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PERAMBULATION
OF
RENT:
CONTEINING THE
DESCRIPTION, HYSTORIE, AND CUSTOMES
OF
WRITTEN IN THE YEERE 1570,
By William Lambarde, of Lincolnes Inne, Gent :
First published in the Year 1576,
And now increased and altered from the Author's owne last Copie.
PRINTED BY W. BURRILL, HIGH-STREET;
PUBLISHED BY BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY, PATERNOSTER-ROW,
LONDON;
And may be had of all other Booksellers.
182G.
c
PREFACE.
IN offering the present edition of "LAMBARD'S PE-
RAMBULATION OF KENT" to the public, we have
been influenced equally by the intrinsic excellence of
the matter it contains, and the scarcity of the genuine
editions of the work : and to render it deserving of
attention, every former edition that could be procured
has been consulted, and after having been carefully
examined and compared, such matter only has been
reprinted as appeared to be perfectly genuine, and to
be warranted by the editions published during the
life time of the Author.
Some difficulty presented itself respecting the
Diction and Orthography of the original text, which,
in many parts, appeared quaint and uncouth, as com-
pared with the smooth polish of our modern language ;
but, upon due consideration, we determined to confine
ourselves with scrupulous fidelity to a literal reprint
of the Work, as the best means of illustrating, not
PREFACE.
only the Author's peculiarity of style, but also the
state of the English language at the time in which he
lived and wrote.
A brief biographical sketch of the Author has been
added to this edition, from the belief that any particu-
lars of the life of a man, who was as eminent for his
piety and loyalty as for his learning and industry,
would not only gratify a laudable curiosity, but would
be an useful example for the present and future gene-
rations.
BRIEF SKETCH
LIFE OF LAMBARDE.
WlLLIAM LAMBARDE, an eminent lawyer and anti-
quary, the eldest son of John Lambarde, Alderman of London,
by Juliana his wife, daughter of William Home or Herne,
of London, was born Oct. 18, 1536. Nothing is recorded
concerning the early part of his education, until he entered
upon the study of the law, and was admitted into the society
of Lincoln's-inn, Aug. 15, 1556. Here he studied under
Laurence Nowell (brother to the celebrated dean of St. Paul's),
a man famous for his knowledge of antiquities and of the
Saxon tongue. Lambarde profited much by his instructions,
considering an acquaintance with the customs and jurispru-
dence of the Saxon times as very useful in his profession.
The first fruits of his studies appeared in a collection and
translation of the Saxon Laws, under the title of "
sive de priscis Anglorum legibus, libri," 1568, 4to, repub-
A
LIFE 01 LAMBARDK
lished afterwards, with Bede's '« Ecclesiastical History," in
1644, by Abraham Wheelock, who commends highly the
elegance of Lambarde's interpretation.
In 1570 he appears to have resided at Westcombe, near
Greenwich, of the manor of which he was possessed, and
devoted a great share of his labours to the service of the county
of Kent, but without giving up his profession of the law, or
his connection with Lincoln's-inn, of which society he was
admitted a bencher in 1578. He had finished his " Peram-
bulation of Kent" in 1570, which after being inspected by
archbishop Parker, and the lord treasurer Burleigh, was
published in 1576. From a letter of his to his friend Thomas
Wotton, esq. it appears that his design and researches
extended much farther, and that he had already collected
materials for a general account of Great Britain, of which
this was but the specimen, and that he was prevented from
proceeding in his plan by discovering that Camden was
engaged in one similar. His materials, however, were pub-
lished from the original MS. in 1730, 4to, under the title of
" Dictiouarium Angliae Topographicum et Historicum :" to
which was prefixed a very fine likeness of him, engraved by
Vertue, from which the portrait is copied which is attached
to this edition of the Perambulation. Camden, in praising his
" Perambulation," and acknowledging his obligations to it,
calls the author " eminent for learning and piety ;" by the
latter quality alluding probably to his founding an hospital for
the poor at East-Greenwich, in Kent, said to have been the
first founded by a protestant. The queen (Elizabeth) granted
her letters patent for the foundation of this hospital in 1574;
LIFE OF LAMBARDE.
and it was finished, and the poor admitted into it in October,
1576. It was to be called " The college of the poor of Queen
Elizabeth." An account of its endowment and present state
may be seen in Lysson's " Environs."
In 1579 Lambarde was appointed a justice of peace for the
county of Kent, an office which he not only performed with
great diligence and integrity, but endeavoured to explain
and illustrate for the benefit of other magistrates, in his
" Eirenarcha, or the Office of the Justices of Peace, in four
books," 1581, reprinted eleven times, the last in 1619. Sir
William Blackstone, in his Commentaries, recommends this
work to the perusal of students. He published also, " The
Duties of Constables," &c. 1582, 8vo, -and reprinted six
times. His character and writings had now recommended
him to the notice of some of the greatest and most powerful
people of the realm. In 1589 he had a deputation from the
lord treasurer for the composition for alienations for fines, an
office erected in the 18th year of queen Elizabeth. In 1592
he was appointed a master in chancery by sir John Puckering,
lord keeper; and in 1597 was appointed keeper of the rolls
and house of the rolls, in Chancery-lane, by sir Thomas
Egerton, lord keeper. At length, in 1600, he was personally
noticed by the queen, who received him very graciously, and
appointed him keeper of the records in the Tower. In conse-
quence of this appointment, he had another interview with her
majesty, Aug. 4, 1601, and presented her with an account
of those records, which he called his " Pandecta Rotulorum."
In the mean time he had written, though not published,
LIFE OF LAMBARDJE.
another work, entitled " Archeion, or a Discourse upon tbe
high courts of justice in England." It was not published until
1635, some years after his death, by his grandson, Thomas
Lambardc. Of this work there are two editions of the same
date, but Mr. Bridgman gives the preference to that with a
preface signed T. L. which he thinks the most correct. Mr.
Lambarde died Aug. 19, 1601, at his house of Westcombc,
and was buried in the parish church of Greenwich. A monu-
ment was placed over him, which, upon the rebuilding of
that church, was removed to the parish church of Sevenoak,
in Kent, where is now the seat and burying-placc of the
family. He was thrice married, but left issue only by his
second wife. He left many MSS. of which Mr. Nichols has
given an account; and appears to have been an accurate
antiquary, and in all respects a man of learning and distinction.*
* Life by Mr. Nichols, Bibl, Topog. Britan. No. XLII.— Bridg-
man's Legal Bibliography.
To the Right Woorshipfull, and vertuous, M, THOMAS
WOTTON, Esquier.
IT is the manner (right Woorshipfull) of such as
seeke profit by Minerall, first to set men on woorke to
digge and gather the Ovvre : Then by fire to trie out
the Metall and to cast it into certeine rude lumps,
which they call Sowze : And lastly to commit them to
Artificers, that can thereof make things serviceable
and meetefor use. Somewhat after which sort, I my
selfe, being very desirous to attaine to some knowledge,
and understanding of the Antiquities of this Realme,
which (as Metall conteined within the bowels of the
earth) lie hidden in olde bookes hoorded up in cor-
ners, did not onely my selfe digge, and rake together
whatsoever I coulde of that kinde, but procured divers
of my friends also to set to their hands and doe the
like. And when the matter was by our diligent tra-
vaile growne fas me thought ) to a convenient Masse,
with such fire of discretion as I had, I severed the
metall and drosse in sunder, and cast if, into certeine
rude, and unformed Sowzc, not unmeete for a worke
man. But, whereas no small commendation groweth
to the metall, by the skilfull hand of the craftesman
that bringeth it to fashion, and therefore the wiser
sort of men use to deliver it to such as be their craftes
maisters, and can thereof make sundrie utensilcs both
for pleasure and utilitie: I contrariwise, having
neither good arte nor instrument to begin withall, nor
vi THE KPISTLK.
yet approved patterne or Moald to imitate and follow,
adventured neverthelesse to fashion somewhat out of
my Sovvze, and have (as I now see) shaped such a
peece, as is more meete to be condemned to the kitchen,
than woorthy to be admitted , or have place in the par-
lour.
To speake plainly, I had some while, since gathered
out of divers auncient and late Histories of this our
Ilande, sundrie notes of such qualitie, as might serve
for the description and Storie of the most famous pla-
ces thorowe out this whole Realme : which collection
(bicause it was digested into Titles by order of Alpha-
bet, and concerned the description of places) I called
a Topographicall Dictionarie: and out of which, I
meant in time (if God graunted life, abilitie, and lea-
sure) to draive (as from a certeine Store house) Jit
matter for each particular Shire and Countie. Now,
after that it had pleased God to provide for me in
Kent, I resolved (for sundrie iust respectes) to begin
first with that Shire, and therein (before I would move
any further) to make estimation and triall, both of
the thing it selfe, of mine owne abilitie, and of other
mens likings.
This when I had in a rude plot and rough sort per-
fourmed, and minded to communicate the same with
some such of this Countrie, as for skill abundantly
could, and for good will indifferently would, weigh
and peruse it, You (Right Woorshipfull) came first
to my minde, who, for the good understanding and in-
terest that you have in this Shire, can (as well as any
other) discerne of this dooing, And to whom (beyond
other) I thought my selfe for sundry great courtesies
most deepely hninict and indebted.
TO HIS COUNTRY" MEN. vii
/ knowe right well, that the thing it selfe (being but
a Bearewhelpe that lacketh licking : a rawe coloured
portracture that ivanteth poilishing : and a gifte,
In quo censendum nil nisi dantis amor)
is neither aunswerable to your woorthinesse, nor to
mine owne ivishe : Hoivbeit, having heertofore taken
undoubted assay of your gentle acceptation, I am
nothing afraide to offer it. Submitting to your favour-
able Censure, both the worke, my selfe, and my writer,
And committing to the defence of the almightie, your
selfe, your wife, your sonnes andfamilie. From Seint-
cleres, this last of lanuarie, 1570.
Yours in the Lorde,
W. Lambarde.
To his Countriemen, the Gentlemen of the Countie
of Kent.
J. HIS Booke faire written (in gift} lately sent unto me,
do I faire printed (by dedication) now send and commend
unto you. I knowe not (in respect of the place J unto whom
I may more fitly thus send it than unto you, that are either
bred and well brought up here, or by the goodnesse of God
and your owne good provision, are wellsetled here: and here
lawfully possesse, or are neere unto sundrie of those things,
that this booke specially speaketh of: and thus, as of your
selfes, doe you sec what they are now, and thus, as of this
booke, may you know why they were, and by ivhom they
were, and what they were long agone.
I knowe not (in respect of the persons} unto whom I may
more fitly thus send it, than unto you: with whom, I have
been best and longest acquainted: from whom (by points of
viii TO HIS COUNTRY MEN.
singular courtesiej Hume beenc many waics much pleasured
Toward whom, for the gcnerall conjunction and association
of your minds, and your sclfcs in good amitic, and familiar-
itie, one toward another : and all, in good zcaic toward the
advancement of Christian religion ; and for the indifferent
and discrete course ye keepe in handling and compounding
such controversies, as many times fall (and thereby in
nourishing peace, a Icwel most prcciousj between your
honest and tractable neighbours, ( things unto almightie God,
very acceptable: unto her Maiestie, very gratefull: unto
your countric, very fruitfull : unto your selfes, very com-
mendable :) To war de whom, I say, for these causes which,
as a member of this Countie with others I sec ioyjully and
generally : and for the two first causes which derived from
you, light upon me sclfc particularly, I have been, and am,
and must be very lovingly affected.
I know not how I may more fitly and effectually commend
it than to say, that it is in substance, an historic : treating
of the parts (and actions of greatest weight a good time to-
gether, done by the most famous persons ) of one special
Countrie : fet from great antiquity, which many men arc
much delighted with : out of sundry bookes with great studie
collected painfully: by this author in the matter set out,
truly: with good words well placed, eloquently* In com-
mendation of this booke, upon a fit occasion, the like in a
Alexander manner, is in Latine lately written by a Gentleman of our
Countric, knowne to be very honest, and, I thinke, very well
learned: and so under the authoritic of his good iudgcmcnt,
may I (without blame ) the more boldly commend it unto
you.
What utilitie followeth the studie of Histories, many of
them have well declared that have published Histories writ-
ten by themselves, or have set out Histories written by others.
And therefore already sufficiently done, I neede not (un-
learned mee selfe, I can not) therein say much. And yet
thus much I may brccjly say, and fit for the thing I have in
TO HIS COUNTRY MEN. ix
handc fine thinketh) I must ncedes say, that (the sacred
ivord of Almightie God alwaies excepted) there is nothing
either for our instruction more profitable, or to our minds
more delectable, or within the compasse of common under-
standing more caste or facile, then the studie of histories :
nor that studie for none estate more meet., then for the estate
of Gentlemen : nor for the Gentlemen of England, no His-
torie so mecte, as the Historie of England. For, the dex-
teritie that men have either in providing for themselves, or
in comforting their friends (two very good things) or in
serving their King and Countrie (of all outward things, the
best thing} doth rest cheejiy upon their owne and other folkes
experience: which I may assuredly accompt (for in an hys- sir Thorn-
torie, in our toong as well written as any thing ever was, ^^Thi
or I thinke ever shall be, great experience derived from a the histo-
proofe of two such things, as prosperitie and adversitie be, Richard"8
upon a Jit occasion under the person of a very wise man, is the thirde.
rightly accounted} to be the very mother and maistres of
wisedome. Now that that a number of folks doth generally,
is much more then that, that any one of us can do specially,
and so by other folks experience, are we taught largely: and
that, that other folkes for their King, their countrie, them-
selfes, their friends, like good men do vertuously, ought to
provoke us with good devotion inwardly to love them : and
with good words openly much to commend, them, and in their
vertuous actions, rightly to folowe them. And that, that
other folkes against their King, their countrie, their friends
(and so against themselfes} like foolish men do ignorantly,
or like leude men do wickedly, ought to move us first (as our
neighbours} Christianly to bewaile them : aud then (as by
presidents ofperill procured through their owne follies and
faults) dutifully and wisely to beware by them. And so by
these mens experience (which like the burnt childe, that then
too late the fire dreadth, with much repentance they buy
deerly) are we taught and brought out of danger to settle our
selves, as it were, in a seat of suretie. Thus you see what
A 2
x TO HIS COUNTRY MKN.
experience doth, and thus you sec where other folkes ex-
perience is to be had: which, for the good estate of England
(resting chiefly upon the good iudgemeut and .tervice of the
Gentlemen of England) is as I thinke, most properly fet
from the Historic of England. And this for this purpose,
I say both unto you my countrie men the Gentlemen of this
Countie Ca portion of the Reulmc) specially, and to all the
Gentlemen of the whole Realme beside generally.
There rcsteth that for this booke (which I do upon these
rttpects thus send, and with these reasons thus commend unto
you) we should unto the Author William Lambard, yeeld our
very harty and perpetuall thanks: as our Country man in
our wordes and deedes lovingly use him : us a man learned,
M thew ^uty esteeme h*m •' (f°r a late very weU learned and reverend
Parker father hath publikely and rightly so reputed him) as a Geii-
of Can- tteman religious and very honest, make right accompt of him :
terburie in wnicn for my part, I thinke meete to do, and meane to do :
his Pre-
face to the and for your parts, I desire hartily you should do, and I
febus^esti* ^P* assureaty VQU U'M d°' ^nd if by you he might (and
Aelfredi would) be mooted at his good leisure, to doe as much for all
the rest of the Counties of this Realme generally, as he hath
done for this County specially (toward which I know, by
great paine and good cost, he hath already under the title of
a Topographicall Dictionarie gathered together great store of
very good matter) himselfe (the Author of it) were icoorthy
of good reward, and singular commendation for it : You
(the motioners) in the reading, shall receive great pleasure by
it : the rest of the Gentlemen of this Realme, that of them-
selfes see what things in their owne countries are of greatest
fame now, and by that book shall know, what those things
and other things were long agone, must needs with great de-
light receive it : and surely, being as he is unto me, a very
deer friend, for mine ownc part, I meane also (God willing)
upon some Jit occasion, with my request to further it. The
xvi. of A prill. 1576. Your Countrey man and very
friende. T. W.
The Saxon Characters, and their values,
Characters. Values.
a a
h 6
c c
8 d
e e
f /
i i
k fc
i /
m m
n rc
o o
P P
<! 9
p r
r *
c t
u M
p w
X JC
y y
z z
!
Tfo abbreviations. Their values.
and
that
th
th
th
THE POINTES.
Comma, which is marked after the common periode,
thus (.)
Periode, which is here signed as the Greeke interro-
gative, thus ( 7- )
The exposition of this MAP of the English Heptarchic,
or seaven Kingdoms.
To the end, that it may be understood, what is meant
by the tearmes of Eastsaxons, Westsaxons, Mercia,
Northumberlande, and suche other, of which there is
common mention in the Treatise following: I have
thought good to prefixe a Charde of the seaven sundry
Kingdoms into the which this Realme was sometime
divided. But yet, for the better and more plaine ex-
plication of the matter, it shall be good first to knowe,
that all these Nations following have had to doe within
this our Countrie: The Brittons, the Romanes, the
Scottes and Pictes, the Saxons, the Danes, and the
Normanes.
The Bry- The Bryttons (after the Samothees, and Albionees,
which be of no great fame in our historic) were the
most auncient Inhabitantes of this lande, and pos-
sessed it in peace, untill lulius Caesar (the Romane
Emperour) invaded them: for so much may a man
gather of Horace his wordes, where he saieth,
Intactus aut Brytannus,
Sacra ut descender et catenatus via, fyc.
These therefore were by lulius Caesar subdued to
the Romane Empire, and their countrie made a tri-
butarie Province : in whiche case it continued many
yeeres togither, untill at the length, being grievously
vexed with the Pictes and Scottes their neighbours on
the North, and being utterly voide of all hope of aide,
to be had from the Romanes their patrons (who also
at the same time were sore afflicted with the invasion
of the Hunnes, and Vandales, like barbarous nations)
they were enforced to scekc for further helpc: And
THE ENGLISH HEPTAHCHIE. xiii
therefore sent into Germanic, i'rom whence they re-
ceaved hired Souldiours, of the Nations called Saxons,
lutes, and Angles, under the conducte of Hengist and
Horsa, two naturall brethren, and bothe veric valiaunt
Captaines.
These Scottes (as themselves doe write) were aTh?p.cots
people of Scythia, that came first into Spaine, then into
Ireland, and from thence to the North part of Britaine
our Hand, where they yet inhabite : They were called
Scottes, or Scyttes, of Scyccan, which is to shoote :
The Pictes also came from the same place after them,
and occupied the partes where Westmorland and Ga-
loway now be. And they were called Pictes, either
for that they used to painte their bodies, to the end to
seeme the more terrible, or else of the woord wvVrn/c
which signifieth a Champion, by reason of their great
courage and hardinesse.
The Saxons, lutes, and Angles, were the Germaines The Sax
that came over, (as we have said) in aide of the Bri- a"J
tons, of which the first sort inhabited Saxonie : the Sles
second were of Gotland, and therefore called Gutes,
or Gottes : The third were of Angria, or Anglia, a
countrie adioining to Saxonie, of which the Duke of
Saxonie is Lord till this day, and beareth the name
therof in his Stile, or title of honour : and of these last
we all be called Angli, English e men.
These Germaines, for a season served against the
Scottes, and Pictes : But afterward (entised by the
pleasure of this countrie, and the fraude of the ene-
mies) they ioyned handes with them, and all at once
set upon the Britons that brought them in : and so,
driving them into France, Wales, and Cornwall, pos-
sessed their dwelling places, and divided the countrie
amongst themselves.
xiv THE ENGLISH HEPTARX HIE.
Howbeit, they also wanted not their plague : For
after that they had long warred one upon another, for
the enlarging of their particular kingdomes, and had at
the last so beaten each other, that the whole was by the
Westsaxons reduced into one entier Monarchic, sud-
denly the Danes (a people of Norway, and Denmark)
came upon them, and after much mischiefe done, in
the ende tooke the crowne and kingdome quite and
rleane from them.
But they also were expulsed after thirtie yeeres
trouble, and the English and Saxon Nation restored to
the royall dignitic : which yet they enioyed not many
yeeres after. For straight upon the death of Edward
The Nor- the Confessor, William of Normandie (whose people
at the first came from Norway also, and were therefore
called Normans) demaunded the Crowne, and wan it
of Harold in the Field, which his posteritic holdeth till
this present day.
Thus much of the Nations, that have had interest in
this Realme : Nowe to our former purpose, thai is, to
The »ea- fae division of the same into the sundrie kingdomes
domes. under the Saxons. And although (by reason of the
continual contention that was amongst them for en-
larging their boundes) there can norcertaine limits of
their kingdomes be described, yet we will goe as neare
the truth as we can, and followe the best approved
Authours that have written thereof.
Wests**. The first Kingdome therefore, was called the King-
dome of the Westsaxons, bicausc it was in the West
part of the realme, and it comprehended the whole
Shires of Southampton, Berk, Wilton, Dorset, and
Somerset, besides some parts of Surrey, Gloucester,
and Devonshire: As for the residue of Devonshyre,
and whole Cornwall, the Britons reteined it, whose
Mirr is not I lion- as yet forgot frn.
THE ENGLISH HEPTARCHIK. xv
The second, was the Southsaxon Kingdome, (so
termed bicause it lay South) and conteined whole Southsex,
Sussex, and the remaine of Surrey. 2.
The third, was the Kentish Kingdome, and had for
the most part the same boundes, that the Shire of Kent Kent,
yet holdeth, although at sometime, and by the prowes 3.
of some King, it was extended much further.
The Kingdome of Estsex, (or of the Estsaxons) was
the fourth, which was named of the situation also, Essex,
and included the whole Shyres of Estsex, and Midle- 4.
sex, with some portion of Hartfordshire.
The fift, was of the East Angles (or East English-
men) consisting of the lie of Elye, and the Shyres of East-An-
Norfolke, Suffolke, and Cambridge. «le£
The Kingdome of Mercia (or Mearctande) had the
sixt place, which was so called of the Saxon woord Merciand.
ClOeapc signifying a bound, limit, or marke, as we yet Qt
speake : and that, bicause it lay in the midst of this
our Ilande, as upon the which all the residue of the
Kingdomes did bounde, and were bordered. In this
Kingdome were wholy these Shyres, Lincolne, Nor-
thampton, Rutlande, Huntingdon, Bedford, Bucking-
ham, Oxforde, Chester, Derby, Notingham, Stafford :
And partly Hereford, Hartforde, Warwicke, Shrop-
shire, and Gloucestershyre.
Northumberland (so called, bicause it lay North
from the River Humber) was the seaventh Kingdome : Northum-
and it environned Yorkeshire, Durham, Northumber- 7
iande, Cumberlande, and Weslmerlande wholy, and so
much of Lancashire besides, as was not in Mercia.
This Kingdome was for a season divided into
twaine, that is to say, Deira, and Bernicia : but for as
much as neither that division endured long, nor the
actes of their Kings were greatly famous, T will not
\vi THE ENGLISH HEPTARCHIK.
slay upon them : But to the ende it may appeere by
what lawes and customer these Kingdomes were
guided (for of them also we must make mention in this
historic) I will proceede to set fourth the rest of the
use of this chard of the English Heptarchie.
As eche Countrie therefore, hath his proper lawes,
Three customes. and manners of life, so no man ought to
sorts of
Laws, in doubt but that these peoples, being aggregated of so
me' many sundrie Nations, had their severall rules, orders,
and institutes. Howbeit, amongst the rest those be
most famous, which our auncient writers call the Dane
lawe, West-Saxon lawe, and Merchen lawe : The first
of which was brought in by the Danes : The second
was used amongst the west Saxons : and the last was ex-
ercised in the kingdome of Mercia : aud yet not so exer-
cised amongst themselves a lone, but that they spred
over some partes of the rest of the land also, being
either imbraced for their equitie above the rest, or com-
maunded by such the Kings as prevailed above others.
To the Westsaxons law therefore, all such were
subiect, as inhabited the Kingdomes of Kent, Sussex,
or Westsex.
2. The Eastsaxons, Estangles, and they of the king-
dome of North umberlande (all which were much
mingled with the Danes) lived under the Danes lawe.
3. They of Mercia, had their owne lawe, but not
The Laws throughout : for after some mens opinions, the East
lime. and North parts of it lived after the lawe of the Danes
also. All these laws, king William the Conquerour col-
lected togither, and (after a discreete view had) by ad-
vise of his counsell allowed some, altered others, and
quite abrogated a great many, in place of which he estab-
lished the lawes of Normandie his owne countrey.
AXG1JLK
I HKPTAKt'IlIA.!
THE
DESCRIPTION AND HYSTORIE
OF THE
SHYRE OF KENT.
H
AVING thus before hand exhibited in generalise,
the names, scituation, and compasse of the thinges be
realme, the number of the sondrye nations inhabiting ed, in the
within the same, the several! lawes, languages, rites, J^J^^,.
and maners of the peoples, the conversion of the pographic-
al Diction*
countrie to Christianitie, the divisions and lymites of arie
the kingdomes, the beginnings and alterations of
bishoprickes, and such other things incident to the
whole: order now requireth, that I shew in particular,
the boundes of eche Shyre and Countie, the severall
Regiments, Bishops Sees, Lasts, Hundrethes, Fraun-
chises, Liberties, Cities, Markets, Borroughs, Castles,
Religious Houses, and Schooles: the Fortes, Havens,
Rivers, Waters, and Bridges : And finally, the Hilles
and Dales, Parkes, and Forests, and whatsoever the
singularities, within every of the same. And because
not onely the Romanes and Saxons (that were con-
querours of this realme) but also the disciples of the
Apostle Philip, and the messengers of Pope Gregory
B
2 THE ESTATE OF KENT.
(that were converters of the people) arrived first in
Kent; and for that the same by commoditie of the
River of Thamise (the chief key of this Hand) first
openeth itselfe, and to the end also that such guests
and strangers as shall vouchsafe to visile this our
Britaine, may at their first entry fynde such courtesie
and intertainment, as from henceforth they ceasse,
either with Horace to call us, hospitibus feros, or
with others, fcroces in advenas, I \vyll be their
xenagogus, or guide, and first shew them our countrie
of Kent, the inhabitantes whereof, Caesar himselfe in
his Commentaries, confesseth to be of all others the
most full of humanitie and gentlenesse.
Scituation Kent therefore, lying in the southeast region of
this real me, hath on the north the river of Thamise,
on the east the Sea, on the south the Sea and Sussex,
and on the west Sussex and Surrey. It extendeth in
length, from the west of the landes in Beckenham,
called (I will not say, purposely hereof) Langley,
where is the stile, as it were, over into Surrey, to the
Ramsgatc in the Isle of Thanet, about fiftie and three
myles : and reacheth in breadthe from the River
Rot her on the south of Newendene next Sussex, to
the river of Thamise, at Nowrheade in the Isle of
Greane, twentie sixe miles, and somewhat more ;
and hath in circuit 1(JO miles, or thereabouts.
Kent, why It is called by Caesar, and other auncient writers,
fd' C'aucium and Cancia in Latin, which name (as I make
conjecture) was framed either out of Cainc, a woord
that (in the language of the Brituines, whom Ca\sa:
at his arrival! founde inhabiting there) signify eth,
bowghos, or woods, and was imposed, by reason
that this countrie, both at that time, and also long
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 3
tifter, was in manner wholy overgrowne with woode,
as it shall hereafter in fit place more plainly appeare :
or else, of Cant, or Canton, which denoteth an
angle, or corner of land, (so this and sundry others
bee) as Master Camden, the most lightsome anti-
quarie of this age, hath observed.
The whole Shyre hath long been, and is at this day,
divided into five partes, communly called Lathes, not
altogether equal: which also be broken into Hun-
drethes, and they againe parted into Townes and
Borowes, most aptly for assemblie and administration
of justice.
The aire in Kent, by reason that the countrye is on The aire.
sundry partes bordered wyth water, is somewhat
thicke : for which cause (as also for that it is scituate
nearest to the sunne risinge and furthest from the
Northe Pole of any part of the realme) it is temperate,
not so colde by a great deale as Northumberland, and
yet in maner as warme as Cornwall. It hath also the
better side of the river of Thamise, from whence by
the benefit of the south and southwest windes, (most
common in this region) the fog and mist is carried from
it.
The soile is for the most parte bountifull, consisting The soyle.
indifferently of arable, pasture, meadow and woodland,
howbeit of these, wood occupieth the greatest portion
even till this day, except it bee towards the east,
which coast is more champaigne than the residue.
It hath corne and graine, common with other The come.
shyres of the realme ; as Wheat, Rye, Barley, and
Oats, in good plenty, save onely, that in the wealdish,
or woody places, where of late daies they used muche
B 2
•» THE ESTATE OF KENT.
pomagc, or cider for want of barley, now that lacke
is more commonly supplied with oates.
Thepouise Neither wanteth Kent such sorts ofpulce, as the
rest of the realme yeeldeth, namely beanes, peason,
and tares, which some (reteining the sound of the
Latine woord vicid) call vetches, and which Polydor
supposed not to be founde in Ingland.
The pas- The pasture and meadowe, is not onely sufficient in
proportion to the quantitie of the country itselfe for
breeding, but is comparable in fertilitie also to any
other that is neare it, in so muche that it gayneth by
feeding.
The woods In fertile and fruitfull woodesand trees, this country
is most floryshing also, whether you respect the
mast of oke, beeche and chesten for cattaile: or the
fruit of apples, peares, cherries, and plums for men :
for besides great store of oke and beeche, it hathe
whole woodes that beare chestnutt, a mast (if I may
so call it, and not rather a fruite, whereof even
delicate persons disdaine not to feede) not commonly
seene in other countries : But as for ortchards of
aples, and gardeins of cheries, and those of the most
delicious and exquisite kindes that can be, no part of
the realme (that I know) hath them, either in such
quantitie and number, or with such arte and Industrie,
sot and planted. So that the Kentish man, most
truely of all other, may say with him in Virgil,
Sunt nobis ntitia poma,
Cast anew molles, Sec.
The cattel Touching domcsticall cattel, as horses, mares, oxen,
kine, and shecpe, Kent differeth not muche from others :
onely (his il challengeth as singular, that it bringeth
fortli the largest of stature in echo kinde of them: The
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 5
like whereof also Polydore (in his historic) confesseth
of the Kentish poultrie.
Parkes of fallow deere, and games of gray conies, Deere and
it maintaineth many, the one for pleasure, and the conyes-
other for profit, as it may well appeare by this, that
within memorie almost the one halfe of the first sorte
be disparked, and the number of warreyns continueth,
if it do not increase daily.
As for red deere, and blacke conies, it nourisheth
them not, as having no forests, or great walks of waste
grounde for the one, and not tarying the time to raise
the gaine by the other: for, blacke conyes are kept
partly for their skins, which have their season in
Winter : and Kent by the nearnesse to London, hath
so quicke market of yong rabbets, that it killeth this
game chiefly in Summer.
There is no mineral, or other profit digged out of No mynes.
the belly of the earth here, save only that in certeine
places they have mynes of iron, quarreys of paving
stone, and pits of fat marie.
Besides diverse pieres, jetties, and creekes, that bee
upon the coastes of the Thamise and the sea, Kent
hath also sundrie fresh rivers and pleasaunt streames,
especially Derent, Medwey, and Stowre, of the which,
Medwey is more navigable then the rest, for which
cause, and (for that it crosseth the Shyre almost in the
midst) it is the most beneficiall also.
The Sea, and these waters, yeelde good and whole- The fighe
some fishes competently, but yet neither so muche in
quantitie, nor suche in varietie, as some other coastes
of the realme do afoorde. And here let us for a
season leave the sea and the soyle, and cast our eyes
upon the men.
B 3
<J THE ESTATE OF KENT.
Thepeopie The people of this countrie, consisteth chiefely (as
in other countries also) of the gentrie, and the
yeomanrie, of which the first be for the most
parte, upxovrtg, governors, and the other altogether
apxof-i^'oi, governed : whose possessions also were
Socage cV at the first distinguished, by the names of knight fee,
•ervfoT* an(* £avelkinde : that former being proper to the
warriour, and this latter to the husbandman. But as
nothing is more inconstant, than the estate that wee
have in lands and living (if at the least I may call
that an estate whiche never standeth) even so, long
since these tenures have been so indifferently mixed and
confounded, in the hands of eche sorte, that there is
not now any note of difference to be gathered by them.
The gentlemen be not heere (throughout) of so
tiemen. auncient stockes as elsewhere, especially in the partes
neerer to London, from whiche citie (as it were from a
certeine riche and wealthy seed plot) courtiers, law-
yers, and marchants be continually translated, and do
become new plants amongst them. Yet be their
revenues greater then any where else: which thing
groweth not so much by the quantitie of their posses-
sion, or by the fertilitie of their soyle, as by the benefit
of (lie scituation of the countrie itself, which hath all
that good neighbourhood, that Marc. Cato, and other
old authors in husbandry require to a well-placed
graunge, that is to say, the sea, the river, a populous
citie, and a well traded highway, by the commodities
whereof, the superfluous fruites of the grounde be
dearly sold, and consequently the land may yeeld a
greater rent. These gentlemen be also (for the most
part) acquainted with good letters, and especially
trained in the knowledge of the lawes : They use to
THE ESTATE OF KENT.
manure some large portion of their owite territories, as
well for the maintenance of their families, as also for
(heir better increase in wealth. So that they be well
employed, both in the publique service, and in their
o-wn particular, and do use hauking, hunting and other
disports, rather for their recreation, then for an
occupation or pastime.
The yeomanrie, or common people (for so they be The
called of the Saxon word jem^n, which signifieth men-
common) is no where more free, and jolly, then in this
shyre: for besides that they themselves say in a
clayme (made by them in the time of king Edwarde
the First) that the commimaltie of Kent was never
vanquished by the Conquerour, but yeelded itself by
composition, and besides that Gervasius affirmeth,
that the forward in all battels belongeth to them (by a
ccrtein pre-eminence) in right of their manhood, it is
agreed by all men, that there were never any bondmen
(or villaines, as the law calleth them) in Kent.
Neither be they here so much botmden to the gentrie
by copyhold, or custumarie tenures, as the inhabitants
of the westerne countries of the realme be, nor at all
indangered by the feeble holde of tenant right, (which
is but a discent of a tenancie at will) as the common
people in the northren parts be : for Copyhold tenure
is rare in Kent, and tenant right not heard of at all .
But in place of these, the custome of Gavelkind
prevailing every where, in manner every man is a
freeholder, and hath some part of his own to live
upon. And in this their estate, they please them-
selves, and joy exceedingly, insomuch, as a man may
find sundry yeomen (although otherwise for wrealtb
comparable with many of the gentle sort) that will not
THE ESTATE OF KENT.
The artifi-
cers.
The first
inhabita-
tion of
England.
yet for all that change their condition, nor desire to be
apparailed with the titles of gentrie.
Neither is this any cause of disdain, or of alien-
ation of the good minds of the one sort from the other :
for no where else in all this realme, is the common
people more willingly governed. To be short, they be
most commonly civil, just, and bountiful, so that the
estate of the old Franklyn's and yeomen of England,
either yet liveth in Kent, or else it is quite dead and
departed out of the realme for altogether.
As touching the artificers of this shire, tliey be
either such as travell at the sea, or labour in the artes
that be handmaidens to husbandry, or else do worke
in stone, iron, and woodfuel, or be makers of coloured
woollen clothes ; in which last feat they excell, as
from whome is drawne both sufficient store to fur-
nishe the weare of the best sort of our owne nation at
home, and great plentie also to be transported to other
foreine countries abroad. Thus muche I had summa-
rily to say, of the condition of the countrie, and
countrie men, now, therefore, (God assisting mine
enterprise) I will go in hand with the hystorie.
We read in the first Booke of Moses, that after
such time as the order of nature was destroyed by
the generall floude, and repaired again by the mercy
of Almightie God, the whole earth was overspred in
processe of time, by the propagation of mankinde that
came of the loines of Sem, Cham, and lapheth. By
which authoritie, we are throughly certified, that all
the nations of the worlde, must of necessitie derive
their pedegrees from the countrie of Chaldee (or some
place nighe unto it) where the Arke of Noah rested ;
THE ESTATE OF KENT.
And therefore, 1 will not here either doubt, or de- The errour
bate to and fro, as Caesar, Cornel. Tacit. Polydore and
others do, whether the first inhabitants of this Ilande
were (aliunde advecti, and advence) that is, trans- were in-
digente.
lated and brought out of some other countrie to dwell
here, or no : Or yet affirme, as the same Caesar doth,
that some, or (as Diodor. Siculus writeth) that all the
Britaines were indigence, the naturall borne people of
that countrie, and that ab origine, even from the first
beginning : for to take the one way of these, or the
other, would but leade us to distrust the infallible
Scriptures of God concerning the creation and propa-
gation of mankynde, and to trust the wretched vanitie
of opinion that the Gentiles had, and namely the
Atheniens, who, the better to advance their antiquitie,
were wront to vaunt, that they only (forsooth) of all the
Grecians were avro^Qov^, that is to say, Sativi, et in-
digence ttrrce parentis, the very natural seeds, stocks,
and ymps, springing out of their good mother the same
earth where they dwelt, and not brought from elswhere.
We reade, moreover, in the same Book of Moses,
that the lies of the Gentiles were divided into their
kingdoms and nations, by such as descended of the
children of lapheth : whereupon, as the Italians in their
histories derive themselves from Gomer the first sonne
of lapheth : the Spaniardes from Tubal his fift sonne :
and the Germanes from Thuysco (whom as they say,
Moses calleth Ascenas) the eldest sonne of Gomer :
Even so, the late learned, and yet best travailed in
the histories of our countrey, rejecting the fonde
dreames of doting monkes and fabling friars, do
collect out of Herodotus, Berosus, and others the
most grave and auncient authors, that one Samothes,
lo Tl IK KSTATE OF KKNT.
the sixth sonnc of lapheth, (\\home Caesar in his com-
mentaries calleth Dis, and Moses nameth JMescch)
did about i>50 \eaivs after the irenera II inundation of
the world) take upon him the first dominion of these
countries in Europe, which are now known by the
lujmcs of Fraunce and Britaine, and the inhabitantes
^1ahatriJ1selts0 thereof of long time called ce lt<e, or rather *eXer«/ of
and to rule the verbe ttktw|ui>, for their special! skill in riding.
An mundi Of this man's name (say they) the first inhabiters of
2219. England weare called Samothaei, by the space of -300
yeares, or more : About which time Albion Marcoticus
(the sonne of Neptune, or rather Nepthuim, a«* Moses
writetli it, and descended of the nice of Chaw,) invaded
the ile, conquered the inhabitantcs, mixed them with
his owne people, and called them all after his ownr
name Albionees, and the countrey itself Albion.
An. ante ^xo Inmdreth and eight yeares (or theraboufes)
Chmtum af^er tm«s a|SOj Brutus Julius (as all our common
historiens have it) entered this Hand with 324 ships,
laden with the remaines of Troye, and he likewise,
both subdued all the former peoples that he found
heere to his owne obedience, and also altered their
name after his owne calling : so that from thenceforth
they were named Britaines, the termes of Samothees,
and Albionees being quite and cleane abolished.
Now, out of these things thus alledged, I might (as
Kent, the me tliinketh) draw probable conjecture, that Kent
biuVpITrt >vhirh we have in hand' was tlle first inlmbi<ed Part of
of England all this our iland.
For if it be true, that Maister Bale in his Centuries
conlesseth, namely, that Samothes began his dominion
over this realme almost 150 yeeres after such time
as !v« first arrived in that part of Fraume \\hich is
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 11
called Celtique and had planted his people there, what
can be more likely, then that he came out of Fraunce
first into Kent ? seeing that parte (of all others) was
inoste neare unto him, and only of all the iland might
be discerned out of the countrie where he was. And
theselfe same reason Caesar useth, to prove, that the
borderers on the South Sea side of this land were
advencE, and brought out of Fraunce, although he was
perswaded, that the dwellers within the middle partes
of the countrie were ( indigence,) as we have already
touched. To make it easie also, Master Twyne telleth
us, that long since there was an istmus (or bridge of
lande) by which there was passage on foote to and fro
betwreene Fraunce and us, although the sea hath
si thence fretted the same in sunder. But I will pro-
ceede in the historic.
Howsoever that bee therefore, Caesar himselfe wit- Foure
nesseth, that at the time of his arrivall in this iland, J^8 in
the people were by one common name called Britaines:
and that Kent was then divided into foure petite
kingdomes, which were governed by Carvillus, Taxi-
magul, Cingetorix, and Segonax: who, having seve-
rally subject to their dominions certain cities with the
territories adjoyning unto them (after the manner of
the dukedomes, or estates of Italic, at this day)
extended their bounds (as it may be gathered) over
the whole countries of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, at
the least.
This kind of regalitie, Kent retained not many But one
yeares after, bicause the Britain kings, succeed- Kern."1
ing Caesar's conquest, and yeelding tribute to the Ro-
manes, reduced not only these parts, but in manner
the whole realme also, into one entire monarchic.
12 THE ESTATE OF KENT.
So that in course of time, and under the reigne of King"
Vortiger, Kent was ruled by a Lieutenant, or Viceroy,
called Guorongus, as William of Malmesbury wit-
nesseth.
But it was not long, before these Britaines were
so weakened, partly by intestine dissention amongst
themselves, and partly by incursions of their neigh-
bours the Scots, and Picts, that (the periode of this
their estate also drawing on) Vortiger their king
was compelled to invite for aide the Saxons, Jutes,
and Angles, three sortes of the Germane nation : who,
insteade of dooing that which they came for, and of
delivering the Britaines from their former oppression,
joyned with their enemies (Thessalafide, as the adage
is) and brought upon them a more greevous calamity
and conquest, subduing the people, suppressing reli-
gion, and departing (in manner) the whole land
amongst themselves. So that now Kent recovered
the title of a several kingdome againe, although not
all one, and the verie same in limits with the former
foure, yet nothing inferior in power, estimation, or
compasse.
Hengist, Of this newly revived regiment, Hengist, the chief
' leader of the Germanes, became the first author and
patrone. For he, finding himselfe placed by King
Vortiger for his owne habitation at Thariet in this shire,
and seeing a great part of his power bestowed in
garrison against the Scots under Ohtha his brother,
and Ebusa his sonne in the North Countrey, and per-
ceiving moreover, that he was arrived out of a most
barren region into this plentifull iland (with the com-
modities whereof he was inestimablie delighted) he
abandoned all care of returne to his native soile, and
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 13
determined to make here a seate for himselfe and his
posteritie. For helpes hereunto, although he had on
the one side, his owne prowesse, the manhoode of his
warlike nation, their number, and necessitie : and on
the other side, the effeminate cowardise and voluptu-
ousnes of King Vortiger, the weakenes of the Britanes
themselves, and the advantage of the Scots and
Pictes their auncient enemies, so that he might with
plaine force have brought his purpose to passe : yet he
chose rather to atchieve his desire by faire meanes, and
colour of amitie, a way, though not so hastie as the
former, yet more speedie then that, or any other.
Espying therefore, that King Vortiger was muche
delighted in women's companie, and knowing well that
sine cerere et libero, friget Venus, he had him to a
solemn banquet, and after that he had (according to
the manner of Germanic yet continuing) well plied him
with pots, he let slippe before him a faire gentle-
woman, his owne daughter, called Roxena, or Rowen,
which being instructed before hand how to behave
herself, most amiablie presented him with a goblet of
wine, saying in her owne language f>aen Paile plapon6
cynynj 7 wessail Lord King, that is to say, be merie The first
Lord King : with which her daliance, the King was so Cnppe.
delighted, that he not onely vouchsafed to pledge her,
but desired also to performe it in the right manner of
her owne countrey. And therefore he answered (as
he was taught unto her againe, 6mnc Paeile 7 drinke
merily. Which when she had done, himselfe tooke
the cuppe, and pledged her so hartely, that from
thenceforth he could never be in rest, until he had
obtained her to wife, little weighing, either how The issue
deeply he had endaungered his conscience in matching ungodly
himselfe with a Heathen woman, or bow greatly he marna«e-
14 TIIK ESTATE OF KENT.
had hazarded his crowne by joyning handes with so
mightie a forein nation.
At the time of this marriage, Hengist (labouring by
all meanes to bring in his ovvne countriemen) begged
of the king the territories of Kent, Essex, Middlesex,
and Suffolke, (then knowne by other names) pretend-
ing in worde, that he would, in consideration thereof,
keep out Aurel. Ambrose (a competitor of the crowne)
whose arrival KingVortiger had much feared,but mean-
ing indeede, to make thereby a key to let into the
realine multitudes of Germanes, for furtherance of his
ambitious desire and purpose : which thing in processe
of time he brought to passe, not onely creating him-
selfe and his posteritie Kings of a large quarter, but.
also thereby shewing the way and entrie, howe others
of his nation might follow, and doe the like.
And thus Kent, being once againe (as I saide)
reduced into a kingdome, continued in that estate,
by the space of three hundreth three score and eight
yeares, or thereabouts, in the handes of fifteene succes-
sours, as the moste credible authours do report:
Some others adde, Edbert, Alric, and so make seven-
teene in all, whose names doe followe : —
The Kings 1. Hengist, the first Germane.
ofKe"t' 2. Oesc.
3. Occa.
4. Herrnenric ; or Ermenric.
5. Ethelbert, the first christened.
6. Eadbald.
7. Erconbert, the first that commanded the
observation of Lent, in this shy re.
8. Egbert.
!K Lothar.
10. Eadrir.
THE ESTATE OF KENT. I',
After his death, Nidrcd and Wibbard usurped, by
the space of seven years, and therefore are not registred
in the catalogue of the lawful! kings.
11. Wightred, or Suihard ; he built Saint
Marline's at Dover.
12. Edbert, added by some.
13. Ethelbert.
14. Alric, added also, by some.
15. EadbertPren; or Edelbert Pren.
16. Cutbred.
17. Baldred
Now, although it might heere seeme convenient,
before I passed any further, to disclose such memora-
ble things, as have chaunced during the reignes of all
these forenamed kings : yet for as muche as my pur-
pose specially is to write a topographic, or description
of places, and no chronographie, or storie of times,
(although I must now and then use both, since the
one cannot fully be perfourmed without enterlacing
the other,) and for that also I shall have just occasion
hereafter in the particulars of this shyre, to disclose
many of the same, I will at this present, and that by
way of digression only, make report of one or two
occurrents that happened under Ethelbert, and Eadric,
two kings of this countrey.
This Ethelbert, besides that he mightely enlarged Ethelbert,
the King
the bounds of his owne kingdome, extending the of Kent,
same even to the river of Humber, was also the first
king (amongst the Saxons, inhabiting this land) that
promoted the kingdome of Christ, as to whom it
pleased Almighty God to break the bread of his holy
word and gospel, through the miriisterie and preach-
ing of Augustine the monck, that was sent from
1<; INI: INSTATE OV KENT.
Rome by Pope Gregorie surnamed the Great: amongst
the Saxons I saide, least any man should thinke, that
eyther the faith of Christe, was not here at all, or not
so purely preached, before the comming of that
Augustine. For it is past all doubt, by the stories of
all countries, and by the testimonie of Be da himselfe
(being a Saxon) that the Britons embraced the religion
of Christ within this iland, many hundreth yeeres
before Gregorie's time : whether in purer sorte then he
sent it hither, or no, let them judge that knowe, that he
was called (worthely) Pater Ceremoniarum, and that
may yet see in Beda, and others, what trumperie crept
into the church of God in his time and by his permis-
sion.
Eadric, Eadric, the other king, succeeded in Kent, after
Kent.ing° Lotharius, who, because he rather reigned by luste,
then ruled by lawe, incurred the hatred of his people,
and was invaded by Ceadwalla (King of Westsex) and
Mull his brother; which entring the countrie, and
finding no resistance, herried it from one end to the
other ; and not thus contented, Ceadwalla, in revenge
of his brother Mull's death, (whom the countrie peo-
ple had cruelly slaine in a house, that he had taken for
his succour) entred this countrie the second time, and
sleying the people, spoiled it without all pitie. And
yet not satisfied with all this, he suffered the quarrell
to discend to Ina his successour, who ceased not to
unquiet the people of this shyre, till they agreed to
pay him 30,000 markes in golde, for his desired
amendes.
These be the matters that I had to note in the reigns
of these two kings ; as for the rest, I passe them over
to their fit titles, as things rather perteining to some
THE ESTATE OF KENT.
peculiar places, then incident to the body of the whole
shyre, and will no we prosecute the residue.
In the time of this Baldred, that standeth last in the 827
table of the kings, Kent was united by King Egbert
(who last of all chaunged the name of the people, and
called them Englishmen) unto theWestsaxon king- men.
dome, which in the ende became ladie and maistres of
all the rest of the kingdomes also : and it was from
thenceforth wholy governed after the Westsaxon law,
as in the mappe of the tripartite lawes of this realme
hath appeered, until such time as King Alfred first
divided the whole realme into particular shyres, upon
this occasion following.
The Danes, both in his time and before, had flocked Beginning
by sea to the coastes of this lande in great numbers,
sometimes wasting and spoiling with sword and fire,
wheresoever they might arrive : and sometimes taking
with them great booties to their ships without dooing
any further harme : which thing (continuing for many
yeeres together) caused the husbandmen to abandon
their tillage, and gave occasion and hardinesse to evil
disposed persons to fall to the like pillage, and rob-
berie : the which, the better to cloke their mischiefe
withall, fained themselves to be Danish pirates, and
would sometime come on lande in one part, and some-
time in another, driving great spoiles (as the Danes
had done) to their ships before them.
The good King Alfred therefore, that had marveil- 892
ously travelled in repulsing the barbarous Danes,
espying this outrage, and thinking it no less the part
of a politique Prince, to roote out the noisome subject,
then to holde out the foreigne enemie, by advice of his
counsaile, and by the example of Moses (which fol-
C
1* THE ESTATE OF KENT.
lowed the counsaile of letro, his father in law) divided
the whole realme into certain parts, or sections (being
two and thirtie in number, as I gesse), which of the
Saxon word Scypan, signifying to cut, he termed shyres,
or (as wee yet speake) shares, and portions: and ap-
pointed over every one shyre, an Earle, or Alderman
(or both), to whom he committed the government and
rule of the same.
These shyres he also brake into smaller parts,
Lathes, whereof some were called Lathes, of the worde jela^ian,
Hundreds, which is, to assemble together : others, hundreds, be-
cause they conteined Jurisdiction over an hundred
Tithings. pledges : and others, Tithings, so named, bicause there
were in eche of them to the number of ten persons,
whereof eche one was suretie and pledge for others
good abearing.
He ordeined furthermore, that every man should
procure himselfe to be received into some tithing, and
that if any were founde of so small credite, that his
neighbours would not become pledge for him, hee should
foorthwith be committed to prison, least he might do
harme abroad e.
By this device of his it came to passe, that good
subjects (the travailing bees of the realme) resorted
safely to their labors againe, and the evill and idle
dron nes were driven clean out of the hyve of the com-
mon wealth : so that in short time, the whole realme
tasted of the sweete hony of this blessed peace, and
tranquilitie : insomuch, that (as one writeth) if a man
had let fall his purse in the highway, he might at great
leasure, and with good assurance, have come back and
it up iigaine.
Some shadow, I do < onfesse, of this King Alfredes
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 19
politique institution, remaineth even till this day in
those courts which we call Leetes, where these pledges
be yet named fraud plegii, of the worde ppeobojijP,
which is, a free pledge : but if the very image itselfe press
were amongst us, who seeth not what benefit would theeves.
ensue thereby, as well towards the suppression of
busie theeves, as for the correction of idle vagabounds,
which be the very seede of robbers and theeves: but
leaving this matter to such as beare the sworde, I will
plie my penne, and go forward.
Thus much therefore I thought good, now at the first
to open, the more at large, because it may serve gene-
rally for all shyres, and shall heereafter deliver me
from often repetition of one thing. Where, by the
way, (least I might seeme to have forgotten the shyre
that I have presently in hand) it is to be noted, that
that which in the west countrey was at that time
(and yet is) called a tithing, is in Kent termed a borow,
of the Saxon worde bojiP, which signifieth a pledge, or Boshoider,
a suretie : and the chiefe of these pledges, which the man.
westernmen call a tithingman, they of Kent name a
borsholder, of the Saxon wordes bopPej- ealdop, that
is to say, the most auncient, or elder of the pledges :
which thing being understood, the matter will come all
to one end, and I may now go forward.
In this plight therefore, both this shyre of Kent, and 1066
all the residue of the shyres of this realme, were founde, Kentkeep-
when William the Duke of Normandie invaded this customes.
realme : at whose hands the cominaltie of Kent, ob-
teyned with great honour, the continuation of their
auncient usuages, notwithstanding that the whole
realme besides suffered alteration and chaunge.
For proofe whereof, I will call to witnesse Thomas
C 2
20 THE ESTATE OF KENT.
Spot, sometimes a moncke and chronicler of Saint
Augustines at Canterbury: who, if hee shall seeme too
weake to give sufficient authoritie to the tale, because
hee onely (of all the storiersthatl have seene) reporteth
it, yet, forasmuch as I myselfe first published that note
out of his history, and for that the matter itselfe also
is neither incredible, nor unlikely (the rather bicause
this shyre, even unto this day, enjoyeth the custome
Give all of give all kyn discent, dower of the moytie, freedome
kynne. of birth, and sundrie other usuages much different from
other countries) I neither well may, ne will at all, sticke,
now eftsoones to rehearse it.
10(57 After such time (saith he) as Duke William the
Conquerour had overthrowne King Harold in the field,
at Battel in Sussex, and had received the Londoners
to mercy, he marched with his armie towarde the castle
of Dover, thinking thereby to have brought in subjec-
tion this countrie of Kent also. But Stigande, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Egelsine the Abbat of
St. Augustines, perceiving the daunger, assembled the
countrie men together, and laide before them the in-
tollerable pride of the Normanes that invaded them,
and their own miserable condition, if they should yeeld
unto them. By which meanes, they so enraged the
common people, that they ran forthwith to weapon,
Meetingat and meeting at Swanscombe, elected the Archbishop
Swans- an(j faG Aboa,!; for their captaines : this done, eche
man got him a green bough in his hand, and bare it
over his head, in such sort, as when the Duke ap-
proached, he was much amased therewith, thinking at
the first, that it had been some miraculous woode, that
mooved towards him : but they, as soone as he came
within hearing, cast away their boughes from them,
THE ESTATE OF KENT. 21
and at the sounde of a trumpet bewraied their wea-
pons, and withall dispatched towards him a messenger,
which spake unto him in this manner : The commons
of Kent (most noble Duke) are readie to offer thee,
either peace, or warre, at thyne owne choyse, and
election : peace, with their faithfull obedience, if thou
wilt permit them to enjoy their ancient liberties : warre,
and that most deadly, if thou denie it them.
Now when the Duke heard this, and considered that
the danger of deniall was great, and that the thing
desired was but small, he forthwith, more wisely than
willingly, yeelded to their request : and by this meane
both he received Dover Castle, and the countrie to
obedience, and they onely of all England (as shall
heereafter appeer) obtained for ever their accustomed
priviledges.
And thus then hath it appeered (so shortly, as I
could) what hath been the estate and government of
this countrie, from the arrival of lulius Caesar (the first
Romane that conquered this realme), even to this pre-
sent day. Now, therefore, I will set before the reader's
eye in table, a plaine particular of the whole shyre,
wherein, to the end that with little labour of search,
double commoditie may be founde, I will first divide
the countrie into lathes, baylifwyeks, limites, and hun-
dreds, as it is used for execution of services by the
shyrifes, their baylifes, and iustices of the peace:
secondly, to these lathes and hundreds, I will adde the
parishes, townes, and boroughes, setting downe against
cche of them such severall summes of money, as (by
reporte of the thirteenthe yeare of her Majesty's raigne)
was levied in the name of a tenthe, and fifteenthe, upon
every of the same: thirdly, I will particularize the
•22
THE ESTATE OF KENT.
franchyses, parks, rivers, bridges, and other the more
publiquc and notorious parts of the shyrc in short
kalendar: and lastly, I will addressc me to the topo-
graphic and larger description of such places, as
either faithftill information by worde, or credible
hystorie in writing, hath hitherto ministred unto me.
The Distribution of the Shyre for
Execution of lustice.
Lath.
Bayly-
wickes.
Limits for
lustice
of Peace.
Hundreds, and the
number of Parishes
in them.
Names of the lustices of Peace and their
Dwelling Parishes, 17th February, 1596.
^Blackheath 7S' Ralph Bourchier> in
C oarishesT i***™ Annesley, in Lewsham
r' 3 William Barnes, in Woolwiche
Upper ,
Division.
Litle and /
Lesnes. par.4. j
Axtane ?
Button J Sutton <
at Hone.^ at Hone.
par. 16. {
Rookesley \
par. 15. ]
2.
Nether
Broomelyand } lo. Lo.Bishop Roffen, I .
Beknam [ Tymothy Lowe, \ uiBromley
par. 2. } Edm. Style, in Beknam
Percivall Hart, in Lullingstone
S. George Gary, in Stone
xv-c-.v,j i Tho. Walsingham, in Chesylhyrst
par. 15. 5 Samuel Lennard, in Wyckham
Godsheath > 0
par 8 I Sampson Lenard, in Sevenok
par 4 \ Thomas Potter, in Westerham
[^Somerdene ^ S. Robert Sydney,
par. 6.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE SHYRE, Ac.
23
Lath.
Bayly-
wickcs.
Limits for
lusticc
of Peace.
Hundreds, and the
number of Parishes
in them.
Names of the lustices of Peace and their
Dwelling Parishes, 17th February, 159fi.
2.
Ayles-
ford.
2.
Hoo.
North
Division.
3.
Twyford
2.
South
Division.
3.
East
Division.
Shamele
par. 11
Toltingtroe ?
par. 6. S
Chetham and
Gyllingham
par. 3.
Larkp.freltJ5
William Sedley, in Ayllesford
Twyford
par. 6.
Lowy of Tun-
bridge. par.2.
Wacheling- ^
stone, par. 5. S
) Sir lohn Scott, in Nettlested
S Tho. Fane, in Hunton
West Barn-^
field, Brench- /
ley, & Hors-V
niondcn i
par. 3. J
-Marden. p.2.
Eyhorne
par. 13.
M ay d stone
par. T.
S.Ed.Wooton, in Bocton Malherbe
S. T. Fludde, in Bersted
Edward Fylmer, in Sutton
William Lewyn, in Otteryndeu
Mathew Hadde, in Frensted
Mart. Barnam, in Hollingborne
Henry Cutte, in Stocbery
^ Lau. Washington, in Maydstone
\ Will. Beynham, in Boxley
24
DISTRIBUTION OF THE SHYRE
Lath.
Bavly-
wickes.
Limits for
lustice
of Peace.
Hundreds, and the N f th Iustices of Peace and their
oumber of Parishes Dwei|ing Parishes, i7th February, 15Q6.
r 5.
Mylton.
~) S. Ed. Hobbye, ? in the yle of
r * °? a, Jlo.Askough, I ShePy
par. £6. ^William crowmer, in Tunstall
Tenham, p. 4.
G.
Scraye. "
<
FeVeparaT7 } Mycliaell Sondes, in Throughley
Bocton under ^
bleane
par. 4. 3
r
-Felboroe. p.5.
3.
Scraye
alias
Shyr- <
win-
hope.
7.
Chart & <
Long-
bridge.
1
Chart and ~)
Lonbridge >Rob. Edolph, in Hynxell
par. 9. )
Wye ) S. Moyle Fynch, in Eastwell
par. 5. ) Tho. Kempe, in Wye
Byrcholt ba- )
rony. par. 1. $
par. 8. j Richar^De'erklg,6 in Plukley
.Ashfordvillate
'Black borne, p.5
Tenterden ) p
par. 1. S
8.
7 Hun- <
dreds.
Barkley.p. 1.
raDparr.°3.e j Thomas Robertas, in Cranbrooke
R°lVparde2. \ Henry Lynle^ in Rolvenden
Selbrightenden. par. 1.
EastBaruticld. par. 1.
.Newyndene villate.
FOR EXECUTION OF IUSTICE.
25
Lath.
Bayly-
wickes.
Limits for
Justice
of Peace.
Hundreds, and the
number of Parishes
in them.
Names of the Justices of Peace and their
Dwelling Parishes, 17th February, 15Q6.
4.
S. Au-
gustine.
9.
Bredge.
10.
Eastry. *
Ringesloe
par. 4.
Blengate
par. 7.
Whitstable
par. 3.
Westgate
par. 4.
Downeham-
ford. par. 6.
Preston
par. 2.
Bredge and
Petham. p.7.
} Rychard Cryspe, in Thanet
S Ins.
. ir.5,
Seasalter
Boroe.
Peter Manwood, in Hakiugton
? Sir Henry Palmer, in Bekesborne
$ port
? William Partrich, in Bredge
J Ric. Hardres, in upper Hardres
? Sir Thomas Wylford, in Kingston
I
Thomas Palmer' in
•p .
I
par.
,.
11.
"\Richard Fogge, in Tylmanstone
/Ric. Lo.of Dover, in Denton
>Ioh. Boys, in Betshanger
/ Thomas payton> in Rnolton
J Edward Boys, in Nonington
Corniloe
par. 8.
Bewesbrough
par. 13.
Longport
Boroe.
DISTRIBUTION or HIM SIIYRE, &c.
Lath.
LimiU fin
1 II :tl>
of Peace.
1 ' mhl^V Parlh^ N *m™ °f tbc ' «s«c«s Ot PeaCe and their
^n uleS Dwelling Parishes, 17th February, 15Q6.
r Folkestone
par. 8.
\
r 1 1.
Stowting
Loningboroe
liar. 4.
Stow tinge
par. 5.
1 William Harmonde, in Acrise
| lohn Smith, at Stanforde
\
Hearne
par. 2.
s
5.
Shypwey"
r
-T.
Byrcholt
francbyse
par. 2.
par. 3.
Worth
par. 2.
^Thomas Scott, in Smeeth
| Ralph Hayman, in Sellyng
12.
^Shypwey"
Ham
par. 3.
Langporte
par. 1.
)
Saint Mar-
ty ne par.
(
Newchurch
par. 4.
!
Alowsbridge
par. 6.
{
Oxney
par. 3.
j
Note, That Rich. Lee, and Henry Fynch, dwell in
Canterbury: Thomas Blague inhabiteth Roches-
ter: the re.«t (of the Nobilitie and others) named
in the Commission, are not resident within the
Shy re.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
27
The Lathe of St. Augustines, otherwise called
the Lathe of Hedelinth.
f Borowe of Wingham -
£. s. d.
371
Borowe of Rollinge
3 7 1
Borowe of Nonington -
371
Borowe of Godestone -
371
Borowe of Denne
371
Hundreth <
Borowe of Twytham -
1 13 9
of Wing- j Borowe of Wimlingswold
1 13 9
ham.
Borowe of Kelington -
1 13 7
Borowe of Gythorne -
161
The Parish of Ashe^
with the Borowe of /•
23 12 3
Widerton J
Sum £46 14 10
C Towne of Preston
5 9 10
Hundreth 1 Towne of Elmeston .
of Preston. *
2 10 0
Sum
£7 19 10
" Towne of Wood
478
Towne of Monketon -
300
Towne of Mynster
15 0 0
Towne of St. Lawrence
17 13 4
Towne of St. Peter
15 17 0
Hundreth
of Kinges- <
lowe.
Towne of St. John
Towne of St. Giles
23 12 0
0 15 0
Towne of St. Nicholas
10 7 0
Towne of All Sainctes
464
Of
Towne of Byrchingstone
8 15 3
L Sum £103 13 7
The Lath of
-St. Augustines.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. *. d.
Towne of Staple 470
Towne of Adesham - 490
Towne of Wykham 7 14 10
Towne of Litleborne - 7 14 0
Towne of Well - 6196
Htmdreth
of Down-
ham ford.
Sum £31 4 4
Hundreth
of Estrye.
Towne of Chillenden - 0 18 0
Towne of Berston 072
Towne of Nonington - 100
Towne of Tylvestone - 664
Towne of Wodnesborowe 15 10 10
Towne of Estrye 14 11 10
Towne of Waldershare 0 12 0
Sum £39 6 2
Hundreth
of King-
hamford.
Borowe of Dorme
Borowe of Kingstone -
Borowe of Outemcston
Borowe of Berham
Borowe of Bereton
Borowe of Shelving
Borowe of Brethe
Sum £11 5 6
C Towne of Petham
1 Towne of Chartham -
Hundreth < _
of Petham. f Towne of Waltham
7 12
0 8
425
Sum £12~~3 10 £
Hundreth
of Bews-
brough.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
Towne of Colred
Towne of Shebertswold
Towne of Popeshal -
Towne of St. Margaret
Towne of Oxney
Towne of Westclif -
Towne of Guston
Towne of Beawfield -
Towne of Charlton -
Towne of Hougham -
Towne of Bucland -
Towne of Rever
Towne of Ewell
Towne of Leden
Towne of Smalhead -
Towne of Westlangden
Sum
Borowe of Finglesham
Borowe of Sholdon -
Borowe of Marten
Borowe of Eastlangdon
Borowe of Asheley -
Borowe of Sutton
Borowe of MongehamMagna2
Borowe of Ripley
Borowe of Norborne-
Borowe of Deale
Borowe of \Valmer -
Borowe of Mongeham Parva 0
Towne of Ringwolde
Sum
Hundreth
of Cornilo.
£. *.
d.
1 19
2 18
0 The Lathe of
St. Augnstines.
2 10
0
3 0
0
1 6
7k
1 11
0
1 14
0
1 19
0
2 7
0
4 0
0
1 8
0
2 0
0
3 6
0
1 4
0|
0 13
4
1 0
0
£32 15
iri
1 19
0
2 0
0
1 10
0
0 12
0
2 0
0
1 3
51
?na2 0
0
0 17
0
1 3
0
13 19
0
4 5
8
•va 0 17
0
8 0
10
£40 6
11 i
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. s. d
The Lathe of
St. Augustine*.
Hundreth
of Blengate
Hundreth
ofWestgate
Hundreth
of Whit-
staple.
Hundretii
of
Towne of Sturey
Towne of Chistelet -
Towne of Reculver -
Towne of Herne
Sum
" Borowe of Westgate
Borowe of Harbaldowne
Borowe of Hakington
Borowe of Cokering -
Borowe of Tunforde -
Borowe of Rushborne
Borowe of Harwich -
Sum
Towne of Bleane
Towne of Whitstaple
Towne of Natington -
Sum
Towne of Patricksborne
Towne of Bekesborne
Towne of Bregge
Towne of Blackmanbury
Towne of Little Harden
Towne of Natindon -
Towne of Great Harden
Sum
Towne of Seasalter -
Sum of this whole Lathe
of Saint Augustines
12
14
0
12
14
0
12
14
0
12
15
0
£50
17
0
9
19
24
e 4
0
0
4
6
0
3
14
0
1
15
0
1
8
10
2
17
1
£28
0
14
7
11
9
6
15
0
0
11
41
£14
18
11
3 3
16
0
3
18
0
0
15
0
y i
8
0
i 1
8
0
1
8
0
a' 1
9
0
£14
2
0
3
6
8
£436
15
0
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT,
The Lathe of Shepway.
Hundreth
of Saint
Martine.
£. s.
1 0
2 9
Towne of Newchurch -
Towne of St. Maries -
Towne of Hope 12 7 10 1
Towne of St. Martine - 0 14 2
Towne of St. Clement- 2 10 4£
Towne of Ivechurch 381
Towne of Medley 042
Sum £22 13 11
f Towne of St. Nicholas
\ Towne of Lyd
Hundreth J T f Ro _
ofLangport J
f Towne of Hope
Sum £12
0 16 0
924
0 13 4
190
0 8
Hundreth
of Alowes-
bredgre.
Hundreth
of Birch olt
Franchesse
Towne of Snargate - 2 17 11
Towne of Brenset 402
Towne of Brokeland 3 17 0
Towne of Fairefeld 249
Towne of Snave 1 12 6£
Towne of Ivechurch - 1 11 4
Towne of Newchurch - 0 7 1 1
Sum £16 10 10
Towne of Aldington - 4 10 Og
Towne of Mersham 0 8 10
Sum £4 18 10 h
The Lathe of
Shepway.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. s. d.
Towne of Bilsington - 2 13 8
Towne of Newchurch - 1 13 2
Towne of Roking 2 10 6
Towne of Snave - 084
Towne of St. Marie - 1 14 4
Hundreth
of New-
church.
Hundreth
of Stowting
Hundreth
of Louing-
borough.
Hundreth
of Strete.
Hundreth
of Oxeney.
Sum £900
Towne of Elmested
Towne of S celling
Towne of Waltham
Towne of Stowting
Towne of Horton
Towne of Stanford
Sum
3 12 9
0 19 2
117
1 10 11
2 14 8
1 6
£11 6 0
Towne of Eleham - 16 1 0
Towne of Acryse 078
Towne of Hardresse - 194
Towne of Stelling 1 10 1 £
Towne of Lyming 9 15 8
Towne of Paddlesworth 018 3|
Sum £30 2 1
Towne of Limeane - 3 15 1
Towne of Aldington - 1 3 1\
Towne of Selling 6 11 9
Towne of Bonington - 0 12 9
Towne of Herste 0 17 6£
Towne of Westinghanger 0 16 11 1
Sum £13 17 8£
Towne of Wittresham - 2 16 1
Towne of Stone - 3 18 4
Towne of Ebbene 0 12 6
Sum £7 6 11
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
Hundreth
of Heane.
Towne of Saltwood
Towne of Lymeane
Towne of Postling
Sum
£. «. d.
678
051
4 10 11
£11 3 8
33
The Lathe of
Shepway.
Hundreth
of Home.
Hundreth
of Worth
Towne of Warehorne - 2 12 5
Towne of Shaddockherst 052
Towne of Rokinge 190
Towne of Snave 0 10 2
Towne of Orlaston 092
Sum
Towne of Dymchurch
Towne of Bormersh -
Towne of Newchurch -
Towne of Estbredge
Towne of Blackmanstone
Towne of Westheath -
Towne of Lymen
Towne of Aldingweke and 7
Organsweke
Sum
Hundreth
ofFolke-
stone.
Towne of Lyden
Towne of Swyngfeld -
Towne of Akkam
Towne of Folkstone -
Towne of Hawking
Towne of Acryse
Towne of Newington -
Towne of Cheriton
Sum
Sum of this whole Lathe of Shepway £203 12 9
D
£5
5
11
3
1
10
4
8
4
0
6
2£
2
0
1
3 0
12
0
1
3
2i
1
9
3£
'}•
2
5
£14
3
*i
1
12
lj
5
6
9
13
17
0
9
5
5&
1
5
6
0
19
4
8
14
41
4
2
3
£45
2
9i
84
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
The Lathe of Scray, or Sherwinhope.
Hundreth
of Charte.
Ashtisforde
Charte
Betrisden
Hothefielde
£. 5. d.
390
4 17 4
323
3 0 8
Sum £13 9
Willesbroughe
2 13 6
Kenington
3 10 6
Hundreth
of Long-
bridge.
Sevington
Kingsnothe -
Marsham
Hynxell
0 18 7£
1 11 6
0 12 10|
0 13 6}
Ashetisforde
2 12 Oi
Sum £12 12
Westbraborne
1 11 5
Hundreth
ofBircholte <
Hastingleyghe
Bircholte
Eastbraborne
1 1 6k
1 0 4$
0 19 81
Sum £4 13
Hundreth
of Bough-
ton under
Bleane.
Graveney
Harnehill
Boughton
584
4 14 10
900
9 5 7
Sum £28 8
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
35
£. s. d.
Teneham
9 2 2 The Lathe of
Linstede
Scray, or Sher-
994 winhope.
Hundreth
of Tene-
Eastchurch and
Hedcorne
Stonepit 1 3 4
0 19 0
ham.
Dodington -
6 10 2
Iwade
0 11 0
Sum £27 15 0
C Nashe
1 0 2
Felde
1 13 8
Hayslathe
1 16 10
Sandpit
1 7 6
Charte
2 0 10
Welles
0 18 0
Charing
266
Sandhill
1 6 6
Hundreth
ofCalehil. '
Acton
Eastlenham -
0 17 10
1 15 8
Stanforde
204
Pluckley
300
Edisley
1 15 0
Halingarse -
254
Sednor
242
Halmeste
2 10 8
Sainctlohns-
076
Grenehill
0 13 4
Sum £29 19 10
D 2
36
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT
£. a. d.
The Lathe of
Scray, or Sher-
winhope.
Stone
Preston
1 18 0
5 8 11
Stallisfield -
210
Luddenham -
368
Ore -
0 10 0
Hartie
1 2 11
Davington -
328
O springe
325
Feversham -
9 1 10^
Hundreth
of Fever- <
Godneston -
Selling
1 9 8
1 18 1
sham.
Sheldwiche -
375
Throwly
5 17 8
Badlesinere -
1 12 2
Level and
0 6 10
Neuenham -
215
Norton
1 10 0
Boresfield -
0 13 4
Boughton Malherb -
0 11 8
Eseling
Sum
3 1 1
£52 3 9k
.. r Tenterdene-
Hundreth
of Tenter- < Ebyne
dene* Sum
12 7 1
1 17 10
£14 4 11
Hundreth f R°lvinden
ofRolvin- < Benyndene
j
3 11 10
2 18 8
£6 10 6
THE TENTH
FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
37
Bedyndene
Benyndene
Haldene
500
1 19 0
060
Hundreth
of Barkley. *
Smardene
Hedcorne
0 15 2|
0 12 0
Fryttendene
Cranebrooke
078
030
Sum £9 2 10 1
Hundreth
of Black- H
borne.
Appledore
Kenardington
Woodchurch
Warehorne
Shadockesherst
Haldene
2 5 5J
2 0 10
5 16 0|
0 16 2
080
3 6 10
Betrisdene
0 17 0
Sum £15 10 3|
( Hawkherst
3 18 4
Hundreth 1 Cranebroke
of Branfield j
068
Sum £450
Biddendene
036
Cranebrooke
5 16 8
Hundreth
of Crane- <
brooke.
Frittendene
Stapleherst
Hedcorne
Benyndene
Gowdherst
1 15 5
180
0 10 10
1 10 10
136
Sum £12 8 9
Newendene
080
Hundreth
of Selbri- «
tendene.
Sandherst
Hawkherst
Benyndene
1 15 10
0 5 8*
112
Sum £3 10 8|
d.
0 The Lathe of
Scray, or Sher-
The Lathe of
Scray, or Sher-
winhope. Hundreth
of Marden.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. *.
1 18
Hundreth
of Mylton.
Gowdherst
Stapleherst
Marden
0 16
0 19
Sum £3 14 8
Ncwendene £1 4 11
The Balywike of Kay, in the
Hundred of Mylton.
Tong 239
Rodmersham 0 19 6^
Kingsdowne 066
Borden 086
Tunstall 3 13 4
Bredgar 090
Morston 160
Sum £9 6 7|
The Balywike of Shepey, in the
Hundred of Mylton.
Mynster 11 0 9
Eastchurch 11 13 10 }
Wardon 364
Lesdon 4 17 9
Sum £30 18 8£
The Balywike of West, in the
Hundred of Mylton.
Raynham 9 12 6£
Upchurch 6 10 10
Hartlyp 3 12 0
Newenten 444
Halstowe 0 16 0
Stokebury 105
Sum £25 16 1 \
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
The Balywike of
The Lathe of
Kay, in the Scray,orSher-
Hundred of
-mm- -i, winhope.
Mylton.
£. *. rf.
Sedingborne
672
Bapchilde
4 0 0$
Tong
272
Rodmersham
2 15 5i
Bredgar
096
Tunstall
086
Morston
078
Elmesley
1 7 10
Milstede
1 11 8
Kingsdowne
1 1 0£
Sum £20 16 0£
Hundreth <
of Mylton.
The Balywike of Borden, in the
Hundred of
Mylton.
Mylton
7 10 7|
Stokebury
100
Bredgar
3 15 4
Bycnore
Oil
Borden
4 10 11
Sedingborne Parva
086
Tunstall
0 15 8
Newington
219
Bobbing
2 13 5
Halstow
224
Iwade
Si
189
im £26 8 4|
40
The Lathe of
Scray, or Sher
wlobope.
Hundreth
of Wye.
~ ,,
Cartham
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. «. d.
5 15 4
590
roughe. Chilham 10 2 9
Sum
Bewbredge
Tremworthe
Socombe
Gotley
Bempston
Wilmyngton
Deane
Shotenden
Hellyinge
Eastwell
Towne
Cockliscombe
Brompforde
Tokingham nothing, bicause
it is in decay.
Sum
The Towne of Osprenge
The Hundreth of Marden
Sum of this whole Lathe of Scray
£21
7
1
6
8
4
2
11
0
4
6
3*
0
14
9
0
10
6
0
10
7
0
10
2k
0
19
3
0
5
OJ
2
15
3|
1
18
9*
2
6
3
2
ause
4
9
£26
£5
1
2
OJ
2
£7
6
10
£412
19
101
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
41
The Lathe of Aylesforde.
HalfeHun- [
£. t.
d
dreth of The Towne of Chetham
£8 10
0
Chetham. L
HalfeHun- f
dreth of I Gillingham and Greane
Gillingham
and Greane I
£15 0
9*
Berstede
0 17
4
Ulcombe
2 19
0
Otham
1 0
6
Wormesell
1 3
8
Thoraeham
2 1
4
Hedcorae
0 14
0
Charte
1 15
1
Boughton Maleherbe
0 18
0
Boughton Monchelsey
2 4
4
Hollingborne
4 13
4
East Sutton
1 9
4
Hundreth «
Frenstede
0 10
0
ofEyhorne.
Leneham
6 7
0
Harryetsham
3 4
0
Otterinden
0 12
2
Sutton Valance
2 5
111
Leedes -
2 6
8
Bromefeld
0 4
6
Stokebery
1 16
0
Langley
0 15
4
Wychelynge
0 4
11
Aldington
1 5
8
Bycknore
Sum
0 10
4
£&9 19
3i
42
The Lathe of
Aylesforde.
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. s. d.
Maydestone 19 9 2
Loose - 1 14 4
Lynton and Crookherst 2 10 8
Westre - 242
Stone 3 18 2
East Farleyghe 2 5 1 1
Detling - 2 13 4
Boxley , 434
Sum £38 18 3i
Hundreth
of Mayde-
stone.
Hundreth
of Shamel.
Chalke -
Hallinge
Shorne -
Cowlinge
Higham
Denton
Merston
Frendsbury
Cookistonc
Cobham
Strode -
Clyffe
Stoke -
2 19
0 12
4 16
1 19
411
011
0 8
411
2 12
56
43
6 13 10
0 17 10>
0
0
4
8
4
6
li
1|
2
8
7
Sum £40 3
The Townc of Mailing £4 J) S
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
43
£.
Huntingdon
Yalding
East Peckham
n i ^ ft Tlie Lathe ot
Aylesforde.
3 17 3
381
Nettlested
076
Hundreth
ofTwyford.
Watrinbury
West Farley
Testan -
0 7 0$
074
046
Harden
080
Brenchesley
Tudeley
Sum
040
0 17 0
£10 15 $k
Hereworth
0 18 4
Hundreth
of Little- «
feld.
East Peckham 237
West Peckham 174
Of the Baronie of Hadlow 148
^ Sum
£5 13 11
The Half Hundred of Westbarnfield
£2 0 1|
Brenchesley
Horsmondene
3 13 4
5 11 3
Hundreth
of Bren-
chesley.
Hotbisbrough
Bayham
Lamberherst
Beanecroche
2 8 11
1 4 6|
0 18 4
092
Taperegge
Sum
092
£14 14 8i
' Borden
2 14 2
Hundreth
of Wache-
lingstone.
Speldherst
Stoningley in Pepingley
< Sheyborne Ruschall
Tudeley
Asherst
I Sum
1 10 2
1 16 9
2 2 9i
1 13 10i
020
£9 19 8|
44
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
The Lathe of
Aylesforde.
The Lowy
of Tun-
brigge.
Southe -
Hilden -
Hadlowe
Tunbrigge
Wrotham
Hundreth
of Wro- <
tham.
Stansted
Iteham
Shibborne
Hundreth
of Larke-
feld.
Byrling
Pedelsworth
Layborne
S. Leonard
Ryash -
Addington
Offam
Trottyscliffe
Snotheland
Woldham, wi
of S. Margaret
Allington
Dytton -
East Mailing
Borham
Aylesforde
Rugmerhill
Horsmondene
Huntington
£. 3. d.
-
3 14 2
-
450
-
4 10 10
Sum
2 3 10*
£14 13 10 1
_
10 3 1£
-
2 13 4
-
3 5 3i
Sum
1 4 10
£17 6 7
_
3 0 6£
-
1 3 2|
0 16 11
-
0 16 2J
1 6 7f
0 19 If
0 13 9
_
0 17 7i
-
2 14 9£
ic Parish 7
* I1 81°*
0 10 2
_
057
-
7 2 0|
-
2 3 Og
-
5 15 5|
104
Sum
1 4 7|
0 7 2J
£32 6 3
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
£. s.
The Towne ofS. Warburge}
Hundreth
of Hoo.
Mepeham
Luddesdon
Ifield
Hundreth
Gore -
of Tolting- «
Gravesend
trow.
Tome
Mylton -
alias Hoo - j
The Towne of S. Marie 4 14 4
The Towne of All Saints 563
The Towne of Stoke 1 3 6i
Halsto - 2 17 10 }
WestPeckham 0 18 6i
Cobham 1 9 7k
Sum £25 12 10
600
200
228
347
2 10 6
246
2 10 6
45
The Lathe of
Aylesforde.
Sum £20 12 9
Sum of this whole Lathe of Aylesforde £300 17
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
The Lathe of Sutton at Hone.
Hundreth
of Rokes-
ley.
£. s. d.
The Towne of Rokesley 0 19 10
Bexley - 610
North Craye 100
Orpington 4 13 10
Fotyscraye 0 17 5
Chellesfeld 368
Farneburghe 254
Codeham 322
West Wickham 1 17 4
S. Marie Craye 2 10 1
Downe - 2 12 4
Hese 138
Keston - 0 12 4
Hever and Lingell 0 18 3
Nokeholte 0 15 0
Pollescraye 288
Chesilhurst 254
Sum £37 9 3
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
47
£. s.
d.
Towne of Southfleete
Sutton -
4 11
5 11
(J i The Lathe of
2 Sutton at Hone
Fawkeham
1 9
2i
Longefeld
1 3
6
Harteley
1 10
7
Ashe
3 19
21
Rydley
0 17
0
Kingesdowne
2 1
3
Hundreth
of Axston.
Maplescombe
Farmingeham
0 16
0 5
8
Stone
3 13
91
Swanescombe
3 1
0!
Darrent
1 18
Horton
4 9
GI
Eynesforde
1 17
11
Lullingstone
2 4
2£
Sum
£39 10
8
The Towne of Shorham
3 18
0
Halsted
0 14
4
Otteforde
1 2
2
Woodland
0 7
8
Sundrishe
0 10
8
Hundreth
of Codde- <
Sevenocke
4 15
0
shethe.
Kemsynge
1 9
10
Scale
2 19
0
Cheveninge
1 19
8'
Leighe -
0 13
0
Speldherst
0 5
0
Sum
£18 14
4
48
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
The Lathe of
Snt ton at Hone
Hundreth
of Somer-
dene.
Hundreth
ofWestram
£. *.
0 16
Towne of Chyddingstone
Spelherste 0 1 10
Covedene 094
Leighe - 060
Penseherste 056
Hever, with the Borowe of ^
Tunbridge J°
Sum £250
{ Towne of Etonbridge 140
Westram 212
Covedene 0 12 0
Brasted Upland 0 13 4
Sum £4 10 6
Hundreth C Towne of Bromley
of Bromley Beckenham
and Bee- ]
kenham.
8 0
5 19
Sum £13 19 6
Towne of Brasted
£1 7 5j
Hundreth
of Black-
heath.
f Towne of Lewesham 10 2 2
Lee 2 11 10
Ketbrooke 187
Eltham 7 16 0
Chesylherst and Motingham 238
West Grenewiche - 2 15 10
Charleton 277
Wolwyche 2 1 10
East Grenewiche - 732
Sum £38 10 8
THE TENTH AND FIFTEENTH OF KENT. 49
£. i. d.
f Towiie of Erythe - 14 4 3 The Lathe of
Hundreth Craford - 6 16 0 Sutt°na<
of Lytle ^ Plumsted 7 19 0
andLesnes.
1
Sum £28 19 3
The Towne of Dartford £14 3 7
Sum of this whole Lathe of Sutton at f
Hone £19915 3
For the more easie understanding of this table of
the Fifteene, it is to bee noted, that the Lathes and
Hundrethes do stand together whole and entier, how-
soever the townes and parishes bee divided and broken
into parts. And therefore, when one towne is twice,
thrice, or more often named, bee well assured that it
hath so many boroughes (or partes) thereof standing
in so many severall Hundreds : but if it bee but once
set downe, then standeth it wholie in that onely Hun-
dreth where you finde it.
It is to be observed furthermore, that this paiment
which we commonly at this day do call the Fifteene,
is truely (and was aunciently) named, the Tenth and
Fifteene. The Tenth, for so much thereof as was paied
out of cities and borowes in the name of the tenth
part of their goods and mooveables.
And the Fifteenth, for the residue thereof, which statut. is.
was originally and properly due out of the uplandish Bro30'ke in
and countrie townes or villages, as a Fifteenth part Quinz,
of their goods or mooveables. Of the whole sum of
which Fifteene and Tenth, there was £6000. abated
by a generall commission in the reigne of King Henry
the Sixte, in respect of the povertie of sundrie de-
caied cities and townes in every part of the realme.
E
><> INK TENTH AM) FIFTEENTH OF KENT.
To tliis Tenth, did the Hundreth of Rochester pay
(as it appeereth in the olde bookes) and to it the
Towne of Osprenge, part of the Hundreth of Marden,
and all the Hundreth of Mylton (except the Bayly -
wike of Kay first named) do contribute at this present
day. And this is the very cause, why the Hundreth of
Marden, that Bailywike of Kay, and the towne of
Osprenge, be twise named in the Lathe of Scraye,
and seeme to be twice charged also : whereas (indeede)
the first naming of them is for their charge to the Fif-
teene, and the second for the charge of some partes of
them to the payment of the Tenth.
And heerof also it may be properly gessed, that
such partes of the towne of Osprenge, and of the Hun-
dred of Marden, as bee yet liable to the Tenth, bee of
the Libertie of Mylton, the which was aunciently the
King's own towne : and that so much of the Bayly-
wike of Kay as beareth now towards the Fifteene, was
not at the first any portion of Mylton, though it be
now reputed within that Hundred.
These things I have the rather noted, bicause our
latter bookes do confound togither the payment of the
Tenth and Fifteene, whereas the auncient recorde doth
in plaine wordes distinguish and sever them.
Fraunchises.
Of the Duchie.
Of the Archbishop.
Of the Bishop of Roches-
ter.
Of the Deane of Can-
terburie.
Of Otforde.
Of Wye.
Of Asheford.
Of Wrotham.
Of Eltham
Of Osprenge.
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
Knights fees in old time, 254, and Di. whereof 27
belonged to the Archbishop, 8 to the Bishop of
Rochester, and the rest to the King.
Forrestes and Parks.
South fry the, forrest.
North fry the, three parkes.
Otforde, two : whereof one
disparked.
Knoll.
Gromebridge.
Panthyrst, dis.
Penshyrst.
Brasted, dis.
Henden, dis.
Hever, dis.
Broram, dis.
Wrotham, dis,
Ightam, dis.
Cage, dis.
Postern, dis.
Sutton, dis.
Langley, dis.
Cooling.
Byrling.
Cobham.
Alington, dis*
Mereworth, dis.
Grenewich.
Shooters hill
Red hill
Gads hill
Eltham. 3.
Ashowre.
Southparke.
Lullingstone.
Calehyll.
Leedes.
S. Augustines.
Bedgebury.
Westenhanger. 2,
Halden, dis.
Hamswell.
Hungersball.
Lye, dis.
Folkston, dis.
Shoreland, dis.
Aldington, dis.
Stonehyrst, dis.
Stowting.
Saltwood, dis.
Postling.
At Ashford.
Sissingherst.
Glasseabury.
Oxenhoth, 2. dis.
Hilles of Name.
Cockshoote hill
Shorne hill.
Northdownes.
E 2
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
Boxley hill.
Raynam downe.
Harbaldoune.
Mill hill.
Boughton hill.
Calehill.
Byrling hill.
Baram downe.
Ryver hill .
South downes.
Ryvers.
Thamis.
Lymen.
Ravensborne.
Bewl.
Cray.
Genlade.
Darent.
Wantsume.
Medwey.
Stowre.
Rother.
Bridges at
Depeforde)upon Ravens-
Shorham 1
Lewsham ) borne.
Ainsforde luP°n
Crayford 2. upon Cray.
Farningham f Darent
Eaton bridge
Dartforde
Tunbridge 5,
Brantbridge
Chaforde.
Twyford
upon
Lamberhirst.
Yalding
, Med-
Bewl.
Teston
Hetcorne.
Farley
wey.
Newendene.
'M aid stone
Ailesford
Ashforde "^ upon
Rochester
Canterburie y Stowre*
Cities.
Canterburie. 1 Rochester,
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
' Tuesday, C
at (.
Markets,
upon
Wednes-
day, at
Wrotham, not used.
Leneham.
Dovor.
Sandwiche.
Canterburie.
Gravesend.
S. Mary Cray.
Westwell, in old time.
Markets,
upon
* Thursday, at Maydstone.
c Sandwiche.
I Canterburie.
Friday, at 1 Rochester.
I Tunbridge.
Rumney.
Hythe.
Dover.
Sandwiche.
Fever sham.
Saturday, .J Mylton.
Asheford.
Cranebrooke.
Lenham.
Mallyng.
Sennock.
L Dartford.
Fayres, at
Apuldore, S. Peters in I Ashford, 27. July, being
Sommer, long since. • S. Ruffines day.
f>4
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
Bidenden, on Simon
and Judes day.
Bromley, 1. February,
being S. Bridgets day :
and the 25. of July, being
S. James day.
Brastede, on Thursday
in Rogation weeke.
Charte the great, 25.
March, being the Anun-
ciation of the blessed vir-
gine Marie.
Charing, 23, April, be-
ing S. Georges day, 13.
October, being S . Edwards
day, 18 October, being
S. Lukes day.
Canterburie, the Tues-
day in Whitson weeke, 27.
July, being the Seaven
Sleepers day. 29. Sep-
tember, being S. Michaels
day : and 29. December,
being S. Thomas Beckets
day.
Cranbroke, 29. Maie,
being S. Corones day:
and 24. June, being Mid-
somer day.
Chilham, 25. July, be-
ing S. James day.
Charlton, 18. October,
being S. Lukes day.
Clyfte, 17. September,
being S. Lamberts day.
Dover, 25. July, being
S. James day, 24. August,
being S. Bartilmews day,
and 11. November, being
S. Martines day.
Feversham, 14. Fe-
bruary, being S. Valen-
tines day : and 1. August,
being Lammas day.
Folkstone, 27. June,
being S. Crescents day.
Gravesend, 25. Jan-
uary, being S. Paules
day: and 13. October,
being S. Edwards day.
Hertesham, 24. June,
being Midsomer day.
Hedcorne, 28. June,
being S. Leos day.
Hide, 17. November,
being S. Hughes day.
Lenham, 27, May, be-
ing S. Beedes day: and
21. September, being S
Mathews day.
I^ydde, 11, July, being
S, Benets day.
Maidstone, 1. May, be-
ing Philip and Jacobs
day: 9. June, being S.
Edmunds day: 6. Octo-
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
ber, being S. Faithes day :
and 2. February, being the
Purification or Candlemas
day.
Mereworth,10. August,
being S. Laurence day.
Mailing, 21. September,
being S. Mathews, day:
1. August, being Lammas
day : 6. November, being
S. Lennards day.
S. Margarets, neare
Dartford, 20. Julie, being
S. Margarets day.
Northfleete, the Tues-
day in Easter weeke.
Otford, 24. August, be-
ing S. Bartilmews day..
Pluckley, 5. December,
being S. Nycholas eeven.
Rochester, 19. May,
being S. Dunstanes day:
and 30. November, being
S. Andrews day.
Roking, on Mary Mag-
dalens day.
Romney, 1. August,
being Lammas day.
Reculver, 7. Septem-
ber, being the Nativitie of
the blessed virgine Marie.
Sitting-borne, 21. Sep-
tember, being S . Mathews
day.
Strowde, 10. August,
being S. Laurences day.
Sandwiche, 23. Novem-
der, being S. Clements
day.
Sandhyrst, 7. Decem-
ber, being the eeven of the
Conception.
Smeethe, on eche of the
Ladie daies in harvest.
Sennock, 6. December,
being S. Nicholas day,
and 29. June, being S.
Peters day.
Tunbridge, Ash- Wed-
nesday: 24. June, being
Midsomer day: and 18.
October, being S. Lukes
day.
Tenterdene, 26. April,
being S. Cletes day.
Wye, 13. March, being
S. Theodores day.
Wrotham, 23. April,
being S. Georges day.
Boroughes.
Canterburie. Maydstone, and the porte
Rochester. townes.
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
Castles, at
Canterburie.
Rochester.
Dover, and the Castell at
the Key.
Leedes.
Tunb ridge.
Mylton.
Gravesend, 2.
Quynborow.
Cooling.
Sandowne.
Dele..
Walmer.
Saltwood.
Alington.
Shorham.
Ainsford.
Tong.
Lay borne.
Upnore.
Sandegate.
Studfall, or Lym.
Sandwiche.
Sutton.
Billerica, or Court At-
steeat.
Chilham.
Richeborowe.
Godworde, in Thornham.
Honourable Houses, belonging to the Prince, at
Grenewiche.
Eltham.
Dartford.
Otford.
Canterburie.
Wingham.
Knoll.
S. Augustines.
Dover Castell.
Dele Castell.
To the Archbishop,
Forde.
To the Bishop of Rochester.
Bromley. I Hailing.
Rochester.
Berling,
To men of honour.
I Cobham.
THE PARTICULAR OF KENT.
57
Cooling.
Penshyrst.
Shorland.
Houses for poore people, with provision of living, at
Grenewiche. Sutton valence.
Canterburie.
Hackington.
Sandwich.
Dover.
S. Bartilmews, at Hythe.
Orpington.
Lullingstone.
Shorham.
Sennock.
Rochester.
Che tarn.
Houses of poore people, without provision.
Dartford. | Chesill hill, by Rayes
Whitdiche. | streate.
Religious Houses, that sometime were, and their
yerely values.
by Yeere.
£. s. rf.
Wingham College 84 0 0
Minster
Wye College 93 0 0
Asheforde College
Horton Priory 95 0 0
Bilsington Priory 81 0 0
Newendene
Folkstone 41 0 0
Dover Priory 170 0 0
Meason dieu 120 0 0
Hospitall there 59 0 0
Bradsoll Abbay, of
S. Radigundes 98 0 0
Westlangdon, of re-
gular Canons 56 0 0
Boxley 204 0 0
by
£. a. d.
Leedes Priory 362 0 0
Combwell SO 0 0
Feversham 290 0 0
Davington, alias,
Aninton Priory
there
MaidstoneCol. 159 0 0
Shepey 129 0 0
Motenden 60 0 0
Christs Church 1421 17 3 1
S. Augustines
S. Sepulchers 29 0 0
S. Gregories
S. Tho. Hospital 23 0 0
S. James Hospital 32 0 0
S.Nich. Hospital 109 0 0
THE -XOIULITIE AND GEM1UE.
by Yeere.
£. ». d.
S. Maries without
Cant.
Rochester Priory 486 0 0
Cobham College 28 0 0
Strood 52 0 0
Mailing Abbay 218 0 0
Higham Priorie
Canterburie.
Rochester.
Sandvviche.
Cranbrooke.
Sutton valence.
Bydendene.
by Yeere
£. s. d.
Ttmbridge Priorie
Ailesford
Dartford 380 0 0
Grenewiche Friers
Meason dieu, at
Osprenge
Lesnes Abbay
Schooles, at
Tunbridge.
Maidstone.
Sennock.
Wye.
Dartford.
The names ofsuche of the Nobilitie, and Gentrie, as
the Heralds recorded in their visitation, 1574. To
the whiche I have added suche as I called to mynde,
and have set a starre before ech of them, that they
may be knownefrom the rest.
A.
* Syr Christopher Allen.
* Asheley.
* Richard Argall.
William Acher.
Christopher Abdy.
Richard Austyn.
* Robart Alcock.
Jamrs Austyn.
B.
Syr Richard Baker.
Nicholas Barham, Serieant
at the lawe.
* Edward Boyes.
Boughton.
* John Barnes.
* Humfry Bridges.
* Bonham
THE NOB1LJTIE AND GENTRIE.
69
Ralfe Bossevile.
Robert Byng.
Danyell Bettenham.
Thomas Brent.
John Boys.
Frauncis Bourne.
Henry Brochull.
John Barham.
* James Barham.
* Sir William Cobham.
Lord Cobham, and war-
dein of the five-Portes.
Syr Henry Crispe.
Syr Thomas Cotton.
* Syr Rowland Clarke.
* Syr Alexander Col-
peper.
Syr Henry Cobham.
George Catlyn.
* Barthram Calthrop.
Chowne
William Cromer.
George Clifford.
Humfrey Clarke.
William Browne.
John Barowe.
Nicholas Beere.
Thomas Blechenden.
William Bedingfeld.
Michaell Berisford.
* Jerome Bret.
* Bam.
* Nicholas Ballard.
C.
William Clarke.
Robert Colwell.
William Cheyney.
William Clay brook.
William Crispe.
William Cayser.
* Justinian Champneys.
* Giles Crowe.
* Thomas Colpeper.
* Cranwell.
Crump ton.
* Carrell.
* John Cobham,
Cuttes.
D.
* Syr William Damsell.
* Thomas Darrell.
* Robert Deane.
* Dalyson.
Richard Deering.
Delahay.
James Dalton.
* George Darrell.
John Delapynd.
Caius Dixon.
William Drayner.
* Digges.
* Thomas Duke.
THE NOBIL1TIE AND GENTRIE.
E.
Daniell Evering.
Vincent Engham.
Syr Thomas Fane.
Thomas Fane.
George Fogge.
* Henry Fane.
Thomas Fyneur.
Symond Fifeld.
Thomas Farby.
Alexander Fisher.
* The Lady Golding.
Syr Thomas Guldeford.
Edmund Gay.
George Goldwell.
Thomas Greeke.
William Gybs.
Ralfe Edolf.
Fraunces Eglesfield.
F.
Thomas Fluyd.
Robert Fylmer.
John Franklyn.
Moyle Fynche.
* Thomas Fisher.
* Ralfe Fynche.
* John French.
G.
Henry Gylman.
Thomas Godden.
* Richard Garthe.
* Barnabe Gooche.
* Norton Greene.
H.
Syr George Howard.
* Syr Percevall Hart.
* Syr Humfrey Gylbert.
Syr James Hales.
William Hamon.
Richard Hardes.
Roger Herleckenden.
* Christopher Harflete.
Honywood.
* John Heyton.
Thomas Honywood.
Henry Haddes.
John Harper.
Martyn Herleckenden.
* Edward Hales.
* Richard Heron.
Ralf Hayman.
Abacuk Harman.
Thomas Hamon.
William Holmden.
* George Harte.
THE NOBILITIE AND GENTRIE.
61
John Iden.
William Isley.
Paul Jhonson.
* Marty n James.
K.
Syr Thomas Kempe. | * Richard Knatchbull.
* William Lovelace, ser-
ieant at the lawe.
* Thomas Lovelace.
John Lennard.
Richard Lone.
Anthonie Light.
Thomas Lewson.
William Lewknor.
Lee.
* William Lambarde.
M.
* Roger Manwood, lus-
tice of the common
place.
George Multon.
Edward Monings.
John Moyle.
William Midleton.
Walter Meyny.
Anthony Meyny.
William Mount.
* Edward Martyn.
Moore.
N.
Syr Henry Nevill, Lorde
Aburgevenny.
* Alexander Nevill.
Henry Oxenden.
Valentine Norton.
* Thomas Nevill.
* Thomas Nevill.
O.
| John Orwell.
•
THE NOBILITIE AND GENTRIE.
P.
f Thomas Potter.
* Payne.
William Partridge.
Ciriac Petit.
Henry Petit.
William Petit.
* Syr John Ryvers,
* Thomas Randall.
Walter Roberts.
* John Roberts.
William Roper.
William Pordage.
Richard Parker.
* James Peckam.
* John Pet.
* Palmer.
R.
Robert Rudstone.
Richard Rogers.
Robert Rychers.
William Raynes.
S.
* Syr Henry Sidney,
K'-ofthe Garter, Lord
Deputie of Ireland,
and Lord President of
Wrales.
Syr Warham Seintleger.
Syr Thomas Scot.
Anthony Sandes.
John and Edw. Sibyll.
Vincent S. Nicholas.
John Sidley.
Christopher Samson.
William Swanne.
William Swanne.
Thomas Stoughton.
* Charles Scot.
* Frauncis Sandbache,
* Reynold Scot.
Somers.
* Frauncis Shakerley,
* William Sydney.
JohnTuffone.
Thomas Tourney.
Roger Twisden.
Morice Tichebourne.
John Twyne.
Thomas Tuttesham.
THE BEACONS IN KENT.
William Tylghman.
* James Tebolde.
John Tebolde.
