The Pentland Rising & Rullion Green

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The Pentland Rising and
Rullion Green

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MCMV.

The Pentland Rising
Rullion Green

By

Charles Sanford Terry, M.A.

Burnett- Fletcher Professor of History in the
University of Aberdeen

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons

Publishers to the University
I905

Glasgow: printed at the university press
by robert maclehose and co. ltd.

TZ

PREFACE

The following pages detail the history of a
little-known episode in the history of post-
Restoration Scotland. The Pentland Rising
and Rullion Green, it is true, are familiar
facts. They inspired an early essay of R.
L. Stevenson. But no satisfactory attempt
has so far been made to give them that
coherence and detail which they deserve.
Modern historians have sufficiently dis-
played the causes which invited the rising.
They have also sufficiently indicated the
results which flowed from it. For that

6

atHihlHU LOCAL

PREFACE

reason I have purposely refrained from a tres-
pass upon familiar ground. But of the rising
itself, and of the battle that brought it to
a close, no attempt has hitherto been made
to construct a detailed and exhaustive account
from the materials that are available. To
do so is the object of the present monograph.

C. S. T.

King's College,
Old Aberdeen, 9 February, 1905.

MAPS

PAGE

1. Routes of the Insurgents and the

Royal Forces, 13-28 November
1666, - - - - - 17

2. Map to illustrate the Battle of

Rullion Green, - - - 65

The Pentland Rising and
Rullion Green

OIX years and more had passed since

Charles the Second had come back to

his own. Episcopacy had been restored.

Conventicleism, in consequence, had begun.1

1 Refusing to accept the ministrations of the licensed
curates, the nonconformists " were constrained to
wander for lack of bread, sometimes to the churches
where the old forlorn presbyterian ministers continued
their ministry, sometimes to share of the family exer-
cises of the younger ministers, who were outted, but
sojourned among them; and sometimes the multitude
that came to partake of the family exercises increased
so, that the minister was constrained to preach with-
out, and at length to goe to the open fields, which
was the cause and original of field meetings in Scotland,
which made so great a noise. The first who begune

THE PENTLAND RISING

The familiar Whig-hunting duty of Claver-
house at a later time already was in opera-
tion, and as their attitude during " the
Troubles " predicted, the shires of the
South- West were those which in 1666, as
in 1679, called for military observation and
control. Stagnant trade added to prevail-
ing discontent ; for the Anglo-Dutch War
and the rupture of Cromwell's enlightened
fiscal union hit Scotland hard. Trouble had
already been anticipated by the authorities.
An Act of the Estates on 23 September,
1663, had sanctioned the raising of a force
of twenty thousand militia infantry and
two thousand horse.1 That generous number
had not been realised, but the Government

to preach in the fields were Mr. John Welsh and
Mr. Gabriel Semple " (James Kirkton, The Secret and
True History of the Church of Scotland, from the Restora-
tion to the year 1678, ed. C. K. Sharpe, Edin. 181 7,
p. 163).

1 Acts Parlt. Scot. vol. vii. p. 480.

NOT PREMEDITATED

had at its disposal a force under Thomas
Dalziel of Binns competent to coerce any
appearance of active revolt and to police
the disaffected area.1

The rising of 1666 had its origin in
an event of sudden, unpremeditated char-
acter.'2 In Kirkcudbrightshire the energy

1For the forces available in November, 1666, see
below, p. 76.

2 Rothes, writing to Lauderdale 17 December, 1666,
describes the rising as the work of " damd ffulls uho
hes antisipat ther taym of raysing." Dalziel, writing
to Lauderdale 27 December, 1666, expresses the
opinion : " It simis this laist [rebellion] if it had not
bein mistymd had bein muth moir terible" (The
Lauderdale Papers, Camden Society, ed. Osmund Airy,
1884-85, vol. i. pp. 263, 266). The editor (ibid.
p. 245) quotes Alexander Burnet's opinion, expressed
to Archbishop Sharp on 27 November, 1666: "Many
things in this rising look like design, but I shall sus-
pect no man." Burnet suspected the insurgents to
be acting in correspondence with England and Ireland.
The presence of Irish ministers with the insurgent
force supports Burnet's suspicion in some degree.
Andrew Gray, who commanded that force at first,

3

SIR JAMES TURNER

of Sir James Turner had already driven the
irreconcileables to the hills and mosses for
safety. Of their number was Maclellan of
Barscobe. His property lay within the
parish of Balmaclellan, in the north-east of
the county, where at a later time the wife
of " Old Mortality " kept her school. On
Tuesday, 13 November, 1666,1 Barscobe

seems to have presented a commission or recom-
mendation from some one in authority. On the other
hand, whatever projects of armed resistance were
already contemplated, the balance of evidence is wholly
in support of the view that " the scuffle at Dairy,"
as Blackader called it, was not the preconcerted signal
for revolt, but a chance event which hurried its per-
petrators into an unauthorised and unplanned cam-
paign.

1 Andrew Crichton's Memoirs of the Rev. John Blackader
(Edin. 1823, p. 136) gives the date as 12 November.
Kirkton (p. 229) gives the date as Tuesday, 13
November. Kirkton, who calls the Pentland Rising
"ane unsuccessfull attempt made by some of these
poor tempted people in the west countrey," describes
his narrative as " received from the most understanding
upon the party."

4

AND BARSCOBE

and three companions, sorely pinched by
hunger, and frozen by the cold rain in
their upland shelter, ventured to descend
from the hills towards Dairy. On their
way- they were passed by three or four
soldiers, quartered by Turner in Dairy,
driving before them " a company of poor
neighbour men " to thresh the corn of an
old man, who had fled to escape the fines
to which he was liable for non-attendance
at church. Barscobe and his companions
watched the sad procession with indignation,
but "passed it in silence"1; for Dairy was
denuded of its garrison, and food and
shelter were inviting. To Dairy they pro-
ceeded, and a friendly ale-house gave them
hospitality. It was " early in the forenoon,"
their breakfast was still unfinished, when a
village tumult broke in upon them. The

1 Kirkton, p. 229. Blackader does not mention this
incident.

5

RESCUE OF A PRISONER

soldiers had returned. The defaulter whose
corn they had set out to thresh a few
hours before was in their hands. In fact,
they had secured him in his own house,
and, it was declared, " were threatening to
strip him naked, and set him on a hot
gridiron, because he could not pay his
church fines."1

Barscobe and his fellows left their
unfinished breakfast, and hurried to the
rescue. They found the prisoner bound.
" Why do you bind the old man ? "
they demanded. " How dare you chal-
lenge ? " was the retort. A scuffle ensued.
The soldiers drew their swords. One of
Barscobe's company fired his pistol, " loaden
with tobacco stopple." A soldier fell

1 Blackader, p. 136. Kirkton (p. 229) states that

the soldiers, having arrested the absconding defaulter,

"were about to bind him, and set him bare upon a

het iron gird-iron, there to torment him in his own

house."

6

AT DALRY

wounded, and his fellows surrendered to
superior numbers.1

So far the Dairy incident ranks with
those at Enterkin and Inchbelly at a later
time as the more or less casual rescue of a
prisoner. But having gone so far, Barscobe
felt it imperative to go further. The
rumour of his exploit " soon reached
Balmaclellan, where a party with a minister
were at prayer." This small body, " fear-

1 Blackader, p. 136. According to Kirkton (p. 229)
two of Barscobe's party were " almost killed behind
their backs and unawares." The wounded soldier was
Corporal George Deanes, of Sir Alexander Thomson's
company. He petitioned the Privy Council on the
ground that he was " barbarouslie shot in the bodie
with a great many pieces of tobacco pipes, ten whereof
afterward were by the surgeon's care taken out " {ibid.
p. 230). The wounded corporal was carried on
horseback to Turner at Dumfries. He arrived there
about six o'clock on the night of 14. November, and
declared that he had been shot for his refusal to sign
the Covenant (Sir James Turner, Memoirs of his own
Life and Times, Edin. 1829, p. 148).

7

TURNER TAKES

ing to be involved" in Barscobe's exploit,
took the curious step of repeating his pro-
cedure. Within a few hours of the Dairy
fracas sixteen of the soldiery quartered
about Balmaclellan were made prisoners.1
Turner himself was not far distant at
Dumfries. That he would make " terrible
reprisals," Barscobe and his fellows knew
well. They resolved to surprise him before
he had time to act, and therefore " sent
private advertisement through the country,
that all who were ready should come in
companies to Irongray kirk, on Wednesday
night [14 November], that they might
enter Dumfries by daybreak."2

At Dumfries Turner was in no position

1 Blackader, p. 137. From Kirkton's account (p.
231) it appears as if the Balmaclellan episode was the
work of Barscobe and his party ; that it took place on
the 14th, and that one of the soldiers who resisted
was killed.

2 Blackader, p. 137.

PROMPT MEASURES

to cope with a revolt of even the slenderest
proportions. Three months before, half of
the infantry under his command had been
drafted to Leith for the Dutch war. In
October his cavalry had been withdrawn.
He had barely seventy men at his disposal,
all of whom, save twelve or thirteen at
Dumfries, were policing the surrounding
district. Barscobe had already reduced his
force by nearly one-third. Nor was Turner's
health satisfactory. Since March he had
"let blood seven times."1 He took prompt
measures, however.

News of the proceedings at Dairy and
Balmaclellan reached Turner on the night
of the 14th. Corporal Deanes, unhappily
loaded with " tobacco stopple," was the
bearer of it. Turner sent an instant
summons to his men quartered in the
neighbourhood to come in to Dumfries

1 Turner, p. 145.
9

WHIGS LEAVE IRONGRAY

by nine o'clock next morning (15 Novem-
ber) " to ressave pouder, match and ball,"
and thence to march to Dairy.1 In the
event he went thither, but in other circum-
stances.

Meanwhile throughout Wednesday, the
14th, the Whigs had drawn cautiously and
by unfrequented routes to the rendezvous
at Irongray, within striking distance of
Dumfries. The call to arms was sudden ;
the late-comers were not a few. Night
had passed into daylight (15 November) be-
fore they mustered, in number under three
hundred — fifty horse, " provided with cloaks
girded over their shoulder for fighting,"
and about two hundred foot.2 About nine

1 Turner, p. 1 49.

2 Blackader, p. 138. Kirkton (p. 231) gives the

Whigs fifty horse and "some few" foot. Turner (p.

145) says he was surprised by "a hundreth and fiftie

or therby." The strength of the infantry is perhaps

exaggerated by Blackader.

10

FOR DUMFRIES

in the morning 1 the Whigs approached the
bridge which carries the roadway from
Galloway into Dumfries. It was unguarded;
not even a sentinel watched their approach.
Leaving the infantry at the bridge-end, the
fifty horsemen rode into the town. A
small party of four, Robert Neilson of
Corsock among them, hurried forward to
Turner's lodgings.2 Turner had risen
about six. But, as he reported to Rothes,
"when I was allmost cloathd, I found my-
selfe so indisposd that I was forcd to goe

1 According to Blackader (p. 138), "it was ten
o'clock before they got to Dumfries." According to
"a Manuscript Journal of that short Campaign, written
by a very intelligent and inquisitive Person, who was
present with them all the time," Turner was surprised
between eight and nine o'clock (Andrew Symson,
Tripattiarchikon, Edin. 1705). Turner (p. 149) also
gives the hour as between eight and nine.

