctions,  319; 
dress     of    a     gentleman,     319; 
Leather  Apron  Club,  319;  dress 
of  a  young  lady,  320;  wigs,  320; 
modes  of  dressing  the  hair,  321, 
336;  changes  in,  336;  hats,  321, 
322,  334;  coats,   322,  335;   knee 
breeches,    335;    sailor  clothing, 
324;   workingmen,    324;    use   of 
calico,  324;  muffetees,  324; shoes, 
324;  country  dress,  325;  dress  on 
the  frontier,  325;  description  of 
a  beau,  326;  dress  of  a  fashion- 
able couple  on   the  street,  327; 
and  of  tradesman  and  wife,  328; 
dress   of    Quaker   women,    328, 
338;     aprons,    328;     fans,     328; 
whiskers,  329;  amusements,  329; 
the     porch     amusement,     330; 
shows,   330;  dancing,   331;  ath- 
letic games,  331;  amusement  at 


526 


INDEX. 


fairs,  331;  the  theatre,  332;  ob- 
servations of  travellers  on,  333; 
criticism  on,  334;  dress  of  Quaker 
men,  336;  introduction  of  French 
fashions,  337;  change  in  manner 
of  living,  338;  tea  drinking,  338, 
339;  dinner  given  to  a  French- 
man, 339;  hospitality  of  Phila. 
criticised,  340-342;  luxury,  343; 
how  farmers  suffered,  343;  a 
farmer's  account  of  his  sufferings, 
343-346;  increase  of  bachelors, 
347;  greater  desire  for  a  genteel 
life,  348;  growth  of  classes,  348, 
349;  division  of  social  strata, 
349;  theatre,  349;  plays  given, 
350;  licensed,  351.    See  Religion. 

Solitude  in  early  Pa.,  10 

Song-birds,  not  in  the  early  Prov- 
ince, 10  note. 

Spalding,  Captain,  2,  23 

Spangenberg,  Bishop,  333 

Spencer,  Robert,  William  Penn 
makes  his  acquaintance,  85; 
they  travel  together,  86 

Springett,  Gulielma,  Penn  mar- 
ried to,  104,  105 

St.  Clair,  Colonel,  492;  in  Canada, 
492;  at  West  Point,  565;  attends 
a  court-martial,  2,  65.  Seehrmy. 

St.  John,  Hector,  on  slavery  in 
Pa.,  2,   172 

Stamp  act  opposition  to,  in  Par- 
liament, 406;  in  America,  406; 
in  Colonial  Congress,  406;  its 
enforcement,  407;  law  goes  into 
effect,  408;  legal  proceedings 
are  suspended,  408;  repealed, 
408,  409 

State  church,  set  up  by  the  Dutch, 

74 
Steadman,     John,     his     dreadful 

treatment  of  redemptioners,   2, 

177,  179 
Stedman,  Captain,  497,  498 


Stiegel,  Baron,  2,  244,  257 

Steinmyer,  Father,  2,  420 

Steuben,  General,  at  Valley  Forge, 
537;  drills  the  soldiers,  537-539; 
appointed  inspector-general, 539, 
541;  at  Monmouth,  556 

Steward,  Major,  563 

Stewart's  Crossing,  317 

Stewart,  Captain,  of  Va.,  323 

Stewart,  Captain,  of  Wyoming 
Valley,  2,  6 

Stewart,  Colonel  Walter,  goes 
with  Pennsylvania  soldiers  after 
then  revolt,  567;  in  the  South, 
570,  576;  at  York  town,  570 

Stillingfleet,  Canon,  Penn's  inter- 
views with,  96 

Stille,  Doctor,  on  changing  the 
proprietary  government,  394; 
on  Wayne's  victory  at  Stony 
Point,  563;  on  Colonial  Congress, 
407;  on  the  Farmer's  Letters, 
411;  on  the  first  general  con- 
ference, 423;  on  the  constitution 
of  1776,  463 

Stillman,  Major,  574 

Stirling,  Lord,  at  the  battle  of 
Long  Island,  496,  497;  covers 
the  retreat  through  New  Jersey, 
508;  at  Brandywiue,  519 

Story,  Thomas,  2,  360 

Stony  Point.     See  Wayne. 

Stuyvesaiit,  Peter.  See  Swedish 
West  India  Company. 