* Robert Thomas.
* Frauncis Thynn.
* Richard Tomeyo.
W.
Syr Thomas Walsingham.
Thomas Wootton.
* Thomas Watton.
* Thomas Whetenhall.
* Ralfe Weldon.
* George Wyat.
* Thomas Wale.
Thomas Willoughby.
Frauncis Wilford.
John Wybarne.
Richard Waller.
S. Walt. Waller.
John Wylkyns.
Thomas Waren.
William Weston.
Davy Wylkyns
Robert Walker.
* Edward Wyat.
* Robert Wiseman.
The Beacons in Kent.
AS in vvarre celeritie availeth no lesse than force
itselfe, so the Right Honorable Sir William Brooke,
Lord Cobham, and Lord Chamberlaine of hir Majes-
ties houshold (who hath been sole Lieutenant of this
shyre since the first of hir Majesties raigne), fore-
seeing how necessarie it was to have the forces of the
countrie speedily draw together, for the encounter of
any hostilitie : and finding, that upon the fiering of
the Beacons (which are erected for that service) not
only the common sort, but even men of place and ho-
nour, were ignorant which way to direct their course,
and therby (through amasednesse) as likely to run
from the place affected, as to make to the succour of
it ; caused the true places of the beacons to be plotted
in carde, with directorie lines, so many sundrie waies.
64 THE BEACONS IN KENT.
as any of them did respect the other : by which any
man, with little labour, may be assured where the
danger is, and thereof informe his neighbours. For
example : suppose our first beacon, standing on
Shooters-hill, to be light : he that will go thither may
know by the watchmen from whence they received
their light ; which must be either from the west neare
London, or Hamstede : or else from the east, by war-
rant of the fiered beacon at Stone neare Dartford ; or
of that which is neare to Gravesende. The like of the
rest ; and so much for use.
Touching the antiquitie, and name : it seemeth they
came from the Saxons : for of their worde Becnian,
which is to call by signe (or to becken, as we yet
speake,) they are named beacons: and I find, that
before the time of King Edward the Third, they were
made of great stacks of wood (of which sort I myselfe
have scene som in Wiltshire), but about the eleventh
yeere of his raigne, it was ordained, that in our shyre
they should be high standards with their pitchpots.
And now, if any man shall thinke, that this laying
open of the Beacons, is a point not meete to bee made
publike : I pray him to give me leave to dissent in that
opinion from him. For, as the profit to the Realme
and subiect is manifest, in that it speedeth the service,
where speed is most profitable : so there is no secret
hereby disclosed, whereof the enimie may take advan-
tage, seeing that Beacons stand open to the eie, and all
men know the end for which they be advanced, though
few know the best use and advantage of them. Yea
rather, the enimie is prevented, when he seeth that we
can and do make so good and readie use of our Bea-
cons. If it be replied, that peradventure the common
NAMES OF THE KENTISH WRITERS. 65
people shall not be permitted to run to the shore,
Twnultuaria manu, as the old maner was : but shall
stay till they be called upon, and that the trained com-
panies only shall resort to the places of their appointed
rendevous: the answere is, that whatsoever course
be directed, yet the speedie knowledge of the danger,
is all alike profitable, which without this cannot be
discerned. And otherwise it must follow, that there
will be no use of the Beacons at all : which if it be,
the countrie might be well delivered of that continuall
and great charge, which it sustaineth by the watching
of them. But as (no doubt) the necessitie of them is
apparent : so were it good, that for the more speedie
spreading of the knowledge of the enimies comming,
they were assisted with some horsemen (anciently
called of their hobies or nags, Hobeliers) that besides
the fire (which in a bright shining day is not so well
descried) might also run irom Beacon to Beacon, and
supply that notice of the danger at hande.
The Names of the Kentish Writers, drawn (for the
most part) out of the Centuries of Maister lohn
Bale.
Androgeus, Comes. j Fridegodus.
Ethelbertus, Rex. j Haimo.
Lotharius, Rex. | Folchardus.
Eadricus, Rex. ! Osbernus.
Wightredus, Rex. j Eadmerus.
Heddius Stephanus j ^Ernulphus.
Tobias Cantianus. Elmerus.
Neotus Aldulphius.
Serlo.
Odo Cantianus.
Alexander Cantuariensis,
F
66
NAMES OF THE KENTISH WRITERS.
Eadraundus Gryme.
Radulphus Roflensis.
Richardus Pluto.
Richardus Doverensis.
Sampson Durouernius.
Radalfus Maidston
Gervasius Dorobernensis.
Solitarius Presbyter.
Nigellus Wireker.
Alexander Theologus.
Simon Stokius.
loannes Cantianus.
Haimo de Feversham.
Thomas Spottus.
Simon Mepham.
Petrus de Ikham.
Guilielums Pagham.
loannes Tanetos.
Thomas Chillenden.
Guilielmus Starnfield.
Thomas Pontius.
Simon de Feversham.
Martinus de Clyvo.
Thomas de Stureia
Reginaldus Cantuariensis.
Radulphus Strodus
Thinredus Doverius.
Guilielmus Thome.
Richardus Maidston.
Guilielmus Gillmgham
loannes Wrotham.
loannes Oldcastle, Domi-
nus Cobharn
loannes Langdene.
Guilielmus Whyte.
Guilielmus Beckley.
loannes Capgrave.
Guilielmus Stapilhart.
loannes Fisher.
loannes Frithe.
Simon Fishe.
Thomas Wiat, Senior.
Leonardus Digs.
loannes Ponetus
Richardus Turnerus.
Elizabetha,
Hitherto (almost altogether)
out of Maister Bale : to
the which these may be
added, that have written
since.
loannes Colpeper.
Thomas Digs.
Thomas Harman
Edouardus Deering.
Thomas Potter.
Reginaldus Scot.
Alexander Neville.
Georgius Harte.
Guilielmus Darrel.
lohn Twyne.
Francis Thynne.
THE BRYTTISH HISTOKTE.
Hitherto of Kent in particularitie, and by way of
Carde and Table : Whereof some part is drawn out
of credible records, part is spoken of mine own know-
ledge, and part is fetched from other men by informa-
tion. For the first sorte, I holde myselfe sufficiently
warrented : but in the other twain, if either by want of
memorie I have not taken all, or by too much credulitie
have mistaken any : I pray pardon for it, and desire
the reader, either to correct or supplie it, by his own
discretion and iudgement. Nowe a fewe wordes of the
Welch Hystorie, and then to the division of the Shyre
and Countrie it selfe.
A short Counsell, as touching the British Historie.
ALBEIT that I am iustly occasioned (before I make
mine entry) to speak largely, for confirmation of the
credite of our Bryttish or Welsh hystorie (the faith
whereof is by William Petite, and Polydore Virgile
called into question), for as much, as I shall be en-
forced to use it in some points as a grounde worke of
my frame and building : yet for that I minde not in any
part of this my labour, to handle with manie wordes,
matters in controversie (being otherwise sufficiently
charged with things more incident to my purpose, and
no lesse fit to be known), and bicause also that
matter hath alreadie founde more learned and diligent
patrones, I will with fewe words passe it over, con-
tenting myselfe, if I should have added to other mens
heapes, one small proofe or twaine, which by chaunce
I gleaned after them, referring such as desire more
F 2
68 THE BRYTTISH HISTORIC.
aboundant testimonies, to the reading of lohn Leland
and Sir lohn ap Rese, two learned men, that have
plentifully written therein.
The state of the matter in question is this, whether
Monmou°f Geffrey of ^onmouth be the authour of the Bryttish
storie as William of Newborow and Polydore charge
him), or the translatour thereof onely out of the
Bryttish, as himselfe in his booke professeth. Whereof
must needes ensue, that if the work be his owne, it
hath no more credite, than he himselfe (being the au-
thor) could bring unto it : but if he did onely tran-
slate that, which Walter the Archdeacon of Oxforde
brought out of Normandie, and delivered unto him,
then doth not the estimation depende upon Geffrey,
but upon som other (whatsoever he were) that first
wrate it.
Now, that it may appeare unto you, that he was
onely the interpreter of that which came out of Nor-
mandie, I will call to witnesse, Henrie the Arch-
deacon of Huntingdon, who lived in the time of King
Henrie the first, and was somewhat before William
Petites daies, who (as himself confesseth) was borne
in the beginning of the reigne of King Stephan, about
which time Geffrey of Monmouth was on live also.
This Henrie (besides a learned historic of the
realme) wrate three severall treatises which I have
seen : one intituled De miraculis Anglice: another
De serie Regum potentissimorum : and the thirde,
De origine Regum Brytannorum. In this latter, he
saith plainly, that at such time as he travailed towards
Rome, he founde (in an auncient librarie of theAbbay
of Bee) an old booke, intituled likewise, De origine
Regum Brytannorum, the which beginning at the
THE BRYTTISH HISTORIE.
arrival! of Brute, ended with the actes of Cadwalader,
and agreed throughout (as by collation I collected)
with this our Bryttish historic, which I doubt whether
Henrie of Huntingdon had ever scene. Now there-
fore, if this were an old booke in his time, it could not
be newe in the daies of Petite, that succeeded him :
and if the argument were written before in the Bryttish
toong, it is very probable, that he was not the first
author, but onely the translator thereof into Latine.
For further likelyhoode whereof, I myselfe have an
auncient Brittish, or Welsh copie, which I reserve
for shewe, and do reverence for the antiquity, little
doubting, but that it was written before the daies of
William Petite, who, as he was the first, so upon the
matter recken I him the onely man, that ever im-
pugned the Bryttish hystorie. For as touching Poly- Poiydore.
dore (though he were a man singularly well learned)
yet since he was of our owne time, and no longer since,
his forces must of necessitie bee thought to be bent,
rather against the veritie, than against the antiquitie
of that writing. Wherein if he shall seeke to discre-
dit the whole worke, for that in some partes itconteineth
matter, not only unlikely, but incredible also : then
shall he both deprive this nation of all manner of
knowledge of their first beginning, and open the way
for us also to call into question the origine and anti-
quities of Spaine, Fraunce, Germanic, yea and of.
Italic his owne countrie : in which, that which Livie
reporteth of Romulus and Remus, Numa and Aegeria,
is as farre remooved from all suspicion of truth, as
any thing whatsoever that Galfride writeth, either of
Brute, Merlin, or King Arthur himself.
Seeing therefore, that as corne hath his chaffe, and
70 THE SEE O* CANTERBURY.
metall his drosse, and that even so can there hardly
any writer of the auncient hystorie of any nation be
found out, that hath not his proper vanities mixed
with sincere veritie : the part of a wise reader shall be,
not to reject the one for doubt of the other, but rather
with the fire and fan of iudgmentand discretion, to trie
and sift them asunder. And as my purpose is for
mine owne part, to use the commoditie thereof, so oft
as it shall like me : so my counsell shall be, that other
men will, both in this and other, observe this one rule,
that they neither reiect without reason, nor receive
without discretion and Judgment*
Thus much in my way, for assertion of the Bryttish
hystorie I thought good to say, once for all, to the ende
that from hencefoorth (whatsoever occasion of debate
shall be offered, concerning either the veritie or anti-
quitie of the same), I neither trouble myselfe, nor
turrie my reader, with any further defence, or apologie.
The Bishops See, and Diocesse, of Canterbury.
HE that shall advisedly consider the plot of this
Shyre, may finde three diverse (and those not unfit)
waies, to divide it : one, by breaking the whole into
the East and West Kent : another, by parting it (as
of th?s er Watling streate leadeth) into North, and South Kent:
an(* a thi'd* by severing it into the two distinct Dio-
ceses of Canterbury, and Rochester. Of these three,
I have determined to chuse the last, both bicause that
kinde of division hath as certain limits, as any of the
former, and for that, it seemeth to me the most con-
THE SEE OF CANTERBURY. 71
venient severance, being wrought both by bounde of
place, and of iurisdiction also. And bicause the
See of Canterbury is not onely the more worthie of the
twaine, but also the Metropolitane and chiefe of the
whole realme : I have thought good, in the first place,
to shew the beginning and increase of that Bishopricke,
and afterward to prosecute the description and hystorie
of the principall parts belonging to the same.
It is to be scene, in the Bryttish hystorie, and others,
that at such time as King Lucius (the first christened
Prince of this land) had renounced the damnable
darkness of Paganisme, and embraced the glorious
light of the Gospell of God, he changed the Arch- Flamines
flamines of London, York, and Caerleon, into so many toBishops.
Archbishops: and the Flamines of other inferiour
places, into inferiour Bishops, throughout his whole
realme. Howbeit, this matter is not so cleare, but
that it is encountered by William Petit, which (in the
proheme of his historic) aifirmeth boldly, that the
Britons which professed Christian religion within this
island before the coinming of Augustine, were con-
tented with Bishops onely, and that Augustine himselfe
was the verie first that ever had the Archbishops palle
amongst us. As touching Bishops, it is evident by
Beda himselfe, that both before, and in Augustines
time, Wales alone had seven at the least : but as for
Archbishops, although for mine owne opinion I think
with William (the rather for that I suppose, that the
simplicity of the Britain clergie, was not as then en-
amoured with the vain titles of Romane arrogancie),
yet to the end that the reader may be thereby the more
iustly occasioned to make inquisition of the truth in
that point, it shall not be greatly out of bin way, to
72 THE SEE OF CANTERBURY.
send him by Silvester Giraldus Cambrensis, a man
(considering that age) excellently well learned, and
which lived about the same time with William Petit
(or William of Newborow) as some call him. This
man, in a booke which he entituled Itinerarium Wallice,
setteth iborth most plainly the Archbishops, that in
olde time were at Caerleon, their translation from
thence to Saint Davids, their transmigration from Saint
Davids over the sea into Normandie, and the whole
catalogue of their succession in each of those places.
But here, some man, thinking me more mindful to
direct others, than carefull to keepe mine owne way,
will happily aske me : what pertaineth it (I pray you) to
Canterbury, whether there have beene Archbishops at
London, Yorke, and Caerleon, or no ? Yes (no doubt)
it niaketh greatly to our treatise of Canterbury : for,
not onely the forenamed Bryttish hystorie, Mathew of
Westminster, and William of Malmesbury doe shew
manifestly, that Augustine by great iniurie spoiled
London London of this dignitie of the Archbishops chaire,
the Arch- bestowing the same upon Canterbury : but the Epistle
ricked °* P°Pe Gregorie himselfe also (which is to be read in
the Ecclesiasticall storie of Beda) convinceth him of
manifest presumption and arrogancy, in that he sticked
not to prefer his owne fantasie and liking, before the
Pope (his masters) institution, and cornmandement
For Pope Gregorie appointed two Archbishops, the
one at London, the other at Yorke, whereof either
should have under him twelve inferiour Bishops, and
whereof neither should be subiect to other: onely
(for Augustines honour) he willed, that they all should
be under him, during his life. But Augustine not so
contented, both remained resident during all his life
THE SEE OF CANTERBURY. 73
at Canterbury, and before he died consecrated Lau-
rence Archbishop there, least, either by his owne death,
or want of another fit man to fil the place, the chaire
might happily be carried to London, as Gregorie the
Pope had appointed.
Mathew of Westminster saith, that Merlin had pro-
phesied, Dignitas Londonice, adorndbit Dorobriniam.
William Malmesbury writeth, that he did it Sedulitate
Regis hospitis (meaning King Ethelbert), et chari-
tate civium captus : but I think verily, that he ment
thereby to leave a glorious monument of his swelling
pride and vanitie : whereunto I am the rather led, by
the observation of his stately behaviour used towards
the Brittish Bishops, and some other of his acts, that *
savour greatly of vain-glorie, ambition, and insolencie.
Whatsoever the cause were that moved him thus to
apparell Canterbury with the Archbishop of Londons
Palle, at Canterbury hath it continued ever sithence,
saving that at one time, Offa the King of Mercia (or
middle England) partly of a disposition to honour his
owne countrie, and partly of a iust displeasure con-
ceived against Lambright (or lanbright, as some copies
have it, the thirteenth Archbishop) for matter of trea-
son, translated the honour of the See, either wholy, or
partly, to Lichfield : but there it remained not long :
for after the death of King Offa, Kenulfus his succes-
sour restored Ethelard to his place at Canterbury
againe.
The whole Province of this Bishopricke of Canter- The in-
bury, was at the first divided by Theodorus (the the Arch-
severith Bishop) into five Dioceses only : howbeit in
processe of time it grew to twentie and one, besides
itself, leaving to Yorke (which by the first institution
74 THE SEE OF CANTERBURY.
Conten- should have had as many as it) but Durham, Carleil,
tionforthe
Primacie. and Chester only. And whereas by the same ordi-
nance of Gregorie, neither of these Archbishops ought
to be infcriour to other, save only in respect of the
prioritie of their consecration. Lanfranc (thinking it
good reason that he should make a conquest of the
English Clergie, since his maister King William had
vanquished the whole nation) contended at Windsore
1072. with Thomas Norman (Archbishop of Yorke) for the
primacie, and there (by iudgment before Hugo the
Popes Legate) recovered it from him : so that ever
since, the one is called, Totius Anglice primus, and the
other, Anglice primas without any further addition.
Of which iudgement, one (forsooth) hath yeelded this
great reason : that even as the Kentish people, by an
auncient prerogative of manhood, do challenge the
first front in each battel, from the inhabitants of other
countries : so the Archbishop of their Shyre, ought by
good congruence to be preferred before the rest of the
Bishops of the whole Realme. Moreover, whereas
The Arch- before time, the place of this Archbishop in the gene-
piacehuhe ral Councell, was to sit next to the Bishop of Sainct
generaii Ruffines, Anselmus the successor of this Lanfranc
Councell.
(tor recompence of the good service that heehad done,
in milling against Priests wives, and resisting the
1099 King for the investiture of clerks) was by Pope
Urbane endowed with this accession of honour, that
he and his successours, should from thencefoorth have
place in all generaii Councels, at the Popes right
foote, who then said wHhall, Includamus himc in orbe
nostro, tanquam alterius orbis Papam.
And thus the Archbishops of Canterburie, by the
fraude of Augustine, by the power of Lanfranc, and by
THE SEE OF CANTERBURY. 75
the Industrie of Anselme, were much exalted: but
how much that was to the greevous displeasure, and
pining envie, of the Archbyshops of Yorke, you shall
perceive by that which followeth.
King Henry the first, kept (upon a time) a stately WrastHng
Christmas at Windsore, where (the manner of our Primacie.
Kings then being at certeine solemne times to weare
their crownes) Thurstine of Yorke (having his crosse
borne up before him) offered to set the crowne upon
the Kings head : but William of Canterbury withstood
it stoutly, and so prevayled by the i'avour of the King,
and the helpe of the standers by, that Thurstine was
not onely disappointed of his purpose, but he (and his
crosse also) thrust cleane out of the doores.
William of Yorke (the next in succession after
Thurstine, both in the See and quarel) perceiving that
the force of his predecessor prevailed nothing-, at-
tempted by his owrie humble meanes (first made to the
King, and after to the Pope) to winne the coronation
of King Henry the seconde, from Theobald the next
Archbyshop of Canterbury : but when hee had received
repulse in that sort of suite also, and found no way
left to make avengement upon his enimie, he returned
home, all wroth, and (mixing poison in the chalice, at
his Masse) wreaked the anger upon himselfe.
After this, another hurley -burley happened in a 1178.
Synode, assembled at Westminster, in the time of King
Henry the second, before Cardinall Hugo, (Pope
Alexanders Legate) betweene Richard and Roger,
then Archbishops of these two Sees, upon occasion,
that Roger of Yorke comming of purpose (as it should
seeme) first to the assembly, had taken up the place
on the right hande of the Cardinall, which when
76 THE SEE OF CANTERBURY.
Richard of Canterbury had espied, he refused to sit
downe in the second roome, complayning greatly of
this preiudice done to his See : whereupon, after sun-
dry replies of speech, the weaker in disputation (after
the late maner of shrewde Schoole-boies in London
streetes), descended fromhote wordes, to hastie blowes,
in which encounter, the Archbyshop of Canterbury
(through the multitude of his meiney) obteined the
better : so that he not onely plucked the other out of
his place, and (trampling upon his bodie with his feete)
all to rent and tare his casule, chimer, and rochet,
but also disturbed the holy Synode therewithall in
such wise, that the Cardinall for feare betooke him to
his feet, the company departed their businesse undone,
and the Bishops themselves moved suite at Rome for
the finishing of their controversie. By these, and such
other successes, on the one side the Byshops of Canter-
bury following, tooke such courage, that from thence-
foorth they woulde not permit the Byshops of Yorke
to beare up the crosse, either in their presence, or pro-
vince : And on the other side, the Byshops of Yorke
conceived such griefe of heart, disdaine, and offence,
that from time to time they spared no occasion to
attempt both the one and the other.
1268. Whereupon, in the time of a Parleament, holden at
London in the reigne of King Henrie the thirde, Boni-
face (Archbishop of Canterbury) interdicted the Lon-
doners, bicause they had suffered the Bishop of Yorke
to beare up his crosse, whiles he was in the citie.
And much to do there was (within a few yeeres after)
between Robert Kylwarby of Canterbury, and Walter
Giffard of Yorke, bicause hee of Yorke advanced his
crosse, as he passed through Kent towards the gene-
rail Ccrancell.
THE SEE OF CANTERBURY. 77
The like happened also, at two other severall times, 1272.
betweene Friar Peckham (Archbishop of Canterburie)
and William Winkewane, and lohn de Roma (Arch-
bishops of Yorke) in the days of King Edward the
first. And in the sixt yeere of the reigne of King Ed-
ward the thirde, when the Parlement was summoned
to Yorke, to treate of the Scottish affaires, John Strat-
ford, the Archbishop of Canterbury, fearing that he
should not be permitted to have his crosse quietly
caried up in that province, would neither himselfe
come, nor suffer any Bishop of his owne province to
appeere, at that place : and so most peevishly frus-
trated the assembly of the King, his nobilitie, com-
mons, and the rest of the cleargie. At the length, the
matter being yet once more set on foote betweene
Simon Islepe (the Archbishop of this countrie) and his 1352.
adversarie the incumbent of Yorke for that time, King The nde
Edward the third (in whose reigne also that variance of the
strife for
was revived) resumed the matter into his owne hands, bearing up
and made a final composition betweene them, the th
which hee published under hisbroade seal to this effect:
first, that eche of them should freely, and without em-
peachment of the other, beare up his crosse in the
others province, but yet so, that hee of Yorke and his
successours for ever, in signe of subjection, should
within two moneths after their inthronization, either
bring, or sende, to Canterburie, the image of an Arch-
bishop bearing a crosse, or some other Jewell wrought
in fine golde, to the value of forty pounds, and offer it
openly there upon Saint Thomas Beckets shryne:
then, that in all Synodes of the clergie, and assem-
blies where the King should happen to be present, he
of Canterbury should have the right hande, and the
7B THE SEE OF CANTERBURY.
other the lefte : finally, that in broade streetes, and
high waies, their cross-bearers should go togither, but
yet in narrow lanes, and in the entries of doores and
gates, the crossier of Canterbury should go before, and
the other come behind, for feare of iustling.
So that (as you see) the Bishops of Canterbury ever-
more prevailing by favour and obstinacy, they of
Yorke were driven in the end, to give over in the plaine
fielde, for very despaire, wanhope, and weerinesse.
But here by the way, I would faine, for my learning,
know of these godly Fathers, or rather (since them-
selves can not now make answere) of some of their
ungodly favourers, whether this their Helena, this
crosse (for the bearing whereof they contended so long,
and so bitterly, that a man might doubt with the Poet,
Peccat uter Cruce dignius) whether (I say) it were
exalted, as the signe of that Crosse whereon Christ
triumphed over the divell, or else but for a flagge and
antsigne of their owne pride, whereby they sought to
triumph and insult the one over the other? And
againe, if it were Christes cross, then why they did
forbid it to be advaunced, at any time, by any person,
or in any place ? Or if it were but their owne, then
why they did, and yet do, commande us simple soules,
not onely with great humilitie, but with divine honour
also, to prostrate ourselves, and to adore it? I am
sure they may be ashamed to affirme it to bee the one,
and I think they will be ashamed to confesse it to bee
the other. I will cease therefore to urge it any fur-
ther, and will prosecute the catalogue of the Arch-
bishops of this See, since the arrivall of Augustine.
In the which, the first seaven, bee of that number
which Pope Gregorie sent hither out of Italic: the
NAMES OF THE AKCHBISHOPS. 79
next twenty three, and Stigande, were Saxons : all the
residue, Normanes and Englishmen. And bicause
there is some variance as touching the times of their
continuance and sitting, I purpose to shewe (under
one view) the opinion of two sundrie authours, so farre
foorth as they have spoken thereof, that is to saie,
William of Malmesburie, and an ancient Chronicler
of Coventrie (whose name I have not hitherto learned),
and in the residue to follow our own late and received
writers.
The beginnings of their Govern- Tlie yeeres of their continuance
ments, after the Annales of in Government, after the
Canterbury. opinion of
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Chron. Coven.
599. Augustine, whom our - 16. - - - 16.
Louanists call the En-
glish Apostle.
612. Laurence. ----- 5. ->- 5.
617.Mellite. ------ 5. - - - 5.
624. lustus. 3. - - - 9.
626. Honorius. ----- 26. - - - 20.
653. Deusdedit, orDeodat: - 10. - - - 9.
the first Saxon Arch-
bishop : his own name
was Frithona, which
for his singular deme-
rites towardes his
countrie was chaun-
ged to Deus dedit, or
a Deo datus.
Wighard, which died
at Rome before his
consecration.
80 NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS.
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Chron. Coven.
668. Theodore, a Grsecian - - 22. - - - 22.
borne, and the last of
those that came out
of Italic.
692. Brightwald. - 37. - - 38.
731.Tatwine. 3. - 4.
737. Nothelinus,orlocelin - - 5. - - - 7.
741. Cuthbert the first that- 17. 17.
was buried in Christs
church, and that ob-
tained churchyardes
for England.
759 Bregwine. - - - - 3. - - - 3.
774.Lanbright,orIanbright- - 17. 17.
in his time the See-
was translated to Lich-
field.
790. Aethelwardus, he re- - - 23.
covered the See to
Canterbury againe.
Wulfredus,or\Vifred- - 28. - 28.
830. Fegeldus, or Swithre- three moneths.
dus, or Feolagildus.
831. Celnothus, or Eilno- - - 41. 41.
thus.
890. Etheredus, or Ethel- - 18. - - - 18.
dredus.
Pleiraundus, one of - - 34. - - - 34.
the learned men that
instructed King Alfred.
925.Athelmus,orAthelinus 12. 13.
947.Wulfhenius,orWulf- 13. - - - 14.
helmus.
NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS. 81
An. Do. Wit. Malm. Chron. Coven.
956. Odo, or Odosegodus. 5. 20.
958. Elfsius, or Elfsinus, or
Elsinus, which died be-
fore his consecration,
in his iourny towards
Rome, in revenge (as
they say) bicause hee
came in by Simonie,
and sporned at the tumb
of his predecessor.
Brithelmus, was elec-
ted: but King Edgar
reiected him.
970. Dunstanus,thefaimous - — - - 26.
Jugler.
989. Ethelgarus, or Agelga- - - 1. - - - 1.
rus.
991. Siricius, by his advice- - 5. - 5.
King Etheldred gave
to the Danes a great
summe of monie.
996. Alfricus.
1004. Aelfegus, hee was - - 6. - - - 6.
slaine by the Danes.
1012. Livingus,orEthelsta- - - 7. - - - 7.
nus.
Eilwardus.
1020. Egelnothus. - - 18. - - - 18.
1038. Eadsius, or Edsinus, - 11. - - - 11.
who for sicknes com-
mitted the charge to
Siwardus, the Abbat of
Abingdon, and after
G
32 NAMfcS OF THE ARCHBISHOPS.
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Chron. Coven.
Bishop of Rochester,
whiche neverthelesse
vouchesafed not to
finde him necessaries.
1050. Robertas Gemeticen- - 12. 12.
sis, the first Norman,
advaunced by King
Edward the Confessor.
1053. Stigandus, deposed- 17. 17.
by the Conquerour.
1072. Lanfrancus, in his- 19. 19.
time the Bishops Sees
were first remooved
from villages to cities.
1093. Anselmus, in his time - 16. 16.
law was first made to
divorce Priestes from
their wives.
1114.RadulphusRoffensis, - - 9.
surnamed Nugax.
1122. Willimus de Corveil, - - - 15.
he crowned Stephan,
against his faith given
to Maude the Empress.
He builded the newe
Church for Monks in
the South part of Do-
vor.
1138. Theobaldus, he was - 23.
endowed first, with the
title of Legatus Natus,
by Pope Innocent the
second.
NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS. 83
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Chron. Coven.
1162. Thomas Becket, the - - — - 8.
first Englishman after
the Conquest.
Robertas, the Abbat of Bee
was elected, but he
refused it.
1173. Richardus, the Pryor ------ 9.
of Dover.
1183. Baldwinus,theBishop - - — - -7.
of Worcester : he died
in the expedition, that
King Richard the first
made into Syria, and
was before at great
contention with the
Monks.
Reginaldus, hee died before
consecration.
1193. Hubertus, who was - - 13.
at once Archbishop,
Chauncelour, & Chiefe
lustice of England.
1205. Stephanus de Lang- - — - - - 21,
ton, the cause of the
trouble of King John.
1228. Gualterus de Eve-
sham, elected, but re-
fused both by the King
and Pope, for the in-
sufficiencie of learn-
ing.
1229. Richardus Magnus. - - — - - - 8,
G 2
84 NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Citron.
1233. loannes, the Sub-
prior of Christs church,
was elected after the
Pope had refused one
Ralph Neuel, but this
John resigned,in whose
place lohn Blund was
chosen, but that elec-
tion also was repealed .
1234. Edmundus de Abing- - - 7
don, the one and twen-
tie Bishop of Canter-
burie that the Popes
had canonized. He
departed the Realme,
and died for anger of
a repulse.
1244.Bonifacius, uncle to- 26
Elenor, the wife of
Henrie the thirde.
1270. Wilhelmus de Chil-
lenden, elected, but he
resigned to the Pope,
who chose Kilwardby.
1272. Robertus Kilwardby, - ti
friar preacher,he build-
ed the Blackfriars in
London.
1278. Johannes Burnel, Bi-
shop of Bathe elected,
but the Pope refused
him, and appointed
friar Peckam.
NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS. 85
An. Do. Wil. Malm. Chron. Coven.
1279. lohannes de Peckam, - 13.
a friar Minor, borne in
Sussex : made Wing-
ham College.
1292. Robertas deWinchel- - 19.
sey, a notable traitour
to the King, and true
servant to the Pope.
Thomas de Cobham, elect-
ed, but refused by the
Pope, hee was com-
monly called Bonus
Clericus.
1312. Walterus Reignold. - - — ... 14.
1328. Simon de Mepham. - 5. Thus far out of
the Story o/Coventrie.
1334. lohannes deStratford, - - - 29.
borne in Stratforde
upon Aven : where he
founded a College.
1350. lohannes Offord, or
Ufford.
Thomas Bradwardine.
1350. Symon Islepe, he - - - 17.
founded Canterbury
College in Oxford.
1367. Symon Langham. - - 2.
1369. Wilhelmus Witlesey. - 5.
1375. Symon Sudbury. - - - 6.
1381. WilhelmusCourtenay - - - 15.
1396. Thomas Arundel, at- - - - 18.
tainted of treason, by
Parlcament, in the one
NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS.
An. Do. Yeeres of their Government.
and twentie yeere of
Richard the Second.
He built a good part
of the body of the
Church of Trinity in
Canterbury.
Rogerus Walden, in the
exile of Arundell : but
deposed: then made
Bishop of London, and
againe deposed, and
died in the 7. yeere of
Henrie the Fourth.
1414. Henricus Chicheley, 29.
built Alsoules, and S.
lohns College in Ox-
ford, and the College
of Higham Ferries.
1443. Johannes Stafford. - - 8.
1452. lohannes Kempe: - - 3.
builded Wye College.
1455. Thomas Bourchier. - - - 33.
1486. loannes Moorton, - - - 14.
builded and repaired
much at Knol, Mayd-
stone, Alington park,
Charing, Forde, Lam-
beth, and Canterbury.
Thomas Langton, elected
but he died before
consecration.
1500, Hen. Deane,or Deny. - - - 2.
NAMES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS. 87
An. Do. Yeeres of their Government.
WillielmusWarham, build- 28.
cd the most part of Ot-
Ibrd house : and made
the iron work upon the
coping of Rochester
bridge.
Thomas Cranmer, he was
burned for the truth.
Reginaldus Poole. - - 3.
Matthacus Parker.
1575. Edmund. Gryndal.
1583. loan. Whiteguift.
Thus have you the succession of seventie and two
Archbishops, in the recitall whereof, I doe (of pur-
pose) spare to dispute the variance arising amongst
writers, as touching the continuance, and true times
of their government: which discrepance, groweth
partly, by the default of the auctors themselves, not
observing the due accompt of yeers, and partly by the
unskill of such as have untruly copied out their works :
I willingly reserve also for other places, sundrie the
histories of their lives and doings, both bicause I
thinke it fruitlesse to reconcile such maner of dis-
agreements, and also for that (as I said before of the
Kings) I deeme it impertinent to my purpose, to
speake further of any thing, than the very place in
hand shall iustlie give me occasion.
It followeth therefore, that according to purpose and
promise, I handle such particular places within this
Diocese, as are mentioned in hystorie : in which The order
treatie, I will observe this order : first to begin at Jeriprton*"
T.uicf, and to peruse the East and South Shores, till of Kent.
TANET.
I come to the limits betweene this Shyre and Sussex :
then to ascend Northward, and to visit such places, as
lie along the bounds of this Diocese and Rochester,
returning by the mouth of Medway to Tanet againe,
which is the whole circuit of this Bishopricke : and
lastly, to describe such places, as lie in the body and
midst of the same.
TANET, called in Brytish, Inis Rhuochym, of the
Shore Rutupi : it is named of some writers, in
Latine (or rather Greeke) Thanatos, of others
Toliapis, and Teno, in Saxon, tenet, instead of
|?cenet.
lULlUS Solinus (in his description of England) saith
thus of Tanet: Thanatos nullo serpitur angue, et
asportata inde terra angues meat. There be no
No suak-es snakes in Tanet (saith he) and the earth that is brought
in Tanet. faom thence, will kill them. But whether hee wrote
this of any sure understanding that hee had of the
qualitie of the soile, or onely by coniecture at the
worde QavaT&, which in Greeke signitieth death, or
killing, I wote not, and much less dare I determine,
bicause hitherto neither I myselfe have heard of any
region heereabout (onely Ireland excepted) which
beareth not both snakes and other venomous wormes,
neither am I yet perswaded, that this place borowed
the name out of the Greek, but that it rather tooke it
of the proper language, of this our nation and native
countrie : for ]?aenet, in the Saxon, or olde English
tongue, soundeth as much as, moisted, or watered :
derivation, how wcl it sfandcth with the sritua-
TANET. 89
tion of Tanet, being peninsula, and watered or iled
(in manner) rounde about, I had rather without reason-
ing referre to every mans iudgement, than by debate
of manie wordes, either to trouble the reader, or to
interrupt mine own order. Leaving the name there-
fore, I will resort to the thing, and shewe you out of
Beda, and others, the content and storie of this He.
There lieth (saieth Beda, speaking of the place,
where King Ethelbert entertained Augustine) in the
East part of Kent, an Hand called Tanet, conteining
(after the manner of the English accompt) sixe hun-
dred families, or Hides of lande (as the Saxon booke A iiyde of
of Beda hath) which be indeede after the opinion of pioughfcnd
auncicnt writers, ploughlandes : it is divided from the be a!l one*
continent (or maine lande) by the river called Want- The water
sume, which is about three furlongs broade, and to bee
passed over in two places onely.
Heereunto if you adde the opinion of Polydore and
Twyne, the description will be the more evident. It
conteineth (saith Polydore) about nine miles in length,
and not much lesse in breadth, and it was sometime
divorced from the continent by a water, but now it is
almost united againe. There be right credible per-
sons yet living (saith Twyne) that have often scene,
not only small boates, but vessels of good burden, to
passe to and fro, upon this Wantsume, where now the
water (especially towards the West) is cleane ex-
cluded: and there be apparent markes, that Sarre
(where they now go over) was a proper haven : all
which is happened, by reason that the fresh is not able
to checke the salt water, that cloyeth the chanell.
As touching the hystoric, you may reade in Geflray
of Monmouth, that after such time as the Brytons had
90 TANET.
deposed Vortiger their King, for that hee brought in the
Saxons, which began soone after their entrie to shewe
themselves indeede, such as they were in name (not
shieldes against the Pictes and Scots, but swords to
For (Seax) shed the Brittaine bloud). Vortimer his sonne (whom
language, they placed in his seate) so streightned the Saxons in
this Ile (the which> as William of Malmesbury writeth,
axe, or Vortiger had given them to inhabite, at their first arri-
hatchet.
vail), that for a colour they sent Vortiger to treate with
him of peace, and in the meane while for feare, con-
veied themselves to their ships, and sailed home. The
same authour reporteth, that after this, Cador (the
Duke of Cornewall) by commaundement of King
Arthur, chased the Saxons into Tanet, where he slewe
Childric their leader, and received many of the residue
to grace and mercy.
The Saxons also themselves, after that inprocesse of
time they had gotten the dominion over the Britons,
enioyed not the possession of Tanet in much better
quiet than the Britons had done before them. For
(to omit that King Edgar committed the Ile of Tanet
to open spoile, for robbing English merchants in con-
tempt of his comrnandement, bicause that was not an
acte of a raging enimie, but of a iust revenging Prince)
I will begin with King Athulf (the father of Alfred) in
whose daies the Danes fought in Tanet against Eal-
here (the Duke, or captain of Kent), and Huda (the
853. Duke of Surrey), and slaying them 'both, overthrewe
their powers, and possessed the Ile. After this, in the
864, time of the same King, they soiourned with their armie
a whole winter in Tanet: and lastly (in the reigne of
980. King Etheldred) they herried, spoiled, and sacked it
in such sort, thatthe religious persons were constrained
TANET. 91
to abandon the place: for I finde, that shortly after
King Canutus gave the bodie of Mildred, and all the
lands belonging to Minster Abbay (that then was in
this lie) to the Monks of Saint Augustines, at Canter-
bury.
But for as much as good order requireth, that I
should tell you of the foundation, before 1 speak of
the fall, you shall heare out of William Thorne (one
that made an appendix to the historic of Thomas Spot,
both Monks of Saint Augustines) the occasion of the
first fabulous beginning of this Abbay.
Certaine servants, or officers (saith he) of Egbright ™* ofThe
(the third King of Kent after Ethelbert) had done building of
great iniurie to a noble woman called Domneua (the Abbay.
mother of Saint Mildred), in recompence of which
wrongs, the King made an Herodian othe, and pro-
mised upon his honour to give hir whatsoever she
would aske him.
The woman (instructed belike by some Monkish
counsellour) begged of him so much grounde to build
an Abbay upon, as a tame deere (that shee nourished)
would run over at a breath : heereto the King had
consented foorthwith, saving that one Tymor (a coun-
seller of his) standing by, blamed him of great incon-
sideration, for that he would upon the uncertaine
course of a deare, departe to his certaine losse with
any part of so good a soile : but the earth (saith Wil-
liam Thorne) immediately opened, and swalowed him
alive, in memorie whereof, the place till his time, was
called Tymor's leape. Well, the King and this gen-
tlewoman proceeded in their bargaine, the hynde was
put foorth, and it ran the space of fourtie and eight
ploughlandes, before it ceassed.
TANET.
And thus Domncua (by the hclpc of the King)
buildcd at Minster (within lh;it prei met) a M onastcric,
or Minster of Nonnes, upon such like discretion
(you may be sure) as Ramsay Abbay was pitched,
For it was even *ust wnere a Bull by chance had scraped, and as
ifdma of •Romc itselfe (for whose favour these follies he devised)
Roma, a was edified, even in the place where the she Woulfe
duggc. gave Romulus and Remus their sucke.
680. ^ver tnis Abbay or Mynster, Mildred (of whom \ve
spake) the daughter of Meruaile (that was son to
Penda, King of midle England) became the Lady and
Abbassc : who, bicause she was of noble linage, and
had gotten togither seventie women (all which Theo-
dorus the seaventh Bishop veiled for Nonnes) she
easily obteined to be registred in our English Kalen-
dar, and to bee worshipped for a Saint, both at Tanet
while hir body lay there, and at St. Augustine's, after
that it was translated thither. And no marvell at all,
for if you will beleeve the authour of the worke called
NovaLegenda Anglice) yourselfe will easily vouchsafe
hir the honor.
s Mildreds This woman (saith hee) was so mightily defended
with divine power, that lying in a hot oven three hours
togither, she suffered not of the flame : she was also
endued with such godlike vertue, that comming out of
Fraunce, the very stone whereon she first stepped at
ippeds Ippedsflete in this Isle, received the impression of hir
foote, and reteined it for ever, having besides this pro-
pertie, that whether soever you remooved the same,
it \voulde within short time, and without helpe of
mans hande, returnc to the former place againe : and
linally, she was so diligently yarded with Gods Angell
attending upon hir, that when the divrll (finding hir at
TANET. «J:
praiers) had put out the candell that was before hir,
the angell foorthwith lighted it unto hir again.
And this (no doubt) was the cause, that the religious
persons of S. Augustines, and of S. Gregories at Can-
terburie, fell at great dissention for her, eche affirming,
that after the spoile of Tanet, her bones were remooved
to their Monasterie : the one claiming by King Canu- 1085.
tus, as we saide before, and the other deriving from
Archbishop Lanfranc, who (as they affirmed) at the
dotation of their house, bestowed upon it (amongst
other things of great price) the translated reliques of
Mildred, and Edburgaes bodies.
Howsoever that were, they both made marchandize
of hir myracles, and the Monkes of S. Augustines per-
ceiving, that by the dissolution of the Monasterie, and
the absence of the Saints, their towne of Minster in 1116.
Tanet was falne to decaie, of verie conscience, and
for pities sake, by the meane of Hughe their Abbat,
procured at the hands of King Henrie the First, the
graunt of a Market to bee holden there, which 1 wot
not whether it inioyeth to this day, or no.
Thus much of the Isle and Mynster Abbay : now a
worde or two touching Ippedsflete, whereof I spake Ebsfleet.
before, and of Stonor, another place, within the Isle,
and then I will leave Tanet, and proceede in my
iourney.
This Ippedsflete, now called Ebsfleet, is the place
where Hengist and Horsa (the Saxon captaines) came
first on lande, and it is of divers Chroniclers diversly
termed, some calling it Jppinesflete, others Heop-
pinesflete, and others Wippedsflete. These of the last
sorte write, that it tooke the name of one Wipped
(a nobleman amongst the Saxons) who onely was slaine
on that part, when Aurel. Ambrose (the leader of the
94 TANET.
Britons) lost twelve of his principall chiefteins in one
conflict. Indeede, the name soundeth, the place where
473. Wipped, or Ipped swimmed, which I could have
agreed to bee the same, that is at this day called, Wap-
flete in Essex (the rather for that Ralph Higden
writeth, that the Britons never invaded Kent, after the
battayle at Craforde, which was before this overthrowe
that I last spake of) : howbeit, since the writer of our
holy Legend laieth it in Tanet, I am contented to
subscribe.
stonor. In this Isle over against Sandwiche lieth Stonor,
sometime a haven towne also, knowen by the name
Lapis Tituli : for in the reigne of William Rufus,
there arose a suite in lawe betweene the Londoners,
and the Abbat of S. Augustines (then owner of the
place) as touching the right of the haven of Stonor,
wherein by the favourable aide of the Prince, the
1090. Monkes (as Thomas Spot, their owne Chronicler
reporteth) did prevaile, and the Citizens had the over-
throwe. Not long after which time, they obteined of
King Henrie the First, a faire to be holden yeerely at
this towne, five daies togither, before and after the
1104. feast of the translation of S. Augustine.
Now woulde I foorthwith leade you from the Isle of
Tanet, to the mines of Richborow, saving that the
Goodwine is before mine eie, whereof I pray you first
harken what I have to say.
The GOODWINE, or GOODWINE SANDS:
Lomea after Twyne.
Earl God- THERE lived in the time of King Edwarde (ebm-
his sonnes. monly called the Confessour), a nobleman named
God wine, whose daughter Edgithe, the same King, by
GOODWINE. 9
great instance of his nobilitie (being otherwise of him-
selfe disposed to have lived sole) tooke unto his wife.
By reason whereof, not onely this Godwine himselfe
(being at the first but a cowheards sonne, and after-
ward advaunced to honour by King Canutus, whose
sister by fraude he obteined to wife) became of great
power and authoritie within this realme: but his
sonnes also (being five in number) were by the Kings
gift advaunced to large livelyhoods and honourable
offices. For Goodwine was Earle of Kent, Sussex,
Hamshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, and Cornwal: 1050.
his eldest sonne Swane, had Oxfordshire, Barkshire,
Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, and Somerset : Harold
held Essex, Norfolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, and
Huntingdonshire : Tosti, had Northumberland : and
Gurte, and Leofwine, possessed other places, &c.
But as it is hard in great prosperitie to keepe due
temperance (for Superbia est vitium rebus solenne
secundis : pride is a fault that accustomably followeth
prosperitie) : so this man and his sonnes, being puffed
up with the pride of the Kings favour, their owne
power, policie, and possessions, contemned all other,
and forgat themselves : abusing the simplicitie of the
King by evill counsel, treading under foote the nobi-
litie by great disdaine, and oppressing the common
people by insatiable rauine, extortion, and tyrannic.
§So that immediately, and at once, they pulled upon
their heads, the heavie displeasure of the Prince, the
immortall hatred of the noblemen, and the bitter exe-
cration and curse of the common sort. Whereupon
the King for a season banished them, the nobles
never after liked them, and the poore people not
onely railed upon them while they lived, but also
IK; GOODWTNE.
by devised tales (as the manner is) laboured to
make them hateful to all posteritie after their death.
And amongst other things touching Godwine himselfe,
they feigned, that he was choked at Winchester (or
Windsore, as others say, for liers cannot lightly agree)
with a morsel of bread, and that this his land in Kent
sunke suddenly into the sea. Neither were these things
continued in memorie, by the mouthes of the unlearned
people onely, but committed to writing also, by the
hands and pens of Monks, Frears, aud others of the
learned sort : so that in course of time, the matter was
past all paradventure, and the things believed for
undoubted veritie.
And whatsoever hath been heeretofore thought of
these matters, having now iust occasion offered me to
1100. treat of the thing, I will not spare to speake that
which I have red in some credible writers, and which
I do thinke meete to be beleeved of all indifferent
readers.
The cause And first of all, touching this place itselfe, Silvester
wfy^°0d Giraldus (in his Itinerarie of Wales) and many others,
Sandes. <jo write, that about the end of the reigne of King
William Rufus (or the beginning of Henry the First),
there was a sudden and mightie inundation of the Sea,
by the which a great part of Flaunders, and of the lowe
countries thereabout, was drenched, and lost; so that
many of the inhabitants (being thereby expulsed from
their seates) came over into England, and made sute
to the same King Henrie, for some place of dwelling
within his dominion. The King pitying their calamitie,
and seeing that they might be profitable to his realm,
Thearteof by instructing his people in the art of clothing, (wherein
clothing. af that time they chiefly excelled) first placed them
GOODWINE. 97
about Carlile in the North countrie, and afterward
(upon cause) remooved them to Rosse and Haverford
in Wales. Now at the same time that this happened
in Flaunders, the like harme was done in sundry
places, both of England and Scotland also, as Hector
Boethius the Scottish historiographer most plainly
writeth, affirming, that (amongst other) this place,
being sometime maine land, and of the possession of
the Earl Godwine, was then first violently over-
whelmed with a light sand, wherewith it not onely
remaineth covered ever since, but is become withall
(Navium gurges, et vorago) a most dreadfull gulfe,
and ship swalower, sometime passable by foote, and
sometime laied underwater, in dubiopelagi, terrceque;
so as it may bee said either sea, or land, or neither of
both.
This thing, as I cannot but marvell how it hath
escaped the pens of our owne countrie writers, the
rather for that some of them (living about that time)
have mention of that harme in the Lowe Countrie : so
I sticke not to accept it for assured truth, considering
either the auctoritie of the writer himselfe, being a
diligent and learned man, or the circumstances of the
thing that he hath left written, being in itselfe both
reasonable, and likely.
And thus I might wel make an end : but bicause I
have already taken occasion to accuse them of forgerie,
which affirme Godwine to have been choked at the
boord, I trust it shall be no great offence (though
beside purpose, yet for declaration of the truth), to
reherse shortly, what some credible storiers have
reported of that matter, concerning the person of
Godwine also. And to the end that the trueth may
H
08 (U)ODWINK.
appeere, by collalion of the divers reports, I will first
shew, what the common opinion and tale of his death
is, and then afterward what these other men write
concerning the same.
The death Ealred, the Abbat of Ryuauxe (who tooke paines
Godwine. *° Pen tne history of the same King Edwards whole
life, and of whom all others (as I thinke) learned
this tale) saith : that while the King and Godwine
sate at the table, accompanied with others of the
nobilitie, it chanced the cupbearer (as he brought
wine to the bourd) to slip with the one foote, and yet
by good strength of his other leg, to recover himselfe
without falling : which thing the Earle earnestly mark-
ing, said pleasantly, that there one brother had well
helped another: Mary (quoth the King) so might me
mine, ne haddest thou been Earle Godwine : casting in
his dish the murder of his brother Alfred, which was
done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine, as
hereafter (in fit place for it) shall appeere. Hereat the
Earle was sore moved, and thinking it more than time
to make his purgation, tooke a morsell of bread into
his hand, and praying (with great and vehement ob-
testation) that it might choke him, if he by any meanes
caused the slaughter, or consented thereto, he put
the bread into his mouth, and was immediately stran-
gled there withall.
Some write, that this bread was before accursed by
Wulstane, the holy Bishop of Worcester, after a cer-
i. Cursed tam manner then used, and called Cojijiie 6, as in the
bread. table to the Saxon lawcs is to bee seene. But this
Ealred affirmeth, that after the woords spoken by the
Earle, the King himselfe blessed the bread with the
of the erosse : and therefore these men agree
GOODWINE. 99
as well togither, as blessing and cursing be one like
to another.
But letting that and them passe, heare (I beseech
you) what Alfred of Beverly (a learned man, that lived
in the time of King Henrie the first, somwhat before
this Abbat Ealred) saith, touching this matter: God-
ivinus gram morbo ex improviso percussus, ac Regi ad
mensam Wintonicz assidens, mutus in ipsa sede de-
clinavit, ac postea in cameram Regis a filiis deporta-
tus, moritur. Quidam autem dicunt, fyc. Godwine,
being suddenlie stricken with a greevous disease, as
he sate at the table with the King at Winchester, fell
downe from his stoole, and was carried by his sonnes
into the Kings chamber, where he died : but some say
that he was choked, &c. And to the same effect
writeth Marianus the Scot. Simeon also, the Chanter
of Durham, which lived about the time of this Alfred,
or rather before him, treating of this matter, hath these
words: Godwinus gravi morbo percussus, in ipsa
sede declinavit, & post horas quinque moritur. God-
wine being taken with a greevous disease, dropped
downe from the place where he sate, and died within
five houres after.
Thus, these men report another manner of his death,
the one using no mention at all of any accursed bread,
and the other reciting it but as a tale, And for the
more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat, he
that will reade the seconde booke of William Malmes.
De Regibus, shall finde, that the occasion, and intro-
duction of this matter (I meane, the slipping of the
Kings cupbearer, and the speech that proceeded
thereof, namely, that one brother had well helped
another) is woorde for woord stolen from thence : for
H 2
100 GOODWINE.
William (which lived before Ealred) reporteth, that
King Ethelstane, by persuasion of one that was his
cupbearer, had banished Eadwine his owne brother,
for suspicion of treason, and had committed him to the
seas and windes in an olde, shaken, and fraile vessell,
without saile, oare, or companion (save one Esquier
onely), in which exile he perished, and that afterward,
the King (understanding his brothers innocencie, and
screwing his owne rashnes) tooke occasion by sight
of his cupbearers foot slipping, to be avenged of the
false accusation, even as it is here tolde of King
Edward.
But Ealred, forsooth, was so fully disposed to
magnifie King Edward (bicause he so much magnified
the Monkish and single life) that he sticked not at
greater matters than this, affirming boldly, that the
Thevisions same King, while he heard Masse at Westminster,
the Con- sawe betweene the Priests hands, Christ blessing him
fessour. ^^ ^ flngers . fa^ at another Masse he sawe the
seven sleepers at Ephesus, turne themselves on the
one side, after they had slept seventie yeeres togither
on the other : which, seeing it was within five yeeres
Epime- of so many as Epimenides slept, Ealred (in my phansie)
sleep 75d *s woorthie to have the second game at the whetstone :
yeeres. furthermore, that S. lohn Baptist sent to King Ed-
warde, a ring of gold from lerusalem, which he him-
selfe had some time before given to a poore man, that
asked almes of him in the name of S. lohn : and such
other matters of like credit, which both for the vanitie
of the things themselves (being meete to have place in
i. Love Philopseudes of Lucian), and for the desire that I have
game for to keepe order, I will pretermit, and returne to my
the whet-
stone, purpose.
RICH BOKO WE, in Latine, Rutupiae, and Rutupis:
Urbs Rutupina: in Saxon (Reptaceaj'tan) and
Richbery, the name being forged (as I conjectured)
of the Bryttish worde (Rwyd) which signifieth a
net, in token that it stood by fishing : or (as Master
Camden more likely gesseth) of Rhyd Tusith, that
is, of the Sande, as Sandwich, and Sandy bay,
neere unto it.
MATHEW (the Monke of Westminster, and authour
of the worke called Flores Historiarum) taketh the
place which Beda, Ptolome, and others call Rutupi,
to bee Sandwich, and therefore hee applieth to the one
whatsoever hee findeth of the other: but bicause lohn
Leland (a man generally acquainted with the antiqui-
ties of the realme) affirmeth in his worke which he
intituled (Syllabus in Genethliacon Eadverdi) Rutupi
to have beene, where Richborow now is (to which
opinion I rather incline) I thinke good to give them
severall titles, and to speake of Richborowe by itselfe,
leaving till fit place (for Sandwich also) such matter,
as of right belongeth thereunto.
The whole shoare of Kent therefore, that lyeth over
against Dunkircke, Calaice, and Boloigne, is of
luvenal, Lucan, Ptolome, Antoninus, and others,
called Rutupiae, or Rutupinum littus : and that place
of England which Beda taketh to bee neerest to the
Morines (a people of Gallia Belgica, at this daie com-
prehending Picardie, Boloigne, Artoys, and some
part of the Lowe Countries) is of lohn Leland inter-
102 RICHBOROW.
preted to bee Richborow, not past half a mile distant
from Sandwich towarde the North. The same man
also, persuaded partly by the viewe of the place itselfe,
and partly by the authority of one Gotcelinus, sup-
ibdrow was Posetn> tnat Richborow was of auncient time a citie
sometime of some price, and that it had within it a palaice,
where King Ethelbert received Augustine. As for the
title of a citie, I doubt not but that if the mines of the
auncient wals yet extant, the matter whereof is flint,
long, white and red brickes of the Bryttaine fashion,
and a cement of lime and seasand, or the remnants of
the Romane coyne more often found there, and in
greater plentie than elsewhere, did not at all inforce
the likelihoode: yet the authoritie of Beda alone
(which calleth it plainly by the name of a citie) woulde
suffice to winne so much : but whether it were that
Palaice of King Ethelbert, from whence hee went to
entertaine Augustine, he that shall advisely read the
25. Chapter of Beda, his first booke, shall have hist
cause to doubt : forasmuch as hee sheweth manifestly,
that the King came (from his palaice) into the Isle of
Thanet to Augustine: and Leland saith, that Rich-
borow was then within Thanet, although that since
that time the water hath chaunged his olde course,
and so shut it cleane out of the Island. But the
scituation of the place (beeing above the water course)
will not admit that inclosure of it.
Sandwiche Nowe, where some men (as I saide) have taken it
Rutupi to kee Sandwich, I take them to bee greatly deceived.
For Richborow, being corruptly so sounded, for
Reptsborow, hath remaining in it the very rootes (as
1 may speake it) of Reptachester : And Reptachester
(saith Beda) and Rutupi Portus, arc all one : So then
IIICHBOROW. 103
(Chester) being turned to (Borow) (which be indeede
two wordes, but yet in manner of one signification and
effect) Kept, and Riche, have some affinitie the one
with the other, but neither Riche, Repta, nor Rutupi,
can have with Sandwiche any manner of similitude.
In which opinion, I am the more willing to dwell,
bicause since the first publishing of this Perambula-
tion, I finde myselfe very learnedly seconded by
Master Gamden: And I cannot subscribe to lohn
Twyne, who striveth to perswade, that Rutupie is
Dover, with like successe as he laboureth to proove
that Gessoriacum is Calaice, and not Boloigne. Thus
much therefore, of the name and antiquitie of this
poore place, which was in time of the olde Romanes
and Brytons of great price, and the common Port of
arrival! out of Fraunce : whereof we finde no other
note in later hystorie, either bicause the same was long
since (before the comming of the Saxons) neglected,
when as the Romanes had lost their interest within this
Realme : Or else, for that soone after their arrivall it
either fell by their force, or else decaied by reason
that the water chaunged his course and left it dry : So
that now most aptly that may be said of this towne
neare to the Isle Thanet, which Vergill sometime
wrate of Tened itselfe, saying,
Dives opum, Priami dum regna manebant,
Nunc tantum sinus, fy statio malk fida carinis.
A wealthie land, while Priams state, and kingdome
upright stoade,
But now a bay, and harbour bad, for ships to lye at
roade.
104 RICHBOROW.
Hitherto of Richborow, nowe will 1 make towarde
Sandwiche, the first of the Fortes (as my iourney lyeth)
and by the way speake somewhat of the Five Fortes in
generall.
The CINQUE FORTES.
survey of the
the Fortes. Realme, which William the Conquerour caused to bee
made in the fourth yeere of his reigne, and to be
called Domesday, bicause (as Mathew Parise saith)
it spared no man, but iudged all men indifferently, as
the Lord in that great day will do, that Dover, Sand-
wich, and Rumney, were in the time of King Edward
the Confessour, discharged almost of all manner of
impositions and burdens (which other townes did
beare) in consideration of such service to bee done by
them upon the Sea, as in their speciall titles shall
heereafter appeere.
Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable
coniecture, that the immunitie of the haven Townes
(which wee now call by a certaine number, the Cinque
Fortes) might take their beginning from the same
Edward : yet forasmuch as I read in the Chartre ot
King Edward the first after the conquest (which is
reported in our booke of Entries) a recitall of the
graunts of suhdrie Kings to the Five Fortes, the same
reaching no higher than to William the Conquerour, I
will leave my coniecture, and leane to his Chartre :
contenting myselfe to yeeld to the Conquerour, the
thanks of other mens benefites, seeing those which
were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case
THE CINQUE FORTES. 105
then stoode) to like better of his confirmation (or second
gift) then of King Edwardes first graunt, and endow-
ment.
And to the ende that I may proceede in some man-
ner of array, I will first shew, which Townes were at
the beginning taken for the Five Fortes, and what
others be now reputed in the same number : secondly,
what service they ought, and did in times passed : and
lastly, what priviledges they have therefore, and by
what persons they have been governed.
If I should iudge by the common, and rude verse, Which be
the Five
Dover, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus, Fortes.
I must say, that Dover, Sandwich, Rie, Rumney,
and Winchelsey (for that is, Frigmare ventus), bee
the Five Fortes : Againe, if I should be ruled by the
Rolle which reciteth the Fortes that sende Barons
to the Parleament, I must then adde to these, Hastings
and Hyde, for they also have their Barons as well as
the other: and so shoulde I not onely, not shewe
which were the first Five, but also (by addition of two
others) increase both the number, and doubtfulnes.
Leaving the verse therefore, for ignorance of the au-
thour and suspition of his authoritie, and forsaking the
Rolle (as not assured of the antiquitie) I wil flie to
Henrie Bracton, a man both auncient, learned, and 1250.
credible, which lived under King Henrie the third, and
wrote (above three hundred yeeres since) learnedly
of the lawes of this Realme.
Hee (I say) in the thirde booke of his worke, and
treatise of the Crowne, taking in hande to shewe the
articles inquirable before the lustices in Eire, (or
Itinerant, as wee called them, bicause they used to ride
from place to place throughout the Realm, for admi-
106 THE CINQUE FORTES.
riistnitioii ol'iustice) setteth foorth a special! fourmc of
writs, to be directed severally to the Baylifes of
Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Dover, and Sandwich,
commanding them, that they shoulde cause twenty and
Citizens foure of their Barons (for so their Burgesses, or
edBarons Townesmen, and the Citizens of London likewise,
in olde were woont to be termed) to appeere before the Kings
lustices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to
do) there to enquire of such points, as should bee given
in charge. Which done, he addeth moreover, that
forsomuch as there was oftentimes contention betweene
Conten- them of the Five Portes, and the inhabitants of Yar-
betweene mouth in Norfolke, and Donwich in Suffolke, there
anTthe tb' shoulde bee severall writtes directed to them also,
£ive returnable before the same lustices at the same daie
Fortes.
and place, reciting, that where the King had by his
former writs summoned the Pleas of the Five Portes
to be holden at Shipwey, if any of the same T0wnes
had cause to complaine of any (being within the liber-
ties of the saide Portes) he shall be at Shipwey to pro-
pound against him, and there to receave according to
lawe and iustice.
Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to shew
that Shipwey was before King Edwarde the Firsts
time, the place of assemblie for the Plees of the Five
Portes: partly to notifie the difference, and controversie
that long since was betweene these Portes, and those
other Townes : But purposely, and chiefly, to prove,
that Hastings, and Hithe, Dover, Rumney, aud Sand-
wich, were in Bractons time accounted the Five prin-
cipall havens or Portes, which \vere endowed with
priviledge, and had the same ratified by the great
Chart re of England.
THE CINQUE FORTES. 107
Neither yet will I deny, but that soone alter, Win- 1268.
chelsey and Rie might be added to the number. For
I finde in an old recorde, that King Henrie the Third
tooke into his owne hands (for the better defence of
the Realme) the tovvnes of Winchelsey, and Rie,
which belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe
in Normandie, and gave therefore in exchaunge, the
Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester shyre, and divers
other landes in Lincolne shyre. This he did, partly
to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of
the secret affaires of his Realme, and partly bicause
of a great disobedience and excesse, that was com-
mitted by the inhabitants of Winchelsey, against Prince
Edward his eldest sonne. And therefore, although I
can easily be led to thinke, that hee submitted them
for their correction to the order, and governance of the
Five Portes, yet I stand doubtfull whether hee made
them partners of their priviledges, or no, for that had
been a preferment, and no punishment unto them : but
I suspect rather, that his sonne King Edward the First
(by whose encouragement and aide, olde Winchelsey ^"g^J1"
was afterward abandoned, and the nowTowne builded), buiided.
was the first, that apparalled them with that pre- 1277.
eminence.
By this therefore let it appeere, that Hastings,
Dover, Hithe, Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first
Ports of priviledge: which (bicause they were Five in
number) both at the first gave, and yet continue, to
all the residue, the name of Cinque Portes, although
not onely Winchelsey and Rie, be (since that time),
incorporated with them as principals, but divers other
places also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in,
as partcs, lims, and members of the same.
108 THE CINQUE FORTES.
Now therefore somewhat shall be said, as touching
the services that these Fortes of dutie owe, and indeed
have done, to the Princes : whereof the one (I meane
with what number of vessels, in what maner of furni-
ture, and for how long season, they ought to waite on
the King at the Sea, upon their owne charges) shall
partly appeere by that wee shall presently say, and
partly by that which shall follow in Sandwich, and
Rumney : The other shall be made manifest by exam-
ples, drawne out of good histories : and they both
shall be testified by the woords of King Edwarde the
First in his owne Chartre.
The booke of Domesday before remembred, chargeth
Dover with twenty vessels at the Sea, whereof each to
be furnished with one and twentie men for fifteene daies
togither : and saith further, that Rumney and Sand-
wich answered the like service. But now whether
this (like) ought to be understoode of the like altogither,
both in respect of the number and service, or of the
(like) in respect of service, according to the proportion
of their abilitie onely, I may not heereby take upon me
to determine. For on the one side, if Rumney, Sand-
wich, and the residue, shoulde likewise finde twentie
vessels apeece, then (as you shall anone see) the five
Fortes were subiect to a greater charge at that time,
than King Edward the First laid upon them : And on
the other side, if they were only chargeable after their
proportion, then know I not how far to burthen them,
seeing the Recorde of Domesday itself, bindeth them
to no certeintie. And therefore leaving this as I finde
it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more light-
some proofe. And first I will have recourse to King
Edward the First his Chartre, in which F read, that
THE CINQUE FORTES. 109
at ech time that the King passeth over the sea, the
Fortes ought to rig up fiftie and seaven ships (whereof
every one to have twentie armed souldiers) and to
mainteine them at their owne costes, by the space of
fifteene daies togither.
And thus it stoode with the Fortes for their general
charge, in the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was
this Chartre sealed. But as touching the particular
burthen of eche one, I have scene two divers testimo-
nies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing the
countenance of a Record) and is intituled, to have beene
renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of
the same King, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable
of Dover Castle, in which the particular charge is set
downe in this maner.
The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships.
The lowie of Pevensey, one.
Bulverhithe and Petit lahn, one.
Bekisborne in Kent, seaven.
Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and ar-
mour, with the ships of Hastings.
The towne of Rye, five.
To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King
Henrie the sixt.
The towne of Winchelsey, ten.
The Port of Rumney, foure.
Lydde, seaven.
The Port of Hythe, five.
The Port of Dover, nineteene.
The towne of Folkestone, seavca.
The towne of Feversham, seaven.
The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich,
Dale, &c. five.
no mi; CINQUE POKTKS.
These ships they ought to finde upon tburtie dales
summons, armed and arraied at their owne charge,
and in eche of them twentie men, besides the" Maister
of the Mariners : all which they shall likewise main-
taine five daies together at their owne costes, giving
to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable
sixe pence, and to eche other Mariner three pence.
And after those five daies ended, the King shall
defray the wages.
The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of
Hyde, the which although it pretend not so great
antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as
much, or more likelihoode and credite : It standeth thus.
These bee the Five Fortes of our soveraigne Lorde
the King having liberties, which other Portes have not :
Hasting, Romenal, Hethe, Dover, Sandwich, the
chiefe Townes.
The services due by the same.
Hasting shall finde 21 . ships, in everie ship 21. men,
and a garcion, or boye, which is called a gromet.
To it perteine (as the members of one towne) the
Seashore in Seford, Pevenshey, Hodeney,
Winchelsea, Rye, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge,
Northie, Bulwerhethe.
Romenal. 5. ships, in everie ship 21. men, and a
garcion : To it perteine, as members thereof,
Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys,
olde Rumney.
Hethe. 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it per-
teineth the Westhethe.
Dover. 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it perteine,
Folkstane, Feversham, and Saint Margarets, not
concerning the land, but for the goods and cat-
tailes.
THE CINQUE PORTES. Ill
Sandwich, 5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe before.
To it perteine Fordwich, Reculver, Serre, and
Dele, not for the soile, but for the goods.
Summe of the Ships. 57.
Summe of the Men. 1187. and 57. Garcions.
This service, the Barons of the Five Portes do
acknowledge to owe to the King, upon summons
yeerely (if it happen) by the space of 15. daies togi-
ther, at their owne costes and charges, accounting that
for the first day of the 1 5. in which they shall spread
their sailes to go towards those parts that the King
intendeth : and to serve so long after 15. daies, as the
King will, at his owne pay, and wages.
Thus much out of these auncient notes, whereby The g<
J servic-
yourselfe may easely discerne the difference : but the Fi
whether the one or the other, or (by reason of some
latter dispensation) neither of these, have place at this
day, I must refer it to them that be privie, and of
counsell with the Portes: and so leaving this also
undecided, hold on the way, wherein I am entred.
This dutie of attendance therefore (being devised
for the honourable transportation, and saife conduct of
the Kings owne person or his armie over the narrow
Seas) the Portes have not onely most diligently ever
since that time performed, but furthermore also va-
liantly behaved themselves against the enimie from
time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occa-
sion hath beene proffered, or the necessitie of the
Realme required.
And amongst other feates not unwoorthy perpetuall
remembrance, after such time as Lewes (the eldest
112 THE CINQUE FORTES.
sonne of the French King) had entered the Realme to
aide Stephan Langton the Archbishop, and the No-
bilitie, in the life of King lohn, and had sent into
Fraunce for newe supply of souldiers after his
1217. death, Hubert of Borough (then captaine of Dover)
following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition
of the Oracle of the woodden wals, by the aide of the
Port townes, armed fourtie tall ships, and meeting
with eightie saile of Frenchmen upon the high seas,
• gave them a most couragious encounter, in which hee
tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited the rest.
King Henrie the Thirde also, after that hee came to
riper age, had great benefite by the service of the
Cinque Fortes : and King Edward the First in his
Chartre, maketh their continual! faithfull service (and
especially their good endevour, then lately shewed
1378. against the Welshmen) the principall cause, and
motive of that his liberall graunt.
Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the
same King, a hundreth saile of the Navie of the Fortes
1293. fought at the Sea with a fleete of 200. Frenchmen,
all which (notwithstanding the great ods of the number)
they tooke, and slewe, and sunke so many of the
Mariners, that Fraunce was thereby (for a long season
after) in maner destitute, both of seamen and shipping.
1406. Finally, and to conclude this part, in the daies of
King Henrie the Fourth, the Navie of the Five Fortes,
under the conduct of one Henrie Paye, surprised one
hundreth and twentie French ships, all laden with
salt, iron, oyle, and no worse merchandize.
The privi- The priviledges of these Ports, being first granted
thegF?ve by Edward the Conquerour, and William the Con-
Porte*. querour> and then confirmed and increased by
THE CINQUE PORTBS. 11*
heart the lonre 5:.ave^ o:
bbb in the rra; hall, on
Aottobe
Coot at SbipvaT, for die
of tbea aD, aad mftoe both the Lard War-
4oB of the Ports taketk otk, at his fest otiy •*» taal
ofice, and OKT UATC five poncipall poMts WBBMK
* ." - 1- -i '.r-j "i_- T r . _c . • . ._. i L . " i >-, "•"•..-.: i . . ? ]• - - ?r. .. ..
kt «s sec, by mlat cUefe oficcr the Fortes kave
114
THE CINQUE PORTKS.
The names
of the
Wardeins,
of the
five Fortes
same officer which the Remains established for de-
fence of our coasts, and called Littoris Saxonici, or
tractus maritimi, Comitem, who had the charge of
nine Portes, as our Wardein had of Five. And
although there be no doubt, but that the Portes were
under some speciall government, in the time of the
Saxons also, who best knew the necessitie thereof:
yet bicause King William the First, was the first (so
far as I have observed by reading) that imposed the
name of Wardeine (out of his owne language, Imlfe
French, halfe Dutch) it shall stand with the best
certeintie to begin at his time, and set downe the suc-
cession of the Wardeins, in order of time, as I have
collected them. But, for as much as the office of the
Wardeine of the five Ports, and the Constableship of
Dover castell, have long since commonly beene con-
ioined in one person, and of later daies have been
united inseparably, I wil not lose the labour in going
about to single them againe, but will followe that
which (in mine opinion) seemeth most likely to point
out the Wardeine.
lohn Fynes, created by William the Conquerour,
Wardein of the Portes, and Constable of Dover,
by gift of inheritance.
lames Fynes, his sonne, which died at Folkston.
lohn Fynes, his sonne.
Walkelm, who delivered it to King Stephan, and
immediately after his death, abandoned the charge,
and fled into Normandie.
Allen Fynes, restored by King Henrie the Second,
lames Fynes, his eldest sonne.
Mathew Clere (as it should seeme by Math. Par.
and William Petite) who imprisoned Godfrey,
THE CINQUE FORTES. 115
the Archbishop of Yorke, in Dover castle, as
under that title shall appeere.
William of Wrotham.
Hubert of Burgh, the Earle of Kent, who being
deposed, Bartram of Cryol succeeded.
Richard Gray, appointed by the Barons that warred
against King Henrie the third : he was deprived
of his office by Hugh Bigot, bicause he let in the
Popes legate by the King's licence, and against
the minde of the Nobles.
Henrie Braybrooke.
Edward the First, in the life of his father, who
made Henrie Cobham his deputie, whose sonne
and heire (called lohn) founded Cobham College,
Ann. 36. E. 3.
Henrie Mountforde.
Roger Leyborne, in the time of King Henrie the Third .
Stephan Penchester, in the time of Henrie the Third.
Sir Robert Asheton, buried there 1384.
Simon of Crey, in the time of Edward the First.
Hugh Spenser, the yoonger, in the time of Edwarde
the second.
Edmund of Woodstock, the Earle of Kent.
Reginald Cobham, in the time of Edward the Third.
Bartholmew Burwhasse or Burgehersh, one of the
first companions of the order of the Garter,
lohn Beauchampe, of Warwike.
Sir Ralfe Spigurnel, 44. Edw. 3.
Sir Robert Herle, in the latter end of King Edward
the Third.
Edmund the Earle of Cambridge.
Sir Simon Burley, whome Thomas of Woodstocke
beheaded.
I 2
*
116 INK CINQUE FORTES.
Lord Henrie Cobham, the sonne of Reginald Cob-
ham.
Sir lohn Enros.
Sir Thomas Beaumont.
Edward, the Duke of Aumarle and Yorke, whome
King Henrie the fourth remoovcd, and substituted
in place
Sir Thomas Erpingham, for a season, but afterward
he gave the office to
Prince Henrie his sonne, who when he was King in
possession, bestowed it upon
Humfrey, the Duke of Gloucester,
tames Fines, Lord Saie, whom lack Cade beheaded.
Edmund, the Duke of Somerset.
Humfrey, the Duke of Buckingham.
Simon Mountford, under King Henrie the Sixt.
Richard Nevel, the Earle of Warwike.
William, the Earle of Arundel.
Richard, the Duke of Gloucester, railed afterward
King Richard the Third.
Sir William Scott.
Henrie, the Duke of Yorke.
lames Fines, the Lord Saye.
Henrie in his fathers life, afterward the eight King
of that name.
Arthur Plantagenet, Vicount Lisle, bastard sonne
to King Edward the Fourth.
Sir Edward Poynings.
Henrie, the yoong Earle of Richmond.
Sir Edward Guldeford.
George Boleyn, Vicount Rocheford.
Sir Thomas Cheynie, Treasurer of the Household.
Sir William Brooke, Lorde Cobham, and Lordc
Chamberlaine of hir Maiesties houshold.
•
THE CINQUE FORTES.
Thus much of the Five Fortes, in generall. Now
of Sandwich, the first of them in the order of my
iourney, and then orderly of so many of the residue,
as lie within the Shyre that I have presently in hand.
SANDWICH is called, in Latine, Sabulovicum, in
Saxon 8on6pic, that is to saie, the Sandie Towne,
bicause the coast thereabout aboundeth with Sand.
THIS Towne (as it appeereth by the report of
Leland, and as it may seeme also by the name itselfe,
being mere Saxon) began by the Saxons, after the fall
of poore Richborowe, which was in price while the
honour of the Britons stoode upright, and was either
abated by the furie of the Saxons, when they wonne
that coast from them : or else came to ruine by the
alteration and vicissitude of the Sea, which perad-
venture choked the haven thereof with light sand, as it
hath since that time done this at Sandwich also.
King Canutus gave (as some write) to Christes Reiiques,
church in Canterburie, Saint Bartholmewes arme, if
happily it were not a chaungeling : for Kings and great
men were oftentimes in those daies after that sort
deluded, though they in the meane time bought such
reliques deerely, and thought that kinde of gift most
princely.
He gave also a rich Pall, a Crowne of golde, and
this haven of Sandwich, togither with the royaltie of
the water on each side, so farre foorth as (a ship,
being on flote at the full sea) a man might cast a short
hatchet out of the vessell unto the banke.
118 SANDWICH.
The place itselfe, grew in time to be well peopled,
estate of and of woorthynesse to be one of those Fortes, that
' found favour of privilege, in consideration of their ser-
vice at the Sea.
For it appeereth by the booke of Domesday, that
this was the estate of Sandwich : It lay in a hundreth
1064. belonging to itselfe, it did to the King such like service
by tenure, as Dover did : It was then of the possessions
of Christes Church, as I have shewed, and was ap-
pointed for the apparell of the Monks of that house,
to the which it yeelded forty thousand herrings besides
certaine mony, and had in it three hundreth and seven
houses inhabited. And I finde not, but that the towne
continued in the like plight a long space after the
Conquest, until that Lewes of Fraunce brent it, in the
yeere 1217. after which it grew up, and was somewhat
amended againe by the Staple, which King Edward
the First for a season removed thither. After all which,
King Edward the Third in the 37. yeere of his reigne,
giving to Christes church the Manor of Borley in
Essex for it in exchaunge, reunited it to the crowne.
Sandwich But in the dales of King Henrie the sixt, Peter Brice
and^ent. (the Steward of Normandie) landed at Sandwich, and
1456. ne ^h fire ^d sworde, wasted the towne in maner to
ashes, and slew the inhabitants almost to the last man.
Since which time, partly by the smart of that wound,
and partly by the losses that it susteined within two
yeeres after, by the mainteinors of the civill wars in
that Kings reigne, but cheefly by the abundance of the
light sand (wherewith the Sea hath of latter yeeres
glutted the haven) it is declined to great decay, and
were like to fall to extreme ruine, were it not presently
somewhat releeved by the repaire of such, as have
SANDWICH. 119
abandoned their countrie for the freedome of their
consciences : whose aboade how long it will bee, the
Lord onely knoweth, for whose cause they suffer
banishment.
There was in this Towne before the generall sup- JJj^ le at
pression, a house of Carmelites, whereof I reade none Sandwich,
other good thing, save that it brought foorth one
learned man, called William Becley, in the reigne of
King Henrie the Sixt. But now lately (to repaire the
losse of that dissolution) Roger Manwood, a man
borne in the towne, and advaunced by vertue and good
learning, to the degree first of a Serieant, then of a
lustice at the Lawe, and lastly to a Knight, and place
of the chiefe Baron of the Escheaquer, hath for the
increase of godlynesse and good letters, erected and
endowed a faire FreeSchoole there, from whence there
is hope that the common wealth shall reape more pro-
fite after a fewe yeeres, than it receaved commoditie by
the Carmelites since the time of their first foundation.
This onely is that which I had to say, either of the
present or passed estate of this place : which done, I
wil proceede to the narration of such other things as
long since happened therabouts, partly for the illus-
tration of the antiquitie of the towne, and partly for the
setting foorth of the commoditie of the haven, but
chiefely for the observation of the order which I have
begun : which is, to pretermit nothing (worthie note)
that I finde in storie, concerning the place that I take
in hande. But bicause that which I have to say,
dependeth altogither (or for the greater part) upon the
hystorie of the Danes, which many yeeres togither
disquieted this lande, it shall bee fit, as well for the
better explication of the things presently in hande, as
120 SANDWICH.
also for the morceasie understanding of other matters
that must heereafter followe, to disclose (so compen-
diously as I may) the first beginning, proceeding, and
ending, of the Danish affaires, wars, and troubles,
within this Realme.
787. About the yeere after Christ, seven hundreth foure
hiUsto?fe!of score and seaven> tnree vessels of the North East
the Danish Countrie men (whose auncestors had before, within
England, the compasse of one hundreth and fortie yeeres, sacked
Rome in Italic foure severall times, and whose
offspring afterward wonne Normandie from the French
King) shewed themselves upon the Westerne shore of
England, being sent before hand (as it is supposed) to
espie the commoditie of the havens, the advantage of
arrival], the wealth and force of the inhabitants, and
to the end to prepare the way for greater powers that
were appointed to follow.
These had no sooner set some of their men on lande,
but the Reeve, or officer of Beorhtricke, or Brictricke,
(then King of the West Saxons) had knowledge thereof:
who came unto them, and (demaunding the cause of
their arrivall) wouldc have carried them to the Kings
presence: but they in their resistance slewe him:
whereupon the people of the Countrie adioyning,
addressed themselves to revenge, and assembling in
great numbers, beate them backe to their ships, not
without the losse of some of their companie.
And this was the first attempt, that ever the Danes
(for so our histories cal by one general name the Dunes,
Norwaies, Gottes, Vandals, and others of that part)
made upon England : after which time, what horrible
invasions, miseries, calamities, and oppressions fol-
lowed, and fell upon the inhabitants of this countrie,
SANDWICH. 121
shall appeere anone to bee no lesse pitifull for us to
remember, than it was wofull for them to endure.
For not long after this enterprise, a fewe ships of 795.
them, made the like assay in Scotland, and within
short space after that also, some other of them entred
Tynemouth haven in the North part of England, and
taking some small booties, returned to their vessels.
Now by this experiment, they had gained sufficient The Danes
knowledge of that, for which they ikst came : and Thamyse.
therefore thinking it fit time to assay further, they
rigged up a great number of ships, armed more store
of chosen souldiers, entred the River of Thamise with
five and thirtie saile, landed in despight of the people,
fired, spoiled, herried, and prevailed so farre, that
Egbert (who then had the Monarchic over all England) 833.
was faine to come with all his power to the reliefe
and rescue.
But such was the will of God (for the punishment
of Idolatrie and Superstition, which then overwhelmed
this Realme) that the Danes instead of being dis-
comfited by the Kings repaire, were marvellouslie
encouraged by his misfortune. For, after that they
had once gotten the better in the field against him,
they were so embouldened thereby, that notwithstand-
ing he afterward, and some other valiant Princes
following, by great prowesse abated their furie in parte,
yet, adioining themselves to the Britons (that then
were in great enmitie with the Saxons) and swarming
hither out of their owne Countrie in such flightes that
the number of the slaine was continually supplied The con-
with great advauntage, they never ceassed to infeste ofn"h"ce
the Realme, by the space of three hundreth yeeres and j^n,eaSjdin
more, during the reignes of fifteene severall Kings,
122 SANDWICH.
till at the last they had made Etheldrcd flie over into
Normandie and leave them his King-dome. During
all which time, how mightily their forces increased
under Hinguar, Hubba, Halfden, Guthrum, Aulaf
and Hasten (their Navie being risen from three ships
to three hundreth and fiftie at the least), how pitiously
the East, West, South, and North parts of the llealmc
were wasted (the townes, cities, religious houses, and
Monasteries of each quarter being consumed with
flames), howe miserablie the common people were
afflicted (men, women, and children on all sides going
to wracke, by their tempestuous furie), howe marveil-
ouslie the Kings were amased (the arrivals of these
their enimies being no lesse sudden, than violent),
how barbarously the monuments of good learning
were defaced (the same suffering more by the immanitie
of this one brutish Nation, than by all the vvarres and
conquestes of the Pictes and Scots, Romanes, and
Saxons), and finally, how furiously fire and sword,
famine and pestilence raged in every place, God and
men, Heaven and the elements conspiring (as it were)
the fatall destruction of the Realme, I may not hccre
stand to prosecute particularly, but (leaving cadi
thing to fit place) I will proceede with King Ethelred,
and so returne to my purpose.
980. This man above all other, was so distressed by their
continual! invasions, thaj seeing hee wanted force to
make his longer defence, he thought it best to give
money for their continual peace. And therefore,
charging his people with importable tributes, he first
gave them, at five several payes, 113,000. pounds :
and afterward promised them 48,000. yeerely : hoping,
that for as much as they seemed by the manner of their
SANDWICH. 123
war, rather to seeke his coyne, than his kingdome, to
rob, than to rule) at the least this way to have satisfied
their hunger. But like as the stone called Syphnius,
the more it is moisted, the harder it waxeth : so no
giftes could quench the golden thirst of these greedie
raveners, but the more was brought to appease them,
the more stonie and inexorable they shewed themselves,
never ceassing (even against promises, othes, and
hostages) to execute their accustomed crueltie.
Heereupon King Etheldred, having now exhausted The Dane*
all slaine
the whole treasure of his Realme, and therefore more in one
unable than ever he was, either by power or praier to nig lt'
helpe himselfe, or to releeve his subiects, determined
by a fine policie (as he thought) to deliver both the
one and the other from them. For which purpose, by
the advice of one Huna (the generall of his army) he
wrote letters to each part of the realme, commaunding,
that upon S. Brices day (which is the morrow after S. 1012.
Martins night) the English men should all at once set Saint
Martins
upon the Danes, before they had disgested the surfait drunken
of that drunken solemnitie, and so utterly kill and feasu
destroy them. This his commaundement was receaved
with such liking, entertained with such secrecy, and
executed with such speede and celeritie, that the Danes
were suddenly, and in a manner wholy, both men,
women, and children (like the sonnes in Lawe of
Danaus) oppressed at once in one night : onely a few
escaped by Sea into Denmarke, and there made com-
plaint of King Etheldreds butcherie.
For revenge whereof Sweyne their King, both armed 1013.
his owne people, and waged foreigne aide, and so Dane?'1 C
(preparing a houge armie) tooke shipping, and arrived
first here at Sandwich, and after in the North Countrie :
124 SANDWICH.
the tcrrour of whose comming was such, that it caused
the Countrie people on all sides to submit themselves
unto him, in so much that King Etheldred seeing the
cause desperate, and himselfe destitute, fled over into
1014. Normandie with his wife, and children, friends, and
familie. After which his departure, although both
himselfe returned, and put Canutus (the next King of
the Danes) to flight, and Edmund his sonne also fought
sundry great battailles with him : yet the Danes pre-
vailed so mightily upon them, that three of them in
succession (that is to say, Canutus, Haroldus, and
Hardicanutus) reigned Kings here in England almost
by the space of thirty yeres togither : so much to the
infamous oppression, slaverie, and thraldome of the
English Nation, that every Dane was (for feare) called
Lord Dane, and had at his commaundement, where-
soever he became, both man and wife, and whatsoever
else he found in the house.
At the length, God, taking pitie upon the people,
tooke suddenly away King Hardicanute : after whose
1042. death, the Nobilitie and Commons of the Realme,
ioined so firmely and faithfully, both harts and handes,
with their naturall and Liege Lorde King Edwarde,
that the Danes were once againe (and for ever) ex-
pulsed this Countrie : in so much that soone alter, the
name (Lord Dane) being before time a woord of great
awe and honour, grew to a terme and bywoorde of
foule despight and reproch, turned (as it yet continueth)
to Lourdaine: besides, that ever after, the common
people in ioy of that deliverance, have celebrated the
annuall day of Hardicanutus death (as the Romanes
did their feast of Fugalia, or chasing out of the Kings)
with open pastime in the streetes, rallinjr it, even til
SANDWICH. 125
this our time, Hoctyde, in stead (as I think of
Pucxty&e, that is to say, the time of scorning, or Hokday.
mocking.
And now thus much summarily being saide, as con-
cerning the trueth of the Danes being heere, who ruled
in this land almost thirty yeeres. and raged (without
all rule) above three hundreth and fiftie, I will returne
to Sandwich, disclosing therein such occurrents of the
Danish doings as perteine to my purpose.
In the yeere eight hundreth fiftie and one after 851.
Christ, Athelstane the sonne of Ethulwulfe, and King
of Kent (whom Mathew of Westminster taketh, or
rather mistaketh, for a Bishop) fought at the Sea
before Sandwich against a great Navie of the Danes,
of which he tooke nine vessels, and discomfited the
residue.
Against another Fleete of the Danes which landed 1006.
at Sandwich in the yeere one thousand and sixe, King Provision
Etheldred made this provision : that everie three hun- and ship- '
dreth and ten Hydes of Land (which Henrie Hun- ping<
tingdon, Mathew Parise and others, expound to be
so many plowlands) should be charged with the furni-
ture of one ship, and every eight Hydes should finde
one iacke and sallet, for the defence of the Realme.
By which meane, he made ready a mighty Navie to the
Sea : But what through the iniurie of sudden tempest, 101^
and by defection of some of his Nobilitie, he profited
nothing. King Canutus also, after that he had re-
ceived the woorse in a fight in Lincolne shyre, withdrew
to his ships that lay in the haven at Sandwich, and
there most barbarously behaved himselfe, cutting off
the handes and feete of such as he had taken for hostage,
and so departed all wroth, and melancholike, into
Denmarke, to repaire his armie.
120 SANDWICH.
The same man, at his returne hither, tooke land with
his power at this towne: and so did Hardicanutus his
sonne after him.
1060. Furthermore, in the daies of King Edward the Con-
fessour, two Princes (or rather principall Pirates) of
the Danes, called Lochen and Irlinge, landed at Sand-
wich, and laded their ships with riche spoile, where-
with they crossed over the seas to Flaunders, and
there made money of it. Thus far of the Danes, now
of others. At this place landed Lewes the French
Kings sonne that aided the English Nobilitie against
King lohn, as we shall heereafter have cause to shew
more at large.
A Maiui- Finallie, in the reigne of King Richard the Seconde,
certeine French ships were taken at the Sea, whereof
some were fraught with the frame of a timber Castle
(such another, I suppose, as William the Conquerour
erected at Hastings, so soone as he was arrived) which
they also ment to have planted in some place of this
Realme, for our annoyance : but they failed of their
purpose: for the Engine being taken from them, it was
set up at this Towne, and used to our great safetie,
and their repulse.
EASTRIE.
HAVING somewhat to say of Eastrie, I trust it shall
bee no great offence, to turne our eie a little from the
shoare, and deale with it in our way to Deale,
It is the name of a Towne and Hundreth within the
Lath of Saint Augustines, and hath the addition of
EASTRIE. 127
East, for difference sake, from Westrie (commonly
called Rye) neere to Winchelsey in Sussex.
Mathew of Westminster maketh report of a mur-
ther done at it, which bicause it tendeth much to the
declaration of the auncient estate of the Towne, I will
not sticke to rehearse so shortly as I can.
After the death of Ercombert, the seventh King of 654.
Kent, Egbert his Sonne succeeded in the kingdome, sycophant,
who caused to bee vertuously brought up in his
Palaice (which was then at this Towne, two young
Noble men of his kinred (as some say) or rather his
owne brethren (as William of Malmesbury writeth)
the one being called Ethelbert, and the other Etheldred :
these Gentlemen so prospered in good learning, court-
like manners, and feates of activitie meete for men of
their yeeres and parentage, that on the one side, they
gave to all well disposed persons and lovers of vertue,
great expectation that they woulde become at the
length woorthie of much estimation and honour : and
on the other side they drew upon them, the feare,
misliking, and utter hatred, of the naughtie, wicked,
and malicious sort. Of the which number there was
one of the King's own housholde, called Thunner,
who (as vertue never wantethhir enviers)of a certaine
divelish malice, repyning at their laudable increase,
never ceassed to blowe into the Kings eare most untrue
accusations against them : And to the end that hee
might the rather provoke the King to displeasure, hee
persuaded him of great daunger towarde his estate
and person by them. And for as much as the common
people (who more commonly worship the Sunne rising,
than going downe) had them in great admiration and
reverence, hee desired the King, that either hee woulde
128 EASTRIE.
sende them out of the Realmc, or bee contented to
winkc at the matter if any of his friends, for the love
of him, and suretie of his estate, shoulde procure to
dispatch them.
The King, somewhat provoked by feare of his owne
perill (though nothing desirous of their destruction)
even as a little water throwen into the fire increaseth
the flame, so by a colde deniall, gave courage to the
attempt: and therefore, Thunner espying fit time,
slewe the children, and buried their bodies in the
Kings hal under the cloth of his estate. But it was
not long, before there appeared in the house a bright
shining piller, replenishing eche corner with such ter-
rible and fearefull light, that the servaunts shriked at
the sight thereof, and by their noise a waked the King:
who, as soone as hee sawe it, was touched with the
conscience of the murther wherunto hee had a little
before in hart consented, and calling in great haste for
Thunner, examined him straightly what was become of
the children, and when hee had learned the truth, hee
became most sorowfull and penitent therefore, charg-
ing himselfe with the whole crime of their deathes,
for that it laie wholly in him to have saved their lives.
Then sent hee for Deodat the Archbishop, and desired
to understand by him, what was best to be done for
expiation of the fault. This good father (thinking to
have procured some gaine to his Church, by venera-
tion of the dead bodies, if happely hee might have
gotten them thither) persuaded the King to incoffen
them, and to commit them to honorable buriall in
A right Christeschurch at Canterburie : but (saith mine author)
niyracie. wnen the hearse was ready, it would not be mooved
by any force toward that Church : as truely (I thinke)
EASTRIE.
as the Crosse of Walthani with twelve Oxen and so
many Kyne, could not be stirred any other way, but
toward the place appointed: or as the Image of
Berecinthia, which the Romanes had brought out of
Asia, could not be remooved till the Vestal virgin
Claudia had set to hir hande.
Heereupon the companie assaied to convey it to
Saint Augustines, but that all in vain also: at the last,
they agreed to leade it to the Monasterie of Watrine,
and then (forsooth) it passed as lightly (saith hee) as
if nothing at all had beene within it. The obsequies
there honourably perfourmed, the King gave the place
where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga,
who (of a longing desire to become a veiled Nonne)
had a little before abandoned her husbandes bed, and
chusing out seaventie other women for hir companie,
erected there a Monasterie to the name and honour of
these two murthered brethren. William of Malmes-
bury addeth moreover, that the King gave the whole
Isle of Thanet also to his Mother, to appease the
wrath that shee had conceaved for the losse of these
her deere children.
DELE, Dela in Latine, after Leland: I conjectured
that it tooke name of the Saxon ]?ylle, which is a
plainefloore or levell, by reason that it lyeth flat
and levell to the Sea. But Master Camden with
lesse violence, out of Nennius, deriveth it from the
Bryttish Dole, signifiyng also a lowe place, or dale.
THE Chronicles of Dover (as Leland reporteth, for
I never saw but onely some fragments of them) have
mention, that lulius Caesar being repulsed from Dover,
K
130 DELE.
arrived at this place: which thing and his trenches
upon this coast (called Romesworke) liow well they
may stand with Caesars owne report in his Commen-
taries, i had rather leave to others to decide, than
take upon me to dispute: being very well contented,
where certeinty is not evident, to allow of conjectures
not altogether vehement.
iron Onely of this I hold me well assured, that King
King Hen- Henrie the Eight, having shaken oft' the intolerable
E?ghte for- yoke of the Popish tyrannic, and espying that the
EmPerour was offended for the divorce of Queene
Katherina his wife, and that the French King had
coupled the Dolphinc his sonne to the Popes niece,
and maried his daughter to the King of Scots, so that
he might more iustly suspect them all, than safely
trust any one, determined (by the aide of God) to stand
upon his owne gardes and defence : and therefore with
all speede, and without sparing any cost, he builded
Castles, platfourmes, and blockhouses, in all needefull
places of the Reaime. And amongst other, fearing
least the ease and advauntage of descending on lande
at this part, shoulde give occasion and hardinesse to
the enemies to invade him, he erected (neare togither)
three fortifications, which might at all times keepe and
bcate the landing place, that is to say, Sandowne,
Dele, and Walmere. Al which (togither with some
others newly built upon the coast of Sussex) and their
captaines he recommended to the surveigh, control-
rnent, and correction of the Wardein of the Cinque
Portes: as you may read in the statute purposely
therefore made 32. H. 8. cap. 48. This speciall matter
of Dele, lohn Leland in Cygnea cantione, compre-
heiuh tii featcty in these two verses.
DELE. 131
lactat Dela novas Celebris arces,
Notus Ccesareis locus Trophceis.
Renowned Dele doth vaunt itselfe,
with Turrets newly rais'd:
For monuments of Caesars host,
A place in storie prais'd.
Soone after the building, the place was honoured
with the landing of the Lady Anne of Cleve. But now
since Dover, that impregnable Fort, and Castle re-
nowmed for antiquitie, is not many myles off, let us
make unto it, and in sight of the place, unfolde tfoe
singularities of the same.
DOVER, called diversely in Latine, Doris, Durus,
Doveria, and Dubris : in Saxon, Dojijia : all which
seeme to be drawen from the Bryttish woordes,
Dufir, Water, or Dufirha, high or steepe: the
scituation being upon a high rocke over the water,
which serveth to either. Some fetch the name from
Doo a fore, meaning stopped at the mouth before,
which they say Arviragus did. One called it Doro-
brina, differencing it from Canterbury (which he
termeth Doroborni), as if the one were Bourne,
and the other Bryne, bicause the one standeth upon
the Fresh water, and the other upon the Salt.
THE treatise of this place shall consist of three
speciall members, that is to saie, the Towne, the
Castle, and the Religious buildings.
The Towne was long since somewhat estimable,
howbeit that which it had (as I thinke) was both at the
first derived from the other two, and ever since also
K 2
i*> DOVEU.
continually conserved by them. But whether I hit or
misse in that coniecture, certaine it is by the testimonie
of the Recorde in the Exchequer commonly called
Domesday booke, that the Towne of Dover was of
abilitie in the time of King Edward the Confessour, to
arme yeerely twentie vessels to the Sea, by the space
of fifteene daies togither, eche vessell having therein
one and twentie able men. For in consideration
thereof, the same King graunted to the inhabitants of
Dover, not onely freedom from payment of Tholl,
and other privileges throughout the Realme, but also
pardoned them all manner of suite and service to any
1051. of his Courts whatsoever. The place itselfe was
o?Dovere neverthelesse (at those daies) under the protection and
governance of Godwine, the Earle of Kent: for 1
read, that it chaunced Eustace, the Earle of Bolloine
(who had maried Goda the King's sister) to come
over the Seas into England, of a desire that heehad to
visite the King his Brother, and that whiles his her-
benger demeaned himselfe unwisely in taking up his
lodgings at Dover, hee fell at variance with the
Townesmen, and slewe one of them : But Nocuit teme-
rarla virtus, force unadvisde, did harme. For that
thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants, that
immediately they ranne to weapon, and killing eigh-
teen of the Earles servaunts, they compelled him and
al his meiney to take their feete, and to seeke redresse
at the Kings hands.
Godwine The King hearing the complaint, ment to make cor-
thei8King. rection of the fault : but the Townesmen also had
complained themselves to Godwine, who determin-
ing unadvisedlie to defend his clients and servants,
opposed himselfe violently against the King his Liege
DOVER. 133
Lord and Maister. To bee short, the matter waxed
(within a while) so hoate betweene them, that either
side for maintenaunce of their cause arraied and con-
ducted a great armie into the fielde. Godwine de-
maunded of the King, that Eustace might be delivered
unto him: the King commaunded Godwine (thatarmes
laide aside) hee would answere his disobedience by
order of the Lawe : and in the ende, Godwine was
banished the Realme by the sentence of the King and
Nobilitie, whereupon hee and his sonnes fled over
the Sea, and never ceassed to unquiet the King and
spoile his subiects, till they were reconciled to his
favour, and restored to their auncient estate and
dignitie.
This Towne, was so sore wasted with fire, soone
after the comming in of King William the Conquerour, 1295.
that it was wholly (save onely nine and twentie dwell-
ing houses) consumed, and brought to ashes. And in
the time of King Edward the First also, whiles two
of the Popes Cardinales were heere in the treatie of
an attonement, to be made between England and
Fraunce, the Frenchmen landed at, Dover in a night,
and burned a great part of the Towne, and some of
the religious buildings. So that in those times, it was
much empaired by those misfortunes. But now in our
memorie, what by decay of the haven (which King
Henrie the Eight with the cost of 63,000. pounds upon
a piere, but all in vaine, sought to restore) and what
by the overthrowe of the reiigious house, and losse of
Calaice, it was brought iu manner to miserable naked-
nesse and decay.
Which thing were the lesse to be pitied, had it not
been accompanied with the mine of the Castell itself,
134 DOVER.
the fall whereof would be so much the more grievous,
as the fame thereof is with our auncient Storiers
(above all other) most biasing and glorious. This
therefore niooved the Maiestie of our Sovereigne
Queene that now is, to give gratious eare to the com-
plaint heerof presented unto hir : so as shee not onely
bestowed great favours of hir owne gift, but also tooke
order by Parliament in the 23. yeere of hit fteigne,
for a generall helpe Upon the Tonneage, towardes the
reliefe of this decaied Harborow.
By which meanes, and by the industrious attend-
dance of sundrie gentlemen of the Countrie and others
(put in trust to further the worke) a Pent and Sluyce
hath been made, which both open the mouth, and
scowre the bottome of the haven, delivering it from
that Beache (or bowlder stone) that before choked it,
and is now (as it is said of a Scorpion) converted to
the medicine of that maladie which it had brought
upon the place, in such sort, as where before was not
foure footc of water, a ship of some hundreds may now
safely go in and out.
If the like cure were done upon the fallen wals of
the Towne towards the Sea, where sometime stood
Cougate, Crosgate, and the Boutchcric gate, ad-
vaunced with Towers, the piere were much more both
comfortable to the inhabitants, and defensible against
the enemic. In the meane, let us betake us to the
Castle.