2 Blackader, p. 138. Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 31),

quoting one who was " present with the country

army," states that Turner was apprehended " in his

chamber in Bailie Finnie's."

11

SIR JAMES TURNER

to bed againe." The clatter of horsemen
in the street below roused him. Clothed
only in his nightgown he appeared at the
window and demanded the business of his
visitors. They required his surrender. On
his own statement Turner offered a bold
front : " Severall of them, especiallie Neil-
son of Corsock, told me that, if I pleasd,
I sould have faire quarter. My ansuere
was, I needed no quarter, nor could I be
prisoner, being there was no war declared.
Bot I was ansuerd, that prisoner I must
be, or dy ; and therfor they wished me
quicklie to come doune staires." * On the
other side Turner is represented as in
hopeless panic, shouting from the window,
" Quarters, gentlemen ; for Christ's sake,
quarters, there shall be no resistance."
Neilson of Corsock, " a meek and generous
gentleman," soothed his fears (as Turner

1 Turner, p. 149.
12

MADE PRISONER

himself admits) : " If you come down to
us, and make no resistance, on the word
of a gentleman you shall have quarters." 1
On the strength of Corsock's assurance,
Turner, scantily clothed in his " night-
gown, night-cap, drawers and socks,"2 ven-
tured to descend, and made his surrender,3
" which I choosd rather to doe," he
afterwards explained to Rothes, " notwith-
standing the opposition of my servants,
then be murtherd in my chamber."4 In
fact the crowd that awaited him barely
reflected Corsock's considerate attitude.
During the colloquy with Turner the

1 Blackader, p. 138. 2 Ibid. p. 139.

3 From Blackader's account (p. 139) it appears that
Turner was brought down by a party sent to his
room for that purpose. Turner suggests (p. 149) that
he delivered himself without compulsion, though
" some of them [the Whigs] had allreadie enterd the
house."

4 Turner, p. 149.

13

SUCCESS OF RAID

" commander " of the Whig force, " Cap-
tain " Andrew Gray,1 had arrived, and,
according to Blackader, " presented a pistol
or carbine," and would have shot Turner
in his scanty and incongruous attire had
not Corsock expostulated : " You shall as
soon kill me, for I have given him quar-
ters." 2 Turner's effects were not held
equally sacred. His room was ransacked.
His papers and money were impounded.3

1 According to Kirkton (p. 232), Gray was " ane
Edinburgh merchant." Turner (p. 149) describes him
as the man " who commanded the whole partie."

2 Blackader, p. 139. Turner, who is probably more
reliable on this point, does not accuse Gray of par-
ticular vindictiveness. According to his account (p.
149), "I went to the streets in my goune, where
many pistolls and suords were presented to my head
and breast, till Captaine Gray, (who commanded the
whole partie,) made me get on horsebacke."

s According to Blackader (p. 139), Turner had
already sent to Glasgow " the money he had exacted
in oppression." In his statement to the Privy Council
in 1668, Turner declared (p. 223): "When I was
surprisd at Dumfreis, the rebells tooke from me, of

14

ON DUMFRIES

The sudden raid on Dumfries had amply-
repaid the daring, indeed the rashness, of
it. With no very clear idea of what was
to be the outcome of the event, Gray and
his party deemed it politic to mark the
fact that their seizure of one of the Govern-
ment's officials was not to be construed as
an act of political revolt. With Turner in
their midst, scantily clad in his night-gear,
and mounted on "a little beast bare-backed,
with a halter on the beast's head,"1 his

readie money in the chamber where I lay, and the
chamber above it where my clothes were, (which were
all likewise lost,) about sixe thousand and sixe or
seven hundreth mearks Scots." The "very intelligent
and inquisitive Person," quoted by Symson (Tri-
patriarchikori), admits that with Turner was taken " a
Coffer of his, wherein were baggs of Money, Cloaths,
and Papers." Turner (p. 150) expressly accuses Gray
of seizing the " coffer."

1 According to Turner (p. 1 50), " the Captaine
[Gray] mounted me on his oune horse, and there
was good reason for it, for he mounted himselfe on
a farre better one of mine."

15

GLENCAIRN AND

captors proceeded to the Town-Cross,
" where, to shew their loyalty, they drank
the king's health." 1 Thence they passed
through the town, out at the Nether-port,
to the riverside "over against" the kirk of
Troqueer.2 Turner anticipated short shrift.
His captors were certainly irresolute. But
1 ' after a little consultation," and with con-
sideration for a lightly-clad invalid, they
returned to Dumfries.3 The unfortunate
man was suffered to clothe himself in a
garb more in keeping with a rigorous

1 Blackader, p. 139. "And there, forsooth, [they]
drink the king's good health, a labour they might
well have spared, for they hade cruel thanks " (Kirk-
ton, p. 232). Robert Law (Memorialls, ed. C. K.
Sharpe, Edin. 18 19, p. 16) explains: "They de-
clared for the King and the Covenant, and only
their quarrell was at the bishops newly sett up in
the land."

2 It may be remarked that Blackader had been
minister of Troqueer between 165 2- 1662.

3 Blackader, p. 139.

16

Routes of the Insurgents and the R03

G«vm Watsnn, Li r^io D'aiqc*.

ROUTE OF THE INSURGENTS

DALZIEL'S ROUTE MARE

Forces, 13th- 28th November, 1666.

KED.

CLACHAN OF DALRY

season.1 Arms were seized and were dis-
tributed to the infantry, who sorely needed
them. In the afternoon the whole force
marched to the kirk of Glencairn.2 At the
manse Turner obtained brief rest and hos-
pitality.3

The halt at Glencairn was short. An
alarm of pursuit was raised, and the in-
surgent force resumed the march. " Most
part of that night [15 November] was spent
in rideing," Turner recalled. A strong
guard was in charge of him, one of whom
" entertaind [him] the whole night with
discourses of death." Next morning (16
November) the Old Clachan of Dairy was
reached. Turner, with permission, dined
with Hugh Henderson, late minister of

1 Turner, p. 150. According to Law {Memorialls,
p. 1 7), " It was remarkable, that from the day of
the insurrection to the day of their breaking, there
was not a fair day, but storm and rain."

2Blackader, p. 140. 3 Turner, p. 151.

B 17

FLIGHT OF

Dumfries, and that night lodged with
" Captain " Gray under the roof of Chalmers
of Waterside, who offered " much curtesie
and civilitie."1 Towards midnight, upon a
renewed alarm of pursuit, Turner was again
placed on horseback, and the whole force
moved forward through the night. " Very
dark it was, it raind pitifullie, the wind was
loud, and the way exceeding bad." 2 A
weary march of eight miles or so brought
Turner and his captors to Carsphairn, where
Turner was lodged in a " countrey house,"
and " spent the rest of the night till day
in that poore house, as well as I could."
Gray was still his companion, but " rested
bot little." Gray, in fact, had no mind for
further adventure, curiously elevated as he

1 Turner, pp. 152-53. In Symson's Tripatriarchikon
the house is described as being " on the other side
of the River of Kenn, not far from the Old Clachan."

2 The foulness of the weather is elsewhere confirmed.

See Kirkton, p. 232.

18

"CAPTAIN" GRAY

had been to the command of the haphazard
adventure. He had already, on the 16th,
sent off to safe destination the money and
baggage seized at Dumfries. Early on the
17th he decamped, " and was never seene
since by any of his oune partie." *

1 Turner, p. 154. Turner's inference was that
Gray, " thinking he had sped well enough, resolvd
to retire himselfe before the fire grew hoter." One
who was with the insurgents (Kirkton, p. 232) con-
firms Turner. Gray, he states, left Turner early on
the morning of the 17th in charge of sixteen men,
and "was never seen by any of his own party after
that." The same authority, quoted in Symson's Tri-
patriarchikon, states that Gray was unknown to those
whom he commanded, and that he had brought an
order — from whom is not stated — enjoining the in-
surgents to obey his authority. Gray appears to have
conversed with Colonel Wallace a few days after he
had left the insurgents. Later he was with other
exiles at Newcastle {Memoirs of Mr. William Veitch
and George Brysson, ed. Thomas M'Crie, Edin. 1825,
pp. 49, 391). Turner remarks (p. 153) : "I had often
enquird what this Captaine Gray was, and by what
authoritie he did command these gentlemen he had
never seene before ; bot I was ansuerd by them all,

19

INSTRUCTIONS TO

Gray's flight added further ground of
indecision to an enterprise which was still
without settled plans. At Carsphairn the
insurgents remained throughout the 17th,
and Turner found better quarters at Knock-
gray, whose proprietor, a Gordon, was then
in prison at Kirkcudbright. His son enter-
tained Turner " very kindlie," mindful of
past " favours done to his father." 1 Mean-
while the authorities had received news of

that they knew no more of him, bot that he called
himselfe Captaine Gray, and that he had brought ane
order with him to them all to obey him. I tooke
much pains to learne from whom that order came,
whether from one man, as a Generall, or from more
men, as a councell, a committee, or junto; bot could
never yet, by any means I could use, come to the
knouledge of it." Wallace {Veitch and Brysson, p. 391)
had the statement from Gray himself, that " he had
left them to look to his own safety, being in a very
insecure condition then, having been the chief actor
in the [Dumfries] business." Wallace believed, how-
ever, that Gray had " taken the pett."

1 Turner, p. I 54.

GENERAL DALZIEL

the sudden rising. On the 16th, Stephen
Irvine, Bailie of Dumfries, personally re-
ported to the Privy Council the proceedings
at Dumfries on the previous day.1 Rothes,
the High Commissioner, was already on
his way to Court. On the 17th the Council
sent him an account of what had happened,
and of the measures which they deemed
necessary. In their opinion it was advisable
" that the heritors of the several countries,
especially of the southern and western shires,
and such other as his majesty's council shall
think fit, be presently required to sign the
declaration concerning the covenant, and that
such as shall delay or refuse, be secured
and looked upon as enemies to his majesty's
authority and government." 2 On the same
day Dalziel was instructed to proceed to
Glasgow, and to march thence " to the
place at which he shall hear the insurrection

1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 19. 2 Ibid.

21

FROM CARSPHAIRN

is come to any head."1 A week elapsed
before Dalziel was able to fulfil his in-
structions.

1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 19. Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) des-
cribes Dalziel as " a man naturally rude and fierce, who
had this heightened by his breeding and service in Mus-
covy, where he had seen little but the utmost tyranny
and slavery." According to Kirkton (p. 225), Dalziel
" lived so and died so strangely, it was commonly be-
lieved he was in covenant with the Devil." Captain
John Creichton's vivid picture {Works of 'Swift, ed. Scott,
vol. x. p. 157) of Dalziel may be quoted : "He was
bred up very hardy from his youth, both in diet and
clothing. He never wore boots, nor above one coat,
which was close to his body, with close sleeves, like
those we call jockey coats. He never wore a peruke ;
nor did he shave his beard since the murder of king
Charles the First. In my time his head was bald,
which he covered only with a beaver hats the brim
of which was not above three inches broad. His
beard was white and bushy, and yet reached down
almost to his girdle. He usually went to London
once or twice in a year, and then only to kiss the
king's hand, who had a great esteem for his worth
and valour. His unusual dress and figure, when he
was in London, never failed to draw after him a great

crowd of boys, and other young people, who constantly

22

TO DALMELLINGTON

From Carsphairn on 1 8 November the
insurgents marched to Dalmellington. Their
proceedings had roused elsewhere hopes of
a stubborn demonstration against the de-
tested Bishops. John Welch, " outed "
minister of Irongray, now as in 1679 was.
quick to welcome an appeal to arms. At
Dalmellington he met the insurgents, having
come thither from Edinburgh.1 Turner
received a visit from him at the village inn,
where he was quartered. " I calld for a
cup of ale," writes Turner, " purposlie that
I might heare him say grace. In it, he
prayd for the King, the restoration of the

attended at his lodgings, and followed him with huzzas,
as he went to court, or returned from it. As he was
a man of humour, he would always thank them for
their civilities, when he left them at the door, to go
in to the king ; and would let them know exactly at
what hour he intended to come out again, and return
to his lodgings."

