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Vol. II No. 6
TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS
FROM THE
Original Sources of European History
PERIOD of the early REFORMATION
IN GERMANY
Edited by James Harvey Robinson, Ph.D.
AND
Merrick Whitcomb, Ph.D.
PUBLISHED FOR
The Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania
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* Vol. II No. 6
TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS
FROM THE
Original Sources of European History
PERIOD OF THE EARLY REFORMATION
IN GERMANY
Edited by James Harvey Robinson, Ph.D.
AND
Merrick Whitcomb, Ph.D.
D
101
P46
V.2
no. 6
PUBLISHED FOR
The Department of History of the University of Pennsylvania
BY THE
University of Pennsylvania Press
Philadelphia
price 30 CENTS
p
NORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS ^^/
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ORIGINAL SOURCES OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. p^ ^ ^
Vol. II. The Period of Early Reformation in Germany. No. 6.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
An Example of the Letters of Obscure Men 2
The Sale of Indulgences
Archbishop Albert's Instructions to the Sub-commissioners 4
A Sermon on Indulgences Given by Tetzel 9
Disputation of Dr. Martin Luther, Theologian, Concerning
the Value of Indulgences 11
Extract from a Letter of Ulrich Von Hutten to the
Elector of Saxony 19
Erasmus to Richard Pace 21
A Mandate of Maurice, Bishop of Worms, against the
Lutheran Doctrine 22
The Twelve Articles of the Peasants 25
Secret Instructions of Charles V. to His Chancellor,
Matthias Held 30
Examples of the Canons of the Council of Trent. 34
Introductory Bibliography 37
TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
AN EXAMPLE OF THE LETTERS OF OBSCURE MEN.
John Reuchlin, a famous Hebrew scholar, became involved in a con-
troversy with a baptised Jew, Pfefferkorn, and his friends, in regard to the
desirability of confiscating and destroying the books of the Jews. Reuchlin's
tolerant attitude displeased the fanatical party, and he was led to defend his
position in a book which he called the Aiigenspiegel. This reached the
theological faculty of Cologne, which drew up a list of heretical proposi-
tions found therein; and Ortuin Gratius, one of the members of the faculty,
added an appendix of Latin verses. Reuchlin was summoned before Hoch-
straten, the inquisitor general, at Cologne, but appealed to the Pope, who
referred the case to the Bishop of Speyer. This prelate declared the book
free from heresy. Then Hochstraten in his turn appealed to Rome, where
the case was pending when the Letters of Obscure Men appeared. The
persecution and trial of Reuchlin created a great deal of excitement in Ger-
many among the literary men. In March, 1514, Reuchlin had published a
collection of the letters of sympathy which he had received, under the title,
Letters of Distinguished Men, addressed to John Reuchlin. These sug-
gested to a famous humanist at Erfurt, Crotus Rubeanus, and his friends a
method of attacking the theological party by means of a series of letters
purporting to be written to Ortuin Gratius by his simple admirers and dis-
ciples. The modest title Letters of Obscure Men suggested itself as anti-
thetical to that of the boastful collecLion which Reuchlin had issued of the
letters of distinguished contemporaries. The first series was published in
1515, and a second series, in which Ulrich von Hutten doubtless took part, in
1517. The bad Latin, the fruitless quibbles, the naive confessions of habitual
looseness of life, and the hate which the theologians bore toward Reuchlin
and the whole tribe of humanists, form the interest and the recurring
themes of the letters. The wit is good, bad and indifferent. The general
conception of the work is perhaps its most delicately humorous feature, and
it is said that in two Instances at least the monks took the letters seriously,
believing them to be an authentic manifesto of their party.
See Creighton, History of the Papacy, Vol. V., pp. 29-51, Strauss,
Ulrich von Hutten, 176 ff., Geiger's Reuchlin, and his Renaissance und
Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland, 510 ff. The best version of the
"Letters" is that of Bocking. 2 vols.
From the Latin : Epistolse Obscurorum Virorum, Ed. Bocking, Leipzig,
1863, Vol, I., pp. 226-227.
Henricus Schaffsmulius to Master Ortuin Gratius many salutations.
When I first v^^ent to the Curia you told me that I should v^rite to
you frequently and address any theolog^ical questions to you, for you
wished to answer them more satisfactorily than those could about the
Papal Court at Rome. I, therefore, wish now to ask your opinion in
EXAMPLE OF THE LETTERS OF OBSCURE MEN. 3
the case of one who should on Friday, which is the sixth day, or upon
any other fast day, eat an egg in which there is a chick. For we were
recently dining at an inn in the Campo Fiore, and were eating eggs. And
I, opening my egg, discovered that there was a chick within ; but upon
showing it to my companion, he urged me to swallow it straightway
before the host caught sight of it, for otherwise I should have to pay
a Carolinus or a Julius for a fowl, since it is the custom here to pay
for everything the host places upon the table, because they will take
nothing back. Now if he saw that there was a chick in the egg he
would say : "You must pay me for a fowl too," — for he would charge
for a little one just as much as he would for a big one.
And I immediately swallowed the egg and the chick at the same
time, and afterwards it occurred to me that it was Friday, and I said
to my companion, "You have caused me to commit a mortal sin in
eating meat on the sixth day."
But he said that it was not a mortal sin, not even a venial sin,
since a chick may not be considered other than an egg until it is born.
And he remarked that it is just so in the case of cheese in which there
are worms, and of those in cherries, and in peas, and young beans, but
they are eaten on the sixth day, and even on the vigils of the Apostles.
But inn proprietors are such rascals, they say that these are meat in
order to make gain thereby.
Then I went out and thought about it, and by Heaven, Master
Ortuin, I am much disturbed, and I do not know what I ought to do
about it. It is true that I might take counsel with a member of the
Papal Court, but I know that they have bad consciences. As for
myself, it seems to me that chicks in the egg are meat, because the
matter is already formed and shaped into the members and body of an
animal, and it has animal life. It is otherwise in the case of worms in
cheese and in other comestibles, for worms are accounted to be fish, as
I have heard from a physician, who is also a very able scientist.
I beseech of you earnestly to reply to my question. For if you
hold that it is a mortal sin, then I wish to seek absolution before I go
to Germany; for you probably know that our Lord, Jacob Hoch-
straten, borrowed a thousand florins from the bank, and I believe he
would want to make something out of the case, and may the devil take
that John Reuchlin and those other poets and men of law, who are
trying to fight the Church of God, — that is to say, the theologians, who
are the real backbone of the Church, as Christ said: "Thou art Peter,
and upon this rock will I build my Church."
May the Lord God preserve you. Farewell.
Written in the City of Rome.
4 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
THE SALE OF INDULGENCES.
The Archbishop of Mainz arranged with the Pope in 1515 to conduct
the sale of indulgences in his own vast archiepiscopal provinces, Mainz and
Magdeburg, for one-half the proceeds. The plan was not carried out until
1517 when, we may infer, the undated Instructions to Subcommissioners
were drawn up, a portion of which is given below. These instructions,
Cardinal Hergenrother observes, "corresponding with the teaching of the
church, cannot be a source of reproach to the Elector" {C onciliengeschichte,
IX, II).
The sub-commissioners appealed in turn to the parochial priests, and
there are extant portions of another set of instructions issued by John
Tetzel to the priests of his territory, exhorting them to prepare the minds
of their parishioners for indulgences; and with these instructions he sent
pattern sermons, of which one is given below.
ARCHBISHOP Albert's instructions to the sub-commissioners.
Gerdes : Introductio in Historiam Evangelii Seculo XVI Renovati,
Supplement to Vol. I, pp. 90, sqq.
* * * Here follow the four principal graces and privileges,
which are granted by the apostolic bull, of which each may be obtained
without the other. In the matter of these four privileges preachers
shall take pains to commend each to believers with the greatest care,
and, in-so-far as in their power lies, to explain the same.
The first grace is the complete remission of all sins; and nothing
greater than this can be named, since man who lives in sin and forfeits
the favor of God, obtains complete remission by these means and once
more enjoys God's favor: moreover, through this remission of sins
the punishment which one is obliged to undergo in Purgatory on
account of the affront to the divine Majesty, is all remitted, and the
pains of Purgatory completely blotted out. And although nothing is
precious enough to be given in exchange for such a grace, — since it is
the free gift of God and a grace beyond price, — yet in order that
Christian believers may be the more easily induced to procure the
same, we establish the following rules, to wit :
In the first place every one who is contrite in heart, and has made
oral confession, or at all events has the intention of confessing at a
suitable time, shall visit at least the seven churches indicated for this
purpose, that is to say, those in which the papal arms are displayed,
and in each church shall say devoutly five Paternosters and five Ave
Marias in honor of the five wounds of our Lord Jesus Christ, whereby
our salvation is won, or one Miserere, which Psalm is particularly
well adapted for obtaining forgiveness of sins.
ARCHBISHOP Albert's instructions to the subcommissioners. 5
Sick or otherwise incapacitated persons shall visit with the same
devotion and prayers the seven altars, which the commissioners and
subcommissioners shall have erected in the church where the cross
shall be raised, and on which they shall have affixed the papal arms.
Where, however, persons are found so weak that they cannot con-
veniently come to such a church, then shall their confessor or peni-
tentiary cause an altar to be brought to a convenient place approved
by him. And where such persons visit this place and offer up their
prayers near the altar or before it, they shall deserve the indulgence as
though they had visited the seven churches.
To those, however, who are upon beds of sickness the image of a
saint may be sent, before or beside which they may offer up a certain
number of prayers, according to the judgment of the confessor, in
which case they shall be considered to have done as much as if they
had visited the seven churches.
But where a certain one, particularly a woman, requests, on ac-
count of some especial cause, that the visitation of the churches and
altars be remitted, the penitentiaries may grant the request on proper
grounds; but the said visitation shall be replaced with an increased
contribution.
Respecting, now, the contribution to the chest, for the building
of the said church of the chief of the apostles, the penitentiaries and
confessors, after they have explained to those making confession the
full remission and privileges, shall ask of them, for how much money
or other temporal goods they would conscientiously go without the
said most complete remission and privileges; and this shall be done
in order that hereafter they may be brought the more easily to con-
tribute. And because the conditions and occupations of men are so
manifold and diverse that we cannot consider them individually, and
impose specific rates accordingly, we have therefore concluded that the
rates should be determined according to the recognized classes of
persons.