Dover The castle of Dover (say Lydgate and Rosse) was
Castle. firgt balded kv iuiius Caesar the Romane Emperour,
in memorie of whome, they of the Castell keepc till
this day, certeine vessels of old wine and salts, which
Ihry affirmo fo bo the rrmainr of such provision ;»s ho
DOVKR. 1:33
brought into it. As touching the which (if they be
natural!, and not sophisticate) I suppose them more
likelye to have beene of that store, whieh Hubert dc
Burgh laid in there, of whom I shall have cause to say
more heereafter : But as concerning the building,
bicause I finde not in Caesars owne Commentaries,
mention of any fortification that hee made within the
Real me, I thinke that the more credible report of
the twaine, which ascribeth the foundation to Arvira-
•jiis (a King of the Britons) of whom luvenal the Poet
hath mention, saying to the Emperor Nero in this wise,
Regent aliquem copies, aut de lemone Brit anno
Excidet Arviragus, &c.
Some King thou shalt a captive take,
or els from Bryttish wayne
Shall Arviragus tumble downe,
and of whom others write, that he founde such favour
in the eye of Claudius the Emperour, that he obtained
his daughter to wife. But whosoever were the authour
of this Castell, Mathew Parise writeth, that it was
accounted in his time (which was under the reigne of
King Henrie the Third) Clavis, fy Repagulum totius
Regni, the verie locke and keye of the whole Realme
of England.
And truly it seemeth to me, by that which I have
read of King William the Conquerour, tbat he also
thought no lesse of it. For at such time as Harold,
being in Normandie with him (whether of purpose, or
against his will, I leave as I finde it, at large) made a
corporall othe to put him in possession of the Crowne
after the death of King Edward. It was one parcell
of his othe, that he should deliver unto him this
Castell, and the Well within it. The same King had
i»« DOVER.
no sooner overthrown Harolde in the field, and
reduced the Londoners to obedience, but foorthwith
he marched with his armie toward Dover, as to a place
of greatest importance, and sped in that iourney, as
is already partly declared.
1067. Not long after which time also, when he had (in
his owne opinion) peaceably established the govern-
ment of this Realme, and was departed over into
Normandie of purpose to commit the order of that
countrie to Robert his sonne, divers of the shyre of
Kent, knowing right well howe much it might annoy
him to lose Dover, conspired with Eustace the Earle
Bolloine, for the recoverie and surprise of the same.
And for the better atchieving of their desire, it was
agreed, that the Earle should cross the seas in a night
by them appointed, at which time they would not faile
with all their force to meet him, and so (ioining hands)
suddenly assaile and enter it. They met accordingly,
and marched by darke night toward the Castell, well
furnished with scaling ladders, but by reason that the
watch had discried them, they not onely failed of that
which they intended, but also fell into that which they
never feared : for the Souldiours within the Castell, to
whom Odo the Bishop of Baieux, and Hughe Mount-
fort (which then were with the King in Normandie)
had committed the charge thereof, kept themselves
close, and suffered the assaylants to approch the wall,
and then, whiles they disorderly attempted to scale it,
they set wide open their gates, and made a sudden
salie out of the peece, and set upon them with such
force and furie, that they compelled Eustace with a
fewe others to returne to his Ship, the rest of his corn-
panic being cither slaine by the swoord, or destroied
by fall from the Cliftc, or devoured by the Sea.
DOVER. 137
The same King also, being woorthily offended with
the disobedience, avarice, and ambition of Odo (his odo, the
bastard brother, whom he had promoted to the Bishop- Kent,
ricke of Baieux, and to the Earldome of Kent), for
that he had not onely by ravine and extortion, raked
togither great masses of gold and treasure, which he
caused to be grounde into fine powder, and (filling
therewith divers pots and crocks) had sunke them in
the bottoms of Rivers, intending therewithall to have
purchased the Papacie of Rome : But also bicause
he refused to render unto him the Countie of Kent,
and was suspected for aspiring to the Crowne of this
Realme : consulted with Lanfranc (the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and a professed enemy to Odo) how hee
might safely, and without offence to the Ecclesiastical!
estate (for that he was a Bishop) both conteine that
treasure within the Realme, and also deteine his per-
son from going into Italic, whether warde he both
addressed himselfe with all speede, and gathered for
his traine great troupes of valiaunt and serviceable
men out of every quarter.
Lanfranc counselled the King to commit him to safe
custodie, and for his defence armed him with this
pretie shift: If it be laide to your charge (quoth he)
that you have laide violent handes upon a sacred
Bishop, Say, that you imprisoned, not the Bishop of
Baieux, but the Earle of Kent. The King liked well
the conceit, and causing Odo to be apprehended, cast
him into a prison, whence he was not delivered during
all the time of his reigne. That done, he made dili-
gent inquisition for the hourdes of golde, and by feare
of torture, caused the Bishops servants to bewray the
whole treasure.
13H DOVER.
Fynes, the Then also tookc he ncvvc order lor the government
first Con-
stable of of this Shyrc : and bicause he was perswaded, thai
nothing within tlie same was of more importance thim
Dover Caslell, he seized it into hishandes, foorthwith
gard. fortified it, and chose out a noble man called lohn
Fynes (of whose prowesse and fidelitie he had made
good tryall), and committing unto him not onely the
custodie thereof, but the government of the rest of the
Portes also by gift of inheritaunce, he named him
Constable of Dover, and made him Wardein of the
Cinque Fortes.
And to the ende that he should be of sufficient
iibilitic to beare the charge of the defence thereof, lie
gave him to the number of sixe and iiftie Knights fees
of land and possession, willing him, to communicate
some parts of that gift to such other valiant and trust ie
persons, as he shoulde best like, for the more sure
conservation of that his most noble, and precious
peece.
He accordingly called unto him eight other woorthie
Knights, and imparting liberally unto them of that
which he had freely received of the King, bounde them
by tenure of their lande received, to maintainc one
hundreth and twelve souldiours amongst them : which
number he so divided by moneths of the yeere, that
five and twentie were continually to watche and warde
\vithin the Castell for their several stintes of time, and
all the rest ready at commaundement upon whatsoever
necessitie.
The names of these eight were, William of Albrancc,
Fulbert of Dover, William Arsickc, Galfride Peverell,
William Maynemouthc, Robert Port he, Hugh Crcue-
quer (called in the Latinc Records, Dv crept to
DOVKLJ 13J»
that is Crackt hurt), and Adam Fitz Williams, Each
of all which, had their sevcrall charges, in sundry
towres, turrets, and bulworks of the Castell, and were
contented of their owne dispence, to mainteine and
repaire the same : in token whereof, divers of them
beare the names and titles of these new chosen Cap-
tames, even till this our present time.
And thus Dover, being dispatched of abusie Bishop,
fenced by the Kings appointment, furnished, fraught,
and planted with a most faithfull Constable, vigilant
Captaines, and diligent warders, gained and reteined
the opinion of a most important, commodious, and
necessarie peece, not onely with the native Princes
and Nobility of our owne Realme, but also with such
foreine Potentates, as had warre and contention with
us : in so much as in sundry troubles ensuing, at sun-
dry times afterward within this realme, it did plainly
appeere, that this Castell was the chiefe marke,
whereat each man directed his shot.
For, King Stephan. in the contention that arose Estima-
tion of Do-
betweene him and Maude the Empresse about the title vcrCastd
of the Crowne, thought that no one tiling stood him
more in hande, than to get the possession of Dover
Castell: and therefore he never ceassed to sollicite
Walkelm (that then had the custodie thereof) till he 1187.
had obteined it.
Lewes also (whom I may call the French Dolphine, 1217.
bicause the sonne and heire of the Crowne of Fraunce,
is now so named) which by the instigation of the
Pope, and invitation of the Nobilitie, invaded King
lohn (upon such cause as shall heereafter appeere)
having gained, partly by tcrrour, and partly by sur
render of the Barons that were of his faction, almost
140 DOVER.
all the Castcls and Holdes lying on the South part of
the Realme, could not yet thinke himselfe assured,
unlesse he had Dover also. For his Father Philip,
hearing that he had the possession of sundry other
strong places, and that hee wanted Dover, Sware by
Sainct lames arme (which was his accustomed othe)
that he had not gained one foote in Englande. And
therefore, hee made thither with all his power, and
Hubert of besieged it streightly : but that noble Captaine, Hubert
nobkfcap* °f Borrough (of whom I lately spake), which was in
taine. his timej Constable of the Castell, Wardein of the
Fortes, Earle of Kent, and chiefe lustice of all Eng-
land, defended it with such couragious constancie,
that it was both a comfort to the English subiect, and
woonder to the French enemie to behold it : in so much,
as I cannot woorthily impute the deliverie of this
Realme, from theperillof forreigne servitude (wherein
it then stoode) to any one thing so much, as to the
magnanimitie of this one man. Of whom also (by the
way) I thinke good to tell you this, that in his time of
1253 Constableship at Dover, and by his meanes, the service
of Castlegarde there, which had continued (as I shewed
before) from the time of William the Conquerour, was
with the assent of King Henrie the third converted
into a paiment of money, the lande beeing charged
with tenne shillings (called Castlewards) for every
Warder, that it was bound to finde, and the owners
thereby discharged of their personall service and
attendance for ever : At which time also, he caused
the same King to release by his free Chartre, the cus-
tome of Forrage due to this Castel, and that done,
himselfe instituted newc lawes amongst the watchmen,
and increased the number of the Warders. Thus stoode
DOVER. 141
it with Dover Castell, untill that King Henrie the
Eight by Parleament (in the thirtie two yeere of his
reigne) altered both the place and penaltie, of these
Castle wardes (or rents for Castleguard) ordeining that
whereas before time they were paiable at the Castle,
upon the paine to double them one upon an other infi-
nitely for every default, from thence foorth they shall
be paied in the Escheaquer at Westminster, upon for-
faiture of the double rent once onely, without any fur-
ther forfaitures, or Sursises, as they were woont to be
called. And he moreover bestowed the yeerely fee of
£160. upon the Constable of the Castle and Wardeine
of the five Fortes, and mainteined a great number of
Souldiours within the Castle and other his newly
advaunced fortresses. But now, to my purpose againe.
Simon, the Earle of Leycester and leader of the
Barons warre against King Henrie the Third, even at
the first wrested the Castle of Dover out of the King's
possession, and keeping the same during al his life,
used to sende thither (as unto a place of most assur-
aunce) all such as hee had taken prisoners.
After his overthrowe, Edward (then Prince, and
afterwarde the first King of that name) assayled it with
all speede, and (by the aide of the prisoners within,
which had taken the great towre to his use) obteined
it: There left he prisoned, Guy the sonne of this
Simon, but hee escaped soon after by corruption
his keepers.
To make an ende, the Nobilitie of that time were
fully persuaded, that both the safetie and daunger of
the whole Realme consisted in this one Castell : And
therefore (saith Mathew Parise) that at such time as
King Henrie the Third called over from beyonde the
142 DOV.KK.
Sens iiis owne brother Richard (then King of the
Romanes) the Noble men (who had him in some
icalousie) would not agree, that hee, or any of his,
>ulde once enter within this Castcll.
Not without good cause therefore, hath Dover by
great preeminence beene reported the chiefe of the
Five Portes, assigned by lawes of Parleament as a
speciall place for passage and eschaunge, and by
auncient tenure acknowledged for Ladie and Maistresse
of many Manors : To it alwaies some man of great
appearauncc is appointed as Captaine and governour:
To, in or for it sundrie Gentlemen of the Shire paie
yet their money for the auncient duty of their attend-
aunce and service : And to it finally, the countrey men
in all times of trouble have an especiall eie and
regarde.
Repara- As concerning the maintenaunce of this Castel in
vcrCastell fortification and building, I finde not much more in
storie than I have alreadie opened, which happened
the rather (as I thinke) for that manie private persons
within the Shyre of Kent were of long time, not onely
bounde by their tenures of Castlegarde to bee ready
in person for the defence, but also stoode charged in
purse with the reparation of the same. Onely I reade
in lohn Rosse, that King Edwarde the Fourth, to his
great expence (which others recken to have beene ten
thousande poundes), amended it throughout. The
last recited statute telleth us, that King Henrie the
Eight was at great charge with it : and it is yet fresh in
the memorie of us all, that our gracious Queene Eliza-
beth, hath beene at great charge in repairing the de-
fects hereof. These be the memorable matters, that I
had to recount touching thisTowne and Castle. . There
DOVER, 14»
standef.li yet, upon the high cliffe, betweene the Towne
and the Peere (as it were) not farre from that place
which was the house of Templers, some remaine of a
Tower, now called Bredenstone, which had beene,
both a Pharos for comfort of Saylors, and also a
mpo<f>v\an) (or watch house), for defence of the inhabi-
tants. And now, leaving these, let ns passe on to
the late Religious buildings.
Lucius, the first christened King of the Britons, fn^^
builded a Church within Dover Castell to the name
and service of Christ, endowing it with the tolle or
custome of the haven there : And Edbaldus ( the son
of Ethelbert, the first christened King of the Saxons)
erected a College within the walles of the same, which
Wyghtred (a successour of his) remooved into the
towne, stored with two and twenty chanons, and dedi-
cated it to the name of S. Martine. This house was
afterwards suppressed, and a newe builded by King
Henrie the Seconde (or rather by William Corbeil, the
Archbishop in his time) stuffed by Theobalde his suc-
cessour with Benedicte Monkes, and called the Pryorie 725.
of S. Martines, though commonly afterward, it ob-
tained the name of the new worke at Dover. Betweene jjJJJJJJJJ
this house and Christes Church in Canterbury (to the the Rcii-
vvhich King Henrie the Second had given it) there sons for
arose (as it chauncecl usually amongst houses of Reli- triflc"-
gion) much contention, for certaine superiorities of 1234.
iurisdiction, and for voice and suffrage in the election
of the Archbishop. For on the one side, the Pryor
and Convent of Dover claimed to have interest in the
choice of the Archbishop, which the Pryor of Christes
Church would not agree unto : And on the other side,
the Pryor of Christes Church pretended to have such
144 DOVER.
a soverainty over S. Martines, that he would not only
visite the house, but also admit Monkes and Novices,
at his pleasure, which the other could not beare : So
that they fell to suing, provoking, and brawling (the
ordinarie and onely meanes, by which Monkes used to
trie their controversies) and ceassed not appealing and
pleading at Rome, till they had both wearied them-
selves, and wasted their money. Howbeit, as it com-
monly falleth out, that where respect of money and
rewarde guideth the iudgment and sentence, there the
mightie prevaile, and the poore go to wracke : So the
Monkes of Canterbury having to give more, and the
Pope and his ministers being ready to take all, poore
Dover was oppressed, arid their Pryor in the ende
constrained to submission.
And heere, bicause I am falne into mention of con-
troversie betweene ecclesiasticall persons, of which
sort our histories have plentie, the matter requireth,
that I touch in fewe wordes, the evill intreaty that
William Longchampe (the iolly Bishop of Elye, and
Chaunceller of all England) used toward Godfrey,
the Kings brother and Bishop of Yorke elect, within
this Pryorie.
Long- King Richard the First, being persuaded by the
theTifstic Pope and his clergie to make an expedition for the
Bishop of recoverje Of the holy lande, partly for the perform-
1191. aunce of that which the King his father had purposed
to do in person, and partly for satisfaction of his owne
vowe (which hee made when hee tooke the crosse, as
they called it, upon him) set to Portsale his kingly
rights, iurisdictions, and prerogatives, his crowne-
landes, fermes, customes, and offices, and whatsoever
he had beside, to raise money withall : and so, com-
DOVER. 145
mitting the whole government of his Realme to
liam the Bishop of Ely his Chancellour, hee committed
himselfe and his company to the winde and Seas.
This Prelate, having now by the Kings commission
the power of a Viceroy, and besides by the Popes
gift the authoritie of a Legate and Vicar, and conse-
quently the exercise of both the swordes, so ruled and
reigned over the Clergie and Laitie in the Kings
absence, that the one sort founde him more than a
Pope, the other felt him more than a King, and they
both endured him an intolerable tyrant. For hee not
onely overruled the Nobility, and outfaced the Clergie,
spoiling both the one and the other of their livings and
promotions, for maintenaunce of his owne ryot,
pompe, and excesse : But also oppressed the com-
mon people, devouring and consuming wheresoever
hee became, the victuall of the countrey, with the
troupes and traines of men and horses (being in num-
ber a thousand or fifteene hundreth) that continually
followed him. Amongst other his practises, having
gotten into his hands the revenues of the Archbishop-
ricke of Yorke (whereof Godfrey, the Kings brother
was then elected Bishop, and busie at Rome for to
obtaine his consecration) and fearing that by his re-
turne hee might bee defrauded of so sweete a morsell,
hee first laboured earnestly to hinder him in his suite at
Rome, and when hee sawe no successe of that attempt,
hee determined to make him sure whensoever hee
should returnehome. And for that purpose, he tooke
order with one Clere (then Sheriffe of Kent, and Con-
stable of the Castell of Dover, to whom hee had given
his sister in marriage) that he shoulde have a vigilant
eie to his arrivall, and that so soone as the Archbishop
L
14(J DOVER.
did set foote on landc, hce shoulde strip him of all his
ornaments, and commit him to safe custodie within
the castell. Which thing was done accordingly : for
the Archbishop was no sooner arrived, and entered
the Church to offer to Saint Martine sacrifice for his
safe passage (as the Gentiles that escaped shipwracke
were wont to do unto Neptune), but Clore and his
companie came in upon him, and dooing the Chan-
cellours coramandement, violently haled him and his
Chaplaines to the prison.
Heereat lohn (then the Kings brother, but after-
ward King) taking iust offence, and adioyning to him
for revenge the uttermost aide of the Bishops and
Barons, his friendcs and alics, raised a great power,
and in short time so straightened the Chancellour, thai
hee not onely agreed to release Godfrey, but was faine
himselfe also (abandoning his late pompe and glorie)
to get him to Dover, and to lie with his brother Clerc,
as a poore, private, and despoiled person.
Howbeit, not thus able to endure long the note of
infamie and confusion wherinto he was falne, he
determined within himselfe to make an escape, and
by shift of the place, to shroud his shame in some
corner beyond the Seas : And therefore, shaving his
face, and attyring himselfe like a woman, hee tooke a
peece of linnen under his arme, and a yard in his hand,
minding (by that disguising) to have taken vessell
amongst other passingers unknowen, and so to have
gotten over : But he was not at the first in all his
authoritie more unlike a good man, than hee was now
in this poore apparel unlike an honest woman : and
therefore being at the very first discovered, he was by
rude fellowes openly uncased, well boxed
DOVER. 147
about the eares, and sent to the next lustice, who
conveyed him to lohn his greatest enimie. And thus
was all the gay glorie of this gallant brought to shame,
his Pecocks feathers pulled, his blacke feete bewraied,
his fraude unfolded, his might abated, and himselfe
in the end suffered to saile over with sorrowe and
ignominie.
Besides this Priorie of S. Martines (which was Religious
valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by Dover.' "
yeere) there was lately in Dover also an Hospitall of
vSaint Maries, founded by Hubert of Burghe Earle of
Kent, and rated at fifty nine pounds : Another house
of the same sorte, called Domus Dei (or Maison Dieu),
reputed worth one hundred and twentie pounds : And
long since an house of Templers (as they called it) the
which (togither with all other of the same kinde
throughout the Ilealme) was suppressed in the reigne
of King Edwarde the Second.
The foundation of the first, which hospitall I have
not hitherto found out, and therefore cannot deliver
thereof any certaintie at all : as touching the Temple, The order
1 may safely affirme, that it was erected after the time ^fe^ie]er
of the Conquest, for as much as I am sure, that the when it
order it selfe was invented after that Godfrey of Bolein
had wonne lerusalem, which was after the comming 1096.
in of the Conquerour. To these also may be added
for neighbourhoode sake (if you will) the Monasterie
of white Chanons of S. Radegundes on the hill, little
more than two miles off, valued at fourescore and
eighteene poundes by yeere, and founded by one
Hugh first Abbat there.
And now having perused the Towne, Castle, and
religious buildings, I would make an end of Dover,
L 2
144; DOVER.
save that Mathewe Parise pulteth mec in minde of one
thing (not unwoorthie rehearsall) that was done in this
Temple: I meane, the sealing of that submission,
which King John sometime made to Pandulphe (the
Popes Legate) wherein he yeelded his Realme tribu-
tarie, and himselfe an obedienciarie and vassall to the
Bishop of Rome. And bicause this was almost the
last acte of the whole Tragedie, and can not well be
understood without some recourse to the former parts
and beginning : and for that some men (of late time)
have taken great holde of this matter to advaunce the
Popes authoritie withall, I will shortly (after my
maner) recount the thing as it was done, and leave the
iudgement to the indifferencie of the Reader.
After the death of Hubert (the Archbishop of Can-
1205. terbury) the Monks of Christs Church, agreed among
The Pope themselves to choose for their Bishop, one Reginald
lohn, faf the Subprior of their house. King lohn (having no
stepfhan notice of this election, wherein no doubt he received
Langton. great wrong, since they ought to have ot him their
Conge deslier) recommended unto them lohn Gray,
the Bishop of Norwich, a man that for his wisdome
and learning he favoured much. Some part of the
Monks, taking sudden offence at Reginalde (for that
he had disclosed a secrete of their house) and being
glad to satisfie the Kings desire, elected this Gray for
their Bishop also, the rest of them maintaining still
that former choise. Heereof grew a great sute at
Rome, between the more part of the Monks on the
one side, and the Suffragans of Canterbury and the
lesse number of the Monks on the other side.
The Pope (upon the hearing of the cause) at the
first ratified the election of lohn Gray : howbeit after-
DOVER. 149
ward he refuscth both the elects, and preferreth
Stephan Langton, whom the Monkes (bicause the
matter was not before litigious enough) elected also.
Now King lohn, hearing, that not onely the election
of Gray (contrarie to the Popes owne former deter-
mination) was made frustrate, but that there was also
thrust into his place a man familiarly entertained by
the French King (his great enimie) disliked much of
the choice, and forbad Stephan the elect to enter the
Realme: the Pope againe, who (as Mathew Parise
writeth) sought chiefly in this his choice, Virum
strenuum, a stoute man, that is (in plaine speech) one
that could exact of the Clergie, keepe in awe the
Laitie, and encounter the King and Nobilitie, seeing
his champion thus rejected, beginneth to startle and
stampe for anger.
First, therefore, he mooveth the King by minacing
letters to admit Stephan, and (not so prevailing) he then
enterdicteth him and his whole Realme : And finally,
both provoketh all Potentates to make open warre
upon him, and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce,
full and free remission of all his sinnes, and the king-
dome of England itselfe, to invade him.
This done, he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops,
Nobi litie, and Commons of the Realme, loosing them
(by the plentitude of his Apostolike power) from al
duty of allegiance toward their Prince. By this
meanes divine service ceased, the King of Fraunce
armed, the Bishops conspired, the Nobilitie made
defection, and the common people wavered, uncertaine
to what part to incline : To bee short, King lohn was
so pressed with suspition and feare of domesticall and
foreine enimies on all sides, that (notwithstanding he
150 DOVER.
was of great and noble courage, and seemed to
have forces sufficient for resistance also, if he might
have trusted his souldiers) yet he was in the ende
compelled to set his scale to a Chartre of submis-
sion, whereby hee acknowledged himself to holde
the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre, and
promised to pay yeerely for the same and for Ire-
land, 1000. Marks, to the holy father and his succes-
sours for ever.
The golden This Chartre, bicause it was afterward with great
Bull.
insultation and triumph closed in gold, was then com-
monly called, Aurea Bulla, the Bui of golde.
Thus, omitting the residue of this storie, no lesse
tragicall and troublesome than that which I have
already recited, I report me to all indifferent men,
what cause Paulus lovius, or any other Popish para-
site hath (by colour of this Bull) to claime for the
Pope, superioritie and dominion over the King of
this Realme, since lohn, without the assent of the
estates (I mean his Nobilitie and Commons), could
not (in such a gift) either binde his successours, or
charge the kingdome.
And for plaine declaration that his submission pro-
ceeded not with their consent, I reade in a treatise of
one Simon de Boraston (a Frier Preacher, in the time
of King Edward the Third), the which he wrote con-
1245. cerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland, that
in the reigne of Henrie the Thirde (which next of all
succeeded King lohn) there were sent from the King,
the Nobilitie, and the Commons of England, these
Noble men : Hughe Bigod, lohn Fitz Geffray, William
Cantlowe, Phillip Basset, and a Lawyer named Wil-
liam Powicke, to the general Counrell then assembled
DOVER.
at Lions in Fraunce, of purpose, and with commis-
sion, to require that the saide Bull sealed by King
John might be cancelled, for as much as it passed not
by the assent of the Counsell of the Realme : and the
same Authour writeth, that the Pope for that time did
put them off, by colour of more waightie affaires
which the Counsell had then in hand. But Mathew
Parise saieth, that it was then reported, that the Bull
was by good fortune burned there, in a fire that ca-
sual] vj tooke and consumed the Popes owne chamber.
Howsoever it were, I know, that it may well be
thought needlesse, to labour further in confuting a
Title so weightlesse : for it is true that Aristotle saith,
Stultum est, absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere.
It is but a follie, to labour over curiouslie, in refelling
of absurdities : And therefore I will here conclude the
treatise of Dover, and proceed particularlie to the
rest of the places that lie on this shoare.
FOLKSTONE, in Saxon folcej-tane, Id est, Populi
Lapis, or else, jiloj-fcane, which signifieth a rocke,
coast, or flaw of stone, which beginneth heere : for
otherwise, the Cliffe from Dover till you come
almost hither, is of Chalke.
AMONGST the places lying on this shoare, woor-
thie of note next after Dover, followeth Folkestone, (549
where Eadbalde, the sonne of Ethelbert, and in order s.Eans-
of succession the sixt King of Kent, long since
erected a religious Pryorie of women, at the request
152 FOLKSTONE.
of Eanswidc, his daughter, and to the honour of S.
Peter the Apostle, not in the verie place where S.
Peters Church at Folkstone sometime stoode, but
South from thence where the Sea many yeeres agoe
hath (in maner) swallowed it. And yet, least you
should thinke S. Peters Parishe church to have beene
void of all reverence, 1 must let you know out of
Nova Legenda Anglice, that least the Sea should have
devoured al, the reliques of S. Eanswide the first
Prioresse of the Place were translated thither. The
Author of that worke, reporteth many wonders of
this woman : as that she lengthened the beame of a
building three foote, when the Carpenters (missing in
their measure) had made it so much too shorte : That
she haled and drewe water over the nils and rockes
against nature from Swecton, a mile off, to her Ora-
torie at the Sea side : That she forbad certaine raven-
ous birdes the countrey, which before did much
harme thereabouts : That she restored the blinde, cast
out the Divell, and healed innumerable folkes of their
infirmities. And therefore after her death, she was
by the policy of the Popish priestes, and follic of the
common people, honoured for a Saint.
A Popish And no marvaile at all, for it was usuall in Papistry,
not onely to magnifie their Benefactors of all sortes,
but to deifie also so many of them at the least as were
of noble parentage, knowing that thereby triple com-
moditie ensued : the first, for as much as by that meane
they assured many great personages unto them:
secondly, they drewe (by the awe of their example)
infinite numbers of the common people after them :
And lastly, they adventured the more boldly (under
those honourable, and glorious names and titles) to
FOLKSTONE 153
publish their peevish and pelting myracles. And this
surely was the cause that Sexburge in Shepie, Mildred s. Sex-
in Tanet, Etheldred in Elye, Edith at Wilton, and
sundrie other simple women of Royall bloud in echc
quarter, were canonized Saints. For generally the
Religious of those times were as thankfull to their
benefactors, as ever were the heathen nations to their
first Kings and founders : the one sort Sanctifying
such, as did either build them houses, or devise them
orders: And the other Deifying such, as had made
them Cities, or prescribed them Lawes aud govern-
ment.
For this was it, that made Saturne, Hercules,
Romulus, and others moe, to have place (in common
opinion) with the Gods above the starres: and this
caused Dunstane, Edgar, Ethelwold, and others, first
to be Shrined heere in earth, and then to sit amongst
the Saints in heaven. But let me nowe leave their
policie, and returne to the Hystorie.
The yeerely value of the late suppressed Priorie at
Folkstone, is alreadie set downe in the Particular of
this Shyrc, and besides this I have not hitherto founde
any thing concerning it. Maister Camden gathereth
out of Gyldas, that at Folkstone should aunciently
stande one of those Turrets which the Romanes
planted by certaine distances upon the South shoare of
our lande against the landing of the Saxons.
Folkstone, in the time of King Edward (next be-
fore the Norman conquest) conteined 120. Sulleries,
Hydes, Carowes, or ploughlands: for by all these
names is the quantity of a Ploughland tearmed m the
booke of Domesday : there were in it five parish
churches : it was rated at the yeerely value of 1 10,
154 IOJ.KSTONJE.
1052. poundes, and then belonged to the Earle Godwyne,
who, and his sons sore spoiled it, what time they
harried that whole coast for revenue of their banish-
ment, as wee have often before remembred : and the
greater part thereof was eftsoones burnt and spoiled,
by the Scots and Frenche, ioyning handes against us,
soone after the departure of King Edward the Third.
But the continuall warre, which the Sea maintaineth
against it, hath done more detriment than all the rest.
For that violently washeth, and by peece meale
wasteth it so, that not onely the Nunnerie which stood
28. pearches from the high water marke is now almost
swallowed up, but the Castle, which Eadbalde (or, as
some thinke, William Albranc, or Auorenche, to
whome Folkstone was given) did builde, and foure of
those five parish churches, be departed out of sight
also. Onely some broken walles, in which are seen
great brickes (the markes of Bryttish building) do
remaine, and the names of the parishes of our Ladie
and Saint Paule, are not cleane forgotten.
lohn Twyne commendeth (above all others) the
Oistres that come from Folkstone, as well for the
taste, as for the greatnes, contending that the same
were they, that for Dainties were aunciently trans-
ported to Rome : and that the coast there, all along
was knowen to the Romano Poetes, Ausonius, luve-
nal, and Lucane, by the name of Rhutupiae, Rhutu-
pinus ager, or Rhutupinum Littus, to which endc
also Master Camden doth cite them.
SANDGATE CASTLE.
KlNG Henry the Eight (whose care, and coste, for
the defensing of this Realme against forreine invasion,
is rightly comparable with any thing that either Ead-
gar, or Alfred (Kings before the Conquest), bestowed,
and meerely incomparable with all that ever any other
his predecessours have attempted) did at the same
time, and for the same respect, that wee have opened
in Dele before, defraie £5000. and above, upon this
platfourme, which lieth within the parish of Folk-
stone toward Hythe, and hee called it (of the sandie
place where it is pitched) Sandgate castle.
CASTLE HYLL.
UPON this steepe downe, or hill (which is also in the
parish of Folkstone, somwhat neerer to Hythe than
Sandgate is) there are yet extant to the eie, the rained
walles of an auncient fortification: which for the
height thereof might serve for a watch towre to espie
the enimie, and for the compasse it might bee a suffi-
cient receptacle for the inhabitants of this castle. This
(as I coniecture) began to be neglected, after that
meeter places for that purpose were builded at Salt-
wood and Folkstone, on eche side of it. The coun-
trie people call it, Castle-hill, and many of them have
heard the foundation thereof ascribed to King Ethel
bert, the first godly King of this Shyre.
lofi )
SAINT NICHOLAS CIIAPPKLL.
(the good bishop) having obteined
auctoritie from the Christian Emperour Theodosius to
deface the Idols of Alexandria, thought it expedient
neverthelesse (as Socrates in his ecclesiasticall historic
reporteth) to reserve undefaced that part of eche Idol
which was most gross and filthie, to the end that it
might for ever remaine a witnesse to convince those
Pagan Idolaters withall; who otherwise would (as he
feared) in time to come have for shame denied that
ever there was any such thing amongst them. If this
his good and provident policie had beene put in use
by some Theophilus, or such as received the like com-
mission from King Henrie the Eight, our English
Theodosius, then, either should our paganish (or
popish) Idolaters have now wanted the faces to denie
the veritie of such things which some of them now
alreadie begin to do : Or else we shoulde not have
wanted wherewith to make them blush, and to stop
their mouthes, were they never so brassie and impu-
dent. And albeit that this thing might have beene
more easely perfourmed, whilest each man was
guiltie of the fault, and had fresh memorie thereof:
yet neverthelesse, if we had but one, or two, such
good friends to God in this behalfe, as Theophilus
was, amongst us, it might now yet with no lesse fide-
litie and credit be conveicd to posteritie : seeing that
even hitherto there remaine many (and the same most
credible) eie witnesses of all that maner of doing. I
(in the meane season) having undertaken the Choro-
SAINT NICHOLAS CHAPPELL. 157
graphy of this shyre, could not (as me thought) with
good conscience, silently slip over such impieties,
being no lesse iniurious to God, than daungerous to
men, but have therefore (and for a witnesse against
the mainteiners thereof) committed to writing some
such of them as I have learned, either by the faithfull
report of honest persons that have seen and known
the same, or els out of such written monuments as be
yet extant and ready to be shewed. For, neither do
1 professe to open the whole packe of the Idolatries
that were within this countrie, nor yet to discover the
most filthy of all the rest, the one requiring more
labour than I can affoorde, and the other more iudg-
ment than I have : but I deliver such onely, as lying-
in my way do offer themselves, and such, as (doing as
it were another thing) I have not unhappily lighted
upon.
This old house therefore, standing (as you see) very
neare to the towne of Hythe, but being indeed within
the parish of Newington, although it may now seeme
but a base Barn in your eie, yet was it sometime an
Imperiall seate of great estate and maiestie. For it
was Saint Nicholas chappell, and he in Papisme held
the same Empire that Neptune had in Paganisme, and
could (with his onely becke) both appease the rage
and wallowing waves of the Sea, and also preserve
from wrecke and drowning so many as called upon his
name. And therefore, this is one of the places (as
the Poet said)
Servati ex undis ubi figere dona solebant,
Where such as had escapte the Sea,
Were woont to leave their guifts :
Insomuch as if any of the fishermen upon this coast,
SAINT NICHOLAS CHAPPELL.
had hardly escaped the stormc, and taken any store,
then should Sainct Nicholas have, not onely the
thankc of that deliverance, but also one, or mo, of
the best fishes for tin offering.
And bicause our Portes men traded the Sea and
lived by quicke returne, they were not unprovided of
an Eolus also that might direct the winde for their
desire. For, within memorie, there were standing in
Winchelsey, three parish churches, S. Lennard, S.
Giles, and S. Thomas (though now S. Thomas alone
serveth the Towne) and in that of S. Lennard there
was erected the picture of S. Lennard the patrone of
the place, holding a Fane (or Eolus scepter) in his
hand, which was moovable at the pleasure of any that
would turne it to such point of the Compasse as best
fitted the return of the husband, or other friend, whom
they expected : and so, after that done, and offering
made (for without offering these Idoles would be idle)
they promised to themselves the desired winde, both
speedie, and prosperous. I doubt not, but our Portes
men had made these Sainctes free of the Cinque Portes,
even as the Thurians (a people of Italic) sometime
did, who, when as Dionysius had armed thirtie ships
to the Sea against them, and that suddenly a North
winde arose and knocked them togither one against
another till they fell in peeces, they (by and by) offered
Sacrifice to the North winde, and made it free of their
Citie. A thing truly, more to be sorrowed than scorned,
that men, disabling Gods power, or doubting his good
will, or discrediting his promise, should thus either
leave him wholy, or cleave to these Idoles and make
them partly coadiutors with him. But I thinke that you
bee desirous to heare of Hythe it selfe, which you have
already in eie, and therefore let us make unto it.
( 159 )
JFv 13 E, is written in Saxon, Py|?e, that is, the Haven :
and called of Leland, in Latine, Portus Hithinus,
in some Recordes, Hethe.
THE name of this place, importing (as it should
secme) by the generaltie thereof, some note of woorthi-
nesse, and the long continued privileges thereunto
belonging (it selfe being long since one of the five
principall Fortes) at the first led me (and happily may
heereafter moove others also) to thinke, that it had
beene of more estimation in time past, than by any
other thing nowe apparent may well be coniectured.
Howbeit, after that I had somewhat diligently searched
the Saxon antiquities, from whence (if from any at all)
(he beginning of the same is to be derived, and had
perused the booke of Domesday, wherein almost no-
thing (especially that might bee profitable) was pre-
termitted, and yet found little, or (in maner) nothing,
concerning this Towne committed to memorie: I
became of this minde, that either the place was at the
first of little price, and for the increase thereof indowed
with Privileges, or (if it had beene at any time estim-
able) that it continued not long in that plight.
And truly, whosoever shall consider, either the The cause
universall vicissitude of the Sea in all places, or the cay of 6
particular alteration, and chaunge, that in times passed, Kent"8'' '"
and now presently it worketh on the coastes of this
Realme, he will easilie assent, that Townes bordering
upon the Sea, and upholden by the commoditie
thereof, may in short time decline to great decay, and
become (in maner) worth nothing at all.
J<>o HYDE.
For, as the water either floweth, or forsaketh them,
so must they of necessitie, either flourish, or fall ;
flowing (as it were) and ebbing with the Sea itselfe.
The necessitie of which thing, is every where so inevit-
able, that al the Popish ceremonies of espousing the
Sea (which the Venetians yeerely use on Saint Marks
day, by casting a Golden ring into the water) cannot
let, but that the Sea continually by little and little
withdraweth it selfe from their Citie, and threatneth in
time, utterly to forsake them.
Now therefore, as I cannot fully shew what Hide
hath been in times passed, and must referre to each
mans owne eie to behold what it presently is : So yet
wil I not pretermit to declare out of other men such
notes as I finde concerning the same.
The towne of Hythe (saitli Leland) although it be
now but one parish, and the same a chappell to Salt-
wood, did once extend it selfe two miles along the
shore, and had the parishes of our Lady, Saint Ni-
cholas, S. Michaell, and of our Lady at Westhythe,
which be now destroied. And hee supposeth, that
this Hythe began to increase, after such time as West-
hythe and Lymne decaied, by the departure of the
Sea from them. And heereof also it came to passe
(as I have heard) that whereas Westhythe was long
since cleane without the lurisdiction of Saltwood,
bicause it stood without that honour, this Hythe
was subiect unto it, as lying within the precinct
thereof, untill that our Sovereigne Ladie Elizabeth
endowed them with a corporation of Maior and
lurates.
From this Towne (saith Henrie Huntingdon) Earle
Godwine, and his sonnes in the time of their exile,
HYDE. if; I
fetched away divers vessels lying at roade, even as
they did at Rumney also, whereof we shall have place
to speake more heereafter. Before this Towne (in
the reigne of King Edwarde the First) a great fleete of
French men shewed themselves upon the Sea, of
which, one (being furnished with two hundreth Soul-
diours) set her men on land in the Haven, where they
had no sooner pitched their foote, but the Townesmen
came upon them and slew them to the last man, wherwith 1293.
the residue were so afraide, that foorthwith they hoysed
up saile, and made no further attempt. This Towne also Hyde,
was grievously afflicted in the beginning of the reigne of purged3!
King Henrie the Fourth, in so much as (besides the
furie of the pestilence, which raged al over) there were,
in one day, two hundreth of the houses consumed by
flame, and five of their ships with one hundreth men,
drowned at the Sea : By which hurt the inhabitants
were so wounded, that they began to devise how they
might abandon the place, and builde them a Towne
else where : Whereupon they had resolved also, had
not the King by his liberall Chartre (which I have
scene under his scale) released unto them, for five
turnes next following (unlesse the greater necessity
should in the meane time compell him to require it)
their service of five ships, of one hundreth men, and
of five garsons, which they ought of dutie, and at their
owne charge without the helpe of any other member,
to finde him by the space of fifteene daies togither.
They have at this Hythe, Saint Bartilmewes hospitall
(as they call it) which was erected by Hamon of Hythe
(sometime Bishop of Rochester, and named of Hythe
bicause it was his native towne) for the continuall
M
162 HYDE.
reliefe of ten poorc persoris, and endowed with twenty
marks of yeerly profite, or thereabouts.
The short. Finally, from this Towne to Boloigne (which is
hetweene taken to be the same, that Caesar calleth Gessoriacum)
Frlince & is tne shortest cut over the Sea, betweene England
and Fraunce, as some holde opinion: Others think
that to be the shortest passage, which is from Dover
to Calaice : and some, that, which is from one Nesse
to the other. But if there be any man, that preferreth
not haste before his good speede, let him (by mine
advise) proove a fourth way, I meane from Dover to
Withsand : for if Edmund Hadhenham, the penner of
the Chronicles of Rochester, lye not shamefully,
(which thing you knowe how far it is from a Monke)
1180. then at such time as King Henrie the Seconde, and
Lewes the French King, were after long warre recon-
ciled to amitie, Lewes came over to visite King Hen-
rie, and in his returne homeward saluted Saint Thomas
of Canterburie, made a princely offer at his tombe,
and (bicause he was very fearefull of the water) asked
Thomas of Saint Thomas, and obteined, that neither he in that
grTunteth passage, nor any other from thencefoorth, that crossed
a petition ^he Seas betweene Dover and Withsand, should suffer
alter his
death. any maner of losse or shipwracke. But of this Saint
(saving your reverence) we shall have fit place to
speake more largely heereafter, and therefore let us
now leave the Sea, and looke towarde Shipwey.
SALTWOOD.
THAT Saltwood Was long sithencc an Honor, it
may appeere by an auncient writ, directed by King
SALTWOOD. 163
Henrie the Soconde, from beyond the Seas, to King
Henrie his Sonne, for the restitution of Thomas
Becket the Archbishop, to all such goodes, lands, and
fees, as were taken from him during the displeasure
betweene them: which writ, both for shew of the
auncient forme, and bicause it conteineth matter of
hystorie, I will not sticke to exemplifie, worde for
word, as Mathew Parise hath recorded it. Sciatis,
quod Thomas Cant. Episcopus pacem mecum fecit ad
voluntatem meam, fy ideo prcecipio tibi, ut ipse, fy
omnes $ui, pacem habeant, fy faciatis ei habere, fy suis,
omnes res suas, bene, in pace, fy honorifice, sicut ha-
buerunt tribus menslbus, antequam exirent Anglia:
faciatisque venire coram vobis, de melioribus fy anti-
quioribus militibus, de honore de Saltwood, fy eorum
juramento faciatis inquiri, quid ibi habetur de feodo
Archiepiscopatus Cant. £c quod recognitum fuerit esse
de feodo ipsius, ipsi faciatis habere. Valete. But if The ponti-
this Recorde of the Kings, suffice not to proove the tice of
honor of this place, then heare (I pray you) a woord Courtney,
or twain of the honourable (or rather the Pontificall)
dealing of William Courtney the Archbishop and
amplifier of this Castle ; who, taking offence that cer-
taine poore men (his Tenants of the Manor of Wing-
ham) had brought him rent hay and littar to Canter-
bury, not openly in cartes for his glorie as they were
accustomed, but closely in sackes upon their horses as
their abilitie would suffer, cited them to this his castle
of Saltwood, and there, after that he had shewed him-
selfe (Adria iracundiorem} as hote as a toste with
the matter, he first bound them by othe to obey his
owne ordinaunce, and then inioyned them for penance,
that they should each one march leisurely after the
M 2
164 SALTWOOD.
procession, bareheaded, and barefooted, with a sacke
of hey (or strawe) on his shoulder, open at the mouth,
so as the stuffe might appeere hanging out of the bag
to all the beholders. Now I beseech you, what was
it else for this proud Prelate, thus to insult over sim-
ple men, for so small a fault (or rather for no fault at
all), but Laureolam in Mustaceis queer ere, and no
better. Before such time as this Castle came to the
hands of these Archbishops, it was of the possession
of Henrie of Essex, who helde it of the Sea of Can-
rerburie, and being accused of Treason by Robert of
Mountforde, for throwing away the Kings Standarde
and cowardly flight at a fight in Wales, to the great
hazard of King Henrie the Seconde, being then in
person thereat, hee offered to defende it by his bodie
against Mountfort, and was by him vanquished in the
Combatte, and left for dead : But the Monks of Read-
ing tooke him up, and both recovered him to life, and
received him into their Order, exchanging the Natural
death, for that time into a Civile. For this forfeiture
Henrie the Seconde seysed Saltwood, and helde it dur-
ing his life : So did King Richard the First after him :
But King lohn, in the first of his reigne restored it to
the Church againe. Thus farre onely, of the place :
Touching Becket, we shall have cause to speake fur-
ther in Canterburie, and other places following. And
therefore, leaving on our right hand the stately partes
of Sir Edward Poynings unperfect building at Osten-
hangar, which some, by what warrant I wote not, call
Oescinghangar, ascribing the first building thereof to
Oesc the second King of Kent, and the restauration
to Barbara Cryol, a wardein of the Five Ports, let
us hear what is to be said of Shipwey.
SHIPWEY, or Shipweyham, in the Recordes:
commonly, Shipwey Crosse.
BETWEENE Hyde and Westenhanger (though not
in right line) lieth Shipwey, the place that was of
auncient time honested with the Plees and assemblies
of the Five Fortes ; although at this day neither by
good building extant it bee much glorious, nor by any
common meeting greatly frequented.
I remember, that I have read in a booke of the
Frivileges of the Five Fortes, that certaine principall
points concerning the Port townes, be determinable at
Shipwey onely : that is to say, of these five : Treason
against the King : Falsifying of money : Services
withdrawen: False iudgment: and Treasure found.
And likely it is, that the withdrawing of the triall of
causes from thence to Dover Castle, hath brought
decay and obscuritie upon the place.
Of this place, the whole Last of Shipwey (conteining 1263.
twelve Hundrethes) at the first tooke, and yet con-
tinueth, the name : At this place, Prince Edward, the
Sonne to King Henrie the Third, exacted of the
Barons of the Five Portes their oth of fidelity to his
Father, against the mainteiners of the Barons warre :
And at this place onely our Limenarcha (or Lord Lord War-
Wardein of the Portes) receaveth his oathe, at his first
entrie into the office.
Whether this were at any time a Harborow for Shipwey
ships (as the Etymologic of the name giveth likeli- i™lT*
hoode of coniecture), or no, I dare neither affirme towne-
166 SHIPWEY.
nor denie, having neither read, nor scene, that may
lead mee to the one, or the other : onely I remember,
that Robert Talbot (a man of our time, and which
made a Commentarie upon the Itincrarie of Antoninus
Augustus) is of the opinion, that it was called Ship-
wey, bicause it lay in the way to the Haven where the
ships were woont to ride. And that haven taketh hee
to bee the same, which of Ptolomie is called KCIIV<&>
TheHaven \tft1/iv> Novus Portus : of Antoninus, Limanis, of our
.l-iiiiicne, oc
theTowne Chroniclers Limene Mouth, and interpreted by Leland
to betoken, the mouth of the river of Rother, which
now in our daies openeth into the Sea at Rye, but
beforetime at Winchelsey.
His coniecture is grounded partly (as you see) upon
the Etymologic of the name, partly upon the consi-
deration of some antiquities that be neare to the place,
and partly also upon the report of the countrie people,
who holde faste the same opinion which they have by
tradition receaved from their Elders.
In deede, the name, both in Greeke, and olde
English (which followcth the Greeke) that is to say,
Limen, and Limene Mouth, doth signifie a Haven,
whereof the Townc of Lymne adioyning, and the whole
Deanrie, or limit of the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction, in
which it standeth (for that also is called Lymne) by
likelyhoode tooke the name. This Haven (saith hcc)
stoode at the lirst, under a high Rocke in the Parish
of Lymne, under the which there was situate a strong
castle for the defence of the Porte, the ruines of which
building (called Stutfalle) bee yet apparent to the eie
and do environne almost ten acres of grounde. There
is extant also, a faire paved cawsey, called Stony-
streate, being four or five myles of length, and leading
SH1PWEY. 167
towards Canterbury from the same porte : and they of
the Towne enioy the Privileges of the Five Portes,
and do reserve a brasen Home, and a Mace, as en-
signes of Castle Garde, and administration of Justice,
in olde time exercised there. There bee moreover
Bry taine bricks, in the walles of the Church and of the
Archedeacons house, as Master Stow, mine olde friend
observing the same did enforme me. Finally, they
affirme, that (the water forsaking them by little and
little) decay and solitude came at the length upon the
place.
For, whereas at the first, ships were accustomed to
discarge at Lymne, the Sea afterwarde (either hindered
by the sandes, or not helped by the fresh water)
shortned his fiudde, and caused the Merchaunts to
unlade at Westhithe : Neither did it yet ascende so
high any long season, but by continuall decreasings
withdrew it selfe, and at the length compelled them to
lay their wares on land at this Hithe, which nowe
standeth indeede, but yet without any great benefit of
the Sea, forasmuch as at this day, the water floweth
not up to the Towne by a long distance.
These coniectures, and reports be resonable, but yet,
as I am sure that they be utterly at variaunce with that
opinion which Leland would plant of the present course
of the River of Rother (as we will shew in Newen-
dene, when we shall come to the place) so am I in
doubt also, what meanes may be found to reconcile
them with the relations of Asserus Meneuensis, and
our old Saxon Chronicles, which seeme to affirme, that
Apledore stoode upon the water Lymen: which if it be £{^e^Ke'
so, then I see not (the places considered) how this towne Lymen,
of Lymne could ever be situated upon the same River, ther.
1GB SHIPWEY.
The words in effect, be these. " In the yeere, al;< i
" Christ, 893. the great armie of the Danes, lefte the
" East part of Fraunce, and came to Boloigne, and
" from thence with 250. vessels sailed into the mouth
" of the River Limen, in Kent, which floweth from
" the great woode that is called Andred : Thence they
" towed up their boates foure miles into that woode
" from the mouth of the River, where they found a
" Castle halfe built, and a fewe Countrie men in it, all
" which, togither with the village, they destroied, and
" fortified at a place called Apultree." By this it may
indeed at the first face seeme, that the River Limen
led from Apledore to the Sea, and came not by Lymne:
but yet (that I may say somewhat for Talbot) these
words do not necessarily enforce so much, for that they
bee not, that they towed their ships up to Apledore,
but foure miles into the woode, and builded at Aple-
dore ; which they might well do, although they had
come in at Hithe. To the which sense also the wordes
of Asserus Meneuensis (which lived in that very time)
do give somewhat the more place and libertie, when
hee saith: " They towed up their ships, foure miles into
" the woode, where they threwe downe a certaine
" Castle halfe built, in which a fewe Churles of the
" countrie were placed, and the Town also, and they
" raised another stronger in a place called Apledore :"
For these words (another stronger in a place called
Apledore) seeme to import, that Apledore was not the
Towne foure miles within the Rivers mouth which they
pulled down, but some other : Which, as for the dis-
taunce it might happely be Lymne that we have in
handc, so bicause there is no apparent memorial of
any such course of the River, I \vill not aftirmc it to
; •
COURTOPSTRETE. 169
have been the same, but refcrre the decision ot the whole
controversie to the learned and inquisitive Reader,
that will bestowe his labour to trie, and trace out the
very truth.
COURTOPSTRETE, commonly: Court of Strete, truly:
and Bellirica (or rather) Belcaire, aunciently, that
is Bellocastrum, the Faire Castle.
THE opinion of the inhabitants of this place (saith
Leland) is, that Courtopstrete hath been some woor-
thie towne : for proofe whereof, they shew the ruines
of their faire Castle, that stoode hard by the Chappel
heere : and they do yet reserve (Signa pratoriana)
that is to say, a Mace and a Home, assured badges of
an incorporation. Howbeit he himselfe deemeth it to
have beene but a part of the port of Limne, as it is
yet but a member of the same parish.
The enemie of mankiride, and Prince of darknesse,
Sathan the Divell, perceiving that the glorious and
bright shining beames of Gods holy truth and glad-
some Gospell had pearced the mistie thicke cloudes of
ignorance, and shewed (not onely to the people of
Germanic, but to the inhabitants of this island also)
the true way of their deliverance from damnable
errour, idolatrie, and Popish superstition: And fear-
ing, that if he did not now bestirre him busily, he was
in perill to lose infinite numbers of his subiects, and
consequently no small part of that his spiritual king-
dom : he practized most carefully in all places, with
170 COUHTOPSTRETE.
Monkes, Friars, Priestes, Nonnes, and the whole
rablement of his religious armie, for the holding of
simple soules in wonted obedience, and the upholding
of his usurped Empire in the accustomed glory,
opinion, and reverence.
And for this purpose (amongst sundry sleights, set
to shew in sundry places, about the latter ende and
declination of that his reigne) one was wrought by the
Holy Maide of Kent, in a Chappell at this towne, in
devise as malicious, in deede as mischeevous, and in
discoverie as notorious, as any whatsoever. But
bicause the midst, and end of this Pageant, is yet fresh
in the knowledge of many on live, and manifested to al
men in bookes abroad : And for that the beginning
thereof is knowne to very fewe, and likely in time to
be hid from all, if it be not by some way or other con-
tinued in minde : 1 will labour, onely to bewray the
same, and that in such sort, as the mainteiners thereof
themselves have committed it to the worlde in writing.
For not long since, it chaunced mee to see a little
Pamphlet, conteining foure and twentie leaves, pen-
ned by Edward Thwaytes, or I wote not by what
doltish dreamer, printed by Robert Redman, intituled
A marveilous worke of late done at Court of Streete in
Kent, and published (as it pretendeth) to the devout
people of that time for their spirituall consolation : in
which I found the very first beginning, to have beene
as folio weth.
1525. About the time of Easter, in the seventeenth yeere
The holy °* tne Iteigne °f King Henric the Eight, it hapned a
Maide of certaine maiden named Elizabeth Barton (then servant
Kent.
to one Thomas Kob, of the Parish of Aldington,
twelve mylcs distant from Canterbury) to bee touched
CO URTOPSTRETE. 171
with a great infirmitie in her bodie, which did ascende
at divers times up into her throte, and swelled greatly :
during the time wherof, shee seemed to bee in grievous
paine, in so much as a man woulde have thought that
shee had suftred the pangs of death it selfe, untill the
disease descended, and fell downe into the bodie
againe.
Thus shee continued by fittes, the space of seaven
monethes, and more, and at the laste, in the moneth
of November (at which time also a young Child of
her Maisters lay desperately sicke in a cradle by her)
shee being vexed with the former disease, asked (with
great pangs and groning) whether the Child were yet
departed this life or no: And when the women that
attended upon them both in their sicknesse, aun-
swered no, she replied, that it shoulde anone : which
worde was no sooner uttered, but the childe fetched a
great sighe, and withall the soule departed out of the
body of it.
This her divination and foretelling, was the first
matter that moved her hearers to admiration: But
after this, in sundry of her fits following, although
she seemed to the beholders to lie as stil as a dead
bodie (not mooving any part at all) as well in the
traunces themselves, as after the pangs passed also,
she told plainly of divers things dono at the Church
and other places where she was not present, which
neverthelesse she seemed (by signes proceeding from
hir) most lively to beholde (as it were) with hir eie.
She spake also, of heaven, hell, and purgatory, and of
the ioies and sorrowes, that sundry departed soules
had and suffered there : Shee preached frankly against
the corruption of maners and evill life : She exhorted
172 COl'RTOPSTUETE.
repaire to the Church, hearing of Masse, confession
to Priestes, praicr to our Lady and Saincts, and
(to be short) made in al points, confession and con-
firmation of the Popish Creede and Catechisme, and
that so devoutly and discretely (in the opinion of mine
authour) that hee thought it not possible for her to
speake in that manner.
But, amongst other things, this one was ever much
in hir mouthe, that She would goe home, and that she
had beene at home, whereas (to the understanding of
the standers by) she had never beene from home, nor
from the place where she lay : whereupon, being (in a
time of another traunce) demanded where That home
was, she aunswered, Where she sawe and heard the
ioyes of heaven, where S. Michael wayed soules,
where S. Peter carried the keies, and where she hir
selfe had the company of our Lady at Court of Strete,
and had hartily besought hir to heale hir disease, who
also had commaunded hir, to oifer unto hir a Taper
in hir chappell there, and to declare boldly to all
Christian people, that our Lady of Court of Strete
had revived hir from the very point of death : and that
hir pleasure was, that it should be rong for a miracle.
Which words, when her master heard, he said, that
there were no Belles at that Chappell, wherunto the
Maiden answered nothing, but the voice that spake in
her proceeded, saying, Our blessed Lady will shew
mo miracles there shortly, for if any depart this life
sodainly, or by mischaunco, in deadly sin, if he be
vowed to our Lady hartely, hee shall be restored to
life againe, to receive shrift, and housell, and after to
depart this worlde with Gods blessing. Besides this,
she tolde them what mcate the Hcremitc of that Chap-
COURTOPSTRETE. 173
pell of our Lady at Court of Strete had to his supper,
and many other things concerning him, whereat they
marvailed greatly.
And from that time forwarde, she resolved with her
selfe to go to Court of Strete, and there to pray and
offer to our Lady, which also she did accordingly :
And was there delaide of hir cure for a certaine sea-
son, but yet (in the mean time) put in assured hope of
recoverie. During which meane while, the fame of
this marveylous Maiden was so spred abroade, that it
came to the eares of Warham the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, who directed thither Doctour Booking, Mas-
ter Hadleighe and Barnes (three Monkes of Christes
Church in Canterbury) father Lewes and his fellowe
(two observants) his Officiall of Canterbury, and the
Parson of Aldington : with commission, to examine
the matter, and to informe him of the truth.
These men opposed her of the chiefe pointes of the
Popish beliefe, and finding her sounde therein, not
onely waded no further in the discoverie of the fraude,
but gave favourable countenaunce, and ioyned with
her in setting foorth of the same : So that at her next
voyage to our Lady of Court of Strete, she entred
the Chappell with Ave Regina Ccelorum in pricksong,
accompanied with these Commissioners, many Ladies,
Gentlemen, and Gentlewomen of the best degree, and
three thousand persons besides, of the common sort
of people in the Countrie.
There fell she eftsoones into a marveilous passion
before the Image of our Lady, much like a bodie dis-
eased of the falling Evill, in the which she uttered
sundry metricall and ryming speeches, tending to the
worship of our Lady of Court of Strete (whose Chap-
174 COTJRTOPSTRETE.
pell there, shee wished to be belter mainteined, and to
be furnished with a daily singing Priest) tending also
to her owne bestowing in some Religious house, for
such (saide she) was our Ladies pleasure, and tending
finally and fully to the advauncement of the credite of
such feined myracles, as that authour doth report.
This done and understoode to the Archbishop, she
was by him appointed to S. Sepulcres, a house of
Nonnes in Canterbury, where she laboured sundrie
times of her former disease, and continued her accus-
tomed working of wonderous myracles, resorting often
(by way of traunce onely) to our Lady of Court of
Strete, who also ceassed not to shew her self mighty
in operation there, lighting candels without fire,
moistning womens breastes that before were drie and
wanted milke, restoring all sorts of sicke to perfect
health, reducing the dead to life againe, and finally
dooing al good, to all such as were measured and
vowed (as the popish maner was) unto her at Court of
Strete.
Thus was Elizabeth Barton advaunced, from the
condition of a base servaunt, to the estate of a glori-
ous Nonne : The Heremite of Court of Strete was
enriched by daily offring; S. Sepulchres got the pos-
session of a Holy Mayden ; God was blasphemed,
the holy Virgine his mother mishonoured ; the silly
people were miserably mocked ; The Bishops, Priestes,
and Monkes, in the mean time with closed eies wink-
ing, and the Devill and his lymmes, with open mouth
laughing at it. And thus the matter stoode sundrie
yeares togither, untill at length, the question was
mooved about King Henries marriage, at which time
this holy Maiden (not conteining her selfe within her
former bounds of hypocrisie) stepped into this ma tier
COURTOPSTRETE. 175
also, and fcined that she understood by revelation,
that if the King proceeded to the divorce of Queene
Catherine, he shoulde not bee King of this Realme
one moneth after. Whereupon, her dooings were once
againe examined (not by men given over to beleeve
illusions, but by such as had the prudent power of
prooving spirits) and in the ende her dissimulation was
deciphered, her Popish comforters were bewraied,
the deceived people were well satisfied, these daun-
gerous deceivers were worthely executed, and the
Devill their Maister was quite and cleane confounded.
Sundry other good circumstaunces there be of this
doing, for the understanding of all which I wil referre
the reader to the twelfth chapter of the statute made
in the 25. yeere of King Henrie the Eight, wherein the
same be, no lesse amply, than excellently well dis-
closed, And by auctoritie whereof, Elizab. Barton
Mr selfe, Richarde Master the parson of Aldington,
Edward Bocking, and lohn Dering, monks of Christes
church in Canterbury, Henry Golde a priest, Hugh
Rich warden of the observant Friers in Canterbury,
and Richard Risby, were (after confession of the
whole practise made by Eliz. Barton to the Lordes
of the privy counsell) attainted of high treason, And
lohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester, lohn Adeson
his chaplain, Thomas Golde and Edward Thwaites
gentlemen, Thomas Laurence the Register of Canter-
bury, and Thomas Abel priest, were attainted of mis-
prision (or concealment) of the same treason.
If these companions could have let the King of the
land alone, they might have plaied their pageants as
freely, as others have beene permitted, howsoever it
tendeth to the dishonour of the King of heaven. But,
A n nesds longas Regibus esse manus ?
170 )
BYLSINGTON.
AFTER the deceasse of King Edwarde the Third,
and against the day of the Coronation of King Richarde
the Second, which succeeded him, lohn the King of
Castile and Lions, Duke of Lancaster, and Earle
both of Leycester and Lincolne, claiming in the right
of his Earldome of Leycester to be high Seneschall
(or Steward) at that solemnitie, and thereby to have
the authoritie of hearing and determining the claimes
of all such as by their tenure pretended to have any
office or fee at the Kings inthronization, amongst other
suites received a petition, exhibited by Richarde then
Earle of Arundale and Surrey, in which the same
Earle claimed the office of chief Butler, and recog-
nized himselfe ready to perfourme the same.
Butler at Whereupon, foorthwith one Edmund Staplegate,
the Coro-
nation, exhibited another petition, and likewise made his
claime to this effect. That whereas the said Edmund,
held of the King (in chiefe) the Manor of Bylsington
in Kent, by the service to be his Butler at the Coro-
nation, as plainely appeered in the booke of Fees and
Serieancies in the Exchequer : And whereas also by
reason of that tenure, the late King Edwarde the
Thirde had both seised the landes of that petitioner
(for so much as he was in his minoritie at the time of
the death of Edmund Staplegate his father) and had
also committed the custodie of his body to, one lefferay
Chawsier. Chawsier (to whom he paide £104. for the same) he
nowc proffered to do that service, and praied to be
BYLSINGTON. 177
admitted to the office thereof, with allowance of the
fees that belonged thereunto. These claimes, and the
replies also, bothe of the Earle, and of Staplegate,
being heard and considered, It was then ordered
(partly for the shortnesse of the time, which would not
permit a full examination of the matter, and partly
bicause that on the Earles side it was prooved, that
his auncestors had been in possession of that office,
after the alienation of the Manor of Bylsington, wheras
on the other part it appeered not that the auncestors
of Staplegate had ever executed the same) that for the
present Coronation the Earle should be received, and
the right of Staplegate, and all others, should be
neverthelesse to them saved.
Thus much of the Manor of Bylsington (which lieth Priorie, at
here on the right hande) I thought meete to impart :
with you, to occupy us withall in our way to Rumney :
for as touching the Priorie of blacke Chanons that
there was, I finde of Recorde, that it was first ad-
vaunced by lohn Maunsell (Chauncelor of Englande)
in the 31. yeere of King Henrie the Thirde : at which
time, he gave unto them the Manor of Overbilsington,
with a Marsh of 120. acres at Lydde, for the inclosing
whereof the Prior had licence of King Edward the
Thirde, in the first of his Reigne. The yeerely value
you may finde in the particular of the Shyre, amongst
the rest of the suppressed houses.
N
( 178 )
RUMNEY, called in Saxon, Rumen eav that is to say,
The large watry place, or Marish : It is written in
the Records, corruptly, Rumcnal, and Romual.
Twyne doth Latine it Romanonim mare, as if it
had boene Sea, in their time.
THE participation of like Privilege might well have
mooved me to have placed the Fortes togither, but the
purpose of mine order already taken calleth me another
way, and bindeth me to prosecute them as they lye in
the order of my iourney.
There be in Kent therefore, two townes of this name,
the Olde, and the New Rumney : as touching the
latter whereof I minde not to speake, having not
hitherto founde either in Recorde or Hystorie any
thing pertaining thereunto : but that little which I have
to say, must be of olde Rumney, which was loner
since a principall Port, and giveth cause of name to
the new towne, even as it selfe first tooke it of the
large levell and territorie of Marishe ground that is
adioyning.
This towne (saith the Recorde of Domesday) was
of the possession of one Robert Rumney, and holdcn
of Odo (then Bishop of Baieux, Earle of Kent, and
brother to King William the Conquerour) in the which
the same Robert had thirteene Burgesses, who for
their service at the Sea were acquitted of all actions
and customes of charge, except fellonie, breach of the
peace, and forstalling. It was sometime a good, sure,
and commodious Haven, where many vessels used lo
RUMNEY. 179
lie at Roade. For Henrie (the Archedeacon of Hun- 1053.
tingdon) maketh report, that at such time as Godwine
(Earle of Kent) and his Sonnes were exiled the Realme
(upon such cause of displeasure, as hath already
appeered in Dover) they armed vessels to the Sea, and
sought by disturbing the quiet of the people, to com-
pell the King to their revocation. And therefore
(amongst sundrie other harmes that they did on the
coast of this Shyre) they entred the haven at Rumney,
and led away all such ships as they found in the Har-
borow there.
Both the Towne of Rumney, and the Marshe,
receaved great harme in the 8. yeere of the Reigne of
King Edwarde the Third, by an hydeous tempest that
threw downe many Steeples, and trees, and above
300. Milles and Housings there.
Thomas Becket (the Archbishop) having by froward 1168.
disobedience and stubborne pertinacitie, provoked
King Henrie the Seconde to indignation against him,
and fearing to abide the triall of ordinarie iustice at
home, determined to appeale to the Popes favour at
Rome, for which purpose hee secretly tooke boate at
Rumney, minding to have escaped over : but he was
driven backe by a contrarie winde, and so compelled
to land against his will. The undertaking of which
matter, so exasperated the King against him, that
foorthwith he seased his goods, and gave commaunde-
ment by his writ to the Sheriffes of all coastes, to make The Popes
arrest of all such as for any cause provoked to the ^abo-6
Pope. Hee caused also his subiectes (from twenty lished in
J England,
yeeres of age upward) throughout the whole Realme, in the time
to renounce by oth all woonted obedience to the See
of Rome, and sollicited earnestly the Emperour Fre- Secon(ie-
N 2
180 RUMNEY.
deric, and Lewes the Frenche King, to have ioincd
with him in deposing Pope Alexander, for that hee
so commonly receaved mnnagates, and such as re-
belled against their lawfull Princes.
But such was either the emnitie of Lewes the
Frenche King against our King Henrie the Second,
or his dull sight in discerning the profite of the whole
Christian common weale, that he refused to assist the
other twaine, by meanes whereof, bothe Frederic
the Emperour was afterward compelled to yeeld him
to the Pope, and King Henrie the Second glad (with
all submission) to reconcile himself to the Archbishops
favour.
Rumney Rumney Marshe is famous throughout the Realme,
as well for the fertilitie and quantitie of the soile and
levell, as also for the auncient and wholsome ordi-
nances there used for the preservation and mainte-
nance of the bankes and walles, against the rage of
the Sea.
It conteineth (as by due computation it may appeere)
24000. Acres. For the taxation of Rumney Marsh
only (not accounting Walland Marsh, Guilford Marshe,
&c.) amounteth to fiftie pounds, after the rate of one
halfepeny the Acre : and it is at this day governed by
certaine lawes of Sewers, that were made by one
Henrie Bathe (a Justice and Commissioner for that
purpose) in the time of King Henrie the Thirde. Of
which his statutes, experience in time hath begotten
such allowance and liking, that it was afterward not
only ordered that all the lowre groundes betweene
Tanet in Kent and Pemsey in Sussex should be guided
by the same: But they are also now become a paterne
m<l exemplar to all the like places of the whole
RtlMNEY. 181
Realme whereby to be governed. The place hath in
it sundry villages, although not thicke set, nor much
inhabited, bicause it is Hy erne mains, Aestatemolestus,
Nunquam bonus, Evill in Winter, grievous in Som- ^
mer, and never good. As Hesiodus (the olde Poet)
sometime saide of the Countrie where his Father dwelt.
And therefore very reasonable is their conceite, which The three
doe imagine that Kent hath three steps, or degrees, of Kent.°
which the first (say they) offereth Wealth without
health: the second, giveth both Wealth and health:
and the thirde affoordeth Health onely, and little or
no Wealth. For, if a man, minding to passe through
Kent toward London, should arrive and make his first ^
step on land in Rumney Marshe, he shall rather finde
good grasse under foote, than wholesome Aire above
the head : againe, if he step over the Hilles and come
into the Weald, he shall have at once the commodities,
both Cceli, $ Soli, of the Aire, and of the Earth: But
if he passe that, and climbe the next step of hilles
that are betweene him and London, he shall have
wood, conies, and corn, for his wealth, and (toward
the increase of his health) if he seeke, he shall findc,
Famem in agro lapidoso, a good stomackc in the
stonie fielde. No marvell it is therefore, if Rumney
Marshe be not greatly peopled, seeing most men be
yet stil of Poreius Cato his mind, who held them starke
madde, that would dwell in an unwholsome Aire, were
the soile never so good and fertile,
And heereof it came to passe, that King Edward
the Fourth (in the beginning of his reigne) graunted,
and each Prince sithence have confirmed, that the
Inhabitants of all the towns within the limits of Rum-
ney Marshe, should be incorporated by the name of
1«2 RUMNEY.
Baylife, 24. lurates, and comnmnaltic of Rumncy
Marshe in the coimtie of Kent : having a court from
three vveekes to three weekes, in which they hold plea
of all causes and actions, reall and personall, civill
and criminall : having power to choose foure lustices
of the peace yeerely amongst themselves, besides the
Baylife, who is armed with the like auctoritie : having
moreover, returne of all the Princes writs, the benefit
of all fines, forfaites and amerciaments, the privi-
leges of leete, lawday and tourne, and exemption
from tolle and taxe, Scot and lot, fifteene and subsidie,
and from so many other charges, as I suppose no one
place within the Realme hath. All which was done
(as it appeereth in the Charter it selfe) to allure men
to inhabite the Marshe, which they had before aban-
doned, partly for the unholsomnesse of the soile, and
partly for feare of the enemie, which had often brent
and spoiled them. And whereas this princely policie
hath not found such prosperous successe, as the like
did in the citie of Alexandria, builded by Alexander
the Great, and in New-haven, founded by Frauncis
the Frcnche King, that is chiefly to be imputed to the
incommoditie of the place, the which (besides the
inclemencie of the aire it selfe) affoordeth no one good
haven or creeke for enioying the benefites of the Sea.
To conclude, the court of all thislibertie (togither with
the recordes thereof) is kept at Dymchurch, in a place
lately builtc for that purpose, and thereof aptly called
Newhall.
called in Saxon (Nejye) which seemeth to be
derived of the Latine Nasus, and signifieth a Nebbc,
or nose of the land, extended into the Sea.
THIS Cape lieth in Walland at Denge Marshe, South
from Rumney, and is of the number of those places 1052.
that Earle Godwine afflicted in the time of his banish-
ment: from hence he passed towarde London, and
there (by the helpe of his confederates (shewed such
an assemblie, that the Bishops and Noble men (for
verie feare) became petitioners to the King for his
peace, and in the ende procured it. Before this Nesh,
lieth a flat into the Sea, threatning great danger to
unadvised Sailers.
And now, having thus viewed such places along the Sea Watch
Sea shoare, as auncient Hystories have put me in cons.
remembrance of, I might readily take occasion, both
to recommend unto you the vigilant studie of our
Auncestors in providing for the defence of the Sea
Coastes, and withall shew you a President or two of
theirs, conteining the assesse of such particular Watch
and Warde as they used there in the Reigne of King
Edward the Third : in whose time also, it was first
ordered, that Beacons in this Countrie (as I have told
you) should have their pitch pots, and that they should Pitchpots,
be no longer made of woodstackes or piles, as they be woodpiles,
yet iii Wilshyre and elsewhere. But bicause some of
those assesses were not permanent and alwaies alike
(as not growing by reason of any tenure) but arbitrable
from time to time at the discretion of such as it liked
184 NESHE.
the Prince to set over the Countrie in time of warres,
And for that also we at this day (God be thanked
therefore) have besides the like watchfull indevor of
our present governours, sundry standing platforms
(as you have scene) erected to the very same end, and
mainteined at the continuall charge of the Prince, I
will not heere stande upon that matter, but forsaking
the shore, betake me Northward to passe along the
River Rother which divideth this Shire from Sussex :
The order where, after that I shall have shewed you Apledore,
descrip- Stone, and Newenden, I will pearce through the
Wealde to Medway, and so labour to perfourme the
rest of this purpose.
APLEDORE, corruptly, for the Saxon ^pultpeo : in
Latine, Malus, that is, an Apletree.
IN the time of King Alfred, that great swarme of
the Danes which annoyed this Realme, and found not
heere wherewith to satisfie the hungrie gut of their
ravenous appetite, brake their companie into twaine :
whereof the one passed into Fraunce, under the con-
ducte of Hasten, and the other remained heere, under
the charge of Guthrune.
doee?oiieS This Hasten ™ih his companie, landed in Ponteiu,
Fraunce,& ranged overall Picardie, Normandie, Angeou, Poietou
atmie™' and passed over Loire, even to Orleance, killing,
burning, and spoiling whatsoever was in his way, in so
much that besides the pitifull butcherie committed
upon the people, and the inestimable bootie of their
APLEDORE.
goods taken away, he consumed to ashes above nine
hundreth religious houses and Monasteries.
This done, he sent away 250. of his ships, laden
with rich spoile, which came hither againe, entring
into the River of Rother (then called as Leland
weeneth, Lymen, at the mouth whereof old Winchel-
sey sometime stood), and by sudden surprise tooke a
small Castle that was foure or five miles within the
land, at Apultre (as some thinke) which bycause it
was not of sufficient strength for their defence and
coverture, they abated to the ground, and raised a
new, either in the same place, or els not far from it.
Shortly after, commeth Hasten himselfe also, with
eightie saile more, and sailing up the River of
Thamise, he fortifieth at Middleton now Mylton, over
against the He of Shepy : Which thing when King
Alfred understoode, he gathered his power with all
haste, and marching into Kent, encamped betweene
the two hostes of his enimies, and did so beare him-
selfe, that in the ende he constrained Hasten to desire
peace, and to give his owne othe, and two of his
Sonnes in hostage, for observation of the same.
But how soone after, Hasten forgot his distresse,
and how little he esteemed either his owne troth
plighted, or the lives of his children so pledged, it
shall appeere when we come to fit place for it : In the
meane while I let you know, that the book of Domes-
day (speaking of Apuldore) laieth it in the hundreth
of Blackburne, and describeth it to conteine eight
Carves, or Ploughlands.
( 18f> )
S ms \ ;. in the lie of Oxney, called in Saxon (8cana)
that is, a stone, or (nearer, and as the Northern
yet speake) a Steane.
990. I^~ t-e dales of King Etheldred, when almost all
parts of the Realme fealt of the Danishe lurie, this
place also was by them pitiously spoiled and brent :
which done, they departed to Sandwich, and did there
as hath already appeered. From thence also they
passed to Ipswich in SufFolke, and againe to Maldon
in Essex, where they overthrew Bryhtnod, the Alder-
man (or Earle) of that countrie in battell, and so ter-
rified the people of all these Easterne partes, that they
were void of all counsell, either how to resist, or to
Money, avoide them. At the length, Siricius the Archbishop
toSthelVen °f Canterburie persuaded the King (who in that dis-
Danes. tresse was easily bowed any way) to stop the mouthes
of these Danes with a morsell of £10,000. in ready
money, and so to take their promise under oath to be
quiet from thencefoorth. Which devise of his, how
little pollicie it had in it selfe, any wise man may see,
and how pernicious it prooved in sequele, the storie
of their actes following doth evidently declare. I doe
not forget, that there is another towne of this same
Name, lying1 on the contrarie shore of this shire, not
tarre from Fcversham, to the which if any man should
bee disposed to carrie this hystorie, I will not con-
tend : Onely I tell him, that the consideration of the
-tn-itrht course of their iourney, mooved me to lay it
heere. This lyeth in the lie of Oxney, which being
NEWENDENE. 187
about tenne myles in compasse, is environed partly with
the Salt water, and partly with the fresh, and hath the
name of Hox and ea, that is, the fowle, or myrie,
Hand.
NEWENDENE, in Saxon, Nipelfcene, that is, The
lowe, or deepe valley : Leland calleth it Noviodu-
num, which word is framed out of the Saxon
Nipanfcune, and soundeth as much as, The New-hill.
THE situation of Newendene is such, as it may
likely enough take the name, either of the deepe and
bottome (as I have coniectured) or of the Hil and
high ground, as Leland supposed. For it standeth in
the valley, and yet clymeth the hill : so that the ter-
mination of the name may be Dene, or Dune, of the
valley, or of the hill, indifferently. Howbeit, I would
easily yeeld to Leland in this matter (the rather,
bicause the common people of that quarter speake
much of a faire Towne, that sometime stood upon the
hill). Saving that both many places thereaboutes are
upon like reason termed Denej*, and that lohn Bale
(who had scene an auncient hystorie of the house it
selfe) calleth it plainly Newendene.
It is a frontier, and Marchier Towne of this Shyre, The
. course of
by reason that it lieth upon the River that divideth the River
Kent and Sussex in sunder there, which water Leland ^ en'
affirmeth to be the same that our auncient Chronicles Rother-
call Lymene, though now of the common sort it is
knowen by the name of Rother onely. It riseth (saith
he) at Argas hill in Sussex, neare to Waterdownc
Forrest, and fallefh to Rotherfield, thence to Hiching-
urn NEWENDENE.
ham, and so to Roberts bridge (corruptly so termed
for Rothersbridge) from whence it descendeth to Bo-
dyam Castle, to Newendene, Oxney, and Apultree,
and soone after slippeth into the Sea. The place is
not notable for any other thing, than that it harboured
the first Carmelite Fryars that ever were in this Realme.
1241. For about the midst of the reigne of King Henrie the
The first Thirde, that order came over the Sea, arrived in this
Cannehtes
in Eng- lande, and made their nest at Newendene, which was
before a wooddie and solitarie place, and therefore (in
common opinion) so much the more fit for Religious
persons to inhabite.
They of that profession were called Carmelites, of a
hill in Syria, named Carmelus, where at the first a
sort of men that lived solitarily, were drawn into
companies by one lohn (the Patriarche of Jerusalem)
in the daies of King Henrie the First : And after that,
comming into Europe, were by Honorius Quartus,
the Pope, appointed to rule and order, by the name
of the Brothers of Mary : which title liked themselves
so well, that they procured of the Pope (Urbane the
sixt) three yeres pardon for all such as would so call
them. But certaine merry fellowes, (seeing their
vanitie, and knowing how little they were of kin to
Mary the blessed Virgine) called them the brothers of
Mary Aegiptiaca the harlot, whereat the Pope him-
selfe was so offended, that he plainly pronounced
them Here tikes for their labour.
I read, (hat in the reigne of King Richard the
Second, one William Starnefeld was Pryor of this
house, and that he committed to writing the original!,
and beginning of the same, But hitherto (though to no
jzreat losse) it hath not chaunced me to see it.
THE WEALD. 180
Master Camden, as in everie other thing, so in this
most probablie coniectureth, that the Seate of the old
Andres Chester was heere, the overthrow whereof you
may find in the Weald next following.
THE WEALD, so named of the Saxon ivord peal 6,
which signifieth A woodie countrie. The Britons
called it Andred, of which word the Saxons called
it by a second name also Shdnedej-leaj, in Latine,
Saltus Andred, the chase of Andred. This latter
name was imposed for the exceeding greatnes of it :
for Anrhsed in Brittish, is as much as great, or
woonderfull.
NOW are wee come to the Weald of Kent, which
(after the common opinion of men of our time) is con-
teined within very streight and narrowe limits, notwith-
standing that in times past it was reputed of such
exceeding bignesse, that it was thought to extend into
Sussex, Surrey, and Hamshire, and of such notable
fame withall, that it left the name to that part of the
Realme, through which it passed. For it is manifest,
by the auncient Saxon Chronicles, by Asserus Me-
neuensis, Henrie of Huntingdon, and almost all
others of latter time, that beginning at Winchelsey in
Sussex, it reached in length a hundred and twenty
miles toward the West, and stretched thirty miles in
breadth toward the North : And it is (in mine opinion)
very likely, that in respect of this wood, that large
portion of our Islande (which in Caesars time con-
tented foure severall Kings) was called of the Bryttish
190 THE WEALD.
Kent, why WOrd (Cainc) Cancia in Latine, and now coinonly
Kent : Of which derivation, one other infallible monu-
ment remaineth even till this day in Staffordshyre,
where they yet call their great woodie Forrest, by the
name of (Kane) also.
At the edge of this wood (in Sussex) at, or neare
Newendene, as it is thought, there stood sometime a
Citie, called (after the same) Andredes Chester, which
Ella (the founder of the Southsaxon kingdome) after
that hee had landed with his three sons, and chased
the Brytons into the wood, raced, and made equall
with the ground : and in this wood, Sigbert, a King of
Westsex, was done to death by this occasion following.
755. About the yeere after the Incarnation of Christ seven
hundreth fiftie five, this Sigbert succeeded Cuthred his
cousine in the kingdome of the Westsaxons, and was
so puffed up with the pride of his dominion (mightily
enlarged by the prosperous successes of his prede-
cessor) that he governed without feare of God, or
care of man, making lust his lawe, and mischiefe his
minister: Whereupon one Cumbra (an Earle and
Counsellor) at the lamentable suite of the Commons,
mooved him to consideration. But Sigbert, disdaining
to be directed, commaunded him most despitefully to
bee slaine. Heereat the Nobilitie and Commons were
so much offended, that assembling for the purpose,
they with one assent deprived him of his crowne and
dignitie, and he (fearing woorse) fled into the wood,
where after a season a poore Hogheard (sometime ser-
vant to Cumbra) found him (in a place, which the
Saxon histories call Prifetsflode) and knowing lum to be
the same that had slaine his Master, slue Mm also
without all manner of mercy.
THE WEALD.
191
The History of this Hogheard, preseiiteth to my TheWeaid
minde an opinion, that some men mainteine touching time a wii-
1 his Weald : which is, that it was a great while togi-
ther in manner nothing els but a desart, and waste
Wildernesse, not planted with Townes, or peopled
with men, as the outsides of the shyre were, but
stored and stuffed with heards of Deere, and droves
of Hogs only. Which conceit, though happily it may
seeme to many but a Paradoxe, yet in mine owne
fantasie, it wanteth not the feete of sound reason to
stand upon. For, besides that a man shall read in
the Hystories of Canterburie and Rochester, sundrie
donations, in which there is mention onely of Pan-
nage for Hogges in Andred, and of none other thing :
I thinke verily, that it cannot be shewed out of aun-
cient Chronicles, that there is remaining in the Weald
of Kent, or Sussex, any one monument of great anti-
quitie. And truly, this thing I my selfe have observed,
in the auncient rentals and surviewes of the posses-
sions of Christes Church in Canterburie, that in the
rehearsal of the olde rentes and services, due by the
Tenaunts dwelling without the Weald, the entrie is
commonly after this forme,
De redditu. - - - -
De viginti ovis. - -
De gallinis, ft benerth.
Summa -
8 11 quieti redditus.
This
Benerth, is
theservice
which the
tenant
doth, with
his Carte
and
Ploughe.
But when they come to the Tenauntes inhabiting
within the Wealdy countrie, then the stile and inti-
tuling, is first, Redditus de Walda.
192 THE WEALD.
Then after that followeth, De tenements loanis at
Stile in Loose. 3s. 4d.
Without shewing for what auncient service, for what
manner of custome, or for what spcciall cause, the
same Rent grew due and payable, as in the first stile
or entrie is expressed.
Whereupon I gather, that although the propertie of
the Weald, was at the first belonging to certaine
knowen owners, as well as the rest of the countrie:
yet was it not then alotted into Tenancies, nor manured
like unto the residue. But that even as men were
contented to inhabite it, and by peecemeale to rid it of
the wood, and to breake it up with the ploughe : So
this latter rent (differing from the former, both in
quantitie and qualitie, as being greater than the other,
and yeelded rather as a recompence for ferme, than as
a quiterent for any service) did long after, by little
and little, take his beginning.
The And heereout also springeth the diversitie of
bounds of ,. ., „ ., . ,Tr ,,
the Weald, opinions, touching the true limits ot this Weald:
Some men affirming it to begin at one place, and some
at another: whereas (in my fantasie) there can be
assigned none other certaine boundes thereof, than
such as we have before recited out of the auncient
Hystories. For, even as in the old time (being then a
meere solitude, and on no part inhabited) it might
easily be circumscribed : So sinnce (being continually
from time to time made lesse by industrie) it could
not long have any standing or permanent termes.
And therefore, whatsoever difference in common report
there be as touching the same, for as much as it is nowe
(thanked bee God) in manner wholly replenished with
people, a man may more reasonably mainteine, that
FARLEY.
there is no Weald at all, than certainly pronounce,
either where it beginneth, or maketh an end.
And yet, if question in Lawe should fortune to be
mooved, concerning the limits of the Weald (as indeede
it may happen, upon the Statute of Woods and other-
wise), I am of opinion, that the same ought to be de-
cided by the verdite of twelve men, grounded upon
the common reputation of the countrey thereabouts,
and not by any other meanes.
But, bicause I wote not, how the naturall and aun-
cient inhabitants of this countrie will beare it, that a
young Novesse, and lately adopted Denizen, should
thus boldly determine at their disputations, I will heere
(for a while) leave the Weald, and go foorth to the
residue.
FARLEY, in Saxon, fajrpileja, and may be interpreted,
the place of the Boares, or Bulks.
FARLEY, both the East and West, bordering upon
Medwey, belonged sometime to the Monks of Christs
church in Canterburie, to whom it yeelded in the daies
of King Edward the Confessour, twelve hundreth
Eeles for a yeerely rent. This I exemplifie to the end
that it may appeere, that their reservations (in auncient
time) were as well in victuall, as in money, and that
thereof the lands so leased, were called Fermes, of
the Saxon word jzeojimian, which is, to feed, or yeeld Fermes,
victual. Which Etymologic of the word, although it termed,
might suffice to the proofe of that matter : yet to the
end, that my coniecture may have the more force, I
O
li)4 FARLEY.
will adde unto it the authorise of Gerrasius Tilberien-
sis, a learned man, that flourished in the daies of
King Henrie the Seconde, who in his Dialogue of the
observations of the Exchequer, hath in effect as fol-
loweth.
" Untill the time (saith he) of King Henry the
" First, the Kings used not to receive mony of their
" lands, but victuals, for the necessarie provision of
" their house. And, towardes the paiment of the
" souldiors wages, and such like charges, money was
" raised out of the Cities and Castles, in the which
" husbandrie and tillage was not exercised. But at
" the length, when as the King, being in the partes
" beyond the Seas, needed ready money towarde the
" furniture of his warres, and his subiects and farmers
" complained that they were grievously troubled by
" carriage of victuals into sundrie partes of the Realme,
" farre distant from their dwelling houses ; then the
" King directed commission to certaine discrete per-
" sons, which (having regarde to the value of those
" victuals) should reduce them into reasonable summes
" of money: The levying of which summes, they
" appointed to the Sherife, taking order withall, that
" he should pay them at the Scale, or Beame, that is
" to say, that he shoulde pay sixe pence over and above
" every pound waight of money, bicause they thought,
" that the money in time, would wax so much the
" woorse for the wearing," &c.
Thus farre Gervasius.
I am not ignorant, that Gervasius himsclfc in an-
other place of that Booke, deriveth the woorde (Ferine)
from the Latinc (Firma). Howbeit, for as much as
I knowe assuredly, that the terme was used her<1
MAIDSTONE, 195
amongst the Saxons, before the comming of the Con-
querour, and that the Etymon thereof descended from
the Saxon language (whereof happily Gervasius, being
a Norman, was not much skilfull) I am as bolde to
leave his opinion for the derivation, as I was ready to
cleave to his report for the Historic.
MAIDSTONE, contractly for Medweys Towne: in
Saxon Medpe^ej'tun, that is, the Towne, upon Med-
wey : it is taken by Master Camden to bee that
which in Antoninus, is called Vagniacae, and in
Nennius, Megwad. One auncient Saxon bootee of
the BridgeworJce at Rochester, writeth it Mae^an-
rtane, that is to say, the mighty (or strong) stone:
a name (belike) given for the Quarreys of hard
stone round about on everie side of it.
THE name of this Towne (being framed, as the most
part doe thinke, out of the name of the water) might
easily move a man to iudge, that it had beene long
since the principall towne upon the River whereon it
is situate : The rather, for that the Saxons (in imposing
the names of their chiefe places) used to borow (for
the most part) the names of the waters adioining, as
Colchester was so by them called, of the water Colne :
Ciceter (or rather Cyrenchester) of the water Cyren, Townes,
in Latine Corinius : Donchaster of the river of Done : IheRivers.
Lyncolne of Lindis: and (to come to our own Shyre)
Eilesford of Eile, Dartford of Darent, Crayford of
Cray, and such other.
Howbeit, for as much as I finde not this place,
above once named in any auncient historic, and but
O 2
iyc MAIDSTONJ:.
seldome mentioned in any Recordes that I have scene,
I dare not pronounce any great antiquitie of it, but
speake chiefly of that which it hath gotten within the
compasse of later memorie.
In the Parleament, holden the xi. yeere of King
Henry the Seventh, the custodie of the weights and
measures (then renewed according to the Kings stand-
arde) was committed to this towne, as to a place most
commodiously situate to serve the turne of the whole
shyre in that behalfe : And in the time of King Ed-
warde the Sixth, the towne, which before times had
been governed by a Portreve, was newly incorporated
and endowed with sundrie liberties, all which soone
after it forfeited by ioyning in a rebellion mooved
within this Shire, under the reigne of Queene Marie.
Neverthelesse, of late time the Queenes Maiestie
(that nowe is) of Mr great clemencie, hath not onely
restored the place to a new incorporation, but endowed
it also with greater Privilege, apparelling the Maior
with the authoritie of a luslice of the Peace, exempt-
ing the Townesmen from forreine Sessions, and
creating the Towne it selfe a Boroughe, enabled to
have voice in Parleament.
In it were foure principall ornamentes of building,
The Col- the College, the Bishops Palace, the house of the
Brothers of Corpus Christi, and the Bridge: of which
the first, was built by Boniface (the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and Uncle to Eleonor, the wife of King
Henrie the Third) to the honour of Peter, Paule, and
1260. Saint Thomas (the Martyr, as they would have it) and
endowed with great possessions, by the name of an
Hospitall. This had not stoode fully one hundreth
and fortie yeeres, but that William Courtney (a sue-
MAIDSTONE. 197
cessour in that See, and a Noble man, as the other was)
pulled it downe, and erecting a new after his owne 13,95.
pleasure, gained thereby the name of a founder, and
called it, a College of Secular Priestes.
The Palace, that yet standeth, was begunne by lohn The Pa-
Uiford, the Archbishop, but for as much as hee died
before he had brought the worke to the midst, Simon
Islepe (the next in succession saving one) took this
matter in hand, aud not onely pulled downe a house of
the Bishops which had long before stoode at Wrotham,
but also charged his whole Province with a tenth to
accomplish it.
I finde in a Recorde, that Thomas Arundell (an- 1359.
other Bishop of the same See) founded a Chanterie at The
Maidstone, which whether it be the same, that was Schoole.
sometime called the house of the Brothers, and but
lately converted by the Townesmeninto a Free schoole,
or no, I will not boldly affirme, but I thinke it rather
so, than otherwise.
Of the Bridge I finde no beginning, but 1 suspect
that it rose by the Archbishops, which were not onely
owners of the Palace (hard by, as you see) but Lords
and Patrones of the whole Towne and Church also.
Neither is it unlikely that it received helpe of Arch-
bishop Courtney, of whom it is recorded that he
builded at Maidstone somewhat besides the College.
And thus much onely of the Towne : As touching The River
the River of Medwey, it seemeth to have been so way, and
named, either bicause it stoode in the middle of the
Kentish kingdome, or else for that it ran midde be- name-
tweene the two Bishopricks : For the woorde (Mi&pej)
signifieth nothing else, but the Midway, as (Mifc&eg)
doth noone, or Midday: unlesse happily some man
MA1DSTONE.
would rather have it called (Mefcpcej) bicause of the
fruitful medowe that it maketh all along the course of
the same.
This River is principally increased by four Brookes
that runne into it: whereof (to begin at the West) the
first springeth about Croherst in Surrey, not farre
from the head of Darent : thence it slideth to Eton-
bridge, and taking in the way Hever, Penshyrste, and
Tunbridgtf, ioineth with the seconde at Twyforde in
Yealding.
The seconde ariseth in Waterdowne forrest at Frant
in Sussex (the verie place is called Hockenbury panne)
not much more than one mile from Eredge house:
thence commeth it down to Beyham, to Lamberhyrst
streete, and to a place in Scotney ground called Litle
Sussex, where it meeteth with the borne Beaul (which
nameth Beaulbridge) and with Theise, which breaketh
out of the ground at Tysehyrst named of it : so ioine
they in iourney to Horsmonden, and make the Twyst
(or two streames) of the which the one ioineth with
the first head of Medway at Twiford, and the other
closeth with the third brooke of Medwey a little from
Stylebridge, and they all concurre at Yealding.
The third Brooke taketh beginning about Goldwel
in great Charte, and descendeth to Hedcorne and
Stylebridge, being crossed in the way by seven other
sundry bridges.
The fourth and last principall Brooke, issueth at
Bygon hoath in Leneham, washeth the walles of
Leedes castle, a litle from thence it receiveth the small
boorne of Holingboorne, and then that of Thurnham,
and in their companie laboureth to Maidstone.
And at this towne, the name of Medway deservedly
MAIDSTONE. 199
beginncth, as well bicause the towne is named of it,
as also for that it hath there receaved all the helpes of
the other streames, and is very neare to the midst of
the Shyre (which it diversly divideth)in regard, either
of the length, or breadth thereof.
Divers other smal pipes of water there be, that doe
minister secondarie helpes to this Navigable River,
some out of Sussex, and others out of our own Shyre,
all which I may the better passe over with silence,
bicause they may with more pleasure bee scene in the
Charde, than read heere.
For my good friend, Master Philip Simonson of Master Si-
Rochester, hath lately published some parte of his Map of
labour in describing our shyre of Kent, whereby not f^maiie™
onely the Townes and Hundreds, with the Miles and
houses of men of woorthe, are more truely seated : but
also the Seacoastes, Rivers, Creekes, Waterings, and
Rilles, be more exactly shadowed and traced, than
heeretofore, in this, or any other of our lande (that I
know) hath beene performed. Besides the which he
hath observed sundry other things very serviceable,
(hough not meete to be made commune. Onely I will
lay downe, two, or three woordes, concerning one of
the succours to Medway, and then passe to Pickenden.
There ariseth, neare to the Parke and Hothe of Loose.
Langley, a small spring, which at Brishyng (about
one mile off) falleth into the ground, and hideth itselfe,
being conveighed under the earth neare to Cocks hothe,
by the space of halfe a mile, and then at a great Pitte
of the Quarrey, discovereth it selfe againe, and run-
neth above grounde to Loose (I wot not, whether so
called of this Losse) betweene which place, and the
mouth thereof (which powreth into Medway at Tovelle,
200 PINNENDENE.
betweene Maidstone and Eastfarley, and exeeedeth
not two miles in lengthe) it beareth thirteene Fulling
Milles and one for Corne, which are reputed to earne
so many hundreds of pounds by the yeere. This thing
I was the rather occasioned to note, by viewing the
course of this water in that Mappe, where you may
see it broken off, as if it were crossed with a bridge
of land, and that purposely, to shew the secretes of
this Chanell.
PICCENDENE HoTHE, commonly, but aunciently
written Pinenden, of Pinian, to punish : and so it
soundeth the place of Execution, or punishment.
the Duke of Normandie, had issue by a
whereof it Concubine (whose name, as the Annales of Saint
Augustines reporte, was Harlothe, and after whom,
as I coniecture, such incontinent women have ever
since beene called Harlots) three Sonnes, that is to
say, William that afterward subdued this Realme,
Robert, that was created Earle of Moreton ; and Odo
that was first consecrated Bishop of Baieux, then
Earle of Kent, and lastly Lieutenant (or Vicegerent)
of this whole Realme, under William his Brother.
Odo, the Robert, was reputed a man of small courage, wise-
Kent, dome, or learning, and therefore passed his time
ingloriously : But Odo, was founde to be of nature so
busie, greedie, and ambitious, that he mooved many
Tragedies within this Realme, and was in the end
throwen from the Stage, and driven into Normandie,
as heereafter in fit place shall be more amplie declared.
PINNENDENE. 201
In the meane while, for this present place, and pur-
pose, 1 finde, that during his aboade in Kent, he had The aun-
so incroched upon the lands and Priviledges of the neVoffhe
Archbishopricke of Canterburie, and Bishoprick of
Rochester, that Lanfranc (being pormoted to that
See of dignitie, and finding the want) complained to
the King, and obteined, that with his good pleasure
they might make triall of their right with him. To the
which end also, the same King gave commission to
Goisfrid (then Bishop of Constance in Normandie) to
represent his owne person, for hearing of the contro-
versie : caused Egelric the Bishop of Chichester (an
aged man, singularly commended for skill in the Lawes,
and Customes of the Realme) to be brought thether in
a Wagon, for his assistance in Counsell : commaunded
Haymo (the Sheriffe of Kent) to summon the whole
Countie to give in evidence : and charged Odo his
brother to be present, at such time and place, as
should be notified unto him.
Pinnendene Heath (lying almost in the midst of the
Shyre, and therefore very indifferent for the assemblie
of the whole Countie) was the appointed place, and
thereunto not onely the whole number of the most
expert men of this shire, but of sundrie other Coun-
tries also, came in great frequencie, and spent three
whole daies in debate of these Bishops controversies :
concluding in the end, that Lanfranc, and the Bishop
of Rochester, should be restored to the possession of
Detling, Stoce, Preston, Danitune, and sundrie other
landes, that Odo had withholden : And that neither the
Earle of Kent, nor the King himself, had right to
claime any thing in any the landes of the Archbishop,
saving onely these three customes, which concerne the
202 PINNENDENE.
kings high waics that lead from one citie to another :
that is to say : " That if any of the Archbishops tc-
" naunts should dig in such a high waie, or fell a tree
" crosse the same, to the hinderaunce of common pas-
" sage, and to be taken with the maner, or convinced
" thereof by Lawe, he should make amendes to the
" King therefore :
" And likewise when he did committe bloudshead,
" manslaughter, ar any other criminall offence, in such
" wise that hee were deprehended dooing the fault,
" that the amendes thereof belonged to the King also :
" but in this latter case, if hee were not taken with
" the manner, but departed without pledge taken of
" him, that then the triall and the amends perteined
" to the Archbishop himselfe, and that the King had
" not to meddle therewith.
On the other side also they agreed, that the Arch-
bishop had many Privileges throughout all the lands
of the King, and of the Earle : as namely, the amer-
ciament of bloudshead from such time as they ceasse
to say Alleluia in the Church service, till the Octaves
of Easter, the which how long it is, let them see that
can turne the Pie and the Portuse : and at the least the
one halfe of everie amerciament, due for the unlawfull
begetting of children, commonly called Cyl6pite'7
The Clear- which last thing, I doe the rather note, to the ende that
fncroched ^ mav appeere, that in those daies the Bishops had
upon the not wholy gotten into their handes, the correction of
the punish- adulterie and fornication, which of latter times they
aTiiterie. nave chalenged from the Laitie, with such pertinacie
and stifnesse, and have punished (both in the Laitie,.
and clergie) with such lenitie, that not onely the
Princes commoditie is thereby greatly decreased, but
BOXLEY. 203
also incontinencie in his subiects intolerably aug-
mented.
Neither is it to be prooved by this testiraonie onely,
that such was the order in old time, but by the booke
of Domesday it self also, where it is plainly said,
De adtilterio, Rex habebit hominem, Archiepiscopus
mulierem. In case of adulterie, the King shall have
the man, and the Archbishop the woman, &c.
But to returne to Pinnendene : the commoditie of
the situation it selfe, and the example of this notable
assemblie, have beene the cause, that not only the She-
riffes use to holde their County Courts, but also to
appointe the meeting for choise of Knights of the
Parleament, most commonly at this place.
BOXLEY, may take the name either of the Saxon
(Boxeleaje) for the store of Boxtrees that parad-
venture sometime grew there: or of (Bucej-leaj)
which is as much to say, as a place lying in Umbi-
lico, in the midst, or Navell oftheShyre, as indeede
this Boxley somwhat neerely dothe.
As touching the foundation of Boxley Abbay, I Abbaies
finde an obscure note in ancient Chronicles of Saint one an?6
Wereburges in Chester, where it is thus reported : other-
Anno, 1146. fundata est Boxleia in Cancia, filia
Clarevallis propria. In the yeere, 1146, was founded
Boxley in Kent, the verie daughter of Clarevalle.
Which I call obscure, bicause it appeereth not to me
by the word (filia) whether it be ment, that Boxley
were erected by the liberalise of the Monasterie of
204 BOXLEY.
Clarevelle, or else instituted onely after the profes-
sion, rule, and order of the same. For the like notes
I finde in the same Chronicle of divers other houses
within England, to which the same Monasterie of
Clarevale (and others also) were like good mothers :
and (amongst the rest) that not many yeeres after, this
Monasterie of Boxley it selfe was delivered of such
another spirituall childe, called the Abbay of Roberts-
1172. bridge in Sussex.