1 Turner, pp. 155-56. See below, p. 26.

JAMES WALLACE

Covenant, and downfall of Prelacie. He
prayd likewise for me, and honord me
with the title of Gods servant who was
then in bonds. He prayd for my conver-
sion, and that repentance and remission of
sinnes might be granted to me. After this
the conference broke up, at which were
present as many as the roome could well
hold." »

On the 19th the insurgents advanced to
Tarbolton, where their foot quartered in
the kirk and kirkyard. Volunteers from
Ayrshire and Clydesdale swelled their num-
ber somewhat. Hope mounted high, and
some urged an advance upon Glasgow.
But they " betooke themselves to their second
thoughts " on the news that Dalziel was
already at Glasgow, and that his forces
would join him there next day. Towards
midday on the 20th the insurgents, aban-

1 Turner, p. 157.
24

JOINS THE WHIGS

doning their northern route, marched south-
westward to Ayr. Turner estimated their
strength at over seven hundred.1 On the 2 ist
they rendezvoused near the Bridge of
Doon.2 Here they received a valuable
recruit, James Wallace, whose advent gave
promise of competent military guidance.
He had served in the Parliamentary army
with the rank of colonel in the English
Civil War. He had been in action at
Kilsyth and at Dunbar, and on both occa-
sions had been made prisoner.3

xlbid. pp. 158, 159,

2 Turner (p. 162) calls the place Afton Bridge.
" From Aire," he writes, " the rebels marched tuo
miles, and passed the water at Afton Bridge, and then
drew up in a field." That the insurgents rendezvoused
near Bridge of Doon is stated by Kirkton (p. 235),
and also by Wallace, who joined them there {Veitch
and Brysson, p. 395).

3 Diet. Nat. Biog. vol. lix. p. 98. Wallace had come
from Edinburgh upon the news " that the people in
Galloway were in armes." When the news reached
Edinburgh, Kirkton writes (p. 234), "some of them

25

COYLTON

Wallace's arrival was followed by an
attempt to organise his motley force.
Officers of horse and foot were appointed,
and after an interval of two or three hours,
the insurgents recrossed the Bridge of
Doon. Striking eastward, they quartered
that night in the parish of Coylton,1 having
appointed the next rendezvous at Ochil-
tree.2 On the 22nd the whole force as-
being together, after prayer the question was stated,
What they judged their duty in the present juncture ?
And after several discourses, because it was late, they
adjourn the meeting to Mr. Alexander Robison's
chamber, at seven in the next morning ; where being
conveened, and having prayed, the question was re-
sumed. All there present agreed it was their duty to
assist their poor brethren so cruelly opprest ; only
Ferguson of Katloch seemed unclear to appear at that
time. However, the rest engadged presently ; and
among them was Collonel James Wallace and Mr. John
Welsh, beside Mr. Robison, who was also a preacher."

1 Turner, p. 162. He calls the place " Colton."

2Kirkton, p. 235; Veitch and Brysson, p. 395.

Wallace writes : " The party marched off towards

26

AND OCHILTREE

sembled, and having heard a sermon from
Gabriel Semple, advanced to Ochiltree.
The infantry alone entered the village.
Part of the horse was left to guard the
bridge at Barskimming, " the only passage
of the water [Ayr] at the time." The rest
were stationed to the east of the town.
Wallace and his officers quartered them-
selves upon Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree,
and obtained, Wallace complains, " very
cold welcome ; but I hope whatever in-
civilities we had from the lady, she had
none from us."1

Ochiltree ; but because it was far in the day, we were
necessitated to quarter between Gadgirth and Ochil-
tree."

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 395. Lady Cochrane was
Margaret, daughter of Sir William Strickland of Boyn-
ton, Yorkshire. Sir John was the second son of the
first Earl of Dundonald, and at a later time was im-
plicated in the Rye House Plot and in Argyll's rising.
Claverhouse married his niece. See my John Graham

of Claverhouse, p. 154.

27

REPORTED APPROACH

At Ochiltree on the 22nd the insurgents
obtained further reinforcement. John Welch
had undertaken to beat for recruits in
Galloway. He had left the insurgents at
Dalmellington for the purpose. At Ochil-
tree he brought up his " army," for so
11 some of the rebells wold needs have it
called." " I saw them afarre of," Turner
adds, " and reckond them to be neere one
hundreth ill armed foot, and some fifteene
or sixteene horse."1 The day did not pass
without alarms. The outpost at Bar-
skimming sent word that Dalziel's ad-
vanced party was already at Mauchline.
Wallace strengthened the guard at the
bridge, and despatched one John Ross to
reconnoitre towards Mauchline to observe
the enemy's movements.2 Dalziel, in fact,

1 Turner, p. 163. Turner lodged at Ochiltree on
the 22nd "at the principall alehouse of the toune,
where I was indifferentlie well used."

2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 396.

28

OF GENERAL DALZIEL

did not advance from Glasgow until the
23rd.1 But his appearance was immi-
nent, and Wallace's interest was to avoid
an immediate engagement. To linger at
Ochiltree entailed the danger of attack
"before they were in ease."2 Clydesdale
offered hopes of reinforcement. Even dis-
tant Edinburgh was held sympathetic and
promising. "That night" (22 November),
therefore, writes Wallace, " after prayer
to God for direction what to do next, it
was concluded that we should march east-
ward. For there was no staying where we
were, and there was no expectation of any

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 245. John Ross, on
the 23rd, ventured beyond Mauchline towards Kil-
marnock, because " there was a strong report the Duke's
troop was come to Kilmarnock " (Feitck and Brysson,
p. 397). Ross and most of his party were made
prisoners. Ross was executed at Edinburgh on 7
December, 1666 {ibid. p. 398).

2 Kirkton, p. 236.

29

DALZIEL AT

farther help from the south and south-west
hand."1

Dalziel's main body reached Kilmarnock
on the 23 rd. On the same day Wallace
and his force marched from Ochiltree to-
wards Cumnock. Ere they reached the
place news of Dalziel's advance was con-
firmed, and, with it, John Ross's capture.
Through the darkness of the afternoon and
the early hours of "a most violent, rainy
night," Wallace pushed on to Muirkirk.
" What accommodation in that condition we
could have there," he comments, " is known
to any who knows that place. The poor
foot were forced all night, as wet as if they
had been drenched in water, to lie in the
kirk, without victuals or much fire."2 Mur-

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 397.

2 Ibid. p. 398. Kirkton and Turner both witness
to the very unpleasant character of the march.
According to the former (p. 236), " in a most tem-
pestuous rainy evening, they sett foreward towards

30

KILMARNOCK

murs arose, and some urged " that they
should follow that business no further, but
dismiss the people in the fairest manner
they could." Hardier counsels prevailed.1

Moorkirk of Kyle, through a miserable deep moore,
so that they came not to their quarters till two houres
within night," and " their foot were forced, wet as
they were, to lodge in the church, without any meat
and very little fire to drie them." From Turner (p.
164) it appears that the march from Ochiltree was
begun at about eleven in the morning. He continues :
" Once I thought the rebells intended for Sanquor, to
pay there some of their relligieous vowes ; one wherof
was, to ruine my Lord Drumlanrigs castles and lands,
because he was active against them. . . . Bot the saints
were wise in their anger, and delayd their revenge
till a more fit opportunitie. . . . The way to that
church [Muirkirk] was exceeding bad, a very hie wind,
with a grieveous raine in our faces. The night fell
darke before we could reach the place where the foot
were quartered, with no meate or drinke, and with
very litle fire. I doe confesse, I never sawe lustier
fellows then these foote were, or better marchers."

1 Kirkton, p. 236. Andrew M'Cormick, Robert
Lockhart, and Alexander Robison are particularly
mentioned as urging the abandonment of the design.

31

COUNCIL SUMMONED

The morning of the 24th broke "rainie
and boisterous." At nine Wallace mustered
his force for another stiff march, over roads
" rough and mountanous," to Douglas.1
In the course of it " Captain " Andrew
Arnot brought up some forty horse from
Cunningham.2 Douglas was reached at night-
fall. The whole force was ordered into the
town, " after they had suppered themselves
and their horses." The infantry found their
accustomed bivouack in the kirk. Upon a
rumour that Dalziel would attempt to sur-
prise them, the more cautious and faint-
hearted again raised their voices. A council
was summoned to confirm or quell their
croaking. " We met all together," writes

1 Turner, p. 165.

2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 400. Arnot had been sent
off from Ayr on the 21st to encourage "some friends
in Cunninghame," who dared not stir without support
(ibid. p. 395)- Arnot is described by Kirkton (p. 235)
as " a brother of the Laird of Lochrigge."

32

AT DOUGLAS

Wallace, " and after most serious incalling
of the name of God . . . without one con-
trary voice all resolved on this, that the
coming forth to own that people in Gallo-
way,1 they were clear, was of the Lord. . . .
So there was no more of that." Other
proposals claimed the meeting. Some urged
that the Covenant should be solemnly re-
newed the next day, " being the Lord's day,
at some kirk by the way towards Lanark."
The ceremony was voted " not safe nor
convenient." Dalziel, in fact, heading east-
ward from Kilmarnock, had reached Strath-
aven, and threatened engagement imminently.
Turner was the subject of a second pro-
posal. For ten days he had been a prisoner.
The insurgent force had been joined by
many a man who, no doubt, would readily
have recorded his conviction that the execu-
tion of their persecutor was " of the Lord."

1 i.e Barscobe and his companions.
C 33

LESMAHAGOW

His death was urged by some in the council.
It was alleged that "there was no quarters
given him," that in fact Corsock's under-
taking was non-official. More honourable
opinion prevailed, and "because of some
words by the gentleman that took him, and
because of his being now, after so long a
time, spared ; for these reasons, this motion
of pistoling him was slighted — alas ! it
is to be feared too much," Wallace con-
cludes.1

On the 25th the march was resumed to-
wards Lesmahagow. Further reinforcements
from Galloway had been eagerly anticipated.
They came up about Lesmahagow. Gordon
of Knockbreck's two sons and a few others
was the sum of them. So small a number
was a disappointment.'2 A two-hours' halt

xVeltch and Brysscn, pp. 401-403.

*IHd. p. 403. "These," writes Wallace, "were
the hundred men we had heard were coming from
Galloway, for we saw no other."