Kings and Queens and their offspring, archbishops and bishops,
and other great rulers as well, provided they seek the places where
the cross is raised, or otherwise present themselves, shall pay at least
five and twenty Rhenish guilders in gold. Abbots and the great pre-
lates of Cathedral churches, counts, barons, and others of the higher
nobility, together with their consorts, shall pay for each letter of
indulgence ten such guilders. Other lesser prelates and nobles, as also
the rectors of celebrated places, and all others, who, either from per-
manent incomes or merchandise, or otherwise, enjoy a total yearly
6 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
revenue of five hundred gold guilders, shall pay six guilders. Other
citizens and tradespeople and artisans, who have individual incomes
and families of their own, shall pay one such guilder; others of less
means only a half. And where it is impossible to adhere rigidly to the
schedule above indicated, then we declare that the said kings, bishops,
dukes, abbots, prelates, counts, barons, members of the higher nobility
and rectors, together with all others above mentioned, shall place or
cause to be placed in the chest a sum in accordance with the dictates
of sound reason, proportionate to their magnificence or generosity,
after they have listened to the advice and council of the subcommis-
sioners and penitentiaries and of their confessors, in order that they
may fully obtain the grace and privileges. All other persons are con-
fided to the discretion of the confessors and penitentiaries, who should
have ever in view the advancement of this building, and should urge
their penitents to a freer contribution, but should let no one go away
without some portion of grace, because the happiness of Christian
believers is here concerned not less than the interests of the building.
And those that have no money, they shall supply their contribution
with prayer and fasting; for the Kingdom of Heaven should be open
to the poor not less than to the rich.
And although a married woman may not dispose of the husband's
goods against his will, yet she shall be able to contribute in this
instance against the will of her husband of her dowry or of her own
private property, which has come to her in a regular manner. Where
she has no such possessions, or is prevented by her husband, she shall
then supply such contribution with prayer; and the same we wish to
have understood concerning sons who still remain under parental
control.
Where, however, the said poor wives and sons who still remain
under parental control may obtain by entreaty or otherwise from other
rich and pious persons the means needed for such payments and con-
tributions, they shall place the sums so acquired in the chest. Where,
however, they have absolutely no way of procuring such contributions,
then they may obtain through prayer and supplication the said treas-
ures of grace as well for themselves as for the dead.
In all the cases above indicated, however, some room shall be left
for the exercise of discretion on the part of the subcommissioners and
confessors, who shall have regard to God and their consciences, so
that peace of conscience and the welfare of all the above said persons
shall be happily secured.
The second signal grace is a confessional letter containing the
most extraordinarily comforting and hitherto unheard of privileges,
ARCHBISHOP Albert's instructions to the subcommissioners. 7
and which also retains its virtue even after our bull expires at the end
of eight years, since the bull says: "they shall be participators now
and for ever." The meaning of the same, preachers and confessors
shall explain and bring unto all possible prominence; for there will be
granted in the confessional letter, to those who buy: first, the power
to choose a qualified confessor, even a monk from the mendicant
orders, who shall absolve them first and foremost, with the consent of
the persons involved, from all censures by whomsoever imposed; in
the second place, from each and every crime, even the greatest, and as
well from those reserved to the apostolic see, once in a lifetime and
in the hour of death ; third, in those cases which are not reserved, as
often as necessary; fourth, the chosen confessor may grant him com-
plete forgiveness of all sins once in life, and at the hour of death, as
often as it may seem at hand, although death ensue not; and, fifth,
transform all kinds of vows, excepting alone those solemnly taken,
into other works of piety (as when one has vowed to perform the
journey to the Holy Land, or to visit the holy Apostles at Rome, to
make a pilgrimage to St. James at Compostella, to become a monk, or
to take a vow of chastity) ; sixth, the confessor may administer to him
the sacrament of the altar at all seasons, except on Easter day, and in
the hour of death.
We furthermore ordain that one of these confessional letters shall
be given and imparted for the quarter of a Rhenish gold guilder, in
order that the poor shall not thereby be shut out from the manifold
graces therein contained; it may however happen that nobles and
other wealthy persons may, out of devotion and liberality, be disposed
to give more. Whatever is given over and above the ordinary fee
shall be placed in the chest. In cases where such letters are demanded
by colleges or cloisters, whether of men or women, the fee which they
shall be obliged to pay must be computed by the subcommissioners
according to their number and their property. The same subcommis-
sioners must seal the confessional letters which shall be issued, and
sign them with their own hand, setting forth the fee which has been
paid for the letter.
It is also our desire that the name of only one person should be
written in the confessional letter, except in case of man and wife, who
are one in the flesh. To these may also be added the sons and daugh-
ters who are still under parental control, and have as yet nothing of
their own. And in order that each and every one of the said persons,
as well as the poor and those of moderate means, may be able to obtain
such confessional letters, we hereby clothe our general subcommis-
sioner with power to fix a certain sum to be paid collectively by the
8 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
persons whose names are written in a confessional letter, as it may
best subserve the interests of the aforesaid church building.
We desire also, that the names of each and every one who buys a
letter, or obtains one for any cause without remuneration shall be
written by him who issues the same in a special book. And he that
issues shall endorse his name upon each letter, in order that an account
of the sales may be given later, and that no mistakes may creep in.
We desire, moreover, that the said confessional letters be issued in
all places covered by our commission for the sale of indulgences, even
where the cross has not been raised, during the period of eight years,
by those who hold authentic written commissions either from us or
from our general subcommissioners.
The third most important grace is the participation in all the pos-
sessions of the church universal, which consists herein, that contribu-
tors toward the said building, together with their deceased relations,
who have departed this world in a state of grace, shall from now and
for eternity, be partakers in all petitions, intercessions, alms, fastings,
prayers, in each and every pilgrimage, even those to the Holy Land;
furthermore, in the stations at Rome, in the masses, canonical hours,
flagellations, and all other spiritual goods which have been brought
forth or which shall be brought forth by the universal, most holy
church militant or by any of its members. Believers will become
participants in all these things who purchase confessional letters.
Preachers and confessors must insist with great perseverance upon
these advantages, and persuade believers that they should not neglect
to acquire these along with their confessional letter.
We also declare that in order to acquire these two most important
graces, it is not necessary to make confession, or to visit the churches
and altars, but merely to purchase the confessional letter
The fourth distinctive grace is for those souls which are in purga-
tory, and is the complete remission of all sins, which remission the
pope brings to pass through his intercession to the advantage of said
souls, in this wise; that the same contribution shall be placed in the
chest by a living person as one would make for himself. It is our
wish, however, that our subcommissioners should modify the regula-
tions regarding contributions of this kind which are given for the
dead, and that they should use their judgment in all other cases,
where in their opinion modifications are desirable. It is furthermore
not necessary that the persons who place their contributions in the
chest for the dead should be contrite in heart and have orally con-
fessed, since this grace is based simply on the state of grace in which
the dead departed, and on the contribution of the living, as is evident
EXTRACTS FROM SERMON GIVEN BY TETZEL. 9
from the text of the bull. Moreover, preachers shall exert themselves
to give this grace the widest publicity, since through the same, help
will surely come to departed souls, and the construction of the Church
of St. Peter will be abundantly promoted at the same time
EXTRACT FROM SERMON ON INDULGENCES GIVEN BY TETZEL TO
PAROCHIAL CLERGY.
From the Latin. Amort : De origine, progressu, valore ac fructu
indulgentiarum. Augsburg, 1735. Pars II, Sectio I, 22, pp. 15-16.
SERMO TERTIUS.
Venerable Sir, I pray you that in your utterances you may be
pleased to make use of such words as shall serve to open the eyes of
the mind and cause your hearers to consider how great a grace and
gift they have had and now have at their very doors. Blessed eyes
indeed, which see what they see, because already they possess letters
of safe conduct by which they are able to lead their souls through that
valley of tears, through that sea of the mad world, where storms and
tempests and dangers lie in wait, to the blessed land of Paradise.
Know that the life of man upon earth is a constant struggle. We have
to fight against the flesh, the world and the devil, who are always
seeking to destroy the soul. In sin we are conceived, — alas ! what
bonds of sin encompass us, and how difficult and almost impossible it
is to attain to the gate of salvation without divine aid; since He
causes us to be saved, not by virtue of the good works which we
accomplish, but through His divine mercy; it is necessary then to put
on the armor of God.
You may obtain letters of safe conduct from the vicar of our Lord
Jesus Christ, by means of which you are able to liberate your soul
from the hands of the enemy, and convey it by means of contrition
and confession, safe and secure from all pains of Purgatory, into the
happy kingdom. For know that in these letters are stamped and
engraven all the merits of Christ's passion there laid bare. Consider,
that for each and every mortal sin it is necessary to undergo seven
years of penitence after confession and contrition, either in this life
or in Purgatory.
How many mortal sins are committed in a day, how many in a
week, how many in a month, how many in a year, how many in the
whole course of life ! They are well-nigh numberless, and those that
commit them must needs suffer endless punishment in the burning
pains of Purgatory,
10 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
But with these confessional letters you will be able at any time in
life to obtain full indulgence for all penalties imposed upon you, in all
cases except the four reserved to the Apostolic See. Therefore
throughout your whole life, whenever you wish to make confession,
you may receive the same remission, except in cases reserved to the
Pope, and afterwards, at the hour of death, a full indulgence as to all
penalties and sins, and your share of all spiritual blessings that exist in
the church militant and all its members.
Do you not know that when it is necessary for anyone to go to
Rome, or undertake any other dangerous journey, he takes his money
to a broker and gives a certain per cent — five or six or ten — in order
that at Rome or elsewhere he may receive again his funds intact, by
means of the letter of this same broker? Are you not willing, then,
for the fourth part of a florin, to obtain these letters, by virtue of
which you may bring, not your money, but your divine and immortal
soul safe and sound into the land of Paradise?
