Pe.RSIA
AND
TURK6Y
IN Revo LT
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
THE
MARCHES OF HINDUSTAN.
The Record of a Journey in Thibet, Trans -Himalayan India,
Chinese Turkestan, Russian Turkestan, and Persia.
Published by Messrs Wm. Blackwood & Sons at 21s. net.
The Spectator. " an uncommonly entertaining book of travels. Mr Fraser
has the true traveller's spirit. We recommend Mr Fraser's account of his sixty -three
hours' task recrossing the Himalaya to those who wish a spirited narrative of moun-
tain adventure. Near the summit of the pass (Karakorum) a murder was com-
mitted some years ago, and the story of how the criminal was hunted down over
all Central Asia is as good a piece of detective romance as we have read for some
time. Not every good expedition produces a good book, but in this case letters are
justified of their son. Let us add that the book is printed in a way that is a credit
to English publishing."
The Times. " a fine journey, and its incidents are admirably recounted. Mr
Fraser has a good natural turn for vivid description, and writes without effort and
often with considerable grace."
Westminster Gazette. "Mr Fraser always writes with spirit and confidence, and
there is no doubt about his gifts as a resolute traveller and journalist. How well
he can describe scenery that appeals to him is shown in the chapter, vivid and
even beautiful, in a glacier near the Saser Pass, by the old road to Yarkand. The
glacier has been described by masters of English and men of powerful intellect
as well as imagination such as Tyndall ; but we do not know any writer who
brings out the personality of the glacier as Mr Fraser does in this chapter. Mr
Fraser's is the common-sense view (of the Anglo-Russian Agreement), but it also
happens to be the view of an expert and acute and bold observer."
Athenaeum. "No other volume with which we are acquainted contains such admir-
able and life-like representations of Thibetan people. We warmly commend Mr
Fraser's admirable work."
Army and Navy Gazette. "We would emphatically commend it to our readers as a
book they will appreciate and enjoy."
Academy. "This is a delightful record of a journey. The tale of his travel is told
with an admirable sense of proportion there is an absence of wearisome detail
it may fairly be said that amoug the 516 pages that the book contains there is
not one dull page evokes some beautifully descriptive writing a very fascin-
ating book."
Daily Telegraph." The book appeals to all classes of men to the politician, the
soldier, the economist, and the anthropologist ; but, above all and before all, it will
fascinate travellers of the intelligent kind, and that still more numerous body who
love travel and adventure ; indeed one could hardly imagine a man, or a woman,
dipping into this entrancing volume without finding something of uncommon
interest."
Geographical Journal. "The conflicting interests of England and Russia are ex-
amiued with shrewdness and impartiality remarks about Persia have a special
value and significance. The traveller's diary kept with the eye and pen of a
trained correspondent ; scenes, scenery, hardships, pleasures, all set forth with
much accuracy and no little humour."
Glasgow Herald. " Mr Fraser has done substantial service in presenting to the British
public a vivid and trustworthy sketch of the vital problems associated with the
Indian frontier."
Manchester Courier. " this book is a striking contribution to public knowledge.
Mr Fraser's general style of writing is cheery and breezy at times too expressively
breezy while here and there it assumes a poetry and dignity not unsuitable to the
sublimity of those magnificent natural features through which his wanderings
led him."
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
A MODERN CAMPAIGN;
or, War and Wireless Telegraphy in the Far East.
A Volume describing the Russo-Japanese War,
published by Messrs Methuen & Co. at 6s.
The Times. " Mr Fraser possesses in no small degree the sovereign virtue of a war
correspondent the capacity to tell a plain story plainly. His criticism of the
military operations are often shrewd and to the point, and what he has to say
about the preponderating part played by artillery in this war deserves the notice
of experts."
Army and Navy Gazette. "Mr Fraser's narrative is very judicious, and shows a
good deal of sound sense in some of the military criticisms. His notes upon the
artillery lessons of the war are particularly interesting. This is one of the best
books we have read upon the war."
Standard. "In Mr Fraser's book will be read a clear account, told in easy, breezy
language, of how the Far East looks in time of war. Mr Fraser makes many
pertinent observations, and his book is throughout instructive and entertaining."
Sphere. " Mr Fraser's book is valuable not merely as a war record but as a scientific
essay."
Spectator. " Mr Fraser has a roving eye for the comedies of life his narrative of the
battles of the Yalu, the Motien Pass, and Laoyung is the work of a man who
understands military operations."
The Speaker. "Mr Fraser's is a workmanlike narrative of the progress of the war
as far as it concerned Kuroki's division. It contains much interesting matter about
the troops engaged, the people of the country, and the conditions of campaigning,
written with a rather laborious lightness. His account of the fortunes of the
despatch-boat Haimun is exceedingly lively reading."