Sugar  act,  403;  effect  of,  403,  404, 
405;  enforcement  of,  409 

Sullivan,  General,  in  Canada,  492; 
at  the  battle  of  Long  Island, 
496;  at  Brandywine,  519,  521; 
his  expedition  against  the  In- 
dians, 2,  22-26;  his  force  de- 
scribed, 22,  23;  the  route  taken, 
23;  the  attack,  24;  destruction 
of  the  Indian  orchards  and  huts, 
24,  25;  return  of  troops,  25 


INDEX. 


527 


Summers,  Lord,  has  Perm  restored 
to  liberty,  147 

Sumter,  General,  576 

Sunderland,  Secretary  of  State, 
Penu  negotiates  with  him  for 
Pennsylvania,  no;  supports  the 
proprietary,  231 

Supreme  Executive  Council,  how 
chosen,  462;  how  organized, 
533;  estates  confiscated  by,  533; 
Wharton  the  first  president,  2> 
28;  his  administration,  28-43; 
Bryan  succeeds  Wharton,  43,  44; 
he  is  succeeded  by  Reed,  44-76; 
Moore's  administration,  76-82; 
Dickinson's  administration,  82- 
98;  Franklin's  administration, 
98-112;  Mifflin's  administration, 
112-116.  See  Arnold,  549;  Reed 
and  other  presidents,  116 

Susquehanna  Company,  2,  2 

Susquehanna  River.  See  Susque- 
hanna Valley,  6 

Susquehanna  Valley,  description 
of,  4-6;  drainage  of,  4;  branches 
of,  6;  entry  of,  by  the  Indians,  13 

Sussex  county,  creation  of,  in  1682, 
123 

Sutherland,  Lord,  supports  a  can- 
didate for  governor  of  Lower 
Counties,  231 

Svenson,  Swedish  brothers,  123; 
sell  the  land  on  which  Phila- 
delphia is  built,  123 

Swatara  River,  4 

Swedish  West  India  Company, 
formation  of,  42;  its  powers,  42; 
first  vessels  to  go  to  America, 
43;  their  voyage,  43;  Peter  Min- 
uit,  director  of  the  colony,  44; 
who  he  was,  44;  land  seen,  44; 
intercourse  with  the  Indians, 
44;  Dutch  learn  of  their  coming, 
45;  purchase  of  land,  45;  who 
had  the  best  title,  46;  indeiinite 


boundary,  47;  Minuit  starts  for 
Sweden,  47;  colonists  arrive 
from  Holland,  47,  48;  their 
charter,  48;  religion  in,  48; 
education,  48;  Minuit  succeeded 
by  Peter  Hollander,  48;  and  he 
by  Printz,  48;  his  instructions, 
49;  builds  a  residence,  50;  Cam- 
panius's  remarks  on  the  colony, 
50;  Swedish  criminals  there,  50, 
51;  Printz  erects  a  fort  on  the 
Schuylkill,  51;  and  at  Kingses- 
ing,  51;  Dutch  enmity  increases, 
51:  Swedish  ships  return,  51; 
are  compelled  to  enter  a  Dutch 
port,  51;  duties  are  demanded, 
51;  Dutch  build  Fort  Casimir 
below  Swedish  colony,  51 ;  Printz 
returns,  52;  Papegoja  succeeds 
him,  52;  John  Rising  appointed 
commissary,  53;  Peter  Lind- 
strom  goes  to  New  Sweden,  52; 
Fort  Casimir  taken  by  the 
Swedes,  52;  name  changed  to 
Fort  Trinity,  53;  Stuyvesant  de- 
mands its  surrender,  53;  Dutch 
transfer  allegiance  to  Swedes, 
54;  Rising's  intercourse  with 
the  Indians,  54;  Dutch  retaliate, 
54;  Stuyvesaut's  treatment  of 
Golden  Shark,  55;  prepares  for 
war  with  Swedes,  55;  expedi- 
tion, how  composed,  55;  Forts 
Casimir  and  Christina  taken, 
56;  Rising  left  the  country,  57; 
Swedes  remain  loyal  to  the 
Dutch,  64 

Sydney,  Algernon,  Penn  meets 
him,  86,  108;  his  sufferings,  107, 
108;  death  of,  142 

Sydney,  Lady  Dorothy,  William 
Penn -makes   her  acquaintance, 

85 
Sydney,  Henry,  Penn  meets  him, 
107 


528 


INDEX. 