34

AND LANARK

near Lesmahagow1 gave opportunity to com-
plete the " modelling " of the army. There
was great want of officers, not half the
number required, of whom " not above four
or five that ever had been soldiers before."
Turner estimated their total force at four
hundred and forty horse and upwards of five
hundred foot. The horse were the better
armed, some with swords or pistols, some
with both. The foot were armed indiffer-
ently with muskets, pikes, scythes, pitchforks,
swords, and some with " staves, great and
long."3 Lanark was the terminus of the
day's march. The horse crossed the Clyde
by the ford. The foot were laboriously
transported across the river in the single
ferry-boat available.4

1 Turner, p. 166. ^Veitch and Brysson, p. 404.

3 Turner, p. 167. Turner's figures are exclusive of
a party of horse which had been sent on to prepare
quarters at Lanark, and of " some other small parties."

4 Ibid.

3S

COVENANT RENEWED

At Lanark, so soon as the guards were
set and the force quartered, intimation was
given " that to-morrow morning (God will-
ing) we intended to renew the covenant ;
and desiring that every one of them would
seriously mind that work that night, and
come hither again about day-light for that
end, we dismissed them to their quarters
and several posts. That night the officers
and ministers met, and after incalling on
the Lord, hearing there were some arms
and ammunition to be found in the town,
we caused make search, but found few or
none."1 At daylight on the 26th the force
assembled to renew the Covenant. Dalziel
was reported within two miles of Lanark,
and some urged the postponement of the
ceremony. " But the devil prevailed not
herein," Wallace comments, " though gladly
would he that that had not been done." A

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 404.
36

AT LANARK

party of ten or twelve horse was sent out
towards the point where Dalziel's appearance
was expected. A guard was placed at the
ferry, and the day's ceremonial was allowed
to proceed. " The foot were drawn up
about the tolbooth stairs, where Mr. Guthrie
did stand : the horse at the head of the
town, where Mr. Brysson1 and Mr. [John]
Crookshanks were actors. It was done with
as much joy and cheerfulness as may be
supposed in such a condition."2

At Lanark the Whig force reached its
greatest extent. Some forty or fifty volun-
teers came in, but Wallace's total strength
did not exceed eleven hundred men.3 The

x i.e. Gabriel Semple. See Veitch and Bresson, p. 399.

%Veitch and Brysson, p. 405. Turner remarks:
" Neither I nor any of my guards were invited to
that morning exercise."

3 Turner's estimate is reliable and consistent. At
Lanark, he remarks (p. 170), "the rebells were in their
greatest strength, which I avow never to have exceeded
eleven hundreth horse and foot, (if ever they were so

37

WALLACE MARCHES

number was lamentably weak ; but alluring
and false hope of reinforcement beckoned
invitingly from Edinburgh. " Immediately
after that we had drawn up the whole body"
at Lanark, writes Wallace,1 " it was resolved
(because of our friends hereabout that were
to come to us that day, and because of
many more expected from West Calder,
Shotts, Bathgate, and other parts farther
off), that we should march towards Bath-
gate."2 Arnot was sent to reinforce the

many)." Kirkton certainly overestimates their strength
in the following passage (p. 238) : "Here [at Lanark]
this rolling snow-ball was at the biggest, having
received all the supply they could expect in the west.
Their number when here was judged to be near 3000
men, one and other, but neither armed nor ordered;
yet many thought that if they would fight, they hade
best have foughten there, because their defeat and
scattering among their friends hade been more safe
than among their enemies."

1 Ve'itch and Brysson, p. 406.

2 Kirkton comments (p. 240) : " Because some un-
happy ignorants hade informed them that West-Lothian

38

TOWARDS BATHGATE

party at the ford, " and after a while's stay,
to break the [ferry-]boat and come away,
he and the other party that watched in the
time of renewing the covenant."1 With
the main body Wallace pushed on towards
Bathgate. About a mile and a half had
been traversed, and the column had " enterd
in a morass," when a message from the
rear brought intelligence that Dalziel's ad-
vanced party was on the western side of
the ford at Lanark.2

would rise and joyn them, and Edinburgh would be-
friend them," the resolution was taken to continue the
adventure. There would appear to have been some
sort of managing directorate of the persecuted Whigs
at Edinburgh. Blackader was residing there {Memoirs,
p. 135). Had the rising assumed serious proportions,
its well-wishers would probably have declared them-
selves. Blackader had made preparations to do so, but
abandoned them when he learnt the weakness of
Wallace's force {ibid. p. 141).

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 406. Turner (p. 172) gives
the name of the commander of the first party sent to
the ford as " Mondrogat."

2 Turner, p. 172.

39

DALZIEL COMES UP

From about Strathaven, on the 25th, Dal-
ziel had sent an express to Edinburgh to
report " that the rebells had shunned to
fight, and that he was following them with
his forces, bot thought that he could not
ingage them bot by advancing with his
horses."1 Wallace's foot clearly merited
Turner's praise. It was an advanced party
of horse that proclaimed Dalziel's advent to
the insurgents so soon after their evacuation
of Lanark. Lauderdale's brother, Charles
Maitland of Hatton, was with them, and
reported the event to his brother2: "Upon
the hill above the Hoorns3 off Clyd within

1 Privy Council to Lauderdale, 27 November, 1666
{Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 246). The express left
Dalziel "from Evandale . . . upon Sonday [25 Nov-
ember] at fyve a clock at night."

2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249.

3 The editor suggests " Ffoord " as the correct reading.

It would certainly seem so. The position which Hatton

indicates was above Stonebyres (Kirkton, p. 240).

40

AT LANARK

a halfe mylne of Lanerk wee discovered the
enemies reirgaird off horse lyeing at the
heid off the passe1 on Lanerk syd, and did
see ther bodie marching over Lanerk Hill."
Their intention, Hatton believed, was to
give battle on Lanark moor. Wallace,
however, had no mind to risk an engage-
ment. The march before him was a long
one, "through pitifull broken moores."2
Sending to the rear " to see in what con-
dition their affaires stood," Wallace marched
on briskly with the main body. The need
for haste was insistent. An hour or so later,
Dalziel's main body arrived at the ford and
crossed it, " the Earles of Linlithgow and
Kellie showing their foot companies good
example by wadeing the river first them-
selves."3 Dalziel pushed on his cavalry.

1 i.e. the ford. 2 Kirkton, p. 240.

3 Turner, p. 172. The ferry-boat had been either
" dround or broken " {ibid).

4i

DALZIEL QUARTERS

" Wee marched alltogether," writes Mait-
land of Hatton, " till wee came to Black-
wood's hous, a myle be east Lanerk, wher
ther is a bridge and a passe. And it is a
strange thing thatt such beasts did nott
keep thatt ground betuixt the tuo passes,
having a towne for intertainementt and a
safe retreatt at Blackwood pase."1 Two or
three miles further along the difficult route
Wallace was constrained by the nearness of
the enemy to face about and await attack.'2
Dalziel, however, was cautious. The con-
sequences of a check he knew full well.
He would risk nothing, and the short

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 24.9.

2 " Upon this intelligence [of Dalziel's crossing the

Clyde] the rebells facd about, and drew up as formallie

as the ground could permit. And certainlie if the

Generall had comd up that length and attackd them,

he had done it with a notable seene disadvantage, the

moras being so deepe, and the way so narrow, that

hardlie the foot, much lesse the horse, could do any

great service" (Turner, p. 172).

42

AT LANARK

November day was "near night-falling."1
At the " pass of Blackwood " he halted his
main body, both horse and foot, and sent
on Hatton to skirmish ahead. " We went
on," he reported to his brother, " thre
meills esterward to the Mossplatt and fol-
lowed the enemies track through tuo moss's
almost impassable, till we lost day to returne
to our bodie, bott gott never a sight off
them ; bott on they marched soe verie hard,
and our command being to follow bot tuo
meill, we went three till moss separatt us."
Abandoning all thought of pursuit in the
gathering darkness, Dalziel drew back his
forces to Lanark and quartered there for
the night,2

So soon as Dalziel's disinclination to
attack was understood, Wallace continued
the march towards Bathgate. In the course

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 407.

2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249.

43

LOWRIE INVITES

of it William Lowrie of Blackwood rode
up upon an informal embassy from the
Duke of Hamilton, who was with Dalziel,
" to see if possible effusion of blood might
be shunned, and what we would be at."
" This," adds Wallace, " I heard he spoke
of to some. He pretended to no written
commission, but only verbal ; neither did
he apply himself to any amongst us who
were at that time specially concerned to be
spoken to."1 Wallace therefore pushed on.
Bathgate was reached " two hours within

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 4.06. Turner (p. 172)
confirms Wallace : " Mr. Laurie of Blackwood was
brought to them ; what his errand was I know not,
bot if it was to intimate the proclamation and act of
grace, he did it with so little noyse, and to so few,
that not all their officers, much lesse their soldiers,
knew any thing of it ; neither did he so much as
give me any hint of it, though he and I rode a full
houre together." For the proclamation to which
Turner refers (dated 21 November, 1666) see Wodrow,
vol. ii. p. 20. For a note on William Lowrie of
Blackwood, see Kirkton, p. 239.

44

NEGOTIATIONS

night." " We went into an house," writes
Wallace, " such as it was, and after prayer
did consider what we should do next :
back we might not go, the enemy being
in our rear. After much debate, it was
thought fit that we should march to-mor-
row early on the way towards Edinburgh ;
being confident that, before we could come
that length, we would hear from our friends
at Edinburgh ; as likewise our friends in
West Calder and Shotts, or thereabouts,
would come to us that way, and meet us
to-morrow." Hardly had that conclusion
been come to before an alarm of Dalziel's
approach was raised, " and though it was
a dreadfully dark (though but a little past
the height of the moon) and foul night,
yet after that long wearisome march that
day before, we were necessitated to draw
forth, and calling in the guards, to march

at twelve o'clock at night, in one of the

45

WALLACE'S TROOPS

darkest nights (I am persuaded) that ever
any in that company saw. Except we had
been tied together, it was impossible to
keep together; and every little burn was a
river."1 Stragglers and deserters were
numerous.2 When a halt was called at New-
bridge early in the morning (27 November),

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 407. Regarding the alarm
at Bathgate, John Howie of Lochgoin (The Scots
Worthies, Glasgow, 1837, vol. i. p. 578) states: "There
had been a company of gentleman met [at Bathgate],
who, upon hearing their [i.e. the insurgents'] approach,
fled hard into Lithgow, alarming them with great
fear." According to William Veitch the alarm at
Bathgate was occasioned thus : " Night coming on,
and [as] no quarters could be had for such a number,
they were forced to stand with their arms without in
the field. And a great snow coming on like to dis-
courage the company, some of the officers, thinking
it was better to be marching than standing in such a
posture, gave a false alarm that the enemy was
approaching" (Veitch and Brysson, p. 29).

2 " It was believed they lossed more than the half

of their poor army, who stuck in the clay, and fainted

by the way" (Kirkton, p. 240).

46

ARRIVE AT NEWBRIDGE

the jaded rebels looked " rather like dyeing
men than souldiers going to conquer."1

It was " about fair day light ' on the
27th when Wallace and his weary troops
drew up on the east of Newbridge. " O
what a sad sight was it to see the condition
we were in," he recalled. " Except some of
the chief officers, there was not a captain
present with the horse, save one."2 " That
night," Turner declares, " fortie horse were
too many to have routed them all."3 The

1 Kirkton, p. 240.

^Veitch and Brysson, p. 408.