Saturday Review. "Gives vivid accounts of the battles of the Yalu, of Towan, and
of Manja Yatna, and of the fighting generally under General Kuroki."
Scotsman. "There are many delightful passages in the book there is a fund of
quiet and rich humour in the narrative which is always pleasing. The work is
altogether one of singular interest."
Pall Mall Gazette. "Mr Fraser's book contains some haunting pictures of this vast
and bitter struggle. He has, moreover, a sense of humour which lightens up many
of his pages, a keen gift of observation, and a happy faculty of setting down his
impressions in vivid language."
Outlook. "The first authentic narrative of Kuroki's campaign which it is possible for
a soldier to appreciate the work of a modest, efficient, and bond, fide war
correspondent. "
Morning Post. " Mr Fraser has done eminently well in a field of journalism which
boasts such brilliant names as Russell, Forbes, and his book gives evidence of
all the qualities which the war correspondent must possess as his stock-in-trade
cheeriness, readiness and resource, a sense of humour, and a facility for clear and
rapid composition."
Morning Advertiser." In the book under notice we feel the heavy hand of the adept
manipulator of matter for purposes of ' copy.' Mr Fraser's words flow calmly along
like the current of some broad peaceful river. He deals with two great battles
and in neither does he quicken the blood by his description of those sanguinary
conflicts The way is dry, and it is a long time before we feel we can take any
particular interest for the average reader this general survey of an extended
field of operations will produce a sense of monotony against which it will be hope-
less for him to fight A third of the book passes gravely away before we arrive
at a point of actual interest It may be that Mr Fraser is such an old war-horse
that the sight of men dying in their thousands is a subject for calm analysis."
Westminster Gazette." Mr Fraser has a fund of genuine humour which he draws
upon as occasion requires with excellent results. Altogether his book is one of
great interest."
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
THE SHORT CUT TO INDIA.
The Record of a Journey along the Route of the
Baghdad Railway.
Published by Messrs Wm. Blackwood & Sons at 12 j 6 net.
Aberdeen Free Press. "Mr Fraser has the travelling passion in his blood, and
he is a traveller whose gifts of keen observation and of clear graphic statement
enable him to put his experiences to excellent account. The present work is one
of special value. "
Athenaeum. "Special interest personal, geographical, and political attaches to
' The Short Cut to India.' The book throughout is pleasantly written whilst
the description of the country passed through bears witness alike to the power of
observation possessed by the traveller, and his capacity for recording its results."
Birmingham Post. "As a traveller Mr Fraser is delightful ; he is full of pluck and
full of humour. His encounter with a robber, and the terrible injuries which
resulted, would have made many a good man turn back, but handicapped as he
was with wounds, illness, and all the abominations of a Mesopotamian summer, he
completed his journey, and lived to tell the best story which has been written on
the district over which he travelled. ' The Short Cut to India ' is the best type of
travel work ; it is well written, instructive, exciting, and amusing."
Bookman. "If any one wishes to know about the railway to Baghdad, and does not
stipulate for actual Blue-books, this is undoubtedly the volume which must not
be passed over. Indeed, if any one does not wish to know about the railway to
Baghdad, this is still undoubtedly the book to read, for not only will it entertain
the reader, but it will make him keen in the future about all that concerns, and
happens to, and results from the said much-debated railway."
Daily Chronicle. "Of the manner in which Mr Fraser has carried put his task of
explaining the inwardness of the Euphrates valley scheme it were difficult to speak
too highly. Mr Fraser is filled with the scientific spirit, and imparts to his readers
a sense of confidence in his judgment of men and affairs both by his obvious in-
tegrity and by giving weight to facts that tell against his main conclusion."
Daily Graphic." We hardly know whether to praise Mr David Fraser's new book
chiefly for its personal or for its political interest. In either case, whether we
regard it as the record of a plucky and adventurous journey, carried through in
spite of wounds which nearly cost the author his life, or as a first-hand statement
of the progress and possibilities of a railway which in certain eventualities would
constitute a grave menace to our Indian Empire, the volume deserves to be
widely read."
Daily Mail." presents facts and theories in a manner that will attract students."
Dundee Advertiser. "In his latest book, Mr David Fraser amply fulfils the promise
of his earlier work, and establishes more firmly his reputation as a daring traveller,
a picturesque and entertaining writer, and a shrewd investigator of the political,
economic, and military problems of Asia "
Geographical Journal "Mr Fraser's bright and picturesque volume is a timely
reminder that the long-pending question of improved communication between
Europe and the East is in speedy prospect of settlement. The author contributes
much interesting information regarding the riparian districts, and especially about
the project of reorganising the irrigation works in lower Mesopotamia, an under-
taking of vast importance."