Wherefore I counsel, order, and by virtue of my authority as
shepherd, I command that they shall receive together with me and
other priests, this precious treasure, especially those who were not
confessed at the time of the holy Jubilee, that they may be able to
obtain the same forever. For the time may come when you may
desire, but yet be unable to obtain the least portion of the grace.
Also on the part of SS. D. N. the Pope and of the most holy apos-
tolic See and of the most reverend sir, my legate, to each and every
one who shall have profited by the sacred Jubilee and made confession,
and to all who may profit by this present brief opportunity, and who
shall have lent a helping hand to the construction of the aforesaid
house of the Prince of the Apostles, they shall all be participants and
sharers in all prayers, suffrages, alms, fasts, supplications, masses,
canonical hours, disciplines, pilgrimages, papal stations, benedictions,
and all other spiritual goods which now exist or may exist forever in
the church militant, and in all of these, not only they themselves, but
their relatives, kindred, and benefactors who have passed away; and
as they were moved by charity, so God, and SS. Peter and Paul, and
all the saints whose bodies rest in Rome, shall guard them in peace in
this vale, and conduct them through it to the heavenly kingdom. Give
everlasting thanks in the aforesaid names and in mine to the reverend
secular priests and prelates, etc.
DISPUTATION OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER, THEOLOGIAN. U
DISPUTATION OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER, THEOLOGIAN,
CONCERNING THE VALUE OF INDULGENCES.
That the Ninety-Five Theses were not meant by Luther to be taken as a
complete and final statement of his doctrinal conclusions, but rather as a
text to form the basis of academic disputation, as was customary at the
time, seems evident from his subsequent utterances. Early in the year fol-
lowing the publication of the Theses Luther prepared with greater care a
statement of doctrine — the Resolutions — copies of which he sent to neigh-
boring German prelates and to the Pope.
With the copy forwarded to the Bishop of Brandenburg he enclosed a
personal letter^ explaining the nature of the Ninety-Five Theses — that they
were not to be taken as dogma, but merely as themes for disputation. "For
there is much in them," he writes, "concerning which I am doubtful; much
else that I do not understand; other things of which I am not persuaded;
but nothing that I stubbornly adhere to; for I subject everything to the
holy church and her judgment." Again in his letter to the Pope,^ dated
May 30, 1518, he expresses his surprise that the Theses should have obtained
such extensive circulation. He regretted it ; since they were points for dis-
putation and not teaching, "somewhat equivocally composed, as was the
custom," (t. e., the academic custom, giving greater latitude to their
defender). If he had forseen their wide diffusion he would have taken
pains to make them clearer.
An excellent Latin text of the Ninety-Five Theses, copied verbatim
from a manuscript in the Royal Library at Berlin, may be found in the
sixth volume of Ranke's Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reforma-
tion. The text subjoined is substantially that of Wace and Buchheim.
In the desire and with the purpose of elucidating the truth, a
disputation will be held on the underwritten propositions at Witten-
berg, under the presidency of the Reverend Father Martin Luther,
Monk of the Order of St. Augustine, Master of Arts and of Sacred
Theology, and ordinary Reader of the same in that place. He there-
fore asks those who cannot be present and discuss the subject with us
orally, to do so by letter in their absence. In the name of our Lord
Jesus Christ. Amen.
I. Our Lord and Master Jesus Christ in saying, "Repent ye"
(poenitentiam agite), etc., intended that the whole life of believers
should be penitence {poenitentia).
* de Wette: Dr. M. Luther's Brief e, Sendschreihen u. Bedenken. Berlin, 1825.
Vol. I, p. 114.
'Ibid, Vol. I, p. 121.
12 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
2. This word cannot be understood as sacramental penance
(poenitentia), that is, of the confession and satisfaction which are
performed under the ministry of priests.
3. It does not, however, refer solely to inward penitence (poeni-
tentia^) ; nay such inward penitence is naught, unless it outwardly
produces various mortifications of the flesh.
4. The penalty (poena) thus continues as long as the hatred of
self (that is, true inward penitence) ; namely, till our entrance into
the kingdom of heaven.
5. The Pope has neither the will nor the power to remit any pen-
alties except those which he has imposed by his own authority, or by
that of the canons.
6. The Pope has no power to remit any guilt, except by declaring
and warranting it to have been remitted by God; or at most by
remitting cases reserved for himself; in which cases, if his power
were despised, guilt would certainly remain.
7. Certainly God remits no man's guilt without at the same time
subjecting him, humbled in all things, to the authority of his repre-
sentative the priest.
8. The penitential canons are imposed only on the living, and no
burden ought to be imposed on the dying, according to them.
9. Hence, the Holy Spirit acting in the Pope does well for us in
that, in his decrees, he always makes exception of the article of death
and of necessity.
10. Those priests act unlearnedly and wrongly who, in the case of
the dying, reserve the canonical penances for purgatory.
11. Those tares about changing the canonical penalty into the
penalty of purgatory seem surely to have been sown while the bishops
were asleep.
12. Formerly the canonical penalties were imposed not after but
before absolution, as tests of true contrition.
13. The dying pay all penalties by death, and are already dead
to the canon laws, and are by right relieved from them.
14. The imperfect vigor or love of a dying person necessarily
brings with it great fear, and the less it is, the greater the fear it
brings.
* It will be noticed that it is necessary to render the one Latin word poenitentia
now "penitence" and now "penance."
DISPUTATION OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER, THEOLOGIAN. 13
15. This fear and horror is sufficient by itself, to say nothing of
other things, to constitute the pains of purgatory, since it is very near
to the horror of despair.
16. Hell, purgatory, and heaven appear to differ as despair, almost
despair, and peace of mind differ.
17. With souls in purgatory it seems that it must needs be that
as horror diminishes so love increases.
18. Nor does it seem to be proved by any reasoning or any Scrip-
tures, that they are outside of the state of merit or of the increase of
love.
19. Nor does this appear to be proved, that they are sure and
confident of their own blessedness, at least all of them, though we may
be very sure of it.
20. Therefore the Pope, when he speaks of the plenary remission
of all penalties, does not mean really of all, but only of those imposed
by himself.
21. Thus those preachers of indulgences are in error who say
that by the indulgences of the Pope a man is freed and saved from all
punishment.
22. For in fact he remits to souls in purgatory no penalty which
they would have had to pay in this life according to the canons.
23. If any entire remission of all penalties can be granted to any
one it is certain that it is granted to none but the most perfect, that is
to very few.
24. Hence, the greater part of the people must needs be deceived
by this indiscriminate and high-sounding promise of release from
penalties.
25. Such power over purgatory as the Pope has in general, such
has every bishop in his own diocese, and every parish priest in his own
parish, in particular.
26. The Pope acts most rightly in granting remission to souls not
by the power of the keys (which is of no avail in this case), but by
the way of intercession.
27. They preach man who say that the soul flies out of Purgatory
as soon as the money thrown into the chest rattles.
28. It is certain that, when the money rattles in the chest, avarice
and gain may be increased, but the effect of the intercession of the
Church depends on the will of God alone,
14 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
29. Who knows whether all the souls in purgatory desire to be
redeemed from it — witness the story told of Saints Severinus and
Paschal ?
30. No man is sure of the reality of his own contrition, much less
of the attainment of plenary remission.
31. Rare as is a true penitent, so rare is one who truly buys indul-
gences— that is to say, most rare.
32. Those who believe that, through letters of pardon, they are
made sure of their own salvation will be eternally damned along with
their teachers.
33. We must especially beware of those who say that these par-
dons from the Pope are that inestimable gift of God by which man is
reconciled to God.
34. For the grace conveyed by these pardons has respect only to
the penalties of sacramental satisfaction, which are of human appoint-
ment.
35. They preach no Christian doctrine who teach that contrition
is not necessary for those who buy souls [out of purgatory] or buy
confessional licenses.
36. Every Christian who feels true compunction has of right
plenary remission of punishment and guilt even without letters of
pardon.
37. Every true Christian, whether living or dead, has a share in
all the benefits of Christ and of the Church, given by God, even
without letters of pardon.
38. The remission, however, imparted by the Pope is by no means
to be despised, since it is, as I have said, a declaration of the divine
remission.
39. It is a most difficult thing, even for the most learned theolo-
gians, to exalt at the same time in the eyes of the people the ample
effect of pardons and the necessity of true contrition.
40. True contrition seeks and loves punishment ; while the ample-
ness of pardons relaxes it, and causes men to hate it, or at least gives
occasion for them to do so.
41. Apostolic pardons ought to b-e proclaimed with caution, lest
the people should falsely suppose that they are placed before other
good works of charity.
42. Christians should be taught that it is not the wish of the Pope
that the buying of pardons should be in any way compared to works
of mercy.
DISPUTATION OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER, THEOLOGIAN. 15
43. Christians should be taught that he who gives to a poor man,
or lends to a needy man, does better than if he bought pardons.
44. Because by works of charity, charity increases, and the man
becomes better; while by means of pardons, he does not become
better, but only freer from punishment.
45. Christians should be taught that he who sees any one in need,
and, passing him by, gives money for pardons, is not purchasing for
himself the indulgences of the Pope but the anger of God.
46. Christians should be taught that, unless they have superfluous
wealth, they are bound to keep what is necessary for the use of their
own households, and by no means to lavish it on pardons.
47. Christians should be taught that while they are free to buy
pardons they are not commanded to do so.
48. Christians should be taught that the Pope, in granting par-
dons, has both more need and more desire that devout prayer should be
made for him than that money should be readily paid.
49. Christians should be taught that the Pope's pardons are useful
if they do not put their trust in them, but most hurtful if through them
they lose the fear of God.
50. Christians should be taught that, if the Pope were acquainted
with the exactions of the Preachers of pardons, he would prefer that
the Basilica of St. Peter should be burnt to ashes rather than that it
should be built up with the skin, flesh, and bones of his sheep.
51. Christians should be taught that as it would be the duty so it
would be the wish of the Pope even to sell, if necessary, the Basilica
of St. Peter, and to give of his own money to very many of those from
whom the preachers of pardons extract money.
52. Vain is the hope of salvation through letters of pardon, even
if a commissary — nay, the Pope himself — were to pledge his own soul
for them.