Neverthelesse, I make coniecture, that the authour
ment by (filia) daughter, nothing else, but that one
Abbay either furthered by exhortation the building of
another, or else furnished it after the building with
Monkes of her owne brood. And for more likelyhood
that this should be his minde, heare, (I pray you) what
1242. he saith in another place, Comes Cornubice fundavit
Hayles, filiam Belliloci in Anglia. The Earle of
Cornwall founded Hayles, the daughter of Beaulieu
in England, which his words, distinguishe plainely
betweene the founder that beare the charge of the
building, and the Abbay, after the order and patterne
whereof it was instituted.
But leaving to comment any longer upon that doubt-
full texte, I will take to witnesse the Chronicles of
Rochester, which (putting the matter out of doubt)
saie plainely, that one William de Ipre (a noble man,
and Lieutenant to King Stephan in his wars against
Maude the Empresse) founded the Abbay of Boxley,
1144. and planted it with a Covent of white Monkes. And
so have you at once, the name of the Authour, the
time of the foundation, and the rule of the profession,
at Boxley : whereunto if you shal adde the yeerely
value (which I reade in the Recorde to have beene
BOXLEY.. 205
two hundreth and foure poundes) you have all that I
finde written concerning the same.
But now if I shoulde thus leave Boxley, the fa-
vourers of false and feyned Religion would laugh in
their sleeves, and the followers of Gods trueth might
iustly cry out and blame me.
For, it is yet freshe in minde to bothe sides, and
shall (I doubt not) to the profite of the one, be con-
tinued in perpetuall memorie to all posteritie, by what
notable imposture, fraud, luggling, and Legierdemain,
the sillie lambes of Gods flocke were (not long since)
seduced by the false Romish Foxes at this Abbay.
The manner whereof, I will set downe, in such sorte
onely, as the same was sometime by themselves pub-
lished in print for their estimation and credite, and yet
remaineth deepely imprinted in the mindes and memo-
ries of many on live, and to their everlasting reproche,
shame, and confusion.
It chaunced (as the tale is) that upon a time, a The un-
eratious
cunning Carpenter ot our countne was taken prisoner R00de of
in the warres betweene us and Fraunce, who (wanting Grace-
otherwise to satisfie for his raunsome, and having good
leysure to devise for his deliveraunce) thought it best
to attempt some curious enterprise, within the com-
passe of his owne Art and skill, to make himselfe
some money withall : And therefore, getting togither
fit matter for his purpose, he compacted of wood,
wyer, paste and paper, a Roode of such exquisite
arte and excellencie, that it not onely matched in
comelynesse and due proportion of the partes the best
of the common sort : but in straunge motion, variety
of gesture, and nimblenes of ioints, passed al other
that before had been scene : the same being able to
206 BOXLEY.
bow down and lifte up it selfe, to shake and stirr;
handes and feete, to nod the head, to rolle the eies, to
wag the chaps, to bende the browes, and finally to
represent to the eie, both the proper motion of each
member of the body, and also a lively, expresse, and
significant shew of a well contented or displeased
minde: byting the lippe, and gathering a frowning,
froward, and disdainful face, when it would pretend
offence: and shewing a most milde, amyable, and
smyling cheere and countenaunce, when it woulde
seeme to be well pleased.
So that now it needed not Prometheus fire to make
it a lively man, but onely the helpe of the covetous
Priestes of Bell, or the aide of some craftie College
of Monkes, to deifie and make it passe for a verie
God.
This done, he made shifte for his libertie, came
over into the Realme, of purpose to utter his merchan-
dize, and laide the Image upon the backe of a lade
that he drave before him. Now, when hee was come
so farre as to Rochester on his way, hee waxed drie
by reason of travaile, and called at an alehouse for
drinke to refreshe him, suffering his horse neverthe-
lesse to go forwarde alone along the Citie.
This lade was no sooner out of sight, but hee missed
the streight westerne way that his Maister intended to
have gone, and turning Southe, made a great pace
toward Boxley, and being driven (as it were) by some
divine furie, never ceassed logging till he came at the
Abbay church doore, where he so beat and bounced
with his heeles, that divers of the Monkes heard the
noise, came to the place to knowe the cause, and
(marvelling at the straungenesse of the thing) called
the Abbat and his Covent to beholde it.
BOXLEV. -207
These good men seeing the horse so earnest, and
discerning what he had on his backe, for doubt of
deadly impietie opened the doore: which they had
no sooner done, but the horse rushed in, and ran in
irreat haste to a piller (which was the verie place where
this Image was afterwarde advaunced) and there
stopped himselfe, and stoode still.
Xow while the Monkes were busie to take off the
lode, in commeth the Carpenter (that by great inqui-
sition had followed) and he challenged his owne : the
Monkes, loth to loose so beneficiall a stray, at the
tirst made some deniall, but afterward, being assured
by all signes that he was the verie Proprietarie, they
uraunt him to take it with him.
The Carpenter then taketh the horse by the head,
and tirst assayeth to leade him out of the Church, but
he would not stirre for him : Then beateth hee and
striketh him, but the lade w2ks so restie and fast nailed,
that he woulde.not oirce remoove his foote from the
piller : at the last he taketh off the Image, thinking to
have carried it out by it selfe, and then to have led
the horse after : but that also cleaved so fast to the
place, that notwithstanding all that ever he (and the
Monks also, which at the length were contented for
pities sake to helpe him) coulde doe, it would not be
mooved one inche from it : So that in the ende, partly
of wearinesse in wrestling, and partly by persuasion of
the Monkes, which were in love with the Picture, and
made him beleeve that it was by God himselfe desti-
nate to their house, the Carpenter was contented for
a. peece of money to go his way, and leave the Roode
behinde him. Thus you see the generation of this the
'Treat God of Boxley, comparable (I warrant you) to
•208 BOXLEY.
the creation of that beastly Idoll Priapus, of which
the Poet saith,
Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum,
CumfaberincertusscA.M^[]M FACERETNE PRIAPUM,
MALUIT ESSE DEUM: Deus inde egofurum, fyc.
A Figtree blocke sometime I was,
A log unmeete for use :
Till Carver doubting with himselfe,
WERT BEST MAKE PRIAPUS,
OR ELSE A BENCHE? resolvd at last
To make a God of mee :
Thencefoorth a God I am, of birdes
And theeves most drad, you see.
But what ? I shall not neede to reporte, howe
lewdly these Monkes, to their own enriching and the
spoile of Gods people, abused this wooden God after
they had thus gotten him, bicause a good sort be yet
on live that sawe the fraude openly detected at Paules
Crosse, and others may reade it disclosed in bookes
extant, and commonly abroad. Neither will I labour
to compare it throughout with the Troian Palladium,
which was a picture of wood that could shake a speare,
and rolle the eies as lively as this Roode did: and
which falling from heaven, chose it selfe a place in the
Temple, as wisely as this Carpenters horse did : and
had otherwise so great couvenience and agreement
with this our Image, that a man would easily beleeve
the device had beene taken from thence : But I will
onely note, for my purpose, and the places sake, that
even as they fansied that Troy was upholden by that
BOXLEY. 209
Image, and that the taking of it awaye by Diomedes
and Ulysses, brought destruction (by sentence of the
Oracle) upon their City: So the town of Boxley
(which stoode chiefly by the Abbay) was through the
discoverie and defacing of this Idoll, and another
(wrought by Cranmer and Cromwell) according to the
hist iudgement of God, hastened to utter decay and
beggerie.
And now, since I am falne into mention of that s. Rum
other Image which was honoured at this place, I will miracles.
not sticke to bestowe a fewe wordes for the detection
thereof also, as wel for that it was as very an illusion
as the former, as also for that the use of them was so
linked togither, that the one cannot throughly be un-
derstood without the other : for this was the order.
If you minded to have benefit by the Roode of
Grace, you ought first to bee shriven of one of the
Monkes : Then by lifting at this other Image (which
was untruly of the common sort called S. Grumbald,
for Sainct Rumwald) you shoulde make proofe whe-
ther you were in cleane life (as they called it) or no :
and if you so found your selfe, then was your way pre-
pared, and your offering acceptable before the Roode :
if not, then it behoved you to be confessed of newe,
for it was to be thought that you had concealed som- For none
what from your ghostly Dad, and therefore not yet
woorthie to be admitted Ad Sacra Eleusina. Temple of
Ceres in
Now, that you may knowe, how this examination Eiensis,
was to be made, you must understande, that this asVere
Sainct Rumwald was the picture of a pretie Boy innocent-
Sainct of stone, standing in the same churche, of it
selfe short, and not seeming to be heavie : but for as
much as it was wrought out of a great and weightie
P
210 BOXLEY.
stone (being the base thereof) it was hardly to be
lifted by the handes of the strongest man. Never-
thelesse (such was the conveighance) by the helpe of
an engine fixed to the backe thereof, it was easily
prised up with the foote of him that was the keeper ;
and therefore, of no moment at all in the handes of
such as had offered frankly : and contrariwise, by the
meane of a pinne, running into a post (which that
religious impostor standing out of sight, could put in,
and pull out, at his pleasure) it was, to such as offered
faintly, so fast and unmoveable, that no force of hande
might once stirre it. In so much, as many times it
mooved more laughter than devotion, to beholde a
great lubber to lift at that in vaine, which a young boy
(or wench) had easily taken up before him.
I omit, that chaste Virgins, and honest married
matrones, went oftentimes away with blushing faces,
leaving (without cause) in the mindes of the lookers
on, great suspicion of uncleane life, and wanton be-
haviour: forfeare of whichc note and villainie, women
(of all other) stretched their purse strings, and sought
by liberall offering to make S. Rumwalds man their
good friend and favourer.
But marke heere (I beseech you) their policie in
picking plaine mens purses. It was in vaine (as they
persuaded) to presume to the Roode without shrifte:
yea, and money lost there also, if you offered before
you were in cleane life : And therefore, the matter
was so handled, that without treble oblation (that is to
say) first to the Confessour, then to Sainct Rumwald,
and lastly to the Gracious Roode, the poore Pilgrimes
could not assure themselves of any good, gained by
all their labour. No more than such as goe to Paris-
BOXLEY. 211
gardein, the Bell Savage, or Theatre, to beholde
Beare baiting, Enterludes, or Fence play, can ac-
count of any pleasant spectacle, unlesse they first pay
one pennie at the gate, another at the entrie of the
Scaffolde, and the thirde for a quiet standing.
I my self cannot coniecture, what reason should
move them, to make this S. Rumwald the Touchstone
of cleane life and innocencie, unlesse it be upon
occasion of a myracle that he did, in making two holy
Priestes to lift a great stone easily, which before divers
Lay persons could not stirre with all their strength and
abilitie : Which thing (as also his whole life and death)
to the ende that the tale shall want no part of due
credite, I will shortly recite, as in the woorke called
Nova Legenda Anglice, lohn Capgrave hath reported.
A Pagan (or unchristened) King of Northumber-
land, had married a Christian woman, daughter to
Penda, the King of Middle England e, who would not 626.
(by any meanes) be knowen carnally of hir husband, Thenativi-
till such time as he had condescended to forsake Idola-
trie, and to become a Christian with hir. The husband
(with much to doe) consented to the condition, and
she not long after waxed great with childe, and as
(upon a time) they were riding toward their Father
King Penda, shee fell into the travaile of childe birthe,
and was delivered by the way (in a faire medowe at
Sutton) of a man childe, which so soone as he was
come out of his mothers belly, cried with a lowd voice,
three severall times, Christianus sum, Christianus
sum, Christianus sum. I am a Christian, I am a
Christian, I am a Christian. Arid not ceassing thus,
made foorthwith plaine profession of his faith, desired
to be baptised, chose his Godfathers, named himselfe
P 2
212 HOXLEY.
Rumwald, and with his finger directed the slanders
by to fetch him a great hollow stone that hee would have-
to be used for the Fonte.
Heereupon sundry of the Kings servants assaied to
have brought the stone, but it was so farre above all
their strengthes that they could not once move it:
when the Childe perceaved that, he commaunded the
two Priestes (his appointed Godfathers) to goe and
bring it, which they did foorthwith most easily. This
done, he was baptised, and within three days after
(having in the meane while discoursed cunningly sun-
dry mysteries of Popish religion, and bequeathing his
bodie to remaine at Sutton one yeere, at Brackley
two, and at Buckingham for ever after) his Spirit de-
parted out of his bodie, and was by the hands of the
Aungels conveied into heaven.
I have moreover in my keeping, an auncient Deede,
under the Scale of Armes of a Noble Norman, which
if I shoulde give in evidence against these Monks of
Boxeley, you would not take them to be so white
within, as their outward Robe pretended, but would
rather note them, with Hie niger est, or take them to
be wholy compounded, exfraude fyfallaciis, ab imis
unguibus ad verticem summum : of fraude and deceipt,
from the sole of the foote to the crowne of the heade.
Et ideo (as Cicero said of Fannius) semper esse capi-
iibus rasis, ne pilum unum boni viri habere videantur:
and that therefore they did weare shaven crownes,
that they might seeme not to have so much as one haire
left of an honest man. But since it perteincth to the
place, and conteineth, a feate discoverie of one of their
fraud es, you shall heare the very tenor of it.
" Omnibus Sanctte Matris Ecclesice filiis, Hugo
" Candavena, Comes Sancti Pauli, Salutem: Univer-
BOXLKY. 213
" sitati vestrcc notum facto, quod Ballini met (quos
" habeo in Anglia) habentes Warrantizam brevis
" met cum sigillo meo dependente, ut quicquid de tene-
" mentis meisfacerent, ita stabile foret ac si ego ipse
"fecissem, fecerunt quandam rationabilem vendi-
" tionem (sicut eis mandavi litteris nostris) de quo-
" dam Essarto meo iuxta Tarentforde, Canonicis de
" Lyesnes, cV in Arram centum solidos receperunt,
" datis fideiussoribus fy fide interposita ex parte mea,
" quod pactio ilia stabilis permaneret. Post hanc
" autem conventionem sic factam, occulU veniunt ad
" me in partes transmarinas Monachi Boxeley,pn'Ms- AnEssart
. is land rid d
" quamscirem quid egissent Ballivi met, of conventunt Of the
'* me super emptione eiusdem Essarti, supprimentes
" mihi veritatem rei gesta 5f pactionis firmatce cum
" Conventu de Lyesnes. Corruperunt etiam muneri- of this
*' bus fy blanditiis Nuntium quendam, qui missus d
" Sallivis meis mihi veritatem indicare deberat. Cum Hocholt-
" igitur ignorarem versutius illorum, fed pactionem
" cum illis de prcedicta venditione : Sed agnita post-
" modum veritate, fy intercepta eorum astutia, retinui
" cartas meas quas volebant fraudulenter asportare
" priusquam eas vidissemf vel audissem. Eapropter
" cassato deceptionis eorum conatu, concilio Curice
" mece fy multorum virorum prudentium confirmavi
" Carta mea primam conventionem factam Canonicis
" de Lyesnes per warrantizam brevis mei. Quare
" volo, ut ipsa conventio stabilis fy inconcussa perma-
" neat, roborata confirmation Domini mei Regis
" Anglife, qui terram illam mihi dedit : Ne Monachi
" Boxeley eos in aliquo super hoc vexare possint.
" Nullatenus enim audiendi sunt, cum nullo modo ius
" aliquod in prcedicta terra vendicare iuste possint:
" Valete."
214 BOXLEY.
In English, thus.
To all the children of holy Mother Church, Hugh
Canden, Earle of Sainct Paule, Greeting : I make it
knowen to you all, that my Bailifes (which I have in
Englande) having warrant by my Writte under my
Seale, that whatsoever they should doe concerning
my landes, should be as availeable as if I my selfe
had done it, did make a certeine reasonable sale
(as I had commaunded them by my letters) of a cer-
teine Assart of mine neare Dartforde, to the chanons
of Lyesnes, and receaved C. shillings in earnest,
gyving securitie and promise on my behalfe, that the
bargaine should be of force. But after this agree-
ment so made, there came to me privily to the partes
beyonde the Sea the Monkes of Boxley, before that I
knevve what my Bailifes had done, and they com-
muned with mee about the buying of the same Assart,
suppressing from mee the trueth of the thing done and
of the bargaine assured to the Chanons of Lyesnes.
They also corrupted with rewardes and flattering
wordes a certeine Messenger, whome my Bailifes had
sent to tell mee the trueth. I therefore, being ignorant
of their craft, passed a bargaine unto them of the
same thing formerly sold : But afterward knowing the
trueth, and meeting with their fraude, I withheld my
Writings thereof, which they guilefully would have
caried away, before that I had either scene or heard
them. Therefore (having frustrated their deceiptfull
endevour) by the advise of my Court, and of many
Wise men, I have confirmed by my Chartre that first
agreement made to the chanons of Lyesnes by the
warrant of my Writte. Wherfore I will, that the same
bargaine remaine in force and unshaken, being strength-
MYLTON. 2L5
cncd by tlie confirmation of my Lordc the King ol
Englande (who gave me that lande) that the Monkes
of Boxeley may not bee able in any thing concerning
this to unquiet them. For, they are in no sorte to be
hearde, seeing that by no means they may iustly
claime any manner of right in that lande. Fare yee
well.
MYLTON, in Saxon Mi&letun, so called of the situa-
tion, for it lieth in the midst betweene two places,
the termination of whose names be in tun also, that
is to say, Newentun and Marstun.
EVEN at such time as King Alfred divided this
Shyre into Lathes and Hundrethes, the town of Midle-
ton, or Milton (as we now call it, by our common
marier of contraction) was in his owne hands, and is
therefore set foorth in our auncient Histories by the
name and title of Regia Villa de Midleton : The Kings
towne of Midleton. In which respect (of like) he
gave to the hundreth, the name of the same Towne, as
of a place more eminent than any other within that
precincte. Kemsley Downe in the Parish of this 893
Midleton, is the verie place where in the time and DO™
reigne of the same King Alfred, Hasten the Dane
that so much annoied Fraunce) arrived and fortified,
as we have at full disclosed in Apledore before.
This Towne continued of good estimation untill the
reigne of King Edwarde the Confessour, in whose
daies, and during the displeasure betweene him and
Earle Godwine, such as were of the devotion of the 1052
21C SED1NGBOURNE.
Earle at home, burned the Kings house at Midleton,
while he and his sonnes abroade ransacked, herried,
and spoiled, the skirts, and outsides of the whole shy re
besides : after which time, I have not read, neither is
it likely, that the place was of any estimation, or
price at all, more than for the Market only.
The hystorie of Ely taketh it to be called Midleton,
bicause it standeth in the Midst of Kent, and telleth
us that Sexburga (the Queene, and foundresse of
Mynster in Shepy) left hir life at the doore of Mylton
church.
It seemeth to me, that Mylton was not aunciently
within the charge of the Shyrife of the Shire : bicause
I find in a Note out of a Recorde (48 H. 3.) by which
he graunted to Fulc Payferer the custodie of the
Countie, togither with the Hundred of Mylton.
SEDINGBOURNE, in Saxon fcaetunjbupna 7 that is,
the Hamlet along the Bourne or small River. One
there is that interpreteth it, as if it were Seething-
bourne, Riuus feruens aut bulliens, but how likely,
let others see.
FOR want of pertinent matter, touching either the
beginning, increase, or present estate of this place, I am
driven to furnishe the roome with an impertinent Sermon,
1231 . that a My tred Father of Rochester long since bestowed
upon his auditorie there. In the time of King Henrie
the thirde, and after the death of Richard, the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury (surnamed the great). The
Monkes of Christs Church were determined to have
chosen for their Archbishop, one Ralfe Noville the
SEDINGBOURNE. -217
Bishop of Chichester, and Chancellour to the King :
but Gregorie the Pope, fearing that Ralfe would have
travailed earnestly for release of the tribute, which his
Innocent predecessour had gained by King lohns
submission (for the storie saith, that Noville was a
good man, and true harted to his Countrie) bare the
Monks in hand, that hee was rashe in word, and pre-
sumptious in acte, and therefore much unwoorthie of
such a dignitie : Neverthelesse, bicause he would not
seeme utterly to infringe the libertie of their election,
he gave them free licence to take any other man be-
sides him. Whereupon, the Monks agreed, and chose
one lohn, the Pryor of their owne house.
Now, when this man should go to Rome (as the The
Popish
manner was) for to buie his confirmation, Henrie, manner of
(then Bishop of Rochester) addressed himselfe to Preachins-
accompanie him to his ship, and when they were come
to this towne, the Bishop of Rochester stept into
the Pulpit, like a pretie man, and gave the Auditorie
a clerkly collation, and Preachement, in the which
(after many other things) he braste forth into great
ioy, (as a man that had beene rapt into the third
Heaven) and said. Reioice in the Lorde (my bre-
thren all) and knowe ye assuredly, that now of late in
one day, there departed out of purgatorie, Richard
(sometime King of England) Stephan Langton (the
Archbishop of Canterburie) and a Chaplein of his,
to go to the divine Maiestie. And in that day, there
issued no moe, but these three, out of the place of
paines: and feare not to give full and assured faith to
these my words, for this thing hath beene now the third
time revealed unto me, and to another man, and that
so plainely, as from mine owne minde all suspicion of
doubt is far remooved.
21» SEDlNGBOURNi:.
These few words, 1 have in manner translated out
of Thomas Rudburne, and Mathew of Westminster,
to the ende that you might see, with what wholesome
and comfortable bread, the preaching Prelats of that
time fed their Auditories, and that you might heereby
consider, that, Si lux sit tenebrce. If the Bishops, the
great torches of that time, were thus dimme, Ipsce
tenebrcB quanta ? What light was to be looked for at
the little candels, the soule Priestes, and seely Syr
Popish lohns ? Beleeve me, if his Fatherhood had not plainely
confessed, that he came to the knowledge of this mat-
Poetrie. *er ^Y revelation, I would easily have beleeved that he
had been with Anchises in Hell, as Aeneas sometime
was, where he learned, what soules should come next
Lncianns, to life, and where he heard the liveliest description of
triiUhib'et the Poeticall, or Popish Purgatorie (for all is one)
mortuorum that is any where to be founde : Which to the ende
genera,
id quod that you may see what agreement there is betwecnc
pa6panis tne °lde and the new Romanes, touching this article
nostris of religion, I will shew it you in a fewe of Vinnls
commune
est. owne verses.
Lib. 6. Quin & supremo cum lumine vita reliquit,
Enead.
Non tamen omne malum miseris, necfundttus omnes
Corporea excedunt pestes, penitusq necesse est
Multa diu concreta, modis inolescere miris.
Ergo exercentur pcenis, veterumq malorum
Supplicia expendunt. Alice panduntur inanes
Suspensce ad ventos, aliis sub gurgite vasto
Infectum ehiitur scelus aut exuritur igni:
Quisq suos patimur manes : Exinde per amplum
Mittimur Elysium, fy pauci lata arva tenemus:
Donee longa dies, perfecto temporis orbe,
Concretam exemit labem, purumq reliquit
Aetherium sensum, atq aurai simp/ids
SEDINGBOURNE. 210
Which Thomas Phaer translated after this manner.
Moreover, when their ende of life,
and light doth them forsake,
Yet can they not their sinnes, nor so-
rowes all (poore soules) of shake,
Nor all contagions fleshly from
them voides, but must of neede
Much things congendred long, by won-
derous meanes at last out spread :
Therefore they plagued beene, and for
their former faults and sinnes,
Their sundrie paines they bide : some high
in aire do hang on pinnes,
Some fleeting beene in floodes, and deepe
in gulfes themselves they tyer,
Till sinnes away be washt, or clen-
sed cleane with purging fyer.
Eche one of us our pa3nance hcerc
abide, that sent we bee
To Paradise at last : we few
these fields of ioy do see.
Till compasse long of time, by per-
fect course hath purged quite,
Our former cloddred spots, and pure
hath left our Ghostly Sprite,
And senses pure of soule, and sim-
ple sparks of heavenly light.
Nowe therefore, if this Bishops Poetrie may be
allowed for divinitie, me thinketh that with great rea-
son I may intreate, that not onely this worke of Vir-
gils Aeneides, but Homers Iliades, Ovides Pastes,
and Lucians Dialogues also, may be made Canonicall :
for these all excell in such kinde of fiction. Since
•2*20 TONG CASTLE.
my first acquaintance with Sittinghorne, it hath pleased
hir Maiestie to bestow a M aior and Corporation upon
the place.
TONG CASTLE, or rather Thong Castle, in Saxon
)?panceajrjie, in Bryttish Kaerkerry, o/ (Tl twang
and Karry) both which wordes doe signifie, a Thong
of Leather.
THE Brittish Chronicle, discoursing the invitation,
arrival!, and inter teinment of Hengist and Horsa
(the Saxon captaines) inentioneth, that among other
devises (practised for their own establishment and
securitie) they begged of King Vortiger so muche land
to fortifie upon, as the hyde of a beast (cut into thongs)
might incompasse, and that therof the place should be
called Thongcaster, or Thwangcaster : after such a
like maner, as Dido (long since beguiling Hiarbas,
the King of Lybia) builded the Castle Byrsa, contein-
ing twenty and two furlongs in circuit, of which Virgil
spake, saying:
Mercatiq solum,facti de nomine Byrsam,
Taurino possint quantum circundare tergo, &c.
They bought the soile, and Byrsa it cald,
when first they did begin,
As much as with a Bull hide cut,
they could inclose within.
But Saxo Grammaticus applieth this Act to the
Doncaster time of the Danes, affirming that one luarus (a Dane)
North obteined by this kind of policic, at the hands of Ethel-
coimtric. drcdthc Brother of Alfred, to builde a fort.
TONG CASTLE. 221
And as these men agree not upon the builder, so is
there variance between written storie, and common
speech, touching the true place of that building : for it
should seeme by Galfrid, Hector Boetius, and Ric.
Cirencester, that it was at Doncaster in the North
Countrie, bicause they lay it in Lindsey, which nowe
is extended no further than to the North part of Lin-
colneshire. But common opinion (conceived upon
report, received of the elders by tradition) chalengeth
it to Tong Castle in this Shyre : Whereunto if a man
doe adde, that both the first planting, and the chiefe
abiding, of Hengist and Horsa was in Kent, and ad-
ioyne thereto also the authoritie of Mathew of West-
minster, which writeth plainely, that Aurelius Am-
brose the captaine of the Britons provoked Hengist to
battaile at Tong in Kent, he shall have cause, neither
to falsifie the one opinion lightly, nor to faith the
other unadvisedly.
And as for mine owne opinion of Doncaster (which
is now taken to be the same that Ptolome calleth
Camulodunum) I thinke verily, that it was named of
the water Done whereon it standeth, and not of Thong,
as some faine it. Which derivation, whether it be not
lesse violent, (and yet no lesse reasonable), than the
other, I dare referre to any reasonable and indifferent
Reader. To this place therefore, of right belongeth
the storie of King Vortigers Wassailing, which I have
already exemplified in the generall discourse of the
auncient estate of this Countrie, and for that cause
doe thinke it more meete to referre you thither, than
heere to repeate it For an end therefore I tel you,
that the ditch and mines of this olde Castle do yet
appeere at Tong Mill, within one quarter of a mile of
•222 TENHAM.
the parish Church there, and about so much North-
ward from the highway between London and Canter-
bury : where you may see the water drayned from the
Castle ditch, to serve the corn Mill.
TENHAM, in Saxon tynpam, that is, the towne of Ten
houses : as Eightam was called of the Eight dwellings
there.
I WOULDE begin with the Antiquities of this place,
as commonly I doe in others, were it not that the lat-
ter and present estate thereof far passeth any that hath
beene tofore it. For heere have wee, not onely the
most dainty piece of all our Shyre, but such a Singu-
laritie as the whole British Hand is notable to patterne.
The He of Thanet, and those Easterne parts, are the
Grayner : the Weald was the Wood : Rumney Marsh,
is the Medow plot : the Northdownes towards the
Thamyse, be the Cony garthe, or Warreine : and this
Tenham with thirty other parishes (lying on each side
this porte way, and extending from Raynham to Blean
Wood) bee the Cherrie gardein, and Apple orcharde
of Kent.
But, as this at Tenham is the parent of all the rest,
and from whome they have drawen the good iuice of
all their pleasant fruite : So is it also the most large,
delightsome, and beautifull of them. In which respect
you may phantasie that you now see Hesperidum
Hortos, if not where Hercules founde the golden
apples, (which is reckoned for one of his Heroical
labours) yet where our honest patriote Richard Harrys
TENHAM. 223
(Fruiterer to King Henrie the 8.) planted by his great,
coste and rare Industrie, the sweet Cherry, the temperate
Pipyn, and the golden Renate. For this man, seeing
that this Realme (which wanted neither the favour of
the Sunne, nor the fat of the Soile, meete for the mak-
ing of good apples) was neverthelesse served chiefly
with that Fruit from forrein Regions abroad, by reason
that (as Vergil saide)
Pomaq degenerant, succos oblita priores :
and those plantes which our auncestors had brought
hither out of Normandie had lost their native verdour,
whether you did eate their substance, or drink their
iuice, which we call Cyder, he (I say) about the yeere
of our Lord Christ 1533. obtained 105. acres of good 1533.
ground in Tenham, then called the Brennet, which he
divided into ten parcels, and with great care, good
choise, and no small labour and cost, brought plantes
from beyonde the Seas, and furnished this ground with
them, so beautifully, as they not onely stand in most
right line, but seeme to be of one sorte, shape, and
fashion, as if they had beene drawenthorowone Mould,
or wrought by one and the same patterne.
Within Tenham there was long since some Mansion
perteining to the See of Canterburie : For, in the time
of King Henrie the Seconde, there was a great dispute
(before the Archbishop, then soiourning at Tenham)
betweene the Prior of Canterburie, and the Prior of 1184.
Rochester, not for the Crosse (for that is the Arch-
bishops warre) but for the Crosier of the Bishop of
Rochester, then lately dead, which (as they of Can-
terbury claymed) ought to lye upon the Altar with
them, to be delivered to the next Bishop, but was
contradicted by them of Rochester. This pointe of
224 TENHAM.
Prioritie was to and fro maintained with such perti-
nacitie, that neither would yeelde to other, but in the
end they of Rochester put the Crosier into the hands
of Baldwyne the Archbishop, who foorthwith delivered
it to the Prior of Canterburie, of whom Gilbert Glan-
ville the next successor tooke it. And at this house
in the time of King lohn, Hubert the Archbishop
1205. departed this life, as Mathew Parise reporteth : who
addeth also, that when the King had intelligence of
his death, he brast foorth into great ioy, and said, that
he was never King (in deede) before that houre.
It seemeth, that he thought himselfe delivered of a
shrewe, but little forsawe he that a shrewder should
succeede in the roome ; for if he had, he would rather
have praied for the continuance of his life, than ioyed
in the understanding of his death.
For after this Hubert, followeth Stephan Langton,
who brought upon King lohn such a tempesteous Sea
of sorrowfull trouble, that it caused him to make
shipvvrack, both of his honour, crowne, and life also :
The storie hath appeered at large in Dover, and there-
fore needeth not now eftsoones to bee repeated.
Touching the sickly situation of this towne, and the
region thereabout, you may be admonished by the
common Rythme of the countrie, singing thus,
He that will not live long,
Let him dwell at Muston, Tenham, or Tong.
( 225 )
SHEPEY, called sometimes Covnos, and Covenrios, in
Latine, Insula Ovium, and Ovinia, a Balantum
nomine (as one writeth), in Saxon, Sceapije, the
He of Sheepe.
(the wife of Ercombert, a King of
Kent) folowing the ensample of Eanswide, the daugh-
ter of King Ethelbald, erected a Monasterie of women
in the He of Shepy, called Minster, which (in the late 660.
iust, and generall suppression) was found to be of the
yeerly value of an hundreth and twenty pounds.
This house, and the whole He was scourged thrice
within the space of twenty yeeres and a little more by
the Danes, whome I may well call (as Artila the
leader of the like people, called himselfe) Flagellum
Dei, the whip, or flaile of God. First, by thirtie and 832.
five saile of them, that arrived there and spoiled it:
Secondly, and thirdly, by the armies of them, that 851.
wintered their ships within it: Besides all which 855.
harmes, the followers of the Earle Godwine and his
sonnes (in the time of their proscription) landed at
Shepy, and harried it.
It should seeme by the dedication of the name, 1052.
that this Ilande was long since greatly esteemed either The Eng-
for the number of the sheepe, or for the finenesse of and
the fleese, although auncient foreign writers ascribe
not much to any part of all Englande (and much lesse
to this place) either for the one respect, or for the
other : But whether the sheepe of this Realme were
in price before the comming of the Saxons, or no,
Q
226 SHEPEY.
they be now (God be thanked therefore) woorthy of
great estimation, both for the exceeding finenesse of
the fleese (which passeth all other in Europe at this
day, and is to be compared with the auncient delicate
wooll of Tarentum, or the Golden Fleese of Colchos,
it selfe) and for the abundant store of flocks so in-
creasing every where, that not only this litle Isle
whiche we have now in hand, but the whole realme
also, might rightly bee called Shepey.
This Ilande is also abundantly blessed with corne :
But it feeleth some want of wood, which it now adaies
buyeth deerely in the continent of the Shyre. It hath
in compasse about 21. myles, and is a Bailiwike or
part of the Hundred of Mylton, as you may see in
the particular of the Shyre that is already set downe.
In it there are at this day, two places, the one called
Kingsborough, and the other Queenborough, maried
(if I may so speake) in name, as the chiefe things of
Note within the lie.
The first, was aunciently called Cyninjbupp, (all one
with the present name Kingsbourghe) and (being
situate in the very midst of the He, and thereby most
commodiously for the assembly of the inhabitantes)
hath evermore beene frequented for the holding of
their generall court, whereunto all the Ilanders do
resort, as well for the choice of their Constable, that
hath the office of the peace, as also for the election of
the Bailies (or Wardeins) that take the charge of the
Kings ferric (or passage) by water betweene the lie
and the maine lande of the Shyre.
The other, was by King Edward the third at the
very first named Regina Burgus, in Latine, that is,
Queeneboroughe, as we now speake, in English ; and
SHEPEY. 22?
not Cuningburgh, as Leland (mistaking it) did for a
time misseleade me to thinke. This standeth at the
West end of Shepey, together with the Castle, and
was by the same King (ashimselfe saieth in his Letters
patents, dated the tenth day of May in the forty two
yeere of his reigne) builded for the strength of his
Realme, and for the refuge of the inhabitants of this
Hand,
During this building, William of Wickam (sur-
named Perot) a man not so plentifully endowed with
good learning, as abundantly stored with Ecclesiasticall 1366.
living, (for he had nine hundred pounds of yeerely
revenue, fourteene yeeres together, and was afterwarde
by degrees advaunced to the keeping, first of the
privie, and then of the broad scale) was Surveiour of
the Kings workes, which is the very cause (as I con-
iecture) that some have ascribed to him the thanke of
the building it selfe. This Castle or platforme was
somewhat repaired by King Henrie the Eight, at such 1536.
time as hee raised Blockhouses along the Sea coasts,
for the causes already rehearsed in Dele.
Of this Castle at Quinborow, Leland saith thus,
Castrum Regius editum recipit
Burgus, fulmina dira, fy insulanos
Tutos servat, ab impetu vel omni.
A Castle high, and thundring shot,
At Quinbroughe is now plaste :
Which keepeth safe the Ilanders,
From every spoile and waste.
Being at this Castle (in the yeere 1579) I found
there, one Mathias Falconar (a Brabander) who did
Q 2
228 FEVERSHAM.
(in a furnesse that he had erected) trie and dravve very
good Brimstone and Copperas, out of a certein stone
that is gathered in great plenty upon the Shoare nearc
unto Minster in this He.
Neare unto this Castle, the same King Edward, did
at the same time also, erect (as I saide) the Towne of
Quinborow, which he created a free Borough, and
made the Townsmen Burgesses, giving them power to
choose yeerely a Maior and two Bailifes, that should
make their oath of allegeance before the Constable of
that Castle, endowing them with Counsance of pleas,
with the liberty of two markets weekely, and two
Faires yeerely, and benefiting them with freedome of
Tholle, and sundrie other bountifull privileges, that
might allure men to inhabite the place.
FEVERSHAM, in Saxon pafjiej-pam, and
As it is verie likely, that the Towne of Feversham
received the chiefe nourishment of hir increase from
the Religious house : So there is no doubt, but that
the place was through the benefite of the water some-
what of price long time before the building of that
903. Abbay there. For it is to be scene, that King Ethel-
stane helde a Parleament and enacted certeine lawes
at Feversham, about sixe hundreth and forty yeeres
agoe : at which time (I thinke) it was some Manor
house belonging to the Prince, the rather, for that
afterwarde King William the Conquerour (to whose
FEVERSHAM.
handes at length it came) amongst other things gave
the advowson of the Church to the Abbay of Saint
Augustines, and the Manor it selfe to a Normane in
recompence of service. 1072.
But what time King Stephan had in purpose to
build the Abbay, he recovered the Manor againe, by
cxchaunge made with one William de Ipre (the founder
of Boxley) for Lillychurch: and so raising heere a 1140.
stately Monasterie (the temporalties whereof did
amount to a hundreth fiftie and five poundes) he stored
it with Cluniake Monkes.
This house, was first honoured with the buriall of
Mawde the Queene, his wife : Then with the sepulture 1151.
of Eustachius his onely sonne : and shortly after 1152.
himselfe also was there interred by them.
I reade none other thing worthy remembraunce
touching this place, Save that in the reigne of King 1154.
lohn, there brake out a great controversie betweene
him and the Monkes of S. Augustines, touching the tend with
right of the Patronage of the church of Feversham. forcibly.
For, notwithstanding that King William the Con-
querour, had given it to the Abbay (as appeereth
before) yet, there wanted not some (of which number
Hubert the Archbishop was one) that whispered King 1202.
lohn in the eare, that the right of the Advowson was
devoluted unto him : which thing he beleeving, pre-
sented a Clarke to the Churche, and besides com-
maunded by his writ, that his presentee should be
admitted. The Abbat on the other side withstoode
him, and for the more sure enioying of his possession,
not only eiected the Kings Clarke, but also sent
thither divers of his Monkes to keepe the Church by
strong hand.
FEVERSHAM.
When the King understood of that, he commanded
the Sheriffe of the Shyre to levie the power of his
countie, and to restore his presentee: Which com-
maundement the officer endevoured to put in execu-
tion accordingly : But such was the courage of these
holy hoorsons, that before the Sheriffe could bring it
to passe, he was driven to winne the Church by
assault, in which he hurt and wounded divers of
of them, and drewe and haled the rest out of the
doores, by the haire and heeles.
Now it chaunced that (at the same time) John the
Cardinall of Saint Stephans (the Popes Legate into
Scotland) passed through this Realme, to whom (as
hee soiourned at Canterburie) the Monks made their
mone : and he againe, both incouraged them to sende
their Pryor to Rome for remedie, and furnished them
with his own Letters in commendation of their cause :
In which, amongst other things, he told the holy
father Innocentius plainely, that if he would suffer
Monkes to be thus intreated, the Apostolique au-
thority would soone after be set at nought, not onely
in England, but in all other countries also.
Heereupon the Pope sent out his commission, for
the understanding of the matter : but the Monkes
(being now better advised) tooke a shorter way, and
sending to the King two hundreth marks in a purse,
and a faire Palfrey for his owne sadle, they both ob-
teined at his handes restitution of their right, and also
wan him to become from thencefoorth their good Lord
and Patrone.
But heere (I pray you) consider with me, whether
these men be more likely to have been brought up in
the Schoole of Christ, and Paulc his Apostle (who
FEVERSHAM. 281
teach, Ne resistatis malo: fy vincatis bono mahtm:
Resist not evill, but overcome evill with good). Or
rather to have drawne their divinitie out of Terence
Comedie, where the counsell is, Malumus nos pro-
spicere, qudm hunc ulcisci accepta iniuria; We had
rather looke to ourselves before hand, than tarrie to be
revenged of him when we have taken wrong. Yea, and
out of the woorst point of all Tullies Philosophic, where
hepermitteth, Lacessitis iniuria, inferrevim fyiniuriam;
Those that be provoked by iniurie, to doe wrong and
iniurie againe : seeing they bee so ready, not of even
ground only, but before hande, not to aunswere, but to
offer, force and violence, even to Kings and Princes
themselves. I wis they might have taken a better lesson
out of Terence himselfe, who adviseth wise men Consilio
omnia prius experiri quam arntis : To prove al things
by way of counsel, before they take weapon in hand, and
therefore I pitie their beating so much the lesse. But
by this and such other Monkish partes of theirs, you
may see, Quid otium fy cibusfaciat alienus: What idle-
nesse, and cheere at other mens charge, is able to doe.
This towne is well peopled, and flourisheth in
wealth at this day, notwithstanding the fall of the
Abbay ; which thing happeneth by a singular pre-
eminence of the situation : for it hath, not onely the
neighbourhood of one of the most fruitfull partes of
this shyre (or rather of the very garden of Kent) ad-
ioyning by lande, but also a commodious creeke, that
serve th to bring in and carrie out by the water, what-
soever wanteth or aboundeth to the countrie, about it.
Upon the hill at Little Davington neare to this
Town, King Henry the 2. about the 2. yeere of his
reigne, raised a Priorie of Black e Nonnes to the
232 GENLADE.
honour of Mary Magdalene : in emulation (as it may
seeme) of that which his immediate predecessor King
Stephan had erected at Feversham it selfe. The name,
or value, is not read in the Register of the generall
suppression of the Religious houses, bicause (as I
have heard) it escheated to the King before that time,
or forfaited for not mainteining the due number ot
Nonnes appointed by the foundation.
GENLADE, or rather Yenlade, now sounded com-
monly, Yenlet.
BEDA hath mention of a water in Kent, running
by Reculvers, which he calleth Genlade : This name
was afterward sounded Yenlade, by the same misrule,
that jeand is now Yard, jeoc Yoke, jyl6 Yeeld,
jemen Yeomen, and such other.
Henrie of Huntingdon also reporteth, that King
Edward (the Sonne of Alfred) builded at Gladmouth :
This place I coniecture to have stoode at the mouth of
such a water, and thereof to have been called, first Gen-
lademouthe, and afterward (by contraction, and cor-
ruption of speech) Glademouthe.
The names For, to compound the name of a Towne, out of the
framedout mouth of a River adioining, was most familiar with
of thf .. our auncestors : as Exmouthe was framed out of the
mouthesot
Rivers. River Ex : Dartmouthe of the water Dert : Stour-
mouth in this Shyre of Stowre, and such other like :
And no lesse common also with us of later time is it,
rnptkm of *° corrupt (by contraction) the true names almost of al
°iishEn places> but especially of so many of the same, as con-
speech, sisted at the first of three sillables, or above.
GENLADE. 233
For, of Medweys Towne, we make Maidstone : of
Eglesford, Ailsford : of Ottanford, Otford : of Seven-
nocke, Sennocke: and so foorth infinitely, both
throughout this Shyre, and the whole Realme : and
that so rudely (in a great many) that hardly a man may
know them to be the same : For, Maildulphesbyrig we
call Malmesburie : Eovesham Esham: and Hagus-
taldsham we cut off by the waste, and nickname it,
Hexam.
Neither hath this our manner of abbreviation, cor-
rupted the names of townes and places onely, but
infected (as it were with a certaine contagion) almost
our whole speech and language : calling that which in
olde time was peopob1] now Head, Kynning King,
Hlaford Lord, Sunu Sonne, and innumerable such
other, so that our speech at this day (for the most
part) consisteth of wordes of one sillable. Which
thing Erasmus observing, merily in his Ecclesiast.
compareth the English toong to a Dogs barking, that
soundeth nothing els, but Baw, waw, waw, in Mono-
sillable.
But if this roving arrow of mine owne coniecture,
have missed the marke of Glademouth whereat I
directed my shot, yet will I pricke at Yenlade with
another out of the same quiver, and happily go neerer
to it. Beda speaketh there of the Northeast mouth of
the flood Genlade : which speech of his were idle, if
that water had none other mouthe but that one. And
therefore, when I reade in Bedaes first booke (Chap.
25.) that Wantsume divideth the He of Thanet from
the Continent, on both sides : and in his fifte booke
(Chap. 9.) that Reculver standeth at the Northe
mouthe of the water Genlade, which is the one mouthe
234 GENLADE.
of Wantsume, by his owne description : I suppose,
that by Genlade he meaneth a thing yet well knowne
in Kent, and expressed by the word Yenlade (or
Yenlet) which betokeneth an Indraught (or Inlett) of
water into the lande, out of, and besides the niaine
course, of the Sea, or of a River. For that water,
which now sundereth the lie of Greane from the
Hundred of Hoo, hath two such mouthes (or Inlettes)
the one of which opening into the Thamyse, is called
the North Yenlet, (notable for the greatest Oisters,
and Flounders :) and the other (receaving the fall of
Medway) is called Colemouth : and neither of them
standeth in the full sweepe, or right course, of those
Rivers, but in a diverticle, or by way.
Such another there is also, lying southwarde within
the same Medway, into which it openeth two mouthes,
and thereof called likewise South Yenlet, notorious
also for great Oisters, that be dredged thereaboutes.
And even such an one is the Yenlet at Reculver, where
it openeth that way into the Sea towardes the Northe,
and hath the other mouthe into Wantsume (or Stowre,
as it is now called) towards the Southe, not in the
streight course of that River, (which maketh to the
Sea betweene Stonar, and Sandwiche) but diverted,
and led aside.
As touching the water that runneth betweene the
Continent and the He of Shepey, the same is called
the Welle, and is not neare to any of these Genlades,
or Yenlettes. And where the Statute (4. H. 7. an. 15.)
maketh the Maior of London to bee conservatour of
the Thamyse, from the bridge at Stanes to the water
of Yendal and Medway, that must be understood, to
extende to Colemouth, where Medway and Yenlett
RECULVER. 235
doe occurre and meete : and the woord Yendal is mis-
printed, for Yenlade or Yenlett, in that place of the
Statute.
HECULVERS; in Latine, Regulbium, or (as Twyne
sayeth) Reculsum : in Saxon Racul): GDynj-tejw de-
rived (as I gesse) of the Bryttish woord Racor,
that signifieth forward, for so it standeth, toward
the Sea.
THE present estate of Reculvers (as you may see)
deserveth nor many wordes: As touching the antiquitie
thereof and beginning of the place. I reade, first that
Ethelbert, the first King of Kent, having placed
Augustine at Canterbury, withdrew himselfe to Recul-
ver, and there erected a Palaice for himselfe and his
successours: the compasse whereof may be traced
out by the ruines of an olde Wall there that are yet to
bee scene. Furthermore, that Ecgbrighte (the seventh
King of Kent, in succession after Hengist) gave to
one Bassa, the land at Reculver to build him a Myn-
ster upon, which stoode at the one side of the water The river
Wantsume, that ran two sundrie waies into the Sea, wantsumc
and made Tanet an Hand : And finally, that not long
after the same time, one Brightwald (being Abbat 659.
there) was advaunced to the Archbishopricke of Can-
terbury, and was not the first, as Polydore saieth, but
the seconde man of all the Saxon nation that aspired
to that dignitie.
In which behalfc, Reculvers (how poore and simple
soever otherwise) hath (as you see) somewhat whereof
23(> STOUREMOUTHE.
to vaunte it selfe : As it may also, of the body of
Ethelbert the second (a King of Kent) which (as the
Annales of Saint Augustines report) remaineth like-
wise interred there : whose monument is shewed at the
upper ende of the Southe He of the Church that yet
vaunteth it selfe with two steeples. The Oisters that
be dredged at Reculver, are reputed as farre to passe
those at Whitstaple, as those of Whitstaple doe sur-
mount the rest of this shyre, in savorie saltnesse.
Thus have I walked about this whole Diocese:
The order now therefore let me cutte over to Watlingstreete,
descrip- which I will use for my way to Rochester, and tell
you of the places that lye on each side. But first,
heare (I pray you) of Stouremouthe, and Wingham,
which be in my way to Watlingstreete.
STOUREMOUTHE, in Latine, Ostium Sturae, that is
to say, the mouth of the River Stoure.
KlNG Alfred, having many times (and that with
much losse, and more daunger) encountered his ene-
mies the Danes, and finding that by reason of the
sundry swarmes of them arriving in divers parts of his
Realme at once, he was not able to repulse them being
landed, he rigged up a royall Navie, and determined
to keepe the highe Seas, hoping thereby either to
bcate them upon the water, or to burne their vessels if
they should fortune to arrive.
Soone after this, it fortuned his Navie to meet with
the Danish fleete at the mouthe of the River Stour,
STOUREMOUTHE. 237
where at the first encounter the Danes lost sixteene
saile of their ships : But, (as many times it falleth out,
that securitie followeth victorie) so the Kings armie
kept no watch, by reason whereof the Danes having
repaired their forces, came freshly upon the English
mariners at unwares, and finding them fast a sleepe,
gave them a great and bloudie overthrowe.
The likenesse, or rather, the agreement of the
names, would leade a man to thinke, that the true
place of this conflict shoulde be Stouremouthe, in this
Shyre, the rather for that it is derived of the mouth of
the river Stoure, and that by the circumstance of the
storie itappeereth, that King Alfred was in Kent when
he made determination of this iourney. Howbeit, he
that shal advisedly read the story as it is set downe by
Asserus, shal confesse it to have beene in Eastangle,
which conteined Norfolke and Sufiblke, &c. And for
the more certeinty, I take it to have chaunced at the
same place which we now call Harwiche Haven. For
that River divideth Essex from Suffblke, and not
farre from the head thereof in Essex, there standeth a
Towne yet called Sturmere, which (in my phantasie)
sufficiently mainteineth the knowledge of this matter.
Thus much I thought fit to say of the name Stowre-
mouth, least otherwise the Reader (whome I would
keepe within the limits of Kent) might be shipped in
the boatc of this errour, and be suddenly conveied
from me. Againe, it shall not be amisse (for the
better understanding of this selfesame Hy storie, penned
by Henrie Huntingdon) to note that in this place, hee
calleth the Danes, not Paganos, as in the rest of his
booke he useth, but by a strange name Wicingas, as
the Saxon Chronicles in report of the same matter doe
terme them.
•238 STOUREMOUTHE.
Which worde (I thinke) he tooke out of some Saxon
Chronicle that he followed, and happily understood
not what it signified : For if he had, why should he
not rather (since he wrote Latine) have called them
Piratas, as the woord Wicingas in deed meaneth, and
as Asserus in the rehersal of the same fight had done
before him.
<J?theoide rt may be> that he was a Norman borne : And tmly
English I suppose that the Saxon speech was well nigh worne
out of use, in the reigne of King Stephan, (under
whome he lived) seeing that even immediately after
the comming in of the Conquerour, it began to decline.
For it is plaine, that the Normans at their very first
entrie, laboured by all means to supplant the English,
and to plant their owne language amongst us : and for
that purpose, they bothe gave us the lawes, and all
manner of pastimes, in the Frenche tongue, as he that
will peruse the Lawes of the Conquerour, and consider
the terms of Hawking, Hunting, Tenise, Dice play,
and other disportes, shal easily perceave : they reiected
also the Saxons Characters, and all that their wonted
manner of writing, as writeth Ingulphus, the Abbat of
Croyland (which came over with them) and as a man
may yet see in the booke of Domesday it selfe, which
(notwithstanding that it was written within a few yeeres
after the arrivall of the Conquerour) yet being penned
by Norman writers, it reteineth very few letters of the
Saxon Alphabet.
Thus farre, by occasion of Stoure in Suffolke : But
now the head and course of our Kentish Stoure,
standeth thus : It hath two Originals, the one at Streat-
well in Leneham, not fully one mile distant from that
which riseth at Bygon (as I saide) and helpeth Med-
WINGHAM. 239
way : the other at Postlyng church : and these both
doe ioine neare to Ayshford, where it first craveth the
name of Stoure, and from whence assisted with other
streames that conspire with it, they all passe in one
bottome to Wie, and to Canterbury, and did in times
past run to Stourmouth, now somwhat removed : not
far from which, it receaveth the water that springeth
at S. Edburghes well, adioining to the churchyarde at
Lyming, and of which divers townes that border upon
it have Borne for the last syllable of their names.
After this, it beginneth to divide it selfe two waies, and
to describe the He of Thanet, ceassing to be called any
longer Stoure, but Yenlade, or Wantsume, as even
now I tolde you.
BESIDES
WlNGHAM.
the stately, and Princelike Palaices at The Arch-
Canterburie, Maidstone, Otford, Knoll, Croydon, and Were well
Lambhythe, which the Archbishops of this Shy re kept housed'
in their handes, bothe to perfourme their set solemnities
of housekeeping, and to soiourne at with their whole
traines, when they travelled towarde the Court and
Parleament, or remained for busines about the same :
they had also of auncient time divers other Manor
houses of lesse cost and capacitie, planted in divers
parts of this country, in which they used to breathe
themselves, after their great feastes and affaires finished,
and to lodge at, when they travelled the Countrie to
make their visitations.
Of this number (amongst other) were Foorde, Charte,
Charing, Charteham, Tenham, and this our Wingham :
240 WINGHAM.
at the which, Baldwyne (the Archbishop in the reigne
of King Henry the Second) lay, at such time, as hee
had contention with his Co vent of Christes Church,
for making a Chappell at Hakington, as in fit place
you shall finde more largely disclosed.
In the meane season, I will tel you, that (as the
Annales of Saint Augustines report) when two of his
Monkes cames to this house on horsebacke, in great
haste to serve the processe of that suite upon him, he
receaved the Processe dutifully, but he caused them
to dismount, and to walke home on foote faire and
softly.
Provision At this house also, King Edwarde the First rested
' for a season, with Robert of Winchelsey (then newly
made Archbishop) whilest he tooke order for the de-
fence of the Sea coasts, charging bothe the spiritualitie
and commons with horse and armour, according to the
quantities of their livelyhoodes and possessions.
And here was he advertised, that one of his familie
(called Sir Thomas Turbeuille, whom he had sent
into Gascoine with commission) was fallen into the
hands of the Frenche King his enemie, and impri-
soned in Paris, and that for his deliverance he had
conspired with the Frenche King, and promised to
betray the King his maister : whereupon King Edward
caused such diligent watch to be laid for him, that he
was taken, and such speedie and severe iustice to be
executed upon him, that hee was foorthwith con-
demned, drawen thorowe London, and hanged on live.
Of this man a Poet of that age, alluding to his name,
made this verse following, and some other.
Turbat tranquilla clam, Thomas Turbida villa, fyc.
Our things now in tranquillitie,
Thorn. Turbuill troubleth privilie.
WATL1NGSTREETE. 241
And heere againe King Edwarde the Second lay 1225.
with Walter Reignold the Archbishop, conferring with
him and others concerning his passage into Fraunce
for the dooing of his Homage : but in the end resolved
to send over his sonne Edward (afterward called the
third King of that name) to whome he had given the
Duchie of Aquitane : with him went the mother also,
where betweene her and her complices was con-
trived that, which cost her Husband both his Crowne,
and life also, as all our Hystories can enforme you.
It is no small token of the auncient estimation of
this place, that it giveth the name to the whole hun- The
^ names ot
dreth in which it is situate : for that is moste usuall, Lathes,
both in this Shyre, and elsewhere, that the whole pentakes*
territorie (be it Lathe, Wapentake, or Hundreth) most
commonly beareth the name of some one place, most
notable, and excelling other within the same at the
time of the name imposed, although happily at this
day some other place doe much exceede it. .
To make an end, heere was sometime a religious
College of sixe Prebendaries and som Churchmen,
the governour whereof was called a Provost, which
some doe suppose to have beene founded by lohn 1284.
Peckam the Archbishop, and I finde to have beene va-
lued at fourescore and foure pounds of yeerely revenue.
WATLINGSTREETE, in Saxon peatlmjftnete, of one
Weatle, whom the printed booke of Math. West.
calleth untruly, Wading.
JvlNG Molmutius, the British Solon and first Law The Privi-
maker, decreed amongst other things, that such as wghwaies.
were found praying in the Temple, labouring at the
R
24'2
WATLINGSTREETE.
plough, or travailing in the high waies, should not be
impeached by any officer, but that they shoulde enioy
peaceable freedome and libertie, both for their goods
and persons. But, forasmuch as he had not (in his
life time) described those waies that he would have
thus privileged, great contention arose after his death,
which waies shoulde be taken for high and royall, and
which not: and therefore, Belinus (his Sonne and
successour) to cease all controversie, limited in cer-
taine, foure especiall high waies : whereof the first
was called, Ermingstreete, and lead (after the opinion
of some) from Southampton to Saint Davids in Wales,
or (as others write) to Carlile in the North : The se-
Fosiway. conde was named Fosseway, and extended from
Cathnes in the North of Scotland, to Totnes, a cape
of Cornewall : The Third Ikeneled (or as others write
it) Rekeneld, and reached from East to West (as Hun-
tingdon affirmeth) but as others will, from Tinmouth
to Saint Davids, which is from Northeast to South-
west. Watlingstreet, where we now are, was the
fourth, and it began at Dover (after the opinion of
Ralfe Higden) passed through the midst of Kent,
crossed the Thamise at the West end of London,
(howbeit others, to whom I rather incline, thinke that
it ran through London, and left the name to Watling-
streete there) from thence to Saint Albons, Dunstable,
Stretford, Towcester, Lilburne, and Wrecken, thence
over the river of Severne to Stretton, and so through
the midst of Wales to Cardigan, and to the banke of
the Irishe Sea.
And this is the common and received opinion (al-
though in deede there be divers) touching the first
beginning and description of this way. But Simon
Watling-
streete.
WATLINGSTREETE. 243
the Chaunter of Durham, and he that made the con-
tinuation to the Hystorie of Asserus Meneuensis
(bothe very good authours) ascribe bothe the beginning
and the name also of this way, to the sonnes of a
Saxon King, whom they called Weatle : which their
opinion, as I doe not greedily receive, bicause I finde
not that name (Weatle) in any Catalogue of the Kings
that I have seene : so will I not rashly reiect it, for
the estimation that I otherwise reteine of the writers
themselves, But doe leave the Reader to his free
choice, to take or leave the one, or the other.
And, as there is difference concerning the first be-
ginning and name of this way : So all agree not in the
trace and true course of the same. For Henry (the
Archdeacon of Huntingdon) affirmeth, that it stretched
from Dover to Chester. And this Simon reporteth,
that it extended it selfe from the East Sea to the West.
Which third and last opinion, may well ynough stand,
either with the first, or the seconde.
But now, as touching this privilege graunted by
Molmutius, although it continue not altogether in the
same plight, yet some shadowe thereof remaineth even
to this day, as by the lawes of King Edward the Con-
fessour which confirmed the protection of the foure
waies by name, and by the Statute of Marlbridge,
which forbiddeth distresses to be taken in any the
Kings high waies or common streetes; and by the
Statute (called Articuli Cleri) which commaundeth
that such as abjured shoulde not be molested while
they be in the highe waies, may evidently appeere.
Furthermore, I finde in Hystorie, that this Watling-
streete, hath heretofore not onely served for the free
passage of the people, but that it hath beene (at times
R 2
244 LVMINGE
also) a marke and bounder bctwcene some Kings for
the limits of their iurisdictions and authoritie : for so
it was betweene Edmund and Anlaf, Alfred and
Guthrum, and others.
But, bicause those matters reach further than this
o? «Ssdde Shvre extendetn> I wil1 reserve them to fit place, and
scription. shewe you in the meane while, what I count note
woorthy on both sides of this way, till I come to the
Dioccssc of Rochester.
LYMINGE.
ON the South side of Watlingstreete, and under the
Downes, Lyminge is the first that offereth it selfe:
concerning the which, I have found a note or twaine,
that make more for the antiquitie, than for the estima-
tion of the place.
For I reade in the Annales of St. Augustincs of
Canterbury, that Eadbald (the sonne of King Ethel-
bert, the first Christened King of Kent) gave it to
Edburge his sister, who foorthwith clocked together
a sort of simple women, which under her wing there
tooke upon them the Popish veile of widowhood.
But that order in time waxed colde : and therefore
Lanfranc the Archbishop, at suche time as hee builded
S.Grego- Sainct Gregories in Canterburie (as wee have touched
terbnrie, in Tanet before) reckoning it no smal ornament of
first b d- njg Cation to bestowe some renowned Relique
that might procure estimation to his worke, translated
the olde bones of Edburge from Lyminge to Sainct
1084. Gregories, and verified in Papistrie the olde Maxime
Reiiqucs. Of Philosophic, Corruptio unius, generatio alterius:
The corruption of one, is the generation of another.
( 245 )
BAKAMDOWNE, in the Saxon, Bajipam6une7 That
is to say, The hill where the Bores doe abide.
As this place is of it selfe very fit (by reason of the
flatte levell and plainenesse thereof) to array an host
of men upon : So have we testimony of three great
armies that have mustered at it. The one under the
conduct of lulius Caesar, who landing at Dele (as we
have before shewed) surveied his host at Baramdowne,
and marching from thence against the Britons, so
daunted their forces, that he compelled them to become
tributary.
No lesse infortunate, but much more infamous to
this countrie, was the time of the second muster here,
which happened in the reigne of King lohn : who
hearing that Philip (the King of Frauncc) had by in-
citation of the Pope (as hath already appeered in King lohn
yeeldeth
Dover) prepared a great armie to invade him, and that to the
he was ready at Calaice to take shipping, determined ope'
to incounter him upon the Sea, and (if that assay
succeeded not) then to give him battaile on the lande
also. For which service, hee rigged up his ships of
warre, and sent to the Sea the Earle of Salisburie,
(whom he ordeined Admirall) and calling togither fit
men from all the partes of the Realme, he founde (by
view taken at this place) an army of sixtie thousand
to incounter his enemies, besides a sufficient number of
able and armed souldiours to defend the land withall.
But now, whitest he thus awaited at Baramdowne
to heare further of his adversaries comming, Pandulph
246 BAKAMDOWNE.
(the Popes Legate) sent unto him two Knights of the
order of the Temple, by whose mouth he earnestly
desired the King to graunt him audience. The King
assented, and the Legate came unto him, and saide in
summe as followeth.
Behold (O Prince) the King of Fraunce is in armes
against thee, not as against a private enimie to him
alone, but as an open and common adversarie both to
the Catholike Church, to the Popes holynesse, to
whole Christendome, and to God himselfe : Neither
commeth hee upon opinion of his owne power and
strength, but is armed with great confidence of Gods
favourable aide, accompanied with the consent of
many great Princes, furnished with the presence of
such as thou hast banished out of thy Realme, and
assured by the faithfull promises of sundry of thine
owne Nobilitie whiche nowe are present in person with
thee. Consider therefore in what danger thou standest,
and spare not to submit thee, while space is : least if
thou persist, there be no place left of further favour.
The King hearing this, and being (upon causes
knowne to himselfe) more distrustful of Traitours at
home, than fearfull of enimies abroade, agreed to
serve the time, and taking the Legate to Dover with
him, sealed the Golden Bull of submission, whereby
Englande was once againe made a tributarie Province
to the Citie of Rome, and that in so much the more
vile condition, than it was before, as an usurped
Hierarchic, is inferiour to a noble, lawfull, and re-
nowmed Monarchic. For it is truly said, Dignitate
domini, minus turpis est conditio servi : It is the lesse
shame, to be servant, to a woorthy maister. Now
when the Frenche King on the other side of the Seas,
rons warre
BARAMDOWNE. 247
hath woord heereof, he retired with his armie in a
great choler, partly for that he was thus deluded, but
chiefly bicause he had lost his navie, which the Earle
of Salisburie had set on fire in the haven at Calaice.
Simon Mountford (the Earle of Leicester, that was The Ba-
elected by the Barons of this Realme Generall of that
armie which they raised against King Henrie the Third,
arraied thirdly a very great hoast of men heere, at such
time as he feared the arrivall of Eleonar the Queene,
who being daughter to the Earle of Provence, and then
left in Fraunce behind the King and the Earle, (which
also had beene both there a little before, to receive
the Frenche Kings awarde touching their controversie)
ceassed not by all possible means to sollicite the King
of Fraunce, and to incite other her friends and allies,
to ayde King Henrie against the Nobilitie. But
whether it were that presently they could not for their
owne affaires, or that at all they durst not, knowing
that their comming was awaited, they served not her
desire : by means whereof, the Lords waxed strong,
and soone after gave the King a battaile in Sussex,
wherein they both tooke him, his brother Richarde,
and his eldest sonne, prisoners. But as touching the
originall, proceeding, and event of these wars, I will-
ingly spare to speake muche in this place, knowing
that I shall have opportunitie offered heereafter to
discourse them. In the parish of Barham, a little
from the side of the wood, and about six miles from
Dover, appeereth yet an entrenched ground with three
ditches : which whether it were the place where Caesar,
or (after him) some Saxon, or Danish Capitane, en-
camped, I cannot informe you. Now therefore let
us consider a few other places, and then haste us to
Canterburie.
( 248
CHARTEHAM.
AFTER such time as King lohn had made himselfe
the Popes Tenaunt of the Crowne and Realme of
Englande, (as even now I tolde you) the Clergie of this
countrie was so oppressed with Romish exactions,
that they were become, not only unable, but thereby
unwilling also, to releeve the necessitie of the Prince
with any prest of money, as in times past they had
accustomed to do. Whereat the King on the one side
taking offence, pressed them many times very harde,
not ceasing till he had wroong somewhat from them :
and they on the other side, appealing to their holy
fathers aide, procured (by their great cost) many sharpe
prohibitions, and proud menacies against him. So
that sundry times in the reigne of King Henry the
Third, this Ball was busily tossed betweene the King
and the Pope, the Clergie (in the meane while) look-
ing upon, but nothing laughing at the game.
Amongst other things done for the manifestation of
The Popes the Popes ravine, the same King at one time corn-
in Eug- ' maunded a generall surview to be made of the Popes
yeerety revenue within this realme, and found it to
surmount the yeerely receipt of his owne Eschequer,
in very rent, besides innumerable secrete gifts and
rewards whereof no account could be made.
Heereupon the Prince, by advise of his Realme,
sent speciall messengers to the generall Councell that
was then holden at Lyons in Fraunce, with commission
to sue for redresse. The like complaint also, was, at
CHARTER AM. 249
the same time, and for the same cause, exhibited by
the King of Fraunce : Neither was the state of the
Empire then free from the heavie yoke of that Popish
oppression: for M. Parise reporteth, that even then the
Emperour himselfe wrote an earnest letter to the King
and Nobilitie of this Realme, solliciting them to ioine
with him in withstanding the tyranny of the Romish
See. Howbeit, all this coulde not helpe, but that the
Popes (labouring daily more and more with this in-
curable disease of Philargyrie) continually pilled the
English Clergie, and so encountred King Henrie, that
in the ende he was driven to use the meane of the
Popes authoritie, whensoever he needed the aide of
his owne spiritualitie.
After Henrie followed his sonne Edwarde the First,
who being more occupied in martiall affaires than his
Father was, and thereby the more often inforced to
use the helpe of his subiectes, for the raising of some
necessarie masses of money, now and then borowed of
his Clergie : til at the length, Pope Boniface the Eight 1295.
(treading the path of his predecessours pride) tooke
upon him to make a constitution, That if any Clerke
gave to a layman, or if any lay person should take of a
Clerke, any spirituall goodes, he should foorthwith
stand excommunicate. By colour of which decree,
the Clergie of England, at such time as the King next
desired their contribution towardes his warres, made
answere with one assent, That they would gladly, but
they might not safely, without the Popes licence,
agree to his desire.
Heereat the King waxed wrothe, and calling a Par- A Pariea-
leament of his Nobilitie and commons (from which he miTti'iT* '
excluded the Bishops and Clergie) enacted, that tkeir Clersie-
250 CHARTEHAM.
persons should be out of his protection, and their
goods subiect to confiscation, unlesse they would by
submitting themselves redeeme his favour.
It was then a world to see, how the wealthie Bishops,
fat Abbats, and riche Priors in each quarter bestirred
them, each man contending with liberall offer to make
his raunsome : in so much as the house of Sainct Au-
gustines in Canterbury ( as the Annales of their owne
1296. Abbay doe report) gave to the King two hundreth and
fiftie pounds in money for their peace, having lost be-
fore (notwithstanding all their haste) two hundreth and
fiftie quarters of their wheate, which the Kings Officers
had seised to his use, and shipped to be sent into Gas-
coine for the victualing of his men of warre.
The trai- Onely Robert of Winchelsey (then Archbishop of
hav°iour of Canterbury) refused to aide the King, or to reconcile
w>inche?f nimse^e> *n so much that of very stomacke he dis-
sey, the charged his familie, abandoned the Citie, and with-
bishop. drew himselfe to this Towne, the whiche was first given
to his priorie of Christes church by one Alfred, a Noble
man, about the yeere after Christ, 970: and from
thence (as mine Author saith) he roade each Sunday
and Holiday to the churches adioining, and preached
the woorde of God.
Polidore, Polidore, in his owne opinion, giveth him an apte
pTes6 Tneme> writing that he preached upon this text,
creature. Melius est obedire Deo, quam hominibus : It is better
to obey God, than men : which if he will have to serve
the turne, he must construe it thus, It is better to obey
the Pope, than the King, and so make the Pope a
God, and the King no more than a common man.
But Peter the Apostle of God, from whome the Pope
woulde seeme to derive, and Polidore the Apostle of
CHAKTEHAM. 251
the Pope (for he first sent him hither to gather his
Peter pence) were not of one minde in this point : For
Peter inioinethus plainly, Subditi estate omni humana
ordinationi propter Dominum, sive Regi, tanquam
pracellenti, he. Be ye subiect to all humane ordi-
nance, for the Lordes sake, whether it bee to the King
as to the most excellent, &c. making the King the
most excellent under God, who (no doubt) if he com-
maund not against God, is to be obeied before the
Pope, concerning whome we have no commaunde-
ment at all in the Scriptures of God.
Howbeit, since Polidore and the Bishop served
one common Maister, namely the man of Rome, it is
the lesse marvaile if he commend his endevour in this
part, and that also is of the lesse credit which he
writeth of him in another place, where he bestoweth
this honorable Elogium upon him, Quantum in eo
fuit, de Religione iuxa atq de Repub. promereri stu-
duit, d qua nunquam discessit, nunquam oculos deie-
cit : ita qfficio suo atq omnium commodis sibi servien-
dum censuit. As much as in him was (saith he) he
studied to deserve well, both of religion, and of the
common wealth, from the which he never departed,
he turned away his eies : so thought he it meete to
serve his owne dutie, and the profit of all men. As
concerning his desert in religion I wil say nothing,
bicause it may be thought the fault of that age, and
not of the person onely : but as touching his behaviour
towarde his Prince and Countrie (wherein also con-
sisteth no small part of religion and feare of God)
since our Law alloweth of the triall De vicineto, I
will bring you one of his next neighbours to depose
for him, a man that lived in the same time with him,
252 CHARTEHAM.
1 meane the writer of. the Annales of S. Augustines,
who upon the yeere 1305. hath this note following :
Eodem an. 7. Kal. Mail, cumscepe dictus Archiepis-
copus Robertus, super multis Articulis enormibus (et
prcecipue super proditione, quam cum quibusdam co-
mitibus, fy proceribus multis, pactus erat in dolo, ut
Regem a Regni solio deiicerent,fyfilium eius Eduardum
ipsius in throno subrogarent, fy patrem perpetuo car-
ceri manciparent) d Rege calumniaretur, fy inficiari
non possit obiecta: ultra quam credi potest timore
percussus, ad Regis pedes pronus cadens in terram, ut
eius mereretur assequi clementiam, sese per singula
fiends fy eiulans, Regis subdidit voluntati : Sic igitur
humiliatus est ille Deo odibilis fy superbus, qui per
totum Anglorum orbem, oris sui flatu, more mere-
tricio, Sacerdotium deturpavit, fy Clerum, fy in populo
tyranidem exercuit inauditam : Et qui Regem, Domi-
num suumy literatorie ei scribens, nominare renuit
superbiendo, nunc humiliatus, fy Regem, fy Dominum
suumfacit, fy nominat, obediens factus, sed inuitus ei
deuotius seruiendo.
The same yeere, the 25. of April, when as the
often named Robert the Archbishop, was chalengcd
by the King for many points of great enormitie, and
especially for the treason which he had imagined with
certaine Earles and Noblemen, to the ende that they
shoulde displace the King from the seate of his King-
dome, and place his sonne Edward in his throne, and
cast the father into perpetuall prison: and when he
could not deny the things obiected against him, being
stroken with an incredible feare, and falling down
prostrate upon the earth at the Kings feete that hee
might deserve to obtainc his favour, with weeping
CHARTEHAM. 253
and wailing he submitted himself wholly to the Kings
pleasure. And thus was that proud, and most hate-
full man to God, brought lowe and humbled, the
which defiled throughout al England with the breath
of his mouth (like an harlot) the state of the Priest-
lioode and Clergie, and exercised intollerable tyrannic
over the people : and he, which before writing unto
the King, refused in his letters for pride to call him
his Lord, now being humbled, both acknowledgeth
and calleth him his Lord and King, being made obe-
dient, and to serve him with great devotion, but yet
against his will.
Againe, when as in the same yeere he was cited to
appeere at Rome (upon complaint that he had wast-
fully spoiled the goods of his Church) and came to the
Court to sue for licence to passe over the Seas, the
King (as soone as he came to his presence and had
mooved his sute) caused the presence chamber doore
to be set wide open, willed the standers by to give eare,
and spake aloude to the Bishop in this manner, as the
same author reporteth.
Licentiam transfretandi, quam d nobis postulare
venisti, libenter tibi concedimus, revertendi autem
licentiam nullam damns, memores doli, ac proditionis
quas in Parlemento Lincolnice cum Baronibus nostris
in Regiam machinatus es Maiestatem, cuius rei litera
signo tuo sigillata testis est, fy testimonium perhibit
contra te evidenter. Sed propter amorem beati
Thomce Martyris, fy EcclesifB cui prcees reverentiam,
vindictam hucusque distulimus, reservantes earn Papce,
qui nostras iniurias ulciscetur, utpote speramus. A
protectione vero nostra, te prorsus excludimus, omnem
(jratiam negantes $ misericordiam, quia re vera semper
•254 CHARTEHAM.
immisericors fwsti: Cumq Wintoniensis Episcopus
pro eo intercederet, fy Archiepiscopum Dominum suum
esse dicer et, Rex affirmavit, se omnium Prcelatorum
regni, fy Regem, fy Dominum esse principalem.
We willingly graunt you licence to passe over the
Seas, according as you are come to desire, but to returne
again we give you no licence at all, being mindfull of
the deceit and treason, which you did practise with our
Barons, against our Kingly Maiestie in the Parlea-
ment at Lincolne : of the which thing your letter
signed with your owne scale is a witnes, and evidently
giveth testimonie against you : Howbeit, for the love
of Saint Thomas the Martyr, and for the reverence of
the Church over the which you are set, wee have
hitherto deferred the revenge, reserving it to the Pope,
which (as wee hope) will make revenge of our iniuries.
But we utterly exclude you from our protection, deny-
ing you all grace and mercie, bi cause indeede you
have alwaies beene an unmercifull man. And when
as the Bishop of Winchester made intercession for
him, and said, that the Archbishop was his Lord, the
King affirmed, that he himselfe was the King and
chiefe Lorde of all the Prelates of the Realme.
This matter I have exemplified the more at large,
both to the end that you may see how great a traitour
to his Prince, how unmercifull a tyrant to the common
people, and how foule a blemish to the Ecclesiasticall
order, this Bishop was, quite contrarie to that which
King Ed- M. Polydore affirmeth of him: and also that you may
fireclay- understand, what authoritie King Edward the first in
"remacy" Plaine termes, chalenged over his Cleargie : not such
over the as Anselme offered King William Rufus, when he
tooke Canterburie of his gift, saying, Summo potijici
CHILHAM. 255
debeo obedientiam, tibi consilium. I owe my obedience
to the high Bishop, and my counsell to you. But such
as a true subiect oweth to his Liege King and lawfull
sovereigne, and such as differeth no more from that
which we at this day attribute to our Prince, than
Principalis Dominus, and Supremus Gubernator do 1313.
varie in sunder.
And yet (beholde the madnes of the time) after the
death of this Bishop, the common people forsooth
resorted to his tumbe, and would needes have made
a Saint of him, had not the Sepulchre been defaced
and their follie staied by authoritie and publique ordi-
nance.
CHILHAM, in Saxon Cylepam, which soundeth, the
cold place: Leland saith, that some called it the
Castle of losua : and Master Camden writelh, that
some call it lulham, of lulius.
1 HAT Chylham Castle had aunciently the reputation
of an Honour, appeareth by a Note, taken out of the
Patentes (15. Regis loannis) where it is said, that
Thomas Peverel had committed to his charge, the
Castle of Chylham with the Honour. For, it was a
member of the Castle of Dover, and in the allotement
of lands for the defence of Dover, it fell to the share
of Fulbert of Dover, who (in consideration thereof)
undertooke to finde at his owne charge fifteen able
souldiours, whereof three should warde at Dover every
moneth, and so mainteine it by the continuance of
twenty weekes in the yeere.
CHILHAM.
1 might suspect, that it came afterwarde to the pos-
session of the Archbishop: for I have read, that upon
a time, King lohn came thither, to treate with Stephan
Langton the Archbishop, for reconciliation to be had
betweene them. But I finde that the Scottish Earle of
Ashele enioyed it by marriage with Isabel of Dover,
and that he engaged it for money to King Ed ward e the
Third : and that in the time of his sonne (Edwarde the
Seconde) the Lorde Bartholomew of Badlesmer (that
was Steward of that Kings house, and woulde faine
have beene Earle of Kent) possessed the place, and
magnificently feasted there the Queene, with many of
the Nobilitie, whom he presented with the most liberal
guiftes and rewardes.
The building (saith Leland) was not onely commo-
dious for use, and beautifull for pleasure, but strong
also for defence and resistance : and so continued
untill that Sir Thomas Cheynie translated the best
materials thereof, to his house at Shoreland in the He
of Shepey.
Master Camden, learnedly (as in other things) hath
collected out of Caesars owne wordes, that this was
the very place, where he (in his seconde attempt against
this Hand) encamped twelve miles from the Sea shoare,
along a Rivers side : and coniectureth, that (not with-
out reason) some have thereof called it lulham, the
place of lulius : even as others call the Greene hillocke
at Chilham, lullaber, of Laberius Durus, one of
Caesars Colonels, that was slaine by the Britaines
upon the rising of that his Campe.
( 257 )
WYE, the woorde (in Bryttish) signifieth, an Egge.
WHAT time King William the Conquerour endowed
his Abbay of Battell in Sussex, he gave thereunto
(amongst other) his Manor of Wye, conteining at that
time seven hydes or ploughe landes, and being (before
that time) of the Demeasnes of the Crowne.
The Chronicles of Battell Abbay affirme, that there
were sometimes two and twenty Hundreths subiect
to the iurisdiction of this Manor : which if it be true,
then (as farre as I can reache by coniecture) the ter-
ritorie of Wye was the very same in compasse, that
now the Last of Screy (or Sherwinhope) describeth,
that is to say, the lift part of this whole Shyre, con-
sisting of two and twenty Hundrethes in number.
The same King graunted to his Monkes of Battel, The olde,
wrecke of the Sea, falling upon Dengemarishe, a
portion of Wye, and willed further by his Charter of
donation, that if any fish (called a Craspeis, that is,
Crasse pisse, a great or roiall fishe, as whales, or
suche other, which by the Lawe of Prerogative per-
teined to the King himselfe) should e happen to be
taken there, that then the Monkes shoulde have it
wholy : And if it fortuned to arrive in any other mans
land (lying betweene Horsmede, and Withburne) that
yet the Monkes should enioy the whole tongue, and
two third partes of the rest of the body.
Now, in the reigne of King Henrie his Sonne, it
fortuned, that a ship laden with the Kings owne
goodes was wrecked within the precinct of this liber-
S
WYI:
tie, which his Officers would have seised and saved to
his use : but Gefiray (then Abbat of Battell) with-
stoode them, and that so stoutly that the matter by
complainte came to the Kings owne hearing: who (to
make knowen how much he valued his fathers graunt)
yeelded the matter wholy into the Abbats owne
courtesie.
The same Storie observeth a thing touching Wrecke,
(or rather Varech, as the custome of Normandie from
whence it came, calleth it) not unworthie the recitall,
that is, that of auncient time, if a ship were cast on
shoare, torne with tempest, and not repaired by such
as escaped on live within a certein time, that then this
was taken for wreck, and so used along the coast. But
Henrie the First (saith the booke) disliking the in-
iustice of that custome, ordeined, that if from thence-
foorth any one thing (being within the vessell) arrived
on live, then the ship and goods should not be seised
for Wrecke.
This decree had force during all his reigne, and
ought of congruence to have endured for ever : How-
beit, after his death, the owners of lande on the Sea
shoare, shewing themselves more carefull of their owne
gaine, than pitifull of other mens calamities, returned
to the olde manner. Which their unmercifull covetise
(as I suppose) provoked King Edward the First, by
the statute (that we call Westminster the first) to make
restitution of King Henries law : which even to this
day remaineth in force, nothing so heavy against poore
men (afflicted by misfortune of the Sea) as that former
evill usage was, but yet (as the matter is commonly
used) neither so easie as Christian charitie would,
nor so indifferent as the lawes of other countries
WYE. 2
affoord. And therefore I will leave it, as a thing- wor-
thy (amongst other) of reformation when God shal
give time.
But to Wye againe : King Edwarde the Seconde
(after the burial of his father, and before his owne
Coronation) held the solemnitie of a whole Christmasse
in the house of this Manor: And as for the towne of 1308.
Wye, it is yet a well haunted market.
There was also at this towne, a College, valued in The C
the Recordes at 93. pounds of yeerly revenue : the
which (as I finde in certeine notes of Kent taken by
lohn Lelande, and given with others to mee by my
friend lohn Stowe of London, that diligent searcher
of Antiquities) was founded by lohn Kempe, the
Archbishop of Canterbury : who being at the first the
childe of a poore husbande man in Wye, became
afterward a Doctor in both lawes and divinitie, then
attained successively to the myters of Rochester,
Chiehester, and London, after that aspired to the
Crosses and Palles of Yorke and Canterburie, and
withall obteined the Cardinal hattes of St. Balbines
and Saint Ruffines: as by this verse, made concerning
him, it may appeere,
Bis primas, ter prcesul eras, bis Car dine functus.
Twice Primate, Bishop thrice, and Cardinal twice
thou wast.
This man, in the 24. yeere after his translation to 1450.
Yorke, and not three yeeres before his translation
from this life, converted the parish church of Wye to
the title of a College, the head whereof was called a
Prebendarie, and the residue were Ministers for
S 2
260 ASHEFORDE.
Churche service. The speare or steeple of which
Churche was fired by lightening, and consumed even
to the stoneworke thereof.
ASHEFORDE, which name is written in some olde
Recordes, Esshetisford, and may be interpreted,
theforde or passage over the water, Eshe, or Eshet.
EVEN as the body, or bulke, of a tree, is compact
of many rootes, the which at the first (and where they
drawe from every side the iuice of the earth) be very
small, and then doe waxe bigger by little and little,
untill at the last they bee united into one trunke or
body, able to receive all their sappe and moisture :
So also, the greater ryvers (which fall not out of
standing lakes) have their increase from many smal
Wels (or springs) the which creepe at the first out of
the earth, and bee conveied in slender- quilles, then
afterwarde (meeting together in course) doe growe by
little and little into bigger pipes, and at the last doe
emptie themselves into some one bottome, and so
make up a great streame, or chanell.
One example whereof you have scene at Maidstone
before, and another is now offered to your eie heere at
Asheford : a good market towne, seated upon a water
which hath before receaved the confluence and help
of sundry smal brookes, or boornes : whereof some do
lie on the Southeast side of his course, and the others
on the Northweast.
Of the first sort those two be the chiefe, which
come out the one from the towne of Brooke so called
ASHEFORDE. *
of that water) and the other from the partes about
Postlyng. Of the second sort bee, first those two,
which beginne at the townes of Estwell and Westwell
(which likewise take their names of those very welles
or springs) and then those other two also, whereof
the one breaketh out of the ground about Stallesfield,
and the other near Leneham. And these last coople I 714.
take to be the same which the Chronicler of Christes-
church did meane, when he saide, that Kenulph the
King gave to Walfred the Archbishop and to Christes-
churche, a piece of lande called Bynne, lying (inter
duos genitales rivos fluminis Stowre) betweene two of
those brookes which doe ingendre the river Stowre.
Neverthelesse I am of the opinion, that this ryver is
not rightly to be called Stowre (but Eshe, or Eshet)
untill that it have passed this towne, as bothe in the
title heereof, and in Stouremouthe before, I have
already coniectured.
There was at this towne a faire College, consisting of
a Prebendarie, as head, and of certeine Priestes and
Choristes, as members: the which was founded by
Sir Fogge, a knight of this shyre, and controller of the
housholde to King Edwarde the Fourth.
The Manor of Asheford perteined to the Dean and
Chanons of the free Chappell of S. Stephans at West-
minster that was founded by Edw. 3. for to them did
King Edw. 4. in the 5. yeere of his reigne, give a faire
to be holden at Asheford foure daies yeerely, begin-
ning on the eeven of S. John Port Latine, by the suite
(as it seemeth) of the same his controller for the
amendment of the Towne, to which his house atRipton
was neighbour.
( 262 )
CANTERBURY, is called in Saxon Cantpanabyjuj,
that is to say, The citie (or court) of the Men of
Kent : ivhich also agreeth with the Bryttishe woorde,
Caer Kent, signifying the Citie of Kent. It is
termed in Latine diversely, of some Dorvernum,
and Darvernum, of others, Durovernum : of some
Dorobernia, and of some corruptly Dorobrinia.
All which names, Leland coniectureth to proceede,
either of the River called Stoure (as wee have
shewed) or else of the Brittish worde Dour, which
signifteth water, bicause the countrey thereaboutes,
is plentiously stored therewith. One other late
writer taketh it to be called Daruernum, as if it
were, Dour ar guerne, that is, the water neare the
Fen or Marish.
To the end that (confusion avoided) eche thing may
appeere in his proper place, it shall not be amisse to
part the treatise of this Citie into twain, whereof the
first shall containe the beginning, increase, and declina-
tion of the Citie itselfe : The second shall set foorth
the erection and overthrow of the Religious houses
and buildings within the same.
The Citie, The author of the Brittish stori« affirmeth, that one
began!* Rudhurdibras, or as (some copies write it) Lud Rudi-
bras (a King of the Britons, almost nine hundreth
yeres before the Incarnation of Christ) builded a Citie,
which he called Carlem, or (as Henrie of Huntingdon
in his recital! of the auncient Brittish Cities namcth it)
Caer Kent, that is to say, the Citie (or rather) the
chiefs Citie, of Kent.
CANTERBURY. 2
For, in the processe of the same Hystory it ap-
peereth in deede, that at such time as Vortiger King
of the Britons intertained the Saxon Captaines Hen-
gist and Horsa, he soiourned at Canterburie, the head
Citie of all that countrie : and that prerogative it re-
teined in the time of the Saxons themselves also. For
by the testimony of Beda and Mathew of Westminster
when Augustine arrived in Kent, Canterbury was
Caput Imperiiy Regis Ethelberti, the chiefe place in 605
all the dominion of King Ethelbert.
To this Augustine, the saide King gave (after a
maner, (as I conjecture) the Lordship, or royal tie of
the same citie : For I reade (as I have before shewed)
that he gave him his owne Palaice, and builded an-
other for himselfe at Reculver : and it is to be scene
in the auncient Saxon lawes, that of olde time the
Archbishops had their Coynage within the Citie.
I finde it also in the booke of Domesday, that King
Edward the Confessour had onely one and fiftie Bur-
gesses which yeelded him rent within this Citie, and
two hundreth and twelve other persons owing him suite,
and that the Castle of Canterbury and the residue of
the inhabitaunts were subiect to the Bishop and to the
Religious houses. Howbeit, the Bishops were never
absolute owners heereof, till the time of King William
Rufus, who (as the Annales of Saint Augustine say)
Dedit civitatem Cantuarice Anselmo ex solido, quam
Lanfrancus tenner at ex beneficio: Gave the citie of
Canterburie to Anselme wholy, which Lanfranc before
held but of courtesie.
King Henrie the Thirde, at his comming to full age,
graunted unto the citizens stmdrie liberties, ordeined
their government under two Bailifs, and made them
264 CANTERBURY.
his fee fermors thereof, under the reservation of three
score pound by yeere.
This Citie (since the union of the Kentishe king-
dome to the West Saxon) hath beene chiefly main-
teined by two things: First, by the residence and
hospitalitie of the Archbishop and Religious persons,
and then by the liberalise and expence of such, as
either gadded to Sainct Thomas for helpe and devo-
tion, or travailed towardes the Sea side for their pri-
vate affaires and businesse.
Amongst the Bishops, Theodore, a Grecian borne,
and the seventh and last of those that came out of
Italy : Lanfranc the first Norman, advaunced by the
Conquerour: and Simon Sudburie, that lived under
King Edward the Third, have been the most benefi-
ciall unto it.
The olde Of the which, Theodore, by licence of Vitelianus
Canter- (then Pope) founded within the Citie, a Schoole (or
bury* College) wherein he placed Professours of all the
liberall Sciences, which also was the verie patern to
that Schoole which Sigbert the King of Eastangle
afterward builded : but whether that were at Cam-
bridge, or at some other place besides within his king-
dome, I leave to Doctour Caius of Cambridg, and
Maister Key of Oxford, to be disputed, and to in-
different Readers to be adiudged.
The late Reverend father Mathew, Archbishop of
Canterburie (whose care for conservation of learned
Monuments can never be sufficiently commended)
shewed me, the Psalter of David, and sundrie Homelies
in Greeke, Homer also, and some other Greeke au-
thours, beautifully written in thicke paper, with the
fiame of this Theodore prefixed, to whose Librarie,
CANTERBURY. 265
he reasonably thought (being thereto led by shew of
great antiquitie) that they sometime belonged.
The other two, Lanfranc, and Simon of Sudbury
did cost upon the gates and walles, bringing thereby
bothe strength and beautie to the Citie. And of these,
Simon raised the wall (and tower) from the West gate
to the Northe. Howbeit the citie was not wholy
walled by their time : For King Richarde the Seconde
gave 250. markes (saieth Thorne) towards the ditching
and inclosing thereof: and for wrantof Walles, Simon
Burley (Wardein of the five portes) advised, that the
Jewels of Christes church and S. Augustines, should
for more safetie be remooved to Dover castle.
Such was then the first beginning, and increase of
Canterbury : Let us now see also, what harmes it hath
susteined, and to what decay it is falne. Besides
sundry particular harmes, done to divers of the
Religious places, the towne it selfe hath often received
detriment by casualtie of fire. For the author of the
additions to the Chronicle of Asserus Meneuensis 754.
afiirmeth, that about the yeere after Christ seven hun-
dreth fiftie and foure, it was sore wasted with fire.
Againe, in the yeere nine hundreth and eighteene,
Aelfleda (the mighty Lady of Mercia) besieging and
burning the citie it selfe, spoiled, killed, and expulsed
the Danes that then possessed it: In revenge where-
of, they afterward, about the end of the reigne of King 1011.
Ethelred, did not onely besiege, take, and burne this
citie, but also put to most barbarous and cruell death,
Alphegus the Archbishop, for that he refused to charge
his farmours and the citizens towardes his raunsome
above their abilitie : and they slue of the Monkes,
Townesmen, and other common people, the whole
2G(i CANTERBURY.
nines throughout the multitude, reserving on live the
tenthe man onely : So that they left of all the Monkes
but foure, and of the Lay people foure thousand and
eight hundred. Where (by fhe way) it is to be noted,
that this citie, and the country thereabouts (the people
wherof belike fled thither for succour) was at that time
very populous, having to loose (upon this accompt)
fortie three thousand and two hundreth persons: in
which behalfe, there want not some (I wote well)
which doe affirme, that it had then more store of build-
1009. ings than London it selfe. And truely it is well
knowne, that they were very riche at Canterbury also :
for not long before (by the advise of Siricius, their
Archbishop) they bought their peace at the handes of
the Danes, with thirty thousand pounds of ready
money. But let me proceedc : fourthly, in the daies of
King Henrie the Seconde, even the same yeere in
1161. which Thomas Becket was elected the Archbishop,
this citie of Canterbury was wholy consumed with
fire: And now lately and lastly, in the reigne of King
Henrie the Eight, it was in some parts blasted \\ith
flame, wherein (amongst other tilings) divers good
bookes, which a Monke of S. Augustines had brought
from beyonde the Seas, were brought to ashes.
I had almost forgotten a storie in Beda, where he
maketh Mellitum mendacinm (mention of Mellitus, I
should have saidc) and reportcth, that when as (upon
a time) a great parte of this Citie was touched \\ith
fire, and that the flame hasted towarde the house of
this Mellitus (then Archbishop there) he commanded,
that tlrey should beare him against it even into the
Cronies! furie thereof: And tiiat whereas before it
rouldr not br qurnrhrd by any \\-atrr (though never so
CANTERBURY. 267
plentiously poured upon it) forthwith at his presence
the wind turned about, and at the vehemencie of his
prayer, the fire not onely ceased to go any further,
but also immediately went out and was extinguished.
I wote well, this writer is called Venerabilis : but
when I read this, and a number of such, which make
the one halfe of his worke, I say with my selfe as
sometime did the Poet,
Quodcunque ostendis mihi sic, incredulus odi :
What ever thing thou shewest me so,
I hate it as a lye.
To proceede therefore in my former course, and to The decay
tell the trueth : little had all these casualties of fire and bury, and
flame beene to the decay of this towne, had not the
dissolution and final overthrow of the Religious houses
also come upon it. For, where wealth is at com-
maundement, how easily are buildings repaired ? and
where opinion of great holynesse is, how soone are
cities and townes advaunced to great estimation and
riches?
And therefore, no marvailc, if wealth withdrawn,
and opinion of holynesse remooved, the places tum-
ble headlong to ruine and decay.
In which part, as I cannot on the one side, but in
respecte of the places themselves pitie and lament this
generall decay, not onely in this Shyre, but in all
other places of the Realmc also : So on the other side,
considering the maine Seas of sinne and iniquitie,
wherein the worlde (at those dales) was almost wholy
drenched, I must needes take cause, highly to praise
God that hath thus mercifully in our age delivered us,
268 CANTERBURY.
disclosed Satan, unmasked these Idolcs, dissolved
their Synagogs, and raced to the grounde all monu-
ments of building erected to superstition and un-
godlynesse.
And therefore, let every godly man ceasse with me
from henceforth to marvaile, why Canterbury, Wal-
singham, and sundry such like, are now in these our
daies becom in maner waste, since God in times past
was in them blasphemed moste: And let the soul-
diours of Satan and superstitious Mawmetrie, howle,
and cry out with the heathen Poet,
Excessere omnes, aditis, arisque relictis,
Dii, quibusimperiumhocsteterat, fyc.
The Gods each one, by whose good ayde
this Empire stoode upright,
Are flowne : their entries, and their al-
tars eke, abandond quight.
For, seeing God in all ages hath not spared to ex-
tend his vengeaunce, not onely upon the persons, but
upon the places also where his name was dishonoured,
striking the same with solitude and exterminion, as
as we reade of Sodome, lerusalem, and others: How
then shouldehe forbeare these harbor owes of the Devil
and the Pope? which in horrible crimes contended
with Sodome, in unbeliefe matched lerusalem, and in
folly of superstition exceeded all Gentilitie. By the
iust iudgment of God therefore, Canterbury came
suddenly from great welth, multitude of inhabitants,
and beautiful buildings, to extreme povertie, naked-
nes, and decay: having at this day Parishes, more in
number, than well filled, and yet in all not above
CANTERBURY. 2«9
twelve or fourteene : in which plight, for pitie I will
leave it, and (referring you to the statutes 32. and 33.
of Henrie the Eight, provided for the reedifying of
decaied houses, as wel in this Citie, as also in Roches-
ter, Feversham, and the five ports) I will turne nice
to the Historic of the Religious buildings.
There was in Canterbury, within the time of late Continual!
., ., N ' contention
memone (besides others) two houses of great estima- between
tion and lyvelyhoode : the one being called Christes
church, and the other Saint Augustines : the Monkes J,°^8®8 in
of the which places, were as farre removed from all bury.
mntuall love and societie, as the houses themselves
were neare linked together, either in regarde of the
time of their foundation, the order of their profession,
or the place of their situation : And therefore in this
part it might wel be verified of them, which was wont
to be commonly saide,
Unicum Arbmtum, non alit duos Erithacos.
One Cherry tree sufficeth not two lays.
For indeede, one whole Citie, nay rather one whole
Shyre and countrie, could hardly suffice the pride and
ambitious avarice of such two irreligious Synagogues :
The which, as in all places they agreed to enriche them-
selves by the spoile of the Laitie : So in no place
agreed they one with another : But (each seeking every
where, and by all waies, to advaunce themselves) they
moved continuall (and that more fierce and deadly)
warre, for landes, privileges, rcliques, and such like
vaine worldly preeminences : insomuch as he that will
observe it, shall finde that universally the Chronicles
of their owne houses, conteine (for the moste part)
270 CANTERBl HY.
nothing else, but suing for exemptions, procuring ot
reMques, strugling for offices, wrangling for consecra-
tions, and pleading fo* lands and possessions. For
proof c whereof, I might Justly ailed ge innumerable
brawles, stirred betweene the Religious houses of this
Citie, wrastling sometime with the Kings, sometime
with the Archbishops, and oftentimes the one with the
other, all which be at large set foorth by Thomas
Spot the Chronicler of Saint Augustines. But for as
much as I my selfe delight little in that kinde of
rehersall, and doe thinke that other men (for the more
part of the wiser sort) be sufficiently persuaded of
these their follies, I will lightly passe them over, and
labour more largely in same other thing. And bicause
that the Monasterie or Priorie of Christes churche
was of the more fame, I will first begin with it.
Christes After that Augustine (the Monke which was sent
in Canter- from Rome) hadfound such favour in the sight of King
bliry- Ethelbert, that he might freely preach the Gospell in
his countrie, he chose for assemblie and praier, an olde
Church in the East part of this citie, which was long
time before builded by the Romanes, and he made
therof (by licence of the King) a Church for himselfe
and his successors, dedicating the same to the name
of our Saviour Christ, wherof it was called afterward,
Christes church.
After his death, Laurence his successor, brought
Monks into the house, the head whereof was called a
Prior, which woorde (howsoever it soundeth) was
in deede but the name of a seconde officer, bicause
the Bishop himselfe was accompted the very Abbat.
For in olde time, the Bishops were for the moste parte
chosen out of such Monasteries, and therefore most
CANTERBURY. 271
commonly had their Palaces adioyning, and governed
as Abbats there : by means whereof it came to passe,
that such Abbies were not onely much amplified in
wealth and possessions, but also by favour of the
Bishops, their good Abbats, overlooked all their neare
neighbours, as hereafter in further course shall better
appeere.
1 finde not, that from that time anie great cost was 1099.
done upon this Churche, till Lanfrancs daies, who not
onely builded it almost wholy of new, and placed
Benedict Monkes therein, the number of which he
advaunced from thirty to one hundreth and forty, but
also he restored 25. Manors which had beene with-
holden from this house, he erected certaine Hospitals
which he endowed with one hundreth and forty poundes
by yeere, and he repaired the walles of the Citie it
selfe.
And heere by the way, it is to be noted out of 988.
Mathew Westminster, that there were Monkes in
this house, ever since the time of Laurence the se-
conde Archbishop, against the opinion of some, which
report that Elfricus was the first that expulsed the
Secular Priestes, and brought the Monkes into their
place.
Not long after Lanfrancs time succeeded William 1130,
Corboile, during whose government this lately ad-
vaunced building was blasted with flame, but he soone
after reedified it of his owne purse, and dedicated it
with great pompe and solemnitie, in the presence of
the King and his Nobles. After him followed Theo-
baldus, whom Pope Innocent the Second honoured
with the title of Legatus natus: and then commeth
Thomas Becket, the fift in order after Lanfranc, by
'272
CANTERBURY.
Thomas
Becket,
the Arch-
bishop,
and his
historic.
725.
1202.
1236.
1299.
1376.
1413.
1228.
whose life, death, and buriall, the estimation of this
Church was advaunced beyond all reason, measure,
and wonder.
For, notwithstanding that it bad beene before that
time honoured with the arme of Saint Bartholmew,
a Relique that King Canutus gave : with the presence
of Augustine that brought in Religion : with the buriall
of 8. Kentish Kings, that succeeded Wightred, and
of a great number of Archbishops after the time of
Cuthbert: Likewise afterwarde with the famous
assemblie at the homage done by the Scottish King
William, to King Henrie the Second, and at the
Coronation of King lohn : with the severall Marriages
also of King Henrie the Thirde, and King Edwarde
the First: and finally with the interrements of that
Noble Edward (called commonly the Black Prince)
and of King Henrie the Fourth : yet the death of this
one man not martyred (as they feigne, for the cause
onely, and not the death, maketh a Martyr) but mur-
dered in his Churche, brought thereunto more accesse
of estimation and reverence, than all that ever was
done before, or since.