3 Turner, p. 176. Turner, who remarks (p. 174)
that the advance to Bathgate made him doubtful
whether Wallace " intended for Edenburgh or Glas-
gow," adds, regarding the march to Newbridge, that
" the raynie and boysterous weather, the darknes of
the night, and deepnes of the way, occasioned a most
disorderlie march ; for after they were three or foure
miles on their way, most of them, both horse and
foot, went into houses on the hie way, and by my
persuasion, so did my guards too. We stayd in a

47

PREPARATIONS MADE BY

Government held other views of the situation.
On 21 November the Council had issued
a proclamation against the insurgents and
such as should harbour or assist them.1
On the same date, on the ground that " the
insurrection at Dumfries and the western
shires is grown into an open rebellion,"
the fencible persons in the Lothians, Fife,
Perth, " except the country of Athole,"
Stirling, Dumbarton, the Merse, Teviotdale,
Tweeddale, Clackmannan, " the Forest,"
Angus, and Mearns, were ordered to
mobilise at dates between 23 and 29
November.2 On 23 November the fencible
men of Renfrew, Ayr, and Lanark were
also summoned.3 On 26 November the
prevailing anxiety is marked by the Coun-

poore house, till daylight [on the 27 th] summond us
to horsebacke."

1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 20. "Ibid. p. 21.

3 Ibid. p. 23.

48

THE GOVERNMENT

cil's order for payment of £10 sterling for
horsemen to scour night and morning for
intelligence of the insurgents' movements.
The cannon from the Castle were placed
at the city's gates. No person was allowed
to pass in or out of Edinburgh without per-
mission. A large quantity of " lances and
pole-axes " was hurriedly ordered from Cul-
ross, Dunfermline, and elsewhere.1

To the insurgents, halting at Newbridge
in the early morning of the 27th, the out-
look seemed dismal and hopeless. A fresh
alarm, that Dalziel was " hard at hand,
marching unto the same bridge," added
confusion to despair. " Judge any man,"
writes Wallace, " of the posture we were
in, having no officers to command the few
we had together." Hurriedly a guard was
placed to hold the bridge, while the main
body " marched off to take up some fit

1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 26.
D 49

RENEWED ATTEMPTS

ground or other to fight on." Lowrie of
Blackwood again came up, having ridden
forward from Dalziel, who, he declared, was
no nearer than Calder. So the alarm sub-
sided.1 No intelligence had reached the
insurgents from their friends at Edinburgh.
None the less it was resolved to advance
to Colinton to encourage their timid well-
wishers.2 About ten o'clock (27 November)
they drew up, two squadrons of horse, and
one of foot. Turner numbered them at
" few above one thousand." A sermon
preceded the march. The preacher " desird
them to remember that Covenant and oath
of God, which they had suorne the day
before, and that they were obliged to cary
themselves not onlie pieouslie to God, bot
civillie and discreetlie to man. He assurd
them, their friends [in Edinburgh] were
readie to ressave and embrace them with

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 408. 2 Ibid. p. 410.

5o

AT NEGOTIATION

open armes, and furnish them with all neces-
saries for backe and bellie, as also with all
things might render them able to encounter
their enemies ; armes and amunition
assuredlie he meant." The address, Turner
comments, " though it was not unworthie
a Christian, (thogh a rebell,) yet did it not
at all please me ; for by it I perceavd the
minister conceavd the toune of Edenburgh
to be his oune. Bot before he sleepd, I
was disabused, and he was disappointed."1

So soon as the advanced party had set
forth towards Colinton, Lowrie of Black-
wood again desired to confer with Wallace
and his colleagues. "All that he had to
say was, in short," Wallace declares, " to
see if he could persuade us to lay down
arms upon an act of indemnity, which
the duke [of Hamilton] (said he) would

1 Turner, p. 176. He describes the minister as
" either one Guthrie, or one Oglebie."

5i

THE WHIGS

labour to procure. He had no written
commission." Wallace was not inclined to
negotiate through a suspicious channel, and
Lowrie returned to Dalziel.1 Wallace
continued the march. The road to Colin-
ton took the insurgents, for some part
of its course, in full view of Edinburgh
Castle, but "at such a distance that the
guns of it could not reach them." At
Colinton they halted, in a position which,
" by reason of a church and churchyard,

1 Ve'ttch and Brysson, p. 410. In 1679 Lowrie
supported the cause of the Whigs, and in 1682 was
condemned to death, a sentence which never was carried
out. Upon his first visit to Wallace the insurgents
imagined that he intended to join them. Finding
that he had come as an emissary from Hamilton,
Wallace " withdrew without a good night " to him,
and others urged that he should be made a prisoner
(Kirkton, p. 238). Upon his second visit, when the
insurgents were at Newbridge, they had given him
"admonition to take heed to his way, and so they
parted" (ibid. p. 241). Hence Wallace's reserved
attitude towards him on his third appearance.

52

HALT AT COLINTON

a stone bridge, the water, because of the
great raines unfoordable, was defencible
enough against infalls."1 From Edinburgh
at length came a faint flicker of encourage-
ment. James Stewart of Goodtrees sent
a communication urging them " to come
as near Edinburgh as possible, where they
would get assistance both of men and
other necessaries." The leaders met to
discuss the invitation, and William Veitch
was sent to find out what ground there
was for Stewart's assurance.2

Wallace founded little hope upon Veitch's
mission. Blackwood, and with him the
Laird of Barskimming, rode into Colinton
soon after Veitch's departure. Blackwood
brought a promise from Dalziel that he

1 Turner, p. 177.

2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 29. Veitch was made prisoner
at the Windmill, and was carried to Lord Kingston,
in command of " the main-guard without the West
Port," who liberated him (ibid. pp. 33, 35).

53

WHIG COMMUNICATION

would not proceed to extremities until he
was assured that the Whigs absolutely
rejected the chance of accommodation.
He also had undertaken in their behalf
that they would refrain from hostilities
until he had reported his mission. His
action was wholly unauthorised. " All
that we said to Blackwood that night,"
remarks Wallace, " was, as to his paroll-
ing in our name, we did not understand
this way of his ; howbeit it was very
like there would none of us wrong other
that time, being both foul and dark ; and
if he stayed that night he might see it."
Blackwood therefore remained at Colinton.
Early next morning (28 November) Bar-
skimming " slipped away," not unknown
to Blackwood, Wallace conjectured. Veitch
had not returned. The insurgents' force
had sunk to " not above 800 or 900 men,

and these most part without arms." The

54

TO THE GOVERNMENT

outlook was cheerless. Prudence counselled
acceptance of Blackwood's proffered media-
tion. So a communication to Dalziel was
drafted, of the following tenor : "That
because of the untolerable insolencies of the
prelates and their insupportable oppressions,
all ways of remonstrating or petitioning
being taken from us, we were necessitated
to draw together, that jointly we might
the more securely petition his Majesty
and council for redress; but in respect
that his excellency was not there [at Edin-
burgh], by whom we intended to present
our supplication, to interpose for a favour-
able hearing thereof, and that we knew
not when the council-day would be, we
did desire of his excellency not only to
be acquainted with the diet, but that we
might have a blank-pass to a person
whom we might send with our petition ;

and we had desired the same gentleman

55

FAILURE OF

who had come to us from his excellency
might have the answer, who would be
careful of its coming to our hands." The
letter was despatched by Blackwood,1 " who
promised with all speed to have the return
at us very soon."2 Dalziel forwarded
Wallace's communication to the Council,

1 Wallace, mistrusting Blackwood, desired to send
"a commissioner with Blackwood to Dalyell" to treat
with him. Blackwood declared that " their com-
missioner would not be acceptable, because he was
ane outlaw." Blackwood therefore went alone (Kirk-
ton, p. 241).

^-Veitch and Bryssoti, pp. 411-414. Turner (p. 178)
assured Rothes that " Mr. Richard of Barskemmine . . .
acted his part very handsomlie. He intimated to all
he could either meet or speake with, (without any feare
of the rebells,) his Majesties act of grace, and the
Privie Councells proclamation ; which did produce
so good effects, that it diminishd their number at
least one hundreth before nixt morning." At New-
bridge Turner had estimated the insurgents at about
one thousand. The desertions at Colinton would bring
their number to nine hundred, which corresponds
with Wallace's estimate. Kirkton (p. 242) gives them
" not exceeding 900 spent men."

56

NEGOTIATIONS

and that body, on the 28th, informed him
that they were " no ways satisfied " with
it. Their utmost concession was, that
provided the insurgents laid down their
arms, they would be allowed to " petition
for mercy."1 It does not appear that
Dalziel was able to communicate to Wallace
the Council's reply.2

In the early hours of the fateful 28th,
an event took place which further under-
mined the insurgents' reliance upon the
negotiation to which they were invited.
Dalziel and his own force had no part
in it. About two or three in the morn-
ing, a party of " loyall gentlemen," seem-

1 Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 30.

2 Kirkton's account (p. 242) is clear to the fact,
that at the moment when Dalziel's force appeared at
Rullion Green, the insurgents " were still in expectation
of some peaceable conclusion from Blackwood's negotia-
tion." Dalziel entrusted Blackwood with the duty
of carrying Wallace's letter to the Privy Council
(Kirkton, p. 241).

57

THE INSURGENTS

ingly Lothian heritors, riding out from
their quarters in the Canongate, fell upon
the Whig outpost at Colinton. They
met with a stout resistance and retired.1
The event quickened Wallace's resolution
to extricate his force from a position
clearly hopeless. Even while Blackwood
was conveying the petition to Dalziel, it
was resolved to retreat to safer surround-
ings.2

A " sore night of frost and snow " had
given place to " a fair frosty day " 3 when
early on the 28th the insurgents moved
out from Colinton. Dalziel barred the
direct route to the haven of their own

1 Turner, p. 1 79. The insurgents lost one man.

2 Kirkton, p. 242.

3Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 32. Veitch states (Veitch and
Brysson, p. 41): "It having been snow and frost the
night before, the day was pretty clear and sunshine."
Wodrow's authority, it may be noted, was Veitch him-
self.

58

RETREAT

country. But by skirting the eastern front
of the Pentlands, and trusting to the well-
tried marching-powers of their foot, there
offered the chance of winning back to Clyde
or Teviot, there to recruit or disperse.
Failing a successful engagement it was the
single avenue of hope. So crossing the
Braid Burn and passing Dreghorn Castle,1
they headed eastward, making for Dalkeith,
as it appeared to Turner. But so soon as
they struck the Linton road the eastward
march was abandoned. With Edinburgh in
the rear, Wallace marched his force south-
ward towards Linton and Biggar.2 Crossing

1 Maitland of Hatton states {Lauderdale Papers, vol.
i. p. 249) that Dalziel's original plan was " to have
dropped downe on them at Dreghorne, Sir Robert
Murrays brothers house."

2 Turner's account is as follows (p. 180): "At first,
when they began their march [from Colinton], I
imagind they intended for Dalkieth, and so to Tiviot-
daill. Bot when I saw them leave that road, and take
the way of Linton, I knew not what to thinke, and

59

DALZIEL FOLLOWS

the Glencorse Burn at Flotterstone he passed
House of Muir, and called a halt on
Rullion Green, to await stragglers and
snatch some hasty refreshment.1 It was

perhaps the rebells knew not what to doe." Kirkton
(p. 242) states, that " turning the east end of Pentland
Hills, they take the way to Biggar." Wallace's account
(Veitch and Brysson, p. 415) is as follows: "We
marched away straight [from Colinton] to Inglistown
Bridge, in about the point of Pentland Hills, and sent
off, as before, some for bringing in provisions by the
way. Some we sent to Tiviotdale to signify our being
here, and our expecting them." Ingliston Bridge I
conjecture to be the bridge over Glencorse Burn at
Flotterstone.