53. They were enemies of Christ and of the Pope who, in order
that pardons may be preached, condemn the word of God to utter
silence in other churches.
54. Wrong is done to the Word of God when, in the same sermon,
an equal or longer time is spent on pardons than on it.
55. The mind of the Pope necessarily is that, if pardons, which
are a very small matter, are celebrated with single bells, single proces-
sions, and single ceremonies, the Gospel, which is a very great matter,
should be preached with a hundred bells, a hundred processions, and a
hundred ceremonies.
16 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
56. The treasures of the Church, whence the Pope grants indul-
gences, are neither sufficiently named nor known among the people of
Christ.
57. It is clear that they are at least not temporal treasures, for
these are not so readily lavished, but only accumulated, by means of
the preachers.
58. Nor are they the merits of Christ and of the saints, for these,
independently of the Pope, are always working grace to the inner man,
and the cross, death, and hell to the outer man.
59. St. Lawrence said that the treasures of the Church are the
poor of the Church, but he spoke according to the use of the term in
his time.
60. We are not speaking rashly when we say that the keys of the
Church, bestowed through the merits of Christ, are that treasure.
61. For it is clear that the power of the Pope is sufficient of itself
for the remission of [canonical] penalties and of [reserved] cases.
62. The true treasure of the Church is the Holy Gospel of the
glory and grace of God.
63. This treasure, however, is deservedly most hateful, because it
makes the first to be last.
64. While the treasure of indulgences is deservedly most accept-
able, because it makes the last to be first.
65. Hence the treasures of the Gospel are nets, wherewith of old
they fished for the men of riches.
66. The treasures of indulgences are nets, wherewith they now
fish for the riches of men.
6y. Those indulgences, which the preachers loudly proclaim to be
the greatest graces, are seen to be truly such as regards the promotion
of gain.
68. Yet they are in reality most insignificant when compared to
the grace of God and the piety of the cross.
69. Bishops and parish priests are bound to receive the commis-
saries of apostolical pardons with all reverence.
70. But they are still more bound to see to it with all their eyes,
and take heed with all their ears, that these men do not preach their
own dreams in place of the Pope's commission.
71. He who speaks against the truth of apostolical pardons, let
him be anathema and accursed.
DISPUTATION OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER, THEOLOGIAN. 17
72. But he, on the other hand, who exerts himself against the
wantonness and license of speech of the preachers of pardons, let him
be blessed.
73. As the Pope justly thunders against those who use any kind of
contrivance to the injury of the traffic in pardons,
74. Much more is it his intention to thunder against those who,
under the pretext of pardons, use contrivances to the injury of holy
charity and of truth.
75. To think that the Papal pardons have such power that they
could absolve a man even if — by an impossibility — he had violated the
Mother of God, is madness.
^d. We affirm on the contrary that Papal pardons cannot take
away even the least of venial sins, as regards its guilt.
jy. The saying that, even if St. Peter were now Pope, he could
grant no greater graces, is blasphemy against St. Peter and the Pope.
78. We affirm on the contrary that both he and any other Pope
has greater graces to grant, namely, the Gospel, powers, gifts of heal-
ing, etc. (i Cor. xii.)
79. To say that the cross set up among the insignia of the Papal
arms is of equal power with the cross of Christ, is blasphemy.
80. Those bishops, priests and theologians who allow such dis-
courses to have currency among the people will have to render an
account.
81. This license in the preaching of pardons makes it no easy
thing, even for learned men, to protect the reverence due to the Pope
against the calumnies, or, at all events, the keen questioning of the
laity.
82. As for instance: Why does not the Pope empty purgatory
for the sake of most holy charity and of the supreme necessity of souls
— this being the most just of all reasons — if he redeems an infinite
number of souls for the sake of that most fatal thing, money, to be
spent on building a basilica — this being a very slight reason?
83. Again; why do funeral masses and anniversary masses for
the deceased continue, and why does not the Pope return, or permit
the withdrawal of, the funds bequeathed for this purpose, since it is
a wrong to pray for those who are already redeemed?
84. Again; what is this new kindness of God and the Pope, in
that, for money's sake, they permit an impious man and an enemy of
God to redeem a pious soul which loves God, and yet do not redeem
18 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
that same pious and beloved soul out of free charity on account of its
own need?
85. Again ; why is it that the penitential canons, long since abro-
gated and dead in themselves, in very fact and not only by usage, are
yet still redeemed with money, through the granting of indulgences, as
if they were full of life?
86. Again; why does not the Pope, whose riches are at this day
more ample than those of the wealthiest of the wealthy, build the
single Basilica of St. Peter with his own money rather than with that
of poor believers?
87. Again; what does the Pope remit or impart to those who
through perfect contrition have a right to plenary remission and par-
ticipation ?
88. Again; what greater good could the Church receive than if
the Pope, instead of once, as he does now, were to bestow these remis-
sions and participations a hundred times a day on any one of the
faithful?
89. Since it is the salvation of souls, rather than money, that the
Pope seeks by his pardons, why does he suspend the letters and
pardons granted long ago, since they are equally efficacious ?
90. To repress these scruples and arguments of the laity by force
alone, and not to resolve them by giving reasons, is to expose the
Church and the Pope to the ridicule of their enemies, and to make
Christian men unhappy.
91. If then pardons were preached according to the spirit and
mind of the Pope, all these questions would be resolved with ease;
nay, would not exist.
92. Away then with all those prophets who say to the people of
Christ: "Peace, peace," and there is no peace.
93. Blessed be all those prophets who say to the people of Christ:
"The cross, the cross/' and there is no cross.
94. Christians should be exhorted to strive to follow Christ their
head through pains, deaths, and hells.
95. And thus trust to enter heaven through many tribulations,
rather than in the security of peace.
M D XVII.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF ULRICH VON HUTTEN. 19
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF ULRICH VON HUTTEN
TO THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY, 1520.
In September, 1520, Ulrich von Hutten, fearing an attack upon his life
or liberty, accepted the invitation of his friend Franz von Sickingen, and
repaired to the castle of Ebernburg. From this retreat, between the time
of his arrival and the 28th of the same month, he sent forth four letters of
political import, which contain the substance of his effort to rally the
elements of German strength against the power of Rome. Of these letters
the first was addressed to Charles V., then upon his way to assume the
imperial honors; another to the Elector Albert, Cardinal Archbishop of
Mainz; a third to the Elector Frederick of Saxony, and a fourth to
Germans of all Estates.
The letter to Frederick is of greatest Interest, and its description of the
economic forces then at work in Germany may profitably be compared with
Luther's treatment of the same matters in his Address to the German
Nobility.
From the Latin and contemporaneous German version in the Epistola
Ulrichi Hutteni, Edited by Backing. Vol. I., pp. ^93 ff-
♦ * * We see that there is no gold and almost no silver in our
German land. What little may perhaps be left is drawn away daily
by the new schemes invented by the council of the most holy members
of the Roman curia. What is thus squeezed out of us is put to the
most shameful uses. Would you know, dear Germans, what employ-
ment I have myself seen that they make at Rome of our money? It
does not lie idle ! Leo the Tenth gives a part to nephews and relatives
(these are so numerous that there is a proverb at Rome, "As thick as
Leo's relations"). A portion is consumed by so many most reverend
cardinals (of which the holy father created no less than one and thirty
in a single day), as well as to support innumerable referendaries, audi-
tors, prothonotaries, abbreviators, apostolic secretaries, chamberlains
and a variety of officials forming the elite of the great head church.
These in turn draw after them, at untold expense, copyists, beadles,
messengers, servants, scullions, mule drivers, grooms, and an innu-
merable army of prostitutes and of the most degraded followers. They
maintain dogs, horses, monkeys, long-tailed apes, and many more such
creatures for their pleasure. They construct houses all of marble.
They have precious stones, are clothed in purple and fine linen, and
dine sumptuously, frivolously indulging themselves in every species of
luxury. In short, a vast number of the worst of men are supported in
20 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
Rome in idle indulgence by means of our money Does
not Your Grace perceive how many bold robbers, how many cunning
hypocrites commit repeatedly the greatest crimes under the monk's
cowl, and how many crafty hawks feign the simplicity of doves, and
how many ravening wolves simulate the innocence of lambs? And
although there be a few truly pious among them, even they cling to
superstition, and pervert the law of life which Christ laid down for us.
Now, if all these who devastate Germany, and continue to devour
everything, might once be driven out, and an end made of their un-
bridled plundering, swindling and deception, with which the Romans
have overwhelmed us, we should again have gold and silver in suffi-
cient quantities, and should be able to keep it. And then this money,
in such supply and value as it may be present, might be put to better
uses, for example: to put on foot great armaments and extend the
boundaries of the Empire; also that the Turks may be conquered, if
this seems desirable; that many who, because of poverty, steal and rob
may honestly earn their living once more, and that those who other-
wise must starve may receive from the state contributions to mitigate
their need; that scholars may be helped, and the study of the arts and
sciences and of good literature be advanced; above all that every
virtue may receive its reward; want be relieved at home; indolence
banished, and deceit killed.
Then, too, the Bohemians, when they come to know this, will
make common cause with us, for it was material obstacles alone that
kept them back, in earlier times, from dealing with the avarice of their
priests. The Greeks would do the same, who, unable to bear the
Romish tyranny, have been for a long time, at the instigation of the
Popes, regarded as heretics. The Russians would also become Chris-
tians and join us, they who, when recently they proposed to embrace
Christianity, were repelled by the demand of His Holiness for a yearly
tribute to be levied upon them of 400,000 ducats. Even the Turks
would thereby hate us less; and no heathen, as formerly, would have
occasion to molest us. For up to the present day the shameful lives
of the heads of the Church have made the name of Christian hateful
to all strangers.
Ebernburg, September 11, 1520.
ERASMUS TO RICHARD PACE. 21
ERASMUS TO RICHARD PACE.