For, after his death, by reason that the Pope had
canonized his soule in Heaven, and that Stephan
Langton had made a Golden shrine for his body on
earth, and commaunded the Annuall day of his de-
parture to be kept solemne, not onely the Lay and
common sort of people, but Bishops, Noble men, and
Princes, as well of this Realme as of foreigne partes
resorted on Pilgrimage to his tumbe, and flocked to
his Jubile for remission : In so much, that every man
offering according to his abilitie, and thronging to see,
handle, and kisse, even the vilest partes of his Re-
CANTERBURY. 273
liques, the Churche became so riche in Jewels and
ornaments, that it might compare with Midas, or
Croesus, and so famous and renowmed (every piller
resounding S. Thomas, his miracles, praiers, and par-
dons) that now the name of Christ was cleane forgotten,
and the place was commonly called, Saint Thomas
Church of Canterbury.
I passe over the stately buildings, and monuments
(I meane, Churches, Chapels, and Oratories) raised
to his name : the lewd bookes of his life, and iestes,
written by foure sundry persons to his praise: the
blasphemous Hymnes, and Collects, devised by
Churchmen for his service : and sundrie such other
things, which as they were at the first invented to strike
into the heads of all hearers and beholders, more than
wonderfull opinion of devotion and holinesie : So now
(the trueth being tried out, and the matter well and
indifferently weighed) they ought to worke with all men,
an utter detestation, both of his, and all their, hypo-
crisie and wiekednesse.
For, as touching himselfe (to omitte that which
truely might be spoken in dispraise of the former part
of his life, and to begin with the very matter it selfe
whereupon his death ensued) it is evident, both
by the testimonie of Mathew Paris (a very good
Chronicler, that lived under King Henrie the Third)
and by the foure Pseudo Evangelists themselves that
wrote his Iestes, that the chiefe cause of the Kings
displeasure towards him grew upon occasion, that he
opposed himselfe against his Prince, (Gods lawfull
and Supreme minister on earth) in maintenance of a
most vile and wicked murther, The matter stood thus.
T
t>74 CAMEKIM UY.
114<>. Within a lew of the tirst yeeres of King Henrie the
Seconds Reigne, the Clergie of the Realm had com-
mitted above a hundreth severall murthcrs upon his
subiects, as it was infourmed him : for remedie of
which outrage, the King (by assent of his Nobilitie
and Bishops, of which number Thomas Becket him-
self was one) tooke order at Clarendowne, that if any
1164. Clerke from tbencefoorth committed felony, or treason,
he should first be degraded, and afterwarde delivered
to the Lay power, there to receive as to his offence
belonged .
Not long after, it chaunced one Philip Broic (a
Chanon of Bedforde) to be apprehended for murther,
and to be brought before the temporall Justice, where
lie not onely shewed no remorse of the wicked fact,
but also (in hope of Ecclesiasticall exemption, for
the Popes Churchmen would be aevXot for all manner
°^ HHschiefes) gave very evill language to the ludge :
their holy- the ludge complained thereof to the King, and the
Chanon (belike) had made meanes to the Archbishop
also : For the King no sooner endevoured to put his
Law in execution, but the Archbishop (both forgetfull
of his dutie to God and Prince, and unmindef ull of his
owne oth) set himselfe against it, affirming plainly,
that he neither could, ne would, suffer it so to be.
Hereupon the Prince waxed wroth, and by little
and little his indignation was so kindeled (by matter
that the obstinacie of the Bishop daily ininistred) that
in the ende it was too hote for Becket to abide it.
Then speedeth he himselfe to Rome, and powreth into
the Holy Fathers bosome complaint of most grievous
oppression, extended against the Clergie : The Popes
Holinesse, sory to discourage so good a soldiour as
CANTERBURY. 275
the Bishop was, and withall loth to loose so mighty a
friend as King Henry was: by letters and Legates
praieth, commaundeth, perswadeth, and threatneth
reconciliation and attonement, which (after great adoe)
by the meanes of the Frenche King, and other his
instruments, was in a sort brought to passe betweene
them.
Then Thomas Becket returaeth with the Kings
favour into the Realme, from whence he had sixe
yeeres been departed without licence, and therefore
without (or rather against) Law, and immediately
seeketh to revenge himselfe upon suche the Bishops,
as had in his absence assisted the King in his enter-
prise. Which when the King (being then in Norman-
die) understood, it chaunced him (in great griefe of
minde) to cast out some words, that gave occasion and
hardinesse, to Reginald Beere, William Tracy, Hugh
Morvill, and Richard Bryton (foure of his Gentlemen)
to addresse themselves for his revenge. These foure
therefore, passed the Seas, came to Canterbury, founde
out the Bishop, followed him into his Church, and
upon the Staires of the same, did him very cruelly and
despitefully to death.
This shortly is the chiefe substance, and circum-
stance of all this Tragedie, drawne out of our own
Countrie men, and Thomas his favourers, howsoever
Erasmus (led by some sinister information) hath other-
wise reported it, as shall heereafter appeere in Ot-
ford, when we come to the place.
Wherin, as I cannot on the one side allow this
murther (executed, not by any publique Minister of
lustice, but by a private and injurious arm :) So on
the other side, I report me to all indifferent and Godly
T2
276 CANTERBURY.
Readers, whether such a life deserved not such a
death, and whether these Popish Parasites that have
painted foorth this mans praises, make not themselves
thereby parteners of all his pride and wilfull rebellion.
I might heere rest long, upon divers other things
concerning the King and this Archbishop: namely,
how that he suffered the King to hold his stirup twise
in one day in Normandie, but in Prato proditorum,
as Mathew Parise very pretily twiteth it : How the
King came with bare and bleeding feete to Canter-
burie, to purge himselfe of the murther: How he
bared his body to the Monkes of this house, and
receaved of every Religious Person there, foure, or
five stripes : in which selfe yeere (by the way) their
whole church was consumed with fire: and some
other matters besides, which make manifestly for the
proofe of great presumption in the Clergie, and of vile
abiection of the Princes, of those daies : But, bicause
that I am fearefull that I grow too long, I will leave
Saint Thomas himselfe, arid after (a few woordes
more of his Church step over to Saint Augustines.
After Thomas, this Church and Sea founde three or
foure especiall mainteiners of the building : Stephan
Langton, which made up the great Hall in the Bishops
1395. palace, and the faire Horologe in the South crossed
He of the Church : William Courtney, which by his
Testament bequeathed one thousand Markes towards
the amendment of the bodie of the Church, the walles,
1400. and the Cloister : Thomas Arundel, which erected one
of the Bell Towers, gave five Belles, and Christened
them after the Popish manner : And Henrie Chicheley,
who both repaired the library with bookes and build-
ing, and did great cost upon one of the Bell Towers also.
CANTERBURY. 277
Now then to Saint Augustines. Augustine having Sain* A«-
thus established a See for himselfe and his successours,
obteined further of King Ethelbert (for the better fur-
therance of the service, that hee had in hand) a Church,
that then stood betweene the walls of the citie and
Saint Martines : wherin the King himselfe used before
to make his praiers, and to offer sacrifice to his Idoles :
This Church, he purged from Prophane abuse and
name (as they say) and dedicated it to the service of
God, and to the honour of Saint Pancrace. Neither
ceased he thus, but shortly after intreated the same
King to build a Monasterie in the soile adioining,
which he also appointed to the honour of Saint Peter g03.
and Saint Paule, and placed Monkes therein: This
Monasterie, in memorie of his benefite, lost the first
name, and was ever after called Saint Augustines.
Now whereas the true meaning, bothe of the King The dead,
and Augustine was, that this Church (for so much as were burj.
both then, and long after, it was not the manner to
burie their dead within the walles of any citie, a thing
forbidden of olde by the lawe of the twelve tables)
should be from thencefoorth a common Sepulchre to
all their successours, as wel in the Kingdome, as in the
Archbishopricke : yet such was the favour of the
Bishops following Augustine towards their owne
Church, that in the processe of time Saint Augustines 725.
was defrauded of the Sepultures, both of the one and
the other.
For in Brightwaldes daies, the buriall of the Kings
was taken from it : and Cuthbert the Archbishop in his
life begged of King Eadbert, that for the advaunce-
ment of Saint lohns (a new church, that he had erected
for that purpose, and for the execution of iudgments 746.
278 CANTERBURY.
by the Ordaie, and which was afterward fired with the
flame of Christes church whereunto it was neere ad-
ioining) the Bishops also might from thencefoorth bee
buried there. And for the more suretie to attaine that
his desire, hee tooke order in his life (by othe of all
his Covent) that they should suffer his corpes to lye
three daies in the grounde after his death, before any
Bell should be roong or other open solemnitie used,
that might notifie his departure to the Monkes of Saint
Augustines. Onely leanbright the fourteenth Bishop
(whome other copies call Lambright) was conveied
to the ground at Saint Augustines, by this occasion.
After the death of Bregwine (the Archbishop) this
leanbright (then being Abbat of Saint Augustines, and
fearing that he should be deceived of the body of
Bregwine, as Aldhun his predecessour had bcene
beguiled of Cuthberts before) hee came appointed
with armed men, determining to take it away by force,
if hee might not by faire meanes obtaine it. But the
craftie Monkes of Christes church had buried the
body before he came, so that he was driven to depart
home frustrate of his desire, and to seeke his amendes
by action in the law.
Notwithstanding, bicause they perceived heereby,
that he was a man of good courage, and therefore
very meete in their opinion to be made their Captaine,
they shortly after chose him Archbishop, in hope that
he would have mainteined their quarrell : but he never-
thelesse tooke such order, that he was buried in Saint
Augustines with the rest of his predecessours.
Popishe Thus you see, how soone after the foundation, these
houses were at dissention, and for how small trifles,
they were ready to put on armes, and to move £reat
CANTERBURY. 2?9
and troublesome tragedies : Neither doe I finde, that
ever they agreed after, but were evermore at continuall
brawling within themselves, either suing before the
King, or appealing to the Pope, and that for matters
of more stomacke, than importance : As for example,
whether the Abbat of S. Augustines shoulde bee conse-
crate or blessed in his own church, or in the others :
whether he ought to ring his belles to service, before
the other had roong theirs : whether he and his tenaunts
ought suite to the Bishops Court: and such like,
wherein it cannot be doubted, but that they consumed
inestimable treasure, for maintenance of their most
Popish pride and wilfumesse. If any man delight to
knowe the particulars, let him reade the writings of
Thorne and Spot, their owne Chroniclers: as for my
selfe, I thinke it too long to have saide thus much in
generall, and therfore will haste me to the rest.
After the death of King Ethelbert, Eadbaldus (his 618.
sonne) at the instance of Laurence the Archbishop, f^
builded a faire Churche in this Monasterie, which he
called Saint Maries. In which place many yeeres
after (if at the least you will beleeve Thomas Spot)
Saint Dunstane sensibly heard and sawe, our Lady,
St. Adrian, and a sort of Angels, singing and dauncing
together.
After Eadbaldus, King Canute (the great Monarch 1017.
of this realme) Egilsine (the Abbat that fled for feare
of the Conqueror) Scotlandus (whom the same King 1059.
put in Egilsines place) Hugo de Floriaco (that was of
kinred to King William Rufus, and by him made 1070.
Abbat) were the persons that chiefly increased the
building : some bestowing Churches and Chapels : 1099.
some Dorters and dyning places, and others other
280
CANTERBURY.
Canter-
burie.
S. Augus-
tines.
1011.
sortes of edifices. The Saints, whose dead bodies and
reliques brought to this church great veneration and
The Saints gaine, were these specially, Adryan, Albin, lohn, &c.
e at religious persons : Eadbald, Lothar, Mull, and VVigh-
tred, sometime Kings: S. Sexburge, and Saint Myl-
dred of Thanet, (whose bodie was given them by King
Canute) And Saint Augustine their first friende and
founder.
Of this last man (to let slip a many of others) this
one myracle they report: that at such time as the
Danes entred Kent, and (spoyling this Citie) ransacked
almost everie corner thereof, this house of Saint
Augustines (onely of all other) was never touched,
By reason (say they) that when a Dane had taken
holde of S. Augustines Pall (or cloke) wherewith his
tombe was covered, it stacke so faste to his fingers,
that by no meanes possible he could loose it, till he
came and yeelded himselfe to the Monkes, and made
sorrowfull confession of his faulte.
Much like to this, it is written, that at the overthrow
of Carthage, the hand of one that woulde have spoiled
the God Apollo of his Mantell, was found amongst
the fragments. This our good fellow was not so
cunning (belike) as Dionysius was : for he tooke a
golden cloke from lupiter, and had no hurt at all
thereby. But either this our Pall was weaved Ex
auro Tholosano, or else (which I rather beleeve) this
Canterbury tale was forged A rabula Romano.
Besides all these, the Monkes seeing how little their
reliques were esteemed, in comparison of Thomas
Beckets, and beleeving (as the Romanes sometimes
did of Dea Pessenuntia) that their house should be
highly advaunced, if they might get thither so glorious
CANTERBURY. 281
a God as he was, they made a foule shift for a peece
of him also.
There was a Monke of Christes church, called Roger,
who had in charge to keepe the Altar where Becket
was slaine. This man they chose to their Abbat, in
hope (saith mine authour) that he woulde bring some-
what with him : in which dooing they were not altogither
deceived, For he conveyed to them a great part of 1176.
Thomas his bloude that was shed, and a peece of his
Crown that was pared off.
But here by the way, marke (I beseech you) the Thomas
Becket
grosse iugling that these slowe bellyed Syres used to had two
delude the world withall. Erasmus (in his Colloquies) e
writeth, that the whole face of Saint Thomas, being
sumptuously set in golde, was religiously kept within
a Chapell beyonde the high altar, and that they tolde
him the rest of the body lay in a shrine, of golde and
of great Maiestie, which they shewed besides.
But the truth is, that at such time as the late godly
and moste Christian Archbishop Cranmer, and the
wise and noble counsellor Cromwell, were at Canter-
bury, in commission for defacing of this Shrine, they
found an entier body, and complete in all his partes
within the same, as some lately on live, and then pre-
sent, did testifie : so that either this their great God,
was a Bishop Biceps, and lacked but one head more
to make him Cerberus, or Chimaera : or else (which is
most certaine) these Monks were marveylous and
monstruous magnifiers, of such deceivable trumperie,
and wanted nothing at all to make them, Cretenses, or
Cecropes.
But to my purpose againe : as touching the privi-
leges, possessions, estimation, and maiestie of this
382 CANTERBURY.
house, it were too much to recite the one halt'e, and
therefore I will onely let you know, that of auncient
time the Abbat had allowance of aCoynage(or Mynte)
105(). within himselfe, by graunt of King Ethelstane : That
he had place in the general councell, by gift of the Pope
Leo : That the house had five Covents, conteining in
all, sixtie five Monks: And finally, that (besides
Jurisdiction over a whole Last of thirteen Hundreds)
it had possession of livelyhoode to the value of eight
hundreth and eight pounds by yeere.
Now, besides these two great houses, there were in
Canterbury some other also of lesse note : as Saint
s.Grego- Gregories (a Church of Chanons, belonging to the
Canter- Hospitall that Lanfranc built) which was fired in the
time of King Stephan, and was valued in the Recordes,
1145. at thirty poundes by the yeere : The Hospital of Saint
s. Lau- Laurence, edified by Hugh (the Abbat of Saint Au-
rences
Hospitall. gustines) for his sicke Monkes, and rated at twenty
s. lames poundes yeerely : S. lames Hospitall, erected by
Eleonor, the wife of King Henrie the Thirde : Saint
s. Sepul- Sepulchres, a house of Nonnes, prepared (belike) to
serve the necessitie of the hoat Monks, esteemed at
1207. twelve pounds by yeere : The White Friars, translated
FrieS. by one Iohn Dig£e> to the Isle of Bynwhite, lately the
s. Mil- house of one Rolph : and S. Mildreds in the South
dred8' side of the Citie, long since (but not lately) an Abbay.
The There is extant in Canterbury also, the auncient
Bishops and stately Palaice of the Archbishops, not that which
I^uliiicG
King Ethelbert first gave to Augustine at Staplegate,
for it was but a meane dwelling, answerable to his small
company and first beginnings, but the very same which
he secondly bestowed on him (when he left Canterbury,
1193. and went to Reculver) which was his owne, and liis
predecessours, the Kings stately Court and Palairr.
CANTERBURY. 283
This house, by that time Hubert the Archbishop
had aspired to the See, was decaied, either by age, or
flame, or bothe : Who therefore pulled downe the most
part of it, and in place thereof laide the foundation of
that great Hall, and other the offices, that are now to
be scene: But by reason that himself wanted time
(prevented by death) and some of his followers lacked
money (having otherwise bestowed it lavishly) to per-
form the worke, it rested unperfect till the daies of
Boniface, who both substantially, and beautifully
finished the whole : and yet (as some thinke) Stephan
Langton had accomplished the great Hall thereof
before him.
Lastly, a little without the East wall of all the citie 1250.
stood S. Martines, where was sometime an auncient s/ Mar-
tmes was
Church erected by the Romanes, in which (before the a Bishops
comming of Augustine) Bertha, the wife of King See'
Ethelbert, having received the Religion of Christ
before him, was accustomed to pray. In this small
Oratorie, Augustine (by the Kings permission) cele-
brated divine service, and administred the Sacraments,
untill that by further taste of the Kings favour, he
obtained larger roome to build his Monasterie upon.
And this Church was long time after, even untill the
comming in of the Normans, the See of a Bishop, who
(alwaies remaining in the countrie) supplied the ab-
sence of the Metro politane, that for the most part
followed the Court : and that, as well in governing the
Monkes, as in perfourming the solemnities of the
Church, and In exercising the authoritie of an Arch-
deacon.
Godwine was the last which sate in that chaire, after
whose death, Lanfranc (being as ielouse of a partner
284 HAKINGTON.
in his spirituall Hierarchic, as ever was Alexander in
his temporall Empire) refused to consecrate any other,
affirming plainly, that Two Bishops were too many for
one Citie. Neverthelesse, bicause he needed the helpe
of a substitute, he created in place thereof, one of his
owne Chaplaines, Archdeacon of Canterbury.
HAKINGTON, alias Sainct Stephens, in Saxon pajauij-
tun, that is, the Lowe towne, where Hawes (or
Whitethornes) doe growe.
s. Ste- BALDWINE (an Archbishop of Canterbury under
Canter- the reigne of King Henrie the Second) minding to
bury' advaunce the estimation of Thomas Becket his lately
murthered predecessor, and withal to make himselfe
memorable to posterity, thought this one way the best
for obtaining his double desire : namely, to build some
stately Church Monument, and to match in the patron-
age thereof, Thomas that Prototraitour and rebell to
his Prince, with Stephan the Protomartyr and true
servaunt of Almighty God.
For which purpose, and to the ende that his acte
might have the more countenaunce and credite, he ob-
tained a licence from Pope Urban, in this forme as
Mathewe Parise reporteth it. Prcesentium tibi au-
thoritate mandamus, ut liceat tibi Ecclesiam inhonorem
beatorum Stephani, & Thomce, martyrum, constituere,
fy idoneis earn ordinare personis, quibus beneficia qua
ad eorum sustentationem constifueris, canonicc debeas
assignare. Item mandamus, ut quarta parte obla-
tionum, reliquiis Sancti Thomce monachorum usibus
RAK1NGTON. 286
concessa, quarta fabricis ecclesia deputata, quarta
pauperibus deputata, quartam portionem reliquam
liceat tibi in alios usus, pro tu<e voluntatis arbitrio,
erogare, fyc.
This done, he pulled downe an old timber Chapell JJj^
that stood at Hakington, and began to raise in place contend
with the
thereof, a faire church of hewed stone. But for as Arch-
much as not only the charge to furnish that present
building was fetched from Saint Thomas offering at prevaile.
Canterbury (muche to the decay of the Monkes gaine)
but also the yeerely maintenance therof was to be
drawne from the same Hanaper, and to be bestowed
upon certain Secular Chanons (a sort of religious that
Monkes ever maliced) who yet might happily in time
to come be made equall with the Monkes themselves
in the election of the Archbishoppe, to the gene rail
discredite of their holy order, and utter violation of
their former Privileges : therefore the Covent of Christs
churche, thinking it fit to withstande such beginnings,
complained hereof to Pope Innocents holynesse (for
Urban was then dead) and were so well heard in their
suite, that the Archbishops building was counter-
maunded, and hee (with forced patience) constrained
to cease the worke.
Neverthelesse, having hope, that if the thing were by
great distance of place remooved out of the Monkes
eie, he might with better quiet bring his desire to the
wished effect, hee attempted the like platforme at
Lambhithe, his owne house neare London : But before
he had finished that worke, he went into the holy
Lande with King Richarde the First, and died without
returne, in whiche meane while, the Chapell of Ha-
kington, being destitute of her Patrone, was quite and
cleane demolished.
•28C HAKINGTON.
Hubert succeeded Baldwinc in the See, and put his
hande to perfourme the building at Lambhithe that his
predecessour had begonne, but the Monks (fearing
still the former inconvenience) intercepted the whole
profites of Sainct Thomas offering, renewed their suite
at Rome, and (feeding the Pope with that which shoulde
have mainteined the building) made his holy ears so
attentive, that he became wholy of the Monkes devo-
tion, and compelled Hubert at his own dispense, and
to his great despight, (Mauger his Myter) to race that
Chapell also, and to make it equall with the ground.
And thus you may see, how the envious Monks
1199. hindered the felicity of Hakington, which otherwise
by this kinde of spirituall robberie) might in time have
prooved as famous as Boxley, Walsingham, or any
other Denne of Idolatrie, whereas then it was with
much adoe, and great difficultie obteined, that a poore
Chapell (served with a single Sir lohn, and desti-
tute, both of Font, and Churchyard) might remaine
standing in the place. Howbeit since that time, (by
what grace I wot not) it is become the Parish church
for the inhabitants there, and in memorie of that, which
it would faine have beene, is yet commonly called Saint
Stephens. The parsonage house there hath met with
three good benefactors, Warham the Archbishop, and
Warham the Archdeacon of Canterbury, and Sir Roger
Manvvood the late learned Arche or Chief Baron of
the Escheaquer, which last man procured some amende-
ment to the Ministers living, and left maintenance for
certaine poore persons there.
I finde in a Note (given unto mee by my good Friend
Master Francis Thyn) that King Edward the Thirde,
at his returne from dooing his Homage to the Frenche
King, held an exercise at the Tilt, in this Hackington.
( 287 )
HARBALDOWNE by Canterbury, in Saxon Pejiebelaep-
6une, that is, the Hill where the armie ivas betraied.
SUCH hath been the nature of man, even from that The vanity
of Man,
time (in which not contenting himselfe to abide man, and the
but aspiring by knowledge of good and evill to be-
come God, he defaced the Image of his Creator, to
the similitude of whom he was created) that he hath Idoiatrie.
continually ever since, and that in matters concerning
God, more trusted his own wit, than the wisedom of
God himselfe, better liked his own invention, than
Gods holy institution, and preferred will worship, de-
vised of his own braine, before reverent religion
inioined by the mouth of the Almightie. And such
also hath beene the continuall craft of Sathan, his
sworne enimie, that (seeing him thus addicted to
vanitie and rebellion) he hath laboured from time to
time to feede his evill humour, suggesting innumerable
(and those most subtile) sleights to withdrawe him
from God and drawe him to Idoiatrie and superstition :
So that in time by policie of the one, and pronenesse
in the other, it was by degrees brought to passe, that
not onely the excellent and glorious creatures of God,
the Angels and men (I meane) the Sunne and Moone,
the Stars and Elements, were worshipped as Gods,
But also, divine honour and reverence was transferred
from the highest God, to the most inferiour and basest
partes of all his workemanship, the worlde at the length
becomming so mad, that it would crouche and kneele,
kisse and knocke, bowe, bend, and make all signes
of honour and reverence, not onely to stockes and
288 HARBALDOWNE.
stones (that represented the bodies of mortall men)
but to whatsoever trifle, trumperie, or bagage besides,
that the Divell or his ministers would have preferred
as a monument or relique of them.
And therefore, no marvaile was it, if God (seeing
the world to abuse it selfe after a most froward and
perverse kinde of superstition) did by his iust ven-
geaunce bereave unbeleevers of all understanding and
iudgement, so that (without any further doubt, or in-
quisition) they sticked not to embrace devoutly, what-
soever was commended, were it never so lewdly.
For example heereof, beholdeheere at Harbaldowne
(an Hospitall builded by Lanfranc the Archbishop,
for reliefe of the poore and diseased) the shamefull
Idolatrie of this latter age, committed by abusing the
lips (which God hath given for the sounding foorth of
his praise) in smacking and kissing the upper leather
of an olde shoe, reserved for a Relique, and unreve-
rently offered to as many as passed by.
s. Thomas Erasmus, setting foorth (in his Dialogue intituled,
Beckets
Relique. Peregrinatio rehgtoms ergo) under the name of one
Ogygius, his owne travaile to visite our Ladie of Wal-
singham and S. Thomas Becket, sheweth that in his
returne from Canterburie towards London, he found
(on the high way side) an Hospitall of certaine poore
folkes, of which, one came out against him and his
companie, holding a holy water sprinkle in the one
hand, and bearing the upper leather of an old shoe
(faire set in Copper and Christall) in the other hand.
This doting father, first cast holy water upon them,
and then offered them (by one and one) the holy shoe
to kisse : Whereat as the most part of the company
(knowing the manner) made no refusall : So amongst
HARBA1.DOWNE. 289
the rest one Gratianus (as he faineth) offended with
the follie, asked (halfe in anger) what it was : Saint
Thomas Shoe, quoth the olde man : with that Gratianus
turned him to the company, and said : Quid sibi volunt
hce pecudes, ut osculemur calceos omnium bonorum
Virorum ? Quin eadem opera porrigunt osculandum
sputum, aliaque corporis excrementa ? What meane
these beasts, that we shoulde kisse the shoes of all
good men? why doe they not, by the same reason
offer us their Spittle, and other excrements of the
body to be kissed ? This to the wiser sorte, and such
as have any light, may suffice for the understanding of
Erasmus opinion and iudgement touching such unre-
verent Reliques : but yet least some blinde and wilfull
worshipper should thinke it but merily spoken of him,
and in another mans person as (in deede Erasmus had
many times Dextrum pedem in calceo, sinistrum in
peluiy according to the olde Proverbe) I will likewise
adde a few wordes, used in the ende of his booke,
for explication of his owne full minde in that matter.
Notantur, qui reliquias incertas pro certis ostendunt,
qui his plus tribuunt quam oportet, fy qui quastum ex
his sordide faciunt. In this Dialogue all such are
taxed, which shewe unto the people uncertaine re-
liques, for true and certaine : or which doe ascribe
unto them more than of right is due : or which doe
raise filthie gaine and lucre by them.
But peradventure the authoritie of D. Erasmus is
now (since the late Tridentine Councell) of no weight
with them, since by the sentence of the same his workes
without choice be condemned as Hereticall. Truly,
that Councell shewed it selfe more hastie to suppresse
all the good workes of Godly men, than readie to cor-
U
'2«>0 NORWOOD.
rcct or abolish any of their o\vm: fabulous bookrs «>i
superstitious follies. And therefore let indifferent
men iudge, whether the opinion of any one true speak-
ing man, be not worthily to be preferred before the
determination of such a whole unadvised Synode.
And as for suche as in this light of the trueth, will
shew themselves mainteiners of such Mawmetrie, J
deeme them like the Sabees, whose senses (as Strabo
writeth) are offended with sweete smelling savours,
and delighted with the filthy smoke of burned goates
haire, and therefore I say unto them, Sordescant
adhiic, and so will leave them.
YORWOOD, that is to say, the Northwood.
IN the daies of King Edward the Confessor, one
hundreth Burgesses of the City of Canterbury ought
their suite to the Manor of Norwood, as in that part
of the booke of Domesday which concerneth Kent
may yet most evidently appeere.
The building is now lately demolished, but the
Manor was long time in the possession of certaine
Gentlemen of the same name, of which race, one lietli
buried in the body of the church at Adington, in the
yeere a thousand fourc hundreth and sixteene. And
of another you shall finde mention hereafter, in the
latter ende of the Texte of the Kentish customes.
The olde And hereby it is probably (as me thinketh) to be
maner of
naming comectured, that in auncient time, men were usually
named of the places of their dwelling. For, whereas
eomming in of the Conquerour, places (for
NORWOOD.
the most part) had their appellations, either of their
situation, or of some notable accident, or noble man :
as Northwood in regarde of Southewood, Anglesford
by reason of the flight of the Englishmen, and Roches-
ter bicause of Rof : And wheras persons also, had
their callings (most commonly) either of some note of
the body, as Swanshalfe, for the whitenesse of her
necke : or for some propertie of the minde, as Godred,
for his good counsell : and that by one single Surname
onely and no more : now, immediately after the arrivall
of the Normans (which obtained those lands, and which
first brought into this Realme, the names of Thomas,
lohn, Nicholas, Fraunces, Stephan, Henrie, and
such like, that now be most usuall) men began to be
knowen and surnamed, not of their conditions and
properties, but of their dwellings and possessions.
So the Norman that was before Thomas, and had
gotten the Towneship of Norton, Sutton, Inglefielde,
or Combe, was thencefoorth called, Thomas of Nor-
ton, of Sutton, of Inglefielde, of Combe, or such like,
all which be (undoubtedly) the names of places, and
not of persons. Neither did the matter stay here, but
in further processo of time, this Thomas of Norton,
of Sutton, or of Combe, was called Thomas Norton,
Thomas Sutton, or Thomas Combe, leaving out the
particle (of) which before denoted his dwelling place.
And thus (the Norman manner prevailing) the aun-
cient custome of the Saxons and Englishe men vanished
quite out ofure.
This whole thing is best discerned by auncient evi-
dences, and by the names of our Chesshyremen yet
remaining. For, olde writings have commonly loannes
de Norton, Wilhelmus de Sutton, For such as we
U 2
LKNHAM.
call now John Norton, and William Sutton: and
amongst the Gentlemen of Chesshrye (even to this
day) one is called (after their manner) Thomas a
Bruerton, another lohn a Holcrost, and such like, for
Thomas Bruerton, lohn Holcrost, &c. as we heere use
it. Thus much shortly of mine owne fantasie I thought
not unmeete to impart, by occasion of the name of
Norwood, and now forwarde againe.
LKNHAM: in Latine, Duroienum, that is, the
Water at Lenam.
.MASTER Camden (removing the corruption of
writing Duroleuum, for Duroienum) hath (as in manye
other) brought much light to the understanding of this
place : most strongly prooving, both by the remaines
of the olde name, by the situation at the water, and
true distance from other places, that it is the same,
which Antoninus in his Itinerarie, termeth Duroienum.
Kenulfe the King of Mercia, and Cudred the King
$04. of Kent, by their ioint guift bestowed it upon the
Abbay, of Saint Augustines (more truly of Peter and
850. Paulc) in Canterbury : which Ethelwulfe King of Kent
and of Westsexe afterwardes confirmed : and thirdly
Edgive the wife of King Edgar ratified the same in the
time of Dunstane the Archbishop. I finde noted, by
William Byholte, a Monke of that house, that long-
since it had market upon the Tuesday, which even to
this dav it enioieth.
( 293
LP.KDKS, in Latine of some Lodanum, of others
Ledanum Castrum.
ROBERT Creuequer, was one of the eight that lohn
Fynes elected for his assistance in the defence of
Dover Castle (as we have already shewed) who, tak-
ing for that cause the Manor of Leedes, and under-
taking to tinde five Warders therefore, builded this
Castle, or at the least, another that stoode in the place.
For I have read, that Edward (then Prince of Wales,
and afterward the first King of that name) being War-
deine of the Five Portes and Constable of Dover in
the life of Henrie the Third his Father, caused Henrie
Cobham (whose ministerie he used, as a substitute in
bothe those offices) to race the Castle that Robert
Creuequer had erected, bicause Creuequer (that was
then owner of it, and Heire to Robert) was of the
number of the Nobles that moved and mainteined
warre against him. Which, whether it be true, or no,
I will not affirme, but yet I thinke it very likely, bothe
bicause Badlesmere (a man of another name) became
Lord of Leedes shortly after (as you shall anone see)
and also for that the present worke at Leedes pre-
tendeth not the antiquitie of so many yeeres, as are
passed since the age of the conquest. But let us
leave the Building, and goe in hand with the storie.
King Henrie the First, having none other issue of Maude the
his bodie than Maude (first married to Henrie the Em- trwfneire
perour, whereof she was called the Empresse, and I? the
after coupled to Gctfray Plantaginct the Earle of An-
294 LEEDES.
geow) and tearing (as it happened in deede) that after
his death trouble might arise in the Realme, about the
inheritance of the Crowne, bicause she was by habita-
tion a straunger and farre off, so that she might want
both force and friendes to atchieve her right : And for
that also Stephan (the Earle of Boloine, his sisters
sonne) was then of great estimation amongst the noble
men, and abiding within the Realrne, so that with
great advantage, he might offer her wrong : he pro-
cured (in full Parleament) the assent of his Lords and
Commons, that Maude and her heires should succeede
in the kingdome after him. And to the ende, that this
limitation of his might be the more surely established,
he tooke the fidelitie and promise by othe, bothe of
his Clergie and Laytie, and of the Earle of Boloine
himselfe.
Howbeit, immediately after his decease, Stephan
being of the opinion, that Si jus violandum est, certe
regnandi causa violandum est,
If breache of lawes, a man shall undertake,
He may them boldly breake, for kingdoms sake)
Invaded the Crowne, and by the advice of William
the Archbishop of Canterbury (who had first of all
given his faith to Maude) by the favour of the common
people (which adheared unto him) and by the consent
of the holy father of Rome (whose will never wanteth
to the furtherance of mischiefe) he obtained it : which
neverthelesse (as William of Newborowe well noteth)
being gotten by periurie, he held not past two yeeres
in peace, but spent the residue of his whole reigne in
dissention, warre, and bloudshed : to the great offence
of God, the manifeste iniurie of his owne cousine, and
the grievous vexation of this countrir and people.
LEEDES. 2*
For soonc after the beginning of his rcigne, sundry
of the Noble men, partly upon remorse of their former
promise made, and partly for displeasure (conceived
bicause he kept not the othe taken at his Coronation)
made defection to Maude, so soone as ever she made
her chalenge to the Crowne : So that in the ende (after
many calamities) what by her owne power, and their
assistaunce, she compelled him to fall to composition
with her, as in the storie at large it may be scene.
Now during those his troubles, amongst other things
that muche annoied him, and furthered the part of
Maude his adversarie,, it was upon a time sounded
(by his evill willers) in the eares of the common sort,
that he was dead : And therewithall suddenly divers 1137.
great men of hir devotion, betooke them to their strong
holdes, and some others seised some of the Kings owne
Castles to the behalfe of the Empresse: Of which
number was Robert (the Earle of Gloucester, and
bastarde brother to Maude) who entred this Castle of
Leedes, minding to have kept it. But King Stephan
used against him suche force and celeritie, that he
soone wrested it out of his fingers.
King Edwarde the Seconde, that for the love of the 1318.
two Spensers, incurred the hatred of his wife and No-
bilitie, gave this Castle (in exchaunge for other landes)
to Bartilmew Badelesmere (then Lord Steward of his Barthol-
rncwc
housholde) and to his heires for ever : who shortly Badeiei-
after (entering into that troublesome action, in which mi
Thomas, the Duke of Lancaster with his accomplices,
maugre the King, exiled the Spencers) bothe lost the
Kings favour, this Castle, and his life also : For, 1321.
whilste he was abroade in aide of the Barons, and had
committed the custodie thereof to Thomas Colpeper,
296 LEEDES.
and left not only his chiefe treasure in money, but also
his wife and children within it for their securitie : It
chaunced, that Isabel the Kings wife, minding a Pil-
grimage towards Canterbury, and being overtaken with
night, sent her Marshall to prepare for her lodging
there. But her officer was proudly denied by the
Captaine, who sticked not to tell him, that neither the
Queene, ne any other, should be lodged there, without
the commaundement of his Lorde the owner.
The Queene not thus answered, came to the gate in
person, and required to be let in, But the Captaine
most malepertly repulsed her also : in so much that
shee complained greevously to the King of the mis-
demeanour, and he foorthwith levied a power, and
personally summoned and besieged the piece so
straightly, that in the end, through want of rescue and
victuall, it was delivered unto him.
Then tooke he Captaine Colpeper, and hoong him
up : The wife and children of the Lord Badelesmere,
he sent to the Towre of London: The treasure and
munition, he seised to his owne use : and the Castle he
committed to such as liked him.
But, as the last acte of a Tragedie is alwaies more
heavie and sorrowfull than the rest: so (calamitie and
woe increasing upon him) Badelesmere himselfe was
the yeere following, in the companie of the Duke of
Lancaster and others, discomfited at Borowbrig by the
Kings armie, and shortly after sent to Canterbury and
beheaded.
I might heere iustly take occasion, to rip up the
causes of those great and tragicall troubles, that grew
betweene this King and his Nobilitie, for Peter Gave-
ston, and these two Spencers : the rather, for that the
LEEDES. 297
common sorte of our English storiers doe laie the
whole burthen of that fault upon the King, and those
few persons : But bicause the matter is not so plaine
as they make it, and withall requireth more wordes for
the manifestation thereof than I may now affoorde,
and for that also there is hope, that a speciall hystorie
of that reigne (penned by S. Thomas Delamore, which
lived in the very time it selfe) may be heereafter im-
printed and made common, I will onely exhort the
Reader (for his owne information in the trueth, and
for some excuse of such as be overcharged ) to peruse
that worke, wherein (I assure him) hee shall finde
matter, both very rare and credible.
As touching the Priorie at Leedes (which was aThePrio-
conventuall house of Regular Chanons dedicated to Leedes.
the name of the blessed virgin and S. Nicholas, and
valued in the Recordes of the late suppression at three
hundreth three score and two poundes of yeerely
revenue) I finde, that one Robert Creuequer (the
authour of the Castle peradventure, for this was done
in the reigne of Henrie, sonne to the Conquerour) and 1119.
Adam his sonne and heire, first founded it. Which
thing might probably have been coniectured, although
it had never been committed to Hystorie.
For in auncient time, even the greatest personages,
helde Monkes, Friars, and Nonnes, in such veneration
and liking, that they thought no citie in case to flourish,
no house likely to have long continuance, no Castles
sufficiently defensed, where was not an Abbay, Prio-
rie, or Nonnerie, either placed within the walles, or
planted at hande and neare adioining.
And surely (omitting the residue of the Realme)
heereof onely it came to passe, that Dover had S.
298 LKEDES.
Marlines, Canterbury Christes Churche, Rochester
S. Andrewes, Tunbridge the Friars, Maidstouc tlu>
Chanons, Greenwiche the observants, and this our
Leedes her owne Priorie.
Howbeit, I finde in a Heralds note (who belike
made his coniecture, by some coate of Arms, lately
apparant) that one Leybourne, an Earle of Salisburie,
was the founder of it. Indeede, it is to bee scene in
the Annales of Saint Augustines of Canterbury, that a
noble man (called Roger Leybourn) was sometime of
great authoritie within this shyre, notwithstanding that
in his time hee had tasted of both fortunes : for in the
daies of King Henrie the Thirde, he was first one of
that coniuration which was called the Barons \varre,
from which faction, Edwarde the Kings sonne, wonne
him by faire means to his part, and made him the
bearer of his privie purse.
Afterward they agreed not upon the reckoning, so
that the Prince (charging him with great arrearage of
account) seised his living for satisfaction of the debt,
by which occasion, Roger once more became of the
Barons devotion : But after the pacification made at
Kenelworth, he was eftsoones received to favour, and
was made Wardein of the Five Portes, and Lieuetenant
of this whole Shyre. Now, though it cannot bee true,
that this man was the builder of this Priorie (for the
same Annales say, that it was erected long before) yet
if he did but marric the heire, hee might truly be termed
the Patrone or founder thereof: for by that name, not
onely the builders themselves, but their posteritie also
(to whom the glorie of their deeds did descend) were
wont to be called, as well as they.
( 299 )
MOTINDENE, or rather Modindene, in Hedcorn: it
may be derived of OOo 6 and 6ene, that is, the proude
valley : a name given (as I gesse) for ihe fertilitie
thereof.
I HAVE read, that the order of the Crossed (or ™®uchet|
crouched) Friars did first crosse over the Seas, and Friars,
came into England, about the middle part of the reigne
of King Henrie the Third.
These had their name of the Crosse, which they
bare in their uppermost garment, in token that they
were ready to fight for the holy Crosse as they called it.
For in deede all the sortes of these Crossed com-
panions, tooke themselves to bee the knights (or
Champions) of Christendome against the Infidels: and
they all professed, either openly to make, or by meanes
to mainteine, the warre upon them.
Now I coniecture, that this suppressed house of
crouched Friars at Motindene, was someslippe of that
tree, which one lames (that conquered the lies,
named Baleares) did first plant in Spaine, about the
yeere after Christ 1212.
For they were called, Fratres Sancta Maria de
redemptions captivorum: the brothers of S. Marie, of
the redemption of captives, or prisoners : their attire,
was a white garment, with a black crosse upon it: and
their office was, to procure money for the raunsome of
such Christians as were taken in the warres by the
Turkes.
Ours heere also, had either the same apparell, or
another not much different: neither varied they greatly
in the name and profession it selfc.
300 MOT IN DENE.
For confirmation wherof, I will make you partaker
of a Popish Indulgence (or pardon, as they termed it)
made under the scale of the brotherhead of this house,
in the yeere of our Lorde God 1475. which it chaunced
me to see, and which began after this manner : Frater
Richardus, minister domus de Motiden, provincialis,
& vicarius generalis Ordinis sanctce Trinitatis in
Anglia, fy redemptionis captivorum qui sunt incarce-
rati pro fide Ihesu Christi « Paganis, &c. Friar
Richarde, minister of the house of Motinden, pro-
vinciall and vicar generall of the Order of the holy
Trinitie in England, and of the redemption of the
captives which be imprisoned by the Pagans for the
faith of lesus Christ, &c. You see, that in substance
their titles were all one, saving that those beyonde the
Seas were our Ladies knightes, and ours heere were
souldiours to the whole Trinitie : and that was the
cause, as you shall heare anone, that Trinitie Sonday
was no small feast with them.
The pro- For some lately alive in this shyre, have beene eye
Motindene witnesses, and did right well remember, that yeerely
(upon Trinitie Sonday) the religious pessons of this
house did use to muster themselves in a most solemne
marche, and pompous procession: wherein, albeit
there wanted neither Coape nor Canapie, crosse nor
candlesticke, flagge nor banner, light nor incense,
piping nor chaunting, neither yet any other delightfull
glittering that might with the glorie thereof amaze the
seely beholder, and ravish him (as it were) into a cer-
teine Popishe heaven : yet to the ende that this pageant
of theirs might be the more plausible (in that it had
some thing peculiar to it self) their fashion was, to
make the Divel himselfr to brarr ;< part in this play
with them.
MOTINDENE. 301
For, as they passed alone: in this array, the manner Holy wa-
ter chaseth
was, that some one (berayed like a Divell) should offer the Diveii.
to invade the company, as though hee would take the
holy Crosse by force from them : Then on the other side,
outstepped some other bolde man (appointed for the
nonce) with a holy water sprinckle in his hande, and
he with all his might flang holy water at him : heerewith,
this counterfait Divell must fearfully start backward,
for doubt of scalding, and, notwithstanding that he
would many times after fare in shew as though he
would have flowne in their faces, yet might hee never
be so bolde in deede as to approach or come within
the fall of any one drop of this water : For, you re-
member by the olde Proverbe, how well the Divell
loveth holy water.
And thus (forsoothe) the vertue of holy water (in
putting the Divell to flight) was confirmed at Motin-
dene by a demonstrative argument. Which if it be so,
then greatly was Saint Paule deceaved in the 6. of his
epistle to the Ephesians, where he goeth about to arme
us from toppe to toe against the assaultes of the
Divell : For what needed he good man to recite Sallet,
Shield, Sword, and so many other partes of defensive
and invasive furniture, when the Holy watersticke alone
would have served the turne ? Or, at the least, what
ment hee to omitte that, being a thing so serviceable,
and easily provided ? But wee must give these good
fellowes leave (after their woonted manner) to set the
Holy Ghost to schoole : And yet, by the way, I let
them meete, that they cannot Leonem larva terrere, Holy wa-
make a Lion afearde with a visor : It is not their aqua from'th™6
lustralis, their holy water (which they have fetched Gentlles-
from Apolloes pot, and not from the fountaine of
302 THE SHE Ol ROCHESTER.
Gods woord) that cao make this ramping lion to tunic
his backe in earnest. Nay rather, let them beware of
this his stratageme, and let them consider, that even
in worldly warrefare men bee never in more daunger
of the enimie, than when he feigneth to fly before them.
But I doe not well to keepe you so long from the
Diocesse of Rochester, since I shall have cause to
holde you long when I shall have brought you thither.
To conclude therefore, these procurators1 TV ere not
so carefull for the captives, as that in the meane while
they kept no care of themselves : for this small com-
pany had raked together three score pounds land of
auncient revenue, and I finde it noted, that Robert
Rokesley founded this house, in the yeere 1224.
The description, fyhistorie, of the See, and Diocesse of
ROCHESTER.
THE learned in Astronomic bee of the opinion, that
it lupiter, Mercuric, or any other Planet, approch
within certaine degrees of the suiine, and be burned
(as they term it) under his beams, That then it hath in
manner no influence at all, But yeeldeth wholy to the
Sunne that overshyneth it : And some men beholding
the nearenesse of these two Bishopricks, Canterbury
and Rochester, and comparing the bright glorie, pompe,
and primacie of the one, with the contrarie altogither in
the other, have fansied Rochester so overshadowed
and obscured thereby, that they reckon it no See or
Bishoprick of it selfe, but only the place of a meere
Suffragan, and Chaplain to Canterbury.
THE SEE OF ROCHESTER. 303
But lie that shall either advisedly weigh the first
institution of them bothe, or but indifferently consider
the state of either, shall easily finde, that Rochester
hath not onely a lawful, and canonicall Cathedral See
of it selfe, But t\w same also more honestly won and
obtained, than ever Canterbury had.
For, as touching Rochester, Augustine, (whom the
Monkes may not deny to be the English Apostle)
ordained lustus Bishop there, Ethelbert (the lawful 1
King of Kent) both assenting thereto by his presence,
and confirming it by his liberall beneficence.
But, how Canterbury came to have an Archbishops By what
Chaire, it' you thinke that it hathe not in that title Arch-
already so sufficiently appeered, as that it therefore J^re*
needeth not now eftsoones to be rehearsed, then reade carae to
(I pray you) Gervasius Tilberiensis, and he (in his bury.
booke De otiis Imperialibus) will tell you, that in
Sanguine sanctorum Dorobernensis ecclesia primatiam
obtinuit, The Churche of Canterbury (saith he) ob-
teined the primacie, by the sheading of the bloud of
Saints: meaning, the overthrowe of the religious
Brytons of Bangor College, wherof you may reade in
Beda at large.
Rochester moreover, hath had also a continuall suc-
cession of Bishops, even from the beginning, which
have governed in a distinct Diocesse containing foure
Deanries, and therefore wanteth nothing (that I knowe)
to make it a complete and absolute Bishopricke.
In deede, the yeerely value is but small, the slen-
dernesse wherof (ioined with some ceremoniall duties
to the Archbishop) happily have been the cause of
abasing the estimation thereof.
>r all that, let us not sticke with auncient
3<H THE SEE OF ROCHESTER.
Beda, and others, to say, that the Bishops See at
Rochester was at the first instituted by Augustine,
That a Cathedrall Church was builded there by King
Ethelbert, to the name of S. Andrewe, and that he
endowed it with certain land for livelyhood, which he
called Priestfield, in token (as I thinke) that Priests
should be susteined therewithall.
This Bishopricke may be said to be severed from
Canterbury Diocesse (for the moste part) by the water
of Medway, and it consisteth (as I saide) of foure
Deanries, namely, Rochester, Mailing, Dartford, and
Shorham : Howbeit, with this latter (containing about
thirty benefices) the Bishop medleth not, the same
being a peculiar (as they terme it) to the Archbishop
of Canterbury, who holdeth his prerogative where-
soever his lands do lye, as in this Deanrie he hath not
onely had of olde time certaine mansion houses with
Parkes and Demeanes, but divers other large territories,
rents, and revenues also. In it therefore are these
Churches following.
The Shorham, with the Chapell of Otford.
Shorham. Eynesford, with the Vicarage there.
Dernth, and the Vicarage there.
Fermingham, and the Vicarage.
Bexley, and the Vicarage.
Eareth, alias Eard.
Eard, alias Crayforde.
Northfleete, and the Vicarage.
Mepham, and the Vicarage.
Clyve.
Grean, with the Vicarage.
Farleigh, with the Vicarage.
Huntingdon, alias llunton.
THE SEE OF ROCHESTER. 305
Peckam, with the Vicarage. [Vicarage.
Wrotham, with the Chapell of Stansted and
Eightam
Sevenocke, with the Vicarage.
Penshyrst.
Chydingstone.
Hever.
Gillingham, with the Vicarage.
Brasted.
Sundriche.
Che veiling. [Vicarage.
Orpington, with the Chapell of Farnborowe, and
Hese.
Kestan.
Halstede. [1572.
Woodland, united to the Vicarage of Wrotham
Eastmalling, with the Vicarage.
Ifeild.
As touching the Bishops of this See, lustus (one of A Popishe
the same that Pope Gregorie sent hither from Rome) myra<
was the first that sate in the chaire, who was after-
ward translated to Canterbury, and of whom they report
this for a singular miracle : That when his body (many
yeeres after the interrement) was to be remooved, it
yeelded a most pleasaunt savour in the senses of all
that were present : Which thing, how marveilous it
was, when they had (after the common manner then
used) before his buriall embaulmed his body with most
precious, delectable, and odoriferous spices, I dare
make any man ludge, if he be not more than a pore
blind Papist, given over to beleeve all manner (being
never so grosse, and beastly) illusions.
X
3o<> THE SKIi OF ROCHESTER.
In the whole race of the Bishops succeeding lustus
in this See, three amongst others be read of most not-
able, Paulinus, Gtmdulphus, and Gilbertus: of which,
the first after his death was there honoured for a Saint :
The seconde, was in his life the best benefactor that
ever their Church founde : The thirde, was so hatefull
and iniurious to the Monkes, that they neither esteemed
him while hee was on live, nor wailed him at all after
that he was dead. But of all these, we shall have place
to speake more largely, when we shall come to the
Church and Monasterie.
In the meane time therefore, it shall be fitte to shew
with what courage this Church upheld e her rights and
privileges, not only against the Monks of Canterbury
(which laboured much to bring it under) but also
against the See of the Archbishops it selfe, which was
(for the most part) the chiefe patrone and promoter of it.
1227. In the reigne of King Henry the Third, and after the
death of Benedict (the Bishop of Rochester) the
for the Monkes made choise of one Henrie Sanford (that great
election of
theBishop. clerke, which afterward preached at Sedingburne)
whereof when the Monks of Christes church had gotten
understanding, they resisted the election, challenging
that the pastorall stafFe (or crosier) of Rochester ought
of very right to be brought to their house after the
decease of the Bishop, and that the election ought to
be made in their chapiter.
The Monkes of Rochester mainteining their own
choise, and so (the matter waxing warm betweene
them) it was at the length referred to the determination
of the Archbishop : he againe posted it over to certaine
delegates, who hearing the parties, find weighing the
proofcs, pravc sentence with the Monkes of Rochester,
THE SEE OF ROCHESTER. 307
and yet left (as they thought) good love and amitie
among them: But (as the Poet saith) Male sarta
gratia, nequicquam coit, & rescinditur: Friendship,
that is but evill peeced, will not ioine close, but falleth
asunder againe: And therefore this their opinion
failed, them, and their cure was but patched: for
soone after the sore brake out of new, and the Can-
terbury Monkes revived their displeasure with such a
heate, that Hubert of Borrow (the chiefe lustice of
the Realme) was driven to come into the Chapter
house to coole it, and to worke a second reconcilia-
tion betweene them.
Neither yet for all that (as it may seeme) was that
flame cleane extinguished : For not long after, the 1238.
Monks of Christes church, seeing that they themselves
could not prevaile, intituled their Archbishop Ed-
munde, with whome also the Rochester Monkes waged
lawe at Rome before the holy Father, (as touching the
election of one Richarde Wendene, or Wendeover,
whom they would have had to Bishop) by the space
of three whole yeeres togither, and at the length, either Saint
thorow the equitie of their cause, or the weight of their feast) wi,y
purse, overthrew him upon Saint Cuthberts day : in
ioy wherof they returned home with all haste, and
enacted in their Chapter house, that from thencefoorth
for ever, Saint Cuthbertes feast (as a Tropheum of
their victorie) shoulde be holden double, both in their
Church and Kitchen.
And not thus onely, but otherwise also, hath the See
at Rochester well holden her owne : for during the
whole succession of three score and three Bishops,
which in right line have followed lustus, she hath con-
tinually mainteined her Chaire at this one place,
X 2
308
THE SEE OF ROCHESTER.
Bishops
Sees, are
translated
from Vil-
lages to
Cities.
The Cata-
log of
Rochester
Bishops.
whereas in most partes of the llealme besides, the Sees
of the Bishops have suffred sundry translations, by
reason that in the Conquerours time order was taken,
that such Bishops as before had their Churches in
Countrie towns and villages, shoulde foorthwith re-
moove, and from thence foorth remaine in walled
Townes and Cities : which ordinaunce coulde not by
any meanes touch Rochester, that was a walled Citie
long time before King Williams government.
But now, to the ende that I may pursue the order
that I have prescribed, I will set foorth a Catalogue of
the Bishops of Rochester by name, referring the
recitall of their actes and dooings to their peculiar and
proper places, as I have done in Canterbury before.
lustus.
Romanus.
Paulinus.
Ithamarus.
Damianus.
Putta.
Cuichelmus.
Gibmundus.
Tobias.
Aldulphus,
Duime, or Duno.
Eardulphus.
Diora.
Permundus, alias Wermundus.
Beornmodus. After him, these be inserted in a
Catalogue that standeth before the Chronicle
of Rochester. Tathnodus, Batenodus, Cuth-
wulfus, Swithulfus, Buiricus, Chuelmundus,
and Kyneferdus.
THE SEE OF ROCHESTER. 309
Burhricus.
Aelfstanus.
Godvvinus.
Godwinus, the second.
Siwardus. Before, and at, the time of the
Conquest.
Arnostus.
1077. Gundulphus.
1108. Radulphus.
1114. Aernulphus.
loannes. After whome, in the former Catalog,
one other loannes followeth.
Ascelimus, or Anselimus: and hitherto they
were all Monkes.
Guelterus
Gualerannus.
Gilebertus Glanville.
Benedictus.
Henricus.
Richardus Wendene, or Wendeover.
1250. Laurentius de Sancto Martino.
Gualterus de Merton. Chauncellour of Englande.
loannes de Bradfield.
Thomas de Inglethorpe.
1291. Thomas de Wuldham.
Hamo de Heth, or at Hethe : Confessor to King
Edward the Second.
1352. loannes de Scepey, or Shepey.
Wilhelmus Witlesey.
1363. Thomas Trelege, or Trilleke.
1372. Thomas Brynton, or Brenton.
Richardus Barnet, elected, but not consecrated.
Wilhelmus de Botelesham,
310 THE SEE OF ROCHESTER.
loannes de Botelesham, elected onely.
Chelyndon, elected onely.
Richardus Young: hee made the windowes at
Frendsbury, and there is to bee scene in
picture.
1418. loannes Kempe.
loannes Langdon.
Thomas Broune.
Willielmus Wellis.
loannes Lowe.
Richardus Peckam, Elected onely.
Thomas Rotheram.
loannes Alcocke.
loannes Russell.
Eadmundus Audeley.
Thomas Savage.
Richardus Fitz lames
1504. loannes Fisher.
loannes Hylsey.
1539. Nicholaus Hethe.
1544. HenricusHolbeache.
1547. Nicholaus Rydley. Burned for witnessing the
Gospell.
1549. loannes Ponet.
1550. loannes Skorey.
Mauritius Griffin.
1559. Eadmundus Allen. Elected onely.
1559. Eadmundus Gest.
1571. Eadmundus Freake.
1576. loannes Piers.
1578. loannes Young.
And thus much shortly being saide touching the See
and Bishops of Rochester in generalitie, it followeth
GILLINGHAM. 311
that 1 enter into the particular description of the Dio-
cesse, wherein I meane to followe the order that I
have taken in Canterbury before : Namely, to begin at
the Northeast corner, and from thence (first descend-
ing along the bankes of Medway, and then passing by ™tehi°r^
the Frontiers of Sussex and Surrey, and lastly return- scription.
ing by the Thamise shore to the same point) to environ
the whole Bishopricke: which done, I will peruse
what it conteineth in the inner parts also, and then
betake me to rest.
GILLINGHA^f.
EVEN at our first entrie into the Diocesse of Ro- The Har-
chester, on the Northeast part thereof, the Station, or the Navie
Harborow of the Navie Royall at Gillingham and Roia11-
Chetam presenteth it selfe, a thing of all other the
most woorthie the first place, whether you respect the
richesse, beautie, or benefite of the same. No Towne,
nor Citie, is there (I dare say) in this whole Shire,
comparable in right value with this one Fleete : Nor
shipping any where els in the whole world! to be founde,
either more artificially moalded under the water, or
more gorgeously decked above : And as for the benefite
that our Realme may reape by these most stately and
valiant vessels, it is even the same that Apollo by the
mouth of Aristonice promised to Greece, when his
Oracle was consulted against the invasion of Xerxes
and that his woonderfull armie (or rather world of men
in armes) saying,
312 G1LLINGHAM.
lupiter * ligno dat mania facia Minerva,
Qua tibi sola tnisque ferant invicta salutem.
Highe love doth give thee walles of wood,
appointed to Minerve,
The which alone invincible,
may thee, and thine, preserve.
And therefore, of these such excellent ornaments of
peace, and trustie aides in warre, I might truly affirme,
that they be for wealth, almost so manie rich treasuries,
as they be single ships : for beautie, so many princely
Palaces, as they be severall peeces : and for strength,
so many mooving Castles, as they be sundrie sayling
vessels.
They be not many (I must confesse, and you may
see) and therefore in that behalfe nothing answerable,
either to that Navie which fought against Xerxes at
Salamis, or to many other auncient Fleetes of forreigne
Kingdomes, or of this our own Hand : howbeit, if their
swiftnesse in sayling, their furie in offending, or force
in defending, be duly weighed, they shall be founde
as farre to passe all other in power, as they be inferiour
to any in number. For looke what the armed Hawke
is in the aire amongst the fearefull Birdes, or what the
couragious Lyon is on the lande amongst the cowardly
cattell of the field, the same is one of these at the Sea
in a Navie of common vessels, being able to make
havocke, to plume, and to pray upon the best of them
at her owne pleasure. Whiche speech of mine, if any
man shall suspect as Hyperbolicall, let him call to
minde, how often, and how confidently (of late yeeres)
some few of these ships (incertaine of their intertein-
ment) have boorded mighty Princes Navies of a great
GILLINGHAM. 313
number of Saile, and then I doubt not but he will
chaunge his opinion.
But what do I labour to commend them, which not
onely in shewe, and all reason, doe eommende them-
selves, but also are like in deedes and effecte to per-
fourme more, than I, in woord or writing can promise
for them.
Yea rather, I am provoked at the contemplation of
this triumphant spectacle, first to thanke God our ™e t^"e'
mercifull Father, and then to thinke dutifully of our God hath
good Queene Elizabeth, by whose vigilant ministrie, Realm, in
care, and providence (drawing as it were, the net for
us, whylest we sleepe) not onely the drosse of super- Elizabeth.
stition and base moneies were first abolished, the feare
of outward warre removed, rustic armour reiected, and
rotten Shipping dispatched out of the way : But also,
in place therof, religion and coyne restored to puritie,
the domesticall and forreigne affaires of the Realme
managed quietly, the land furnished with new armour,
shot, and munition aboundantly, and this River fraught
with these strong and serviceable Ships sufficiently.
Which so apparent and inestimable benefits, the like
whereof this Realme never at any one time (and much
lesse so long time togither) hath enioyed, if any man
perceave not, hee is more than blockish : if hee consi-
der not, hee is exceeding carelesse : and if he acknow-
ledge not, he is too too unkinde, bothe to God, to her
Maiestie, and to his owne countrie.
But here againe, for as much as it neither standeth
with my present purpose, to depaint her Maiesties
praises, neither it lieth at all in my power to set them
foorth in their true colours (for it requireth an Appelles,
to have Alexander well counterfaited) I will conteine
314
GILL1NGHAM.
my self'c witliin these narrowe termes, and tell you the
names of these Ships, that at one time or other doe
ryde here.
Estate of the Navie RoyalL December 1596.
Elizabeth lonas.
Tryumph.
White Beare.
Merhonora.
The Victorie
Arke Rawliegh.
Dew Repulse.
The Garlande.
Wast Spyte.
Mary Rose.
The Hope.
Bonadventurc.
The Lion.
Non Pareille.
Vant garde.
Rainebowe.
Defiaunce.
Dreadnaught.
Swiftsure.
Antelope.
Swallowe.
Foresight.
Adventure.
Ayde.
Among all these (as you see) there is but one that
beareth her Maiesties name, and yet all these hath she,
since the beginning of her happy reigne over us, cither
The Crane.
Quittaunce.
Aunswere.
Advauntagc.
Tiegre.
Tramontane.
Scowte.
Achates.
f GallyBonavolia.
Rovve- j Gaily Mercury,
boates j Brygandine.
(.Frigate.
The Charles.
The Moone.
Advice.
Spye.
Marlion.
Sunne
Cygnet.
f George Hoy.
G1LLINGHAM. 315
wholy built upon the stockes, or newly reedified upon
the olde moaldes. Her Highnesse also knowing right
well that,
Non minor est virtus, quam quarere, parta tueri :
Like virtue it is, to save that is got,
As to get the thing, that earst she had not,
did in the thirde yeere of her most happy Reigne, erect
a Castle (called Upnour, of a street in Friendsbury
thereto adioyning) for the better defence of this Navie,
as the Inscription it selfe doth testifie, in these
woordes, amongst other :
Who gave me this shew, to none other ende,
But strongly to stand, her Navie to defend.
Thus much of the Navie : As touching the harborow
it selfe, I have heard some wish, that for the better
expedition in time of service, Some part of this Navie
might ride in some other haven, the rather bicause it
is many times very long before a ship can be gotten
out of this River into the Sea.
I remember that I have read in Vegetius, that the
Romanes divided their Navie, and harboured the one
part at Miseno (neare Naples) upon the Tyrrhene
Sea, and the other part at Ravenna, upon the Sea
Adriatique, to the ende, that when occasion required,
they might readily saile to any part of the worlde
without delay, or windlassing : Bicause (saith he) in
affaires of warre, celeritie doeth as good service, as
force it selfe.
But for all that, whether the same order be neces-
sarie for us, or no, who though we have the use of
316 (ULLINGHAM.
sundry Seas, as they had, yet we enioy not so large
and distant dominions as they helde, it is not our
parts to dispute, but their office to determine, who for
their great wisedome and good zeale, both can and will
provide things convenient, as well for the safetie of
the Navy, as for the service of the Realme. And
therefore leaving all this matter to the consideration
of them that are well occupied at the helme, let us
apply our oares, that wee may nowe at length leave
the water, and come to the lande at Gillingham.
1042. After the sudden departure of King Hardicanutus
the Dane (which died of a surfeite of drinke, taken at
a Noble mans marriage in Lambhith) the English
Nobilitie thought good to take holdc of the opportu-
nitie then offered, to restore to the royall dignitie the
issue of King Ethelred, which he in his life had (for
feare of the Danes) conveyed into Normandie. For
which purpose, they addressed messengers to Richarde
then Duke of Normandie, requiring him to send over
Edward the only sonne (then left) of King Ethelred,
and promising to doe their indevour to set him in his
fathers seate, So that he woulde agree to come accom-
panied with a small number of strangers: The which
condition was devised, bothe for their owne excuse,
and for the yong Princes safetie.
1036. For before this time, and after the death of King
Canutus, they had likewise sent for the same Edwarde,
and Alfred (his elder brother that then was on live)
putting them in like hope of restitution: to which
request the Duke their grandfather assented, and for
the more honourable furniture of their iourney, gave
them to company, divers yong Gentlemen of his owne
countrie, whom he ment to make from thencefoorth
GTLLINGHAM. 3L7
partners of their prosperitie, as they had before time
beene companions of their misfortune.
But when they were come into the Realme, the Earle A barbar-
Godwine (who sought more the advauncement of his tie execut-
owne house to honour, than the restitution of the
English bloud to the crowne) perceiving that by no
meanes he could make a marriage betweene Alfred
(the elder of the two) and Edgith his daughter, and
yet having hope, that Edwarde the yoonger would ac-
cept the offer, if he might bring to passe to set the
garland upon his head, he quarelled at the company
which came over with them, insinuating to the peeres
of the Realm, that Alfred ment (so soone as hee
shoulde obtaine the crowne) to place in all roomes of
honour, his Norrnane Nobilitie, and to displace the
English, his ovvne countrie men.
This suspicion, he bet so deepely into the heads of
many of the Noble men, and especially of his neerest
friends and allies, that foorthwith (at his persuasion)
they fell upon the strangers at. Gillingham, and first
killed nine throughout the whole number of the com-
panie, reserving on live eche tenth man onely : And
afterward (thinking the remainder too great) tythed that
number also, sleaing in the whole, about five hundred
persons : As for Alfred (the elder of the yong Princes)
they apprehended, and conveied him to the Isle of
Ely, where first they put out his eies, and afterward
most cruelly did him to death.
But this Edwarde, fearing their furie, escaped their
hands and fled into Norm and ie : Howbeit, being now
eftsoones (as I said) earnestly solicited by Godwine,
and more faithfully assured by the Noble men, he once
againe adventured to enter the Realme, and taking
318 GILL1NGHAM.
Godwines daughter to wife, obtained the Crowne and
enioyed it all his life long.
I am not ignorant, that Simeon of Durham, and
divers other good writers, affirme this slaughter to have
beene committed at Guylford in Surrey, and some
other (of late time, and of lesse note) at Guild downe,
a place neere Lamberhirst in the edge of this Shyre :
but bicause I finde it expressly reported by Thomas
Rudborne, and also the authour of the Chronicle of
Coventrie, to have beene done at Gillingham luxta
Thamesim, I sticke not (being nowe come to that
place) to exemplifie it, giving neverthelesse free
libertie to every man, to lay it, at the one, or the other,
at his owne free will and pleasure. Onely my desire
is to have observed, that in this one Storie, there doe
lye folded up, bothe the meanes of the deliverie of this
Realme of Englande from the thraldome of the Danes,
and the causes also of the oppression and conquest of
the same by the Normanes.
For, as touching the first, it pleased the Almightie
(now at length) by this manner of King Hardicanutus
death, (which I have shewed) to break in sunder the
Danish whip wherewith he had many yeeres together
scourged the English nation, and by the meane of
drink (the Danish delight) to worke the deliverie of the
one people, and the exterminion of the other, even in
the midst of all their securitie and pleasaunce.
Excessive In which behalfe, I can not but note the iust iudge-
andVow'it ment of God, extended against those deepe drinkers,
England0 and in their examPle to admonish all such as doe in
like sort most beastly abuse Gods good creatures, to
his great offence, the hurte of their owne soules and
bodies, and to the evill example of other men. For,
GILLINGHAM. 310
whereas before the arrivall of these Danes, the English
men (or Saxons) used some temperaunce in drinking,
not taking thereof largely but onely at certaine great
feastes and cheerings, and that in one onely wassailing
cup (or Bolle) which walked rounde about the boorde
at the midst of the ineale, much after that manner of
intertainment which Dido sometime gave to Aeneas,
and which is expressed by Virgil in these verses,
Hie Regina gravem, auro gemmisque poposcit
Implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus, & omnes
A. Belo soliti : Turn facta silentia tectis,
lupiter (hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuniur)
Et vos O costum Tyrii celebrate faventes,
Dixit : Et in mensam laticum libavit honorem,
Primaque libato sommo tenus attigit ore, #c.
The Queene commaunds a mightic Bolle,
Of golde and precious stone
To fill with wine : whom Belus King
And all King Belus line
Was wont to holde : then through them all
Was silence made by signe,
O love (quoth she) forthou of hostes
And gestes both great and small
(Men say) the lawes hast put : give grace
I pray, and let us all
O you my Moores now doe our best,
These Troians for to cheere :
Thus said she, and when grace was done,
The Bolle in hande she dipt,
And in the liquour sweete of wine
Her lips she scantly dipt.
320 G1LL1NGHAM.
But nowe, after the comming in of the Danes, and
after such time as King Edgar had permitted them to
inhabite here, and to have conversation with his owne
people, Quassing and Carowsing so increased, that
Didoes sipping was cleane forsaken, and Bitias
bowsing came in place, of wrhom the same Poet
write th,
Ille impiger hausit
Spumantem pateram, § pleno se proluit auro.
And he anon,
The fomie boll of golde upturnde,
And drew till all was gon.
So that King Edgar himselfe, seeing (in his own
reigne) the great outrage whereunto it wras growne,
was compelled to make lawe therefore, and to ordaine
drinking measures by publique proclamation, driving
certaine navies into the sides of their cups, as limits
and bounds which no man (upon great paine) should
be so hardie as to trangresse.
But this vice in that short time had taken such fast
roote, as neither the restraint of law, nor the expul-
sion of the first bringers in thereof, could wholy sup-
plant it.
Great pOr William of Malmesburie (comparing the man-
serving- ners of the English men and Normanes together) com-
i°Cwfththe placed, that in his time the English fashion was, to
Normanes. sjt bibbing whole houres after dinner, as the Normane
guise was, to walke and iet up and downe the streetes,
with great traines of idle Serving men following them.
And I would to God, that in our time also wee had
not iust cause to complaine of this vicious plant of
immeasurable Boalling : which whether it be sproong
GILLINGHAM. 321
upoutoftheolderoote, or be newly transported by some
Danish enimie to all godly temperaunce and sobrietie,
let them consider that with pleasure use it, and learn
in time (by the death of Hardicanute, and the expul-
sion of his people) to forsake it: which if they will
not, God in time either graunt us the lawe of the
Helvetians (which provided that no man should pro-
voke other in drinking) or else, if that may for cour-
tesie be permitted, bicause (as the proverbe is) Sacra
h(BC non aliter constant, yet God (I say) stirre up
some Edgar, to strike nailes in our cuppes, or else give
us the Greekish SivoTrrae Potandi arbitros, Cup Cen-
sors, as I may call them, that at the least we may
be driven to drinke in some manner of measure : For
it is not sufferable in a Christian Countrie, that men
should thus labour with great contention, and strive,
for the maistrie (as it were) to offende God, in so wil-
full waste of his gratious benefits.
In this Historic is couched also (as I have already
tolde you) the first cause of the displeasure conceived
by the Normanes against this Realme, and conse-
quently the cause of their invasion succeeding tbe same.
For, whereas after this crueltie, executed by the insti-
gation of Godwine) it happened Harold (his sonne) to The cause
arrive at Pountiou, against his will, by occasion of a conquest
sudden perry (or conharie winde) that arose while he of England
was on Seaboorde, whether for his owne disport only
(as some write) or for the execution of the Kings mes-
sage (as others say) or of purpose to visite Wilnote
and Hacun, his brother and kinsman (as a thirde sorte
affirme) or for what soever other cause, I will not dis-
pute. But upon his arrival!, taken he was by Guy the
Earle of Pountiou, and sent to William the Duke of
Y
3** (;ILLIN<;HAM.
Normandie: where, being charged with his fathers
fault, and fearing that the whole revenge should have
lighted upon his owne heade, hee was driven to devise
a shift for his deliveraunce.
He put the Duke in remembraunce therefore, of his
neare kinred with Ed ward e the King of England, and
fed him with great hope and expectation, that Edward
should dye without issue of his body, by reason that
he had no conversation with his wife : So that, if the
matter were well and in season scene unto, there was
no doubt (as he perswaded) but that the Duke through
his owne power, and the ayde of some of the English
Nobilitie, might easily after the Kings death obtaine
the Crowne : For the atchieving whereof, he both
vowed the uttermost of his owne helpe, and undertooke
that his brethren, his friends, and allies also, should do
the best of their indevour.
The wise Duke, knowing well, Quam malus sit
custos diuturnitatis metus, How evill a keeper of con-
tinuance, feare is, And therefore (reposing much more
suretie in a friendly knot of alliance, than in a fearfull
offer proceeding but onely of a countenaunce) accepted
Harold, Haroldes othe for some assuraunce of his promise, but
yet withal, for more safetie, affied him to his daughter,
to be taken in marriage : And so, after many princely
giftes, and much honorable entertainment, bestowed
upon him, he gave him licence to depart.
But Harold, being now returned into Englamle,
forgetteth cleane that ever he was in Normandie, and
therefore so soone as King Edward was dead, he
(violating both the one promise and the other) reiecteth
Duke Williams daughter, and setteth the Crowne upon
his owne head.
323
Hereof followed the battaile at Battel in Sussex,
and consequently the conquest of this whole realm
and Countrie. In contemplation whereof, we have
likewise to accuse the olde a^evlav (or rather pcofrj/mv) The un-
the inveterate fiercenesse, and cancred crueltie of this
our English nation against forreins and straungers : nat'°n>
toward
which ioyning in this butcherly sacrifice with bloudie strangers.
Busyris, deserved worthily the revenging club ot'
heavenly Hercules: which, fearing (without cause)
great harme that these fewe might bring- unto them,
did by their barbarous immanitie give iust cause to a and wa*
therefore
great armie to overrunne them : And which, dreading siaine by
that by the arrival of this small troupe of Norman H
Nobilitie, some of them might lose their honourable
roomes and offices, provoked the wrath of God, to
scnde in amongst them the whole rable of the Norman
slaverie, to possesse their goods and inheritances.
1 1 were worthy the consideration, to call to memorie,
what great Tragedies have beene stirred in this Realme
by this our naturall inhospitalitie and disdaine of
straungers, both in the time of King lohn, Henrie his
sonne, King Edward the Seconde, Henrie the Sixt,
and in the daies of later memorie: But, since that
matter is parergon, and therefore the discourse would
prove tedious and weariesome, and I also have beene
too long already at Gillingham, I will rather abruptly
ende it, onely wishing, that whatsoever note of infamie
we have heeretofore contracted amongst forreigne
writers by this our ferocitie against Aliens, that now
at the least (having the light of Gods Gospell before
our eies, and the persecuted partes of his afflicted
Church, as guestes and straungers in our Countrie)
wee so behave our selves towards them, as we may
Y 2
CHETHAM.
both utterly rubbe out the old blemish, and from hence-
foorth stay the heavy hand of the iust lupiter Hospi-
talis, which otherwise must needes light upon such
stubburne and uncharitable churlishnesse.
CHKTHAM.
Ind thf y' ALTHOUGH I have not hitlu-.to at any time, read
Roode, of any memorable thing recorded in historic touching
and Gil-' Chetham it selfe, yet, for so much as I have often
. jlcarcj (an(j tnat constantly) reported, a Popish illusion
done at the place, and for that also it is as profitable
to the keeping under of fained and superstitious reli-
gion, to renew to mind the Priestly practices of olde
time (which are now declining to oblivion) as it is plea-
sant to reteine in memorie the Monuments and Anti-
quities of whatsoever other kinde, I thinke it not amisse
to commit faithfully to writing, what I have received
credibly by hearing, concerning the Idols, sometime
knowen hy the names, of our Lady and the Roode, of
Chetham, and Gillingham.
It happened (say they) that the dead Corps of a man
(lost through shipwracke belike) was cast on land in
the Parish of Chetham, and being there taken up, was
by some charitable persons committed to honest buriall
within their Churchyarde : which thing was no sooner
done, but our Lady of Chetham, finding her selfe
offended therwith, arose by night, and vtent in person
to the house of the parishe Clearke, (which then was
in the Streete a good distance from the church) and
making a noise at his windowe, awaked him : This
CHETHAM. 325
man at the first (as commonly it fareth with men dis-
turbed in their rest) demaunded somewhat roughly,
who was there : But when he understoode by hir owne
aunswere, that it was the Lady of Chetham, hee
chaunged his note, and most mildely asked the cause
of her good Ladiships comming : She tolde him, that
there was lately buried (neare to the place where she
was honoured) a sinfull person, which so offended her
eie with his ghastly grinning, that unlesse he were
removed, she could not but (to the great griefe of good
people) withdraw her selfe from that place, and cease
her wonted miraculous working amongst them. And
therefore she willed him to go with her, to the end that
( by his helpe) she might take him up and cast him
againe into the River.
The Clerke obeied, arose, and waited on her toward
the Church : but the good Ladie (not wonted to walke)
waxed wearie of the labour, and therefore wasinforced
for very want of breath to sit downe in a bush by the
way, and there to rest her: And this place (forsooth)
as also the whole tracke of their iourney (remaining
ever after a greene path) the Towne dwellers were
wont to shew.
Now after a while, they go forward againe, and
comming to the Churchyard, digged up the body, and
conveied it to the water side, where it was first found.
This done, our Lady shranke againe into her shrine,
and the Clerke peaked home to patch up his broken
sleepe, but the corps now eftsoones floted up and
downe the River, as it did before. ^NYhich thing being
at length espied by them of Gillingham, it was once
more taken up and buried in their Churchyard. But
see what followed upon it, not onely the Roode of
326 CHETHAM.
Gillingham (say they) that a while before was busie in
bestowing Miracles, was now deprived of all that his
former vertue : but also the very earth and place where
this carcase was laide, did continually for ever after,
settle and sinke downeward.
This tale, receaved by tradition from the Elders,
was (long since) both commonly reported and faith-
fully credited of the vulgar sort : which although hap-
pily you shall not at this day learne at every mans
mouth (the Image being now many yeeres sithence
defaced) yet many of the aged number did lately re-
member it wel, and in the time of darknesse, Hcec
erat in toto not issirna fabula mundo. But here (if I
might be so bould as to adde to this Fable, his iw^vQiov
(or Fabula significant) I woulde tell you, that I thought
the Morall and Minde of the tale to bee none other, but
that this Clerkly fJLvf)oir\a-tjct this Talewright(I say) and
Fableforger, being either the Fermer, or Owner of the
offrings given to our Lady of Chetham, and envying
the common haunt and Pilgrimage to the Roode of
Gillingham (lately erected Ad nocumentum of his
gaine) devised this apparition, for the advauncement
of the one, and defacing of the other.
For (no doubt) if that age had beene as prudent in
examining spirits, as it was prone to beleeve illusions,
it should have found, that our Ladies path was some
such greene trace of grasse, as we daily behold in the
fields (proceeding indeede of anaturall cause, though
by olde wives and superstitious people reckoned to be
the dauncing places of night spirits, which they call
Fayries.) And that this sinking grave, was nothing
else, but a false filled pitte of Maister Clearks o\vne
digging.
CHETHAM. 327
The man was too blame, thus to make debate be-
tweene our Lady and her Sonne, but since the whole
religion of Papistrie it selfe, is Theomachia and nothing
else, let him be forgiven, and I will go forward.
Alfred of Beverley, and Richard of Ciceter, bothe
following Beda, have mention of a place in East Kent,
where Horsa (the brother of Hengist) was buried, Horsmun-
and which even till their daies did continue the memo-
rie of his name. And we have in this shire a Towne
called Horsmundeno, which name (resolved into
Saxon Orthographic) is Ponfgemyn 6ene, and soundeth
as much as, the Valley of the monument (ormemoriall)
of Horsa.
But for as much as that place lieth in the south part Homed,
of this Countrie toward Sussex : and I reade that and the '
Horsa was slaine at Ailesford (as you shall see anone) olde'
in that encounter wherein he ioined with his brother
Hengist against the Brytons which at that time inha-
bited Kent, It is more prooveable to affirme, that he
was buried at Horsted here, which woord properly
signifieth, the Place of Horsa : after the which name
also certeine landes (lying in this parish on the part
towardes Ailesforde) be yet called, namely, new
Horsted, and the olde in the confines of the territorie
made subiect to Rochester.
This Horsa, and his brother Hengist (both whose
names be Synonuma, and doe signifie a horse) were
the Chiefteins of those first Saxons that came into this
land to the aide of Vortiger and the Brytons, as we
have before shewed: and after the killing of this
Horsa, his brother Hengist never ceassed to follow
the warre upon the Brytons, untill such time as he
had driven them out of Kent, and created himselfe
3'2» FRENDSBURY.
King thereof, as hereafter in fitter place wee shall
further declare.
Saint Bar- In this parish standeth yet a poore shewe of that
Hospitaii. decaied Hospital! of Saint Bartilmew, the foundation
« whereof as you shall finde in Rochester, was layde by
Gundulphus the Bishop.
King Henrie the Thirde calleth it the Priorie of
brothers and sisters of the Hospitaii of Saint Bartil-
mew of Chetham, in a certaine confirmation which he
made unto them of 40. shillings by yeere, the which
Roger Fitz-Stephen of Northwood had given unto
them before. Besides the which, King Edward the
Third and Henrie the Sixt made general confirmations
unto them, and Henrie the Sixt exempted them from
all Taxes and tallages. Their Revennew consisted of
the Tythes of Kyngsdoune, Henhyrst, and Rode,
chiefly : the rest being patched up out of the offerings
of the Altars of Sainct lames and Sainct Giles.
In the confines of this parish, towardes Rochester
1594. also, was now lately builded a receptacle for ten or
Hawkins moe aeec^ or maimed Mariners and Shipwrights,
Hospital, which (after the founders name) her Maiestie our
sovereigne in her letters Patents of the incorporation,
dated 27. August. 36 of her Reigne, would to be
called, The Hospitaii of lohn Hawkins knight, in
Chatham.
FRENDSBURY, in some Saxon copies pjieonderbymj,
that is, the Friends Court : in others, jimnon&erbyjuj.
IT befell in the reigne of King Edward the first (by
occasion of a great and long drought of the aire) that
FRENDSBURY. 329
the Monks of Rochester agreed among themselves to
make a solemne procession from their owne house betweene
,, the Monks
throwe the citie, and so to Frendsbury on the other ol Roches-
side of the water, of a speciall intent and purpose to
pray to God for raine. ofStroude.
And bicause the day of this their appointed iourney
happened to be vehemently boisterous with the winde,
the which would not onely have blowne out their
lightes, and tossed their banners, but also have stopped
the mouthcs of their Synging men, and have toiled
themselves in that their heavie and masking attire,
they desired lycence of the Maister of Stroud Hospi-
tall, to passe through the Orchyarde of his house,
whereby they might both ease their companie, and save
the glorie of their shewe, which otherwise through the
iniurie of the weather must needes have been greatly
blemished.
The Maister assented easily to their desire, and
(taking it to be a matter of no great consequence)
never made his brethren of the house privie thereunto.
But they, so soone as they understoode of this deter-
mination, called to minde that their Hospitall was of
the foundation of Gilbert Glanville, (sometime a
Bishop of Rochester) betweene whom and the prede-
cessors of these Monks there had beene great heats
for the erection of the same : and therefore, fearing
that the Monkes (pretending a procession) intended to
attempt somewhat iniuriously against their privileges
(as in deede all orders in Papistrie, were exceeding
ielous of their prerogatives) they resolved with all
might and maine to resist them.
And for that purpose (not calling their Maister to
counsell) they both furnished themselves, and procured
330 FUKNDSMJRY.
ceraine companions also (whom the Historic callrth
RibaJdes) with clubbes and battcs to asist them, and so
(making their ambush in the Orchyard) they awaited
the Monkes comming.
It was not long, but the Monks (having made all
things readie) approcbed in their battell array and with
banner displaied, and so (minding no harm at all)
cntred boldely into the house, and through the house
passed into the Orchyard, merily chanting their latinc
Letanie: But when the Brethren and their Ribaldes
had espied them within their daunger, they issued out
of their lurking holes, and ranne upon them, and made
it raine such a shoureof clubbes and coulestaves upon
the Monkes Copes, cowles, and Crownes, that for a
while the miserable men knew not what waie to turn
them.
After a time, the Monkes called their wits and
spirites togither, and then (making vertue of the ne-
cessitie) they made cache man the best shift for himselfe
that they could: some, traversing their ground, de-
clined many of the blowes, and yet now and then bare
off with head and shoulders : others, used the staves
of their crosses and behaving themselves like prcttie
men : Some made pikes of their banner poles: And
others (flying in to their adversaries) wrested their
weapons out of their handes : amongst the rest, one
(saving his charity) laide lode upon a married Priest,
absolving him (as mine authour saith) A culpa, but
not A pcena : Another, drave one of the Brethren into
H deepe ditch : and a thirde (as big as any Bull of Basan)
espied (at the length) the posterne (or back doore) of
the Orchyarde, whereat he ran so vehemently with his
head and shoulders, that he bare it cleane down< br-
FKEXDSBURY. 331
fore him, and so both escaped himselfe, and made the
way for the rest of his fellowes, who also, with al pos-
sible haste conveied themselves out of the iurisdiction
of the Hospital!, and then (shaking their ears) fell a
fresh to their Orgia, I should have said to their former
Orisons,
After this storme thus blowen (or rather born) over,
I doe not marvaile if the Monkes (as the reporter
saith) never sought to carrie their procession through
Stroud Hospitall for avoiding of the winde, forindeede
it could not lightly blowe more boisterously out of any
quarter. And thus out of this tragicall historic, arose Frends-
the byword of Frendsburie Clubs, a tearme not yet ciubbes,
clean forgotten. For they of Frendsburie used to
come yeerely after that upon Whitsonmondaie to Ro-
chester, in procession with their Clubs, for penance of
their fault, which (belike) was never to be pardoned,
whilest the Monkes remained.
For albeit I reade not of any that was slaine in the
afiraye, as peradventure these Monkes had the privi-
lege of those that performed their Sacrifice Fustuaria
pugna, in which none could be killed, as Herodotus in
his Euterpe writeth of the Egyptians report: yet I
doubt not but that they were so well blissed with
Friendsburie Battes, that they had good cause to
remember it many a yeere after.
The land of Frendsbury, was long since given by
Offa the King of Midle England, to Eardulph then
Bishop of Rochester, under the name of Eslingham Eslingham
cum appendiciis, although at this day this other beareth
countenance as the more woorthie of the twaine : The
benefice of Frendsbury (togither with that of Dartford)
was at the suite of Bishop Laurence, and by graunt
;W2 ROCHESTER.
Appropri- of tue Pope, converted to an appropriation, one
ations of
benefices, (amongst many) of those monstrous byrthes of covet-
ousnes, begotten by the man of Rome in the darke
night of superstition, and yet suffered to live in this
day light of the Gospell, to the great hinderance of
learning, the empoverishment of the ministerie, decaic
of Hospitalitie, and infamie of our profession.
ROCHESTER, is called in Latine, Dorobrevum, Duro-
brevum, Durobrovae, and Durobrevis : in Brittish,
Dourbryf, that is to say, a swift streame : in Saxon,
Pjio^erceaj'tjief that is Rofi civitas, Rofes cifie, in
some olde Chartres, Rofi brevi.
SOME men (desirous belike to advaunce the estima-
tion of this Citie) have left us a farre fetched antiquitic
concerning one peece of the same, affirming that lulius
Caesar caused the Castle at Rochester (as also that
other at Canterbury, and the Towre at London) to be
builded of common charge : But I, having not hitherto
read any such thing, either in Caesars owne Commen-
taries, or in any other credible Historic, dare not
avow any other beginning of this citie (or castle) than
that which I finde in Beda : least if I shoulde adven-
ture as they doe, I might receive as they have, I
meane, The iust note of more reading and Industrie,
than of reason or iudgement.
The Citie. And although I must (and will freely) acknowledge,
that it was a Citie before that it had to name Roches-
ter (for so a man may well gather of Beda his woordes)
yet seeing that by the iniuric of the n«rcs betweenc,
ROCHESTER.
the monuments of the first beginning of this place and
of innumerable suche other be not come to our handes,
I had rather in such cases use honest silence, than rash
speeche, and do prefer plaine unskil and ignorance,
before vaine lying and presumptuous arrogance.
For (trust me) the credite of our English Historic is
no one way so much empaired, as by the blinde bold-
nesse of some, which taking upon them to commit it
to writing, and wanting (either through their owne sloth-
fulnesse, or the iniquitie of the time) true understand-
ing of the original of many things, have not sticked
(without any modestie or discretion) to obtrude new
fantasies and follies of their owne forgerie, for assured
truthes, and undoubted antiquitie.
As for examples of this kinde, although there be at
hande, many in number, and the same moste fond and
ridiculous in matter, yet bicause it should be both
odious for the authors, tedious to the readers, and
grievous for my selfe, to enter into them, I will not
make enumeration of any : But staying my selfe upon
this generall note, I will proceede with the treatise of
the place that I have taken in hand, the which may
aptly (as me thinketh) be broken into foure several!
portions : The Citie it selfe, the Castle, the Religious
buildings, and the Bridge.
The Citie of Rochester, tooke the name as Bed a
writeth) of one Rof (or rather Hrof, as the Saxon
booke hath it) which was sometime the Lorde, and
owner of the place.
This name, Leland supposeth, to have continuance
in Kent till this our time, meaning (as I suspect) Rolf,
a familie wel inough knowne. Whatsoever the estate
of this Citie was before the comming in of the Saxons,
3*1 KOCHKHTKK.
it scemeth, that after their arrival I, the maintenance
thereof depended chiefly upon the residence of the
Bishop, and the religious persons : and therefore no
marvaile is it, if the glory of the place were not at any
time very great, Since on the one side the abilitie of
the Bishops and the Chanons (inclined to advaunce it)
was but meane, and on the other side the calumitie of
fire and sworde (bent to destroy it) was in manner
continuall.
For I reade, that at such time as the whole Realme
was sundred into particular kingdomes, and each part
warred for superioritie and inlarging of boundes with
680. the other, Eldred (then King of Mercia) invaded
Lothar the King of this Countrie, and finding him un-
able to resist, spoiled the whole Shyre, and laid this
Citie waste.
The Danes also, which in the daies of King Alfred
884. came out of Fraunce, sailed up the river of Medwey
to Rochester, a,nd besieging the Towne) fortified over
against it in such sorte, that it was greatly distressed
and like to have been yeelded, but that the King
': ^Ij1ealjh" (Paonia manu) came speedily to the reskew, and not
onely raised the siege, and delivered his subjects, but
obtained also an honourable bootie of horses and cap-
tives that the besiegers had left behind them.
The same people, having miserably vexed the whole
<)9J). Realme in the daies of King Ethelred, came at the last
to this Citie, where they found the inhabitaunts ready
in armes to resist them : but they assailed them with
such tune, that they compelled them to save them-
selves by flight, and to leave the place a pray to their
enimies: The which was somewhat the lesse woorth
unto them, bicause King Ethelred himselfe (not long
ROCHESTER, »3f>
before) upon a displeasure conceived against tiie i)8(i.
Bishop, had besieged the Citie, and would by no
raeanes depart thence, before he had an hundreth
pounds' in ready money payd him.
And these harmes, Rochester received before the
time of King William the Conquerour, in whose reigne
it was valued in the booke of Domesday at lOO.s. by
the yeere, and after whose daies (besides sundry par-
ticular damages done to the Citie, during the sieges
laide to the Castle, as shall appeere anon) it was
much defaced by a great fire that happened in the
reigne of King Henrie the First, the King himselfe, 1130.
and a great many of the Nobilitie, and Bishops being
there present, and assembled for the consecration (as
they call it) of the great Church of Sainct Andrewes,
the which was even then newly finished.
And it was againe in manner wholy consumed with
flame, about the latter ende of the reigne of King 1177.
Henrie the Second, at which time that newly builded
Churche was sore blasted also : But yet after all these
calamities, this Citie was well repaired and ditched 1225.
about, in the reigne of King Henrie the Third.
As touching the Castle at Rochester, akSiough 1 The ca*
finde not in writing any other foundation thereof, than
that which I alledged before, and reckon to be meere
fabulous, yet dare I affirm, that there was an olde Castle
above eight hundreth yceres agoe, in so much as I
reade, that Ecgbert (a King of Kent) gave certeine
landes within the walles of Rochester Castle, to Ear-
dulfe, then Bishop of that See : And I coniecture,
that Odo (the bastard brother to King William the 763.
Conquerour) which was at the first, Bishop of Baieux
in Normandie, and then aiterwarde, ndvaunced to the
:*3(3 KOCHIiSTKK.
office of the chiefe lustice of Englande, and to th>
honour of the Earledorae of Kent, was either the firs
authour, or the best benefactour to that which now
standeth in sight.
And hereunto I am drawne, somewhat by the con-
sideration of the time it selfe, in which many Castles
were raised to keepe the people in awe : and some-
what by the regarde of his authoritie, which had the
charge of this whole Shyre : but most of all, for that
I reade, that about the time of the Conquest, the
Bishop of Rochester received lande at Ailesforde, in
exchaunge for grounde to builde a Castle at Roches-
ter upon.
Not long after which time, when as William Rufus
(our English Pyrrhus, or Redhead) had stepped be-
1088. tweene his elder Brother Robert and the crowne of this
Realme, and had given experiment of a fierce and un-
brideled government: the Nobilitie (desirous to make
a chaunge) arose in armes against him, and stirred his
brother to make invasion : And to the ende that the
King should have at once many yrons (as the saying
is) in the fire to attend upon, some moved warre in one
corner of the Realme, and some in another, But
amongst the rest, this Odo betooke him to his Castle
of Rochester, accompanied with the best, both of the
English and the Norman Nobilitie.
This when the King understood, he sollicited his
subiectes, and specially the inhabitaunts of this coun-
try, by all faire meanes and promises to assist him,
and so (gathering a great armie) besieged the Castle,
and straightened the Bishop and his complices the
defendants in such wise, that in the ende, he and his
company were contented to abiure the Realme, and
to leade the rest of their life in Normandie.
ROCHESTER. 337
And thus Odo, that many yeeres before had been
(as it were) a Viceroy, and seconde person within this
Realme, was now deprived of all his dignitie, and
driven to keepe residence upon his benefice, till such
time as Earle Robert (for whose cause he had incurred
this danger) pitying the cause, appointed him govern-
our of Normandie his owne country.
After this, the Castle was much amended by Gun-
dulphus, the Bishop: who (in consideration of a
Manor given to his See, by King William Rufus,
bestowed threescore poundes in building that great
Towre, which yet standeth. And from that time, this
Castle continued (as I iudge) in the possession of the
Prince, until King Henrie the first, by the advice of
his Barons, graunted to William the Archbishop of
Canterbury and his successours, the custody, and 1126.
office of Constable over the same, with free libertie to
builde a Towre for himselfe, in any part thereof at his
pleasure. By meanes of which cost done upon it at
that time, the Castle at Rochester was much in the eie
of such as were the authors of troubles following within
the realme, so that from time to time it had a part
(almost) in every Tragedie.
For, what time King lohn had warre, with his
Barons, they got the possession of this Castle, and
committed the defence thereof to a noble man, called
William Dalbinet, whom the King immediately be-
sieged, and (through the cowardise of Robert Fitz 1215,
Walter, that was sent to rescue it) after three moneths
labour, compelled him to render the peece.
The next yeere after, Lewes (the Frenche Kings
Sonne) by the aide of the English Nobilitie, entered
the same Castle, and tooke it by force.
Z
ROCHESTER.
And lastly, in the time of King Henrie the thirde
(who in the tenth of his Reigne commaunded the
Shyrife of Kent to finish that great Tower which Gun-
dulph had left unperfect) Simon Mountforde, (not long
before the battaile at Lewes in Sussex) girded the
citie of Rochester about with a mightie siege, and
setting on fire the wooden bridge, and a Towre of tim-
ber that stood thereon, wanne the first gate (or warde)
of the Castle by assault, and spoiled the Church and
Abbay: But, being manfully resisted seven daies
together, by the Earle Warren that was within, and
hearing suddenly e of the Kings coining thitherwarde,
hee prepared to meete him in person, and left others
to continue the siege, all which were soone after put
to flight by the Kings armie.
This warre (as I have partly shewed before) was
specially moved against strangers, which during that
Kings reigne, bare such a sway (as some write) that
they not onely disdained the naturall borne Nobilitie
of the Realme : But did also (what in them lay) to
abolish the auncient lawes and customes of the same.
In deede, the fire of that displeasure was long in
kindeling, and therefore so much the more furious,
1251. when it brast foorth into flame : But amongst other
things, that ministred nourishment thereto, this was
not the least, that upon a time it chaunced a Tornea-
ment to be at Rochester, in which the English men, of
a set purpose (as it should seeme) sorted themselves
against the strangers, and so overmatched them, that
following the victorie, they made them with groat
shame to flie into the Towne for covert. But I dwell
too long (I feare) in these two parts: I will therefore
now visite the Religious building, and so passe over
the bridge to some other place.
ROCHESTER.
The foundation of the Church of S. Andre wes in
Rochester, was first layd by King Ethelbert (as we Church in
have touched before) at such time as he planted the
Bishops chaire in the Citie, and it was occupied by 604.
Chanons, till the daies of Gundulphus, the Bishop :
who bicause he was a Monke, and had heard that it
was sometimes stored with Monkes, made means to 1080.
Lanfranc (sometimes a Monke, but then Archbishop)
and by his aide and authoritie, both builded the
Church and Priorie of newe, threw out the Chanons,
and once more brought Monkes into their place : fol-
lowing therein the example, that many other Cathedrall
Churches of that time had shewed before.
And this is the very cause, that William of Malmes- Pr\est.s
had wives
bury ascribeth to Lanfranc, the whole thank of all in Eng-
that matter : for in deede both he and Anselme his olde'time.
successour, were wonderfully busied in placing Monkes,
and in divorcing Chanons, and Secular Priests from
their wives, the which (in contempt) they called,
Focalia, no better than White kerchiefs or kitchen-
stuffe : although both the lawe of God maketh the
accouplement honorable amongst all men, and the law
of this countrie had (without any check) allowed it in
Priests, even til their own time.
For Henrie of Huntingdon writeth plainly, that
Anselme in a Synode, at London, Prohibuit sacer- 1102.
dofibus uxores, ante non prohibitas, Forbad Priestes
their wives, which were not forbidden before. And
William of Malmesburie affirmeth, that hee there de-
creed, Ne inposterum filii presbyterorum sint hceredes
ecclesiarum patrum suorum, That from thencefoorth
Priestes sonnes should not be heires to their fathers
benefices.
Z 2
3-10 ROCHESTER.
Which 1 note shortly, to the ende that men should
not thinke it so straunge a matter (in this Rcalme) for
Priestes to have wives, as some peevish Papists goe
about to persuade.
But to returne to Gundulphus, from whom I am
by occasion digressed, he (as T saide) re-edified the
great Church at Rochester, erected the Priorie, and
where as he found buthalfc a dozen secular Priests in
the Church at his comming, hee never ceased, till he
had brought together at the least threescore Monkes
into the place.
Then removed he the dead bodies of his predecessors,
and with great solemnitie translated them into this new
worke : and there also Lanfranc was present with his
purse, and of his owne charge in-coffened in curious
worke of cleane silver the body of Paulinus, the thirde
Bishop of Rochester, who had left there the Palle of
1087. the Archbishopricke of Yorke, that was not recovered
long after : to the which shrine there was afterwarde
(according to the superstitious maner of those times)
much concourse of people, and many oblations made.
Besides this, they both ioined in suite to the King,
and not onely obtained restitution of sundry the pos-
sessions withholden from the Church, but also pro-
cured by his liberalise and example, new*e donations
of many other lands and privileges.
To be short, Gundulphus (overliving Lanfranc) never
rested building and begging, tricking and garnishing,
till he had advaunced this his creature, to the iust
wealth, beautie, and estimation of a right Popish
Priorie. But God (who moderating all things by his
divine providence) shewed himselfe alwaies a severe
visitour of these irreligious Synagogues) God (I say)
ROCHESTER. 34L
set fire on this building; twise within the compasse of 1138.
one hundreth yeeres after the erection of the same:
and furthermore suffered such discorde to arise be-
tvveene Gilbert Glanville, the Bishop of Rochester, 1177.
and the Monkes of this house, that he for displeasure
bereaved them, not onely of all their goodes, orna-
ments, and writings, but also of a great part of their
landes, possessions and privileges: and they, both
turmoiled themselves in suite to Rome for remedie,
and were driven (for maintenance of their expences)
to coine the silver of Paulinus Shrine into ready 1212.
money.
Which act of theirs turned bothe to the great em-
poverishing of their house, and to the utter abasing of
the estimation and reverence of their Church: for
that (as in deede it commonly e falleth out amongst
the simple people, that are led by the sense) the honour
and offering to this their Saint, ended and died toge-
ther with the gay glorie and state of his Tumbe.
By this meancs therefore, Gilbert became so hated
of the Monkes, that when he died, they committed him
obscurely to the ground without ringing of Bel, Cele-
bration of service, or dooing of any other funerall 1214.
Obsequies.
But to these their calamities, was also added one
other great losse, susteined by the warres of King 1215.
lohn, who in his siege gainst the Castle of Rochester,
so spoiled this Church and Priorie, that (as their owne
Chronicles report) he left them not so much as one
poore Pixe to stande upon their Altar.
It was now high time therefore, to devise some
way, whereby the Priorie and Church of Rochester,
might be, if not ultogitlier restored to the auncient
342 ROCHESTER.
wealth and estimation, yet at the least somewhat
releeved from this penurie, nakednes, and abiection.