Table  rock,  description  of,  7 

Taiminent,  126 

Tallapoosas,  278 

Taunton,  order  sent  there  to  im- 
prison rebellious  girls,  223 

Taxation  of  imports,  forbidden  by 
Parliament,  401;  plan  for  taxing 
colonies,  402 

Taxation.  See  Imports,  Excise, 
Sugar,  Tea,  Supreme  Executive 
Council,  Assembly. 

Taylor,  Abraham,  chosen  colonel 
in  place  of  Franklin,  286 

Tea,  duty  on  410;  amount  of  tax, 
414;  attempt  to  send  tea,  416; 
opposition  to  the  law,  417;  ships 
sail,  417;  Polly  fails  to  land  her 
tea,  417,  41S;  fate  of  Boston  tea 
ship,  419;  meeting  relating  to, 
420,  421 

Teedyuscuug,  356.  357 

Teuueut,  Gilbert,  2,  3S5;  printed 
sermons,  445 

Teunent,  William,  2,  385;  the  Log 
College,  430 

Texel,  Hudson  sails  from  the,  32; 
emigrants  for  Pa.  from,  37 

Thayer,  Mayor,  at  Fort  Mifflin,  530 

Thickety  Run,  318 

Thorn,  William,  takes  possession 
of  the  fort  at  New*  Castle,  74 

Thomas,  Gabriel,  on  the  Province, 
wages,  etc.,  2,  180,  1S1 

Thomas,  General,  491 

Thomas,  George,  succeeds  Logan, 
273;  a  planter,  273;  stormy 
times,  274;  quarrel  between 
Great  Britain  and  Spain,  274; 
unwillingness  of  the  Province 
to  act,  274,  275;  cause  of  the 
war,  275;  governor  seeks  to 
rouse  a  war  spirit,  276;  sends 
his  instructions  to  the  Assembly, 
276;  companies  raised,  277;  ser- 


vants accepted,  277;  action  of 
Assembly  on  enlistment  of,  277; 
appropriations,  277;  attack  on 
peaceful  Indians,  278;  alarm 
caused  by  it,  279;  French  set- 
tlements to  be  attacked,  279; 
appropriations  by  the  Assembly, 
280;  expedition  successful,  280; 
Indians  realize  their  importance, 
2S1;  governor  demands  Assem- 
bly to  appropriate  money,  2S1; 
four  companies  are  raised,  281; 
troops  kept  at  Albany,  281;  are 
paid  by  the  crown,  281;  the  As 
sembly  will  do  nothing  to  pre- 
vent privateering,  282;  violence 
at  elections,  284,  285;  Germans 
participate,  285;  Assembly  in- 
vestigates the  riot,  285;  Assem- 
bly and  governor  cease  to  quar- 
rel, 285;  he  approves  bills,  286; 
is  paid  his  salar}',  286,  Franklin 
is  the  peacemaker,  2S6;  more 
paper-money  issued,  28S;  amount 
to  be  reduced,  290;  proprietaries 
object,  288,  289;  Webbe's  plan 
to  prevent  an  over-issue,  289; 
report  on  the  operation  of  paper- 
money,  290,  291;  French  en- 
croachments, 291 

Thompson,  William,  chosen  col- 
onel, 436;  joins  Washington's 
army,  478;  marches  to  Canada, 
480;  made  general,  490,  492 

Thomson,  Charles,  at  Easton  con- 
vention, 356;  on  stamp  act,  406; 
on  tea,  420;  is  chosen  secretary 
of  Continental  Congress,  424 

Tinicum,  Priutz  builds  a  house 
there,  50 

Torkillus,  2,  473 

Tower,  Sir  Admiral  Penn  is  put 
in,  81,  82.    See  Penn. 

Townshend,  Charles,  on  colonial 
revenue,  410 


INDEX. 