1 Kirkton, p. 242. Turner calls the spot Gallow
Law. His account is as follows (p. 180) : " Some foure
or five miles from Edenburgh, at a place called the
Gallow Law, (ane ominous name,) they made ane
halt, bot did not draw up, waiting for their reare,
for many had stayd behind lookeing for their break-
fasts."

The six-inch Ordnance Map gives confusing details.

Its site for the battle was the site of the brief halt.

The so-called Covenanters' "Encampment" which it

shows was approximately the site of the battle.

60

IN PURSUIT

about noon,1 when danger presented itself
from an unexpected quarter.

The story turns to Dalziel. After his
failure to overtake Wallace on the 26th
he had quartered that night at Lanark.
On the 27th, following Wallace's track, he
had intelligence six miles from Lanark that
the insurgents were at Bathgate. Pushing
forward, he quartered at night at Calder
House, near Mid Calder.2 On the 28th,
Dalziel advanced to Currie, and crossed
Leith Water at the bridge. His intention
was to fall on the insurgents about Dreg-
horn. But news reached him which wholly
changed his plans. Wallace, he learnt,
instead of continuing his advance upon the
capital, had marched " by the back off
Pentlan Hills."3 Dalziel understood the

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41.

2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 249. Maitland calls
the house " Calder Torphicens hous."

3 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250.

61

OPPOSING FORCES

move — the Whigs were heading for flight or
for a new recruiting ground in Teviotdale.
His position at Currie enabled him to cut
them off from that line of retreat. From
Currie, following the valley of the Kenleith
Burn, a roughish route bearing south-east-
ward enters the Pentlands between Harbour
Hill and Bell's Hill, beyond which the
Glencorse valley carries the track straight
to the Linton road at Flotterstone, hard by
Rullion Green.1 Dalziel resolved to adven-
ture the short cut. Tracking past St. Cathe-
rine's Hope, his advanced party, led by the
Earl of Airlie's brother, came about noon
in sight of the Whigs bivouacking on
Rullion Green, hard by the roadway south-
ward of the valley which Dalziel's troops
were threading.2

1 See Bartholomew's map, The Pentland Hills, showing

Public Paths.

2 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. The ruins of St.

Catherine's Chapel are submerged in the Glencorse

62

MEET AT RULLION GREEN

It was about noon l when the insurgents,
from their bivouack at Rullion Green, saw
the foreparty of Dalziel's troops advancing
from the west over the hills from Currie.
" I was so alarmd " at the sight, Turner
declares, " that I forgot my breade and
cheese. When I saw the partie appear
numerous, I presentlie apprehended it was
the Generalls forpartie, or forlorne hope,
especiallie when I calld to mind that Bar-
skemmine had told me, that the head quarter
the night before had been at West Calder.
It provd to be as I thought."2 William
Veitch, who reached Rullion Green about

reservoir. A letter from Edinburgh on 28 November,
1666, states: "They [the Whigs] fled before the
general, retiring towards Edinburgh ; but he, being
confident of the activity and loyalty of And. Ramsay,
lord provost, cut a nearer way through, and fell in with
them out of Edinburgh, for hearing that the citizens
were in arms to oppose them, they had turned home-
wards " (Cal. State Papers, Dom. \666-\66j, p. 295).
1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41. 2 Turner, p. 181.

63

WALLACE DRAWS UP

noon, found a " select party of [Whig]
horse " already hurrying to the higher
slopes x of Turnhouse Hill. Turner offered
Wallace half-hearted encouragement : " Sir,
be not surprised, for this may prove to be
a partie of your oune, which I saw ride up
ane other hill a little while agoe." " They
are tuo blacke2 to be a partie of ours,"
Wallace replied, adding : " fy, fy, for ground
to draw up on." " You had best look for
it elsewhere, for heere there is none,"
Turner advised. To seize the high ground
was obvious. Wallace needed no prompting
on that score. Horse and foot marched
quickly off the low ground at Rullion, and,
going " round about the Gallow Law," drew
up on Turnhouse Hill prepared for battle.3

1 Veitch and Brysson, p. 41. 2i.e. numerous.

3 Turner, p. 181. What Turner calls " Gallow Law "
would certainly appear to be Lawhead Hill. See the
accompanying map. Turner seized the opportunity to
escape. See his Memoirs, p. 185.

64

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ON TURNHOUSE HILL

The Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland,1 in
stating the traditional site of the battle,
is content to echo Hill Burton's remark,
that " neither the spot itself, nor any part
of the range of the Pentlands close to it,
corresponds with the description of the
ground taken by Wallace — a ridge running
north and south, and rising abruptly on
the north end."2 But even if other evi-
dence were wanting, the data which Hill
Burton found in Wallace are sufficient to
indicate Turnhouse Hill as the scene of
the engagement. Its highest ridges, running
north and south, attain an altitude of
fifteen hundred feet, and fall to the east
towards Glencorse Burn. On the eastward
slope the battle was fought.3 Maitland of

^d. Francis H. Groome, 1901, p. 1415.

2 History of Scotland, ed. 1876, vol. vii. p. 172.

3 A visit to the locality enabled the present writer
to examine the ground in the light of the various and
mutually agreeing contemporary accounts of the battle.

E 65

DISPOSITION OF

Hatton, however, describes the position held
by Wallace with detail which puts the
battle-site beyond doubt. He found the
insurgents " on the syd off the turnehous
hill, which is the westmost, greattest and
highest off pentlanhills, and the tope off
it doeth just resemble the tope off Arthur's
seatt."1 The resemblance to the height
standing sentinel above Edinburgh is in
fact striking. For a defensive engagement
the position was admirably chosen. It could
be reached only by a steep and stiff ascent.
Maitland of Hatton experienced its diffi-
culty, and found it cc of that presipes that
it were mutch ffor a double horse to

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. Kirkton's account

(p. 142) is equally expressive. Wallace drew up, he

says, " upon the back of a long hill running from the

south with a low shoulder, toward the north, where

it hade a high steep shoulder." These two points, as

will be shown, represented respectively the right and

left of Wallace's position.

66

THE WHIG FORCE

ryd up itt, and the hindmost nott to ffall
off."1

Arrived on the plateau whereon stands
the Martyrs' Tomb, Wallace divided his
small force into three bodies, along a front
facing eastward. Upon the southern 'Mow
shoulder " of Turnhouse Hill he posted a
small body of Galloway horse under Bar-
scobe's command.2 They held the right
of the position.3 Upon the north, where

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251. The pedestrian
who climbs up to the plantation wherein is the Martyrs'
Tomb (which marks the right of Wallace's position)
will appreciate Maitland's remark. By "double horse"
he means a horse bearing two riders.

2 Kirkton, p. 242. The number of horse on this
quarter was no more than about eighty {Veitch and
Brysson, p. 419). According to Kirkton (p. 243) it
was no more than thirty.

3 There is no means of conclusively determining the
position of this body. But from Kirkton's description
I have little doubt that it was on the site occupied by
the existing plantation, and probably a little westward

of the Martyrs' Tomb.

67

DALZIEL'S FOREPARTY

the hill had "a high steep shoulder,"
Wallace posted the main body of his horse
under Learmont,1 nearest to the point
whence attack threatened.2 On the centre
were drawn up " the poor unarmed foot-
men." Wallace took position with them.3
Wallace had moved up his force from
Rullion Green under the concealing cover
of Lawhead Hill.4 His appearance on
the Turnhouse slope fronting Glencorse
Burn proved that an elusive foe was at

1 Kirkton, p. 242. Veitch calls them the "select
party" {Veitch and Brysson, p. 41). A letter from Edin-
burgh on 27 November, 1666, speaks of Learmont as
"Jos. Learmont, a foolish fellow, not worth 500/" {Cal.
State Papers, Dom. 1666-1667, P- 295)-

2Kirkton's "high steep shoulder" on the north is
clearly distinguishable, I think, as one surveys the position
from the Martyrs' Tomb. The accompanying map in-
dicates it.

3 Kirkton, p. 242.

4 This is, I think, a fair inference from Turner's
statement, already quoted. See above, p. 64.

68

HALTS IN INDECISION

length run to ground and ready to stand.
To attack him was hazardous. Dalziel's
main body was still toiling in the rear.
The foreparty, whose appearance had com-
pelled Wallace's hasty move from Rullion
Green, was numerically weak.1 Access to
the insurgents' position also was difficult.
Between the two forces there intervened
Glencorse Burn and a "great glen."2 Dal-
ziel's foreparty halted in indecision. After

1 Maitland describes it as " our ffoor partie, being
tuentie tuo horse, the third partie of our full forlorne."
It was commanded, he states, by the Earl of Airlie's
brother {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250). The van of
Dalziel's force was under the command of Lieutenant-
General William Drummond (Turner, p. 181).
Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) describes him as "brother
to the Lord Madertie, a person some more polite,
and yet abundantly qualified for the work in hand,
being many years in the Muscovite service with the
former [Dalziel]."

2 Wallace explains {Veitch and Brysson, p. 416) :
" Now there was a great glen betwixt us, so as
neither of us could have access to other. There we
stood brandishing our swords." Kirkton (p. 242)

69

DALZIEL'S FOREPARTY

viewing the enemy " a long time,"1 an attack
across the intervening valley was deemed
impracticable. It was resolved, however,
to try conclusions with the leftward body
of the insurgent force, the mounted men
under Learmont. Retracing its steps, the
foreparty crossed Glencorse Burn and as-
cended the Turnhouse Hill to a point
north-east of the position which Wallace
held.2 Wallace detached an equal force

describes Dalziel's advanced party as " upon ane op-
posite hill," the two armies being separated by " a
great descent betwixt them." Both statements exactly
describe the position viewed from the Martyrs' Tomb
and looking towards Glencorse Burn.

1 Kirkton, p. 242.

2 Wallace's account {Veltch and Brysson, p. 416) is as
follows : " Now their foot was not come up, only were
coming. A party of their horse (I think to the num-
ber of fifty or thereabout) seeing they could not come
at us here, they take away westward." Kirkton (p.
242) describes Dalziel's foreparty as being sent " to
squint along the edge of the hills, and to attack their
left hand."

70

ATTACKS LEARMONT

from his left to meet the threatened attack.
Arnot was in command.1 Both parties,
Wallace narrates,2 marched "along the side
of their own hill, towards an even piece of
ground,3 to which both of them came.
They were not long asunder when once
they were there. After they had discharged
their fire, they closed, and for a consider-
able time stand dealing with swords." The
insurgents lost two of their ringleaders,
John Cruickshank and Andrew M'Cormick,
Irish ministers, and "main instruments of
the attempt."4 More than one saddle of

1 Kirkton, p. 242. According to Veitch {Veitch and
Brysson, p. 41), Robert Maclellan of Barmagechan and
John Cruickshank were the leaders.