And therefore, Laurence of Saint Martines, the Bishop
of Rochester, perceaving the common people to be
somewhat drawne (by the fraude of the Monkes) to
1256. thinke reverently of one William, that lay buried in
Hamof^11" ^e Church, and knowing well that there was no one
Rochester. way so compendious to gaine, as the advauncement
of a Pilgrimage, procured at the Popes Court the
Canonization of that man, with indulgence to all such
as woulde offer at his Tumbe: underpropping by
meane of this new Saint, some maner of reverent
opinion of the Church, which before, through defacing
the olde Bishops shrine, was almost declined to
naught.
But to the ende that it may appeere, to what hard
shift of Saints these good Fathers were then driven,
and how easily the people were then deluded, you
shall heare out of Nova Legenda it selfe, what great
man this Saint William of Rochester was.
He was by birth, a Scot, of Perthe (now commonly
called Saint Johns Towne) by trade of life a Baker of
bread, and thereby got his living: in charitie so
aboundant, that he gave to the poore the tenth loafe of
his workmanship : in zeale so fervent, that in vow he
promised, and in deede attempted, to visite the holy
land (as they called it) and the places where Christ
was conversant on earth: in which iourney, as he
passed through Kent, hee made Rochester his way :
where, after that he had rested two or three daies, he
departed toward Canterbury.
But ere he had gone farre from the Citie, his servant
that waited on him, led him (of purpose) out of the
ROCHESTER. 343
high way, and spoiled him both of his money and life.
This done, the servant escaped, and the Maister (bi-
cause he died in so holy a purpose of minde) was by
the Monkes conveied to Saint Andrewes, laide in the
quire, and promoted by the Pope (as you heard) from
a poore Baker, to a blessed Martyr.
Here (as they say) he moalded miracles plentifully,
but certaine it is, that madde folkes offered unto him
liberally, even untill these latter times, in which, the
beames of Gods trueth shining in the harts of men, did
quite chase away, and put to flight, this and such other
grosse cloudes of will worship, superstition, and
idolatrie.
Besides this Priorie, (which was valued by the
Commissioners of the late suppression, at 486. pounds
by yeere) there was none other religious building in
Rochester. But I remember, that about the 21* yeere Aimes-
of the Reigne of our now Sovereigne Lady, one
Richarde Wattes of the Bolly hill at Rochester, by
his last Will devised certeine landes to the Maior and
Communaltie there, for the nightly enterteinment and
reliefe, with foure pence, for everie of sixe lawfully
travailing men, in a poore Almeshouse within the
Citie : which devise, being very unskilfully conceaved,
had thorow the manifolde imperfections thereof come
to naught, had not Maister Thomas Pagitte (An ap-
prentice at the lawe of the Middle Temple) laboured
to reforme and rectifie it : by whose meanes, the place
is now assured of sixtie pounde lands by yeere, and is
drawen to order, as well for that first purpose, as also
for procuring of Hempe, and Flax in stocke, whereby
to set the poore on woorke.
Now therefore am I come to the Bridge over Med-
344 ROCHESTER.
way, not that alone which we presently behold, but
another also, much more auncient in time, though lesse
Rochester beautifull in woorke, which neither stood in the selfe
bdtMhe pl&ce where this is, neither yet very farre from it.
oide,and por tnat croSsed the water over against Stroudc
the new.
Hospitall: and this latter is pitched some distance
from thence towarde the South, and somewhat nearer
to the Castle wall, as to a place more fitte, both for the
fastnessc of the soile, and for the breaking of the
swiftnesse of the streame, to builde a Bridge upon.
That olde woorke, (being of timber building) was
1282. fiered by Simon the Earle of Leicester, in the time of
King Henrie the third, as hath already appeered : and
not fully twenty yecres after, it was borne away witli
the Ise, in the reigne of King Edwarde his Sonne.
Wherefore, least that as the Frost and flame, hath
already consumed the thing it selfe : So the canker of
time should also devoure all memorie, thereof, I have
thought meete to impart such antiquities, as I have
found concerning that bridge, whereof the one was
taken out of a booke (sometime) belonging to the late
worthy and wise Counsellour, Doctor Nicholas Wot-
ton, and which he had exemplified out of an auncient
monument of Christs Church in Canterbury, bearing
this Title,
Memorandum de Pontc Roffensi, &c.
1. Episcopus Roffensis debet facere primam peram de
ponte Roffensi, et debet invenire tres sullives, et debet
plantare tres virgatas super pontem. Et hoc debent
facere Borstal, Cukelstan, Frendsburie, et Stoke.
2. Secundapera debet habere tres suit, et debet plantare
nnarn virgatam: Et hoc debent homines de Gillwqham
et de Chetham.
ROCHESTER. 345
Episcopus Roffensis debet facere tertiam peram, el 3.
debet. 3. sail, et plantare ducts virgatas et dimid. Et
hoc debetur de Hailing, Trockesclive, Mailing, South-
flete, Stane, Pinendene et Falcham
Quarta pera debet tres suit, et plantare tres virga- 4.
fas. Et hoc debent homines de Borgham de sex suit,
et de Woldham cum Roberto Basset et sociis suis, et
cum Roberto Neve de trib. sull. de Athle una sull. de
Henherst dimid. sull de Honden quartam partem unius
sull. de Cusinglon dimid sull. de Boncheld dimid sull:
De Farleg unam sull. De Ethles viginti quinque acras:
de Theiston unam sulL De Lose unam sull. de Lillinton,
duas sull: De Stokebury, duas sull: De Gliselard-
land, de Sinelond, de Dalelond : De Lechebundlond,
De Horsted, De Chelk.
Ouinta pera pertinet ad A rchiepiscopum. Et debel 5.
tres sull: et plantare quatuor virgat. Et hoc debetur
de Wroteham, Medestane, Woteringbery , Netherle-
stede, Pecham, et altera Pecham, Heselholt, Mere-
worth, Leyborne, Swaneton, Ojfeham, Dictone, Wes-
ter ham.
Sexta pera perlinet ad Hundredum de Heylmrne, et 6.
debet sull: et plantare 4. virgatas: et hoc debent
homines de Boxele, scilicet de. 7. sull. et dimid. sed
contradicunt. Dimid. sull. de Dethling: unam sull. et
Dimid et quartam partem unius Thornham. 2. sull. et
tertiam, quam contradicunt : De A Idington unam sull:
et aliam, quam contradicunt : De Stokebery. 2 sull. de
Eilnothington. 2. sull. de Bicknore. i. sull. de Widne-
selle. i. sull. de Holingeburne G. sull, de quibus Godin-
ton debet 2. sull, et Bocton Archiepiscopi dimid. sull:
de Heberton cum Frensted. i. sull: de Lhedes 3. sull,
de Herietesham cum Litlewrotham 2 sull : de Wren-
346 ROCHESTER.
stede dimid suit, de Wytheling cum Eastelne. i. suit,
de Lenham 4 sull. et dimid de Longele cum Otring-
dene 2. sull et dimid. de Eastlenham 2. sull, de Boctone
Bavelingham. i. sull, de Hulecumb. 2. sull, et dimid.
quam contradicunt. de Farburn dimid. sull, et dimid
quam contradicunt. de Suthone 7. sull, et dimid. de
Otteham i. sull, de Witherint on dimid. sull. Notandum,
quod ad 6. sull, de Holingborne debet Boctone dimid.
sull, Godington 2. sull, Buccherst dimid. lug. Wiben-
dene et Hockebery dimid, lug. Wythyherst. i. luger,
fferindene dimid. luger. Hallebroc et Herebertest
dimid. luger. Bresing 3. lug. Beauerepair dimid. luger.
Stanburne et Thrumsted dimid. lug. Riple dimid.
luger. Bradestrete dimid. luger. Brechedene quartam
partem unius luger. Simon de porta 5. acras, Gile-
bertus de Thrumstede 15. acras. Terra Ospeck 5.
acras. Thomas supra montem 10. acras. Sara de
Dene, Robertas de Swandene cum sociis 45. acras.
Bradherst 4 luger. Huking dimid. lug. Wodceton. i,
lug. Ilerst. i. luger. Heyhorne dimid. fug. Lareye
dimid. lug. Grenewey. i. lug. Southgreney. i. lug.
Gerin cum sociis dimid. lug. Terra lacobi de Hanney
dimid. luger. Cotenetun dimid. lug. Nutemannestoive,
et terra Bellardi, dimid. lug. Sheldesbourn dimid. fug.
Snade quartam partem. Worham 3. acras. Bode 5
acras. Simon Cockel 25. acras. Ifceredes Thoma de
la Dane. 5. acras. Walterus Larsone 5. acras. Wil-
helmus Clivc 10 acras.
iSvplima, et octara para, pertinent ad homines de
IIoo. Ef debent sex sull: et plantare 4. mrgat. et
dimid.
Nona per a pertinet ad Archiepiscopum, et debcf :J.
suit, et plantare 4. virgat, Et hoc debc.fur <I< cf
ROCHESTER. 347
Clive, Heigham, Deninton, Melton, Hlidesdon, Mepe-
ham, Snodeslond, Bearlinges, Peadelesivorthe,
et de omnibus hominibus in eadem voile,
The other antiquitie, 1 found in an olde volume
of Rochester Librarie, collected by Ernulfus the
Bishop, and intituled, Textus de Ecclesia Roffensi:
in which, that which concerneth this purpose, is to be
read both in the Saxon, (or ancient English) toong,
and in the Latine also, as hereafter folio weth.
This is the Bridgewoorke at Rochester.
Dij* ij* |>aene bpicaejepeopc on ppojrecaej'tpef
Here be named the landes,for the which men shall
Pep ryn6on jenamo6 ]?a Ian 6. j?e man PI oj: fcael
beginneth
ivoorke. First the Bishop of the Citietaketh on 1.
Fjiert }?8epe bunjebij-cop jzaep^i on
that end to woorke the land peere : and three
j?one eajim co pepcene ]?a Ian 6 pejian. ^ )?peo
yardes toplanke: and 3 plates to laye : that
jypda to Jnlhanne. y iii. j-ylla to lyccannef ty
of
is, from Borstall, and from Cuckstane, and from,
\\ op bopcjtealle. y oj: Cucclej-tane. ^ o]i
Frendsbyry, and Stoke.
ppmonbepfbypij. -3 op 8tocef
%en the second peere belongeth to Gyllingham.
/)onne reo oj?pej- pep jebypa^ to jylhnjepam.
IUKMIKSTEH.
and to Chetham, andoneyardetoplanke. and3.
^ to Caetpam. ^ an jyp&e to J?ilhanne. ^ iii.
jylla co leccanef
3. T/ten Me third peere belongeth again to the same Bishop,
Donne j-eo ]>pi88e pen^ebynoS ejitj^am bij-cope.
and three yardes lacking a halfe,
and two yardes and a halfe, to planke, and 3. platen
] ]?ju88e peal}: jyjib to j?ilhanne. ^ iii. jylla
from
to laye of hailing and of Trosclif:
to leccenne. o\i pealmjan, ^ op tjiotef clive
and of mailing . andofFleete. and of Stone, and
^ oj: GOeallinjan. ^ oj: Fliote. ^ O): Stane. •]
Fakham.
of pyndene. andoffalkenham.
o): punbene. ~\ oj: j:alcpenpam f
4 77/c/i is the fourth peere the Kinges and 3.
Donne ij' j-eo people paep )?ap]' cmjej\
yardes and a halfe to planke, and 3. plates to laye,
Pal): £yp8 to ]nllanne. ^ iii. jylla to leccanne.
Hundreth
of Aylesford, and of all that Lathe that thereunto
O): cc^;lej*}:op8a, ^ oj: Dalian )?am lae]7e );e |?epto
«, awrf ofovenhille. and of Aclay, and of
li|>. i of: uj:anpylle. ^ oj: TTclea. ^ oj: ]>am
ROCHESTER. 349
Smalland. and of Cosyngton . and of Dudslande,
Smalanlanb 3 op Cupmtune. y op 8u8eplan8e.
and of Gisleardsland, and of Woldham, and of
-j op Gypleap8epJan8e. -3 op pulbepam. 3 op
Burham, and of Acclesse. and of Horstede,
!)upppam, -^ op Sccleppe. ^ op
a/id of Farley, and of Teston, and of Chalke
j op peapnleje. ^ op rejiptane. •] op Cealce.
and of Henhyrst, and of Edoti
3 op pennpypte. ^ op Cbunef
Then is the jifte peer e the Archbishops, 5.
Donne ip peo pipte pep. ]?aep 3ipcebifcopef .
to Wrotham, and to Maydstone, and to
to ppotepam. y to GDae^anpfcane. -3 to
IVateringbyrie, and to Nettlested, and to the
jjo^pinjebyjvan. -3 co Netleptebe. y to |>am
t tvo Peckams, and to Haselholte, and to Mereworth,
tpam Peccpam. y yo paepelpolce. ^ co C10epanpyp]?e.
and to Layborne, and to Swanton, and to Of ham,
3 to Lillanbupnan. 3 to Spanatune. 3 to Oppapani.
and to Dytton, and to Westerham, and four e yardes
y to Dictune. -3 to pepteppam. y iiii. jyjiba
350 ROCHESTER.
toplanke, and 3 plates to laye.
to Jnllanne. ^ iii Sylle to leccannef
Then is the sixte peere to Holingborne,
Donne ly jyo j-eoxte peji to polinjabunnan.
and to all that Lath, Andfoure yardes to planke :
1 to eallan j?am la^];e. ^ iiii. jynba to (^
and foure plates to laye.
•3 iiii. jylla to leccennef
7. 8. Then is the seventh, and the eight peere
Donne ij- j-yo jyoue)?e. 3 jyo eapte)>e pen
to the men ofHoo to woorke : A ndfoure
to Popajian lanb to pyncenne. y ]-7fte
yardes and a halfe to planke : and sixe plates to laye.
f ;$yn6 to jnllanne. 3 vi. jylla to lyccanne.
9. Then is the nynthe peere the Archbishops,
Donne ij- j-yo mjaj^a pen )?a3j* 3*ncebij'copej\
that is the land peere at the Westmde: to
ty ij- jyo lanb pen aet ]?am pejt aenhef to
Byshops cliffe
Fleete: and to his cliffe: and to Higham: and to
fliote. 3 to pij- clyjie. y to pePPam, ^ to
Denton : and to Mylton : and to Ludsdowne:
benetune. ^ to Melantune. 3 to plubej-hune.
ROCHESTER,
and to Mepham. and to Snodland:
an8 to GOeapepam* anb to Snohilanbe.
and to Berling, and to Paddlesworth : and
anb to beplingan. anb to peablej-pyp^Se. anb
to all that valley men : and f owe yardes toplancke : and
ealla $a bsenepapuf 3 iiii. ^yjiba to ^illianne. -j
three plates to laye.
iS|iyo jylle to leccannef
Hcec descriptio demonstrat aperte, unde debeat pons
de Rovecestra restaurari, quotiens fuerit fractus.
Primum, eiusdem Civifatis Episcopus incipit ope-
rari in orientali brachio primam peram de terra:
deinde tres virgatas plancas ponere, et tres sulivas. i.
tres magnas trabes supponere: Et hoc faciet de Bor-
chastalle, et de Cuclestana et de Freondesbiria, et de
Stoche.
Secunda pera pertinet ad Gillingeham, et ad Cat-
ham : et unam virgatam plancas ponere, et 3. sulivas
supponere.
Tertia pera pertinet iferum ad Episcopum eiusdem
civitatis, qui debet 2. virgatas et dimid, plancas po-
nere : et 3. sulivas supponere : et hocfiet de Heallinges,
Trottesclive, Meallinges, Suthfleotes, Stanesf Pinnen-
dene, et Falceham.
Quartapera pertinet ad Regem^ et debet 3. virgatas
et dimid. plancas ponere : et 3. sulivas supponere : Et
hoc fiet de Eilesforda, et de toto illo Icesto quod ad
illud manerium pertinet : et de supermontaneis, et de
Aclea, et de Smalaland, et de Cusintune, et de Dudes-
352 ROCHESTER
land, et tie Gisleurdes land, et de Wuldeham, et de
Burham, et de Aclesse, Horsteda, Fearnlega, Terstane,
Cealca, llenhersta, et de llathdune.
5. Quinta pera est Archiepiscopi, et debet 4. virgatas
plancas ponere, et 3. sulivas summittere : et hoc debet
fieri de Wrotham, Mcedestana, Oteringaberiga, Netle-
steda, duabus Peccham, Hceselholt, Mcerewurtha, Lille-
burna, Swanatuna, Ojfeham, Dictuna, et Westerham.
6. Sexta pera debet fieri de Holingburna, et de toto illo
l(Bsto quod ad hoc pertinet : 4. virgat. plancas ponere,
et 3. sulivas supponere.
7. 8. Septimam et octavam peram, debent facera homines
de Hou, et 4. et dimid. virgat. plancas ponere, et sex
sulivas supponere.
9. Nona pera, quce ultima est, in occidentali brachio,
est iteram Archiepiscopi: 4. virgat. plancas ponere:
et tres sulivas summittere : Et hoc debet fieri de North-
fteta, Cliva, f/eahham, Denituna, Meletuna, Hludes-
duna, Meapeham, Snodilanda, Berlinges, Peadlesworthe,
et de omnibus illis hominibus, qui manent in ilia v.dle.
Et sciendum est, quod omnes ilia sulivce qua in
ponle illo ponentur, tanlte grossitudinis debent
esse, ut bene possint sustinere, omnia grama pon
dera superiacentium plancarum, et omnium desuper
transeuntium rerum.
By these it may appeere, that this auncient bridge
consisted of nine Arches, or peeres, and conteincd in
length, about twenty and sixe roddcs, or yardes, as
they be here termed, Toward the reparation and main-
tenance whereof, divers persons, parcels of lands,
and townships (as you sec) were of dutie bound to
ROCHESTER. 353
bring stufte, and <o bestowe both cost and labour in
laying it.
This dutie grew, either by tenure, or custom?, or
both : and it seemeth, that according to the qu an title
and proportion of the Land to be charged, the cariage
also was either more or lesse.
For heere is expresse mention, not of Townes and
Manors onely, but of Yokes and Acres also, which
were contributarie to the aide of carrying, pitching,
and laying of piles, plankes, and other great timber.
And heere (by the way) it is to be observed, that so
much of the worke as ariseth of stone and earth, is
called Pera, of the Latine woord, Petra : that the great
grounde postes, plates, or beames, be termed (Sulliva)
of the olde Saxon woorde (Sylle) which we yet everie
where knowe by the name of a Ground Sille : And
that the Tables, or Boords, which are laid over them^
are named (Plancce) or Plankes, as we yet also in
our vulgar language do sound it. But, by reason that
divers Landes are sithence properlie given to main-
teine the new Bridge, al this auncient duetie of re-
paration was quite and cleane forgotten, although by
a statute (21. Rich. 2.) the forenamed landes remaine
liable thereunto as before : yea, the new Bridge it selfe
also (for want of the execution of that, or some other
such politique way of maintenance) hath lately lacked
helpe, and was like shortly (if remedie in time had not
beene applied) to decline to great decaie and utter
ruine : Which thing was so much the more to be fore-
scene, and pittied, as that the worke is to the founder
a Noble monument, to this Citie a beautifull ornament,
and to the whole Countrie a moste serviceable coin-
moditie, and easement.
2 A
"s ^a^er woorke (being not much above eight-
valiant' score yeeres of age) Syr Robert Knolles (a man ad-
Capitaioe.
vaunced by valiant behaviour, and good service under
King Edward the third, from a common Souldiour, to
a most commendable Capitaine) was the first Authour :
who after that he had beene sent Generall of an armie
into Fraunce, and there (in despite of all their power)
had driven the people like sheepe before him, wasting,
burning, and destroying, Townes, Castles, Churches,
Monasteries, and Cities, in such wise and number,
that long after in memorie of his acte, the sharpe
points and Gable ends of overthrown Houses and
Minsters, were called Knolles Miters: he returned
into England, and meaning some way to make him-
selfe as well beloved of his Countrie men at home, as
he had been everie way dread and feared of Strangers
abroade, by great policie maistred the River of Med-
wey, and of his ovvne charge made over it*the goodly
woorke that now standeth, and died full of yeeres in
the midst of the Reigne of King Henrie the fourth.
At the East ende of the same Bridge, Sir lohn Cob-
ham erected a Chapell, and was not wanting to the
principall woorke it selfe, either in purse or guift of
landes. And after vvardes Archbishop Warham added
to the Coping of the Bridgwoorke, those Iron Barres
which do much beautifie the same, entending to have
performed it thorowe out : But, either wanting money
by the losse of his prerogatives, or time by prevention
of Death, he left it in the halfe, as you may yet see it.
Neither is the princely care of the Queenes Majestic
lesse beneficial! to the continuance of this Bridge, than
was the cost and charge of the first Authours to the
first erection of it : as without the which, it was to be
ROCHESTER. 35->
iustly feared, that in short time there would have beene
no Bridge at all.
For, besides that the landes contributarie to the
repaire thereof were not called to the charge, even
those landes proper were so concealed, that verie
fewe did know that there were any such to support it:
the revenewe being so converted to private uses, that
the countrie was charged both with Tolle and Fifteene,
to supplie the publique want, and yet the woorke de-
clined daily to more and more decaie. At such time
therefore as her Maiestie (in the fifteenth yeere of her
Raigne) made her Princely progresse into Kent, she
was informed heerof by Syr William Cecill, then prin-
cipall Secretarie, now Baron of Burghley and Lord
Treasorer, that Noble Nestor, and most woorthie
States man : at the contemplation whereof she was
pleased to graunt Commission to certaine Lords, to
him, and to divers knights and Gentlemen of the Coun-
try, to enquire as well of the defects and causes
thereof, as of the meanes for remedie. In which part,
the laborious endevour of the late sir Roger Manwood,
Chiefe Baron of her Maiesties Escheaquer, deserved
special commendation : who, passing thorow all diffi-
culties, first contrived a plot of perfect reformation,
And then within three yeeres after, procured that
statute of the 18. yeere of her Highnesse Reigne, and
lastly that other Act of the 27. yeere : By the care-
full execution of which, not onely the present estate of
the Bridge is now much bettered, but also the revenew
of the lands proper is so increased (I might say
Tripled) that there is good hope for ever to mainteine
the defence of the Bridge onely therewithall, and
without the helpe of the landes contributarie, which
2 A 2
STIIOUDK.
neverthelesse stande liable, if any unlocked for neces-
sitie sball so require.
STROODE, of the Saxon, 8tjiojb, that is, Strowed, or
scattered : bicause it consisted then of a few scat-
tered houses, without the Citie.
ABOUT the beginning of the reigne of King Henrie
the third, Gilbert Glanville (the Bishop, of whome
you have hearde) founded the Hospital! at Stroude
called Neworke) dedicating his cost to the honour of
the blessed virgine Marie, and endowing it to the
yeerely value of fifty two poundes.
The Manor of Stroude (to which the Hundred of
Sharaele belonged) was graunted to the Templers, by
the name, Magistro, etfratribus Militia Templi Solo-
monis, in the xi. yeere of the same King Henrie the
third. And after the suppression of that most rich
and stately order, it was bestowed by king Edward the
thirde (in the xii. of his reigne) upon Marie the
Countesse of Penbroke, who within sixe yeeres after
gave it to the Abbesse and Sisters Minorites, of the
profession of Saint Clare, of Denney in Cambridge-
shyre, to which place she had removed them from
Waterbeche, where they were first planted by her.
But, seeing that Non omnes arbusta iuvant, humilesque
Myricce, let us looke higher.
Polydore Virgil (handeling that hot contention, be-
tweene King Henrie the seconde, and Thomas Beeket)
Thomas
Beeket. saith, that Becket, (being at the length reputed for the
kings enimie) began to be so commonly neglected,
STROUDE. 357
*' contemned, and hated, that when as it happened him
" upon a time to come to Stroude, the inhabitants
" thereabouts (being desirous to despite that good
" father) sticked not to cut the taile from the horse on
" which he roade, binding themselves thereby with a
" perpetual reproach : For afterward (by the will of
" God) it so happened, that every one which came of
* ' that kinred of men which had plaied that naughty
" pranke, were borne with tailes, even as brute beasts
" bee.
Such another like tale did Alexander Essebye some-
time write of Augustine, Beckets predecessour, (or
rather founder) in that See : who, as he saieth, when
fish tailes were despitefully throwen at him by certeine
men of Dorsetshire, was so furiously vexed therrwith,
that he called upon God for revenge, and he forthwith
heard him, and strake them with tailes for their
punishment. This later fable, doth lohn Maior the
Scot (by what warrant, God woteth) translate from
Dorsetsbyre to Rochester in Kent, and so maketh the
way open for Polydore, both by like poeticall or
popish licence, to carie it to Stroude, and also to
honour his great God Saint Thomas with it. But
Hector Boetius (another Scot) looking better upon the
matter, sendeth it home to Dorsetshyre againe, and
saieth that it chaunced at Miglington there.
These reportes (no doubt) be as true as Ovides
historic of Diana, whome hee feigneth in great furie
to have bestowed upon Actaeon a Deeres head with
mightie brow Anthlers. But, as Alexander Essebye
and his followers might easily have beene restrained
to tell so fond a tale of Augustine, both by the silence
of Beda, who writing of set purpose Augustines doings,
358 STROUDE.
and being nothing dainty of vaine miracles, reporteth
yet no such thing of him, And also by the plaine
speeche of William Malmesburie, who setting iborth
the same reprochfull dealing against Augustine at
Cerne in Dorsetshyre (a third place, for false witnesses
doe seldorne agree) hath yet never a worde of any
such revenge, but saieth plainly that the people after-
ward were sorie for it, and that Augustine pardoned
the offence : Even so Polydore might well have spared
to inagnilie Becket with this lie, so farre off for the
time, so incredible for the matter, and so slaunderous
for the men, unlesse he had brought his Talesman with
him, seeing that neither the Quadriloge of Beckets life,
nor the Legend (though never so full of lies) nor any
other auncient historian (so farre as I can hitherto
observe) hath once reported it before him. Let the
Westernmen therefore (if they will) thinke themselves
pleasured by Polydore, who taking (as you see) the
miracle from Augustine applieth it to Becket, and so
(removing the infamous revenge from them) laieth it
upon our men of Kent. But I dare pronounce, that
Dorsetshyre, Kent, and each other part of the realme,
is little beholden to Alexander and the rest, but least
of all to Polydore, who have amongst them brought to
passe, that as Kentish men be heere at home merily
mocked, so the whole English nation is in foreine coun-
tries abroad earnestly flowted, with this dishonourable
note, in so much that many beleeve as verily that we
be Monsters and have tailes by nature, as other men
have their due partes and members in usuall maner,
Behold heere one of the fruites of their spitefull
miracles.
But yet, least any shoulde thinke that I did wrong,
STROUDE. 3f>9
(o charge another with untrueth, and not to set downe
the trueth my selfe, to the ende that all men might
iudge of us bothe, hearken (I pray you) what the
Quadriloge (or foure mans tale, of Beckets life and
death) and the new Legende also have left us of this
matter.
"A few daies (say they) before the Christmas, in
" which the Archbishop was slaine, he roade to Lon-
" don with a great troupe (minding to have visited his
" province) where albeit that he was ioyfully receaved
" of the common sort and of the citizens also, yet the
" Kings sonne streightly enioyned him to proceede no
" further, but to returne to Canterbury againe, the
" which also he did accordingly. Afterward, one
" Robert Brock (a man of the Clergie, and dwelling
" in Canterbu-Fy) meeting by chaunce with a horse of
" the Arehbisliops that carried certeine stuffe of his
" kitchin (or Sculkrie) did cut off the taile of the beast
" in despite of the maister : who (upon the under-
" standing thereof) stepped the next day (which was
" Christmas day) into the pulpit at Canterbury, and
" there, farm, indignabundus, ardens, et audens (the
" very woordes of the Quadriloge) all fierce, wrothe,
" fierie, and bolde, excommunicated Brock for his
" labour, as he did sundry others also (by name) that
' had grieved him in his absence out of the realme.
' And this excommunication (say they) was of such
' force, that the very dogs under the table whereat
' Brock sate, would not once touch, and much lesse
' taste, any bread that he had fingered, no not although
1 it were mingled with other bread that never came in
' his handes : But of any Tailes, or other revenge, not
1 one woord have these men.
360 STIIOUDE.
And truly, albeit this which they say be a good
deale more than I may with any reason desire you to
believe (unlesse happily I would have you think, that
their excommunication is meeter punishment for dogs
than for men, since Brock, so far as they tell, never
forbare his meate for it, (whatsoever the dogs did) yet
could not Polydore be contented so to exemplilie i(,
but he must needes lash out further, and contend to
outly the lowdest Legendaries. Whereof if you yet
doubt, conferre (I pray you) his report with theirs,
and it shall resolve you.
He saieth, that Becket was contemned of the com-
mon sort; they say, that he was much made of: he
saieth, that such as dwelt about Stroude, did the
shrewd turne, they say that Robert Brock, which dwelt
at Canterbury, committed it: he speaketh of many,
they but of one : he telleth us of the common people,
they of a clergie man, their owne annointed : he
affirmeth it to be done at Stroude, they about Canter-
burie: hee will have it ofprepensed purpose, they of
sudden chaunce : he saieth it was the horse that the
Archbishop roade upon, they that it was a poore beast
which caried spits, dishes, or dripping pannes: So
that (omitting other contrarieties) either many must
be one, the common sort must become the clergie,
Stroude must be Canterbury, determinate device must
be sudden hap, and finally the Archbishop must bee
but kitchin stuffe, or else Polydore must be attainted
of lying by these five witnesses.
It seemeth, that he himselfe was afraide that Issue
might be taken upon this matter, and therefore he
ascribeth it to certeine families which he nameth not :
And yet (to leave it the more incerteine) he saieth,
STROUDE.
(hat they also be long since worne out, and sheweth
not when : And so, affirming hee cannot tell of whome,
nor when, he goeth about (in great earnest) to make
the world beleeve he cannot tell what.
But (will some man say) although he misse in the
manner and circumstaunces of the thing done, whereof
he might thinke it no great necessitie to be much
rarefull : yet he may hit in the matter and substance,
that is to say, in the plague ensuing, which is the very
marke whereat he aimed.
Truely there is no cause to trust him in the sequele,
that is found untrustie in the premises : Neverthelesse,
for mine owne part I thinke for all this that he hath
saide well, in telling us that the posteritie borne of
such as curtailed S. Thomas horse, were afterwarde
plagued with tailes for it : And this forsoothe may be
the mysterie. It is commonly saide, and not without
good cause believed that Maidens children, and Bache-
lers wives bee ever well taught and nurtured : and no
marveile, for neither hath the one sort any children,
nor the other any wives at all. After the very same
figure and phrase, may Polydores speech be verified
also. For (as you see well) Brock alone did this great
acte, who (being one of the clergie) could have no
wife, and then (if he lived without a concubine) he
coulde leave none issue behind him : and so Polydore
might safely say, that all they which came of him, had
not onely tailes like beastes, but also feete like fowles,
scales like fishes, or whatsoever other unkindly partes,
that might make up a fit picture for Horace and his
friends to be merrie withall.
But (in earnest) I doe not thinke, that he meant
thus, and much Icssc doe 1 beleeve that hee did but
STROUDE.
seeke for a byword that might be a match or felow for
(Coglioni di Bergamo) The Coollions of Bergamo,
that scoffe of Italic, his owne countrie : nay rather, it
is plaine that he had another purpose in it. For (as
the Proverbe is) Cauda de vulpe testatur, the taile is
ynough to bewray the foxe, And his woordes (Bonum
patrem, the good father) do evidently shew, that he
would not sticke to strain e a point, so that he might
glorifie Saint Thomas thereby. He had forgotten the
lawe whereunto an Historien is bounden, Ne quidfalsi
audeat, ne quid veri non audeat, That he should be
bolde to tell the trueth, but yet not so bold as to tell
an untrueth : Neither did he remember that he him-
selfe had told the King in his Preface to his booke,
that sincere trueth, and olde wives tales, doe not
agree.
I doe gladly graunt, that his Historic is a worthie
woorke, whether you will respect the Stile and Methode
thereof, or the Storie and matter, excepting the places
blemished with suche and some other follies: the
which, sinc& he inserteth many times, without all
choice or discretion, he must bee read of the wiser
sort, and that not without great suspition and wary-
nesse. For, as he was by office collectowr of the
Peter pence to the Popes gaine and lucre : So sheweth
he himselfe thorowout by -practise, a covetous gatherer
of lying Fables, faygned to advaunce, not Peters, but
the Popes owne religion, kingdome, and Miter.
( 363
HALLING, in Saxon paling that is to say, theholsome
lowe place, or Medowe.
I HAVE scene in an auncient booke (containing the Many ^
donations to the See of Rochester, collected by Ernul- once, in
phus the Bishop there, and intituled Textus de Ecclesia
Roffemi) a Chartre of Ecgbert (the fourth christened
King of Kent) by the which he gave to Dioram the
Bishop of Rochester tenne ploughlandes in Hailing, 778.
together with certaine Denes in the Weald, or common
wood. To the which Chartre, there is (amongst others)
the subscription of leanbert the Archbishop, and of
one Heahbert, a King of Kent also, as he is in that
booke tearmed. Which thing I note for two speciall
causes, the one to shewe, that about that age there
were at one time in Kent, moe Kings than one : The
other, to manifest and set foorth the manner of that
time in signing and subscribing of Deedes and Char-
tres : a fashion much different from the insealing that
is used in these our daies. And as touching the first,
1 my selfe would have thought, that the name King,
had in that place been but only the title of a second
magistrate (as Prorex, or Viceroy) substituted under
the very King of the country for administration of
iustice in his aide or absence : saving that I reade
plainly in another Chartre, of another donation of
Eslingham (made by Offa the King of Mercia, to Ear- 764.
dulfe, the Bishop of the same See) that he proceeded
in that his gift, by the consent of the same Heahbert,
the King of Kent, and that one Sigaered also (by the
name of Rex dimidice partis provincice Cantiiariorum)
3«4 HALLINCJ.
both confirmed it by writing, and gave possession by
Liverie of the deliveric of a clod of earth, after the manner of
Seisine.
seison that wee yet use. Neither was this true in
Heahbert onely, for it is evident by sundry Chartres,
738. extant in the same Booke, that Ealbert the King of
762. Kent, had Ethelbert (another King) his fellow and
partener : who also in his time was ioyned in reigne
with one Eardulfe, that is called Hex Cantuariorum,
as well as he. So that, for this season, it should seeiue,
that either the kingdomc was divided by discent, or
els, that the title was litigious and in controversie,
though our histories (so farre as I have scene) have
mention of neither.
The old This olde manner of signing and subscribing, is (in
Signing & my fantasie) also not unworthie the observation:
deeds.8 °f wherein we differ from our auncestors, the Saxons, in
this, that they subscribed their names (commonly add-
ing the signe of the crosse) together with a great num-
ber of witnesses : And we, for more suretie, both sub-
scribe our names, put to our scales, and use the help
of testimonie besides. That former fashion continued
throughout without any sealing, even untill the time of
the conquest by the Normans, whose manner by little
and little at the length prevailed amongst us. For the
first sealed Chartre in England, that ever I read of,
is that of King Edward the Confessors to the Abbey
of Westminster: who (being brought up in Normandie)
brought into this llealme, that, and some other of their
guises with him : And after the comming of William
the Conqueror, the Normans, liking their owne count lie
custome (as naturally all nations doe) reiected the
manner that they found heere, and reteined their owne,
as Ingulphus, the Abbat of Croyland, which came in
HALLIJSG. 365
with the conquest, witnesseth, saying: Normanni,
cheiroyraphorum confectionem, cum crucibus aureis,
et aliis signaculis sacris, in Anglia firmari solitam, in
cercB impressionem mutant, modumque scribendi An-
(jlicumrejiciunt : The Normans (saithhe)doechaunge
the making of writings, which were woont to be firmed
in Englande with Crosses of golde and other holy
signes, into the printing with waxe : and they reiect
also the manner of the English writing. Hovvbeit, this
was not done all at once, but it increased and came
forward by certein steps and degrees, so that first and
for a season, the King onely, or a few other of the
Nobilitie besides him, used to scale : Then the Noble-
men (for the most part) and none other : which thing
a man may see in the historic of Battell Abbie, where
Richard Lucy chiefe Justice of Englande, in the time 1280.
of King Henrie the Seconde, is reported to have
blamed a meane subiect, for that he used a private scale,
when as that perteined (as he said) to the King, and
Nobilitie onely. At which time also (as lohn Rosse
noteth it) they used to engrave in their scales, their
owne pictures and counterfeits, covered with a long
cote over their armours. But after this, the Gentlemen 1218.
of the better sort tooke up the fashion, and bicause
they were not all warriours, they made scales of their
severall coates or sheeldes of armes, for difference
sake, as the same author reporteth. At the length,
about the time of King Edwarde the Thirde, scales
became very common, so that not only such as bare
armes used to scale, but other men also fashioned to
themselves signets of their owne devise, some taking
the letters of their own names, some flowers, some
knots and flourishes, some birds, or beasts, and some
other thing's, as we now yet daily behold in use.
HALUNU.
I am not ignoraunt, that some other manner of seal-
ings besides these, hath been heard of amongst us, as
namely that of King Edwarde the Thirde, by which he
gave,
To Norman the Hunter, the hop and the hop towne,
with all the bounties up side downe :
And in witnes, that it was soothe,
He bitt the waxe with his fong toothe :
And that of Alberic de Veer also, conteining the dona-
tion of Hatfielde, to the which he affixed a shorte
blacke hafted knife, like unto an olde halfpeny whitle,
in stead of a scale : and such others, of which happily
I have scene some, and heard of moe. But all that
notwithstanding, if any man shall thinke, that these
were received in common use and custome, and that
they were not rather the devises and pleasures of a few
singular persons, he is no lesse deceived, than such as
deeme every Chartre and writing that hath no scale
annexed, to be as ancient as the Conquest : whereas
(indeede) sealing was not commonly used till the time
of King Edward the Thirde, as I have already told you.
1184. Thus farre, by occasion of this olde Chartre, I am
straied from the historic of Hailing, of which I finde
none other reporte in writing, save this, first that in
the reigne of King Henrie the Seconde, Richard the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and immediate successour
to Thomas the Archtraitour of this Realme, ended his
life in the mansion house there, which then was, and
yet continueth, parcell of the possessions of the See of
Rochester : The circumstaunce and cause of which his
death and departure, I will reserve till I come to
Wrotham, where I shall have just occasion to discoverit.
Then, that Hamon of Hothe (Bishop of Rochester,
and Confessor to King Edward (he Second) raised from
HALLING.
the ground that Hall and high Front of the Bishops
place which now standeth, re-edified the Mill at Hol-
boroe neare unto it, and repaired the rest of the
buildings here, as he did at Trosclif also, which is
another Manor house belonging to the same See. At
this place of the Bishop in Hailing, I am drawing on
the last Scaene of my life, where God hath given me
Liberorum Quadrigam, all the fruite that ever I had.
As touching that Holboroe (or rather Holanbergh)
it lieth in Snodland, perteining likewise to the same
Bishop, and tooke the name of beojip, or the Hill of
burial), standing over it: in throwing downe a part
whereof (for the use of the chalke) my late Neighbour,
Maister Tylghman discovered in the very Centre
thereof, Urnam cineribus plenam, an earthen pot filled
with ashes, an assured token of a Romane M onument :
the like whereof (as Twyne writeth) was in the reigne
of King Henrie the Eight digged up at Barham downe,
by Sir Christopher Hales, sometime Master of the
Holies.
And now, for want of a Bridge at Hailing, we may
use the Fery, and touch at Woldham, given by Ethel-
bert King of Kent, to Erdulph Bishop of Rochester in
the yeere 751. and yet parcell of the possessions of
the Cathedral Church there. It is the same in deede,
that it hath in name polbe, a faire downe (or Hill)
without bush, or wood, opposite to pealbe, which is a
lowe woodie region: of the same reason, those large
champaignes of Yorkswold, and Cotswolde, tooke
their appellation also. But since here is none other
thing woorthy Note, let us make towards Ailesforde :
for there you may see the most assured marke of great
Antiquitie, that we have within the Shyre of Kent.
AILESFORDE, or Eilcsforde, calletk in Bryttish (as
Master Camden citeth out of Nennius) Sassenaighai
Bail, of the overthrowe of the Saxons, called in some
Saxon copies, Gjelej-jzojib, that is, the Foorde, or
passage over the River Egle, or Eile : or rather the
passage at Ecclef which is a place in this parish:
In others Snjelef popb, which is, the passage of the
Angles, or English men ft is falsly tearmed of
some, Alencester, of some Allepord, and of others
Aelstrea, by depravation of the writers out of the
sundry copies as I suspect.
455. WITHIN a fewe yeeres after the arrivall of the
Saxons, the Britons (perceiving that Vortiger their
King was withdrawen by his wife from them, and
drawen to the part of their enimies) made election of
Vortimer his sonne, for their Lord and leader: by
whose manhood arid prowesse, they in short time so
prevailed against the Saxons, that (sleying Horsa, one
of the Chieftaines, in an encounter given at this place,
and discomfiting the residue) they first chased them
from hence, as far as Tanet (in memorie of which
flight, happily this place, was called Anglesford, that
is, the passage of the Angles or Saxons) and after that
compelled them to forsake the lande, to take shipping
towarde their owne countrie, and to seeke a new sup-
plie : Howbeit, as in warre and battaile, the victorie is
commonly deere bought and paied for: So in this
selfe conflicte (otherwise verie fortunate) the death of
Horsa was recompenpensed with the losse of Categern,
AYLKSFORDE. 360
one of the brothers of King Vortimer. And truely,
had not the untimely death of King Vortimer himselfe
also immediately succeeded, it was to be hoped, that
the Saxons should never after have returned into this
Hand.
But the want of that one man, both quailed the
courage of the Britons, gave newe matter of stomackc
to the Saxons to repaire their forces, and brought
upon this Realme an alteration of the whole Estate
and Government. The Britons neverthelesse in the
meane space followed their victorie (as I saide) and
returning from the chase, erected to the memorie of
Categerne (as I suppose) that monument of foure huge
and hard stones, which are yet standing in this parish,
pitched upright in the ground, covered after the man-
ner of Stonage (that famous Sepulchre of the Britons
upon Salisburie plaine) and now tearmed of the com-
mon people heere Citscotehouse. For I cannot so Citscote-
much as suspect, that this should be that, which Beda Totting'ton
and the others (of whom I spake in Chetham before) Ground-
do assigne to be the Tombe of Horsa, which also was
there slaine at the same time : partly bicause this
fashion of monument was peculiar to the Britons, of
which nation Categerne was, but chieflie for that the
memorie of Horsa was by all likelyhoodleft at Horsted,
a place not farre off, and both then and yet so called
of his name, as I have already tolde you.
There landed within the Realme in the time of Al- §93,
fred, two great swarmes of Danish Pyrates, whereof
the one arrived neare Winchelsey, with two hundreth
and fiftie saile of Ships, and passing along that river
fortified at Apledore, as wee have shewed before :
The other entred the Thamise, in a fleete of eighty
2 B
370 AVLKSFORDE.
sailc, whereof part encamped themselves at Midleton
on the other side of Kent, and part in Essex over
against them.
These latter, King Alfred pursued, and pressed them
so hardly, that they gave him both othes and hostages
to depart the Realmc, and never after to unquiet it.
That done, he marched with his armie against those
other also.
And bicausc he understood, that they had divided
themselves, and spoiled the Countrie in sundrie partes
at once, he likewise divided his armie, intending (the
rather by that meane) to raeete with them in some one
place or other : which when they hearde of, and per-
ceived that they were unmcete to incounter him in the
face, they determined to passe over the Thamise, and
to ioyne with their countrymen in Essex, of whose dis-
comfiture they had as yet received no ty dings. But
when they came at a place in this parish, called (both
Fernham. now and aunciently) Fernham, that is, the ferny
Towne, or dwelling, one part of the Kings power
couragiously charged them, and finding them given to
flight, followed the chase upon them so fiercely, that
The Danes they were compelled to take the Thamise without boate
to'take the or bridge, in which passage there were a great number
Thamise. of tncm drowned, the residue having ynough to doe Jo
save their owne lives, and to convey over their Capi-
taine, that had received a deadly wound.
1016. No lesse notable was that other chase, wherein
TheDanes (many yeeres after) Edmond Ironside, most fiercely
from (Vt pursued the Danes from Otforde to this towne : in
which also (as some write) he had given them an irre-
parable overthrow*?, had he not (by the fraudulent, and
traitorous persuasion of one Edric, then Duki -I
AYLESFORDE. 371
Mercia (or middle Englande) and in the Saxon speech j^ ^
surnamed, for his covetousnes, Streona, that is to say, infamous
he Getter, or gatherer) withdrawne his foote, and
spared to follow them.
No doubt, but that it is many times a part of good
wisedome, and warlike policie, not to pursue over
fiercely thine enimie that hath already turned his
jacke towardes thee, least thou compell him to make
vertue of that necessitie, and he (turning his face
againe) put thee in daunger to be overcome thy selfe,
which before haddest in thine owne hande assurance
o overthrowe him : In which behalfe, it was well
saide of one, llosti fugienti, pons aureus faciendus,
[f thine enimie will flie, make him a bridge of golde.
Neverthelesse, for as much as this advice, proceeded
not from Eadric, of any care that he had to preserve
King Edmonds power out of peril, but rather of feare
lest the whole armie of Canutus should be overrun
and destroied, he is iustly taxed for this, and other his
treasons by our ancient historians, who also make
report of the worthy reward, that in the ende he re-
ceived for al his trechery.
For, this was he (as William Malmesburle writeth, A noble
though some others ascribe it to his sonne) that after- Of
wardes (when these two Kings had by composition
divided the Realme betweene them) most villanously
murthered King Edmonde at Oxford, and was there-
fore done to death by King Canutus : who, in that one
act shewed singular arguments, both of rare iustice,
and of a right noble hart : Of iustice, for that he would
not winke at the fault of him, by whose meanes he ob-
teined the Monarchic of the whole realme : and of
great Nobilitie of minde, in that he plainly declared
2 B 2
MALLING.
himselfe, to estecme more of his owne honor, than oi
another mans Crowne and Scepter, and to have di-
gested quietly that impatiencie of a partner in king-
dome, which great Alexander thought as intolerable
as two sunnes in the world at once : and which
Romulus could in no wise brooke, since he would not
suffer one kingdome to content him and Remus,
whome one belly had conteined before.
There was a! Ailesforde, a. house of Carmelite and
preaching Friars, the foundation whereof is by a Re-
corde ascribed to Richard the Lorde Gray of Codnor,
in the time of King Henrie the third, upon whom the
same King had bestowed the Manor it selfe, which
(in assurance that it was sometime of the demeanes of
the Crowne) is yet known e to be Auncient Demesne.
I finde neverthelesse, that in the time of King John
(father to this Henrie) one Osbert Gipford gave him
forty markes, pro habendo recto de Manerio de Elleis-
forde, quod Willmus de ('(ten, e.i defarciat. (Rotul.
fin. 9. Joannis) which T note for two reasons : the1 one
to shew that it was aliened from the Crowne before the
daies of Henrie the third : the other, for proofe of the
Antiquitie of Fines paied upon the purchase of Writs
Original.
MALLING, in Saxon, (Dealing, of GOealu mj, that is,
the Lowe place flourishing with meale, or Corne,for
so it is every where accompted.
I HIS Towne was first given to Burhricus, the Bishop
of Rochester, by King Edmund the Brother of Athd-
stane, under the name of three plough landt-s in
Mealinges.
MALLING. 373
About one hundreth and fifty yeeres after which 495.
time, Gundulphus (a successour in that See, as you
have read before) having amplified the buildings, and
multiplied the number of the Monkes in his owne
Citie, raised an Abbay of women here also : which Thc
(being dedicate to the name of the Blessed Virgin)
during all his life he governed hhnselfe, and lying at
the point of death, ho recommended to the charge of
one Auice (a chosen woman) to whom notwithstanding
he would riot deliver the Pastorall staffe, before she
had promised Canonicall Obedience, and fidelitie, to the
See of Rochester, and had protested by othe, that there
should neither Abbasse nor Nonne, be from thence-
foorth received into the house, without the consent
arid privitie of him, and his successors.
Now, whether this Rus propinqiiwn, and politique 110(5.
provision, were made of a blinde zeale that the man The Sola-
had to advaunce superstition, or of a vaine glorie to nfe>
increase authoritie in his succession, or els of a fore-
sight that the Monkes (which were for the most part
called Monachi, of Sole living, by the same rule, that
Montes have their name of remooving) might have a
convenient place to resort unto, and where they might
\(Caute, at the least) quench the heats, kindled of their
good cheare and idlenes, God knoweth, and I will not
iudge : But well I wote, that this was a very common
practise in Papistry : for as S. Augustines had Sepul-
;hres : S. Albans Sopewel : Shene Sion : the knights
of the Rodes, the Nonnes of Clerkenwell: all adioyn-
ing, or subject to such obedience : even so Sempring-
lam, and some other of that sort, had bothe Male and
Female within one house, and wall togither, the world
being (in the meane while) borne in hand, that they
374 BALLING.
were no men, but Images, as Phryne said sometime
of Xenocrates. The house was valued in the llerordes.
The ter- at 218. poundes of yeerely revenewe. The name hath
of the0"8' (as you see) his termination in (ing) which bctokeneth
"ownes°f plamty tnat it nath a l°w scituation : for (ing) signi-
fieth a lowe ground, or medow, and so remainetli
knowen in the North countrie of England till this
present dale: of which reason also, the names of
Hailing, Berlyng, Yalding, and others heere at hande,
were at the first framed to ende in (ing) as this doth.
For, as a Name is nothing else, but a worde appointed
by consent of men to signifie a thing : Even so, the
Saxons our auncestors endevored to fashion their
names of places after a certaine naturall force and
reason, taken from the scituation of the place it selfe
(most commonly) Utfons, utnemus, ut campus ,placuit,
as Tacitus saieth of the olde Germanes.
And hereof it falleth out, that a man (but meanly
exercised in their language) may (for the most part) as
readily understand the Scite, or soile, of their townes,
by the oncly soundc of the name, as by the veric sigh!
of the place it selfe.
For proofe whereof, let us (if you will) take SOUK
of those names (or rather Terminations of names) that
be most usuall in this Shyre.
Ford. Cray ford, Dertford, Ailesford, Asheford, and such
like, ending in (Ford) do manifestly bewraye, that they
be passages over those Rivers by which they do
stande. For, (Ford) in oldc English, is the same that
( Vadum) is in Latine, the one being derived of (pijian)
and the other of (Vado) both signifying, 1<» iro, or
to wade, over.
MALLING. 375
Dene with them, bctokeneth a valley, and Dune a fcene,
hill : and heereof the lowe townes in the Weald, as j*n
Mardene, Smardene, Bydendene, Haldene, Tynter-
dene, and others, do beare their name of the one : And
among high placed villages, as Kingsdowne, Luddes-
downe, and the Boughdownes (though commonly called
and written Boughtons) do reteine their calling of the
other.
Of Pyjift, signifying a woode, Ashehyrst, Spelhyrst, Hyrst.
Lamberhyrst,, Gowdhyrst, Hawkhyrst, and the names
of many other wooddie parishes have gotten their last
Syllable : And of bteeft, denoting the banke of a river, steth.
Plumstede, Brastede, Chepstede, Netlestede, and their
fellowes, have gained the like.
Ga, which meaneth water, and which we nowe Ea.
sounde(ey) closeth up the names of many marrish
groundes and waterish places, as of Hartey, Sturrcy,
Oxney, and (besides others) of Rumney it selfe : The
like may be affirmed of leap, a pasture, which we now Leah,
likewise call (ley) being the last particle of Tudeley,
Langley, Pluckley, and of many other good pastures
and feedings.
I must purposely omit a number, that ende in
Brooke, Boorne, Bridge, Land, Field, Hill, Dale,
Clif, Woode, and such like, whereof no English man
can doubt, that understandeth his mothers tongue.
Neither may I stand here to boult out the whole
Etymologic (or reason) of every Townes name : For,
to speake of the first sort, it were altogether needelesse,
seeing that every man pcrceaveth what they meane as
well as I : And, to attempt the latter, it were utterly
cndlesse, since they carie (almost) so many divers
mutters as they be several names : some of them
376 MALLWG.
being drawen from the proper callings of men, some
from the nature of the soile, some from the coast and
manner of the scite, and some from some other causes,
which it were not onely infinite to rehearse, but also
impossible to disclose at this day.
And therefore, as I ment at the first to give you but
a taste of this matter : So, for an end thereof, I wil
leave you one note, which may not only leade you
along this shyre, but also guide you (in manner)
throughout the whole Realme, to discerne (probably)
of the degrees and dignitie that towns and dwelling
places had during the time of the auncient Saxons
here, howsoever since their daies the same be
chaunged, some to the better, some to the worse, and
some from all maner of habitation.
How to Such therefore, as were then nuiubred in the in-
discerne .
of townes, leriour sort and degree, are commonly founde to have
ending of tneir names to enc^> either in Bye, Tun, Wic, Ham,
or Sted. Bye, signified a dwelling, as Byan, did to
BJe 7 dwe11 : Tun> which we now sounde (Ton) and (Towne)
cunf was derived of tneir woorde (Tynan) to tyne, or
inclose with a hedge: Wic and Wice (for they bothe
be one) was used for a place upon the edge of the Set
or River, and uas borowed of the Latine woord
(Vicus) though it be spoken Wic: for the Saxons
(having no single v consonant in all their Alphabet)
used to sound it as double w : making of Vinuni,
Ventus, and Via, Wine, Wynd, and Way.
Pamf Ham, properly signified a Covering, and (by Me-
taphore) a house that covereth us : This woord, \ve
here call (Home :) but the Northren men (not swarving
so farre from the Original) sounde it still (Heain.)
8cebf Finally, by (Sted) they meant a seate, or standing
by a River, deriving it (happily) from the Latine
BOgKlNFOLDE. 377
woord (Status :) and by Thorpe, or Dorpe, a village,
yet used in the lower Germaine.
Againe, such towns and dwellings as then were of
greater price and estimation (either for the wor-
thinesse of the owner, or for the multitude of the
inhabitants, or for the strength or beautie of the build-
ing it selfe} had their names shut up commonly with
one of these five particles, Ceaster, Biry, Burgh, cear-
Healle, or Weorth : Chester, denoted a walled or Cfie7
fortified place, being the same both in woorde and
weight, that the Latine (Castrum) is: Bury, or Biry byjnjf
(then binij) was used for a court, or place of assembly :
Burh (now also Burgh, and sometimes Burrough) is bunpf
none other in sounde or substance, than Trvpy<& in
Greeke, which we nowr call a Towre, of the Latine
name (Turns:) Healle, or (as we now speake it)
Hall, is all one with the Latine Aula, or Greeke av\it :
Weorth (which also is now spoken, Woorth) signified
which
Atrium, a base court, or yarde, such as is commonly some de-
before the better sorte of houses. And thus much
generally, and for this purpose, may suffice : For, to
deale thorowly herein, belongeth rather to a peculiar pooie.
Dictionarie, than to this kindc of treatie and discourse.
BOCKINFOLDE commonly : but truly buccenpealb, that
is, either the Wood of Buckes, or of Beeches : for
the Mast of Beeche is called Bucke also.
KlNG Edward the second, being (in the 19. yeere of
his reigne) upon the way towardes Fraunce, for the
dooing of his Homage, due for his Duchie of Aquitane,
suddenly drevve backe his foote, and withdrewe him-
37H ASHYUST.
selfe to this place, where he reposed him somewhilc,
and caused many to bee emitted for their unlawful!
Huntings. The same time, his ghostly Father (or
Confessour) Harnon the Bishop of Rochester, sent
him thither a present of his drinkes, and withal! both
wine and grapes of his owne growth in his vineyarde
at Hailing, which is now a good plaine mcadoc.
COMB WELLE : that is, the spring in the place betweene
two hilles.
ROBERT of Thurnham was the Author and founder
of the Abbay of Combwcll and Friers there, in the
reigne of King Henrie the seconde, for the Honour
(as he thought) of Saint Mary, and therefore bestowed
his landes upon it. And King Henrie the thirde, not
onely confirmed that guift of his, but moreover vouch-
safed to the Prior and Chanons there his ownc graunt
of a Faire by two daies together, on the feast and
morow of S. Mary Magdalene yeerely. The yccrcly
revennew hath appeered before, and more I had not
speak of this place.
ASI-JYRST, in Saxon, 2tcj-epyjij'C, that is, the Wood
of Ashes.
lN the South West corner of this shire, towarde the
conmics °f Sussex and Surrey, licth Ashyrst, a place1
nowe a daies so obscure (being little better than a
Townc of two houses) that it is not woorthy the visit-
ASHYRST. 379
ing: but yet in olde time so glorious for a Roodc
which it had of rare propertie, that many vouchsafed to
bestowe bothe their labour and money upon it.
It was beaten (forsooth) into the heades of the com-
mon people (as what thing was so absurde, which the
Clergie could not then make the worlde to beleevc:)
that the Roode (or Crucifix) of this church, did by
certaine increments continually wax and growe, as
well in the bush of haire that it had on the head, as
also in the length and stature of the members, and
bodie it selfe. By meanes whereof it came to passe,
that whcras before time the fruits of the Benefice were
hardly able to susteine the Incumbent, now by the
beuefite of this invention (which was in papistrie,
Novum genus aucupii) the Parson there, was not onely
furnished by the offering to live plentifully, but also
well aided toward the making of a rich Hoorde.
But as Ephialtes, and Oetus, the sonnes of Neptune,
who (as the Poets feigne) waxed nine inches every
moneth, were so heaved up with the opinion, and con-
ceite of their owne length and hautinesse, that they
assaulted heaven, intending to have pulled the Gods
out of their places, and were therefore shot thorowe,
and slaine with the arrowes of the Gods : Even so,
when Popish idolatrie was growne to the ful height
and measure, so that it spared not to rob God of his
due honour, and most violently to pull him (as it were)
out of his seate, even then this growing Idoll and all
his fellowes, were so deadly wounded, with the
heavenly arrowes of the woord of God ( Qui non dabit
(jloriam suam sculptilibus, which will not give over
his glorie to any graven woorkmanship,) that soone
after they gave up the ghost, and left us.
( 3HO )
called (after Mathew Par.) Thune-
brugge, corruptly for tonebnycje, that is, I lie
Bridge over Tone : but if it be truely wriltc.ii cun-
bjiycje, then it signifie.th, the towne of Bridges, as in
deede it kath many.
ALTHOUGH I finde no mention of Tunbridge in
that copie of Domesdaye booke (which I have seen)
concerning the description of this Shyre : yet reade I
tlee " in historic, that there was a Castle at Tunbridge soone
after the Conquest, if not even at the same time when
that booke was compiled.
For, omitting that which Hector Boetius writeth
concerning a battel at Tunbridge, wherein the Con-
querour (as he saith) should prevaile against Harolde,
bicause it is evidently false and untrue, unlesse he
meane it of the continuance of the chase after the fight
even to Tunbridge, I have read, that at such time, as
1088. Odo (ioining with others of the Nobilitie) made de-
fection from William Rufus to Robert his elder bro-
ther, the King besieged at Tunbridge one Gilbert,
then keeper of the Castle, and compelled him to yeelde
it. Happily this Odo (being the Kings uncle, and of
great authoritie within the Shire, as we have before
shewed) had erected this Castle, and given the charge
to Gilbert : but howsoever that were, certaine it is that
the Castle was long time holden of the Archbishops of
Canterbury, and continued many yeeres together in
the possession of the Earles of Clare, afterwards
railed of Gloucester.
TUNBRIDGE. »ft'i
For, in the dales of King Henrie the second, 1163.
Thomas the Archbishop required homage of Roger
then Earle of Gloucester for his Castle of Tunbridge,
who, knowing the King to be lialfe angrie with the
Archbishop, and wholy on his owne side, shaped him
a short answer, affirming stoutly, that it was none of
his, but the Kings owne, as a lay fee.
Falcasius (a hired Souldiour, that was enterteined
by King fohn, during the warres with his Nobilitie) 1215.
tooke by force this Castle from the Earle of Glouces-
ter, and kept it for a season to the Kings behoofe.
King Henrie the thirde also, after the death of Gil-
bert the Earle of Gloucester, seized the Wardship of
his Heire, and committed the custodie of this Castle 1231.
to Hubert of Burgh : But Richarde the Archbishop
(sm named the great) being offended thereat, came to
the King in great haste, and made his claime, by
reason, that the Earle Gilbert died in his homage :
the King gave answere, that the whole Earledome was
holden of him, and that hee might lawfully commit the
custodie of the landes to whome soever it liked him-
selfe : Hereat the Bishop waxed warme, and tolde the
King plainly, that since he could not have right within
the realm, he would not spare to seek it abrode : and
foorthwith hasted him to the holy Father at Rome,
where he so used the matter, that he obteined iudge-
ment for his part, but he for all that never had execu-
tion, by reason that he died in his returne towarde
home. Yet you may here see, by the way, that in
those daies, there was no Lawe in Englande to rule
the proude Prelacie withall, no not so much, as in lawlesse-
things meere Lay and temporall.
The same King Henrie graunted to Richarde Clare,
TUNBRIDGE.
Earle of Gloucester and Hcrofordc, licence to Wall,
and Embattell his Towne of Tunbridge, by these
woordes in that Charter, Claudere muro, et kernellare :
which latter woord, being made Latine out of the
French Charneaux, signifieth that indented forme of
the top of a Wall which hath Vent, and Creast, com-
monly called Embattcling; bicausc it was very ser-
viceable in fight to the defendant within, who might at
the loopes (or lower places) annoy the enimy that
assailed him, and might withall shrowd himselfe under
the higher partes, as under the favour of a shield.
This manner of warlike Wall, was ever more pro-
hibited within this realme, for feare of inwarde Se-
dition, and was therefore (amongst many other Articles)
inquirable before the Eschcatour, by the woordes, D(
domibus carnellatis, which I the rather note, bicausc
I have knowen many to stumble at it.
Concerning this intended Wall at Tunbridge, either
the Earle did nothing therein, or that which he did is
now invisible, and come to naught. But the same
King Henrie, within foure yeeres after, and not long
before the Battaile at Lewys in Sussex, having burned
the Citie of Rochester, suddenly also surprised this
Castle at Tunbridge, wherein he found (amongst
other) the Countesse of Gloucester: But it was 'not
long before he stored the Castle with men of warre,
and restored the Ladic to her former libertie.
The There was sometime neare to this Castle, a Prioric,
Tunbridge whereof the Earles of Gloucester and their Heircs
were reputed the first Authors and patrones. And in
our memorie, there wras erected a faire Free Schoole,
by the honest liberalitie of Sir Andrew ludde, a.
1558. Citizen and Maior of London, which submitted the |
TUNBRIDGE. 383
same to the order and oversight of the company of
Skinners there, whereof himselfc had beenc a member.
Neither may I with silence slippe over, the great stone
causey, raised at the end of the towne in the high way
lowardes London, by the charitable charges of John
Wilibrdo another citizen of London, almost thirty
y ceres before.
Round about the Towne of Tunbridge, lieth n, terri-
tory, or compasse of ground, commonly called the
Lowy, but written in the auncient Records and Of Tun-*'
Histories Leucara, or Leuga, and being (indeede) a l)ridsc
French League of ground, which (as I finde in the
Chronicles of Normandie) was allotted at the first upon
(his occasion following. There was in Normandie, a
Towne (and lande thereunto adioining) called Bryonnie.
which was of the auncient possession of the Duke-
dome, and had continually remained in the hands of
the Dukes there, till such time as Richard (the second
Duke of that name) gave it amongst other Laiides to
Godfrey, his naturall brother, for his advauncement in
living.
This Godfrey enioyed it all his life, and left it to one
Gislebert his sonne (which happily was Gilbert the
Capitaine of Tunbridge Castle, of whome we had
mention before) who also held it so long as he lived.
But after the death of Gislebert, Robert (the Duke of
Normandy, and eldest Sonne to King William the
Conqueror) being earnestly laboured to bestowe it
upon one Robert, Earie Mellent (whose ofspring were
sometimes Earles of Leycester within this Realme)
scaled it into his owne handes, pretending to unite it
to the Dukedomc againe. But when Rieharde (the
Sonne of Gislebert understoode of this, he put to his
»»•! TUNBKriXiU.
claime, and making his title by a long continued pos-
session (even from Godfrey his grandfather) so
encountred the suite of Earle Mellent, that to stoppc
Richards mouth withall, it was by the device of the
Earle, and by the mediation of Duke Robert, (which
he made to his brother William Rufus) brought to
passe, that Richarde should receive in recompence,
the Towne of Tunbridge in England, and so much
lande about it, as Bryonnie it selfe conteined in cir-
cuite.
And to the ende that the indifferencie of the dealing
might appeere, and his full satisfaction bee wrought,
they caused Bryonnie and the land about it to be
measured with a line, which they afterward brought
over with them into England, and applying the same to
Tunbridge and the land adioining, laid him out the
very like in precinct and qtiantitie: insomuch that
long time after, it was a common and receaved opinion
in Normandie, that the Leagues of Bryonnie and Tun-
bridge, were all one in measure and compasse.
This, together with the Towne and Castle, came at
the length (as you have scene) to the handes of the
L264. Earies of Gloucester, betweene whome, and the Arch-
42.Hen. 3. bishops of Canterbury, there arose oftentimes con-
tention, both for the limits of this league, and for the
pre-eminence of their privileges. At the last, Boniface
the Archbishop (next but one in succession after
Richard, of whome we spake before) and Richard the
Earle (and Heire to Gilbert) agreed in the reigne of
King Henrie the third, upon a perambulation to be
made betweene them, and so the strife for their bounds
was brought to an end.
But as touching their privileges, and jurisdiction in
TUNBRIDGE. 385
the place, it fel out by inquisition in the time of King
Edwarde following, that the Archbishop had nothing
to do within the league, that the Earle had returae of
Writs, creation of certaine Officers, an especiall ses-
sions in Eire, &c. most of which things theTowne hath
not these manye yeeres enioyed.
But yet it was agreed, after the perambulation so
made betweene Boniface and the Earle Richard, that
the Earle and his heires should hold the Manors
of Tunbridge, Vielstone, Horsmund, Melyton, and
Pettys, of the Archbishop and his successours, by the
service of foure knights fees, and to be high Stewardes,
and high Butlers, to the Archbishops at the great feast
of their inthronizations, taking for their service in the
Stewardship, seven competent Robes of Scarlet, thirtie
gallons of wine, thirtie pound of waxe for his light,
liverie of Hay and Oats for fourescore horse by two
nights, the dishes and salt which should stand before
the Archbishops in that Feast, and at their departure
the diet of three days at the costes of the Archbishops
at foure of their next Manors, by the foure quarters of
Kent, wheresoever they would, Adminuendum san-
guinem, So that they repaired thither, but with fiftie
horses onely : And taking also for the office of Butler-
ship, other seven like robes, twenty gallons of wine,
fifty pounde of waxe, like livery for threescore Horses
by two nights, the cup wherwith the Archbishops
shoulde be served, all the emptie hogsheads of drinke,
and (forsixe tunne of wine) so many as should be
drunke under the barre also.
The Articles of which their composition, were after- The Arch-
ward accordingly perfourmed : first betweene Gilbert hath°an
Earle of Gloucester, and Robert Winchelsey the Arch-
2C
»«« DKPKl'OKDi:.
1295. bishop : next betweene the same Earle, and the Arch-
bishop Reignoldes : Then betweene Hugh Audley the
Earle of Gloucester, and the Archbishop lohn Strat-
ford: After that, betweene the Earle of Stafford (to
whome the Lordship of Tunbridge at the length came)
and Simon Sudbury Archbishop, in that See: and
lastly betweene William Warham the Archbishop, and
Edward the late Duke of Buckingham, who also exe-
cuted the Stewardship in his owne person, and the
1504. Butlership by his Deputy Sir Thomas Burgher, Knight :
the whole pompe, and ceremonie whereof, 1 have scene
at greater length set foorth, and described, than is
meete for this time and place to be recounted.
DEPEFORDE, in Latine Vadum profundum, ami in
auncient Evidences, West Green wiche.
THIS towne, being a frontier betweene Kent and
Surrey, was of none estimation at all, untill that King
Henrie the eight, advised (for the better preservation
of the Royall Fleete) to erect a Storehouse, and to
create certaine officers there : these he incorporated
by the name of the Maister and Wardeins of the Holie
Masters of Trinitie, for the building, keeping, and conducting, of
the Navie the Navie Royall.
There was lately re-edified, a fayre wooden bridge
also, over the Brooke called Ravensbourne, which
riseth not farre off, at Hollowoods hill, in the parish
of Kestane, and setting on woorke some Corne milles,
and one for the glasing of Armour, slippeth by this
Towne into the Thamyse, carying continuall matter of
a great Shelfe with it.
GREENEWICHE, in Latine, Viridis sinus: in Saxou
jpenapicf that is to say, the Greene Towne. In
ancient evidences, Eastgreenewiche, for difference
sake from Depford, which in olde Instruments, is
called Westgreenewiche*
IN the time of the turmoiled King Ethelred, the whole
fleete of the Danish army lay at roade two or three
yeeres together before Greenewich : And the souldiors,
for the most part, were incamped upon the hill above
the towne, now called Blackheath.
During this time, they pearced this whole countrie, 1011.
sacked and spoiled the Citie of Canterburie, and
brought from thence to their ships, Aelphey, the Arch- &iphey,
bishop. And here, a Dane (called Thrum) whome the bishop was
Archbishop had confirmed in Christianitie the day
before, strake him on the head behinde and slew him,
bicause he would not condescend to redeeme his life
with three thousand pounds, which the people of the
Citie and Diocesse were contented to have given for
his raunsome : Neither would the rest of the souldiors
suffer his body to be committed to the earth, after the
maner of Christian decencie, till such time (saith
William of Malmesb.) as they perceived that a dead
sticke, being annointed with his bloud, waxed suddenly
greene againe, and began the next day to blossome.
Which by all likelyhood was gathered in the wood of
Dea Feronia: for she was a Goddesse, whom the
Poets do phantasie to have caused a whole woode (that
was on fire) to waxe greene againe : of whom Vergile
said, Et viridi gaudens Feronia luco.
2 C 2
3»» GREEN EWIOHE.
But, referring the credit of that, and such other
unfruitful miracles (wherewith our auncient monkish
stories doe swarme) to the iudgement of the godly and
discreete Readers, most assured it is, that about the
same time, such was the storme and furie of the Danish
insatiable ravine, waste, spoile, and oppression, within
32. Shy res this Realme besides, that of two and thirtie Shyres
iu Eng-
land. (into which number the whole was then divided) they
herried and ransacked sixteene, so that the people
being miserably vexed, the King himselfe (to avoide
the rage) first sent over the Seas his wife and children :
1013. afterward compounded, and gave them a yeerely tri-
bute : and lastly for very feare forsooke the Realm,
and fled into Normandie himselfe also.
Great They received (besides daily victuall) fourtie eight
money0 thousand poundes in readie coyne of the subiects of
whilest their King Swein lived: and
twentie one thousand after his death under his sonne
Canutus: upon the payment whereof, they made a
corporall othe, to serve the King (as his feodaries)
against all straungers, and to live as fricndes and allies*
without endamaging his subiects.
1015. But how little they perfourmed promise, the harmcs
that daily followed in sundrie parts, and the exalting
of Canutus their owne countrieman to the honour of
the Crowne, were sufficient witnesses.
In memorie of this Campe, certaine places within
this parish, are at this daie called Combes, namely
Estcombe, Westcombe, and Midlecombe almost for-
gotten : for Comb and Compe in Saxon (being some-
what declined from Campus in Latine) signifieth a
field or campe for an Armie to soiourne in: And in
memorie of this Archbishop Aelpheg, the parish
GREENEWICHE. 389
Church of Greenewiche (being at the first dedicated to
his honour) remaineth known by his name even till this
present day.
Thus much of the antiquitie of the place : concerning
the latter historic, I read, that it was soone after the
conquest, parcell of the possessions of the Bishop of
Lysieux in France, and that it bare service to Odo,
then Bishop of Baieux, and Earle of Kent: After
that, the Manor belonged to the Abbat of Gaunt in
Flaunders, till such time as King Henrie the fift,
seising into his handes (by occasion of warre) the
landes of the Priors Aliens, bestowed it, togither with 1416.
the manor of Lewsham, and many other landes also,
upon the Priorie of the Chartre-house Monkes of The
Shene, which he had then newly erected : to this it shene.
remained, untill the time of the reigne of King Henrie
the eight, who annexed it to the Crowne, wherunto it
now presently belongeth.
The Observant or graye Friers, that sometime lived Jh.e .
& J Fnenc.
at Greenwiche (as lohn Rosse writeth) came thither
about the latter end of the reigne of King Edwarde 1480.
the fourth, where they obtained by the means of Sir
William Corbrige(as some thinke) a Chauntrie with a 150!).
little Chapel of the holy crosse, a place yet extant in
the towne: And (as Polydore and Lilly say) King
Henrie the seventh buildcd for them that house
adioining to the Palaice, which is there yet to be seene.
But, least I may seeme to have saide much, of small
matters: and to have forgotten the principall orna-
ment of the Towne : I must (before I ende with Greene- /
wiche) say somewhat of the Princes Palaice there.
Humfrey therefore the Duke of Gloucester, and The Pa-
Protectour of the Realme (a man no lesse renowmed
390 GREENE WICHE.
for approved vertue, and wisedome, than honoured for
his high estate and parentage) was the first that laid
the foundations of the faire building in the towne, and
towre in the Parke, and called it his Manor of pleas-
ance.
After him King Edwarde the fourth bestowed some
cost to enlarge the woorke : Henry the seventh fol-
lowed, and beautified the house with the addition of
the brick front toward the water side : but King Henrie
the eight, as he exceeded all his progenitors in setting
up of sumptuous housing, so he spared no cost in
garnishing Greenwiche, till he had made it a pleasant,
perfect, and Princely Palaice.
1516. Marie his eldest daughter (and after Queene of the
realme) was borne in this house : Queen Elizabeth
his other daughter, our most gratious and gladsome
Govenour, was likewise borne in this house : and his
deere sonne King Edwarde (a miracle of Princely
towardnesse) ended his life in the same house.
One accident touching this house, and then an end :
it happened in the reigne of Queen Marie, that the
Master of a Ship, passing by whilest the Court lay
there, and meaning (as the manner and dutie is) with
saile and shot to honour the Princes presence, un-
advisedly gave fire to a peece, charged with a pellet
insteede of a tamion, the which lighting on the Palaice
wall, ran through one of the privie lodgings, and did
no further harme.
( 391 )
BLACKHEATH, of the colour of the Earth, or
blaecpeaj>, of the high and cold situation: for
bleake signifieth cold also.
AmOYNING to Greenewiche, lieth the plaine,
called (of the colour of the soile) Blackheathe, the
which, besides the burthen of the Danish Campe
(whereof we spake even now) hath borne three seve-
rall rebellious assemblies : One in the time of King
Richard the second, moved (as it shall appeere anon
in Dartford) by Wat Tylar, whom William Walworth, The
then Maior of London, slewe with his Dagger, in of Wat"
Smithfield : in memorie whereof, the Citie had given Tylar*
them (for increase of honour) a Dagger, to be borne 1380.
in their shielde of armes for ever.
lack Cade (that counterfeit Mortimer) and his fel- The
lowes, were leaders of the second : who passing from of^ck"
hence to London, did to death the Lord Say, and Cade-
others, in the time of King Henrie the sixt.
These two (besides other harmes) that usually do
accompanie the mutinie and uprore, of the common
and rascal sort) defaced fouly the Recordes and monu-
ments, both of the la we, and Armourie : the partes of
Holies remaining yet halfe brent, doe witnesse the one :
And the Heralds unskill (comming through the want
of their olde bookes) is sufficient testimonie of the
other.
The thirde insurrection was assembled by Michaell The rebei-
loseph (the black Smith) and the Lord Audley, under the black e
the reigne of King Henrie the seventh : at which time, Smith-
they and their complices received their iust desert, the
392 BLACKHEATHE.
common number of them being discomfited and slaine,
and the leaders themselves taken, drawen, and hanged.
Of this last their remaineth yet to be scene upon the
Heathe, the place of the Smithes Tent, called com-
monly his forge : And of all three, the grave Miles of
such as were buried after the overthrowe.
Grave These hillocks, in the West Countrie (where in no
liillcs, or
hillocks, small store of the like) are called Barowes, of the olde
English woord buji^pej-f which signifieth Sepulchres,
or places of burying, which last word Burying (being
a spring of that olde stocke) we doe yet reteine alive.
The first and last of these commotions, were stirred
of grief that the common people conceaved, for the
demaund of two subsidies, of which the one was un-
reasonable, bicause it was taxed upon the Polls, and
exempted none : The other was unseasonable, for that
it was exacted, when the heads of the common people
were full of Parkin Warbeck.
The third and midlemost, grew upon a grudge, that
the people took for yeelding up the Duchie of Angeow,
and Maynie, to the King of Sicil : The comming in of
whose daughter (after that the King would needes have
her to wife, notwithstanding his precontract made with
the Earle of Armenac) was not so ioy fully embraced
by the Citizens of London upon Blackheath, wearing
their red hoods, badges, and blew gownes : as in se-
quele, the marriage, and whole government itselfe,
was knowen to be detested of the countrie Commons,
by bearing in the same place, Harnesse, Bowes, Billes,
and other Weapon.
But, bicause I cannot (without paine and pitie)
enter into the consideration of these times and mailers.
I will discourse no further thereof now, but cross over
LYE8NES. 303
the next way to Lesnes, and (prosecuting the rest of
the boundes of-this Bishopricke) take some other time
and place for it. Leaving you nevertheless to knowe,
that Blackheath hath borne some other gorgeous and
more pleasant spectacles : as that of King Henrie the 1415.
lift, when he receaved Sigismund the Emperour : and
that also of King Henrie the eight, when he brought 1539.
in the Lady Anne of Cleve.
LESN ES, mistaken (as I thinke) for Lerper- ( Leswes)
which signifieth, Pastures.
1 COULD easily have beleeved, that the name
Lesnes, had been derived out of the Frenche, and that
it had beene first imposed at the foundation of the Abbay,
saving that I finde the place registred in the booke of
Domesday, by the very same, and none other calling.
And therefore I am the rather led to think that the
name is Saxon, and there miswritten (as many other
be, by reason that the Normans were the penners of
that Booke) Lesnes, for Leswes, the which woord, (in
the Saxon tongue) signifieth Pastures, and is not as
yet utterly forgotten, forasmuch as til this day pas-
tures be called Lesewes in many places.
This is my fantasie touching the name, wherein if I
faile, it forceth not greatly, since the matter is no
more weightie: Concerning the Historic of the place,
I finde, that after such time as King Henrie the se-
cond had not onely purged himselfe by a corporal
oath, that he was neither aiding nor consenting to the
slaughter of Thomas the Archbishop : but had also
3JM LYESN FS.
submitted himselfe to pertbrme such penance as it
should please Pope Alexander to lay upon him :
Then triumpheth the holy father for ioy of his victory,
and taking his owne pleasure in all the matter, first
sendeth the deed-doers down to the Divell with his
black curse, and then in open councell canonizeth
Becket for a shyning Saint, and alloweth him place in
heaven above. This being once done, what remaineth
(I pray you) but that altars should be raised, incense
burned, guifts offered, praiers powred out, religious
orders invented, and divine woorship exhibited, to
this our newe found Godlyng ? The which thing, that
it might with the more countenance and credite be
brought to passe, and that the example also might
invite others to follow and do the like, the Lord
Richarde Lucy (then chiefe lustice of England, and
thereby the second person in this realme) offereth
himselfe to go before and leade this holy daunce. He
therefore commeth out of Essex, and taking his pa-
terne from King Henrie the first (which had builded a
conventuall church at Colchester to the honour of S.
lohn the Baptist) laieth hcere at Westwoode in Lyes-
nes, the foundations of such a like woorke, and dedi-
1179. cateth it in like sort to the name of S. Thomas the
Martyr.
Now truly, if he thought that he had espied any re-
semblance, betweene S. lohn the Baptist, and this
shrewd Bishop, it is a plaine token, that he looked no
further than to the uttermost vizare, which if ho hud
pulled off, and had viewed the very visage it selfe, he
should easily have founde that there had beenc n<>
cause at all to resemble them. For, albeit that Becket
was slaiiic by the Kings servants for that he encoun-
LYESNES. 395
tred with King Henrie their maister, even as lohn the
Baptist was beheaded bicause he boldly reprehended
King Herodes fact to his owne face : yet, if the cause
make the martyr (as no doubt it doth) then is this but
a vizare : for lohn was the forerunner of our Lorde
Christ, and Becket was a wilfull follower of the Pope,
which by al scripture and good interpretors, is very
Antichrist: lohn withstood King Herode for his
wicked adulterie, and Becket withstoode King Henrie
in the execution of godly iustice : lohn preached to al
men repentance of former misdoing, and Becket pro-
claimed to his shavelings, immunitie of condigne
punishment, even in a case of most wicked murthering :
and this is the lively visage in deede, both of the one
and the other.
But loe, this great man may stand for one good
proofe, that the wisedome of this worlde, is foolish-
nesse with God, &c.
And by this woorke and such other every man may
understande, with what cost of buildings, varietie of
sectes, plenty of possessions, and care of great per-
sonages, Poperie was in times past provided for, and
appareiled. No corner almost (you see) which had
not some one religious house, or other : Their sundry
suites and orders are hardly to be numbred : to behold
their landes and revennues, it was halfe a worlde :
and he lived without glorie, and died without fame,
that endevoured not by one means or other to amend
them. I dare affirme, that the cleere yeerely extent
of the religious houses within this one shyre, amounted Th^ value
to five thousand poundes, at the least, the Bishop- religious
rickes, Deanries, Archdeaconries, parsonages, vica- 8 in
rages, frieries, chaunteries, heremitages, Saintes offer-
3i>6 LYESNES.
ings, and such others, not accounted. And this 1 do
the rather note, to the end that you may see, how iust
cause is given us at this day, both to wonder at the
hoat zeale of our auncestors in this spirituall forni-
cation, and to lament the coldnesse of our owne
charitie towards the maintenance of the true spouse
of Christ. For, if ever, now most truly, is that verified
which the Poet long since said, Probitas laudatur, et
alget, vertue is praised, but starveth for cold : God
(in his good pleasure) bio we upon our harts with his
holy spirite, and kindle in us a new and true fire to
warnie it againe.
After this done, not only Reignold and Godfrey
(two of the Sons of the said Richard, and of whom the
latter was Bishop of Winchester) added somewhat to
their fathers guift, but also King lohn by his Chartre
(dated at Dover in the seventh yeere of his reigne)
confirmed whatsoever had beene done, and gave many
immunities and favours unto the place, by the wordes,
Deo, et EcclesicB beati Thomce Martyris de Westwood
in Lyesnes, et canonicis ibidem. These Chanons \vere
of the Order of the Augustines : and as they were de-
voted to Thomas Becket: So were they devoured by
Thomas Wolsey, being of that number which he sup-
pressed for his Colleges at Oxford and Ipswich.
The The Annales of Saint Augustines doe report that in
the yeere after Christ 1279- the Abbat and Covent of
Lyesnes inclosed a great part of their Marshe in
Plumsted, and that within twelve yeeres after they
Inned the rest also to their great benefite. And this
continued untill about the yeere 1527. at which time
the River of Thamise made irruption in t\vo places,
the one at Plumstede, and the other at Uarytli, which
LYESNES. 397
(thorow the untowardnesse of some owners and occu-
piers) was not recovered of long time after, notwith-
standing the statute made 22. of Henry the eight, for
the speedie paiment of the Taxes and Scotes imposed
upon the same : in so much as if the King with his
treasure, and Sir Edward Boughton with his industric
had not interposed themselves, that whole levell of
prich lande had beene utterly surrounded and lost.
jSome partes were recovered, but the quantitie of two
jthousand acres lay still under water, whereof the
owners had none other profite, but onely by fishing
land cutting of Reede.
At the length, in the reigne of our Sovereigne that
now is, certaine gentlemen and merchantes undertook
tho Inning of the whole, for the one half to be had to
themselves : and for assurance to them, and further-
ance of the enterprise, sundry actes of Parlement have
)assed in the 14. 23. and 27. yeeres of her Maiesties
eigne, by meanes whereof, first the lesser breach was
topped, and therewith about five hundred acres res-
ewed from the River : after that, in the yeere 1587.
liere was an Inning of one thousand acres more,
thereof the Inners (by the benefite of the last Statute)
nioyed the one halfe and an eight part of the other
alfe, leaving onely the residue to the owners. The
*reat Breache is not yet made up, whereby five hun-
red Acres (or thereabouts) next to Lyesnes, are still
naistered by the Water : but so, as it daily giveth way,
mdfilleth up the lande with his residence (orbottome)
-vhich maketh hope, that the same also within short
ime, and with no great cost, may be made sounde and
weete lande againe.
( 398 )
EARETHK, derived (as I gesse) of GjipePyiSe, that is,
the olde Haven.
The an- FOR plaine example, that our Elders before the Con-
cient man-
ner of the quest, had their trials for title of lande, and other con-
right to troversies in each shire, before a Judge, then called
Landes. Alderman, or Shireman, of whome there is very
frequent mention in the lawes of our auncestours the
Saxons, the which some yeeres since were collected
and published in one volume : and for assured proofe
also, that in those daies they used to proceede in such
causes by the oathes of many persons (testifying their
opinion of his credite, that was the first swearer, or
partie) after the manner of our daily experience, as
in the oath yet in ure, and called commonly Wager of
Lawe, is to be scene : I have made choice of one
Historic, conteining briefly the narration of a thing
done at this place, by Dunstane the Archbishop of
Canterburie, almost a hundreth yeeres before the com-
ming of King William the Conquerour.
1)70. A rich man (saith the text of Rochester) beins;
owner of Cray, Eareth, Ainesford, and Woldham, and
having none issue of his body, devised the same lands
(by his last will, made in the presence of Dunstane,
and others) to a kinswoman of his owne, for life, the
Remainder of the one halfe thereof, after her death, to
Christes Church at Canterbury, and of the other halfe
to Saint Androwes of Rochester, for ever: he died,
and his wife tooke one Leoffun to husband, who (over-
living her) reteined the lande as his owne, notwith-
EARETHE. 399
standing that by the fourme of the devise, his interest
was determined by the death of his wife.
Hereupon complaint came to one Wulsie, for that ™»e °®£®
time the Scypeman, or Judge of the Countie (as the man.
same booke interpreted! it) before whome, both Dun-
stane the Archbishop, the parties themselves, sundrie
other Bishops, and a great multitude of the Lay
people, appeered, all by appointment at Eareth : and
there in the presence of the whole assembly, Dunstane
(taking a crosse in his hand) made a corporall oath Wager of
upon the booke of the Ecclesiasticall lawes, unto the
Shyreman (which then tooke it to the Kings use,
bicause Leoffun himselfe refused to receave it) and
affirmed, that the right of these landes, was to Christes
Church, and to Saint Androwes.
For ratification and credite of which his oath, a
thousand other persons (chosen out of East, and West
Kent, Eastsex, Midlesex, and Sussex) tooke their
oathes also, upon the crosse after him.
And thus, by this manner of Judgement, Christs Church
and Saint Androwes were brought into possession and
Leoffun utterly ejected for ever.
The towne of Eareth, is an ancient corporation,
either by reputation, or Chartre, but whether it hath
been at any time, of greater accoinpt, I finde not : and
therefore, having already declared in maner, what-
soever it hath note woorthie, I will set downe this one
thing, and leave it.
Toward the latter ende of the reigne of King Henrie 1457.
the sixt, there were taken at tins Towne, foure very
great and rare fishes, of which one was then named to
be Mors Marina, another a swoorde fish, and the rest
were supposed to be Whales.
( 400 )
CRAYFORDE (alias Earde) in Saxon Cjieccanpoph,
that is, the Ford (or passage) over the water, then
called Crecca, now Cray.
Hengist, .
andHorsa. AFTER the death of Horsa (of whome we have
spoken in Ailesforde before) The Saxons made his
brother Hengist their onely King and leader. And
he, minding foorthwith to shew himselfe woorthie oi
his newly attained Honour, and willing to supply in
himselfe the defect of his deceased Brother, pursued
the Britons fiercely, and gave them sundrie great en-
counters : in divers of which, although he sped doubt-
fully, yet at the last meeting with them at Crayforde,
he slew foure of their chiefe capitains, and so discom-
fited the whole number, that the Britons quite abon-
doned this countrie, and with great feare fled to London
Theverie before him.
beginning After this fight, the Britons not onely never invaded
Kentish Hengist (as Ralfe Higden writeth) but fled him like
Kingdome fire? ag the gaxon Historic reporteth : so that even
then, and not before, it might truely bee saide, that he
had gained the possession of the Kentish kingdome.
The place is named of the water Cray, which beginneth
at Newell in Orpington (untruely so termed for Dor-
o pendun, which signifieth the head, or spring of the Hill
and the ' water) runneth by Saint Marie Cray, Poules Cray,
Cray§wa- Fotescray, and Cray ford (to all which it likewise
giveth name) and commeth at length to Dartford,
where it mingleth with the River Darent, and so
openeth into the Thamise.
CRAYFORDE. 401
There are to be seene, as well in the open Heath
neare to this Towne, as also in the closed grounds ground.
about it, sundry artificial! Caves, or holes, in the
earth, whereof some have ten, some fifteene, and some
twenty fathoms in depth: at the mouth (and thence
downeward) narrow, like to the Tonnellof a chimney,
or passage of a well : but in the bottome large, and of
great receipt : insomuch as some of them have sundry
roomes (or partitions) one within another, strongly
vaulted, and supported with pillars of chalke.
And, in the opinion of the inhabitants, these were in
former times digged, as well for the use of the chalke
towardes building, as for to marie (or amend) their
arable lands therewith. But I suppose, that they were
made to another ende also, by the Saxons our aun-
cestors, who (after the manner of their elders) used
them as receptacles, and places of secret retraict, for
their wives, children, and portable goodes, in the times
both of civil dissention, and foreine invasion. For
Cornelius Tacitus, treating of the maners of the olde
Germanes (the verie Syres of these Saxons) writeth
thus: Solent et subterraneos specus aperire, et si
quando hostis advenit, aperta populatur, dbdita au-
tem et defossa aut ignorantur, aut eo ipsofallunt quod
quarenda sunt. They use to dig (saith he) certeine
Caves under the grounde : and if the enimie come he
spoileth all that is abroade : but such things as bee thus
hidden, either they lie unknowne, or otherwise they
deceive him in that he is driven to seeke after them.
If these be not founde in other places , it is to be im-
puted to the soile, which in chalke onely will affoorde
this woorkmanship. Besides that many beasts have
tumbled into some of these : it happened a late Noble
2 D
40-J DARTFOIIDE.
person in ibllowing his Hauke, not without great
perill of his life, to fall into one of them, that was at
the least twelve fathoms deepe.
Upon the water of Cray, was lately builded a Mill,
for the making of plates, whereof Armour is fashioned.
DARTFORDE, in Saxon, Denentjiopb, in Latine
Derentivadum: it signifieth, the ford, (or passage)
over the River Darent.
Mesopota- NOW be we returned into Mesopotamia, for so me
mia signi-
fieth a thinkcth that this countrie lying betweene the rivers of
encom-y Darent and Medway, may not unaptly be termed.
passed And here you must call to minde that, which you
heard in Rochester before : namely, that King lohn
wan the Castle of Rochester from William Dalbiney,
through the faint hart and cowardize of Robert Fitz-
walter, whomc the Nobilitie had sent of purpose to
rescue it : and now (the place so requiring) you shall
understand the whole maner of the thing, and how it
happened.
Rochester The Noble men, that mainteined the warre against
sieged. *" King lohn, understanding that he laide siege to (he
Castle at Rochester, and fearing that William Dal-
biney (or Dalbinet) the Capitaine thereof coulde not
long defende it without supply of such things as he
wanted, and they could not well minister : determined
to give some adventure to raise the siege. And for
1215. that purpose, made Robert Fitzwalter general of a
great armie. This man, when he came to Dartforde,
mette with a Gentleman of the order of the Temple, of
DARTFORDE. 40»
whom he demaunded sundry questions for intelligence
of the number of the Kings campe : Who (finding him
to be afraid) told him of set purpose, that the Kings
armie was much greater than his, whereas in deede his
power was thrise so big as the Kings: Hereupon
Robert, (being with this false terrour stricken into an
exceeding great feare, whose companion is flight, as
Homer well saith) without further inquisition, sought
to save himselfe by the swiftnes of his feet, and so
through a faint hart left Rochester to the uttermost
adventure.
If King lohn had followed, I thinke it woulde have
become of this man, as it sometime chaunced of a cer-
taine white livered fellow : who hearing great praise
of Hercules strength, foorthwith conveyed himselfe
into a cave, and whenhe had spied him (by channce)
passing that way, he died out of hand for extreme
feare.
I read, that in the time of King Henry the third,
Frederick the Emperour sent hither the Archbishop of pri"nce*S)
Colein, accompanied with sundry Noble personages, m
by picture,
to demaunde Isabell the Kings sister to bee given him and marrie
in marriage : the which (forasmuch as the Embassa- y
dours liked the young Lady wel) was (after such a
solemnization as in absence may be perfourmed) mar-
ried unto him at, this towne, and then delivered to the
Orators to be caried over.
Whereby I make coniecture, that although there be
not in storie, mention of any great building at JDart-
Ebrde, before the time of the Abbay, which was raised
ong after this marriage : yet there was some faire
louse of the Kings, or of some others, even at this
time there : For otherwise, I knowe not how to make
2 D 2
404 DART FORD K
it a meete place for so honourable an appointment .
But leaving all coniecture, certaine it is, that afterwardc
bay. King Edwarde the third about the 24. year of his reigne,
founded there a faire Monasterie consisting of a Pri-
oresse, (who was a Recluse) and of 39. Sisters, that
were after the Order and rule of the Friars preachers
of Saint Augustine, dedicating their Service to Saint
Marie and S. Margaret, the virgins. And bicause
some imperfections were found in divers of his graunts,
King Edwarde the fourth in the seventh yeere of his
reigne vouchsafed them a new patent of confirmation
and amendment. The revennew of this house, at the
general dissolution, was found to be three hundreth
and eightie pounds by yeere, and of it King Henrie the
eight (not without great cost) made a fit house for
himselfe and his successors.
The old The same King Edward the thirde, at one time in his
manner of
Tournea- returne from Fraunce, proclaimed a generall Torne-
ment (or lustes) to be holden at Dartforde, which he
and his Nobles perfourmed most honourablie.
This manner of exercise, being then used, not at the
Tilt (as I thinke) but at Randon, and in the open fielde,
was accompted so daungerous to the persons having
to do therein, that sundry Popes had forbidden it by
decree, and the Kings of this Realme (before King
Stephan) would not suffer it to be frequented within
their land : so that, such as for exercise of that feate in!
armes, were desirous to prove themselves, were drivenl
to passe over the Seas, and to p?rforme it in some1
indifferent place in a forreigne Countrie. But after-!
warde, King Stephan in his time permitted it: and
then after him King Richard the first not onely allowed
it, but also encouraged his Nobilitie to use it : And
DARTFORDE 405
so by litle and litle, the danger being sufficiently pro-
vided for, and the men waxing expert, it grewe in the
time of the Kings that followed (especially in the
reigne of this Edward the third) to a most pleasant,
usuall, and familiar pastime.
But, to returne to Dartforde againe : The first motive
of that rebellious assembly of the Common people of
this Shy re, which chaunced in the time of King
Richard the second (whereof you heard somewhat in
Blackhcath before) was given at this Towne, by this
occasion.
The Parlement, holden at Northampton in the thirde 1381.
yeere of King Richardes reigne, had assessed a great Si0n of"
subsidie for the maintenance of his warres beyond the
Seas : namely, haife a marke upon the head of every lion
religious and ecclesiasticall person, both man and
woman: and one shilling (though Polydore being
deceived himselfe, and deceiving such as follow him,
say that it was but a groate) upon the head or polle of
every lay man and woman, married or unmarried. The
collection of which Taxe, was at the first committed
to such, as had pitie of their poore neighbours, and
spared them : So that when the money was come into
the Treasorie, certaine Cormorantes of the Court found
fault with the smalnesse of the summe, and therefore,
offering unto the King a great piece of money for that
which (as they said) was uncollected, they praied Com-
mission from him to aske and levie it. The young
Prince, that had not yet read in the olde Poet, that he
was the Shepheard of his people, and that it was his
part, to fleece, but not to flea his flocke, assented to
their desire : And they foorthwith came downe into the
Countrie, made their petie collectors in every quarter.
40t> DARTFORDE.
and witli great extremities raked much money from
the miserable people. Amongst the rest, one naugh-
tie fellowe dishonestlyc intreated a young Damosell,
Daughter to one Wat Tyler, that dwelt in Dartford :
whicli thing when the Father heard, he fell at woords
with the Officer, and from wordes to worse, so that in
the end he slew him.
This done, the Common people of the Towne, partly
for grudge at the imposition, and some other things,
which shall follow anone, partly for maintenance of
that, which they thought well done: and partly to
eschew the punishment that by execution of lustice
might fall upon them, assembled their neighbours, and
growing to some number, made this Tyler their Capi-
taine, named him lacke Strawe : and did and had
further, as you in part have heard before, and may at
large reade almost in everie English Chronicle. The
narration whereof, I doe the rather passe over, bicause
I am heere to note another matter, no lesse pertinent
to mine own purpose, and more beneficial for the
advertisement of such as it shall like to reade that
historic. Polydore Virgile, in the report of this matter,
cannot abide that there should be alleaged any other
cause of this commotion them that Taxe of money
whereof I have before spoken, and saith plainly, that
they doe but serve the Princes eares that seekc any
further. But as I have beene hitherto contented to
ioyne with him in laying it foorth as the present occa-
sion of the sturre : So he must now give me leave to
leave him, since hee will have it also the onely cause
and fountaine of all that hurling, as they termed it.
For it is plainly true, not onely by Thomas Wal-
singham, which lived in that very age, but also by
DARTFORDE. 407
the recordes of the Parlements of the time it selfc, that
the bondmen, land tenants, and other the common and
inconstant people, did run to weapon on heapes,
purposing no lesse to deliver themselves from the
servitude of body and lande which they endured before,
than to be acquited of that Taxe that was by Par-
lement then newly laid upon them.
The beginning and ende of all which thing is to be Cap. o.
scene in the actes of the first and fifte yeeres of King Cap. r>.
Richard the seconde : of which tw o statutes, the first
being made two yeeres before the generall insurrection
was ripe, taketh order for the punishment of such as
did then riotously assemble in many parts of the realm,
threatening as it were a rebellion at hand, and had
sought by force, some to be enfranchised, and some to
get releases from their Lords of their rents, customcs,
and woonted services : the latter Lawe maketh voide
all such manumissions, bonds, and releases, as they
had by might and manacing wrested from their Lordes
during the time of this very rebellion it selfe. The
midst also (which conteineth the whole historic of their
proceeding in that uproare) is largely set foorth by
Thomas Walsingham, who not onely sheweth, that the
demaunds of those seditious persons concerned chiefly
villenage, and custumarie services, but reciteth also
(woord for woord) the Recordes of the Proclamations,
rescriptes, and pardons of the Prince in that behalfe :
which things being laide together, do make mine asser-
tion so full and manifest, that no man shall neede to
doubt thereof, if hee will vouchsafe but once to readc
them.
I gather therefore, that even as a Pistole that is
ready charged and bent, will flic oft' by and by, if a
408 DARTFORDE.
man do but touch the Scare ; And as the evill humor
in a naturall bodie (being ejected into the outward
partes, and gathered to a boyle, or head) will easily
breake, if it be never so little prickte or launced : So
the commons of some partes of the realme, being at
that time full swolne with rancor, that they had before
conceived against their lords, lay now in await for some
opportunitie to cast out their venome: and therefore,
taking occasion at the Taxe of money which touched
them al, they flocked together by and by, and laboured
under that covert to pull their necks cleane out of the
Collers.
I might heere also use the auctoritie of this last
named Author, to controll Polydore withall in one or
two other points of this selfe historic : But bicause my
purpose is, not to refourme his writing, but to en-
fourme mine owne reader, I will spare to speake any
further thereof at this time.
This place (as Cray ford before) hath the name of
the Water running thorow it, commonly called Derent,
but more cunningly (as Leland saith) Dorquent, which
in the Bryttish noteth the Cleare water. It riseth from
two fountaines, the one appeering neare the edge of
our Shyre at Squyrreys in Westram (the Towne
where lohn Fryth, that learned Confessour, and most
constant Martyr, was borne) the other at Tittesey in
Surrey : so watereth it Otforde, Aynesforde, and
Darnt (whereto it giveth the name) thence falleth to
this towne, and in company of Cray water, oflfereth
some helpe to the River of Thamyse.
Upon this Derent also, have beene lately erected
two Milles of rare devise (or rather singular, within
our Realme) the one emploied for the making of all
THE BRENT. 409
sortes of Paper : the other exercised for the drawing
of Iron into Wyres, and bigger lengthes and fashions,
as well for the readier making of Nailes of all kindes,
as for the easier dispatch of Barres for windowes, and
other Services.
The BRENT, or Dartfordes Brent.