529 


Townsend,  Richard,  2,  236 
Townships,  Peun  proposed  to  di- 
vide the  land  into,  2,  147 
Trade,  with  the  Indians,  2,  190; 
wampum,  190;  Indian  traders, 
191;  how  carried  on,  191;  Duke 
of  York  protects  Indians  in 
trading,  192;  so  does  the  British 
government,  192;  trade  with 
the  West  Indies,  193;  inspection 
laws,  194,  235;  commercial  em- 
barrassment, 195;  reduction  of 
interest  rate,  195;  circulating 
medium  deficient,  195;  increase 
in  shipping,  196;  exports,  196, 
238;  after  the  Revolution,  209; 
imports,  196;  after  the  Revolu- 
tion, 210;  competition,  196; 
Lower  Counties  complain,  197; 
Baltimore  diverts  trade  along 
the  Susquehanna,  197,  232; 
canal  proposed  to  prevent  it, 
198;  early  credit  to  merchants, 
198;  notes  and  notice  to  en- 
dorsers, 198;  insolvent  laws, 
198,  199,  232-234;  sympathy 
with  debtors,  199;  effect  of  Rev- 
olutionary war  on  trade,  200; 
smuggling,  200-202;  privateer- 
ing, 201;  profits  in  it,  202; 
Barney's  exploit,  203-205;  re- 
appearing of  specie,  209;  French 
and  English  coin,  209;  it  disap 
pears,  209;  trade  with  France, 
210;  importations  paid  in  specie, 
211;  auctions,  212,  213;  specu- 
lation, 213:  over-trading,  213, 
214;  private  credit  declines,  214; 
action  of  creditors  towards  debt- 
ors, 214,  217,  218;  fail  to  make 
money,  216;  sale  of  land,  215; 
luxury,  215;  taxation  of  im- 
ports, 219,  220;  more  paper- 
money  desired,  220;  Bank  of 
North    America,    220-230;  loan- 


office  plan  revived,  224;  its 
merits  considered,  224-226  ; 
more  paper-money  issued,  230, 
231;  loan-office  established,  231; 
mortgages,  231;  coinage,  231; 
chamber  of  commerce  estab- 
lished, 234;  coffee-houses  as 
trading  places,  234 

Traders,  their  use  of  liquor  to 
cheat  Indians,  18 

Transportation,  early  highways, 
276;  road  to  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
276;  road  from  Philadelphia  to 
Lancaster,  277;  to  New  York, 
279;  how  roads  were  laid  out, 
277-278;  to  Harris's  ferry,  279; 
Philadelphia  to  Chester,  279; 
old  York  road,  279;  Strasburg 
road,  279;  ferries,  278,  bridges, 
278,  279;  improvement  in  roads, 
280;  wagons,  279;  pleasure  car- 
riages, 280;  tongue-carts,  282; 
pack-horse  system,  281,  282; 
stage  lines,  283,  284;  postal  ser- 
vice, 283-285;  rates  of  postage, 
283,  284;  rivers  as  highways, 
285;  canoes,  281,  286;  Durham 
boats,  286;  rivers  as  fisheries, 
2S7,  288 

Travel,  freedom  to,  restricted,  2, 

32 

Treaties,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  292; 
at  Utrecht,  210;  with  Great  Brit- 
ain. 2,  86 

Trenchard,  Sir  John,  has  Penn  re- 
stored to  liberty,  147 

Trumbull,  on  the  Connecticut  pur- 
chase on  the  Delaware,  65  ;  he 
describes  the  Pennsylvania  sol- 
diers, 493 

Turtle  Creek,  318,  319;  Forbes 
reaches,  354;  Colonel  Bouquet 
at,  366 

Turner,  Robert,  151 

Tuscaroras,  description  of,  15 


53° 


INDEX. 


Tuscarora  Indians,  sold  as  slaves, 

2,  172 
Tyler,  M.  C,  on  Galloway's  plan 

of   union    with    Great    Britain, 

425;   on   Franklin,    2,   450  ;  on 

Dickinson,  456 

U 

Unalachtigo  Indians,  description 
of,  14 

Unami,  description  of,  13 

United  States,  authority  given  to 
sue,  2,  36 

University  of  Oxford.     See  Penn. 

University  of  Pennsylvania.  See 
Education. 