2 Veitch and Brysson, p. 416.

3 Kirkton (p. 242) calls it " a piece of equal plain
ground." The conjectural site of the skirmish is
marked upon the accompanying map.

4 Kirkton (p. 243) is even more emphatic than
Wallace. He calls Cruickshank and M'Cormick " the
great instruments to perswade the people to this

71

DALZIEL AWAITS

the troopers was emptied.1 Caution, and
the advisability of awaiting the main body,
rather than a decisive repulse, impelled Dal-
ziel's foreparty to retire.2

undertaking." M'Cormick has already (see above, p.
31) been mentioned as urging the abandonment
of the rising. He was commonly called "the good-
man" (Kirkton, p. 236). Rothes describes him
{Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 254) as " one Mr. Andrew
Mackcornock, ane Irish minister, who was active upon
the plot in Ireland with Blood."

1 Maitland writes [Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) :
" We lostt on man off the Duk's troupe, and tuo
hurtt. On was ours off the generals."

2 As both sides claimed the victory the suggestion in
the text is probably sound. According to Wallace
{Veitch and Brysson, p. 416): "At last the enemy runs;
and if they had not retired by a way that there was
no dealing with them, alongst the side of a steep hill,
it is like there had not many of them gone home."
The two parties, Kirkton states (p. 243), "fought it
stoutly for a considerable time, till at length, not-
withstanding all their advantage, Dalyell's men run."
Wodrow's informant (vol, ii. p. 32) declares that
General Drummond "himself owned afterwards to Mr.

James Kirkton, from whom I have the account, that

72

HIS INFANTRY

News of the skirmish had been carried
to the rear. Dalziel's main body of horse
hastened up in support, and joined by the
foreparty, drew up upon high ground west-
ward of Glencorse Burn. There they awaited
the arrival of the infantry.1 Wallace threw

if we had pursued the chase, in the confusion they
were under, the general's army might have been
ruined." Veitch tells a more remarkable story ( Veitch
and Brysson, p. 41): "Drummond and his party were
instantly beat back, to the great confusion and con-
sternation of their army ; hundreds whereof, as they
were following disorderly through the hill sides,
threw down their arms and ran away." This,
certainly, is gross exaggeration. On the other side
Maitland declares {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250):
"Our ftbor partie . . . ingadged ther forlorne off
eightie horse and beatt them, though they had the
advantage off the ground, even to a presipes."

1 Maitland's account {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250)
is as follows : " We, getting nottice off the ingadg-
mentt, march with the wholl horse (our ffoot being
tuo myles behind) up a streatt hill beeast ther hill,
so straitt that we could hardly keep the seddle. Ther
was a glen betuixt us and them, and a great sidlens

73

DALZIEL CROSSES

out a party of foot to threaten their position.
Thereupon Drummond, satisfied that the
nature of the ground offered no opportunity
for successful assault on that quarter,
marched across the Glen and drew up on
the other side of the burn, fronting at safe
distance the insurgents' main position on
Turnhouse Hill.1

or presipes, which we behoved to pase iff we charged
them, and wher horse could hardly keepe foott, we
drew all up there." Wallace describes the position
as "no ways accessible for horse to do them any hurt"
(Veitck and Brysson, p. 417). Kirkton (p. 243) calls
it " a place unaccessable for horsemen." Wallace
further defines it as on " that side of the glen that
lay on the west hand." Its position is therefore clearly
indicated, and is marked upon the accompanying map.

1 Wallace states (Veitch and Brysson, p. 4 1 7) : " Upon
the foot's approach they were forced to quit that side
of the glen that lay on the west hand, and to go over
to the east side of the glen, where they stayed till
their foot came up. In this condition we stood fore-
against other : neither of us could well come at other
where we stood." Maitland (Lauderdale Papers, vol. i.
p. 250) confirms Wallace. He writes: "And the tuo

74

GLENCORSE BURN

It was already past three o'clock, and the
November day was closing in. Another
hour passed before Dalziel's infantry came
up.1 Upon their arrival the whole force
crossed Glencorse Burn and drew up on the
lower slope of Turnhouse Hill, whose ridge
Wallace held above them.2 On his right

generall persones Dalziell and Drummond (whos excel-
lent conduct in all this matter I most admeire) fynding
this disadvantage, we marched doune agane, crosed the
watter and went up to ane other hill nott soe high
be-east and oppositt to them." Kirkton (p. 243) also
calls the position " a bank more easterly," where
"they stopt till all their foot came up." See the map.

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250.

2 The evidence available to identify Dalziel's position
is as follows. Kirkton (p. 243) says that Dalziel " drew
up his army upon the skirt of the same hill, where
Wallace hade the ridge, and Dalyell hade the skirt
beneath him, which is the Rullion-green." Maitland's
account {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) states, that
upon the arrival of his infantry, Dalziel " marched
downe southward toward Losleine [? Rullion] and drew
up all on the bottom on the south side off the hill
wher the enemie stood ; this made them drawe doune

75

BEGINNING OF

Dalziel placed the Life Guards, Rothes's troop
of horse, and that of Lieutenant-General
Drummond. On his left were his own,
Hamilton's, Atholl's, and Airlie's troops.
The infantry were in the centre,1 but were

to the skert of ther hill toward us." Wallace writes
{Veitch and Brysson, p. 417) : "When their foot came
up, their whole horse and foot came down ofF the
hill towards a moor beneath us on our right hand ;
and there they drew up in battle array, thinking to
provoke us to quit our ground, and to fight them
on even ground. We perceiving how numerous they
were, being at least (whatever they were more) in all
three times our number, resolved we would not quit
our ground. There we stood only fronting other."
Dalziel, I conclude, crossed Glencorse Burn west of
Flotterstone, and drew up, fronting westward, at the
base of the slope whose crest is now fringed by the
plantations which shelter the Martyrs' Tomb.

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250. The military
establishment at this time consisted of two regiments
of foot, six troops of horse, and two troops of the
Guards. The two infantry regiments are said by
Wodrow (vol. ii. p. 13) to have been commanded by
Dalziel and the Earl of Newburgh (Sir James Living-
stone). Of the six troops of horse he mentions the

76

THE ENGAGEMENT

held mainly in reserve.1 It was near sun-
set when the engagement began.2 Detach-
ing a considerable body of horse from his
right,3 supported by a flanking party of
foot, Dalziel launched them against the
left of Wallace's position. "After some
mutual communion what was fit to be
done," writes Wallace,4 " whether to fight
them, if put to it, that same night, be-
cause, if we delayed that night, (as we

Duke of Hamilton, the Earls of Annandale, Airlie
and Kincardine among their commanders. He esti-
mates the full strength of the establishment at about
three thousand foot, besides horse. Law (Memorialls,
p. 1 6) gives Dalziel's strength as six hundred horse
and two thousand foot.

1 Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251. Maitland states:
" Our fFoot stood for a reserve Nor could they fyr
unles they had killed our men off the horse."

2 Ibid.

3 The horse numbered fifty, according to Maitland
{Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250).

4 Veitch and Brysson, p. 417.

77

TEMPORARY SUCCESS

readily might, if we had pleased) we might
expect, whatever we might be fewer, the
enemy would be no fewer ; after prayer it
was resolved, that if the Lord in providence
did order so as we were put to it, we
should put ourselves in his hand, and quit
ourselves of our duty." Dalziel's close
attack resolved the dilemma. " We found
ourselves forced to give them a meeting,"
Wallace continues, " and so a party of near
as many1 were sent down from our left
hand to meet them ; and in respect there
had come a few of their foot upon the
flanks of their party, a few of our foot
were sent off with ours to encounter them."
The rival parties met. A volley was
fired. Both fell to swords at close quarters.
But the advantage of the ground was with

1 Maitland (Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 250) declares

that they were double the number — one hundred against

Dalziel's fifty.

78

OF THE INSURGENTS

the insurgents. Aided by the declivity
their foot routed the body opposed to
them. Dalziel's horse abode no longer,
and galloped down to the main body.1

Dalziel's tactics were simple — to turn
the left of the insurgents, and, forcing a
general evacuation of their position, to
compel a disorderly retreat along the lower
ground, which his left would be adequate
to deal with. He therefore ordered a
second attack from his right. It had no
better success than the first.2 In the de-

1 1 have followed Wallace here. Maitland {Lauderdale
Papers, vol. i. p. 250) substantially confirms him. He
states : " The engadgmentt begunne by a commanditt
partie off' 50 off our right wing off* horse, receaved by
the rebells by 100 of ther horse : ours did gallently, and
they stuck in others birse for a quarter off ane hour ;
and ours being borne by weight from so greatt a precipes,
they reteired a litle."

2 According to Wallace (Veltch and Brysson, p. 418) :
" So soon as the enemy see their horse put to flight,
immediately there is another party commanded off their

79

LEARMONT

velopment of it the Duke of Hamilton
narrowly escaped capture or death.1 A
third time Dalziel ordered his right to
assault the stubborn position. His perse-
verance was at length rewarded. Wallace's
left was driven back to its position on
the ridge,2 and Learmont, commanding

right hand, and quickly advances towards the relief of
their own men. Upon this, another party is sent down
from our left hand to meet them. After these two fresh
bodies had grasped a while together, the enemy runs,
and, in the view of all, this party of ours did so hotly
pursue them, that they chased them far away by their
body." Kirkton (p. 243) states that Wallace's left drove
Dalziel's horse " beyond the front of their army."
Maitland {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251) gives
another view of the engagement : " Our right hand of
our right wing charged and forced back the enemie to
ther ground and bodie. And they returned unbroken."

1 Hamilton was protected from a threateni*)" blow by
James Ramsay, Dean of Hamilton {Veitch and Brysson,
P- 43).

2 Wallace's account (Veitch and Brysson, p. 419) is as

follows : " Upon this [repulse of Dalziel's second

assault] advances the rest of their horse that were on

80

REPULSED

on that quarter, barely regained it in
safety.1

It was already dusk,2 and darkness
threatened to cheat Dalziel of his quarry.
Learmont's repulse had already called down
a rightward party of Wallace's horse. With
the enemy no longer solid and unshaken
upon the height, Dalziel seized the moment

their right hand, and forcing back our party, a party of
our horse on the right hand were sent off." Kirkton
(p. 243) states that Wallace's left was forced to " retire
up the hill to their old station." Maitland {Lauderdale
Papers, vol. i. p. 251) infers that this third attack of
Dalziel's right completed the success already achieved
by the previous assault. " And by order," he writes,
" our left hand off our right wing charged and mad
them reill."

1 Veitch {Veitch and Brysson, p. 43) states that Lear-
mont's horse was shot under him, and that he, " starting
back to a fold-dike, killed one of the four that pursued
him, and mounting his horse, came off in spite of the
other three."

2 "At daylight going," says Veitch [Veitch and Brysson,

P- 43)-

F 8l

DEFEAT OF THE WHIGS

to engage their whole line while their left
was still in some confusion. His left, which
so far had not engaged, threw itself in
overwhelming strength upon Wallace's right,
tempted from its position by the critical
fortune of Learmont's party. The latter,
finding the brunt of attack transferred to
the right, struggled to reinforce that quarter,
but in the effort, threw the intervening
foot into confusion. Dalziel pushed his
advance steadily.1 There was no time to
rally, and in the gathering darkness the
insurgents broke and fled.2

1 Turner (p. 1 86) observed Dalziel's " whole bodie of
foot and left wing of horse advance with much courage
and in very good order, with trumpets sounding, and
drums beating."