I HE sight of this grounde, not onely reduceth to my
remembrance that deadly and dolefull division of the
houses of Yorke, and Lancaster (or rather of this whole
Realme in their behalfe and quarrell:) But also in-
ducetli me, by a manner of necessitie, to make rehear-
sall of that long and wofull historic it selfe, least
otherwise 1 be not understood of my reader, whilest I
shall labour to set downe such partes thereof as belong The dis
to the place now presently come to my hande.
it therefore thus, wholy, and withall so truely and houses of
Yorke and
Shortly as 1 can. Lancaster.
King Edward the third had issue (amongst others)
these five sonnes : First Edward, the noble Prince of
Wales, commonly tearmed the Blacke Prince : Then
William of Hatfield, which died in his childhood :
Thirdly Lionel, the Duke of Clarence : after him, lohn
the Duke of Lancaster, surnamed of Gaunt : and fiftly
Edmund, that was borne at Langley, and was first
made Earle of Cambridge, and afterward created
Duke of Yorke. Prince Edward, the eldest, died in
the life of his father, and left behinde him Richard, reigne,
his sonne, which at eleven yeeres of his age succeeded biU of *"
his graundfather in the kingdome, and was called the
second e of his name. cond,
HO THE BKENT.
This mans government was after a time great I v
misliked, bothe of his owne ncare kinsmen, and of
sundry others of the Nobilitic, in so much that (either
for his fault, or of their own ambition, or both) they
not onely discommended it boldly to his face, but also
forceably compelled him to sommon a Parlcmcnt in
the eleventh yccr of his reigne, and against his ownc
liking to punish, some by exile, and others by death,
whom they charged to have misledde him.
But so farre off was it, that any good came thereby,
either to the King, to themselves, or to the estate, that
he continually from thenceforth sought after revenge ;
they (for the most part) smarted for it, and all things
in the Common-wealth declined from evill to worse.
And first, he caused the head of his owne uncle
Thomas of Woodstock (the sixt sonne of King Ed-
ward) whom the common people in honour of his
vertue used to call the Good Duke of Gloucester, to
be slriken off, bicause he had beene a principall actor
in that Parlement. Afterward he beheaded the Eailc
of Arunclale, banished the Archbishop of Canterbury,
togithcr with the Earle of Warwicke, and adiudged
some others to perpetuall imprisonment. Furthermore,
he confined his nephew Henrie of Bolinbrooke (the
Duke of Hereford, and eldest sonnc to lohn of Lan-
caster) upon a very light and slender accusation, and
after the death of Duke lohn his father, he withheld
his proper inheritance (the Duchie of Lancaster) from
him.
King Rich- By which his fierce dealing, the harts of his nobilitie
condhe Se werc q11^0 cstraunged : yea the common people also
loscth the began to be offended, partly for griefe of Duke Thomas
his death, partly for pitic of Henries exile and iniurie,
THE BRENT. 411
and partly for the Kings indirect proceeding in the
Parlements at London and Shrewsbury, where he
bothe repealed his former pardons given to his sub-
iectes, and falsified some Rolles of the Parlement it
selfe, but principally bicause he charged at once 17
severall shires of his Realmc with high treason, for
assisting the Duke of Gloucester in that Parlement
whereof I spake, and had not onely constreined everie
man in them to sweare unto him the othe of Fidelitie
of new, but enforced each man also to confesse him-
selfe a traitor under his owne hande writing, and
withall to subscribe a Blanke bill of debt, whereby he
might be afterwarde charged with whatsoever summe
it should please the King himselfe to insert and lay
upon him.
Hereupon, Henrie of Bolinbrooke, perceaving that Henry the
all men could like of a chaunge, and being secretly ^.Jnvaded
assured of his owne welcome, awaited the oppor- Crowne.
tunitie, and whilest the King was busie in Ireland, he
returned into this Realme, invaded the crowne, and
within forty daies after, and without any bloudshead,
or blowe given, obteined it.
And so Richarde, whilest he sought uniustly to
gaine another mans Duchie, was by the hist vengeance
of God deprived of his owne Roialtie and kingdome. KingRich-
The remnant of his daies he spent in prison, where Cond is Se
after a while he was violently made away, and left
none issue behinde him.
Thus tooke Henrie the Regalitie upon him, and so
did his sonne, and his sonnes sonne, two other Henries,
called the fift and the sixt, after him, which three
Princes for as much as they were lineally descended
from lohn of Gaunt (the Duke of Lancaster) were
412 THE BRENT.
called of the house of Lancaster, and gave to their
friendes and followers, a red Rose for their badge or
conusance.
The white Against these, the bearers of the White Rose, that
ihefRed'de *S) ^ey °^ ^e *am^e °^ Yorke, became Competitors
with their' of the crowne, and strived for chiefe place in the gar-
!' land: whether rightfully, or no, let that be tried by this
Pedegree following.
Lionell the Duke of Clarence, and thirdc sonne to
King Edward the third (for of his first, second, and
fourth sonnes, I have tolde you already) had issue
Philip (his daughter, and heire) which was married to
Edmunde Mortimer (Earle of the Marches of Wales)
who also, forthe better establishment of the succession,
was therefore in the life of King Richard the second,
openly declared heire apparent to the crowne, if it
should happen that King to die without issue of his
bodie. Edmund and Philip had issue, one Roger
Mortimer: and he left issues, Edmund, Roger, Anne,
and Eleonorc : of which foure, three died without any
issue, but Anne was given in marriage to Richard the
Earle of Cambridge (a younger sonne to Edmunde of
Langley) the fifte sonne (as I first told you) of King
Edward the third, and which was the first Duke of
Yorke, of which honour, all the race following, were
surnamed of the house of Yorke also.
This Earle of Cambridge, had issue by Anne, Rich-
ard Plantagenet the Duke of Yorke, who also (besides
eleven other children) begate Edwarde, that was after-
warde King, and named the fourth of that calling.
Hereby you see, that after the death of King Richard
the second, none of the house of Lancaster could suc-
oeede him as next heire, so long as any of Duke
THE BRENT. 418
Lionels race did remaine : unlesse you will say, that
the fourth brother ought to inherite before the third,
and consequently the younger sonne before the elder.
Which absurditie, when King Henrie the fourth (having
catched the crowne) did well ynough see, and knew
withall that thousands (even then alive) could have
witnessed the trueth of all this matter against him, he
thought it best to mount higher, and by fetching his title
above the inemorie of any man, to make it, if not
plausible, yet at the least more coulorable and likely.
And therefore, when as at the time of his coronation,
it was of set purpose openly pronounced, that King
Richarde had resigned the crowne, and that thereby
the kingdome was vacant : he arose out of his throne,
and in plaine speech challenged it to himselfe, as
descended of the bloud royall from King Henry. Now,
what he ment thereby, I will but touch the matter, and
tell you.
King Henrie the third (for him he ment) had two
sonnes, Edward, and Edmunde : of which two, Edward
(as all histories of the time doe without controversie The title
agree) being the elder by three and twenty yeeres and and claime
above, was first Prince of Wales, and then the first house of
king of his name, and (for his tall personage) by-named Wa8°buter'
Longshanke. feigned.
Edmund, the younger was Duke of Lancaster, and
(for the bowing of his shoulders) surnamed Crouch-
backe. This oddes of their ages notwithstanding, it
was long after feigned (in favour of the house of Lan-
caster) that Edmund was the first borne of the twaine,
and that he was reiected for his ueformitie, and Edward
preferred (as the more woorthy) to the inheritance of
the Crowne. And therefore, as King Henrie the fourth
414 THE BRENT.
had derived his Duchie from his mother Blaunch, the
daughter and heire of Henrie Duke of Lancaster, and
descended of that Edmund : Even so woulde he have
deduced the king-dome by the same line of descent,
and thereby disproove at once (as meere usurpations)
all the former regiments of Edward the first, Edward
the second, Edward third, and Richarde the seconde,
which kings (with allowance of all men) had rightfully
reigned more than 126. yeercs before him.
And truly, as he was now ready thorowe great ambi-
tion, to have mainteined this new broched title with his
swoorde : So wanted there not afterwarde some, that
through servile flatterie laboured in woord and writing
to recommend it as true and auncient. Of which num-
ber (a learned ludge and Chauncellour to the Prince
that was sonne to King Henrie the sixt) was one ; who
wrate a whole Treatise (which I once sawe) in confir-
mation of that his Maisters right and Title.
But let King Henrie the fourth and his posteritic
stand here invested with the roiall Diademe, and let
us a while beholde with what quiet he and they kept it,
and for how long season the third heire enioied the
same.
Troubles Not long after the deposition of King Richard, and
the time of during the time of his imprisonment, his brother the
^"the"6"" Duke of Excester, associated with the Duke of Au-
by the marie, the Earles of Kent, Salisbury, and Gloucester,
house of
Yorke, for and with others moe, conmred to oppresse the person
recovene ^ King Henrie in a mummerie at Windsore: But as
tneir intention was discovered, and themselves exe-
cuted therefore, so also King Richard was foorth-
with made out of the way, least his life should after-
ward give occasion of the like attempt to any other.
THE BRENT. 415
Soone after, Sir Roger Claringdon, the Prior of
Laund, and certeine Friers went about to stirre up the
subiects, by persuading the world that King Richard 1400,
was yet living: at which time Owen Glendore was for
his part very busie in Wales also.
In the next yeere after that, Sir Thomas Percy (the 1401.
Earle of Worcester) gave the king a Battaile, at
Shrewsbury. And in the sixt yeere of his reigne,
Richard Scrope the Archbishop of Yorke, Thomas 1405.
Mombray (the Earle Marshall) and one Plumton put
themselves in armes against him.
Not past two yeeres after which time also, Henry
Percie (the Earle of Northumberland, which had
maried Elizabeth, a daughter to Edmund Mortimer) 1408.
adioined himselfe to the Lord Bardolfe and certeine
Scots, and taking weapon in hand renewed the warre
upon him.
So that King Henry the fourth, albeit hee kept the
Saddle in all this leaping and flinging, yet (as you see)
he was exceedingly tossed with domesticall warre
almost three parts of his whole reigne.
At the last, having gotten a few Halcion daies, or
rather cares, he departed this life, sory (as some say)
for that which he had done.
Henry the fift (a martiall man also) succeeded his 1414.
father in the kingdome, whose life was likewise in riethefifts
great daunger the secondc yeere of his reigne. For
Richard (the Earle of Cambridge, and husband to
Anne the right heire of the crowne) perceaving that Another
the former assaies of his friends had taken no successe, th^honse*
tooke the matter into his owne hands, and allying ofYorke'
himself with Henry Scrope the Lord Treasorer, and
Sir Thomas Graye, purposed to have slaine the King
416 THE BRKV1.
at Hampton even when he was ready to embarke
towards Normandie. But when his device was deci-
phered, and himselfe assured to suffer therefore, he
chose rather to say. that he did it as corrupted with
the money and crownes of Fraunce, than to be
acknowen that he had directed his shot at the crowne
of England, least if that had beene espied, he might
togither with the losse of his owne life, have deprived
his posteritie of all hope to recover their desired
right.
King Henry, when he had bereaved them of life
that sought his death, passed over into Fraunce, and
there spent the time in such prosperous warre and
conquest, that hee was made Regent of that realme in
the life of King Charles, and declared King after his
death. But by reason that Charles of Fraunce over-
lived him, that honour descended to his sonne King
Henry the sixt, who was crowned in Paris, within
eleven yeeres after.
King Hen- ^ow, during a great part of the reigne of this latter
and hei8SlX King Henry also, the Nobilitie, both of this faction,
°f our whole nation, was so exercised with the
French warres abroade, that they had no leasure to
attend their private quarrels at home : So that for the
first thirty yeeres almost of this King Henries govern-
ment, nothing was attempted against him in the
behalfe of the house of Yorke : unlesse that be true of
Eleonor Cobham, and Roger Bolinbrooke (otherwise
called Onley) who are charged by some with a con-
spiracie to bewitche him, whereof others make doubt
and question.
The causes But afterwarde, when this King began to lose that,
of his woe. wnich his father had gained in Fraunce, and when he
THE BRENT. -117
had not only married the King of Sciciles daughter
against his owne pre-contract made with the Earle of
Armenac, and against the advice of his chiefe No-
bilitie : But had also suffred his deere uncle Humfrey
(that renowned Duke of Gloucester) to be treache-
rously murdered and made away, and himselfe to be
altogether ruled by Queene Margaret his wife, and
William the Duke of Suffolke, the very artificers of
Duke Humfreyes destruction, Then Richard Planta-
genet (the Duke of Yorke) at whome also Queene assaies of
Margaret and her complices had privily pricked, tooke Of\h^see
occasion by the forhead, and (as a coale out of the
ashes) began by litle and litle to peepe out and bewray
himselfe. And although both many of the Nobilitie,
and most of the common sort, were wearie of the pre-
sent estate and governmente : yet hee, being made wise
by his fathers fall, woulde neither plainly disclose his
purpose, ne take the matter straightway upon himselfe,
but sought rather to atchieve his desire by other mens
cost, then at his owne peril I.
And therefore, as in a heard of Deere, the great
Bucks, when there is noice abroad, will beate forward
the Rascall : So he, first set lac Cade of Ireland on Ia« Cades
rebellion.
woorke (as it is to be thought) causing him to call
himselfe Mortimer (which name waxed then plausible
againe, in hatred of King Henrie) and so to move the
unsteady multitude, that murmured much, and gaped
daily for a chaunge. But when he saw that assembly
soone scattered, and yet not so much by any power of
the Prince, or love of his people, as by the counsell
and credite of the Duke of Somerset, a man of great
valoure, and (as things then stoode) the onely stop in
his way to the crowne whereunto he secretly aspired^
2 E
4iR THK
he determined before all other things, and with all his
might and maine to lift at that blocke and impediment.
And therefore, backing himselfe with the Earle of
Devonshire and the Lorde Cobham, and charging the
Duke of Somerset as author of all the evils in the
Common wealth, he gathered a great armie in the
The Brent marches of Wales, and so making forward tooke the
for?e Vt field at the Brent where we now be.
The King on the other side arraied a strong battaile
Black- also, and came to Blackheathe ready to have fouglitcn
with him : But through the mediation of certeine noble
men, some Lords and Bishops were sent with com-
mission, both to demaund for what cause he had put
on armour, and also to enter into conditions of atone-
ment with him. He required onely, that the Duke of
Somerset might first bee committed to safe custodie,
and then be compelled by order of lawe to answere to
such crimes as hee had to obiect against him : which
being done, hee promised to disarme himselfe, and to
dismisse his companie. The King assented, and for
a colour, caused the Duke of Somerset to withdraw
himselfe out of sight : But when the Duke of Yorke
came to the Kings campe, he found the Duke of
Somerset, not onely set at full libertie, contrarie to the
Kings and his Commissioners promise; But armed
also with such auctoritie, that he arrested him of Yorke,
and made him to be ledde as a prisoner in triumph
before the King, against his owne expectation.
Neverthelesse, when they had considered that they
had but a wolfe by the eares, whom they could neither
well hold, nor might safely let goe, they yet resolved
at the last to restore him to libertie, somewhat bicause
he came in upon safe conduit of the Kings woord, but
THE BRENT.
more bicause it was then noised that his sonne Ed-
warde, the Earle of Marche, was marching towardes
them, with a great power to rescue him.
By this meane, on the one side the Duke of Somer-
set waxed every day more deere and secrete to the
King, and was foorthwith honoured with the Capitain-
ship of Calaice : and on the other side, the displeasure
and furie of the Duke of Yorke was a great deale the 1455.
more incensed : So that thirsting after revenge, he Ki"g H.en-
with the aide of his friendes encountered the King and is taken in
the Duke of Somerset in a fight at Saint Albons,
where also he slew the one, and tooke the other. The
Duke he left to bee buried there, the King he brought
with al outward shew of reverence to London with
him, and there by a forced Parliament such as had the
chiefe roomes before were remooved, himselfe was
declared Protector of the Realme, Richarde Nevile The Duke
the Earle of Salisbury made Chauncelor and President °s made6'
of the Counsell, and his sonne Richarde Nevile the Protectof-
Earle of Warwike, appointed Capitaine of Calaice
and leader of the warre.
Thus have I shewed you (by occasion of the place
where we be) the cause of this great strife and par-
ti alitie, and brought you by the hande (as it were)
bothe to the first steppe of that privie staire which
they of the house of Yorke made for recoverie of their
right, and to the first act of open hostilitie in that
quarrell. And now bothe mine owne former order,
and the haste that I have to make an ende, doe require
that I should leave the matter here : But yet, partly
for my promise sake, partly bicause I am lothe to man-
gle and maime the historic, which if it stand whole is
so much the more worthie of the reading, and partly
2 E 2
420 THK BIIKNT.
also tor that it hath in the sequele some things that be--
long to this Shy re, I will breake square for this once,
and tell you out both the course and conclusion of all
this tragicall historic.
Queene Margaret, (which had before time ruled all,
and could not now beare to be directed by any) seeing
well ynough that the Duke of Yorke had alreadie
gotten the swoorde, and that the king her husband had
but onely the crowne left him, whereat also the Duke
secretly aimed, she never ceased to sollicite the king,
till this new Protector and Chancelor were discharged
of their offices : and not so contented, she practised
with her husband to sende for them and the Earle of
Warwicke to Coventrie, where (having before laide
the trappe) she had almost taken them.
This device of hers, as it had made an ende of the
controversie if it had taken place : So, being discoverd,
it greatly amended the quarrell of her adversaries, and
gave them good colour to fall to armes againe for their
iust defence.
1458. The matter therefore being now like to growe to
open war and enmitie, it was eftsoones thought meete,
that the king should pretend a vehement desire of re-
A feigned conciliation : and for that purpose, they met shortly
tion be- after at London on al hands, and from the teeth for-
warde departed good friends againe: but in deede
houses. envious rancour so boiled in the brest, that it not onely
belched, but also brake foorth immediately. And that
was the cause, that soone after the Kings owne hous-
holde assaulted the Earle of Warwicke at Westmin-
ster, and the Lorde Audeley set upon his father the
Earle of Salisbury at Bloreheath, each so fiercely,
that the Earlcs with much adoe escaped their hands.
THE BRENT 421
From thencefoorth therefore the hatred waxed
deadly, and the strife seemed to be now, not who
should leade and reigne, but rather who shoulde live
and remaine : in so much as foorthwith there was on
both parts open conference of warre, the men were
mustered, and the armies ranged, being ready over
night to have ioyned in the morning, when (loe) the
Duke and his complices, partly upon sight that they
were the weaker, and partly for the defection of some
which had bewraied their counseiles, suddenly for-
sooke the fielde, and fledde, some into Ireland, and the
residue unto Calaice.
Howbeit neither lande nor Seas could so divide
them, but that they met both in minde and person, to
communicate of their affaires. In which meane while
also, they wan the towne of Sandwich twice, by the Sandwichc
hand of Denham their Capitaine, who at both times ^eYb''"
tooke away all the vessels that he found in the haven, force-
and first ledde away as prisoners the Lorde Ryvers
and the Lorde Scalys his sonne, and then afterwarde
beheaded Mountfort that succeeded them.
But after some entercourses, and when they had
agreed upon a plat of their businesse, then the Earles
of Marche, Salisbury, and Warwicke came over from
Calaice, furnished with some strength which they
brought, but assisted with more that fell unto them
here, the rather bicause it was by policie sounded
abroad, that these noble men intended nothing against
the king, but onely against certeine evill counsellors
that were about him.
The king, on the other side, slept not when hee
heard of their arrival!, but with all possible power
made ready against them. At the length, both the
0« THE JiUENT.
King Hen- armies met at Northampton, and there was the kings
nethesixt,
is secondly power discomfited, sundry noble men of his part slainc,
soner a?"" an(i ne himselfe secondly brought into captivitie.
Thence is he once more caried to London, and his
name used to sommon a Parlement, whereunto also
The Duke commeth the Duke of Yorke in al haste out of Ireland,
is declared maketh his claime to the crowne, shevveth his right,
the'crown and Prevailetn so &r that he is by assent presently
made Protector and Regent of the realm, and declared
heire to the crowne after the death of the king; with
Proviso semper, that if King Henry should go about
to empeach this ordinance, that then the Duke shoulde
reioice the kingdome in possession immediately.
And thus hath this Duke at once both opened and
in manner obteined his desire. For now hath lie
climbed the seconde steppe of this staire to the crowne,
and there wanteth nothing to atchieve the toppe, but
onely to bring the Queene into handes, who also (by
refusing to obey the agreement) hath ministred him
iust cause to dernaund it. But, even as many things
happen (according to the proverbe) betweene the Cup
and the Lippe: So this man having brought the
crowne more than halfe way to his head, leaveth the
king with the Earle of Warwicke, and speedeth him-
1459. selfe with all preparation to pursue the Queene : by
of Yorke e whose friendes and their power, he was met withall at
baS 1" a Wakefield, and there slaine dead in the fight. In the
Wakefieid. necke(or rather in the nicke) of which also the Queene
setteth fiercely upon the Duke of Norfolke and the
Earle of Warwicke at Saint Albons, and so plyeth
Albons. them, that they were glad to save themselves by flight,
and to leave the king their prisoner behinde them.
There was he eftsoones restored to libertie, and hi«
THE BRENT. 423
keeper Sir Thomas Cyriel (or Criel) a man of great SirThomas
prowesse, and parentage in this shyre, cut shorter by headed,
the head.
Now would a man have thought, that the house of
Yorke had hitherto but beaten water in a morter, and
lost al their former labour. And truly the Duchesse
her selfe, seeing her husbande slaine, and his best
helpes discomfited, began to thinke the case desperate,
and therefore dispatched George and Richard, her
younger sonnes, out of the realme. But Edward the
eldest, the Earle of March, whome God (reiecting his
father) had reserved for the crowne, not a whit dismaied
at all this matter, had in the meane while made way
with his weapon by discomfiture of the Earles of Pen-
broke and Wilshyre at Mortimers crosse, and so ioyn-
ing with the Earle of Warwicke at Cotswolde, march- Edward
etb foorthright to London, clairneth the crowne by his ^Seth1'
owne right and King Henries forfaiture, receaveth the the crowne
homage of all the Nobilitie, is embraced of the Com- },oUse of
mons, and proclaimed the fourth King of his name.
From thence he passeth in roiall array towards
Yorke, where King Henry and his wife then lay, and
at Towton (not farre from the Citie) woonne the fight A great
and field, where were slaine 36,000. in one battaile. slaughter
So that he and his entred Yorke in triumph, but Hen- atTowton-
ry, his wife, and some of their friendes fled thence in
great feare unto Scotlande, and she with her sonne
afterward into Fraunce.
This feate thus luckily atchieved, King Edward
committed the charge of the North partes to the Earle 1461.
of Warwicke, and retired himselfe to London, where
about Midsomer after, he was with great pompe
annointed king, and so re-continued the right of the
434 THE BRENT.
house of Yorke, which by the space of 61. yeeres
before had beene withholden from it.
But now, as he sawe that he had not woonne the
garland without great labour and bloudshead, his
enimies being at home : So neither did he thinke that
he could weare it without continuall care and vigilan-
cie whilest they lived abroad. And therefore, (fore-
seeing in rainde, what followed in deede) hee caused
all the inarches toward Scotland to be kept against
Henry, and the Sea coast towards France to be
watched against his wife : So that when shee (within
a yeere after) thought to have arrived heer, she was
beaten to the Sea againe, and by the Sea and weather
driven into Scotlande where her husband was.
Hee also, being by that time growne to some strength,
partly by her companie, and partly by others aide,
invaded King Edward upon the north, and pearced as
far as to Hexam : But there was the Lord Montacute
ready for him, who gave him such a welcome, that his
whole band was defeated, his chiefe friendes were ta-
ken, himselfe being driven to great shift, and his wife
enforced to returne to her father into Fraunce againe.
Not long after, when Henrie (being out of all hope
1465. to recover his place by forreigne aide) dissembled his
person to the ende that he might sollicite some new
^e^Pes w^hin the Realme, he was thirdly taken with
Hexam. the manner, brought up to the King, and laide fast in
the Tower at London.
These things thus prosperously succeeding, King
Edwarde sought (for three or fower yeeres togither)
not onely by iustice and liberalitie, to fortifie himselfe
amongst his owne subiects, but also by encountre of
forreine alliance to weaken Queene Margaret, whose
THE BRENT. 425
hope of helpe (if any were left) was altogither reposed
in his neighbours. And for this purpose, it was
thought good to sende the Earle of Warwick into
Fraunce, with commission to moove and make up a
marriage for the king, with the Ladie Bona sister to
the kings wife there. But this became such a bone of J^g ^jjj
dissention between these deere friends King Edward the Earl of
and the Earle, that they were from thencefoorth so fail out.
divorced by it, as they could never after be united
againe.
For whilest the Earle had in that treatise so han-
deled the matter with the King of Fraunce and the
young Ladie, that his Maisters suite was thereby
obtained, he (no lesse suddenly, than secretly) be-
stowed himselfe upon the Lady Graye, a widowe,
whose husband was slaine in the fight at Saint Albons.
This, whether it happened of a certeine levitie and
wanton love (as in deede he is noted of that fault) or
whether he (following that Oracle and counsell in
husbandrie, In olea, ramus cceteris latior recidendus,
ne tola arbor contristetur) did it of set purpose and
policie to discountenance the Earle, whose popularitie
and greatnesse he had \to feare, I knowe not, but
assuredly I finde that the Earle conceaved such im-
placable hatred against the King therefore, that (how-
soever he dissembled it for a time) he sought by all
waies to remove him, and to restore Henry to the
crowne.
First therefore, he communicateth this griefe with
his two brethren, George the Archbishop of Yorke, of War- °
and lohn the Marquesse Montacute, and by great per-
suasion assure th them unto him : Then, by cunning
meanes and marriage of his daughter, he allureth unto
420 THE BURNT.
his part George the Duke of Clarence, and with-
draweth him from the Kiim his own brother. The
match thus made, a quarrel is piked, the Northern
people are incited to take up weapon, and warre is
made upon the King- with great successe.
For, first the Northern men, of their own power
compell the Earle of Penbroke to turne the backr
Fight neare to Northampton: And afterward by the aide of
ampton. tne Duke and the Earle discomfite his men secondly,
Fight at and take himselfe in the fielde at Banbury. Then
mry> commeth King Edvvarde in person, and encampeth
himselfe at Woolney: where, whiles the time was
spent in atreatie of pacification, with the Duke and the
Earle, which were then at Warwick, his adversaries
King Ed- come suddenly upon him by night in a Camisado, and
taken, and killing his watch, take himselfe un wares in his tent also.
escapeth. But albeit that it pleased God (hlls to chastise him
for a season, yet ment he not to cast him away, neither
to suffer the ioy of his enimies to have long continu-
ance. For soone after (being conveied into Yorkshyre
by night iourneies, and there kept in a liberall prison)
what by the negligence or corruption of his keepers,
and what by the happie assistance of his friends, he
escaped their hands, repaired new forces, and finding
that no parle would bring him peace) first so chased
Sir Robert Welles and his Lincolnshyre men at Edge-
coate, that the battail (in memorie that they threw
away their coates, to the end that they might runne away
1470. the lighter) was called by allusion Losecoatefield : and
fie°ide<inte" afterwarde so daunted both his brother and the Earle,
Lincoln- that they finding themselves unable to hold out any
longer heere, fled over into Fraunce with their friends
and familie.
THE BRENT. 427
There tbunde they Queene Margaret, Henries wife,
and Prince Edward his sonne, between whom and the
Earle of Warwicks daughter, a new knot of alliance
(by mediation of the Frenche King, a very Bellowse
of this fire) was forthwith knit up and tyed, and withall
another plot of reviving the war against King Edward
was agreed upon.
This done and concluded, Lewes the King of
Fraunce, and Reriard Queene Margarets father, spare
neither cost nor labour to furnish out the Duke of
Clarence, and the Earles of Warwicke, Oxforde, and
Penbrooke (who also was now of the same devotion)
with men and mony, weapon and vessel: And they
(not tarying till the Queene and her sonne coulde make
ready for the iourney) came over to give the first
attempt, and left them as a supplie to follow.
And here, it was a world to behold the manner of
the common and moveable multitude. For these
Noble men were no sooner landed at Dartmouth in the
West countrie, and had stricken the drumme in the For the ip-
name of King Henry, but there was flocking onheapes ofthecom-
to them from all the partes of the realme, and crying, Edward"8
a Warwicke, a Warwicke, King Henry, King Henry : fl*etl1 over
ttlC CCti,
So that King Edward, astonished at the straungenesse
of the matter, thought not so much of any meane how
to resist his enimies, as how to save himselfe. And
therefore, in all haste, and not without great hazard,
he conveieth himself, his brother Richard, and a few
others, by land unto Lynne, and from thence by sea
into Flaunders, there to use the advice and aide of his
brother in lawe Charles the Duke of Burgundie.
Queen Elizabeth his wife also, being then great with 1471.
childe, and destitute of better shift, shrowdeth herselfe
at Westminster, in the Abbots Sanctuarie.
428 TJIK BRENT.
This while commcth Warvvicke (our English Martell
that would make and marre Kings at his pleasure)
with his complices forward to London, and without
any manner of resistance goeth straight to the Tower,
and unprisoneth King Henry, whome he had empri-
KingHen-soned before. He also most ioyfully resumeth his
stored by former Roialtie, calleth a Parlement, denounceth King
Edwarde a traitor, maketli newe Lords, new Lawes,
wick- turneth al things upside do wnc, and dra weth (as it were)
a new world after him.
King Edwarde, on the other side, having now re-
covered breath after his running away, and seeing
right well, that delay of time would brcede daunger to
himselfe, and begette assurance to his enimies, taketh
such helpe as the Duke (his brother in lawe) could
presently make him, and speedeth him over to Ravens-
port in Yorkshire, trusting that upon the knowledge
of his arrivall, infinite numbers of men would have
fallen unto him. But when he found by proofe, that
fewe or none there durst shew him countenance, for
feare of the contrarie faction, he was driven to chaungr
his note, and wheras he came over at the first to re-
cover his kingdome, he was then glad to say that he
sought nothing but the Dukedome of Yorke, his pro-
per inheritance.
King Ed- By which policy partly, and partly by periurie
(» fowler shift) he first gained the citie of Yorke, and
drewe unto him a great companic. Then proceedeth
he further, and reconcilcth his brother the Duke of
Clarence, and so handeleth the matter with the Mar-
quesse Montacute also (who was laid to encounter him
in the way) that he suffered him to passe by untouched.
Thus rommeth Edwarde lo London unlocked for,
THE BRENT. 121)
and thereby so amaseth the Nobilitie, that eacli man
making the best shift for himselfe) poore King Henry Henry the
6. is fourth-
was left post alone, and now fourthly and finally taken, iy taken at
and cast into miserable prison.
This while the Earle of Warwicke, all wroth and
grieved that King Edward was not stopped in the
way, hasteth after with the Marquesse his brother to
the towne of Barnet, where (to the increase of his
sorrow) it was toldehim, that unfortunate King Henry
was once more fallen into the handes of his enimie,
and therefore he thought good to stay upon Glad more
heath there, of purpose to deliberate of some further
enterprise.
But King Edward, thinking it best to make hay,
whitest the sunne shyned, raaketh forward in great
speede, and embatteleth himselfe hard by against him.
To make short, their armies meete and fight, the Earle
and the Marquesse are both slaine dead in the field, The Earle
some noble men of their part save themselves by
flight, but their main battaile is overthrowen, and slaine at
Barnet.
defeated.
This was no sooner done, but (behold) Queene
Margaret with her sonne (which had sundry times
before attempted the Seas, and were alwaies repulsed
with contrarie winde) arriveth in Dorsetshire, thinking
to have ioined with the Earle and the rest of her friends.
But when the siely woman understood of all that was
happened, she tare and tormented her selfe, being
ready to die for extreme sorrow and anguish. How-
beit when that passion was put over, she bethought King Hen-
er better, and withdrew to the Sanctuarie at Beaulieu li(rs Tfe
taketh
for safegarde of her life. Sanctuarie
There was she somewhat recomforted by the Duke
THE BKKNT.
of Somerset, and such others as were escaped from
Gladmore : And there also (after conference of coun-
seiles) she resolved (like to one that had sped ill at
Primero) to set up her last rest, in hope to recover
her losses againe.
But the matter fell out farre otherwise : for King Ed-
ward, who had been taught to use his victorie, setteth
up all his sailes, like a man that had the winde on his
sterne, and useth such celeritie against her, that before
the powers which she and her friendes the Earles of
Penbrooke and Devonshire had provided could ioine
together, he assailed her, the young Prince, and the
Duke of Somerset (the Generall of that armie) at
The fight Tewxbury, and taking them all three prisoners, sleaeth
bury6™* ^ne Earle of Devonshyre, and overturneth the rest of
their companie
And now King Edward, having thus recovered his
kingdome by Gods clemencie, seeketh to confirme it
(after the manner of unkinde men) by his owne witte
and ungodly policie: whereof what scourge ensued
you shall perceive anone.
First therefore the young Prince that was taken pri-
soner, is suffered to be cruelly slaine in his owne pre-
Henriethe sence: And then King Henry (within sixe monethes
a^er n^s readeption) is wofully made away in the
Tower at London. But as for the Queene, she had
no wrong at all, for she bought her life with a summe
of money : The Earle of Penbrooke likewise with his
nephew Henry (called afterward the seventh King of
that name) sailed safely over the Seas to Fraunces
the Duke of Britaine.
I had almost forgotten to tell you here, of that adoe
which Thomas Fawconbridge (the Earle of Kents
THE BRENT. 431
bastarde, and Viceadmirall to the Earle of Warwicke) ^he Bas-^
made at London with a handfull of rakehelles which conbridge,
he had scummed together in this our shire, whilest the London.
King was in his return from Tewxbury : and how
valiantly for their owne praise, and faithfully for the
Kings service, the Londoners fought and repulsed
him. But the matter is not great: for as his com-
ming was too late for his friendes succour, so it was
soone ynough for his owne destruction, his enterprise
being resisted at the first, and himselfe shortly after
apprehended at Southampton, and rewarded with a
hatchet for his labour.
This end then, had all the civile warre that was The end of
moved for the title of the crowne : but yet the conten- Warre.
tion was not wholy quenched, ne could it pardy whilest
any of the house of Lancaster was left to remaine.
And therefore as you have patiently heard of the Divi-
sion, So heare me I pray you a woord or twaine of the
Union of these titles also.
Ten, or eleven yeeres after all these victorious 1483.
conflictes, King Edwarde was called away in the J^JJj} ^Je
flowre of his age, and not without suspicion of poi- fift-
soning. He left two sonnes behind him, Edward and
Richard : of which, the elder was King, but yet never
crowned: For his uncle, Richard of Gloucester, who K. Richard
had before imbrued his hands with the bloud of King
Henry the sixt, and of the young Prince his sonne,
sticketh not to bathe them nowe in the bowels of these
his owne nephews : and so, through shamelesse fraude,
corruption, and other cruelties, usurpeth the crowne to
himselfe. The which, thus gotten by Parricide, he
would have upholden by Incest, seeking to have mar-
ried (or rather marred) Elizabeth the eldest daughter
of his late brother King Edward.
432 THK IMKM
But within sixe and twenty monethes, the J\obilitic
and Commons waxed so wearie of his barbarous Ty-
rannic, that they sent over the Seas and invited Henry
the Earle of Richmonde, a man that was descended by
his mother from the house of Lancaster, and preserved
by God to weare the crowne, notwithstanding all that
ever King Edward the fourth had practised to destroy
him.
King Hen- He then crosseth the Seas from Britaine, landeth in
vuithunit- Wales, and is receaved with greedy hartes and good
eththetwo ]i]Qnor From thence he marcheth into Leveestershire,
houses.
Boswoorth and in abattaile at Bosworth there, encountereth with
King Richard, and killeth him. Then is he honourably
crowned in the field, and Richard shamefully (but yet
woorthily) conveied to the ground.
This done, King Henry both straineth a point of
policie in killing innocent Edwarde, sonne to the Duke
of Clarence, and onely heire male that remained of
the house of Yorke: and also taketh to his wife,
Elizabeth the eldest daughter and very heire of that
familie, and so (making his Garland of bothe the Roses)
quieteth for ever that long and bloudie controversie.
Thus have I now at the length ledde you along the
reignes of seven sundry Kings, and in a few leaves
given you a totall of this tedious and tumultuous
historic, which to have beene prosecuted at lan»e
woulde require a whole booke, or Iliade.
It remaineth, and is requisite, that as a historie is
truly called the Maistresse of our life, so some fruit
be gathered of it. But bicause I feare, that as I have
wearied my selfe with writing, so I should tyre you
also in reading, I will onely point at a few matters and
so leave them.
THE BRENT. 433
At a woorde therefore, Kings and Princes are here
(in the persons of these Princes) admonished of
the instabilitie of earthly Kingdomes, and thereby
provoked to sue after that heavenly king dome, which
is not subiect to mutabilitie or cbaunge. And this they
are taught to do, by using pietie towards him by
whome they reigne, and equitie towardes them over
whom they be set : nam c&tera regna,
Luxuries vitiis, odiisqud superbia vertit.
Noblemen and Counseilors are warned to advise
well their Kings, and to avoide ambition in themselves :
for as a noble and wise Counseillor late living was
wont to say,
Callida consilia,primafronte lata, tractatu difficilia,
Eventu tristia.
Crafty counseiles have a faire shew in the first open-
ing, but they be hard in the handeling, and wofull in
the winding up.
And as for Ambition, the winde never bloweth out
of that quarter, but stormes arise withall, and wrecke
of noble houses doth ensue.
The Commons also (who many times, and namely
here, deserve well their name, bicausc they be common
to every side) may by others harmes learne to leave
their continuall wavering and inconstancies For light
heads (as they see here) finde beavie rappes : and they
i shal ever proove that true, which the Poet (or more
truly in this behalfe, the Prophet) once sang,
Quicquid delirant Reges, plectuntur Achivi.
When Princes doate, in taking armes,
Their subiects smart, and beare the harmes.
At once both Kings, Counseilors, Commons, and all
men are allured to respect God heedily, to dwel in
2 F
SWANSCOMBJ:.
their own callings quietly, neither seeking other mcns
things wrongfully, nor labouring to defend their owne
unlawfully.
SWANSCOMBE, called in Saxon, Spe^enr-comb, that is
the campe of Sweyn the Dane that encamped at
Grenehithe harde by.
AS the whole Shyre of Kent oweth to Swanscomb
everlasting name, for the fruition of her auncient fran-
chises obteined there : So I for the more honourable
memorie of the place, can gladly affoord it roomc,
both at the beginning, and toward the end of my labour.
The matter for the which it is especially renownied,
is alreadie bewrayed in the discourse of the auncient
estate of this Shyre, whereunto I will referre you :
And at this time, make note of a thing, or twaine be-
sides, and so passe over to the residue.
The Ma- ^ie ^anor °f Swanscombe, is holden of Rochester
nor- Castle, and oweth service toward the defence of the
same, being (as it were) one of the principall Cap-
taines to whome that charge was of auncient time com-
mitted, and having subiect unto it, sundrie Knights
fees, as petie Captaines(orinferiour souldiours) bound
to serve under her banner there.
The The Church at Swanscombe, was much haunted in
shHiide?f times Past> for Saint Hildeferthes helpe (a Bishop, by
fertile. coniecture of his picture yet standing in the upper
window of the South He, although his name is not
read in all the Catalogue of the Saxons) to whome
such as were distracted, ranne for restitution of their
wits, as thicke as men were wont to saile to Anticyra,
for Heleborus.
GRAVESENDE. 435
This cure was perfourmed heere, by warmth, close
keeping, and good diet: meanesnot onely not straunge
or miraculous, but meere naturall, ordinarie, and rea-
sonable. And therefore, as on the one side, they might
truely be thought madde men, and altered in their
wits, that frequented this pilgrimage for any opinion of
extraordinary working : So on the other side, S. Hilde-
ferth(of all the Saintes that 1 knowe) might best be
spared, seeing we have the keeper of Bethleem, who
ceaseth not (even till this day) to woorke mightily in
the -same kinde of Myracle.
GRAVESENDE, in Saxon Gepeperenb : in Latine,
Limes Praetorius.
THE original cause of the name of this place, lieth
hidd in the usuall name of the officer, lately created in
the town : He is commonly called Portreve, but the
woord (aunciently and truly sounded) is Portgereve, The name
that is to say, the Ruler of the Towne. For Porte of Port-
Descending of the Latine woord Portus) signifieth a whereof it
Port Towne, and Gereve (being derived of the Saxon commeth-
verbe jeneccan, to rule) was first called jejiecjia, and
then jepefa, and betokeneth a Ruler : So that, Port-
reve, is the Ruler of the Towne, and Greves-end, is
as much to say, as the Limit, Bounde, or Precinct
of such a Rule or Office.
Of the very same reason, they of the lowe and high
Germanic (whence our language first descended) cal
one ruler, Burgreve, another Margreve, and the third The name
of Sherife.
Landsgreve : And of the same cause also, our Magis-
2 F 2
436 GRAVESENDE.
trate now called a Sherif, or (to speake more truly,
Shyrereve) was at the first called (Shyre gereve) that
is to say, Gustos Comitalus, the Reve, or Ruler of the
Shyre. The head officer of Maidston, long since had
this name : yea the chiefe governour of the Citie of
London likewise, before the time either of Maior
or Baylife there, was knowne by the name of
had 1°" Portreve, as in the Saxon Chartre of King William
Portreve. the Conquerour (sundry examples whereof bee yet
extant) may appeere. It began thus, pitliam cyn£
jpeic pilham bijceop. 3 Sobjipejef pojifcjepepan. 7
ealle fa bupPpapen J?e on lunben beonf William the
King, greeteth William the Bishop, and Godfrey the
Portre\e, and all the Burgesses that in London be,&c.
The Office To make short, in auncient time, almost every Ma-
of a Reve. nor jja(j |^s j£eve^ nvi)Ose authoritie was, not only to
levie the Lords rents, to set to worke his servaunts,
and to husband his Demeasnes to his best profit and
commoditie : but also to govern his tenants in peace,
and to leade them foorth to war, when necessitie so
required.
And although this name, and so much of the au-
thoritie as remained, was (after the comming in of the
Normanes) transferred to another, which they called
Baylife : yet in sundry places of the Realme (espe-
cially in Copiholde Manors, where olde custome pre-
vaileth) the woord Reve, is yet wel inough knowne
and understood.
Neither ought it to seeme any whit the more straunge,
bicause I call now Reve, that which in old time was
Gereve, for as much as this particle (Ge) was in pro-
cesse of time, in some places chaunged in sound to (y)
and in some other partes cleane lost and forgotten : As
GRAVESENDE. 4»7
for example, wheras the Saxons used to say, he was
Geboren, they of the West countrie pronounce it, he
was yborne, and we of the countries nearer London,
he was borne.
Thus farre the Etymon of the name (Greves end)
hath carried me out of the Historic, whereto I did the
rather yeelde, bicause I had not mucbe to write con-
cerning the place it selfe. Howbeit X reade, that in
the beginning of the reigne of King Richard the second,
whilest the Lorde Nevel was by the Kings appoint-
ment, entred into Fraunce, with a great company of
English souldiors, the French men came up the
Thamise with their Gallies, and brent divers townes,
and at the last comming to Gravesende) spoiled and
set it on fire also.
The Manor of Gravesend belonged then to the Ab-
bot of Towerhill at London, of the guifte of King
Edwarde the thirde, founder of that and of some other
religious houses. And bicause this Towne was brought
to beggerie by that misfortune, the Abbot taking such
advantage for reliefe thereof as that time very happily
afoorded, had conference with his tenants, and finding
that by the continual recourse to and from Calyce
(which the same King Edward had gained to his crowne)
the passage by water betweene London and Gravesend
was much frequented, both for the great ease, good
cheape, and speedie transportation (requiring not one
whole tide) he made offer on their behalves to the
young King Richard the second, that if he would be
pleased to grant unto the inhabitants of Gravesend and
Mylton the privilege, that none shoulde transport any
passengers by Water from Gravesend to London, but
they only, in their own boates, then shoulde they oC
438 HEIGHAM.
those two parishes undertake to carrieall such passen-
gers, either for two pence each one with his farthell
(or trusse) or otherwise, making the whole fare (or
passage) worth foure shillings. The King assented
for the present, and some of his successors have
sithence confirmed the graunt: besides the which, con-
tinuall usage hath so established the same, as it is
notorious to all,, not onely by the eie, but by delyveric
of the Statute also, made 6. Henr. 8. cap. 7.
For the Order of this passage, and government of
the Watermen labouring therein, there is belonging to
that Manor a proper Court, intituled Cwia cursus
aqua, which was for sundry yeeres discontinued, by
the niggardly negligence of the Fermors of the Manor
of Gravesende, but nowe lately hath beene revived by
the Honourable care of the Lorde Cobham, Lorde
Chamberlaine of her Maiesties Householde, owner of
the same : And by the example heereof, they of Lon-
don obtained (upon like offer) the like privilege of
transportation from London to Gravesende, which
also to this day they enioy accordingly.
King Henry the eight, warned by that which had
happened, raised a platforme at Gravesende, one
other at Mylton, and two others over against them on
Essex side, to commaund the River in those places,
at such time as he fortified other the Coastes of his
Realmc, as we have before opened.
HEIGHAM.
OF the Nunnes of Heigham Priorie 1 finde none
other note, save onely that they were under the visita-
CLIFFE AT HOO. 431*
tionof the Bishop of Rochester. For in the beginning
of the reignc of King Edward the third, Hamon of
Heth Bishop there, confirmed the election of Mawde
of Colchester, Prioresse of this house, and about
fourteene yeeres after he visited both the head and
whole companie, as the Registrar of Rochester, that
wrote his actes and life, hath amongst many other
small matters, somewhat curiously observed.
•
CLIFFE, written commonly in auncimt Bookes, Cloves-
hoo, for Cliojiej'ppo, which is tis much to say, at
Cliffs hoo, or Cliffc at Hoo.
THEODORE the seventh Archbishop of Canterbury,
and the first (in the opinion of William Malmesburie)
that exercised the authoritie of an Archbishop (which
appeered (as others say) in that he tooke upon him to
depose Wilfrid of Yorke) called together a Synode of
Bishops at Hereford ; in which it was agreed amongst
;them, that for the more speedie reformation of abuses
that might creepe into the Church, they should all
assemble once every yeere at Cloveshoo, upon the
Kalends (or first day) of August : By vertue of which
decree, Cuthbert, the eleventh Archbishop, somoned
the Bishops of his Province to the same place, and A learned
there (amongst other things woorthie note) it wasjgj?™
enacted, that Priestes themselves should first learne, Priestes
and tlren teach their Parishioners, the Lordes praier, Lati^0^
and the Articles of their beleefein the English tongue : fjj^8*
To which decree, if you list to adde the testimonie of yet almost
King Alfred, who in his Preface upon the Pastorall of at all.
440 CL1FFE AT HOO.
Gregorie, that he translated, saith, that when he came
first to his kingdome, he knew not one Priest on the
South side of the river of Humber that understood his
service in Latine, or that coulde translate an Epistle
into English : And if you will also adioine first that
870. which Alfric vvriteth in his Proeme to the Grammar,
that is to say, that a little before the time of Dunstane
the Archbishop, there was never an English Priest
that could either endite, or understand a Latin Epistle :
And then that which William of Malmesbury reporteth,
to wit, that at the time of the Conquest, almost all the
Bishops of England were unlearned: Then I doubt
not but you shall evidently see, how easie it was for
the Divell and the Pope to creepe into the Church of
England, when (whole ages togither) the Clergie was
so well fed, and so evill taught. But to our matter
againe. By vertue of the same decree and ordinance
also, two other Councels were holden at Cliffe at Hoo :
one under Kenulph, the King of Mercia, or middle
Englande, and the other in the reigne of Beornwulfe
his successour. This place would I have coniectured
to have lien in the hart of England, both bicause it
seemeth likely that the common place of meeting
should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the
Realme, and for that it is manifest by the historic, that
it was in the dominion of the King of Mercia, which
I feare not to call middle England. But, for as much
as I once read a note, made by one Talbot (a Preben-
darie of Norwiche, and a diligent travailer in the Eng-
lish historic) upon the margine of an auncient written
copie of William Malmesburies bookeDePontificibus,
in which he expounded Cloveshoo), to be Cliflfe at
Hoo neare Rochester : and for that I do not finde the
MEPHAM. 441
expresse name (Cloveshoo) in all the catalogue of
townes in that precinct which was sometime the king-
dome of Mercia (although there be divers places
therein that bear© the name of Cliffe, as well as this) I
am contented to subscribe to Talbots opinion : but
with this protestation, that if at any time hereafter I
finde a better, I will be no longer bound to follow him.
The towne is large, and hath thereto a great parish
Church : and (as I have beene tolde) many of the
houses were casually burned (about the same time
that the Emperour Charles came into this Realme to 1520.
visite King Henrie the eight) of which hurt it was Stowe-
never yet thorowly cured. It hath the name Cliffe,
of the situation, and lieth in the hundred of Shamel,
albeit that it be called at Hoo, which in deede is the
hundred next adioyning, and taketh his name (as I
suppose) of the effect: for Hoh in the olde English
signifieth sorrowe, or sicknes, wherwith the inhabitants
of that unwbolsome hundreth be very much exercised.
And thus have I now visited the places of chiefe
note that lie in the skirts of the Diocese, whereunto if ^f
I had added a few other that be within the body of the scription
same, I woulde no lesse gladly, than I must necessarily,
finish and close up this winters traveil.
MEPHAM, aunciently written CDeapapam.
SlMON Mepham (the Archbishop that performed
the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward
the thirde) had bothe his nativitie and name of this
towne, although Polydore Virgil hath no mention of
442 MJBPHAM.
the man at all, in his historic, or catalogue of Arch-
1320. bishops, cither not finding, or forgetting, that ever there
was any such.
It is probable also, that the same Bishop builte the
Church of Mepham, for the use of the poore, which
William Courtney (one of his successours) repaired
fower score yeeres after> and annexed thereunto fower
new houses for the same ende and purpose.
The ami- Besides these notes, it hath chaunced me to see one
fdurme of wrtiqiiitie of Mepham, which both for the profit and
a Te^ta- pleasure that I conceived thereof, I thinke meete to
ment.
insert, though happily some other man may say, thai
I do therein (and in many others also) nothing else
but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui.
Neverthelesse, to the eudc that it may appecTe, what
the auneient forme and .phrase of a Testament was :
howe the Husbande and the wife ioyned in making
their Testaments : how landes were devisable by testa-
ment in olde time : by what wordes estates of inhcrit-
aunce were wont to be created: how the Lordes con-
sent was thought requisite to the testament of the
tenant ; aaid how it was procured by a guift of Heriot,
which as Bracton saieth, was done at the first, Magis
de gratia, quam de iure : Furthermore, that you may
see how this town of Mepham, and sundrie others came
at the first to ChrlStes chuTcH; S.'ltugustine, and Ro-
chester : and finally, that you may know, as well what
advauncement to Gentrie was then in use, as also what
weapons, jewels, and ornaments were at that time
worne and occupied, I will set before your eye, the last
will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife, which
was a man of great wealth and possessions within
this Shyro, and had his abiding at Mepham morethau
sixc hundreth yeeres agoe.
MEPHAM. 443
This is Birtricks and Elfswithes his wyves last The Stile
Dip ip Bypptpicep 3 GlpppySe pip pipep mPpta
declaration,
testament, which they declared at Mepham, in their kinsefolkes
cpibe. J?e PI cpaebon on GDeapapam. on Peopa maja
witnesse :
hearing: that was Wulstan Ucca,and Wulfsiehisbro- The Wit-
jepicnejyef ^ paef puljijtan Ucca, ^ puljipe Pip bjio- n<
ther, and Sy red Elf rides sonne, and Wulfsie the blacke,
^op, 3 8ipe6 61j:pibef puna. ^ pulppie j*e blaca.
and wyne the priest, and Elfgar of Mepham, and
y pine ppeopt. 3 GlfS81]1 on tOeapapam. 3
Wulfey Ordeys sonne, and Elfey his brother, and
pulpep opbegep puna. 3 GlpeP pip bjio^Sop. 3
.
Birtwar Elf rices widowe, and Britric hercousine, and
byppcpapa Glpjucep lap. ^ bpypfcpic pipe maej. 3
Elfstane the Bishop.
Glppcanbipceopf
•
First, to his natur all Lord, one bracelet of foure score The lega-
Fpepc Pip cyne Plapopb renne beap on punbeap to- gL0e0sdsfand
handktlife ornaments
dagger
Markes of golde, and one hatchet of as
tijan mancypen jolSep. 3 ane panbpecp on eal ppa
muche: and foure horses, two of them trapped: andtwo
miclan. 3 peopen poppe. tpa jepae6ebe. -] cpa
444 MEPHAM.
swordes trimmed, and two hawkes, and all his
ppepb jepeteJj-obe. 3 Cpejen papocaj*. 3 ealle PIJ-
hedgehoundes. Lordes wife
houndes. And to the Ladie one bracelet of
Peafcop Punbaf f 3 )?a3pe plaepbian aenne beap on
palfrey
stede
thirtie markes of golde : and one home to
J7fiittijan mancupan jolbep . 3 eenne pceban. co
"The intreate that this testament siande maye. And for his
w^nt P^rP]186^ t Te cPybe rtanfean mOfte. ^ pop Plf
requisite. auncestors Rochester
Legacies soule, and his elders to Sainct Androes twoplowiand
&c.a° '' J'ap?e. 3 pij- ylbpena. into See. TCn&pee. cpa j-ulunj
a^ Dentun. And they bothefor their soulesand their el-
aec feenetunef Tfnb pio pop pipe fap]e. ^ pype yl-
ploughlande thither
ders, 2 at Longfield. And to the sameplace.for them thir-
ftpena. fcpa aec lanjavelbaf ^j J?ibep in pop Py 'Spic-
neckbracelet
tie markes of golde, and one coVar of fourtie
cij mancyj- ^olbej-. -3 aenne j*peop heap on peopep-
markes and a Cuppe of silver, and
tig mancypan, -3 ane Cuppan j-eolppene. ^
headband covered with golde
a haffe bend gilden. And ever re yeere at their
Pealpie baenb jylbennef 3 aelce jeape co peopa
rent corne and victuo.ll
yeeres minde from
mynde two dayesferme of Haselholte: and
jemynbe, tpejjm 6aja jieopme op paeflpoltc. ^
MEPHAM. 445
from
two dales of Watringbery : and two dayes out ofBerling,
tpejpa oj: poftpinjabepan. y ii. op baephn^an.
and two days out ofHertesham. And to Christes church
1 ii. op paepijeapbeppanif y to cjuptep cipcan
60. markes of golde, thirtie to the Bishop and
Ix. mancyp jolbep. xxx. para bipcope. -j
thirtie to the Covent : And a necke bracelet
xxx. J?am Pi}io8ef ^ eenne j*peoji beap
of 80. markes : and two cuppes of silver,
on Ixxx. mancyj*. 3 cpa cuppan peolppene.
and the land at Mepham. And to Sainct
y J?aec lanb set OOeapapam. 3 to 8ct.
Augustine 30. markes of golde, and two cuppes
TCu^ujtme xxx. mancyf ^olbep. 3 ii. cuppan
of sylver, and halfe a bend gilt. and Guift for
3 pealpie bsenb jylbenef 3
the land at Darnt to Byrware for his daies :
J?set lanb aet bepentan bypPpapa PIJ* baejf
^l/ic? fl/)fer ^w days to Sainct Androes, for
3 aepten pipe baeje into 8ct. ^Tndpee. j:op
auncetors
us, and our elders. And Berling to Wulfee,
unc. 3 uncpe ylbpan7 J Baeplmjap pulp epe
and he shall give a thousande pence to S. Androes for
T pe pelle. x. punb penin^a into Sc
1 1<> MEPHAM .
us, and our elders. And to Wulfsie Wateringbyrye,
unc. 3 uncpe ylbpanf 3 puljipe po'Sninjabipaj-.
within tha t kinred. And to Syred Haselholt, within that
guif" in° mnon ty gecynbef 3 ryj16^6 Pepelpolt mnon •}> je-
Tailel
kinred. And to Wulfey, and Elf ey his brother Harte-
cenbef 3 putyeje. ^ 61j:eje pij- bjiecpeji Pejtije-
demeanes
sham, within that kinred, to Wulfee the inland, and
ajibej-pam mnon ^ jecynbe. to puljzeje ty mlanb. ^
^o Elfey the outland. fr ^o Wulfstane Ucca, Walkenstede,
61j:eje ^ utlanbf ^ puljzpfcane uccan. polcneftebe
dagger
within that kinred: And a hatchet of three poundes,
mnon j) jeeyn ^e f 3 an panbp ec j* on i5pym pun ban f
ten plowlands at Streiton to the myn-
y )?a tyn Pyba on Scjietcune into J?aem myn-
church
ster at Walkenstede. And the land at Falcham, af-
p cpe to polcneftebe. 3 ty lanb aet pealcanpam af-
ter Byrwares dayes, to Sainct Androes, for Elfrices
cue bypppapa baeje, into Set. S'nbjiee. yon
soM/e their Lord, and his auncetors, even as their will was
Pipe plapojifc. -3 PIJ- ylbpan. j?a Peopa cpibe paej-f
life
And Brumley after Britwares daies to Sainct
3 bporaleap sej±pe bpiptpapa baeje into Set.
MEPHAM. 447
Androes, as Elfric their Lorde it bequeathed, for
!/Yn8pee. ppa Glppic Pype Plapopb Pit becpesft. pop
^^w^ and his elders. And Snodland also to
pme ^ Pipyl6panf y 8no6m;$elanb eac into
S. Androes, after their dales ,even as Elfereit bequeathed,
S.^nSjxee aej:tpe pipe 6eje. -fpa Glpejie pit becpse^S
being Elf rices father, fy heafterwarde in the witnesseof
Gljijiicej* jiaebep. 3 pe peo^an on jepitneppe
Edyive the Ladie, and of Odo the Archbishop, and
Gabpjze ^aejie plsepbian. -3 O8an ^pcebij-ceopej-. -3
'
of Elfey Elfstanes sonne, and of Elfric his brother,
Glpptanej' puntt. "3 Glppicej* pip
and ofElfnothe pilia, fy of Godwine of Facham, fy of
•3 Glpnofej' pilian. 3 jobpmep aet paecpam. ^
Eadric of Hoo, and of Elf sie the priest of Croy-
Gabpicep aet po. -3 Glfj-iej- ppeoptep on Cpoj-
. AndtoWulfstaneGQ.markesofgolde to deale ^imes
baenef -3 pulpptane Ix. mancap jolbep to Saelanne
60. markes
for us and our elders : and other such, to Wulfsie to
pop unc -3 uncpe ylbpan. -3 o$ep j-pilc pulpj-ije to
betweene God and them be it
deale, and have they with God together, if they
baelanne-f -j paebban peom pr$ job jemaene. pp Py
448 MEPHAM.
it do not. And to Wulfsie, Titasey, and the writing
Pit ne bonj 3 puljzpje cybicepej. 3 $am boc.
within that kinred : fy 2 spurres ofSpound. And I pray
innon -J) jecynbe. 3 ii. ppupan on iii. punbanf 3 ic bib-
The Lord for £oefo iove my leefe Lor de, that he do not
is protec-
tor of the 6e pop jobef lupan mmne leop an plapopb. •}) Pe ne
tenants . ,
wai. turne aside
suffer that any man our testament doe breake. And I
> aenij man uncepne cpibe apenbef -3 ic
praye all Gods friendes, that they thereto helpe.
bib&e ealle sobej- fjieond. f PI J>epto pljtanf
Betweene them and God be it
Have they it with God together, that it do breake, and
paebbe pr$ 506 jaemeene }>e pit bpece, -3
mercifull keepe
God be to them alwaies mylde, that it holde will.
506 fy pirn rymle mil be j?e Pit peal ban pillef
The aim- l4 sna11 suffice, for the most part of the matters
cientes- (woorthie observation) in this testament, that I have
Gentle- already onely pointed at them (as it were) with my
by 'what finger : for that they do appeere and shew themselves
menatr?e manifestly even at the first sight: Onely therefore,
was ob- touching the estate and degree of this Testatour, I wil
the olde (for the more light and discoverie thereof) borow a
few wordes of you.
He himselfe here calleth Aelfrie, his Lorde, and
naturall Lord, and saith further, that Aelfere was
Father to this Aelfrie : Now, what Aelfere and Ael-
frie were, it is not hard to finde: for all our auncient
MEPHAM. 449
Historians tell us, that in the daies of King Edgar, of
King Edwardethe Martyr, and of King Ethelred, these
men were by birth, cousines of the bloud royall : by
state (Gojiler Earles) which woorde we yet reteine in
English, and which we commonly cal (Comif.es) in
Latine, for that at the first they were parteners and
companions (as I may say) with the King, in taking
the profites of the Shire, or Countie : that they were
also by dignitie (Galbopmen) that is, Senators, and
Governours of all Mercia, or middle England : And
finally that they were of such great power and credite,
that Aelfer the Father, immediately after the death of
King Edgar, restored all such priests thorowout Midle
England, to their houses, as the king (by advice of
Dunstane the Monke) had in his life expulsed, for the
placing of his Monks : And that Aelfric the sonne,
resisted King Ethelred in that siege of Rochester,
whereof you heard when we were there.
For as much therefore, as Aelfric was Plapopd, or
Lorde, to our Testator, and plaj:on6 and Dejn, that is
to say, Lorde and Serviteur, be woordes of relation,
I gather, that he was Begn, which signifieth properly a
Minister, or free Serviteur, to the King, or to some
great personage. But usually at those times taken
for the very same, that wee cal now of the Latine
woorde (Gentilis) a Gentleman, that is (Evyevj/e) a
man well borne, or of a good stocke and familie.
Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentrie at
all, that I said he was a Minister, or Serviteur : for I
meane not thereby, that he was (Servus) which woorde
(straightly construed) doth signifie a servaunt, or slave,
whom they in those daies called iSeope : but my minde
is, that he was a servitour of free condition, either ad-
2 G
4*0 MEPHAM.
vaunced by his owne vertuc and merite, or els
descended of such auncestors, as were never de-
graded : And that name, the Prince of Wales, or eldest
Sonne of our King of this Realme, doth not, in the
life of his Father, disdaine to beare : For, out of the
very same old word (Benian) to serve, is framed his
Poesie, orwoorde upon his armes (Ic Dien) I serve.
The like whereof is upon the Armes of the Counties
Palatine of Chester, and Durham also.
And thus I suppose that it is manifest, that Byrthryc
our Testator was by condition a Noble man, or (which
in common acceptance abroade is all one with it) a
Gentleman.
Howbeit, to the ende that bothe this thing may have
the more authorise and credite, and that it may witlmll
appeere what degrees of Nobilitie and Gentrie there
were in this Realme before the comming in of the
Normanes, and by what merits men might ascend and
be promoted to the same, I will reach a little higher,
and shew you another English (or Saxon) antiquitie,
which I have scene placed in divers old copies of the
Saxon lawes, after the end of all, as a note or adver-
tisement.
It, was sometime in the English lawes, that the people ft
Pit pep Ppilum on Cnjlalajum ty leob an 6 lajum
dignitie
the laws were in reputation : ft then were the wisest of the
ponbejeJjindSunif TVnb J>a paepon leoh pitan peojift-
woorshipfull
people woorship woorthie, every one after his degree : Earlc.,aml
pcipep pyjvSa. aelc be Pip marSe. Gopl an*
churle, Theintb under Thein. And if a churle thrived so
Ceonl, Dejn anh Beobenr 7Cn8 31}: Ceopl
MEPHAM. 461
that he had fully five hides of his owne lande, a Churche,
I •}* pe Pepbe pullice pip piba ajenej* Ian8e. Cijucan.
me
service
fy a kitchen, a belhouse, fy a gate, a seate, & a severa II office
n cycenan. belpup. anb bujipjeat. petl. 3 pun8ejmote,
\in the kings halle, then was he thencefoorth the Theine
on Cynjep pealle. )?onne psef pe )?anonj:o}\^ Bejen-
woorthie
\rightwoorthe.Andif a Theindidso thrive, that heserved
ju jpcej- peop^ef 'Snh pj: Dejn je]?eap. 'J) pe )?eno8e
iourney
tihe king, and on his message ryd in his housholde, If he
(Cynje. anb pif jiabjrejine jiab on pij* pijiebe. pj: fe
served him, toward
\thenhadaTheinthat followedhim, the which to the kings
(>onne pej:8e Dejn ^e pirn jiilijbe. iSe to Cynjej-
expedition plowlandes palaice
iourney five hides had, and in the kings seate his Lorde
jatjzape pp piba papbe. an8 on Cynjef j-etl pif Plajiopb
message
served, and thrice with his errande had gone to
ISenobe. anb ftjupa mib pip asnenb jejzopa co
Such an one
theking,He might afterwarde with hisforeothe hisLordes
. 8e mope piMan raib pip popa'Se pip plapojib
jartplaye at any great neede.And if a Thein did thriveso
ppelian. aet miplican neobanf 7Cn8 pp Dejn
2 G 2
MRPHAM.
woorthy
that hebecame an Earle,then was he afterwarde anEarles
ty Pe peapbe to Gople. j?onne peep Pe pr$$an Goplpip-
the rightes of an Earle.
rightwoorthy.AndifaMerchant so thrived thathepassed
cep people f 3!nb pp (flappepe je)?eap. •)) Pe pepbe
broad science
thrice over the wide Seas, of his owne crafte, he was
opep pib 8ae. be PIJ* ajenum cpaeptef jv pep
thencefoorth a Theim right woorthy. And if a
]>onne pj'iSiSan Dejn pipcep peoji^ef ?Cnb jij:
thrived
Scholar so prospered thorowe learning that he degree hadt and
leopnepe je]>eaP. j?upP lape. ^ pe pab Peejrbe. anb
privilege
served Christ, he was then afterwarde ofdignitie fy peace
)>eno6e xpe. pe pae]' ferine jiiS^an mae'Se anb raunbe
50 muche woorthy, as thereunto belonged: unlesse he
j-pa micelpe pyp$e. j-pa )?aepco jebypebe. bucon pe
trespassed might not use
forfaited so, that he the use of his degree use ne might.
poppoppte. •)> pe )>aep pab note nocian ne mojrej
The de- ^Y thte you see, first, that in those dales there were
grees of l)ut ^ree estates of free men (for bond servants, which
Freemen,
Earle, we do nowe since call by a strained worde VillaineS;
Chnr!e.& are not here talked of) that is to say, an Earle, or(
Noble man, the highest: a Theyn, or Gentleman, the,
midlemost: And a Churle, or Yeoman, the lowest:,
and as touching that which is heere spoken of the ser-,
MEPHAM. 459
vant of the Theyn, or Gentleman. I deeme it rather
ment for a prerogative belonging to the maister, than
mentioned as a severall degree in the man.
Neither doth it make against me in this division,
that you shall many times reade, of 6al8onman. 8cyp- Alderman,
, -»-. -v» Shireman,
man,penetoga, beScunbman, tpel}ipyn6man, tpyj/moe- &c were
man : for these be not names of difference in degrees,
but they do either denote the offices and dignities, or
els the estimation and values, of those to whome they
be attributed : as Alderman and Shyreman, do signifie
j that Earle or Nobleman, to whome the government
and charge of a Shyre, or other Precinct was com-
mitted : peptoja that Earle or great man, that was
(Imperator Belli) the Lieutenant of the field : Syfi-
Icunbman, that Gentleman, that had the manred (as
some yet call it (or the office, to lead the men, of a
Towne, or Parish : And as for tpelpPmbman, it was
given to the Theyn, or Gentleman, bicausehis life was
valued at Twelve hundreth shillings (as in those daies
the lives of all sorts of men were rated at certaine
isummes of money) And tpyPmbman, to the Churle or
[Yeoman, bicause the price of his head was taxed at
|two hundreth shillings: which thing (if it were not
jexpresly set foorth in sundry olde lavves yet extant)
knight well ynough be found in the Etymologic of the
kvoordes themselves, the one being called a Twelf-
pynd, as it were, a Twelfe hundred man, and the other
a Twyhynd, for a man of Two hundreth.
j Furthermore, you may heere behold, with what dis-
cretion and equitie, our elders proceeded in bestowing
these promotions : for whereas all Nobilitie and Gen-
trie is either, Native, or Dative, that is to say, com-
\ neth either by Discent, or by Purchase, whereof the
454 MEPHAM.
first, it' it be not accompanied with vertue, is but an
emptie signe, and none other thing, than (as one well
saied) Nobilitatem in Astrayulis gestare : But the
latter (being both the maker and mainteiner of the first)
as it ought by all reason to be rewarded with due
enseignes of honour, to the end that vertue may be the
more desirously embraced: So have they heere ap-
pointed three several! path waies to leade men streight
unto it, that is to say, Service, Riches, and Learning,
or (to speake more shortly) Vertue and Riches: in
Wisdome which two (as Aristotle confesseth) all the olde No-
profitable, bilitie consisted, and which two (as the Ecclesiastes
or Pre<icncr teacheth) make a good accouplement : for
with rich- (saith hee) Utilior est sapientia, cum divitiis con-
iuncta.
And in this part, you may lastly perceive also, that
out of all those trades of life, which be (crj/juaTreua')
that is to say, conversant in gaine, they admitted to the
estate of Gentrie such onely, as increased by honest
Husbandrie, and plentifull Merchandize : Of the firs!
of which Cicero affirmeth, that There is nothing meeter
for a Freeborne man: And of the other, that It is
dizeCand Praise woorthy also, if at *he length being satisfied
HusLan- with gaine, as it hath often come from the Sea to the
Haven, So it chaunge from the Haven into landes anc
possessions.
And therefore (in my fantasie) where as Gervas
Tilberiens. (in his observations of the Eschequer |
accompteth it an abasing for a Gentleman to occupi<!
Publicum mercimonium, common buying and selling i
it ought to be referred to the other two pads of .Mer
chandize, that is, to Negotiation, which is relaying
or keeping of a standing shop : and to Invection (whirl
MEPHAM. 455
is to exercise Mercerie) or (as some call it) to play
the Chapman: and not to Navigation, or Merchan-
dize, which (as you see) is the only laudable part of
all buying and selling.
And again e, whereas the Civile La we saieth, Pa-
tritii cum plebeiis coniugia ne contrahunto : and in
our law it is reputed a Disparagement for a warde in
Chivalrie (which in old time was as much to say,
as a Gentleman) to be maried to the daughter of one
that dwelt in a Borowe, I thinke that it also ought to
be restrained to such onely as professed handycrafts,
or those baser Artes of buying and selling, to get their
living by.
But of all this matter, my Maisters the Heralds can
better infourme you, to whome (least I be blamed for
thrusting my Side into another mans Harvest) I will
without any more, referre you.
Tunbridge, Wrotham, this towne, and Northfleete,
do lie North and South one from another : and it is a
commune and received opinion amongst the Countrie
people, that you may be conveyed from the Thamise
side, to the edge of Sussex, in these foure Parishes :
So that the whole Shyre (by that reckoning) should
be but foure Parishes broade, and yet 19. or 20. myles
over, on this part. If any man doubt of the truth, let
himselfe make the triall, for I dare not warrant it.
( 450 )
WROTH AM, in Latine by some, Vagniacae, but mista-
ken. It is in the Domesday booke also corruptly
written (Broteham) for I suppose, that pyptpam, ?s
the very right name, given for the great plentie of
icoortes (or good herbes) that growe there.
THERE was in Wrotham, of auncient time, a Manor
house, perteining to the See of the Archbishops. For
Gervasius witnesseth, that one Richard (the Arch-
bishop that succeeded Thomas Becket) lay there:
And that after suche time as he had, by great largition
and briberie, prevailed at Rome, bothe against King
Henrie (the sonne of the second of that name) in his
owne consecration) against Roger the Bishop of Yorkc
in the quarel of pre-eminencie, and against others in
other vaine suites, (so that it might never be more
truly said of that Citie in Paganisme it selfe, Roma
omnia ire venum, than in that time of Papistrie) hee
had a moste terrible dreame (or vision) in his sleepe
at Wrotham, the manner whereof (as he reporteth) was
this.
It seemed to him, that a very grave and reverend
personage, came to his bed side by night, and de-
maunded of him in a lotide voice, who art thou ? with
which noise, when the Archbishop awaked, and for
feare answered nothing, it added moreover, Thou art
he that hast scattered the goods of the Church com-
mitted to thy charge, and therefore I will scatter thee :
and so (with thewoorde) vanished out of sight.
The Archbishop arose in the morning, and having
KEMS1KG. 457
intended a iourny to Rochester, addressed himselfe
thitherward : but this vision continually presented it
selfe before the eie of his minde, and so troubled him,
that for ease of his inward griefe, he began to disclose
the whole order of it to suche as were in his companie :
whereof he had no sooner made an ende, but he was
foorthwith stricken with such a horrour, and chill
colde, that he was driven of necessitie to alight at
Hailing in his way, where in great torment he ended
his life, the next day following.
This house continued heere, untill the time of Simon
Islip, the Archbishop : who having a desire to finishe
the Palaice at Maidstone, which lohn Ufford his pre-
decessour had begun, and wanting wherewith to accom-
plish it, not only pulled downe the building at Wrot-
ham, and conveied the stuffe thither, but also obtained
of the Pope, licence to levie a Tenth throughout his
whole Province, to performe his worke withall.
•••••••••••••••
KEMSING.
IN the late time of the Popish TroXvfom, the Image of i.Thewor-
snip or ma-
Edith (the Daughter of King Edgar, and sometime ny Gods.
Prioresse of Wylton in the West Countrie) was re-
ligiously frequented in the Church-yarde at Kemsing, saint
for the preservation of Corne and Graine, from Blast-
ing, Myldew, Brandeare, and such other harmes as ins>
commonly do annoy it.
The manner of the which sacrifice was this: Some
seelie bodie brought a pecke, or two, or a Bushell of
Corne, to the Church : and (after praiers made) offered
it to the Image of the Saint : Of this offering, the Priest
KEMS1NG.
used to toll the greatest portion, and then to take one
handful, or litle more of the residue (for you must con-
sider he woulde bee sure to gaine by the bargaine) the
which after aspersion of holy water, and mumbling of
a fewe woordes of conjuration, he first dedicated to the
Image of Saint Edithe, and then delivered it backe,
to the partie that brought it : who then departed with
full persuasion, that if he mingled that hallowed hand-
full with his seede Corne, it woulde preserve from
harme, and prosper in growthe, the whole heape that
he should sowe, were it never so great a Stacke, or
mowgh.
I remember, that I have read in Terentius Varro,
that the olde Romanes (amongst innumerable others)
had in great veneration, one God, which (of Robigo,
a canker in Corne) they called Robigus, and to whomc
they made devout intercession and solemne sacrifice,
for the preservation and deliverie of their graine, from
the selfe same annoyances, that ours is subiect unto.
How much that God of the Romanes, and our God-
desse of Kemsing, differed in profession, let som
Popish gadder after straunge Gods make the accompt,
for I my selfe can finde no oddes at all.
And truly, were it not that I am loth to anticipate
nowe before time, that which I shall (God graunting)
man have both fit place, and meete time to utter here after,
points of I coulde easily shew, that the olde Romanes, and our
new Romanists, agreed in manner throughout, bolh in
the propertie and number of their Gods (if at the least
they be numerable) in the manner and multitude of
their sacrifices, in the times and forms of their solem-
nities, in the report of their false and faincd miracles :
and finally, almost in the whole hcapc and dunghill of
their filthy and superstitions Idolatries
The olde
and new
Romans
agree in
OTFORDE. 459
But 1 will awaite convenient seasons, and at this
time give to everie man the same, and none other
counsell, than Plutus, (a heathen Poet in deede, and
yet in this behalfe more heavenly than any Papist)
sometime gave in the like case, saying: Unus dum
tibi propitius est lupiter, tu hosce minutos Deosflocci
feceris. While lupiter is thy friend, set not thou a
strawe by all these petie Gods.
Falcasius (or Fulco) de Breant, was owner of the
Manor of Kemsing, and (by graunt of King Henrie
the third) had a Market there upon each Monday.
But that is long since lost, and the place shadowed
by Sennocke the next Market: Howbeit, Kemsing is
yet the mother Church (as they say) and Scale is but a
childe (or Chappell) of it.
OTFORDE, in Saxon, OtcanjionS.
WE have mention in auncient historic of two famous
battels foughten at Otforde, whereof the one happened
amongst the Saxons themselves, contending for glorie
and supreme sovereigntie : The other betweene the
Danes and Saxons, striving for landes, lives, and
libertie.
In the first, Offa the King of Mercia (having already
ioined to his dominion, the most parte of Westsex,
and Northumberland, and seeking to have added Kent 773.
also) prevailed against the inhabitants of this countrie,
not without great slaughter of his owne subiects, and
after the victorie, he both tooke divers landes from the
Archbishopricke, and also transferred (as it were in
triumphe) the Archbishops Chaire into his owne king- 786.
400 (
dome, as you heard in the beginning. Neverthelesse
he continued his favour towardes the priorieof Christes
churche, and increased it with his owne guifte of
Ickam, Roking, Perhamstede, Sandhyrst, this Otford,
and sundry other landes in the same Shyre.
In the other fight, King Edmund (surnamcd for his
great strength, Ironside) obtained against King Canu-
tus the Dane, a most honourable victorie, and pursued
1016. him (flying toward Shepey) until he came to Ailcs-
forde; committing upon the Danes suche slaughter,
and bloudie havocke, that if Edric the traitor had not
by fraudulent counsell withholden him, (as we have
before declared) he had that day made an end of their
whole annie.
s. Thomas These be the written antiquities that I finde of Ol-
spitefuli ford, which happily some men will esteeme lesse, than
miracles. tfae unwritten vanities of Thomas Becket, sometime
owner of the place : And therefore, least any should
complaine of wrong, you shall heare what they be also.
It was long since fancied, and is yet of too many be-
lieved, that while Thomas Becket lay at the olde house
at Otford (which of long time (as you see) belonged to
the Archbishops, and whereof the olde hall and cha-
pell onely doe now remaine) and sawe that it wanted
a fit spring to water it, that he strake his stafte into the
drie ground, (in a place thereof now called Sainct
Thomas Well) and that immediately the same wafer
appeered, which running plentifully, serveth the offices
of the new house till this present day.
They say also, that as he walked on a time in the
olde Parke (busie at his praiers) That he was much
hindered in devotion, by the sweete note and melodic
of a Nightingale that sang in a bush besides him : and
OXFORD J:. 461
that therefore (in the might of his holinesse) he
inioined, that from thencefoorth no birde of that kinde
should be so bolde as to sing thereabout.
Some men report likewise, that for as much as a
Smith (then dwelling in the towne) had cloyed his
horse, He enacted by like authoritie, that after that
time no Smith should thrive within the Parish. Innu-
merable such toyes, false Priestes have devised, and
fonde people (alas) have beleeved, of this iolly Martyr,
and Pope holy man : which, for the unworthinesse of the
things themselves, and for want of time (wherewith T
am streightened) I neither will, nor can, now presently
recount, but must pursue the residue that pertaineth
to this place.
For besides this Thomas, there was hold en in great s. Bartii-
veneration at Otford, another Saint, called Bartilmew,
the Apostle (as I trowe) for his feast day was kept I"3 offer-
solemne, both with a faire, and good fare there.
This man served the parson as Purveyour of his
poultrie, and was frequented (by the parishioners, and
neighbours about) for a most rare and singular proper-
tie that he professed.
For the manner was, that if any woman (conceived
with childe) desired to bring a male, shee shoulde offer
to Saint Bartholmew a Cocke Chicken, and if her wish
were to be delivered of a female, she should then pre-
sent him with a Hen.
This Saint, was as good as Mancipera, whereof the
common Adage grewe : and he differed not much from
the Priests of olde Rome, called Luperci : For a litle
of the water of the one, and the dooing of a certaine
Ceremonie by the other, was (at pleasure) as able as
Saint Bartholmew, to make barreine women become
fruitfull.
KJ-2 OTFORDE.
Assuredly, through the fraude of this foxe, the Coun-
trie people (as wise as capons) were many yeeres
together robbed of their Hens and Cocks: till at the
length it chaunced King Henrie the eight (after ex-
change made with the Archbishop for this Manor of
Otford) to have conference with some of the Towne,
about the enlarging of his Parke there : Amongst the
which, one, called Maister Robert Multon (a man,
whom for the honest memorie of his godly zeale and
vertuous life, I sticke not to name) detesting the abuse,
and espying the Prince inclined to heare him, unfolded
the whole packe of the idolatrie, and prevailed so
farre in favour, that shortly after, the King com-
maunded Saint Bartholmewe to be taken downe and to
be delivered unto him.
Thus have you hearde, the contention of the Saxons,
the overthrowe of the Danes, the fraude of Popish
Priestes, the follie of simple folkes, and the fall of de-
ceitfull idolatrie. Now a few woordes (for example)
of the prodigalitie of a proude Prelate, and then to the
residue.
The Pa- William Warham the Archbishop, minding to leave
*° posteritie, some glorious monument of his worldly
wealth, and misbegotten treasure, determined to have
raised a gorgious Palaice for himselfe and his succes-
sours in the Citie of Canterbury, but (upon occasion
of a difference that arose betweene him and the citizens
for the limits of his soyle there) he chaunged his former
purpose, and in displeasure towards them, bestowed
at Otforde, thirty and three thousand poundes, upon
the house that is now to be scene, notwithstanding
that hee himselfe, Morton his immediate predecessour,
and Bourchier before him had not long before liberally
OTFOUDE. 4(j3
huilded at Knolle, a house little more than two miles
from it.
For, that house also (so called of the situation
which is upon the knap, (or Knoll) of a hill,) had
Bishop Bourchier in the beginning of his time pur-
chased of William Fynys the Lorde Saye, of the Scale,
and appropriated it to the See of the Archbishopricke.
But now before I can depart from Otford, I am to Erasmus
doth nns-
begge licence for a woorde or two more, as well for report the
the satisfaction of mine owne promise heeretofore thTcou-
made, as also for the direction of my Reader, which Jeution,
between
otherwise by the countenance of a certaine famous the King
and learned writer, might be quight and cleane carried
from me.
Des. Erasmus taking occasion, in the Preface to
Frauncis the French King, (prefixed before his Para-
phrase upon Saint Markes Gospell) to discourse upon
the great troubles and warres that were in his time be-
tweene the Princes of Christendome, declareth, that it
were a laudable labour for some man of the Clergie
(even with the hazard of his life) to become the instru-
icnt of their reconciliation.
And amongst other examples of times passed, he
bringeth in Thomas Becket, who (as he speaketh)
?pared not to exercise the Evangelicall libertie (mean-
ing excommunication., belike) upon the King himselfe,
and that for a verie small matter : wherein, although
he profited little in his life (saith lie) yet by his death
he purchased both gaine and glorie, to himselfe, and
the whole Clergie.
Which saide, he addeth in effect as followeth : They
contended (saith he) not for reconciling Princes one
to another, but the controversie was onely for a cer-
OITOUDH:
taine withdrawing house, called Otfonle, u place more
meete for a religious mans meditation, then for a Prin-
ces pleasure, with the which (saith Erasmus) I my
selfe could not have beene greatly in love, till such
time as William Warham the Archbishop, bestowed
so great cost upon it, that he might be thought rather
to have raised a new house in the place, than to have
repaired the olde : for he left nothing of the first
woorke, but onely the wals of a hall, and a chapell.
Thus farre out of Erasmus. Wherein first (by the
way) you may espie the reason that mooved King
Henrie the eight, to take that house by exchaunge
from the Archbishop, namely, bicause Warham (not
contented to continue it a plaine house, fit to withdrawe
himselfe unto for contemplation and praier) had so
magnificently enlarged the same, that it was now be-
come meete, to make a Palaice for a Kings habitation
and pleasure.
But let us come to our matter. You see heere that
Erasmus maketh this house, the matter, and motive of
al the contention that was betweene the King and the
Archbishop : which if it be so, then have not I faith-
fully dealt, in laying the cause thereof to be such, as
appeereth in Canterburie before, and consequently, I
have too too much abused the Reader.
But for a short answere hereto, I doe eftsoones
avow, that not onely William of Newburgh, Roger
Hoveden, and Mathew Parise (whom chiefly I have
followed in this storie, and which all, were, either men
living when the matter was in hande, or borne imme-
diately after) do plainly testifie with me, that the
ordinaunces made at Clarendune, were the very sub-
iect and motive of all that strife : but also the whole
OTFORDE. 405
number of our historians following, yea and the very
authours of the Quadriloge it selfe (or song of foure
parts, for they yeeld a concent, though it be without
Harmonic) doe all, with one pen and mouth, acknow-
ledge the same.
Amongst the rest, Polydore sheweth himselfe ex-
ceeding angrie, with some that had blowne abroad
some such like sound of the cause of this great hurley
burley : for he saith plainly, that they were Amentia
pleni, quideblaterabant, Thomamconservandarumpos-
sessionum caussd, tantum wjuriarum accepisse, starke
madde, which babbled that Thomas did receive so ma-
nic iniuries, for saving of his possessions.
But for all this, to the ende that it may fully appeere,
both that Erasmus hath said somewhat, and also from
whence (as I suppose) this thing was mistaken, I pray
you heare the Quadriloge or storie of his life it selfe :
for that only shall suffice to close up the matter.
It appeereth by the authors of that worke, that after
such time as the King and the Bishop had long con-
tended (and that with great heate) about the Statutes
of Clarendune, and that the Bishop, upon great offence
taken, had made three severall attempts to crosse the
Seas towarde the Pope, and was alwaies by contrarie
winde repulsed, and driven to the land againe : The
King in his iust indignation, sought by all possible
meanes to bridle his immoderate peevishnesse : and
therefore, first resumed into his owne handes, all such
honors and castles of his owne as he had committed to
the Bishops custodie : Then called he an assembly of
all his Nobility and Bishops to Northampton castle,
where before them all, he first charged Thomas with
five hundred poundes that he had long before lent
2 H
46G OTFORDE.
him : for the re-paiment whereof, he there compelled
him to give five severall sureties.
This done, he called him to an account for thirtie
thousand Markes, received of the revenues of the
crowne, during the time that he was Chauncelour.
Now, whilest the Archbishop was much troubled with
this matter (sometime denying to yeelde any account
at all, sometime craving respite to make a resolute an-
swere, but alwaies delaying the time, and meditating
how to shift the place) there come (on a time) into his
lodging, the Bishops of London and Chichester : who,
finding him at supper, saide unto him (woorde for
woorde of the Quadriloge) as followeth, that is, That
they had found out a way for peace : and when the
Archbishop had required, under what forme? They
answered : There is a question for money betweene
you, and the King : If therefore you will assigne unto
™wi!)an0r the Kin£» vour two Manors> Otford and Wingham in
ham- the name of a pledge, we beleeve that he being there-
with pacified, will not onely resigne you the Manors
againe, and forgive you the money, but also a great
deale the sooner receive you to his favour. To this,
the Archbishop replied, The Manor of Hethe was
sometime belonging to the Church of Canterburie (as
I have hearde) which the King now hath in demeane :
And albeit that the only challenge of the thing is suf-
ficient cause to have it restored to the Church of Can-
terbury, yet I doe not looke that it will be done in these
times : Neverthelesse, rather than I will renounce the
right, which the Church of Canterbury is saide to have
in that Manor, either for the appeasing of any trouble
whatsoever, or for recoverie of the Kings favour, I
will offer this head of mine (and touched it) to any
OTFORDE. 467
hazarde or daunger, whatsoever it be : The Bishops
being angrie with this, went out from him, and tolde
the King of all, and his indignation was sore kindled
with it. Thus much out of the Quadriloge faithfully
translated.
Now, upon the whole matter, it appeereth: first,
that the quarrell was for the lawes of Clarendune which
yet depended: and then, that, even as a fire being
once kindled, the flame seeketh all about, and im-
braceth whatsoever it findeth in the way : So the King
1 being offended with the rebellion of this Bishop, left
no stone untaken up, that might bee hurled at him,
I arid therefore brought in against him, bothe debtes,
jaccomptes, and whatsoever other meanes of annoy-
aunce.
Moreover, it falleth out that this matter of Otforde
and Wingham (for as you now see it was not Otford
alone) was not at all tossed betweene the King and
the Archbishop, but mooved onely by the pacifiers
(these two Bishops) as a meete meane of reconciliation
in their owne opinion and iudgement : or, if it may be
thought, that they were sent and suborned by the King
himselfe with that devise : yet is it manifest that the
right of the houses themselves was not desired, but
onely that they might remain as a paune til the ac-
pounts were audited : Nether if the gift of this house
would have made an ende of the strife, doth it by and
)y follow, that the contention was mooved at the first
ibout it.
| And therefore, as on the one side you may see, that
Erasmus his report is but matter of Preface, and no-
ijospell : So yet on the other side it is evident, that of
uch and so lustie a stomacke was this Archbishop,
2 H 2
468 HOLMES DALK.
that if former cause had not bcene, yet he could have
found in his hart to fall out with his Prince for this,
or for a smaller matter.
For, what would he not adventure for a Manor or
twaine in lawfull possession, that would not stick to
hazard his head before he would release that right,
which he thought he had to a piece of lande, and that
but onely by hearesay, or supposition ; But it is more
than time to make an end, and therefore leaving
Thomas, and his house, in the bottom, let us now
climbe the Hill toward Sennocke.
HOLMES DALE, that is to say, the Dale betiveme the
wooddie hilles.
THERE are as yet to be scene, at Reigate in Surrey,
Reigate
Castle in the ruines of an ancient castle sometime belonging to
Surrey* the Earls of Surrey, which Alfrede of Beverley calleth
Holme, and which the Countrie people do yet terxnc,
the Castle of Holmesdale. This tooke the name, of
the Dale wherein it stand eth, which is large in quan-
tity, extending it selfe a great length into Surrey, and
Kent also, and was (as I coniecture) at the first called
Holmesdale, by reason that it is (for the most part)
Convallis, a plaine valley, running between two hils,
that be replenished with stoare of wood: for, so much
the very word (Holmesdale) it selfe importeth.
In this Dale (a part of which we now crosse, in our!
way to Sennocke) the people of Kent (being en-
couraged by the prosperous successe of Edwardo
their King, the Sonne of Alfrede, and commonly siir-
S.KNNOCKE. 469
named Edwarde the Elder) assembled themselves,
and gave to the Danes, that had many yeers before
afflicted them, a moste sharpe and fierce encounter,
in the which, after long fight they prevailed, and the
Danes, were overthrowne and vanquished.
This victorie, and the like event in an other battaile
(given to the Danes at Otforde, which standeth in this
same valley also) begate, as I gesse, the common by
woord, used amongst the inhabitauntes of this vale,
even till this present day, in which they vaunt after
this manner,
The vale of Holmesdale,
Never wonne, nor never shale.
SENNOCKE, or (as some call it) Seven oke, of a num-
ber of trees, as they coniecture.
ABOUT the latter ende of the reigne of King Ed-
rarde the thirde, there was found (lying in the streetes J^heoole
Sennocke) a poore childe, whose Parents were un- audAimes-
aiowne, and he (for the same cause) named after the
place where he was taken up, William Sennocke.
This Orphan, was by the helpe of some charitable 1418.
persons, brought up and nourtured, in suche wise, that
being made an Apprentice to a Grocer in London, he
arose by degrees (in course of time) to be Maior, and
chiefe magistrate of that Citie.
At which time, calling to his minde, the goodnes of
Almightie God, and the favour of the Townesmen, ex-
tended towardes him, he determined to make an ever-
lasting monument of his thank full minde for the same.
470 ELTHAM.
1418. And therefore, of his owne charge, builded both an
Hospitall for reliefe of the poore, and a Free Schoole
for the education of youthe within this Towne : endow-
ing the one and the other, with competent yeerely
living (as the daies then suffered) towards their sus-
tentation, and maintenance : But since his time, the
Schoole was much amended by the liberalise of one
lohn Potkyn, which lyved under the reigne of King
Henrie the eight : and now lately also, in the second
1542. yeere of the reigne of our sovereigne Ladie, through
the honest travaile of divers the inhabitants there, not
only the yeerely stipend is much increased, and the for-
mer litigious possessions quietly established : but the
corporation also chaunged into the name of Wardeins,
and foure assistants, of the towne and parish of Sen-
nocke, and of the Free Schoole of Queene Elizabeth
in Sennocke.
TheTown. rfhe present estate of the Towne it selfe is good, and
it seemeth to have been (for these many yeeres toge-
ther) in no woorse plight : And yet finde I not in all
historic, any memorable thing concerning it, save
onely, that in the time of King Henrie the sixt, lack
Cade, and his mischievous meiny, discomfited there
1449. Sir Humfrey Stafford, and his Brother, two Noble
Gentlemen, whom the King had sent to encounter
them.
ELTHAM.
An edify- ANTHONIE Becke, that Bishop of Durham, which
p' in the reignes of King Henrie the thirde, and of King
Edward his Sonne, builded Auclande Castle in the
ELTHAM. 471
Bishopricke of Durham, Somcrton Castle in Lincoln-
shire, and Durham place at London, was (by the report
of lohn Leland) either the very Author, or the first
heatitifier, of this the Princes house here at Eltham
also.
It is noted in historic of that man, that he was in all
his life and Port so gay and glorious, that the No-
bilitie of the Realme disdained him greatly therefore.
But they did not consider (belike) that he was in pos-
session Bishop of Durham, which had lura regalia,
the Prerogatives of a pety king-dome : and that he was
by election, Patriarch of lerusalem, which is neere
Cousin to a Popedome : in which respects, he might
well ynough be allowed to have Domus splendidas
luxu regali, his houses, not onely as gay as the Noble
mens, but also as gorgeous as the Kings owne. But,
Sequuntur prodigum rapince: Pillage, is the hand-
maide of prodigalitie. For, as it is the condition of
Prodigal men to catch from some, to cast to others :
So this man, having gotten this and other lands by de-
frauding that trust, which the last Lorde Vescy reposed
in him for the behoofe of a Bastard that he left, he
bestowed it (as Master Camden writeth) upon Eleonor
the Wife of King Edward the first, for supportation (I
think) of his owne haughtinesse, and vaine glorie.
And yet he builded no faster here, than he destroied
in other places, as may appeere by a complaint ex-
hibited in Parlement against him, for destruction of
the woods, and oppression of the tenants of his Bi-
shopricke, whereupon also a speciall prohibition was
awarded to restraine him.
To say the trueth, this was not Bishoplike to builde
up the spirituall house with lively stones, resting on
472 ELTI1AM.
the chiefe comer to Heaven, and to Godward : hut
with Mammon and Materiall stuffe to erect warrlike
Castles for the nourishment of contention, arid stately
Palaces, for the maintenance of worldly pride and
pleasure, towardes Hell and the Divell. Howbeit,
letting all that passe, let us see what afterwardes be-
came of this peece of his building.
1270. King Henrie the Third (saith Mat. Parise) toward
the latter ende of his reigne, kept a Royall Christmas
(as the manner then was) at Eltham, being accom-
panied with his Queene and Nobilitie : and this
(belike) was the first warming of the house (as I may
call it) after that the Bishop had finished his worke.
For I do not hereby gather, that hitherto the King had
. any propertie in it, for as much as the Princes in those
daies, used commonly both to soiourne for their plea-
sures, and to passe their set solemnities also, in Ab-
baies and in Bishops houses. But yet (as you see)
soone after the house came to the possession of the
Crowne : for more proofe whereof I praye you heare
and marke what followeth also.
1315. The wife of King Edward the second, bare unto
him a Sonne at his house, who was thereof surnamed
1363. lohn of Eltham. What time King lolm of Fraunce
(which had been prisoner in England) came over to
visite King Edward the third (who had most honorably
intreated him) the King and his Queen lay at Eltliam
to entertaine him.
1412. King Henry the fourth also, kept his last Christ-
masse at Eltham. And King Henry his soniie and
1414. successour, lay there at a Christmas likewise, when
he was faine to depart suddenly, for feare of some
that had conspired to murder him.
ELTHAAi. 473
Furthermore, lohn Rosse writeth plainly, that King 1476.
Edward the fourth, to his great cost, repaired his house
at Eltham : at which time also (as I suppose) he in-
closed Home parke, one of the three, that be here,
and enlarged the other twaine.
And it is not yet fully out of memorie, that King
Henry the seventh, set up the faire front over the
mote there : since whose reigne, this house, by reason
of the neerenesse to Greene wiche (which also was
much amended by him, and is through the beneh'te of
the River, a seate of more commoditie) hath not beene
so greatly esteemed : the rather also for that the plea-
sures of the emparked groundes here, may be in man-
ner as well enioyed, the Court lying at Greenwiche,
as if it were at this house it selfe.
These be the things that I had to remember inTUepero-
ration or
Eltham: And (to make an ende of all) these be the this worke
places, whereof I meant to make note in this my
Xenagogie and Perambulation of Kent, the first and
onely Shyre that I have described : wherein although
I have not spoken of sundry Townes, nothing in-
feriour, at this present, in estimation to a great many
that I have handeled, and happily equall with them in
antiquitie also, yet I thinke I have neither pretermitted
many that be much worthie of observation, nor scarce-
ly omitted any, that be mentioned in such bookes of
Historic, as bee easily to be had and obteined.
But as for the Feodaries and Tenures of land, the
Genealogies and Armes of men, the Ebbes, Floudes,
and Tides of the Sea and Rivers, the Flattes, and
Barres of Havens, and such other more hidden things,
although somewhat might have beene severally said
concerning each of them, yet have I wittingly, and
474 ELTHAM.
without touch, Icpt over them all : Partly for the in-
certeintie, partly that I scatter not any seede of dissen-
tion and envie, and partly least, vvhilest (by disclosing
secrets, and labouring to serve the curiositie of some
few) I either offend many of the sadder sort, or deserve
evill of the whole Estate.
Now therefore, I will both deliver you, and rest me :
wishing that some other man of greater profite in read-
ing, deapth in ludgement, and Dexteritie in penning,
woulde have undertaken the labour. For as I at the
first assaied it, to proove my selfe, to provoke any,
and to pleasure and profite others : So, having now
atchieved it (after the measure of my small talent) if
any man shall like to take this mettall, drawen by me
out of a fewe Sowes into many sheetes, and will ham-
mer it to some further and finer fashion, I will not
onely not envie it, but will most gladly thanke him, and
gratulate to our Countrie so good a turne and benefite.
As touching the description of the residue of this
Realme, finding by this one, how harde it will be for
any one (and much more for my selfe) to accomplish
it for all, I can but wish in like sort, that some one in
each Shyre woulde make the enterprise for his owne
Countrie, to the end that by ioyning our Pennes, and
conferring our labours (as it were, ex symbolo) we
might at the last by the union of many partes and
papers compact one whole and perfect bodie and booke
of our English Topographic.
Here left I (good Reader) when I first set foortli
this Woorke : Since which time I finde my desire not
a little served by Master Camdens Britannia : where-
in, as he hath not onely farre exceeded whatsoever
hath been formerly attempted in that kynd, but hath
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 475
also passed the expectation of other men and even his
own hope : So do I acknowledge it written to the
great Honour of the realme with men abroad and to
the singular delight, of us all at home, having for mine
own particular found my self thereby to have learned
much even in that Shyre wherein I had endevoured to
know most. Neverthelesse, being assured that the
Inwardes of each place may best be knowen by such
as reside therein, I can not but still encourage some
one able man in each Shyre to undertake his owne,
whereby both many good particularities will come to
disco verie every where, and Master Camden him selfe
may yet have greater choice wherewith to amplifie and
enlarge the whole.
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
ALTHOUGH good order mighte have borne the
rehersall of the ancient Customes of this Shire, in that
generall discourse which we had in the beginning as
touching the estate of this whole Countrie, the rather
for that it was there shewed by what meanes and po-
licie they were conserved : yet, least the recitall of the
same (being of themselves large and manifold) might
have beene thought too great a Parenthesis, or rather
an interruption of the Historic, wherein wee were as
then but newly entred, I thought it better to reserve
them for this place : to the ende, that both the one and
the other, might appeere, without breach, or confu-
sion.
These Customes, therefore, being (for the most
part) discrepant from the common lawes of our Realme,
47(J THE CUSTOMES ()!' KKNT.
and annexed to such landes within this Shyre, as beare
the name of Gavelkinde, are commonly called Gavel-
kinde Customes, for that they prevaile and have place,
in landes of Gavelkinde nature. In which respect, it
shall not be amisse to shew, for what reason those
landes were at the first so termed, and why they doe
yet hitherto continue the name.
Two coniectures I have of the reason of this name :
The one grounded upon the nature of the discent, and
inheritance of these lands themselves: The other
founded upon the manner of the dutie and services,
that they yeelde: bothe which I will not sticke to
recite, and yet leave to each man free choice, to
receive either, or to refuse both, as it shall best like
him.
The name I gather by Cornelius Tacitus, and others, that the
whereofft auncient Germans, (whose ofspring we be) suffered
arose. their landes to descende, not to the Eldest Sonnc
alone, but to the whole number of their male Children:
and I finde in the 75. Chapter of Canutus lawe (a King
of this Realme before the Conquest) that after the
death of the father, his heires should divide both his
goods, and his lands amongst them.
Now, for as much as all the next of the kinred did
this inherite together, I coniecture, that therefore the
land was called, either Gavelkyn, in meaning, Give all
kyn, bicause it was given to all the next in one line of
kinred: or Give all kynd, that is, to all the male
children: for kynd, in Dutch, signifieth yet a male
cliilde. Besides this, the Welshmen also (who but
now lately lost this custome) do in their language call
this discent, Gwele, and in their Latine Kecordes,
.Lectus, progenies, et gavelta, of their own woord,
THE CUSTOMER OL KENT. 477
Gefeilled, which signifieth Twins, or such as be borne
together, bicause they doe all inherite together, and
make (as it were) but one heire, and not many.