The Bull of Leo X., which excommunicated Luther and ordered that
his works should be burned, alarmed Erasmus and he felt the necessity of
disclaiming, in a series of letters to his influential friends, all connection
with the Lutheran movement. The partisans of Rome, however, and most
particularly the monks, who had additional reason for hating Erasmus as
leader of the Humanists, were not so easily silenced; but were loud in their
denunciation of Erasmus as having furnished the literary basis for the
anti-Roman movement; or as they expressed it: "Erasmus laid the egg
and Luther has hatched it."
The letter to Richard Pace, a figure of some prominence in the English
Church, and successor to Colet as Dean of St. Paul's, has been selected as
seeming to show an interesting conflict of motives which may have pos-
sessed Erasmus at this period.
From the Latin : Translation in Drummond's Erasmus, Vol. H, p. 77.
Brussels, July 5, 1521.
". . . . I fear the Dominicans and some of the divines will
use their victory intemperately, especially those of Louvain, who have
some private grudge against me, and have found in Jerome Aleander
an instrument most admirably adapted to this purpose. This man is
mad enough naturally, without any one to instigate him ; but, as it is,
he has instigators who might drive even the most moderate to mad-
ness. The most virulent pamphlets are flying about on all sides, and
Aleander ascribes them all to me, though I was ignorant of the exist-
ence of many of them before I heard of them from him. Luther has
acknowledged his own books in the presence of the Emperor, and yet
the 'Babylonian Captivity,' which is one of them, is ascribed to me. A
prolific author indeed I must be, seeing that I was able to write so
many pamphlets, while meantime I was emending the text of the New
Testament with the utmost labor, and editing the works of Augustine,
not to speak of other studies. May I be lost if in all Luther's works
there is a single syllable of mine, or if any calumnious book was ever
published of which I was the author; on the contrary, I do all I can
to deter others. Now, however, they are adopting a new course, and
asserting that Luther has borrowed some of his doctrines from my
works, as if he had not borrowed more from Paul's Epistles. I now,
at last, see clearly that it was the policy of the Germans to implicate
me whether I would or not in Luther's business; a most impolitic
piece of policy indeed, for nothing would sooner have alienated me
from them. Or what aid could I have given to Luther if I had asso-
22 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
ciated myself with him in his danger? The only result would have
been that two must perish instead of one. I can never sufficiently
wonder at the violent spirit he has displayed in his writings, by which
he has certainly brought immense odium on all the friends of polite
literature. Many indeed of his doctrines and exhortations are excel-
lent, and I wish he had not vitiated the good in his writings by intol-
erable faults. If, however, he had always written in the most reverent
spirit, still, I had no inclination to risk my life for the truth. It is not
everybody who has strength for martyrdom, and I am afraid that if
any outbreak should take place I should imitate St. Peter. When the
Popes and the Emperors decree what is right, I obey, which is the
course of true piety; but when they command what is wrong, I
submit, and that is the safe course. I think also that good men are
justified in acting thus if there is no hope of success. They are again
trying to fix on me the authorship of the book on Julius, so determined
are they to leave nothing untried to injure both myself and the cause
of letters, which they cannot bear to see prospering. , , . ,"
A MANDATE OF MAURICE, BISHOP OF WORMS, AGAINST
THE LUTHERAN DOCTRINE.
January 20, 1524.
In the admonition given below the attitude of the Catholic prelacy
towards the Lutheran movement is clearly shown. The student will note
that every species of disorder which the bishop had observed was uncondi-
tionally ascribed to Luther.
From the Latin. Le Plat : M onumentorum ad Historiam Concilii Tri-
dentini amplissima Collectio. Tom. II., pp. 214-7.
To the honorable lord Archpresbyter of Braunsberg and all other
priests, both regular and secular, parish priests, vicars, preachers of
God's word, clerks and the learned in general of this diocese, saluta-
tion and true grace in our Lord :
We had certainly believed that its very recklessness would ere this
have hurried to its own destruction the Lutheran faction, which not a
few Christians in their blindness are hastening to join. And this we
still believe will take place as soon as it shall please God in his mercy
to turn from us the scourge of his wrath. ^ His anger will not last for-
ever, nor will he forget to pity, whose mercy extends to all his
^ It is apparent from a later paragraph in this letter, here omitted, that the bishop
regarded the heresy as a visitation of God upon the sins of his people.
A MANDATE OF MAURICE, BISHOP OF WORMS. 23
creatures. Nor will he allow his church like a storm beaten vessel to
be cast about by the raging waves of this tempest of heresy, for he has
founded it upon the firm rock, and vouchsafed that it should be con-
secrated with the blood of many martyrs.
In what way could this pestiferous defilement be lasting, which
brings upon the Church, the undefiled bride of Christ, such a mass of
horrible abominations. Since those who are enthusiastic adherents of
this sect, wounding the pious hearts of simple Christians by their
deadly declamations, execrate with unheard-of animosity the most
holy sacrifice of the mass, as if it were the blackest abomination, and,
rejecting it in their heart, they revile it in shameful terms, which
could not be repeated without a blush. They reject the sacraments of
the Church to follow their own lusts. They proclaim the duty of
reproduction according to the old law, in such unmeasured terms that
they would seem plainly to condemn the purity of virginity. For this
reason they command the cloisters of monks and nuns to be thrown
open, that everyone may be free, in violation of the vows and chastity,
to go forth and marry at will. They would, moreover, in their rash-
ness, allow priests to marry as well.
They preach with impious words that the crucifixes of our Lord
Jesus Christ and the figures of the saints should be thrown down and
burned, and especially those of the glorified mother, the Virgin Mary,
and forbid as sacrilegious the venerable hymns and songs of praise
addressed to her. They declare the Pope, bishops, priests, monks and
nuns dedicated to God, as well as the whole body of the clergy, hateful
to the laity, and reject the whole ecclesiastical system; they heap
ignominies upon it, and accuse it of the most enormous crimes. More-
over with foul mouths they attack kings and princes, and whoever is
in authority, — those whom the apostle bade us obey even if they were
not righteous.
They claim, indeed, to oppose abuses, which are obviously enough
to be found every where in this world, and would cut oflf superfluous
ceremonies and bring everything back to a state in accordance with
apostolic tradition ; they claim to inculcate real respect for the Chris-
tian religion and reintroduce original customs. Especially, having
thrown aside human institutions, they emphasize only evangelical
teaching, rejecting the salutary provisions of the law and the canons.
They regard anything as permissible to them, on the pretext of Chris-
tian liberty, and petulantly throw aside temporal and spiritual juris-
diction and censures alike. They hold satisfaction for sins, purgatory,
confession, penance (poenitentia), fasts, canonical hours and other
pious devotions, the intercession of the saints, the intercession for
24 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
souls, and indulgences, to be mere inventions of man, and hold them in
scorn as idle catch-pennies. However, in their mad longing for novel-
ties, they either push the original customs of the church too far or
change them in accordance with their evil desires. All order being
thus done away with, they refuse obedience to those in authority, pro-
mote schism, excite tumults and, confusing heaven and earth, produce
universal anarchy.
To describe the object of these monsters of depravity in a word,
they strive to introduce whatever in the way of error has hitherto been
condemned singly, in one great filthy mass of shame [in hanc spurcarn
omnium flagitiorum sentinam congcstam'j. And yet these things,
enormous and impious as they are, and which must seem execrable to
every right-minded Christian, still have their pertinacious advocates,
not only laymen, but, as we must confess with great heaviness of
heart, priests as well, both regular and secular, who, forgetful of their
position and vows, embrace these novelties as ardently as if they were
dictated by the Holy Spirit. They persuade the people, moreover,
who are always credulous and ready for change, and drag them in a
pitiable fashion towards the abyss of damnation. The people are in
this way led precipitately to accept Luther's teachings, so that any-
thing they understand to be from Luther they straightway regard as
gospel truth, and look upon anything not from Luther as necessarily
opposed to the gospel. ****** \Ye, therefore, command
you strictly that, first, you should in your own prayers and through
those of your flock supplicate God to remove the cause of the aforesaid
evils. ****** Secondly, that you diligently exhort this
same people, committed to your care, priests and clerks, as well as
both sexes of the laity, and lead them by salutary admonition and the
word of truth (not by the violence of recrimination) that they should
not hereafter venture in any way publicly or privately to support,
teach, argue or discuss the above-mentioned Lutheran teaching, nor
shall you yourselves dare to do this, or permit it to be done in any
church, dwelling, assembly or elsewhere. But prevent this so far as
possible, and observe and cause to be observed the venerable rites of
the church, taught by the apostles of Christ and the holy fathers and
prompted by the holy spirit, which have now for many centuries been
recognized by the religious consensus of the whole Christian world.
Nor shall you presume to violate or change in any way any rule insti-
tuted by the Church, or, so far as in you lies to prevent, allow others
to do so.^ •
^ The letter closes with a malediction upon all who shall refuse to obey the
instructions.
THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF THE PEASANTS. 25
THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF THE PEASANTS.
The great peasant war affords a serious commentary upon the general
social and economic conditions in Germany at the opening of the Reforma-
tion. The abuses were, however, of long standing, and several local revolts
had taken place before 1525. Even the religious element so prominent in
"the 12 articles" was not new, and can easily be traced back to a period
antedating the publication of Luther's Theses. The religious crisis bore,
therefore, somewhat the same relation to the terrible outbreak of the slowly
developed discontent that the financial crisis in France (the immediate
reason for assembling the States General in 1789) bore to the great demo-
cratic movement of reform which constituted the essence of the French
Revolution.
The articles given below are the sober manifesto of the conservative
party, and closely resemble the local cahiers of the third estate which were
drawn up in France in 1789. Much more radical schemes than "the 12
articles" were, however, drafted, providing for a complete revision of the
constitution of the German Empire. These latter did not confine them-
selves to the complaints of the discontented peasants but included those of
other classes as well,^
In the translation the editors have availed themselves so far as possi-
ble of the partial translation of the articles given in Gieseler's Ecclesiastical
History, vol. v, pp. 347 ff. (of the Edinburgh edition).
From the German of the period, in Oechsle; Beitrdge zur Geschichte
des Bauernkrieges (Heilbronn, 1830) pp. 246 ff.
The fundamental and correct chief articles of all the peasants and
of those subject to ecclesiastical^ lords, relating to those matters in
which they feel themselves aggrieved.