Unrest,  the  ship,  34 

Usselinx,  William,  creates  the 
West  India  Company,  35,  36; 
his  adventures,  35;  difficulties 
in  forming  it,  36;  patent  granted, 
36;  taking  of  stock,  36;  terms 
of  patent,  37;  trade  the  chief 
object,  37;  withdrawal  of,  from 
the  West  India  Company,  42; 
he  forms  the  Swedish  West 
India  Company,  42 

Utrecht,  treaty  of,  210 

V 

Varnum,  General,  on  the  Dela- 
ware, 531 

Von  Falkenstein,  Countess,  Penn 
meets  her,  107 

Voters,  qualifications  of,  297 ;  under 
the  constitution  of  1776,  462; 
illegal  voting,  298;  mode  of  vot- 
ing, 298;  when  required  to  make 
oath,  299.     See  Assembly. 

Vries.     See  De  Vries. 

W 
Waldenses,  wish  to  go  to  the  Del- 
ware,  59 
Walloons,  emigration  of,  37 


Wain,  Nicholas,  on  taxation,  2, 
72 

Wanstead,  life  of  Penn  at,  81; 
house  closed,  82;  Penn  family 
again  at,  96 

Wapeler,  Father,  2,  390 

Ward,  Ensign,  296 

Ward,  John,  435 

Ware,  Sir  Thomas,  declines  to  act 
as  pardon  broker,  223 

Warrior  Ridge,  description  of,  6 

Washington,  Major,  sent  to 
French  Creek,  294;  describes 
French  progress,  295;  first  ex- 
pedition against  the  French, 
295;  his  instructions,  296;  his 
retreat,  296;  remarks  on  Brad- 
dock's  army,  319;  conduct  in 
battle  with  Braddock,  326.  See 
Continental  Congress,  Army. 

Wayne,  471;  goes  to  Canada,  490; 
at  Ticonderoga,  493;  at  Brandy- 
wine,  519,  523;  at  Paoli,  525;  at 
Monmouth,  554;  at  Stony  Point, 
559-563;  at  Haverstraw,  565;  his 
conduct  toward  the  revolted 
soldiers,  566-568;  at  Yorktowu, 
570;  is  detached  from  Greene, 
576;  at  Sharon  Springs,  577; 
how  rewarded  by  Georgia,  577; 
favors  the  repeal  of  the  test 
oath,  2,  91 

Webb,  Captain  Thomas,  2,  390 

Webbe's  plan  to  prevent  over-issue 
of  paper  money,  289,  290 

Webster,  Noah,  on  paper-money, 

2,4o 
Wedderbume,    attacks   Franklin, 

419 
Weedon,  General,  at  Brandy  wine, 

518,  522 
Wied,  Count,  122 
Weikel,  John  H.,  2,  16,  420 
Weiser,   Conrad,    is  requested  to 

mediate,      279,     281,     340;      in 


INDEX. 


Wyoming   Valley,    2,   3;   death 

of,  1,  375 

Welcome,  Penn's  vessel  to  Amer- 
/     ica,  119 

Welsh  barony,  181 

Wescott,  Bishop,  on  Fox,  149 

Wesley,  John,  2,  422 

West  India  Trade,  404.  See  Trade, 
Keith. 

West,  Benjamin,  480-483;  his  suc- 
cess, 482;  his  Death  of  Wolfe 
marks  an  era  in  art,  482;  his 
Battle  of  the  Hague,  482 

West  New  Jersey,  new  constitu- 
tion given  to,  106;  prosperity  of, 
106 

Westphalia,  restoration  of  Fred- 
erick's domain  by  treaty  of,  107 

Whales,  12  note. 

Wharton,  Thomas,  elected  presi- 
dent, 467,  2,  28;  inauguration, 
28;  his  fitness,  29;  war  spirit 
then  existing,  30;  creation  of 
judicial  department,  31;  punish- 
ment of  traitors,  32;  evidence 
required  to  convict,  32;  oath  of 
allegiance,  32-34;  elections.  34; 
certificate  required,  35;  counting 
of  votes,  36;  on  the  issue  of  paper- 
money,  36,  37;  amount  of  first 
issue,  38;  bills  were  a  legal 
tender,  38;  when  they  ceased  to 
be,  38;  Friends  refused  to  receive 
it,  39;  depreciates,  39;  effects  of 
issuing,  39-42;  death  of,  42 

White,  Bishop,  2,  402,  409-416 

Whitehall,  Penn  taken  to,  by  his 
father,  86 

Whitehead,  George,  Penn  in  com- 
pany with,  91 

Whitefield,  George,  with  the 
Moravians,  2,  370,  383 

Wies,  George,  2,  369 

Will's  Creek,  Washington  at,  296 

Wilcox,  Joseph,  assists  in  prepar 


531 
address,     187. 