And here (by the way) I cannot omit to shew, that
they of this our Kentish countrie, do yet call their par- TO shift
tition of lande (shifting) even by the very same woord ^"o^
that the lawe of Canutus many yeeres since termed it, terme.
namely (Scyptan) in Latine, Herciscere, that is, to
shift, depart, or divide land.
My other coniecture, is raised upon the consideration
of the rent and services going out of these landes : for
it is well knowen, that as Knights service lande, re-
quired the presence of the tenant, in warfare and bat-
taile abroad : So this land (being of Socage tenure)
commaunded his attendance at the plough, and other
the Lordes affaires of husbandry, at home : the one by
manhoode defending his Lordes life and person, the
other by Industrie mainteining with rent, corne, and
victual, his estate and familie.
This rent, and customarie paiment of woorkes, the
Saxons called, japol, and thereof (as I thinke) they
named the lande that yeelded it jajiolette, or gapol-
cynS, that is to say, lande Letten for rent, or of the
kinde to yeelde rent. In this sense I am sure, that the
rents, customes, and services, which the tenants of
London pay to their lande lordes, were woont (and yet
are) to be recovered, by a Writ, thereof called Ga-
vellet, as by an auncient statute, made in the tenth
yeere of King Edward the second, intituled, Statutum,
de Gaveleto, in London, and by daily experience there,
it may well appeere. Thus much then concerning the
Etymon of this woorde Gavelkinde, being said, let us
proceede further.
478 THE GUSTO MES OF KENT.
T1itie of" ** ^at^ a^rea(^y aPpeered, how the Kcntishmen, hn-
Gaveikind mediately after the Conquest, obteined the con-
tinuation of their customes : and it is very manifest by
auncient writers, that the same (for the more part)
have beene in use and exercise ever since. For
(omitting that which Thomas Spot hath written con-
cerning the same matter, for as much as it is already
recited at large) Glanvile, a learned man, that flourished
in the reigne of King Henrie the second, in his seventh
booke, and thirde chapter : Bracton, that lived in the
time of King Henrie the third, in his second booke,
De acquirendo rerum domino: And Bretton, that
wrate under King Edwarde the first, and by his com-
mandement : have all expresse mention, of landes par-
tible amongst the males by usage of the place, and
some of them recite the very name of Gavelkind it
selfe. But most plainly of all, an auncient Treatise,
received by tradition from the handes of our elders
(whereof I my selfe have one exemplar, written out,
as I suppose, in the time of King Edwarde the first)
agreeing with the daily practise of these customes,
prooveth the continuance of them, to stand with good
The divi- lawe and liking. And therfore, forbearing (as need-
!8 lesse) further testimonie in that behalfe, I will descende
to the disclosing of the customes themselves: not
numbring them by order as they lye in that treatise,
but drawing them forth as they shal concerne, either
the lande it selfe, or the persons that I will orderly
speake of, that is to say, particularly the Lord and the
Tenant : The husband and the wife : The childe and
the gardien, and so after addition of a few other things
incident to this purpose, I will drawe to an end.
As touching the lande it selfe, in which these cus-
THE CUSTOMER OF KENT. 479
tomes have place, it is to be understanded, that all the ,whjat.
lands be of
lands within this Shyre, which be of auncient Socage Gaveikind
tenure, be also of the nature of Gaveikind. For, as
for the lands holden by auncient tenure of Knights
service, they be at the common lawe, and are not de-
partible after the order of this custome, except cer-
teine, which being holden of olde time by Knights
service of the Archbishop of Canterbury, are never-
thelesse departible, as it may appeere by an opinion
of the ludges in the Kings Benche, 26. H. 8. fol. 4.
And that grew by reason of a graunt, made by King
John, to Hubert the Archbishop, the tenor whereof
(being exemplified out of an auncient roll, late re- Some
maining in the handes of the deceased Reverend fa- is Gavel-66
ther, Mathew, the Archbishop) hereafter followeth. kind>
loannes Dei gratia, Rex Anglia, Dominus Hiber-
nice, Dux Normanice, Aquitanice, et Comes Ande-
gaven. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comi-
tibus, Baronibus, lusticiariis, Vicecomitibus, Prcepo-
\ sitis ministris, et omnibus Ballivis, et fidelibus suis :
! Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, et prcesenti charta
nostra confir masse, venerabili patri nostro ac Chro.
Huberto, Cantuar. Archiepiscopo, et successoribus
\ suis in perpetuum, quod liceat eis terras, quas homines
de Jeodo Ecclesice Cantua. tenent in Gaveikind, con-
vertere in feodo militum. Et quod idem Episcop. et
successores sui, eandem in omnibus potestatem, et liber-
\tatem habeant in perpetuum, in homines illos qui
terras easdem ita in feodo militum conversas tenebunt,
let in hceredes eorum quam ipse Archiepiscopus habet,
et successores sui post eum habebunt, in alios milites
de feodo Ecclesice Cantuar. et in hceredes. Et homi-
nes illi, et hceredes eorum, eandem et omnem liberf.atem
480 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
habeant in perpetuum, quam alii milites defeodo Ec-
clesice Cantuar. et haredes eorum kabent. Ita tamen,
quod nihilominus consuetus redditus deriariorum,
reddatur integrt de terris suis, sicut prim, xenia,
averagia, et alia opera, qua fiebant de terris iisdem,
convertantur in redditum denariorum aquivalentem .
Et redditus ille reddatur, sicut alius redditus denario-
rum. Quare volumus et firmiter pracipimus, quod
quicquid pr&dictus Archiepiscopus et successores sui
post eum, de terris Hits in feodo militum secundum
pr&scriptam formam convertendis fecerint, ratum in
perpetuum et stabile permaneat. Et prohibemus ne
quis contra factum ipsius Archiepiscopi, vel successo-
rum suorum, in hac parte venire pr&sumat. Teste E.
Eliense, etS. Bathon, Episcopis. G.filio Petri, comite
Essex. Willmo Marescallo, comite de Penbroc. Ro-
berto de Harocort. Garino, filio Geraldi. Petro de
Stoke. Ric. de Reverus. Roberto de Tateshal. Da-
tum per manum S. Archid. Willielmi apud Rupem
aurival. 4. die Maii Anno regni nostri tertio. And I
finde a Note of a Recorde, within 4. yeeres after, to
this effect : " Henricus Pratt dat Regi. 2. palfredos,
" pro habenda conjirmatione Domini Regis de 4. lu-
" gatis et. 5. acris terra, in villa de Bradborne in
" Gavelkynd ad tenendum de catero in dimidio feodi
" militis, sicut Charta Baldwin! de Betun Comitis
" Albemarla testatur : Fyn. Reg. loannis, memb. 8.
But now for as much as it is disputable, whether these
actes of the King and other men be of sufficient vertue
to chaunge the nature of the Gavelkynd land or no,
and for that the certeintie of all the landes so con-
verted into Knight fee, doth not any where (that I
have scene) appeere (onely in a copie of the booke of
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 401
Aide, levied in this Shire, Anno. 20. Edward. 3. it is
foure or five times noted, that certeine landes there,
be holden in Knights service, Per novam licentiam
Archiepiscopi) I will leave this, and proceede to
proove that all the landes of auncient tenure in
Knights service, be subiect to the ordinarie course of
discent at the common lawe. And that may I (as me
thinketh) sufficiently doe, both by the expresse wordes
of a note. 9. H. 3. in the title of Prescription, 63. in
Fitzherbert : by the resolution of the same Fitzherbert,
and Norwiche, Justices, 26. H. 8. 5. And by plaine
recital, in the acte oi Parleament, made 31. H. 8. Ca.
3. by which statute, the possessions of certeine Gen-
tlemen (there named) were delivered from this cus-
tomarie discent, and incorporated to the common lawe.
For (amongst other things) in that acte it is saide,
That from thencefoorth, such their landes shal be
changed from the saide Custome, and shal descend as
lands at the common lawe, and as other lands being in
the saide countie of Kent, which never were holden
by service of Socage, but alwaies have beene holden
by Knights service, do descend. By which woordes
it is verie evident, that the makers of that estatute, un-
derstood all lands holden by Knights service, to be of
their proper nature descendable after the common
lawe, and that Socage tenure was the onely subiect
in which this our custome of Gavelkynd discent had
place and prevailed.
But when I thus speake of Socage, and Knights Auncient
fee, I must alwaies be understanded to meane of a fee^Jnot
tenure long since, and of auncient time continued, and of the na-
not now newly, or lately created : for so it may fall veikynd.
out otherwise then is alreadie reported. As for exam-
2 I
4tW THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
pic. If land aunciently holdcn by Knights service,
come to the Princes hand, who afterwarde giveth the
same out againe to a common person, to be holden of
his Manor of Eastg renew ichc in Socage, I suppose
that this land (notwithstanding the alteration of the
tenure) remaineth descendable to the eldest son only,
as it was before : As also, in like sorte, if landes of
auncient Socage service come to the crowne, and be
delivered out againe, to be holden either of the Prince
in Capite, or by Knights service of any Manor, I
thinke it ought to descend according to the custome,
notwithstanding that the tenure be altered.
And if this be true, in the graunt of the King him-
selfe, then much lesse (saving the reverence due k>
King lohns Chartre) might the Archbishop or any
other by a new creation of tenure, make to his tenants
The any alteration, of this olde custome and maner. For,
Gavdkiml as ^ie P^ea(^mo is> Quod terrce pr<edlct<e sunt de tenura
tenure, is et naturct de Gavelkind: Even so the trueth is, that
ofthena- the present tenure only guideth not the discent, but
vefkind?a tnat tne tenure and tne nature together, do governe it.
And therefore, as on the one side, the custome cannot
attache, or take holde of that which was not before in
nature subiect to the custome, that is to say, accustom-
ably departed : So on the other side, the practise of
the custome, long time continued, may not be inter-
rupted, by a bare alteration of the tenure. And this
is not my fantasie, but the resolution of all the lusti-
ces (as ludge Dalison himselfe hath left reported)
4. and 5. Philippi and Mariae: And also of the Court.
26. H. 8. 5. where it was affirmed, that if a man being-
seised of Gavelkind lande, holden in Socage, make a
gift in taile, and create a tenure in Knights service,
THE CtJSTOMES OF KENT. 483
that yet this land must descend after the custome, as it
did before the chaunge of the tenure.
Moreover, as the chaunge of the tenure cannot pre- A contra-
vaile against this custome : So neither the continuance change??/
of a con trade usage, may alter this prescription. For
it is holden. 16. E. 2. Prescription, 52. in Fitzherbert, veikind.
that albeit the eldest sonne only hath (and that for
many discents together) entered into Gavelkynde
land, and occupied it without any contradiction of the
younger brothers, that yet the lande remaineth partible
betweene them, when so ever they will put to their
claime. Against which assertion, that which is saide
10. H. 3. in the title of Prescription. 64. namely of
the issue taken thus, Si terra ilia fuit partibilis, et
partita, nee ne, is not greatly forceable. For it is not
expresly there spoken of Kent (where the custome is
most generall) and although it were so that the lande
were never departed in deede, yet if it remaine partible
in nature, it may be departed when so ever occasion
shall be ministred. And therefore, even in the forme
of pleading used at this day (Quod terra ilia, d toto
tempore fyc. partibilis fait, et partita) it is plainly
taken, that the woord (partibilis) onely is of sub-
stance, and that the woorde (partita) is but of forme,
and not materiall, or traversable at all. And this
caused them of the Parlement (31. H. 8. cap. 3.) to
speake in the disjunctive, that have beene departed, or
bee departible.
Yea, so inseparable is this custome from the land
in which it obteineth, that a contrarie discent (con-
tinued in the case of the Crowne it selfe) cannot hinder,
but that (after such time as the lande shall resort againe
to a common person) the former inveterate custome
212
4U4 THE CUSTOMES (>l KENT.
shall governe it. As for the purpose. Landes of
Gavelkynde nature come to the Queenes handes, by
purchase, or by eschete, as hoi den of her Manor of A.
which she purchased. Now after her death, all her
sonnes shall inherite and divide them: But if they
come to her by forfeiture in Treason, or by gifte in
Parleament, so that her Grace is seized of them in
lure Corona?, then her eldest sonne onely (which shall
be King after her) shall enioye them. In which case,
although those lands which the eldest sonne ( being
King1) did possesse, doe come to his eldest sonne after
him (being King also) and so from one to another, by
sundrie discents: Yet the opinion of Sir Anthonie
Browne was 7. Elizab. that if at any time after, the
same lands be graunted to a common person, they
shall revolt to their former nature of Gavelkynde, and
be partible amongst his heires males, notwithstanding,
that they have runne a contrarie course, in divers the
peapbe- discentes of the Kings before. But much lesse then
ojij, may the unitie of possession in the Lorde, frustrate the
!" a high* custome of Gavelkynd discent, as it may appeere 14.
defence: jj. 4. in the long Recordare. Onely therefore these
and the
customes two cases I doubt of, concerning this point, and
mandie thereupon iudge them meete to be inquired of. That
^* *s ^° sav> nrs^ i1 a tenancie in Gavelkynde eschete to
fee, de the Lord, by reason of a Ceasser (as heereafter it shall
which ow- appeere, that it may) or if it be graunted unto the
fcncUhe" ^orde by the tenant, without any reservation, which
land by Lorde holdeth over by fee of Haubert, or by Serieancie
full armes,
that is, by (both which I take to be Knights service) whether now
horse, hau- , , . ,.
bert, tar- this tenancie be partible amongst the heires males ol
swo'rde or tne ^ord or no- For *ne auncient treatise of the Ken-
helme: \ tish Customs so determineth, but T wot not whether
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 485
experience so alloweth. The other doubt is this, if it i4
eth of 300.
be so that any whole towne, or village in Kent, hath acres of
not at any time (that can be shewed) beene acquainted isYhcT
with the exercise of Gavelkynde discent, whether yet same
9 suppose)
the custome of Gavelkynde shall have place there or that we
no. Toward the resolution of which later ambiguitie, "hole a
it shall tende somewhat to shewe, how farre this cus- f™ghts
tome extendeth it selfe within this our countrey.
It is commonly taken therefore, that the custome of The cus-
Gavelkynde is generall, and spreadeth it selfe through- Gavelkind
out the whole Shyre, into all landes subiect by aun- g
cient tenure unto the same, such places onely excepted, Kent
where it is altered by acte of Parleament. And there-
fore 5. E. 4. 8. and 14. H. 4. 8. it is saide, that the
custome of Gavelkynde is (as it were) a common law
in Kent. And the book 2. E. 4. 19. affirmeth, that in
demaunding Gavelkynde lande, a man shall not neede
to prescribe in certaine, and to shew, That the Towne,
Borowe, or Citie, where the landes be, is an auncient
towne, borowe, or citie, and that the custome hath
been there (time out of minde) that the lands within
the same towne, borow, or citie, should descend to all
heires males. But that it is sufficiently ynough, to
shew the custome at large, and to say, That the lande
lieth in Kent, and that all the landes there be of the
nature of Gavelkinde.
For, a Writ of partition of Landes in Gavelkynde
(saith Maister Litleton) shall be as generall, as if the
lands were at the Common law, although the declar-
ation ought specially to conteine mention of the Cus-
tome of the Countrie. This universalitie therefore
considered, as also the strait bond (wherby the Cus-
tome is so inseparably knit to the land, as in manner
486 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
nothing but an acte of Parleamcnt can cleerely dissever
them) I see not, how any City, Towne, or Borow, can
be exempted, for the onely default of putting the Cus-
tome in ure, more than the Eldest Sonne (in the case
before) may for the like reason prescribe against his
yonger brethren.
This was the resolute and setled opinion, not onely
of the best professors and practizers, but also of the
Moderne Justices and ludges of the Law, at such time
as I first published this Customal of our Shyre : and
accordingly was this custome of Gavelkynde discent
then put in ure, without any reclaime in the Countrie,
as a great many yet alive can testifie with me.
Howbeit, knowing that of latter yeers there hath
beene some strong opposition, and seeing that now at
this day some doe incline, and others doe stagger
therein, I hold it necessarie, to let the reader knowe,
both what they say, and what I reade, that may en-
forme his understanding in that point also.
" Graunting therefore (say they) that all the lands
" of Gavelkynde nature be of the Tenure in Socage :
" yet is it not therefore to be graunted, that on the
" other side, that all the landes of Socage Tenure be
" of the nature of Gavelkynde. For, as there be two
Socage, of " sortes of Socage, the one Free, the other Base, So
two sorts. (( .g QIG nature of their Discent divers also : the Free
" Socage descending to the eldest alone, the Base fall-
" ing in division betweene him and all his Brethren."
This distinction and difference of Tenure and Dis-
cent, they faile not to iustifie by a great number of
Inquisitions, remaining of Recorde in the Tower of
London, whereof my loving friend, Master Michael
Henneage (the worthy keeper of them) hath shewed
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 187
sundrie unto my selfe. Amongst them all, one hath
fallen into my handes, whereof bothe this and further
use may be made, and to that end I will exemplitie it
unto you, as it lieth before me.
Ex Bundello Eschaet. de Anno Primo Edwardi
tertii.
Inquisitio facia apud Thonebregge, coram Eschae-
tore Domini Regis, in Comitatu Kanc^ xxv. die Feb-
ruarii, Anno Regni Regis Edwardi tertii post con-
questum primo, Per sacramentum loannis Pieres,
Thorn. Grigory, Richardi de Clyve, Thorn. Polteman,
Alexandri at Bourne, Martin. Prikell, Walteri Part-
riche, Thorn, de Beltring, Wilhelmi Flishert, Daniel
de Ryddenne, Thorn, at Longebroke, et dementis de
Prikel: Qui dicunt per Sacramentum suum, quod
Walterus Colpeper (qui obiit tempore Domini nuper
Regis Anglia? patris Domini Regis nunc) tenuit Con-
iunctim cum lohanna uxore eius die quo obiit in villis
de Lanqeleqh et Bokton Monchency in eodem comitatu, Laugiey &
Boughton.
Duas partes umus Mesuagn, umus carucat. terr. qmn-
decem solidorum annul redditus, et redditus quinde-
cem gallinarum et guinquaginta ovorum, de Agnete
Domina de Leybourne per servicium unius paris Cal-
carium, vel trium Denariorum per Annum pro omni
servicio : Et dicunt quod predict. Du<e partes va-
lent per Annum in omnibus exitibus xxxiiii.s. iiii.d.
Item dicunt quod pr<edictus Walterus tenuit in Gavel-
kinde in dominico suo ut de Feodo die quo obiit que-
dam tenementa in E. Farlegh in eodem comitatu de
Priore Ecclesi<e Chricti Cantuarice per servicium xx.sf
per Annum, et faciend. sectam ad Curiam dicti Prioris
East Far-
de E. Farlegh, de tribus septimanis, in tres septimanas.
488 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
Et dicunt quod mnt ibi unum capitale Mesuayuun,
Ixx. acr. terr. arabilis qua valent per annum in omni-
bus exitibus xxxv .s. Item sunt ibi redditus per Annum
xxx. s. ad quatuor terminos principales solvend. Item
sunt ibi de redditu ad terminum dictum xii. gallince,
qua valent per annum xviii.d. Item dicunt quod idem
Walterus tenuit in Gavelkinde, in Dominico suo ut de
feodo die pr<edicto v.s. redditus, et redditus ii. galli-
WestFar- narum, prec. Hi d. in West Farlegliineodemcomitatu,
de pr&dicto Priore per servicium predict. Item, di-
cunt quod prtedictus Walterus tenuit in Gavelkinde
Yealding. die quo obiit in villa de- Elding in eodem comitatu
quendam annuum Redditum, unius galli et xiii. galli-
narum qu& valent per Annum xix.d. de Hugone Dan-
dele, absque aliquo servicio indefaciend. Item dicunt
quod pr&dictus Walterus tenuit in Gavelkinde in
dominico suo ut de feodo die quo obiit unum Mesua-
Maiiing. gium in villa de Mailing, quod valet per annum ii.s.
iiii.d. de Wilhelmo Large per servicium ii.d. per An-
num. Item dicunt quod predict. Walterus tenuit in
Brenche- Gavelkinde die quo obiit quadem tenementa in villa de
lev
Brenchesley , vocat. Marescales de Domino Hugone
Tunbridge de Audele, ut de honore de Thonebregge, per servicium
reddend. ad lardarium dicti Hugonis viii. pore, et
dimid. ad Festum Omnium Sanctorum per annum
prec. xv.s. Et de Wilhelmo de Ore milite, per servi-
cium v.s. ix.d.per annum. Et dicunt quod sunt ibidem
in eisdem tenementis unum Mesuagium nullius valoris
ultra repric, Ixxx. acre, terr. arabilis qiue valent per
annum xx.s. prec. acr. iii.s. iii.d. xx. acr. pasture,
qiife valent per annum xx.d. prec. acr. i.d. xiiii. acr.
prali, quse valent per annum iiii.s. viii.d. prec. acr.
iiii.d.. Item tenuit ibidem in Gavelkinde xviii. acras
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
terra arabilis quas adquisiuit de Matil Salmon,
valent per annum iiii.s. vi.d. prec. acr. iii.d. De
Galfrido atte Holedene per servitium v.s. per annum.
Item tenuit in Gavelkind in eadem villa de Brenchesle,
die quo obiit ix. acras terra arabilis, quce valent per
annum ii.s. iii.d. prec. acr. iii.d. De Richardo de
Sheyselle, per servicium iiii.d. per annum pro omni
servicio : Item dicunt quod prtedictus Walterus tenuit East
in Gavelkinde die quo obiit, qu&dam tenementa in
villa de Est Pecham, in eodem comitatu de lohanne
de la Chekere, ut de Manerio suo de Adynton per sur-
vicium i.d. per annum, pro omni servicio, et reddendo
per annum Domino de Cosinton vii.s. Et sunt in
eisdem tenementis, unum Mesuagium nullius valoris
ultra reprisas, xxvii. acr. terrce arabilis, quce valent
per annum iv.s. iiii.d. prec. acr. iiii.d. ii. acr. prati
qui valent per annum xx.d. prec. acr. x.d. Item Libernm
tenuit coniunctim cum lohanna uxore eius in liberum
Feodtim in Shybourne in eodem comitatu guendam
annuum redditum xxvi.s. et unius galli prec. i.d. et Hi.
gallinarum, prec. iiii.d. ob. De Rogero Bavent
absque aliguo servicio indefaciend. Item dicunt quod
Thomas Colpeper filius prcedicti Walteri quoad libe-
rum feodum est eius heres propinquior et xx. annorum
et amplius : Et quoad tenementa in Gavelkinde, pr<e-
dictus Thomas, Galfridus, et lohannesfratres eiusdem
Thomce sunt heredes ipsius Walteri propinquior es.
Et prcedictus Gal/ridus est tetaiis decem annorum, et
lohannes est cetatis ix. annorum. In cuius rei Testi-
monium prcBdicti luratores huic Inquisitioni sigilla sua
apposuerunt.
To this, I thinke it agreeable, to adioine, what I
reade first in the Booke, commonly ascribed to Glan-
190 THE CUSTOMKS Ol KENT.
ville, and then in the Woorke of Master Bracton
also.
Si quis (saith Glanville fol. 46. ) h&reditatem habens,
moriatur, et plures reliquerit Jilios , tune distinguitur
utrum ille fuerit Miles (Jive per feodum militare te-
nens) aut liber Socmannus : Quia si Miles fuerit (vel
per militiam tenens) tune secuudum ius Regni Anglia
primogenitus filius patri succedet in totum, ita quod
nullus fratrum suorum partem inde de iure petere po-
test. Si vero fuerit liber Socmannus, tune guidem
dividetur htereditas inter omnes Jilios (quotquot sunt)
perpartes (equates, si fuerit Socagium, et idantiquitus
divisum : Si vero non fuerit antiquitus divisum, tune
primogenitus (secundum quorundam consuetudinem)
totam hfereditatem obtinebit : secundum autem quorun-
dam consuetudinem, postnatus filius hccres est.
To the like intent, and almost in the like words,
writeth Master Bracton, fol. 75.
Si liber Socmannus moriatur, pluribus relictis hffre-
dibus et participibus, si hcereditas partibilis sit et ab
antiquo divisa, ha>redes (quotquot erunt) habeant
paries suas cequales. Si autem non fuerit hcereditas
ab antiquo divisa, tune tota remaneat primogenito.
Si autem fuerit Socagium villanum, tune consuetudo
loci erit observanda. Est enim consuetudo in quibus-
dam partibus, quod postnatus prcefertur primogenito,
et e contra.
And that you may knowe, what he meaneth by
Socagium villanum, take these his woords (fol. 77.)
Tenementum aliud dicitur per Servitium Militare,
aliud per Serieantiam : Et de hiis Homagium facien-
dum esl. Aliud tenet ur in libero Socagio, ubi Jit ser-
rttiuni in denariis : aliud in Socagh villano : Et in
hiis Jidelitalis sacrament urn rcguiritur.
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 491
It scemeth plaine, by this Harmonic of these Wri-
ters, that in Socage lande, (whether free, or base) the
division of the inheritance stoode wholy upon the
practize of the Custome : So as, no Gavelkinde par-
tition could be challenged, but onely, where the cus-
tome of Division had prevailed. And likewise, this
Inquisition (found after the death of Walter Colpeper)
most cleerely distinguisheth free Socage from the Ga-
velkinde : but yet mainteineth not Bractons difference
of them, by which the one should consist of money,
and the other of base services, which were called
Manu opera. For, in this Inquisition some lands are
denoted to be of Gavelkinde nature, which never-
thelesse doe yeelde none other but money alone ; So
as thereby also, it seemeth, that Gavelkynde was not
tried by the manner of the Socage services, but only
by the touch of some former partition. Yea, the very
Customall of Gavelkinde it selfe useth never a woord
of Socage tenure, but of Gavelkynders, tenants in Ga-
velkynd, tenements of Gavelkynde, heritage in Gavel-
kynd, and such like.
How befalleth it then (may a man well say) that
this severance of Socage tenure, holding force in the
time of King Henry the second when Glanville lived,
and so downward till the daies, not onely of King Ed-
ward the third (as this Inquisition bewraieth) but sun-
drie yeeres after his reigne also (as many other the
like offices do convince) shoulde thus growe into
disuse and oblivion, so as the way hath beene opened
to that universalitie, by which all Socage service was
clothed with the apparell of Gavelkynde ; To say what
I thinke, I must say, that this latter declination from
that elder usage, was not any chaunge at all, but
4l>-2 THE CUSTOMER OF KENT.
rather a restitution of the first custome, and a recourse
to the right Original!. For, by the Custome of Nor-
mannie, from whence we receaved our Gavelkynde,
by the dcliverie of Odo (Earle of Kent, and bastarde
brother to King William the Conquerour) the landcs
there be of two like sundry discents and natures, as
be our Knights service and Socage, whereof the first
they call Fife de Heaubert, that descendeth to the
eldest sonne onely, the other they tenne Fife de rotu-
rier (the plowmans fee) which fallcth upon all the Sons
togither, without any distinction of Free, or Base. 1
suppose moreover, that the sundrie favours of our Ga-
velkynde custome enticed many to creepe into it, and
by one and one (upon occasion of the intestine troubles
that ensued the deprivation of King Richardc the se-
cond) to shrowde and cover themselves under the
safetie and shadovve of the privileges that do waile
upon it, as not to forfelte landes for Felonie, not to be
subiect to services before the Justices, not to be chal-
lenged for villanies, and many others that landes of
other nature did not afoorde.
By these meanes (as I gesse) the custome was spred,
and growne to such generalitie, that the statute (made
18. H. 6. cap. 3.) takcth knowledge, that " There were
" not at that day within the Shyre above 40. persons
" at the most, which had lands to the yeerely vAlue of
" xx. pounds without the tenure of Gavelkynde ; and
" that the greater partio of this Countrie, or well nigh
" all, was then within that Tenure."
Thus much 1 had to say of this matter Academically,
and without taking any part, leaving to the consider-
ation of the learned and ludiciall sort, whether it be
now more tolerable, that the country be yet lulled
THE CTTSTOMES X)F KENT. 493
asleepe in this Error (if it be any) or otherwise to
awake so many questions, and to moove so many
Suites (as will ensue) of the contrarie.
But here, before I conclude this part, I thinke good, The rea-
tirst to make Maister Litletons answere to such as veikyndc
happily will demaund, what reason this custome, of C
Gavelkinde discent hath, thus to divide land amongst
all the Males, contrarie to the manner of the whole
Realme besides. The younger sonnes (saith he) be
as good gentlemen, as the Elder, and they (being alike
deare to their common auncestor, from whom they
claime) have so much the more neede of their friends
helpe, as (through their minoritie) they be lesse able
then the Elder Brother to hclpe themselves: secondly
to put you in remembrance also of the statute of Prce-
rogativa Regis, Ca. 16. Where it is saide, that Ffemi-
n<e non participdbimt cum Masculis, The Females,
shall not divide with the Males, which is to be under-
stoode, of such as be in equall degree of kinred, as
Brother and Sisters, &c. But if a man have issue
three Sonnes, and the Eldest have issue a daughter,
and die in the life of his Father, and the Father dyeth:
Tn this case (it is holden) that the daughter shall ioine
with the two other Brethren her Uncles, for that she is
not in equall degree with them, as her Father was,
whose heire she neverthelesse must be of necessitie.
And nowe, thus much being spoken, touching the what
name, tenure, nature, generality, necessity, reason,
and order of Gavelkind, it is woorthie the labour, to the nat"re
of the
shew of what qualitie the Rents, Remainders, Condi- lapd.
tions, Vouchers, Actions, and such other things (of
the which some be issuing out of these landes, some
be annexed unto them, and some be raised by reason
494 THE CUSTOM ES OF KENT.
of them) shall be. In which behalfe, it may generally
be saide, that some of them shall ensue the nature of
the Lande, and some shall keepe the same course that
common Law hath appointed. But in particular, it
Rent. is to be understoode, that if a Rent be graunted in
Fee out of Gavelkinde land, it shall descende to all
Vide col- the males, as the land it selfe shall doe, as Fitzherbert
foi.V yar' helde, against the opinion of Shelley, who mainteined
that the Custome extended, not to rentes, but to landes
onely.
And, Aid. and Chart, in 7. E. 3. were of opinion,
that albeit a tenancie be of Gavelkynde nature, yet the
rent service, by which that tenancie is holden, might
well be descendable at the common Lawe.
The like shall be of a Remainder of Gavelkynd
land: for if it be tailed to the Heires Males, they
altogither shall inherite it, as Fitzherbert and Norwiche
two lustices, thought. 26. H. 8. 8. But that is to be
understoode of a discent only: for if lands of Gavel-
Remain- kinde nature be leassed for life, the Remainder to the
der. rjgnt Heires of I. at Stile, Which hath issue foure
sonnes and dieth, and after the Leassee for life dieth,
now the Eldest Sonne onely of I. at Stile shall have
this land, for he is right Heire, and that is a" good
name of purchase, 37. H. 8. Done. 42. en Maister
Brooke : But if the lands had beene Devised to I. at
Stile for life, the remainder to his next Heire Male,
this had beene in the opinion of some an estate taile in
I. S. himselfe, and then the Land (as I take it) should
have descended to al his Sonnes, in so much as in that
case the woordes (Next Heire Male) be not a name of
purchase, but of limitation.
Howbeit, it was greatly doubted 3. and 1. Philip.
THE CUSTOMER OF KENT. 495
and Marias (as lustice Dalison reporteth) if Lande in
Gavelkinde be devised by Testament to S. for life,
the remainder (proximo hceredi masculo de corpore
eius procreato, and the devisee hath divers sonnes)
whether in that case the Eldest Brother only shall have
it, in so much as (in the understanding- of the Law,
which is a fudge over all Customes) he is the next
Heire Male : and therefore inquire of it.
As touching Vouchers, it appeereth 11. E. 3. that Voucher,
all the Heires in Gavelkinde shall be vouched for the
warrantie of their auncestour, and not the eldest onely.
But the opinion of Maister Litleton, and of the lusti-
ces. 22. E. 4. is cleerely : that the Eldest Sonne onely
shall be rebutted, or barred, by the warrantie of the
auncestour. To be short, the Eldest Son only shall
enter for the breach of a condition: but the rest of Condition,
the Brethren shall be ioyned with him in suing a Writ
of Attaint, to reforme a false verdite, or in errour to Attaint &
reverse a iudgement : And they all shall be charged for Error-
the debt of their auncestour, if so be that they all have
Assetz in their handes : But if the eldest onely have
Assetz remaining, and the residue have aliened their
parts, then he onely shall bee charged after the minde
of the Booke. 11. E. 3. Fitz. Det. 7. And this also
for this part, at this time shall suffice.
Now a woorde or twaine, touching the triall of
right in this Gavelkinde land, and then forward to the
rest of my purpose. There be at the common Lawe,
two sorts of triall in a Writ of Right, by Battaile, and
by the Graund Assize : «of the which two, this Cus-
tome excludeth the one, and altereth the other. For, N? Bat-
Battaile it admitteth not at all, and the graund Assize graund As-
it receiveth, not by the election of foure Knightes, but
406 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
of foure Tenants in Gavelkinde, as it may be read in
the auncient Treatise of the Customes of this Countric.
But when I speake of the Treatise of the Customes
(you must knowe) I meane not that which was lately
imprinted, but another with much more faith and dili-
gence long since exemplified : a Copie whereof you
shall finde, at the ende of this Booke.
For, not onely in this part, the woordes (Ne soient
prises per battail) be cleane omitted in the imprinted
Booke, but in sundry other places also the woordes be
mangled, the sentences be curtailed, and the meaning
is obscured > as by conference of the variations, it may
to any skilfull reader most easily appeere. But all
that, I will referre to the sight and iudgement of such,
as will search and examine it, and (returning to my
purpose) shewe you, what belongeth to the Lord of
this Gavelkinde land, by reason of this Custome.
And, for bicause the Prince is chiefe Lorde of all the
Realme (as of whom all lands within the same be
either mediately or immediately holden) let us first see
what right (by reason of this custome) belongeth unto
him.
Foi faiture If Tenant in Fee simple, of Landes in Gavelkinde,
e' commit fellonie, and suffer the iudgement of death
therefore, the Prince shall have all his Chattels for a
forfaiture : But as touching the Lande, he shall neither
have the Eschete of it, though it be immediately
holden of himselfe, nor the Day, Yeere and Waste, if
it be holden of any other. For in that case, the Heire,
notwithstanding the offence of his auncestour, shall
enter immediately, and enioy the landes, after the
same Customes and services, by which they were be-
fore holden : in assurance whereof, it is commonly said,
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 497
The Father to the Boughe,
The Sonne to the Ploughe.
But this rule holdeth in case of Felonie, and of mur-
der onely, and not in case of treason at all: nor (per-
adventure) in Piracie, and other Felonies made by
Statutes of later times, bicause the Custome cannot
take holde of that, which then was not at all. It holdeth
moreover, in case where the offender is iusticed by
order of Lawe, and not where hee \vithdraweth him-
selfe after the fault committed, and will not abide his
lawfull triall.
For if such a one absent himselfe (after proclama-
tion made for him in the Countie) and be outlawed :
or otherwise, if he take Sanctuarie, and do abiuro the
Realme, then shall his Heire reape no benefite by this
Custome, but the Prince or the Lorde, shall take their
forfaiture in such degree, as if the Landes were at the
common law. Which thing is apparant, both by the
Booke 8. Edward 2. abridged by Maister Fitzherbert,
in his title of prescription. 50. And by 22. Edward 3.
fol. Where it is saide, that this Custome shall not be
construed by equitie : but, by a straight and literall
interpretation. And also by the plaine rehersall of the
saide treatise of the Customes it selfe. And in this
behalfe also, some have doubted, whether the Brother
or Uncle shall have the advantage of this Custome :
But, seeing that the woordes of our Customal extend
to the Heire, and be not restrained to the Sonne, they
bee aunswered, and we may proceede.
There belongeth moreover, due by the Tenant, to Duties, of
each common person, being his Lorde of Lande in
Gavelkinde, Suite to his Court, the othe of fidelitie,
2 K
•W» THE CUSTOMER OF KENT.
and the true doing and paimcnt, of all accustomed
Rents, Duties, and Services. Also if the Tenant die,
leaving his heire, within the age of fifteene yeeres : the
Lord hath authoritie to commit the nouriture of the
body, and the custodie of the goods, and lands of the
infant, to the next of the kinred, to whome the inherit-
ance cannot descende. But, as neither the Lorde
ought to take any thing for the custodie, neither to
tender to the Heire any marriage at all : So must he
take good heede, that he credite not the custodie to
any person, that shall not be able to answere therefore.
For if the Heire, at his full age of fifteene yeeres,
shall come to the Lordes Court, and demaund his in-
heritance, although the Lorde may distreine the Gar-
dein to yeelde his accompt (as it appeereth. 18. E. 2.
Avowrie 220.) Yet in default of his ability, the Lorde
himselfe, and his Heires, remaine charged to the Heire
for the same. For which onely feare (as I thinke) the
Lordes at these daies do not enterpose themselves in
this business.
Furthermore, if the Tenant shall withdrawn from
the Lord his due rents, and services, the Custome of
this Countrie giveth to the Lord, a speciall, and
solemne kinde of Cessavit, and that after this manner.
Cessavit, The Lord, after such a Cessing, ought by award of
kinde. his three weekes Court, to seeke (from Court to Court,
untill the fourth Court) in the presence of good \vit-
nes, whether any distresse may be found upon the
Tenement, or No : And if he can finde none, then at
the fourth Court it shal be awarded, that he shall take
the Tenement into his handes, as a distresse, or pledge,
for the Rent and services, withdrawne, and that he
shall deteine it one yeere and a day, without manuring
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 499
it : within which time, if the Tenant come, and make
agreement with the Lord for his arrerage, he shall
enter into his Tenement againe : but if he come not
within that space, then at the next Countie Court the
Lorde ought openly to declare all that his former pro-
ceeding, to the end that it may be notorious : which
being done, at his owne Court, next following the said
Countie, it shall be finally awarded, that hee may enter
into that Tenement, and manure it as his proper de-
meane.
And that the forfaiture due to the Lord for this
Ceasser of his Tenant, was five poundes (at the least)
besides the arrerages : it doth well appeere by the olde
Kentish bywoorde, recited in the often remembred
Treatise of these Customes.
Neg he syth seald and Neg he syth geld.
And five pound for the were, er he become healder.
That is to say, Hath he not since any thing given?
nor hath he not since any thing paide ? Then let him
pay five pounde for his were, before he become
tenant, or holder againe : But some copies have the
first verse thus.
Nigond sithe scld, and nigon sithe gelde : That is,
Let him nine times pay, and nine times re-pay. And
here (by the way) it is to be noted, that this woorde
(were) in olde time signified, the value, or price of a Were, is
mans life, estimation, or countenance : For, before the ofl
Conquest, each man in the Realme was valued at a life-
certaine summe of money, having regarde to his de-
gree, condition, and woorthinesse, as is more at large
vshewed in the Table to the translation, of the Saxon,
2 K 2
»<M» 1I1K C'HSTOMES Ol KI.M.
Lawes, whereunto tor tliis purpose I will send you.
rrhis custome of Cessavit, is set foorth in the treatise
of Customcs, and hath beene allowed of (as Maister
Frowike 21. H. 7. 15. reported) in time passed, but
whether it be also at this day put in lire, I cannot cer-
tainly affirme.
But now, as these advantages arise to the Lord
from his Tenant : So on the other side, the Lord also
ought to suffer his Tenant to enioy the benefite of
such customes as make for his availe. And therefore,
first he ought to let him alien his lande at his ownc
pleasure, without suing to him for licence : He ought
also to be contented with one suite to his Court for
one Tenement, although the same happen to be divided
amongst many : of very right also he ought to admit an
Essoine, if any be cast for the Tenant, whether it be
in a cause of Plaint, or for common suite to his Court :
And lastly, he may not exact of him any maner of
oth, other than that of Fidelitie, which groweth due
by reason of his Tenure.
Tenant by And thus leaving the Lord and his Tenant, let us
tesie. come to the husband and the wife, and first shew
what courtesie the husband shall finde by order of this
custome after the death of his wife that was seized of
landes of Gavelkinde tenure : and then what benefite
the wife may have after the decease of her Husband
dying seased of Lands of the same kinde and nature.
The Husband (saith our treatise of Gavelkinde
Custome) shall have the one halfe of such Gavelkinde
lande, wherein his wile had estate of inheritance, whe-
ther lie had issue by her or no: And shall holdo the
same during so long time, as he \vill kerpe himsclfr
widower, and unmarried. For ifhemarric, he looseth
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 501
all. Neither may lie commit any waste, more than
Tenant by the courtesie at the common lawe, may.
So that one way (namely, in that he shall have his
wives lande for life though he never had issue by her)
this our Custome is more courteous than the common
lawe : but another way (I meanc in that he shall have
but the onehalfe, and that with a prohibition of second
marriage) it is lesse beneficiall. Howsoever it be, it
holdeth place, and is put in practise at this day.
The wife likewise, after the death of her Husband, Tenant in
shall have for her life, the one moitie of all such lands
of Gavelkinde tenure, whereof her Husband was ence be-
seised of any estate of inheritance during the cover- common
ture betweene them. Of which Custome also, though
it exceede common measure, the common lawe of the tuerein>
Realme (bearing alwaies speciall favour to Dower)
hath evermore even hitherto shewed good allowance :
Neverthelesse, as tenant by the courtesie after this
custome, had his conditions annexed: so tenant in
Dower, by the same Custome, wanteth not some con-
ditions waiting upon her estate. One, that she may
not marric at all : and another, that she must take
diligent heede, that shee be not found with childe,
begotten in fornication. For in either case she must
loose her Dower : But yet so, that lawfull matrimonie
is by a meane (contrarie to the Apostolique permission)
utterly forbidden, and the sinne of secret Lecherie
(according to the Popish Paradoxc, Si non caste tamen
cautt) is in a sort borne and abidden, Seeing that by
this custome, she forfeiteth not in this later case, un-
lessc the childe be borne, and heard to crie, and thai
of the coimtric people, assembled by hue and crie :
For then (saith the Custome)
502 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
Se that his wende,
Se his lende :
But corruptly, for in true Saxon letters it standeth
thus,
8e J?ac pipe pen be.
Se pipe lenbe.
That is to say,
He that doth turne, or wende her :
Let him also give unto her, or lende her.
And thus the custonie, making like estimation of
both the cases, depriveth her of her living, no lesse
for honest marriage, than for filthie fornication. In
which behalfe, as I must needes confesse, that the later
condition hath reason, bicause it tendeth (though not
fully) to the correction of sinne and wickednesse : So
yet dare I affirme, that the former is not onely not
reasonable, but meerely lewde and irreligious also.
muc8h6mlfe' For> although the Ethnickes did so much magnifie
nified. widowhood, that (as Valerius reciteth) Fceminas, quce
uno matrimonio contents erant, corona pudicitia
honorabant, and although that the common Lawe also
(being directed by the Popish Clergie, which therein
followed the errour of lerome) doth in another case,
by the name of Bigamie, dislike of a womans second
marriage : Yet Saint Paule saith plainly, Mulier, si
dormierit maritus eius, liber a est, ut cid vult nubat,
modd in Domino. But for all this, seeing that our
treatise of usages reciteth it, seeing also that common
experience of the countrie approoveth it, and that the
common lawe of the Rcalme (as it may be read, Prce-
rogativa Regis cap. 1C. et 2. H. 3. in Prescription.
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 503
59.) admitteth it : let us also for this place and pur-
pose, be contented to number it amongst our customes,
and so proceede with the residue.
It appeereth, by that which is already said, that the Difter-
common lawe, and this custome, differ in two things JJJeene the
concerning Dower : One, in that the common lawe
giveth but a third part, whereas the custome vouch- this cus-
safeth the halfe : Another, in that this custome giveth
conditionally, whereas the gift of the common law, is
free and absolute. Now, therefore, there remaine to
be shewed, certaine other pointes, wherein they varie
also. As, if the husband commit felonie : at the com-
mon Lawe, his wife hath lost her title of Dower, but
by the custome of this countrie, she shall not loose
her Dower for the fault of her husband, but onely in
such case, where the heire shall loose his inheritance,
for the offence of his father. Which thing is manifest,
both by the treatise of our Kentish customes, and by
the opinion of the Court 8. H. 3. Prescription. 60.
At the common lawe also, the wife shall be endowed
of a possession in law, but (as me thinketh) she shall
have no Dower by this custome, but onely of such
lands, whereof her husband was actually and really
seised. For the woordes be (Des tenements, dount
son Baron morust seisei, et vestu.) which woord (vestu)
being cleane omitted in the imprinted booke, inforceth
a possession in deede, and not in law onely. And
therefore, if landes in Gavelkinde descende to a mar-
ried man, which dieth before he make his entrie into
the same, inquire whether it be the manner to endowe
his wife thereof, or no : for use is the onely Oracle
that in this case I can sende you unto. Againe, it may
seeme, that the conditions laide upon the Dower, do
THE CUSTOM ES OF KENT.
runne oncly to those lands whereof he died seised :
and that of such as he aliened, she is at libertie both
for demaunde of Dower at the common lawe, and
otherwise.
Moreover, at the common lawe, a woman shall be
endowed of a faire, or baily wike, or of any such other
profite. But (for as much as the wordes of this cus-
tomarie Dower, be (terres et tenements} and for that
all customs shal finde a literal and streight interpre-
tation) the opinion of Maister Parkins is, that no
Dower lieth of a faire, &c. by this custome, unlesse it
be appendant to lande. Furthermore, if the wife re-
cover her Dower at the common law, she ought of
necessitie to be endowed by metes and bounds : But
in Dower after this Custome (saith the same Authour)
she may very well be endowed of a moitie, to be holden
in common with the heire, thatenioieth the other halfe.
Lastly, this custome, besides Dower of the one hali'e
Dower of of the husbandes lande, provideth Dower of the moitie
of suche goods also, as he died possessed of, if he had
no children, and of the third part, though he leave
issue : whereas the common lawe (at the least in com-
mon practise at this day) hath no consideration of any
such endowment. These then be the differences, be-
tweene the common lawe of the Realme, and the par-
ticular custome of this countrie concerning Dower :
the comparison whereof, and whether sort of Dower
is more beneficiall, I will not now attempt, and much
lesse take upon me, to determine, least I my selle
might seeme rashly to preiudicate in another thing,
wherein I most gladly desire to be iudged by other
men : namely, whether a woman, intituled to Dower
in Gavelkinde, may wayve her Dower of the moity
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. ao&
after this custome, and bring her action to be endowed
of the thirde at the common lawe, and .so exempt her
selfc from all danger of these customarie conditions,
or no ? The resolution of which doubt, wil depend
partly upon comparison, whether it be more advantage
to her, to have the thirde at the common lawe abso-
lutely, or the moitie by the custome conditionally ?
For if the Dower at the common law be better for her,
then it seemeth reasonable that she should stand to
the worse, which is the custome : even as tenant by
the curtesie, must take the moitie that the custome
giveth, and not aske the whole, as common lawe ap-
pointeth. And yet thereto it may be replied, that the
cases be not like : for so much as that of Dower is
much more to be favoured. I my selfe once heard two
reverend ludges, of opinion, that the woman was at
libertie, to aske her Dower of the Third, or of the
Moitie : But bicause it was uttered by them in a pas-
sage of sudden speech, and not spoken upon studied
argument, I will not use the authoritie of their names,
to encounter the opinion of the Court 2. E. 4. 19.
onely this I repeate (and that with Maister Bracton)
that if she marrie before Dower assigned, she is not
afterwarde to be endowed.
After the husband and the wife, there followeth next The chiide
in order of our division, the Chiide and his Gardian,
whom also (since they be Relatives, as the other be,
and that their interestes carrie a mutuall, and Re-
ciproque eie, each having respect to other) we will
likewise couple together in one treatise. And bicause
the custome was woont to commit the custodie, not of
the landes onely (as the common lawe doth) but of the
goods and chattels also, we will first shew, what por-
50<; THE CUSTODIES OF KENT.
tion of goods did growe to the childe, by the death ot
his parent.
Partition The manner of this countrie sometime was (as it ap-
of chattels. peereth by our olde treatise) that after the funeralls of
the dead man perfourmed, and his debts discharged,
the goodes should be divided into three equall portions,
if he left any lawfull issue behinde him : of which
three, one part was alotted to the dead, for performance
of his legacies : another to the children (that were not
his heires, nor advaunced) for their education : and
the thirde to the wife for her sustentation and main-
tenance : But if he had no children left on live, then
was the division into two partes onely: of which, the
one belonged to the wife for her endowment, and the
other to her departed husband, to be bestowed by his
executors, if he made a testament, or by the discretion
of the ordinarie, if he died intestate. To this effect
soundeth the recorde (claus. 9. H. 3. memb. 13.) where
it is saide thus: Rex mandavit vicecomiti Kancia,
quodomnia Catallia qucefuerunt Roberti Nereford in
Hey ham, Borham, fyc. facer et esse in pace donee
sciatur, utrum filius et hteres dicti Roberti ea habere
debeat, aut alii pueri dicti Roberti und cum eo, vel
sine eo.
The selfe same order is at this day observed in the
London. Citie of London, and the same in effect, was long since
used throughout the whole realme. For it is evident,
both by the lawe of King Canutus before remembred,
by Maister Glanville in his booke Cap. 18. and by the
woordes of Magna Carta, that the wife and children
had their reasonable partes of the goods by the com-
mon la\vc of the llealme, howsoever it came to passe
at. the length, that it was admitted for lawe but in such
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 507
countries only, where it was continued by daily usage
(as it is holden 17. E. 2. and in many other bookes)
and that all the Writs in the Register De rationabili
parte bonorum, have now mention of the special Cus-
tome of the Shyre, in which the part is demaunded.
But as in deede at this day, partition of Chattels is not
used (though in the meane time it hath not lost the
force of common law as many thinke) throughout the
whole Realme: so is it (so far as I can learne)
vanished quite out of all ure within this Countrie also.
And therefore, seeing the Gardian is delivered of this
charge, wee also will leave to speake further of the
goods, and come to the partition and custodie of the
land of this Infant.
If a man die seised of landes in Gavelkinde, of any Partition,
estate of inheritance, all his Sonnes shal have equall £jjJdeVel"
portion: and if he have no Sonnes, then ought itlands-
equally to be divided amongst his daughters: But
yet so, that the Eldest Sonne or Daughter, hath by the
Customc a pre-eminence of election, and the youngest
Sonne or Daughter, a preferment in the partition. For
as of ancient time, there ought to be graunted to the
eldest, the first choice after the division : so to the
part of the yoongest, there ought to be allotted in the
division, that piece of the Mesuage, which our treatise
calleth Astre, that is to say, the stocke, harth, or Astre.
chimney, for fire : which woord (as I thinke) was de-
rived of the Latine Astrum, a starre, bicause the fire
shineth in the house, as the Starre thereof: and which,
though it be not now commonly understood in Kent ;
yet do they of Shropshyre and other parts reteine it in
the same signification till this day, even as the first
case (23, lib. Assis.) doth interpret it. I knowe, that
508 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
Master Bracton in the place before cited, writeth that
the eldest ought to have the Capitall Messuage : iiui
at this day there is no regarde of cither in making the
partition : onely consideration is had that the partes
be equall and indifferent.
Gardein Now therefore, if the Childe be under the age of
custdme. fiftecne yceres, the next Cousin to whom the inherit-
ance may not descend, shall (by appointment of the
Lord if divers be in equall degree of kinred) have the
education, and order of his bo-die, and landes, untill
such time as he shall attaine to that age : even as the
Gardein in Socage at the common Lawe shall kcepe
his, untill the warde aspire to foureteene. And in all
other things also, this customarie Gardein is to be
charged and to have allowance, in such sort, and none
other, than as the Gardein in Socage at the common
la we is: Save onely (as it is partly remembred al-
ready) that he is both chargeable to the Heire in
accompt for his receipt, and subiect also to the dis-
tresse of the Lorde for the same cause : Yet do I not
heare, that the Lordes take upon them (at this day) to
commit the custodie of these Infants, but that they
leave it altogether to the order of the common lavvc,
the rather (belike) for that they themselves (if they
intermedle) stand chargeable (as I saide) in default ol
the abilitie of such as happily they might credit there-
withall: Even as by lustinians ordinaunce, such as
appoint Dative til tours, must do it at their owne perils.
So that upon the whole matter, the oddes consisteth
onely in this, that Gardein in Socage at the common
Lawe shall keepe the land till the Infant be fourteene
Sale,atfif- yeeres of age, and Gardein by this customs till he have
*efe"gyeeelf;s attained fully fiftcene: which diversitic, ariscth not
THE CUSTOM ES OF KENT. S09
without great reason : For whereas the Infant in So-
cage at the common law, cannot make alienation of
his lande untill he have reached to the full age of one
and twenty yeeres (although he be long before that,
free from al wardship.) The infant in Socage by this
Custome, may give and sell his land so soon as he is
crept out of this Custodie.
And therefore it was expedient to adde one yeere
(at the least) to the common Law, before he should be
of power to depart with his inheritance, which other-
wise (being unadvisedly made away) might woorke his
owne impoverishment and overthrowe. And truly it
seemeth to me, that the Custome it selfe hath a watch-
full eie upon the same matter, in so much as it licenceth
him at fifteene yeeres, Not to give his Lande (for that
he might doe for nothing) But to give and sell his land,
which it meaneth he should not doe without sufficient
recompence. Such like interpretation, the common
Lawe also seemeth to make of this custome both by
the opinion of Vavasor. 5. H. 7. who said, that it was
adiudged that a release made by such an Infant was
voider by the sentence of the Booke. 21. Ed. 4. 24.
where it was saide, that an Infant cannot declare his
will upon such a Feoffment : and by the iudgement of
Hank. 11. H. 4. who also helde, that a warrantie, or
graunt of a reversion made at such age, was to no pur-
pose at all, although a lease with release might hap-
pily be good by the Custome, bicause that amounteth
to a Feoffment. And in my simple iudgement, it is
not fit that this Custome should be construed by
equitie, for as much as it standeth not with any equitie,
to enable an Infant, of little discretion, and lesse ex-
perience, to sell his lande, and not to provide withall
510 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
that hee sliould have, Quid pro quo, and some rea-
sonable recompence for the same : for that were, not
to defend the Pupill and Fatherlesse, but to lay him
wide open to everie slie deceipt, and circumvention.
In which respect, I cannot but very well like of
their opinion, who hold, that if an Infant in Gavelkinde,
at this day will sell at fifteene yeeres of age, these
three things ought of necessitie to concurre, if he will
have the sale good and effectuall. The first, that he
be an Heire, and not a Purchasour, of the lande that
he departeth withall : The seconde, that he have re-
compence for it : And the third, that he doe it with
liverie of seison by his owne hande, and not by warrant
of Attourney, nor by any other manner of assurance.
And these men for proofe of the first and seconde
point of their assertion, doe builde upon the woordes
of our written Custome, where it is saide, Del heure
que ceux heirs de Gavelkinde, soient, ou ount passe
lage de 15. ans, list a eux, lour terres et tenementes,
Doneret Vender in which, the woordes (Ceux Heir es)
doe restraine the Infant that commeth in by Purchase :
And (Doner et Vender) in the copulative (for so they
lie in deede, though the imprinted booke have them
disiunctively) doe of necessitie implie a recompence,
for as much as, Vendere, cannot be Sine precio.
And for maintenance of the thirde matter, they have
on their part, besides the common usage of their owne
Countrie, the common Lawe of the whole Realme
also: which expoundeth the woorde (Doner) to
meane a Feoffment (as I have before shewed) which
not onely disalloweth of any gifte made by an Infant,
but also punisheth the taker in trespasse, unlesse he
have it by liverie from the Infants owne hands.
THE CUSTOMES OF KENT. 511
Thus have I lightly run over such Customes, as
by meane of this Gavelkinde tenure doe apperteine,
either to the Lorde or the Tenant, the Husband or the
Wife, the Childe or the Gardein: To these I will adde
(as I promised) confusedly, a few other things, of the
which, some belong- generally to the Kentishe man
throughout the whole Shyre : Some to the inhabitants
of some particular quarter of the Countrie : and some
to the tenants in Gavelkinde onely, and to none other.
It appeereth, by claime made in our auncient trea- No villains
tise, that the bodies of all Kentish persons be of free 1U
condition, which also is confessed to be true 30. E. 1.
in the title of Villenage 46. in Fitzherbert : Where it
is holderi sufficient for a man to avoide the obiection
of bondage, to say, that his father was born in the
Shyre of Kent : But whether it will serve in that case
to say, that himselfe was borne in Kent, I have
knowne it (for good reason) doubted.
It scemeth by the same treatise, that such persons Appar-
as helde none other lande than of Gavelkinde nature, ance*
be not bound to appeere (upon Sommons) before the
Instices in Eire, otherwise than by their Borsholder,
and foure others of the Borowe, a few places only
excepted. The like to this Privilege isinioyed at this
day in the Sherifes Lathe, where many whole Borowes
be excused by the onely apparance of a Borsholder,
and two, foure, or sixe other of the inhabitants.
Furthermore, I have read in a case of a written Commen,
report at large of 16 E. 2. which also is partly, abridg-
ed by Fitzherbert, in his title of Prescription, that it
was tried by verdite, that no man ought to have corn-
men in landes of Gavelkinde, Howbeit, the contrarie
is well knowne at this day, and that in many places.
r,l2 THE CUSTOMES OF KENT.
Chase and The same bookc saith, that the usuagc in Gavelkinde
is, that a man may lawfully inchase, or drive out into
the highway to their adventure, the beasts of any other
person, that he shall finde dooing damage in his land,
and that he is not compellable to impound them, which
custome seemeth to me directly against the rule of the
common Lawe, But yet practised it is till this present
day.
Attaint. The Parleament (15 H. 6. 3. which I touched before)
mynding to amplifie the Privileges of Gavelkinde,
graunted to the Tenants of that lande, exemption in
Attaints, in such sort as the inhabitants of ancient de-
meane, and of the Five Fortes had before enioyed :
But within three yeeres after (18. H. 6. cap. 2.) upon
the complaint of the Countrey (which informed the
Parleament house that there was not in the whole
Shyre above the number of thirtie or fortie persons,
that held to the value of twenty pounde lande, out of
Gavelkinde, who in default of others, and by reason of
that exemption, were continually molested by returns
in Attaints) that Acte was utterly repealed.
Channging Tne Statute 4. H. 8. Cap. 6. giveth liberty to everie
of waies. man? having hjgh wav (through his Lande in the Weald)
that is worne deepe,and incommodious for passage, to
lay out another way, in some such other place of his
lande, as shall be thought meete by the view of two
lustices of the Peace, and twelve other men of wise-
dome and discretion. Finally, the generall Lawe,
made 35. H. 8. 17. for the preservation of Coppies
woods, thorough out the Realme, maketh plaine ex-
ception of al woods within this Weald, unlesse it be of
such as be common.
Thus much concerning the Customes of this our
KENT. 513
Countrie, I thought good to discourse, not so cunningly
(I confesse) as the matter required, nor so amply as
the argument would beare (for so to doe, it asketh
more art and iudgement, than I have attained) But yet
sufficiently (I trust) for understanding the olde treatise
that handeleth them, and summarily ynough for com-
prehending (in manner) whatsoever the common, or
Statute La we of the Realuie hath literally touching
them, which is as much as I desired. Now therefore,
to the ende that neither any man be further bound to
this my discourse upon these Customes, then shall be
warranted by the Customes themselves: neither yet
the same Customes bee hencefoorth so corruptly
raried about, as hitherto they have beene, but that they
may at the length be restored to their auncient light
and integritie, I will set downe a true and iust tran-
script of the very text of them, taken out of an auncient
and faire written Roll, that was given to me by Mais-
ter George Multon my Father in lawe, and which some-
time belonged to Baron Hales of this Countrie. . I will
adioine also, mine owne interpretation in the English,
not of any purpose to bind the learned unto it, but of
a desire to infourme the unlearned by it.
KENT.
T^iese are the usages, and Customes, the which the
Ces sount les usages, et les custumes, les ques le
comunalty of Kent, claimeth to have in the Tenements
comunaute de Kent, cleiment auer en tenement z
2 L
>14 KENT.
of Gavelkinde, and in the men of Gavelkinde,
de Gavylekende, c en gentz Gavilekendeys,
The ^allowed in Eire before lohn of Berwike, and his
wordes be-
tweene the *allowes en Eire lohn de Berewike, e ses
starres,
were ta-
another °f companions, the Justices in Eire in Kent, the 21. yeere
okiecopie. compagnions, lustices en Eire, en Kent, le 21. an
of King E. the Sonne of King Henrie.* That is to say,
le Roy Ed. fitz. le Roy Henrie* Cest a scavoir,
Free men. that all the bodies of Kentishmen be free, as well as
que toutes les cors de Kenteys seyentfracz, auxi come
the other free bodies of Englande. And that they
les antres frauz cors Dengleterre. Et que ilz
Esechator. ought not the Eschetor of the King to chuse, nor ever
ne duiuent le eschetour le Roy elire, ne unkes
in any time did they: But the King shall take, or
en nul temps nefesoint, mes le Roy prengne, ou
cause to be taken, such an one as it shall please him,
face prendre, tiel come luy plerra, de
to serve him in that which shall be needfull. And that
ceo qni soil mistier a luy servir. Et quilz
they may their landes and their tenements give and
pnsent lour terres et lour tenementz doner et
KENT. 515
sell, without licence asked of their Lordes : Savin? Give and
& sell landes
vender, sauz conge demauder a lour seignerages : sauves without
licence.
unto the Lordes the rents and the services doe out
a seignorages les rentz e les services dues des
of the same tenements. And that all, and every of them,
mesmes le tenementz. Et que touz, e chescun,
may by writ of the king", or by plaint, plede for the Piede, by
puseit per Bre le roy, ou per pleynt,pleder pur lour piSnte.^
obteining of their right, as wel of their Lordes, as of
droit purchaser, auxibien de lour Seignerages, come des
other men. And they claim e also, that the com-
autresgentz. Et clament auxi, que la com-
munaltie of Gavelkindmen, which hold none other than
mune de Gavylekendeys , que ne tenent mes que
tenements of Gavelkind nature, ought not to come to
tenemenz Gavylekendeys, ne deivent venir a
the common Summonce of the Eire, but onely by the
la commune Somonse del Eire, mes ke per
Borsholder, and foure men of the Borowe: except the Appeere
Borgesaldre, et iiii. homes de la Borghe: horspris les
townes, which ought to aunswere by twelve men in
villees que deivent responder per xii. homes en
2 L 2
010 KENT.
Noeschete the Eire. And they claimc also, that it any tenant in
JorfeloHie,
hut of le Eire. Et clament auxiy que sil nul tenant en
goods
onely.
Gavclkiiul be attainted of felonie, for the which he
Gavylekend seit atteint de felonie, per que il
suflereth execution of death, the King shall have all his
mffre luyse de mort, eit le Roy touz sex
goods, and his heirc forthwith after his death shall be
chateux, e son eir meintenant apres sa mort set!
inheritable to all his lands and tenements which ho
enherite de touz ses terrres et tenemenz, que il
held in Gavelkinde in fee, and in inheritance : and he
tient en Gavylekende en fee, e en heritage, e
shall hold them by the same services and customes,
les tiendra per mesmes les services et customes,
as his auncestors held them : whereupon it is said in
sicome ses auncestres les tyndrot : dont est dist en
Kentish : the father to the boughe, and the sonne to
Kenteis : ]>e fader to )?c boughe, and ]>e son to
Dower, of the plough. And if he have a wife, forthwith be she
l;e pl°&n- Et 5Z M #it femme, meintenant scil
endowed by the hcire (if he be of age) of the one halfe
r/(wi;r per Ic heir, sil seit dacfc, de la nun/fit .
KENT. «>17
of all the lands and tenements which her husband held
de touz les terres e tenemenz que son Baroun tint
of Gavelkind nature in fee: to have and to hold
de Gavylekend en fee : a aver e a tener
according to the forme hereafter declared. And of
so lone la fourme de snthdyte. Et de
such lands the King shall not have the yeere, nor wast,
tiels terres le Roy ne avera An ne ivast, mes
but only the goods, as is before said. And if any Flying for
tant soulmet les chateux, sicome il est avat dit. Et si causetiV
forfeiture,
man of Gavelkind, either for felonie, or for suspition
! mil Gavylekendeis pur felonie, ou pur Ret
I of felonie, withdraw him out of the country, and be
de felonie, se suthrei de la pees, e seit
demaunded in the countie as he ought, and be afterward
en counte demande com il appent, e puis
utlawed: or put himselfe into the holy church, and
\utlaghe: ou sil se met en seinte eglise, et
jabiure the land and the realme, the King shall have
foriure la terre one le Reaume, le Roy avera
the yeere and the wast of his landes and of all his
Ian e le wast de ces terres, et le touz ses
618 KENT.
tenements, together with all his goodes and chattels :
tenemenz, ensemblement one touz ces chateuz,
So that after the yeere and the day, the next Lord,
issint qu<e apres Ian, e le iour, le plus procheyn Seig.
or Lordes, shall have their Eschetes of those lands
ou Seigneurs, eyent leur eschetes de celes terres
and tenements, every Lorde that, which is immediatly
e tenemenz, ckescun Seigneur ceo, que de luy -est tenu
Partition, holden of him. And they claime also, that if any
amongst
the heires sans men. E clament auxi, que si ascun
males.
tenant in Gavelkinde die, and be an inheritour of
tenant en Gavylekende murt, et seit inherite de
landes and tenements in Gavelkinde, that all his sons
terres e de tenemenz de Gavylekende, que touz sesfilz
shall part that inheritance by equall portions. And it'
partent eel heritage per ouele porcioun. El si
there be no heire male, let the partition be made
nul heir madle ne seit, seit la partye feil
between the females, even as between brothers. And
entre les females, sicome entres les freres. Kt
let the messuage also be departed between them : but
la mesuage seit aiitreci entre eux departi, mes
KENT. 519
the harth for tire shall remain to the youngest sonne, The Astro.
le astre demorra al pune,
or daughter : And be the value thereof delivered to
ou alpunee, e la value sett de ceo livre a
each of the parceners of that heritage, from xl. feete
chescun des parceners de eel heritage, a xl. pes
from that Astre, if the tenement will so suffer. And
de eel Astre, si le tenement le pent suffrir. E
then let the eldest brother have the first choice, and the
donkz le eyne frere eit la primere electioun, e les
others afterward, according to their degree. Likewise
autres apres per degree. Ensement
of houses which shall be found in such Messuages,
de mesons que serront trovets en tieus mesuages,
let them be departed amongst the heires by equall
seient departye entre les heirs per ouele
portions, that is to weete, by foote if need be, Saving
porcioun, Ceo est asavoir per peies silest mistier Sauve
the Covert of the Astre, which shall remaine to the Curt, in
le covert del Astre, que remeynt al pune^i^bni
falsely-
yongest son, or daughter, as is before said: So
cm al punee sicome il est avandist, issi que
620 KENT.
nevertheles, that the yongest make reasonable amends
nequedont que le pune face renable gre
to his parceners for the part which to them belongeth,
a ces parceners de la partye que a eux appent
by the award of good men. And of the aforesaid tene-
per agard de bone gentz. E des avaunditz tene-
One suite, ments, whereof one only suite was wont to be made
parceners! w*ewz dont un soule Sute tant soulement soleit
before time, be there not by reason of the partition
cstre feit, avaut, ne seit per la resoun de la partye
but one sole suite made, as it was before accustomed :
fors un soule sute faite sicome soleit avant,
But yet let all the parceners make contribution
mes que tons les parceners facent contributioun
to the parcener which maketh the suite for them,
a celui que face la sute pur eux.
Partition In like sort let the goods of Gavelkinde persons be
goo s. Ensement seient les chateus de
parted into three parts, after the funerals and the debts
parties en treis apres le exequies e les dettes
paied, if there be lawfull issue on live: So that the
rendues, si il y eit issue mulier en vye, issi que la
KENT. 521
deadjiave one part, and his lawful sonnes and daughters
mort eyt la une partie, e les fitz e les filles mutters
an other part, and the wife the third part, And if
lautre partie, et la femme la tierce partie Et si
there be no lawfull issue on live, let the dead have the
nul issue mutter en vie ne seit, eit la mort la
one halfe, and the wife on live the other halfe. And if Cnstodie
meite, e la femme en vye lautre meytie. Et si hetrtfin
Gavelkind
the heire, or heires, shall be under the age of 15.
le.heir, ou lez heirs, seit, ou seyent de deins le age de xv.
yeers, let the nourtriture of them be committed by the
am, seit la nouriture de eux bailie per le
Lorde, to the next of the bloud to whom the inherit-
Seig. al plus procheyn del sank, a qui heri-
aunce can not descend, So that the Lord take nothing
tage ne peut descendre, issi que le Seign. pur le
for the committing thereof. And let not the heire be
bail rein ne prengne. Et quil ne seit
maried by the Lorde, but by his ovvne will, and by the
marie per le Seign. mes per sa volunte demeine, et per le
advise of his friends, if he will. And when such heire,
conseil de ces amys sil veut. Et quant eel heir,
VJ-2 KENT.
or hcircs, shell come to the full age of fifteene y ceres,
ou ceux heirs sont de plener age de 15. auns,
let their landes and tenements be delivered unto them,
seient a eux lour terres, e lour tenemenz livres,
profits
togithcr with their goods, and with the emprovements
ensemblement oue lour chateaux, etoue les enprowemenz
of the same lands, remaining above their reasonable
de celes terres outre renable
sustenance : of the which profits and goods, let him
sustenance : de quel enprovement, e chateux, seit
be bounde to make aunswere which had the education
tenu a respondre celui qui de luy avera la noriture,
of the heire, or els the Lord, or his heires, which
ou le Seigneur ou ses heires que
committed the same education. And this is to be
eel noriture avera bailie. Et ceo fct a
understood, that from such time as those heires in Ga-
savoir que del houre que ceux heirs Ga-
Saic at xv. velkind, be of, or have passed, the age of fifteene
age?8 vijlekende seient, ou ount passe le age de xv.
yeeres, it is lawfull lor them, their lands or tenements,
aims, list a eux lour terres ou tenemenz
KENT.
to give and sell at their pleasure : Saving the services
doner e vendre a lour volunte, Sauves les services
to the chiefe Lordes, as is before said. And if any |J™*rc» of
au chefz seignorages, com il est devant dit. Et si nul haife.
such tenant in Gavelkind die, and have a wife that
tiel tenant en Gavylekend meurt, e eit femme que
overliveth him, let that wife by and by be endowed (of
survive seit cele femme meintenant douwe de
the one halfe of the tenements whereof her husbande
la meite des tenementz dont son baroun
died vested and seised) by the heires, if they be of age,
morust vestue seisi, per les heirs sil seient de age,
or by the Lords, if the heires be not of age : So
ou per les Seigneures si les heirs ne seint pas de age, issi
one halfe
that she may have the moitie of those lands and tene-
que ele eyt la meite de celes terres e tene-
ments, to holde so long as she keepeth her a widow, FortVuture
of Dower.
menz, a tener tant com ele se teyent veue,
or shal be attainted of childbirth, after the ancient
ou de enfanter seit atteint per le auncienne
usage : that is to say, that if when she is delivered
usage : ceo est a savoir, que quant ele
•>'.M KENT.
of childe, the infant be iicard eric, and that the hue and
enfaunte, e lenfant seit oy crier, E que le hu e le
crie be raised, and the countrie be assembled, and
cry seit leve e le pais ensemble, e
have the view of the childe so borne, and of the
eyent weue de lenfant ensifaunte, e dc la
mother, then let her loose her Dovvre wholy, and
mere, adonks perde son dower e enter ement, e
otherwise not, so long as she holdeth her a widow :
autrement nyent, tant come ele se tient veue,
whereof it is said in Kentish : he that doth mende her,
dont il est dist en Kenteis, j*e fat pip penbe,
Tenant by let him lende her. And they claime also, that if a man
tesie,°of Je ^m len^e- E clament auxi, que homme
the one
halfe.
take a wife which hath inheritance of Gavelkind, and
que prent femme, que eit heritage de Gavylekend, e
the wife dieth before him, let the husband have the one
la femme murge avant luy, eit le Baroun le meite
halfe of those lands and tenements whereof she died
de celes terres et tcnemenz, tant come il sc
seised so long as he holdeth him a widower, without
veuers (dont il morust seisei) sautr
KENT.
doing any strippe, or waste, or banishment, whether
estrepementj ou wast, ou exile fere, le quel
there were issue betweene them or no : And if he take The dis-
cent of
Gavelkin
changed
Ml y eit heir entre eux ou noun. Et sil prent ""^eiki
another wife, let him loose all. And if any tenement
femme, trestout perde, Et si nul teneinent
of Gavelkinde do cscheatc (and that escheate be to
de Gavylekend eschete (et ceo eschete seit a
any Lorde which holdeth by fee of Hawberke, or by
nul Seigneur que tiene per fee de hawberk, ou per
Cessavit
Serieancie) by death, or by Gavelate as is hereafter
seriauncye) per mort, ouper Gavelate si come il e'st
given up
saide, or be to him rendred by his tenaunt whicli
suthdite, ou li seit rendu de son tenant que de
before held it of him by quiteclaime thereof made, or
li avant le tynt per quiteclamauce de ceo fete> ou
if his escheate be by Gavelate as is hereafter saide,
seit sa eschete per Gavelate sicome il est de suthdit
let this land remaine to the hehes unpartable: And
remeync cele terre as heirs importable. Et
this is to be understood, where the tenant so rendring-,
ceo fet asavoir, la ou le tenant cnsi rendant,
520 KENT.
doth reteinc no service to himselfe, but saveth never-
nule service retent dcuers sey, savvet negue-
thelesse to the other Lordes their fees, fermes, and the
dent as autres Seigneur ages fees, fermes , e les
rents wherewith the aforesaide tenements of Gavelkind
rentes dont les avant diz tenemenz de Gavylekende
(so rendred) were before charged, by him, or them,
ensi rendus avauntfurent charges per ceux, ouper ccluy,
Forfaiture which might charge them. And they claime also, that
vft or Ga ^ue ^e c^ar^r poent, ou poeyt. E clament auxi, quc
velate. Withhold
if any tenant in Gavelkinde reteine his rent, and his
si mil tenant en Gavylekende reteine sa rent, e son
services of the tenement which he holdeth of his Lord
>
service del tenement quil tient de son Seigneur,
let the Lord seeke by the award of his Court from
guer ge le Seign. per agard de sa court dc
three weekes to 3. weekes, to finde some distresse
treys semeynes en treys semeynes truve destresse
upon that tenement, untill the fourth court, alwaics
sur eel tenement tant gue a la quart court, a totefet
with witnesses : And if within that time he can finde
per tesmoynage, Et si dedcns eel temps ne trusse
KENT. r>27
no distressc in that tenement, whereby he may have
destresse en eel tenement per queux il puisse
Justice of his tenant, Then at the fourth court let it be
son tenant iustiser, Done a la quart court seit
awarded, that he shall take that tenement into his
agardj quil pregne eel tenement en sa
hande, in the name of adistresse, as if it were an oxe,
mem en noum de destress, ausi come boef
I or a cow, and let him keepe it a yeere, and a day, in
ou vache, e le tiene un an, e un iour, en
his hand without manuring it: within which terme, if
sa mein sance meyn overir: dens quel terme, si
the tenaunt come, and pay his arrerages, and make
le tenant vent, e rend ses arrerages, e feit
reasonable amendes for the withholding, Then let him
J renables amendes de la detenue, a done eit,
I have and enioy his tenement as his auncetors and he
e ioise son tenement sicom ses auncestors e ly
before held it. And if he do not come before the yeere,
avant le tyn dront. Et sil ne vent devant Ian,
and the day past, then let the Lord go to the next
e le iour passe, done auge le Seigneur a I proehein
•*2K KENT.
countic court with the witnesses of his owne court,
Counte suiant oue tesmoynage de sa court,
and pronounce there this processe, to have further
e face la prommcier eel proccs pur tesmoynage
witnesse. And by the award of his court (after that
aiter: Et per agard de sa court, apres ceo
countie court holden) he shall enter, and manure in
Counte tenue mtra, c meynouera en,
owne
those lands and tenements, as in his demeanes. And
celes terres e tenemenz, sicome en son demeyne. Kt
if the tenant come afterward, and will re-have his te-
si le tenant vent apres, e voille ces te-
nements, and holde them as he did before, let him
nemenz reauer e tener sicome il fist devaunt,
make agreement with the Lord, according as it is
face gree al Seigneur, sicome il csl
aunciently saide :
auncienement dist,
Neg pe j*y]?e yelbe. anb nej pe yy]> gelbe : anh p>
ponb j:oji )?e pepe. eji pe bicome pealbeji.
No oath, Also they claime, that no man ought to make an otlic
feaitic. Aussi i\ cleyment que mil homme deit serment sur
KENT. 529
upon a booke, (neither by distresse, nor by the power
liure fere, per destresse, ne per poer
of the Lorde, nor his bailife) against his will, without
de Seigneur, ne de Baylif, encountre sa volunte
the writ of the King (unlesse it be for fealtie to be don
saunz bref le Roy (sinon pur feaute fere
to his Lord) but only before the Coroner, or such
a son Seigneur) meske per devaunt Coronner, ou
other minister of the King, as hath Royall power to
auter minister le Roy, qui Real poer eyont de
enquire of trespasse committed against the crowne of
enquerer de trespas fet encountre la Coronne Essoignes.
our Lord the King. And they claime also, that everie
nostre Seigneur le Roy. E cleyment auxi, que checun
Kentishc man may essoine an other, either in the
Kenteys put autre assonier en la court le
Kings court, or in the county, or in the hundreth, or
Roy, en Counte, en hundreth: e
in the court of his Lord, where essoine lieth, and that
en la court son Seigneur, la ou assoigne gist, aussi
as well in case of commune sute, as of plea. More-
bien de commune sute, come de play. Es-
2 M
630 KENT.
£0°. ,[iatlai! over ^iey claimc by an especial deede of King Henry
assise, in tre ceo il cleyment per especial fet le Roy Henrie,
Gavel.
kynde
the 3. father of King E. which now is (whom God
pere le Roy Edward, que ore est que Dieu
save) that of the tenements which are holden in Ga-
Garde, que de tenementz que sont tenus en Ga-
velkinde, there shall no battail be ioined, nor graund
vylekende ne seit prise battaille, ne graund
Assise taken by xii. Knights, as it" is used in other
Assise per xii. chivallers, sicome aillours est
places of the realme : this is to weet, where the tenant
prise en le reaume: ceo est a savoir, la ou tenant
and demaundant hold by Gavelkinde : But in place of
e le demaundant tenent per Gavyle/cende : mes en hi de
these graund assises, let Juries be taken by xii. men,
ces graundes assises seient prises lurees per xii. homes
being tenants in Gavelkind : so that foure tenants cf
tenant z en Gavylekend : Issi que quatre tenant z de
Gavelkinde, choose xii. tenants of Gavelkimle to be
Gavilekend elisent xii. tenant z. de Gavylekende,
Jurors. And the chartre of the King, of this es-
iurours. E la chartre le Roy de ceste es-
KENT. 531
pecialtic, is in the custodie of Sir lohn of Norwood,
peciaute est en la garde Sire lohan de Norwode,
the day of S. Alphey, in Canterburie, the ycere of
le iour S. Elphegh en Canterbyre, le an le
King Edward the sonne of King Henrie, the xxi.
Roy Edward, le Fiz le Roy Henrie, xxL
These be the usages of Gavelkind, and of Gavel-
Ces sont les usages de Gavylekend, e de Gavy-
kinde men in Kent, which were before the conquest,
lekendeys en Kent, que furent devaunt le conquest,
and at the Conquest, and ever since till now.
e en le Conquest, e totes houres ieskes en ca.
Sir HENRIE WIAT, Knight, procured his possessions
to be chaunged from the nature of Gavelkynd Dis-
cent, by one Acte of the Parlement, holden 15.
H. 8.
The names of such persons, as procured their posses-
sions to be altered from the nature of Gavelkindf,
by Acte of Parlement, made 31. H. 8. cap. 3.
Thomas Lord Cromwell.
Thomas Lord Burghe.
George Lord Cobham.
Andrew Lord Windsore.
Sir Thomas Cheyne.
Sir Christopher Hales.
S. Thomas Willoughby.
S. Anthonic Seintleger.
2 M 2
532 )
S. Edward Wootton.
S. Edward Bow ton.
S. Roger Cholmley,
S. lohn Champneys.
lohn Baker, Esquier.
Reignold Scot,
lohn Guldeford.
Thomas Kempe.
Edward Thwaites.
William Roper.
Anthonie Sandes.
Edward Isaac.
Percivall Harte.
Edward Mortyns.
William Whetnall.
lohn Fogg.
Edmund Fetiplace.
Thomas Hardres.
William Waller.
Thomas Wilford.
Thomas Moyle.
Thomas Harlakendcn.
Geffrey Lee.
lames Hales.
Henrie Hussey,
Thomas Roydun.
The names of such as be likewise provided for 2. fy 3.
E. 6.
Sir Thomas Cheyney.
Sir Anthonie Seintleger.
S. Robert Sowthwell.
S. lohn Baker.
S. Edward Wootton.
S. Roger Cholmley.
S. Thomas Moyle.
S. lohn Gate
S. Edmund Walsingham.
S. lohn Guldforde.
S. Humfrey Style.
S. Thomas Kempe.
S. Martyn Bowes.
S. lames Hales.
S. Walter Hendley.
S. George Harpar.
S. Henry Isley.
S. George Blage.
William Roper.
Thomas Wylforde.
Thomas Harlakenden.
Thomas Colepeper, of
Bedgebury.
lohn Colepeper, of Ailes-
forde.
Thomas Colepeper, son of
the said lohn.
William Tvvisenden.
Thomas Darrell, of Scot-
ney.
( 533 )
Robert Rudstone.
Thomas Robcrtes.
Stephen Darrell.
Richard Couarte.
Christopher Blower.
Thomas Hendley.
Thomas Harman.
Thomas Lovelace.
Reignald Peckam.
Herbert Fynche.
William Colepepcr.
lohn Mayne.
Walter Mayne.
Thomas Watton.
lohn Tufton.
Thomas White.
Peter Hayman.
Thomas Argal.
The names of such, as be specified in the acte made for
the like cause, 5. Elizabeth. Cap.
Sir Thomas Browne, of Westbecheworthe, in Surrey.
George Browne.
It were right woorthie the labour, to learuc the
particulars and certeintie, (if it may be)
of all such possessions, as these men had,
at the times of these severall Statutes, for
that also will be serviceable in time to
come.
A Table, comprising the principall Places, Men, and
Matters, handeled in this Perambulation.
*dDULTERIE, how
Baramdowne - - 245
punished
202
Barons Warre - 247
Albion -
10
The Woord Baron 106
Aldermans office
453
S. Bartilmew - - 461
A Idington
170
Baylyivikes in Kent 22
Andres Chester
189
Beacons in Kent - 63
Apledore
184
Becket, see Archbishops
Appropriations
332
Benerth, what it
Archbishops Sees -
73
meaneth - - 191
Their strife for
Bishops Sees 70
the premacie -
74
Bishops of Roches-
Archbishops named
79
ter named - - 308
Their houses
239
Blackheathe 391. 418"
Archbishop Win-
Bockinfold - 377
chelsey -
250
Boroughes in Kent 55
Archhishop Kempe
259
Boxley - 203
Archbishop Alfey -
387
Bridges in Kent 52
Archbishop Long-
Brutus fy Britaine 10
champ -
144
Brytish hystorie - 67
A rchbishop Lang-
Bylsington - 176
ton -
148
*
Archbishop Becket
162,
Canterburie - - 262
179, 271. 281. 288.
356,
Carmelite Friers 188
460
Castles 56
Ashforde -
260
Castlehill 155
Ashyrst -
378
C'harleham 248
8. August ints ~
2bO
Chetham - - :fc>4
Aylesforde
;*68
Chilham - - 255
THE TABLE.
535
Christchurche - 270
Churle - - -452
Cinque Fortes - 104
Cities - - - 52
Cleargie, excluded
the Parleament - 249
Cliffe ... 439
Cloafhing - - 96
Combwel - - 378
Courtopstreet - - 169
Crayforde - - 400
Cytscotehouse - 369
Customes of Kent - 475
Danes, and their dooings
120. 184. 186. 370. 388
Dartforde - - 402
Dartforde Brent - 409
Dele castle - - 129
Depeforde - 386
Dover - - 131
Drinking with excesse 318
. Eanstvyde - - 151
Earyth - - - 398
rfe 452
Eastrie 126
Ebsfleete - - - 93
MtfAe - - 457
Edmund Ironside,
king - 371
Edward the confes-
sor, king - - 100
Edward the 4. king 417
Eltham 470
Faires, or markets - 53
.F«r% - - - 193
Farnham - - 370
Feversham - - 228
Fifteenth, & Te«M 27
Flamines, now Bish-
ops Sees 71
Folkestone - - 151
Forestes 51
Franchises 50
Friendsbury - - 319
Gavelkinde 7. 20. 475
Geffrey Monumouth 68
Genlade Fl. - - 232
Gentrie, and gentle-
men «• 6. 448
Gillingham - - 311
Godwine Earle 98. 132
Goodwine Sandes - 94
Gravesende - - 435
Grenewiche - - 387
Hakington - - 284
£fatfm0 - - 363
Harbaldowne - 287
Harold, king - 322
Havens decaied - 159
Heigham - - 438
flengist, the Saxon 12. 400
THE TABLE.
Henry the 6. king - 416
Hideland - 89
Hide - 159
Highwaies - - 241
Hilles of name 51 . 181
Hokeday - - 125
Holy water - - 301
Holmesdale - - 468
Holy Maide of Kent 170
7/oraz, tae Saarow 12. 400
Horstede - - 327
Hospitals of poor e - 57
Hubert of Burgh 140
Hundreds - - 18
Ingland, first inha-
bited - - 8
Ing land conquered 321
Inglish men 17
Inglish speech cor-
rupted - 232.238
Inhospitalitie 317. 323
Justices of peace
named 22
Kemsing - - 457
Kemsley downe - 215
JKenf, ftow; situated 2
First inhabited - 10
JFfcy so caWcrf 190
Kentish kings - 14
Kentish men - - 6
Kentish Writers - 65
Kentish Customes 475
Kings supremacie - 264
Kingsboroe - - 226
Lancaster, and that
house - - 409
Lathes in Kent 18.22
- - 293
- - 19
Lenham - - - 292
Lesnes Abbey - 393
Liverie of seisine - 364
London 72
-Lowz'e o/ Tunbridge 383
Lyming - 244
Lymne - - 167. 187
Maleuicine, a forte 126
Jtfa#Mi0 - - 372
Mappe of Kent 199
Markets in Kent - 53
S.Martins - - 143
S. Marlines night - 123
Marshes fnned - 396
Maydstone - - 195
Meapham - - 441
Medivey - - 197
5. JtfiWred 92
Jetton - - - 215
Minster Abbay - 91
Miracles 92. 128. 151. 305
Jlfonftes cofifmd 229. 209
285. 306
Mottindene - - 299
THE TABLE.
537
Naming of men - 290
Naming of places - 374
Navie Roiall - 314
Nesse - - - 183
Newendene - . 187
S.Nicholas - - 156
Norwood - - 290
Odo, Earle of Kent 137.
200
Oisters - - - 234
Order of this Ken-
tish description 70. 87.
184. 236. 244. 311. 441
Ortchardes - - 222
Orpington - - 440
Otforde - - 459
Oxney Isle - - 186
Parkes in Kent - 51
Pickenden Hothe - 200
Polydor Vergil 69. 250.
356
Pope, and king lohn 148.
245
Popes revennue in
Ingland - - 248
Popish Purgatorie 218
Portes - - - 104
Their Wardeins 114
Port-Reve • - 435
Priests, had Wives 339
Queenborowe - - 227
Reculver - - 235
Religious homes 57. 203.
395
Reve, his office - 435
Richard the second,
king - 411
Richboroe - - 101
Rochester, See 302. 308.
Citie - - - 332
Bridge - - 344
Rome, whereof so
called - - - 92
Romney - 178
T/ie Marshe - 180
Roode of grace 205.378
Roode of Ashyrst - 379
Rose, White and
Redde - 412. 432
Rotherflu. - 167.187
5. Rumwald - - 209
Saltwood
Sandgate
Sandowne
Sandwiche
- 162
- 155
- 130
102. 117
Sealing of Deedes - 364
Sennocke - - 469
Serving men - - 320
S.Sexburge - - 153
Shepeylle - - 225
^e€j?e - - 225
Shipwey - - - 165
Shorham, Deanerie 304
538
THE TABLE.
Shyres, first made 17. 388
Shyreman, his office 399.
453
Sittingborne
S. Stephans
Stone
-
216
284
186
Stonor
-
94
Stouremouth -
_
236
Stroode
-
356
Swanscombe -
20.
434
Tanet lie
_
88
Templars, their
der
Or-
147
Tenham -
-
222
Testament
-
442
Thayne, or Gentle-
man -
453
The Ty things called
Borowes
19
Tong Castle -
Torneament -
-
220
404
Tyrall of right
201.
398
Tunbridge
- 380
Wager of Lawe - 399
Walmere Castle 130
Wantsume flu. 89.233
Wasseling Cuppe - 13
Watlingstreete - 241
Wealde of Kent - 189
Weald, and Wold - 367
S. William, of Ro-
chester - - - 342
Woldham 367
Wrecke at Sea - 257
Wrotham 456
Wye - - - 257
Wynchelsey - - 107
Wyngham - 239. 466
Yarmouth
Yeomen -
YbrAre,
familie
106
- 409
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BERKSHIRE.— WINDSOR.— ANNALS
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BUCKUURST (LORD) The Dramatic
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FRENEATJ (PHILIP) Poems on Various
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HANTS.— AN Extension of the Lati
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HART'S (W. H.) Index Expurgatorii
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H A R T L I B.— A Biographical Memo
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HEARNE. — Reliquee Hearnianee. Th
Remains of THOMAS HEARNE, (th
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One of the most gossipping diaries that has ever beei
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HERALDRY OF SMITH, being a
Collection of the Arms borne by, or attri-
buted to most Families of that Surname
in Great Britain, Ireland, and Germany,
compiled from the Harleian MSS., and
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HERALDRY of SMITH of Scotland with
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HOMER.— THE ILIADS OF HOMER,
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*' The translation of Homer, published by George
Chapman, is one of the greatest treasures the English
language can boast." — Godwin,
"With Chapman, Pope had frequent consultations,
and perhaps never translated any passage till he read
his version." — Dr. Johnson.
** He covers his defects with a daring, fiery spirit, that
animates his translation, which is something like
what one might imagine Homer himself to have writ
before he arrived at years of discretion." — Pope.
"Chapman's translation, with all its defects, is often
exceedingly Homeric, which Pope himself seldom
obtained. "—Hallam.
*' Chapman writes and feels as a Poet — as Homer might
have written had he lived in England in the reign
of Queen Elizabeth."— Coleridge.
I *1 have just finished Chapman's Homer. Did you ever
read it ? — it has the most continuous power of interes-
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Lays and Legends of the English Lake
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PAGEN WHITE. Fcp. 8vo, cloth. 6s.
Brockett's (J. T.) Glossary of North
Country Words, with their Etymology
and affinity to other Lamm ages, and oc-
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Popular Superstitions. Tmi:i> iCnmox,
corrected and enlarged. By W. E.
BROCKKTT. 2 vols in one. post 8vo,
cloth, 10s 6d (original pri:e £1. is)
The ICamilton Manuscripts, containing
some Account of the settlement of the
Territories of the Upper Clancleboye,
Great Ardes, and Dufferin, in the conn
of Down. By SIR JAMES HAMILTO
Knt. (afterwards Viscount Clandeboy
in the reigns of James I. and Charles
with Memoirs of him and of his s<
and grandson, James and Henry, tl
first and second Earls of Clandbrass
and of their Families, Connections ai
Descendants. Edited by T. K. LOWR
LL.D. 4to, very few printed, clot
£1. Is
History of Drogheda, with its Environ
in the county of Louth, Ireland. I
JOHN D'ALTON, Author of King James
Irish Army Lists, &c. 2 vols, 8vo, fi\
plates, cloth. 14s (original price £l. 4
Account of the Territory or Dominion
Farney, in the Province of Ulster, Ir
land. By EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLE
ESQ. 4to, woodcuts, a handsome volan
cloth, only 250 printed. £l. Is
England and Scotland. Recueil des D
peches, Rapports, Instructions et M
moires des Ambassadeurs de France <
Arigleterre. Correspondence Diplom
tique de BERTRAND DE SALIGNAC i
LA MOTHE FENELON, Ambassadeur c
France en Angleterre de 1568 & 157
public pour la premiere fois par <
PURTON COOPER. 7 vols, 8vo, Par.
1840, sewed. £1. 10s (original pri
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France and Spain with Scotland. Hi
lations Politiques de la France et (
1'Espagne avec 1'Ecosse au XVIe Siecl
Papiers d'Etat, Pieces et Documcn
inedites on pen connus, tire's des'Bibli
theques et des Archives de Franc
Public par ALEX. TEULET, Archivis
aux Archives de V Empire. 5 vols, 8v
Paris, 1S62, sewed. £1. 12s
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Delia Valle (Pietro) Viaggi descritti d
medesimo cive" la Turchia, la Persia,
India, cello Vita dell Autore. 2 thic
vols, 8vo, Italy, 1843, wed. 7s 6d
An amusing old traveller of the early part of the seve
teenth century.
Walckenaer (Le Baron). Geographic Ar
cienne, historique et compare de
Gaules Cisalpine et Transalpine, sur
d'Analyse Geographique des Itincrairc
Anciennes. 3 vols, 8vo,and4toofm«p
Paris, 1839, sewed. £l. 5s (originc
price £l. 16s)
Virgil. Uviee Vices queeque Mutatione
et Virgilium ipsum et ejus Carmina pe
Mcdiam setatein excep^erint explanar
tentavit Franciscus Michel. 8vo, Pari
1846, Is 6d
It will also be found interesting to the sluc'.ent
Medieval literature.
Books on Sale at Smith's, 36, SoJio Square. London.
31
Delepierre (Octave). Macaroneana, Me-
langes de Litterature Macaronique des
different Peuples de 1'Europe, avec
Notes, Extraits, &c. 8vo, vellumpaper,
Paris, 1852, sewed. 7s
Dans cet ouvrage plein de finesse et d'erudition, M.
Octave Delepierre, dont les connaissances litteraires
et Bibliographiques sont bien connues a reuni tout ce
que Ton pouvait desirer sur les Macaronues et les
ouvrages en style Macaronique. On sail combien
Ch. Nodier affectionnoit ce genre de Literature, il
ne laissait passer aucune occasion de parler dans ses
opuscules Bibliographiques. Bien avant lui encore,
Naud(5 disait: "La Macaronee est a mon avis, la
plus divertissante raillerie que 1'onpuisse jamais faire,
et je me flatte d'avoir en cela aussi bon gout que le
Cardinal Mazarin, qui en recitait quelquelois trois et
quatre cent vers de suite."
Ideron. Las Comedias de Don Pedro
Calderon de la Barca, cotejadas con las
mejores Ediciones hasta aliora publica-
das corregidas y dadas a luz por J. J.
Kiel. 4 thick vols, royal 8vo, sewed,
1827. £\. 4s (original price £2. 10s)
lecdotes of the English Language,
chiefly regarding the Local Dialect of
London and its Environs, By SAMUEL
PEGGE, F.S.A. Third Edition enlarged
and corrected by the REV. H. CHRIST-
MAS. 8vo, boards. 6s 6d (original
price 12s)
itings. A Catalogue of Pictures
Composed and painted chiefly by the
most admired Masters of the Roman,
Florentine, Parman, Bolognese, Vene-
tian, Flemish, and French Schools, with
critical remarks by ROBERT FOULIS.
3 vols, 12mo, 1776, boards. 7s 6d
itings. Memoirs of Painting1, with a
Chronological History of the Importa-
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into England since the French Revolu-
tion. By W. BUCHANAN. ^ 2 vols, 8vo,
boards. 7s 6d (original price £l. 6s)
This and the foregoing are useful Works to trace the
original Paintings of the Great Masters.
idor (Savagius). Poemata et Inscripti-
ones. 12mo, pp. 356, cloth. 3s (pub-
lished at 7s) 1847
biographical Miscellany. Edited by
JOHN PETHEKAM. 8vo, JSTos. 1 to 5 (all
published), witli general title. Is
CONTENTS.— Particulars of the Voyage of Sir Thomas
Button for the Discovery of a North- West Passage,
A.D. 1612— Sir Dudley Digges' Of the Circumference
of the Earth, or a Treatise of \ the North-East Pas-
sage, 1611-13— Letter °f Sir Thomas Button on the
North-West Passage, in the State-Paper Office —
Bibliographical Notices of Old Music Books, by Dr.
Rimbault— Notices of Suppressed Books — Martin
Mar-Prelate's Rhymes— The Hardwicke Collection
of Manuscripts.
Coins. Records of Homan His-
tory from Cnseus Pompeius to Tiberius
Constantinus, as exhibited on the Ro-
man Coins, Collected by FRANCIS HOB-
LEE, formerly Secretary to the Numis-
matic Society of London. 2 vols, royal
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ings, in cloth. £l. Is (original price,
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how much it has been studied. . . . The value
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fidelity which indicate his experienced hand." — C.
Roach Smith's Collectanea Antiqua.
Numisniata Cromwelliana : or the Me-
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trated by his Coins, Medals, and Seals.
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In this work, a complete historical description of all the
Coins, Medals, and Pattern Pieces of Oliver Crom-
well is attempted for the first time. Vertue, Snelling,
Folkes, and Ruding, have all left but very imperfect
notes and sketches of Crpmwellian numismatics, and
Mr. Hawkins never published anything on the sub-
ject; thus many vexed questions have not yet been
properly discussed.
The colle'ctor and student of English Coins will find
amongst the numismatic information numerous facts,
details, and elucidations which are absolutely unpub-
lished ; and the numerous Autotype plates will furnish
the first correct, and in some instances, the only illus-
trations yet published of many plages.
Greenhow (Robt., Librarian to the Dept.
of State, U.S.A.). History of Oregon and
California, and the other Territories on
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Fitzgerald's (J. E.) Examination of the
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Fancourt's (Charles) History of Yucatan
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Hooper's (Lieut.) Ten Months among
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Turnbull's (D.) Travels in Cuba, with
Notices of Porto Rico. Thick 8vo, '.nap,
cloth. 5s (original price 15s)
Hawkins (J. S., F.S. A.). History of the
Origin and Establishment of Gothic
Architecture, and an Inquiry into the
mode of Painting upon and Staining
Glass, as practised in the Ecclesiastical
Structures of the Middle Ages. Royal
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32
Books on Sale at Smith's, 36, Soho Square, London.
Person. The Life of Richard Person,
Professor of Greek in the University of
Cambridge from 1792 to 1808. By the
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doth. 5s (original price 14s)
Reliquae Isurianse ; the Remains of the
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ECROYD SMITH. Royal 4to, 37 plates,
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Ridpath's (George) Border History of
England and Scotland, with accounts of
remarkable Antiquities, and anecdotes
of the most considerable Families and
Characters. A NEW EDITION, 1848.
4to, boards. 8s 6d (original price £\. Is)
Whistler's Etchings. A Catalogue Rai-
sonne of Etchings and Drypoints of
JAMES ABBOTT MACNEIL WHISTLER.
8vo, cloth, £1. Is
Only 50 copies printed for private circulation.
The Cries of London : exhibiting several
of the Itinerant Traders of Ancient and
Modern Times, copied from rare Engrav-
ings, or drawn from Life by JOHN
THOMAS SMITH, Keeper of the Prints in
the British Museum, with historical de-
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4to, 30 plates, boards. 8s 6d (original
price £l. 11s 6d)
Foreign Topography on an English En-
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Remains in Africa, Asia, and Europe.
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plates, boards. 6s 6d (original jjrice
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Travels and Discoveries in the Lev?
By C. T. NKWTOX, M.A, Keeper of
Antiquities in the British Museum,
vols., royal 8vo, cloth, with nunwr
illustrations. 9s (original price £2. !
English Surnames.— An Essay on Tarn
Nomenclature, Historical, Etymologi
and Humorous, with Several Illusl
tive Appendices, by MARK ANTC
LOWER, the FOURTH EDITION, :
LARGED. 2 vols, cro\VIl SvO, doth.
Anglo-Saxon Poerns of Beowulf; 1
Scop or Gleeman's Tale, and the Fi
at Finnesburg, with a Literal Trans
Jjpn, Notes, Glossary, &c., by BE
^.IIOBPE, SECOND EDITION. CrOWll 8
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This is not a Romance of the Middle Ages, but belt
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hall by a pale fire-light is certainly one of the r
vigorous pieces of ancient poetry anywhere extan
JElfric's Anglo Saxon Paschal Homi]
also Offices and Prayers, with Tram
tions and Notes by EBEN. THOMPS
SECOND EDITION., fcap. 8vo, cloth.
Shewing the doctrine and worship of the Catholic Ch
in England before the Conquest.
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