M. cccc. quadratum, Ix et duplicatum
V cum transibit, Christiana secta peribit.
Ein M, vier c, zwei 1 darbey.
Und ein x das zwifach sey.
Bald man ein v dartzu ist schreyben
Werden nit souil secten des christen bleyben.
Peace to the Christian Reader and the Grace of God through Christ.
There are many evil writings put forth of late which take occasion,
on account of the assembling of the peasants, to cast scorn upon the
Gospel, saying: Is this the fruit of the new teaching, that no one
^ For a very interesting example see Oechsle, pp. 163 ff. and 283 ff.
* The version printed in Bensen's Geschichte des Bauernkrieges in Ostfranken
(1840), pp, 514 ff. adds: "and lay lords." The same version omits the characteristic
but untranslatable rhymes.
26 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
should obey but all should everywhere rise In revolt, and rush together
to reform, or perhaps destroy entirely, the authorities, both ecclesi-
astical and lay? The articles below shall answer these godless and
criminal fault-finders, and serve in the first place to remove the
reproach from the word of God and, in the second place, to give a
Christian excuse for the disobedience or even the revolt of the entire
Peasantry. In the first place the Gospel is not the cause of revolt and
disorder, since it is the message of Christ, the promised Messiah, the
Word of Life, teaching only love, peace, patience and concord. Thus,
all who believe in Christ should learn to be loving, peaceful, long-
suffering and harmonious. This is the foundation of all the articles
of the peasants (as will be seen) who accept the gospel and live
according to it. How then can the evil reports declare the Gospel to
be a cause of revolt and disobedience? That the authors of the evil
reports and the enemies of the Gospel oppose themselves to these
demands is due not to the Gospel but to the Devil, the worst enemy of
the Gospel, who causes this opposition by raising doubts in the minds
of his followers; and thus the word of God, which teaches love, peace
and concord, is overcome. In the second place, it is clear that the
peasants demand that this Gospel be taught them as a guide in life, and
they ought not to be called disobedient or disorderly. Whether God
grant the peasants (earnestly wishing to live according to his word)
their requests or no, who shall find fault with the will of the Most
High? Who shall meddle in his judgments or oppose his majesty?
Did he not hear the children of Israel when they called upon him and
save them out of the hands of Pharaoh? Can he not save his own
to-day? Yes, he will save them and that speedily. Therefore, Chris-
tian reader, read the following articles with care and then judge.
Here follow the articles :
The First Article, — First, it is our humble petition and desire, as
also our will and resolution, that in the future we should have power
and authority so that each community should choose and appoint a
pastor, and that we should have the right to depose him should he
conduct himself improperly. The pastor thus chosen should teach us
the Gospel pure and simple, without any addition, doctrine or ordi-
nance of man. For to teach us continually the true faith will lead us
to pray God that through his grace this faith may increase within us
and become a part of us. For if his grace work not within us we
remain flesh and blood, which availeth nothing; since the Scripture
clearly teaches that only through true faith can we come to God.
Only through his mercy can we become holy. Hence such a guide and
pastor is necessary, and in this fashion grounded upon the Scriptures.
THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF THE PEASANTS. 27
The Second Article. — According as the just tithe is established
by the Old Testament and fulfilled in the New, we are ready and will-
ing to pay the fair tithe of grain. The word of God plainly provides
that in giving according to right to God and distributing to his people
the services of a pastor are required. We will that for the future our
church provost, whomsoever the community may appoint, shall gather
and receive this tithe. From this he shall give to the pastor, elected
by the whole community, a decent and sufficient maintenance for him
and his (im und den seynen), as shall seem right to the whole commu-
nity [or, with the knowledge of the community]. What remains over
shall be given to the poor of the place, as the circumstances and the
general opinion demand. Should anything farther remain, let it be
kept, lest anyone should have to leave the country from poverty.
Provision should also be made from this surplus to avoid laying any
land tax on the poor. In^ case one or more villages have themselves
sold their tithes on account of want, and the village has taken action
as a whole, the buyer should not suffer loss, but we will that some
proper agreement be reached with him for the repayment of the sum
by the village with due interest. But those who have tithes which they
have not purchased from a village, but which were appropriated by
their ancestors, should not, and ought not, to be paid anything farther
by the village, which shall apply its tithes to the support of the pastors
elected as above indicated, or to solace the poor, as is taught by the
Scriptures. The small tithes, whether ecclesiastical or lay, we will not
pay at all, for the Lord God created cattle for the free use of man.
We will not, therefore, pay farther an unseemly tithe which is of
man's invention.
The Third Article. — It has been the custom hitherto for men to
hold us as their own property, which is pitiable enough, considering
that Christ has delivered and redeemed us all, without exception, by
the shedding of his precious blood, the lowly as well as the great.
Accordingly, it is consistent with Scripture that we should be free and
wish to be so. Not that we would wish to be absolutely free and under
no authority. God does not teach us that we should lead a disorderly
life in the lusts of the flesh, but that we should love the Lord our God
and our neighbor. We would gladly observe all this as God has com-
manded us in the celebration of the communion. ^ He has not com-
manded us not to obey the authorities, but rather that we should be
humble, not only towards those in authority, but towards everyone.
* The following two sentences are somewhat obscure in the original.
• A reference to the gospel of John, Chap. XIII.
28 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
We are thus ready to yield obedience according to God's law to our
elected and regular authorities in all proper things becoming to a
Christian. We, therefore, take it for granted that you will release us
from serfdom, as true Christians, unless it should be shown us from
the Gospel that we are serfs.
The Fourth Article. — In the fourth place it has been the custom
heretofore, that no poor man should be allowed to touch venison or
wild fowl, or fish in flowing water, which seems to us quite unseemly
and unbrotherly, as well as selfish and not agreeable to the word of
God. In some places the authorities preserve the game to our great
annoyance and loss, recklessly permitting the unreasoning animals to
destroy to no purpose our crops, which God suffers to grow for the
use of man, and yet we must remain quiet. This is neither godly nor
neighborly. For when God created man he gave him dominion over
all the animals, over the birds of the air and over the fish in the water.
Accordingly it is our desire if a man holds possession of waters that
he should prove from satisfactory documents that his right has been
unwittingly acquired by purchase. We do not wish to take it from
him by force, but his rights should be exercised in a Christian and
brotherly fashion. But whosoever cannot produce such evidence
should surrender his claim with good grace.^
The Fifth Article. — In the fifth place we are aggrieved in the
matter of wood-cutting, for the noble folk have appropriated all the
woods to themselves alone. If a poor man requires wood he must
pay double for it, [or perhaps, two pieces of money]. It is our opinion
in regard to a wood which has fallen into the hands of a lord, whether
spiritual or temporal, that unless it was duly purchased it should revert
again to the community. It should, moreover, be free to every mem-
ber of the community to help himself to such firewood as he needs in
his own home. Also, if a man requires wood for carpenter's purposes
he should have it free, but with the knowledge of a person appointed
by the community for that purpose. Should, however, no such forest be
at the disposal of the community, let that which has been duly bought
be administered in a brotherly and Christian manner. If the forest,
although unfairly appropriated in the first instance, was later duly sold,
let the matter be adjusted in a friendly spirit and according to the
Scriptures.
The Sixth Article. — Our sixth complaint is in regard to the
excessive services demanded of us, which are increased from day to
* Compare the above with the Art. II-IV of the decree abolishing the Feudal
System in France, August, 1789. Translations and Reprints, Vol. I, No. s. P. 3-
THE TWELVE ARTICLES OF THE PEASANTS. 29
day. We ask that this matter be properly looked into so that we shall
not continue to be oppressed in this way, and that some gracious con-
sideration be given us, since our forefathers were required only to
serve according to the word of God.
The Seventh Article. — Seventh, we will not hereafter allow our-
selves to be farther oppressed by our lords, but will let them demand
only what is just and proper according to the word of the agreement
between the lord and the peasant. The lord should no longer try to
force more services or other dues from the peasant without payment,
but permit the peasant to enjoy his holding in peace and quiet. The
peasant should, however, help the lord when it is necessary, and at
proper times, when it will not be disadvantageous to the peasant, and
for a suitable payment.
The Eighth Article. — In the eighth place, we are greatly bur-
dened by holdings which cannot support the rent exacted from them.
The peasants suffer loss in this way and are ruined ; and we ask that
the lords may appoint persons of honor to inspect these holdings, and
fix a rent in accordance with justice, so that the peasant shall not work
for nothing, since the laborer is worthy of his hire.
The Ninth Article. — In the ninth place, we are burdened with a
great evil in the constant making of new laws. We are not judged
according to the offence, but sometimes with great ill will, and some-
times much too leniently. In our opinion we should be judged accord-
ing to the old written law, so that the case shall be decided according
to its merits, and not with partiality.
The Tenth Article. — In the tenth place, we are aggrieved by the
appropriation by individuals of meadows and fields which at one time
belonged to a community. These we will take again into our own
hands. It may, however, happen that the land was rightfully pur-
chased, but when the land has unfortunately been purchased in this
way, some brotherly arrangement should be made according to cir-
cumstances.
The Eleventh Article. — In the eleventh place we will entirely
abolish the due called Todfall [i. e., heriot], and will no longer endure
it, nor allow widows and orphans to be thus shamefully robbed against
God's will, and in violation of justice and right, as has been^done in
many places, and by those who should shield and protect them. These
have disgraced and despoiled us, and although they had little authority
they assumed it. God will suffer this no more, but it shall be wholly
done away with, and for the future no man shall be bound to give
little or much.
30 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
Conclusion. — In the twelfth place it is our conclusion and final
resolution, that if any one or more of the articles here set forth should
not be in agreement with the word of God, as we think they are, such
article we will willingly recede from, when it is proved really to be
against the word of God by a clear explanation of the Scripture. Or
if articles should now be conceded to us that are hereafter discovered
to be unjust, from that hour they shall be dead and null and without
force. Likewise, if more complaints should be discovered which are
based upon truth and the Scriptures, and relate to offences against
God and our neighbor, we have determined to reserve the right to
present these also, and to exercise ourselves in all Christian teaching.