iug     Assembly 

See  Logan. 
Wilcox,  Thomas,  2,  256 
Wilkinson,  General,  on  the  battle 

of  Princeton,  513 
Wilkes-Barre,  fort,  2,  14 
Williamson,  Colonel  David,  27 
Williamson,  John,  2,  4S1 
Williamstadt,  195 
Wilmot,  John,  at  Oxford,  84 
Wilson,  James,  551 
Winicaco,  death  of,  14 
Wiutermoot's  fort,  2,  15 
Wistar,  Dr.,  470 
Witchcraft.     See  Climate. 
Wolfe,  351 
Wolff,   Dr.,   on   the  effect  of  the 

Revolutionary     War     on      the 

Church,  2,  419 
Wolves,    description    of    Indians 

thus  named,  13 
"Women,"  term  of  derision  used 

by  Indians,  13  and  note. 
Woolman,  John,  2,  388;  on  slavery, 

447,  448 

Wooster,  General,  491 

Workingmen,  were  well  paid,  2, 
179,  187;  his  freedom,  187-189 

Wren,  Christopher,  at  Oxford,  84 

Wright,  Richard,  2,  391 

Wright,  Judge,  governor  removes 
him,  283,  284 

Wright,  Sir  James,  578 

Wyalusiug,  2,  4 

Wyoming,  fort,  2,  6,  7 

Wyoming  Valley,  description  of, 
5;  ruins  in,  5;  by  whom  settled, 
2,  2;  Shawanees  lived  in,  2;  a 
second  colony  to,  4;  Penn  ap- 
plies to  General  Gage  for  aid  to 
expel  settlers,  5;  Ogden's  attack, 
5-7;  Stewart's  defence,  7; 
Ogden  captures  Fort  Wyoming, 
7,  8;  Ogden's  defence,  7,  8; 
Ogden  again  attacks,  9;  fort  sur- 


532 


INDEX. 


renders,  9;  condition  of  valley  in 
1776,  11;  Indians  determine  to 
invade,  12,  13;  they  concentrate 
at  Newtown  and  Tioga,  2,  14; 
the  attack,  15-19;  departure  of 
Indians,  20;  title  to,  submitted 
to  arbitration,  25 

Y 

Youghiogheny,  30S,  314,  317 

Young,  Dr.,  463 

York,  Duke  of,  effect  of  transfer 
of  Dower  Counties  to,  17;  pur- 
chasing of  land  from  Indians 
forbidden,  17;  how  grants  were 
made,  17;  redress  of  wrongs  to 
Indians,  17;  purchase  from,  by 
Penn,  31,  311;  land  granted  to, 
by  Charles  II.,  67;  Nicolls  ap- 
pointed Duke  of  York's  deputy, 
69;  seat  of  government,  69;  oath 
of  allegiance,  69;  Dutch  magis- 
trates retained  in  office,  69;  ap- 
peals to  governor  of  New  York, 
69,  70;  new  ordinances,  72;  diffi- 
culties with   Indians,    73;    new 


laws,  73;  again  passes  to  Dutc.i] 
73;  Colve  presides  over  the  ne 
government,  74;    Peter  Alricks 
pays    his   respects   to   him,    74/ 
state  church  is  set  up,  74;  Dutch 
rule  soon  ends,  74;  Edmund  An- 
dros  is  governor,  74;  former  mag- 
istrates continued  in  office,  74; 
except  Alricks,  74;  Penn  gives 
land  to,  125;  Penn  visits  him,  144 

York  County,  creation  of  in  1749, 
297 

Yorktown.      See      Revolutionary 
army. 


Zeisberger,  David,  his  missionary 
work,  2,  373-377;  at  Gnaden- 
hutten,  331-334 

Zinzendorf,  Count,  376;  on  educa- 
tion, 2,  435;  attempts  to  unite 
the  sects,  371;  in  the  Wyoming 
Valley,  2-4.  See  Moravians, 
Religion. 

Zwaanendal,  settlement  of,  40; 
fate  of,  40 


ERRATUM. 
Vol.  1,  third  line  from  top  of  page  123,  read  Philadelphia  for  Dela- 


ware. 


V 


^