2 The account I have given appears to focus the

meaning of the various contemporary narratives. Mait-

land {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251) writes: "We

on the left hand, seeing a part off our right wing reteire,

did presenttlie charge the enemies horse on the right

wing. And by the tyme we had received ther fyre,

82

AT RULLION GREEN

The fifteen days' rebellion had met its
hapless and inevitable end. At the best it
was a haphazard and ill-concerted effort.

thos off ther left wing that were reilling thrust amongst

ther oun fFoot [and] disordered them. And tho pressing

to assist ther right wing of hors, yet helped to putt them

in confusion. And soe all off them rune for it through

the hills." Wallace gives the following account {Veitch

and Brysso?;, p. 419) : "Now their whole body of horse

on their left hand were unbroken ; and upon these two

parties [on Dalziel's right] being engaged, their whole

left hand of horses advances. Now we had no more but

a matter of fourscore horse to meet with their whole

left hand. Always, all marches up towards other, but

being oppressed with multitude we were beaten back ;

and the enemy coming in so full a body, and so fresh a

charge, that having us once running, they carried it so

strongly home, that they put us in such confusion that

there was no rallying, but every man runs for his own

safety." According to Veitch {Veitch and Brysson, p. 43),

" The last encounter was at daylight going, where the

enemy's foot, being flanked with their horses on each

side, firing upon the Whigs, broke their ranks, their

horses not being used with fire ; then the troops upon

the right wing of the enemy broke in upon them and

pursued them ; and had taken and killed many more, if

the night had not prevented them."
F2 83

THE GOVERNMENT'S

i

Had it been other than sudden and spas-
modic its story might have run another
course. For the bitter controversies which
cleft the Whigs in 1679, to the paralysis
of serious military achievement, were absent
in 1666. Wallace, as a leader, was in-
comparably superior to Robert Hamilton,
and had at his back a force which, if
small in number, showed qualities which
compelled respect.1 But nine hundred
devoted men, however stout their spirit,
were a puny force to menace a system
entrenched in authority. "Such ane under-
taking," Kirkton2 admits, "was for a man

1 Turner's praise of their marching qualities has
already been noticed. An Edinburgh news-writer,
writing on 30 November, 1666, reported: "The
army say they never saw men fight more gallantly
than the rebels nor endure more ; the general was
forced to use stratagem to defeat them " (Cal. State
Papers, Dom., 1 666-1667, P- 301)-

2 " This was the end," writes Kirkton (p. 245), "of
that poor party, and it was a wonder they proved so

84

AMPLE REVENGE

of miracles." The authorities took an
ample revenge. The prisons and the exe-
cutioner had their prey.1

Rullion Green was near its first anniver-
sary before the Government oscillated briefly

brave on the day of their defeat, considering either
the constitution or conduct of such ane army. They
hade not matter to work upon, their number being so
small ; a handfull of poor naked countrey lads who hade
never seen warre. They hade few officers, and those
had no authority ; every private centinel would either
be satisfied about the secrets of their councill of
warre, or was in hazard of clamouring the company
into a mutiny, and then deserting the party upon a
scruple."

1 Wallace's estimate of the insurgents' losses in the
battle and pursuit is probably the most accurate. He
puts them at about fifty killed and eighty prisoners
(Veitch and Brysson, p. 429). Kirkton (p. 244) agrees
with Wallace in putting the number killed at about
fifty. Maitland {Lauderdale Papers, vol. i. p. 251)
clearly overstates the number at about four hundred
killed in the battle and pursuit. Dalziel's losses are
generally admitted to have been trivial. For the
Government's punitive measures see Hume Brown,
History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 397.

85

SIGNS OF TOLERANCE

to moderation.1 In August, 1667, the army
was disbanded, except the Horse and Foot
Guards.2 A month later Rothes was relieved
of the Commissionership. Indemnity for
those concerned in the Pentland Rising
followed in October. Lauderdale came to
power amid these signs of more tolerant
dealing. They flickered fugitively, and
by 1670 were extinguished. Nine years
later, Covenanting Israel, groaning under
Rehoboam, was again in revolt. With what
tragic failure at Bothwell Bridge is familiar.

1 See the Privy Council's resolution of 1 3 Septem-
ber, 1667, in Lauderdale Papers, vol. ii. p. 52 ; and a
letter of Lauderdale to Sharp on 2 October, 1667, in
Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, vol. i. p. 263.

2 Kirkton, p. 263.

86

INDEX

Afton Bridge, 25.
Airlie, James, Earl of, 76,
77 ; brother of, 62, 69.
Angus, 48.
Annandale, James, Earl of,

77-
Arnot, "Captain" Andrew,

32, 71-

Atholl, John, Marquis of,

76.
Atholl, 48.
Ayr, 25, 32.
Ayrshire, 24, 48.

Balmaclellan, 4, 7, 8.
Barscobe. See Maclellan.
Barskimming, 27, 28.
Barskimming, Laird of, 53,

5+> 56> 63-
Bathgate, 38, 39, 43, 44,

46, 61.

Bell's Hill, 62.

Biggar, 59.

Blackader, Rev. John, 16,

39>
Blackwood, 42, 43. See

also Lowrie, William.
Blood, Thomas, 72.
Braid Burn, 59.
Brysson, George. See

Semple, Rev. Gabriel.
Burnet, Alexander, 3.
Burton, Dr. J. Hill,

65.

Calder, 50.

Calder House, 61.

Carsphairn, 18, 20, 23.

Chalmers, , of Water-
side, 18.

Clackmannan, 48.

Clydesdale, 24, 29, 59.

Cochrane, Sir John, of
Ochiltree, 27.

Cochrane, Margaret, Lady,

2 7-

87

INDEX

Colinton, 50, 51, 52, 53,

54, 56, 58.
Corsock. See Neilson, Robert
Coylton, 26.
Cruickshank, Rev. John,

37, 71-
Culross, 49.

Cumnock, 30.

Cunningham, 32.

Currie, 61, 62, 63.

Dalkeith, 59.

Dalmellington, 23, 28.

Dairy, 5, 10, 17.

Dalziel, Thomas, of Binns,
3, 21, 22, 24, 28, 30,
33, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43,
50, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59,
61, 62, 75, 76, 77, 79,
80, 81, 82.

Deanes, Corporal George,

7, 9-

Doon, Bridge of, 25, 26.

Douglas, 32.

Dreghorn Castle, 59, 61.

Drumlanrig, William, Vis-
count, 31.

Drummond, Lieut. -Gene-
ral William, 69, 72, 73,

74, 75, 76.
Dumbartonshire, 48.
Dumfries, 7, 8, 9, 10, n,

14, 15, 16, 18, 21.
Dunfermline, 49.

Edinburgh, 25, 29, 38, 39,

45,47, 49, 5o, 52, 53,
58, 63.

Fergusson, William [?], of

Kaitloch, 26.
Fifeshire, 48.
Finnie, Bailie, of Dumfries,

1 1.
Flotterstone, 60, 62.
" Forest," the, 48.

Gallow Law, 60, 64.
Glasgow, 21, 24, 29, 47.
Glencairn, 1 7.
Glencorse Burn, 60, 69, 70,

73, 75, 76.

Gordon, , of Knock-

breck, 34.

Gordon, , of Knock-
gray, 20.

Graham, John, of Claver-
house, 27.

Gray, " Captain " Andrew,
3, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20.

Guthrie, Rev. John, 37, 51.

Hamilton, William, Duke
of, 29, 44, 51, 76, 77,
80 ; Dean of, 80.

Hamilton, Sir Robert, 84.

Harbour Hill, 62.

Hatton. See Maitland,
Charles.

88

INDEX

Henderson, Rev. Hugh, 17.

Inglistown Bridge, 60.
Irongray, 8, 10.
Irvine, Bailie Stephen, of
Dumfries, 21.

Kellie, Alexander, Earl of,
41.

Kenleith Burn, 62.

Kilmarnock, 29, 30, 33.

Kincardine,Alexander, Earl
of, 77.

Kingston, Alexander, Vis-
count, 53.

Kirkcudbright, 20.

Kirkcudbrightshire, 3.

Kirkton, James, 72.

Knockbreck, 34.

Knockgray, 20.

Lanark, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,

41, 43, 61.
Lanarkshire, 48.
Lauderdale, John, Earl of,

3,86.
Lawhead Hill, 64, 68.
Learmont, Joseph, 68, 70,

80, 81, 82.
Leith Water, 61.
Lesmahagow, 34, 35.
Life Guard of Horse, 76,

86 ; of Foot (Scots

Guards), 86.

Linlithgow, George, Earl
of, 41.

Linlithgow, 46.

Linton, 59.

Livingstone, Sir James, 76.

Lockhart, Robert, 31

Losleine [?], 75.

Lothians, 48.

Lowrie, William, of Black-
wood, 42, 44, 50, 51,
52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57-

M'Cormick, Rev. Andrew,

31, 71, 72.
Maclellan, Robert, of Bar-

magechan, 71.
Maclellan, , of Bar-

scobe, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,

33, 67-
Maitland, Charles, of Hat-
ton, 40, 41, 42, 43, 65,

73, 82.
Mauchline, 28, 29.
Mearns, 48.
Merse, the, 48.
" Mondrogat," Laird of,

39-

Muir, House of, 60.

Muirkirk, 30, 31.

Neilson, Robert,of Corsock,
11, 12, 13, 14, 34.

Newbridge, 46, 47, 49,
52, 56.

89

INDEX

Newburgh, James, Earl of,
76.

Ochiltree, 26, 27, 28, 29,

Ogilvie, Rev. , 5 1 .

Perthshire, 48.

Ramsay, Andrew, Provost

of Edinburgh, 63.
Ramsay, James, Dean of

Hamilton, 80.
Renfrewshire, 48.
Robison, Alexander, 26,31.
Ross, John, 28, 29, 30.
Rothes, John, Earl of, 3,21,

56, 72, 76, 86.
Rullion Green, 60, 62, 63,

64, 68, 75 ; battle of,

65 et seq.

St. Catherine's Hope, 62.

Sanquhar, 3 1.

Semple, Rev. Gabriel, 2,

27> 37-
Sharp, James, Archbishop

of St. Andrews, 3, 86.

Shotts, 38, 45.

Stewart, James, of Good-
trees, 53.

Stirlingshire, 48.

Strathaven, 33, 40.
Strickland, Sir John, of
Boynton, 27.

Tarbolton, 24.
Teviotdale, 48, 59, 60, 62.
Thomson, Sir Alexander, 7.
Troqueer, 16.
Turner, Sir James, 4, 5, 7

8, 9» Ir> I2> l3> H> *5>

16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23,

28, 33, 37, 47, 5°, 5«»
56, 59, 63, 64.

Turnhouse Hill, 64, 65, 66,

67, 68, 70, 75.

Tweeddale, 48.

Veitch, Rev. William, 53,
58, 63.

Wallace, Colonel James, 19,

25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30,

32, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44»
47, 5i, 52, 54. 56, 57,
58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 66,

67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 75,

77, 84.
Waterside, 18.
Welch, Rev. John, 2, 23,

26, 28.

West Calder, 38, 45, 63.

Glasgow: Printed at the University Press by Robert MacLehose and Co. Ltd.

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