For this we shall pray God, since he can grant this, and he alone. The
peace of Christ abide with us all.
SECRET INSTRUCTIONS OF CHARLES V. TO HIS VICE-
CHANCELLOR, MATTHIAS HELD.
In August 1535, Charles V. returned to Italy after a successful cam-
paign against the Mohammedan Pirates, who had taken possession of
Tunis, to find his enemy, Francis I. of France, upon the point of invading
Savoy and Piedmont, and ready to reassert his old claims on the Duchy of
Milan, which had been reluctantly surrendered in the treaty of Cambrai.
Charles submitted proposals for avoiding a war, suggesting a personal
conflict between himself and Francis, which should settle once for all the
question of Burgundy and Milan. Francis proceeded, however, to take
possession of Piedmont, including the city of Turin. Charles moved north-
ward, and, with the enthusiastic approbation of his soldiers, resolved to
invade France. The invasion, July — September, 1536, ended in the disas-
trous retreat of the Emperor, who had accomplished nothing, owing partly
to the fact that Francis had himself mercilessly devastated the Southeastern
part of France in order to Increase Charles' diflficulties. The Emperor was
thus in an especially discouraged mood in October, 1536, when the docu-
ment here given was drawn up. Francis would hear of no accommodation,
and in the succeeding January "Charles of Austria" was summoned to
Paris to do homage to the French King for Flanders and Artois, which, it
was claimed, were again vested in France by reason of Charles' violation
of the Peace of Cambrai. Protestants had, moreover, just extended the
Schmalkaldic League and restored a Protestant prince in Wiirtemberg.
From the French ; Lanz : Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V., II, pp. 268 ff.
October, 1536.
In addition to the instructions which you, Messire Mathias Held,
our dear and faithful councillor and Vice-Chancellor of the Empire,
SECRET INSTRUCTIONS OF CHARLES V. 31
have already received, drawn up in German, and relating to the busi-
ness for which we have sent you to Germany, we think it essential to
confide in you the following secret instructions, which you are to
impart confidentially to the king, our good brother, and to the most
reverend cardinal of Trent, without, however, allowing the matter to
reach the ears of any one else.
First you shall inform my lord, our brother, concerning what you
saw and heard of public matters up to the time of your departure, and
of the existing relations with the pope, the Venetians, and other
powers of Italy, as well as with the kings of France and of England.
Of these matters we shall say no more here since we do not wish to
lengthen this instruction unduly, and are, moreover, expecting more
exact information of the status of affairs. You will also speak of the
conditions in Flanders, and of various other matters which can be
more advantageously communicated by you than written.
The information which you might otherwise convey to our
brother, as to the policy which we desire and are in a position to adopt,
cannot well be formulated without learning first what action the said
king of France will take in i;egard to peace and the conditions which
we have offered in the case of Milan. These you have seen, and of
them you have a copy. We must, moreover, learn what farther vio-
lence the said king will resort to. Inform our brother of the measures
we have taken to learn as soon as possible if matters can be arranged.
He must, morover, be made aware of the measures which the pope, the
Venetians and the other powers will take should the king of France
obstinately continue the war. It is further very essential to learn the
aim and intentions of the electors, princes and estates of the Empire
in respect to the matters with which you are commissioned, not only
as regards the question of the faith, but concerning the sympathy and
assistance which we may expect and hope from them. You must exer-
cise the greatest diligence and prudence in this matter, and inform us
of the disposition which you find.
In view of the ill-will which the king of France has always shown,
and the frequent negotiations for peace which have come to naught,
we are inclined to doubt whether any results will be reached in the
present case, hence it is especially important that you should make
every effort to learn what can be done to gain the favor and assistance
of Germany in case of the continuance of the war.
It must always be kept in mind that the division in Germany is at
bottom entirely due to the controversy in regard to our holy religion.
This prevents Germany from being united as it should be in obedience
to us and the holy Empire. This encourages the king of France, more-
32 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
ever, to persist in the war, and furnishes him an obvious excuse for
impeding, in a most unwarrantable fashion, the meeting of the council.
The confusion may even become worse in view of the said king's
favorable attitude towards the Turks, should no means be found to
restore peace. This point must be emphasized in Germany, and some
agreement ought to be reached as to the measures which should be
adopted in case the pope, through the influence of the said king of
France or through fear on the part of the Holy Father of losing his
authority in the kingdom of France,^ should refuse to consent to the
calling of the council, on the ground of the war between us and the
king of France, or for other reasons. To say the truth it would seem,
in spite of the evil deeds of the king of France, which are notorious
and proven beyond the chance of doubt, that the Holy Father does not
care to take any measure against the king, but that he will, in a word,
remain neutral until he discovers which is in the wrong, as if the king
of France had committed no offences up to the present and our actions
belonged in the same category as his. He would seem to excuse him-
self and escape responsibility on the ground that he ought to arbitrate
between us as a father and that, especially, he fears the loss of his
authority in France. He may in this way be simply disguising the
partiality which he constantly showed towards France before he
became pope.
It is, however, none the less true that, in spite of the anxiety
caused by the attitude of the Holy Father and the obstinacy of the
king of France, we do not wish to use our power in any way against
the apostolic authority and dignity, or do anything prejudicial, directly
or indirectly, to the essentials of our religion or the holy Catholic
institutions. But we see clearly that should the pope continue to main-
tain his attitude of indifference or dissimulation, and not frankly con-
sent to a council, it is all the more necessary that some means should
be devised as soon as possible to prevent an increase of confusion in
Germany, which will cause the destruction both of religion and the
imperial authority. Owing to this disorder we are prevented from
doing anything for Christianity itself or towards the defence against
the Turks, whom the king of France is constantly encouraging. Our
power is thus paralyzed to an extent which manifestly jeopardizes our
realms and estates and those of our brother.
For these reasons, while maintaining the great secrecy which the
affair demands, you should confer very particularly with my lord our
brother, as to whether there be any way of celebrating the council.
* Henry VIII. had but just thrown off the allegiance to the popes.
SECRET INSTRUCTIONS OF CHARLES V. 33
should Germany consent, even if the said pope and king of France
should not agree to it, and as to how this may be done and with what
certainty. This would seem to be a plan based upon perfect right and
reason, and all the more, because the Holy Father has already prom-
ised a council and pledged himself expressly for the king of France.^
The principal need of a council is, moreover, for the German nation.
The king of Portugal will consent to and support the plan, as will
probably the king of Poland, and the most of the powers of Italy. As
for England, since it is utterly schismatic, the pope and the king of
France cannot validly allege against the legitimacy of the council the
fact that that country was not included.
Should the resort to a council in Germany, with the approbation
of all or the greater part of that nation, prove impracticable, it should
be determined whether there is not some other expedient, for example,
to assure those who have fallen from the faith that no further coercion
will be used if they will but sincerely conform with the other members
of Germany in maintaining peace at home and in cooperating with our
said brother and ourselves, or might not the treaty of Nuremberg be
modified, or such a new one drawn up as the change of times and
altered circumstances might dictate. Or may it not be advisable to
call a national assembly in Germany and adjust, or neglect (dis-
simuler^), such matters as may not be essential to our holy religion.
Or let some other expedient be devised so that the imperial, Roman
authority be not sacrificed, as well as our said brother and ourselves,
even should it not supply a remedy in the matter of religion. For we
can but wait until God grants such remedy as he shall judge fitting to
his holy servince, since he knows the regret with which our said
brother and we behold the sad state of affairs, and that our aim and
desire is to serve him and apply ourselves to cure the existing evils so
soon as any means shall offer themselves.
We are thus placed in a difficult and critical position, for we
cannot have peace if our enemy does not consent, for, as it is well
known, he is as obstinate as he is powerful, and regards neither God
nor good faith, placing his chief hope in the division of Germany and
the difference in religious matters which exist there, as well as in the
approach of the Turk, whom, as it is reported, he spares no efforts to
encourage. In view of this it behooves our brother to turn his atten-
tion to this matter, since everything is at stake, and to find some way
* The editors cannot be sure that this is the proper rendering of the obscure
passage in the original.
' How much the Emperor meant frankly to concede cannot be inferred from his
vague language.
34 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
of settling his difficulties in Hungary, and any other complications in
which he may be involved. For it would be quite impossible for us
to lend him any assistance, being, as we are, far in arrears for the
outlays we have been forced to make in the past. Our kingdoms and
countries are so surcharged with burdens that we do not know where
we are to look for the absolutely necessary means of continuing this
war. This is one of the chief motives which induces us to return to
our Spanish kingdoms in order to take council there as to what may
be done.^
EXAMPLES OF THE CANONS OF THE COUNCIL OF
TRENT.
From the Latin. Richter: Canoncs et Decreta Concil. Trid.
The formal codification of the doctrines and ordinances of the Roman
Catholic Church was one of the most interesting and important results of
the great schism of the sixteenth century. In spite of the protest of two
catholic princes at least, Ferdinand I. and the King of France, who advo-
cated some concessions to the demands of their subjects, the Council of
Trent adhered to a strictly conservative policy. The method of codification
took a positive and a negative form. When a matter had been sufficiently
discussed the results were ratified in a solemn session in a series of chapters
setting forth the accepted view of the church. Following these a series of
canons were generally drawn up in which those holding various special
opinions were declared accursed. A few examples of these decrees are
given below, illustrating the central dogmas upon which the sacerdotal and
sacramental organization rests.
Twenty-third Session, Chapter IV. — Inasmuch as in the sacra-
ment of Orders, as also in Baptism and Confirmation, a character is
imprinted which can neither be effaced nor taken away, this holy
council with reason condemns the opinions of those who assert that the
priests of the New Testament have only a temporary power; and that
those who have once been properly ordained can again become laymen,
if they do not exercise the ministry of God. And if anyone affirm that
all Christians indiscriminately are priests of the New Testament, or
that they are all mutually endowed with an equal spiritual power, he
clearly does nothing but confound the ecclesiastical hierarchy, — which
is "as an army set in array ;"— as if, contrary to the doctrine of blessed
Paul, "all were apostles, all prophets, all evangelists, all pastors, all
* The concluding paragraphs here omitted relate to a truce with Saxony and the
Danish affairs, and the document closes with a suggestion that the emissaries of the
king of France in Germany be cautiously arrested.
EXAMPLES OF THE CANONS OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 35
doctors." Wherefore this holy Synod declares that, besides the other
ecclesiastical degrees, bishops, who have succeeded to the place of the
apostles, especially belong to this hierarchical order; that they are
placed, as the same apostle says, "by the Holy Ghost, to rule the
Church of God," that they are superior to priests, administer the sac-
rament of Confirmation, ordain the ministers of the Church; and that
they can perform very many other things, over which functions others
of an inferior order have no power. Furthermore, the sacred and
holy synod teaches that, in the ordination of bishops, priests, and of
the other orders, neither the consent, nor vocation, nor authority,
whether of the people or of any civil power or magistrate whatsoever,
is required in such wise that, without this, the ordination is invalid:
nay, rather doth it decree that all those who being once called and
instituted by the people, or by the civil power and magistrate, ascend
to the exercise of the ministrations, and those who of their own rash-
ness assume them to themselves, are not ministers of the Church, but
are to be looked upon as "thieves and robbers, who have not entered
by the door."
Tiventy-third Session j Canon I. — If any one shall say that the
New Testament does not provide for a distinct, visible priesthood, or
that this priesthood has no power to consecrate and offer up the true
body and blood of the Lord, or remit or refuse to remit sins, but that
its sole function is that of preaching the Gospel, and that those who
do not preach are not priests, let him be anathema.
Twenty-third Session, Canon IV. — If any one shall say that the
Holy Spirit is not given by holy ordination and that consequently the
Bishops say in vain "Receive ye the Holy Spirit," and that certain
characteristics are not thereby conferred, or that he who has once been
a priest can ever be made a layman again, let him be anathema.
Seventh Session, Of the Sacraments, Canon I. — If any one saith
that the sacraments of the New Law were not all instituted by Jesus
Christ, our Lord; or that they are more or less than seven, to-wit.
Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction,
Orders and Matrimony; or even that any one of these seven is not
truly and properly a sacrament, let him be anathema.
Canon VI. — If anyone saith that the sacraments of the New Law
do not contain the grace which they signify; or that they do not
confer that grace on those who do not place an obstacle thereunto ; as
though they were merely outward signs of grace or justice received
through faith, and certain marks of the Christian profession, whereby
believers are distinguished amongst men from unbelievers, let him be
anathema.
36 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
Canon VIII. — If anyone saith that by the said sacraments of the
New Law grace is not conferred through the very performance of the
act [ex opere operato], but that faith alone in the divine promise
suffices for the obtaining of grace, let him be anathema.
Canon IX. — If anyone saith that in the three sacraments, to-wit,
Baptism, Confirmation, and Orders, there is not imprinted in the soul
a character, that is, a spiritual and indelible sign, on account of which
they cannot be repeated, let him be anathema.
Canon X. — If anyone saith that all christians have power to ad-
minister the word and all the sacraments, let him be anathema.
Canon XII. — If anyone saith that a minister, being in mortal sin
— if so be that he observe all the essentials which belong to the effect-
ing or conferring of the sacrament — neither effects nor confers the
sacraments, let him be anathema.
Thirteenth Session, Chapter IV. — Since Christ our Redeemer
declared that it was truly his body which he offered up in the form
{sub specie^ of bread, and since the Church has moreover always
accepted this belief, this holy council declares once more that by the
consecration of the bread and the wine the whole substance of the
bread is converted into the substance of the body of Christ our Lord,
and the whole substance of the wine into the substance of his blood,
which change is aptly and properly termed transubstantiation by the
Catholic Church.
Thirteenth Session, Canon I. — If any one shall deny that the body
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ together with his spirit and divin-
ity, to-wit, Christ all in all, are not truly, really and materially con-
tained in the holy sacrament of the Eucharist, and shall assert that the
Eucharist is but a symbol or figure, let him be anathema.
Thirteenth Session, Canon VI. — If any one shall say that Christ,
the only-begotten son of God, is not to be worshipped with the highest
form of adoration [Latria] including external worship, in the holy
sacrament of the Eucharist, or that the Eucharist should not be cele-
brated by a special festival, nor borne solemnly about in procession
according to the praiseworthy and universal rite and custom of the
holy Church, nor held up publicly for the veneration of the people and
that those who adore it are idolaters, let him be anathema.
Twenty-Second Session, Canon III. — If any one shall say that the
sacrifice of the mass is only a praiseworthy deed or act of edification,
or that it is simply in commemoration of the sacrifice on the cross and
is not in the nature of a propitiation; or that it can benefit only him
who receives it, and ought not to be offered for the living and the
dead, for sins, punishment, atonement and other necessary things, let
him be anathema.
INTRODUCTORY BIOGRAPHY. 37
INTRODUCTORY BIBLIOGRAPHY.*
Haiisser, Ludwig: The Period of the Reformation. American Tract Society.
Translated from the German.
This work is the stenographic report of the lectures delivered by one of
the most popular of German professors before his students at Heidelberg.
His style is admirably clear and his material is selected with skill. As a
concise account of the German Reformation from a Protestant standpoint,
this is, with Seebohm's volume mentioned below, likely to prove the best
introduction to the subject for the beginner.
Notes on Books in English Relating to the Reformation. By Prof. George P'
Fisher. 16 mo. Scribners.
Fisher, George P., The Reformation. 8 vo. Scribners.
Probably the best American work, covering the whole Reformation period.
Contains in appendices a chronological table and list of works upon the Refor-
mation.
Seebohm, Frederic: The Era of the Protestant Revolution. 16 mo. Scribners
(Epochs Series).
A condensed history of the Reformation period in Europe, of special value
as an outline for class work, and useful to the general reader who has already
an acquaintance with the general political and social events of the period.
Ranke, Leopold: The History of the Reformation in Germany. Translated
from the German by Sarah Austin. 3 vols.
Only three volimies, reaching the year 1535, of the six volumes of the
original (Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation) are included in the
English version, which was never completed. Volume six of the original is,
however, devoted entirely to documents.
Bezold: Geschichte der deutschen Refonnation. Berlin 1887-90. 2 vols.
Beautifully illustrated, but contains no bibliographical references.
This and Ranke's work are the two standard treatments of the period.
Baumgarten, H.: Geschichte KarlsV. Vols 1-3. (1885-92.)
This important work was interrupted by the author's death. It reaches,
however, the year 1539.
(*) Only a few of the most important and accesfible works can be mentioned here
from the vast mass of material relating to the Reformation. The student wishing an
extended bibliography will turn to Dahlmann-Waitz, Quellenkunde, 8th Ed., ff., or to
the bibliographies given in Vol. IV. of the Histoire Generate, edited by Professors
Lavisse and Rambaud,
38 TRANSLATIONS AND REPRINTS.
Creighton: A History of the Papacy During the Period of the Reformation.
Vol. V. (Longmans.)
This is one of the most remarkable historical works relating to continental
history ever produced in England. The author has construed the "period of
the Reformation" so liberally that it is only with the beginning of the fifth
volume that he reaches the opening of Luther's public career.
Beard, Charles: Martin Luther and the Reformation to the close of the Diet
of Worms. 1 vol. London, 1889.
Very scholarly. The best treatment of the subject in EngHsh.
Kostlin, Julius: Martin Luther; sein Leben imd seine Schriften. 2 vols.
Berlin, 4th Ed. 1889.
This work is generally regarded as the most scholarly and impartial life
of Luther. The author has prepared an abridgment in one volume which has
been translated into English and published in two versions. The one issued
by Charles Scribner's Sons is preferable since it contains a number of interesting
facsimiles.
Since the Reformation Period was characterized by the bitterest animosity
between the conservative party, which adhered to the Catholic traditions and
organization, and the innovating Protestants, no thorough student will neglect
the more scholarly works of those historians who sympathize on the whole
with the conservatives. Of the valuable contributions made by Catholic
writers the following would probably prove most useful:
Janssen, J.: Geschichte des deutschen Volks seit dem Ausgang des Mittel-
alters. 8 vols.
This is a very suggestive work furnishing much new material which has
been laboriously searched out by the author. A French version is in course
of publication; and two volumes of an English translation have been issued.
B. Header, St. Louis, Mo.
Dollinger: Die Reformation, ihre innere Entwicklung und ihre Wirkungen
im Umfange des Lutherischen Bekenntnisses. 3 vols. Regensburg,
1846-8.
In this an able historian seeks to prove that at least the early Reforma-
tion was regarded as a failure by practically all the cultivated men of the
time, and even by Luther himself.
Hefele, Carl J. : Conciliengeschichte, fortgesetzt von J. Cardinal Hergenrother,
Covers the period from 1518-1536, and may be used to supplement the
preceding Catholic writers.
Spalding, History of the Protestant Reformation. Baltimore, (n. d.).
INTRODUCTORY BIOGRAPHY. 39
Accessible examples of illustrative documents may be found in the
following :
First Principles of the Reformation or the Three Primary Works of Dr.
Martin Luther. Edited by Wace and Buchheim. Lutheran Publication
Society, Philadelphia.
This collection contains translations of Luther's ringing summons to his
countrymen issued in 1520, viz.: The Address to the German Nobility, The
Babylonish Captivity of the Church and The Liberty of the Christian. The
first especially should be read by every one who would feel the influence of
Luther's eloquence and understand why he was accepted as a leader.
The same works have been published in the original by Dr. L. Lemme,
Die drei grossen Reformation sschrif ten Luther's vom Jahre 1520 (Gotha, 1884),
with useful notes.
The Augsburg Confession is to be had in translation from the Lutheran
Publication Society, Philadelphia. Price, 10 cents. Especially the second
part, in which the reforms are discussed, is extremely valuable to the student.
The German version of the Augsburg Confession can be found i n Ranke,
Zeitalter der Reformation. Vol. VI.
Gieseler: A Compendium of Ecclesiastical Plistory. Vol. V.
This work is little more than a series of voluminous foot-notes in which
valuable extracts from the sources are supplied in a convenient form.
Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent, translated by Rev. J. Water-
worth. London & New York, (n. d.).
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