Glasgow Herald. "Mr Fraser describes his experiences of travel in a simple and
graphic style which is never tiresome. The narrative, however, is strictly sub-
ordinate to a very good and detailed account of the Anatolian Railway, of the
engineering problems that face the Baghdad Railway builders, and of the prospects
of the great enterprise. Nothing so complete or authoritative is available in any
other book."
Inverness Courier. " A most interesting volume Mr Fraser is a journalist of the
best type open-eyed, bright, vivacious, interested in all he sees, and communicat-
ing his experiences in a clear and fascinating style."
Liverpool Courier. "In reading the story of Mr Fraser's movements we feel our-
selves in the company of a fine, wholesome, worthy representative of our race. As
to his literary style, it is admirably clear and vigorous in narration, description,
and exposition His discussion of the Baghdad Railway project is the most able
we have yet seen. "
Liverpool Daily Post. (As in his previous book) "We have the same graphic power
of description, and a like pungent good-humour amid discomfort and difficulties of
no ordinary description. The political, financial, and commercial problems in-
volved in the Baghdad Railway are discussed with fairness and amplitude of know-
ledge Messrs Blackwood are entitled to a word of commendation for the
excellent way in which this book is printed."
Manchester Courier." his narrative is interesting, modest, and humorous.
Keen observation of the incidental details of the journey, graphic memory, and apt
descriptive powers have resulted in a picture of the Near East that appears both
unexaggerated and original."
Manchester Daily Chronicle. "The reviewer generally lays down a book with a
profound sense of relief, but it is no exaggeration to say that one such person at
least grieved that the end of this volume had come. The book fascinates from
several points of view."
Methodist Times. " a fascinating volume of travel "
Morning Post. " the book can be warmly recommended for the admirable
observation, the unflagging spirit, and the political judgment shown by the
author "
Nation. " the book is brightly written, profusely illustrated by good photo-
graphs, and is well worthy the attention of any one who desires to know what is the
actual, but terribly unsatisfactory, condition of Asia Minor."
Observer. "In this volume Mr Fraser combines with a happiness only too rare in
such books, the romance of travel with the useful and first-hand information of the
student For some time he was involuntarily an international 'question.' Mr
Fraser relates the incident with a charming modesty and simplicity and the
humour of his race A very delightful book of travel and observation, full of
information, told so simply and agreeably that one reads on and on, absorbed as in
the thrill of an exciting novel."
Pall Mall Gazette. "Humorous, anecdotal, graphic, the book is to be recom-
mended as much as the author is to be congratulated for the courage which made
him pursue his journey in the face of difficulties which would have excused its
abandonment. Mr Fraser belongs to the little circle of special correspondents
whose work is of value to the interests of the Empire, and his book will un-
doubtedly enhance his reputation."
Public Opinion. "An arresting book written with charming simplicity it
makes one realise vividly what travelling really means outside the radius of
civilised countries."
Railway Gazette. "Those interested in the subject of the Baghdad Railway cannot
do better than read Mr Fraser's book, which, in addition to throwing much light on
a particularly topical matter, forms a very pleasant and well-written travel-book. "
Spectator. "It is safe to say that Mr David Fraser's story of his travels along the
route of the Baghdad Railway will be read as widely as any book of the kind that
has been published for a long time. Even those who are not interested in the
political and commercial questions associated with the Baghdad Railway will find
it an engrossing narrative of adventure There is not a page in which Mr Fraser
loses the attention of his reader. Even when the latter is slightly in revolt he is
still an undoubted captive We heartily recommend this book."
The Times. " a most readable book, full of apposite information, and relating
experiences of no ordinary kind."
Times of India. "A travel-book of a singularly fascinating nature."
Vanity Fair. "If one is imprisoned in a filthy city office and unable to escape from
the jangle and rattle of civilisation a really good book of travel is a godsend. But
good travel-books are scarce, for there are few literary ventures which can be
bungled so appallingly This book is more than merely readable. Despite its
occasional defects, it is incomparably superior to the dreary travel -diaries produced
nowadays with such depressing frequency."
Westminster Gazette. "Mr Fraser describes the route with keen observation and
unfailing cheerfulness and discourses vigorously and incisively on the railway
question in all its aspects. The volume is most interesting as well as instructive
throughout."
World. "It was a happy inspiration that prompted Mr David Fraser to traverse
the route along which the Baghdad Railway does not yet run, and in 'The Short
Cut to India' we have the fruits of it. He has survived to write a book which
is full of political and personal interest, and should mark its author as a peculiarly
promising special correspondent."
Persia and Turkey in Revolt
1
Persia and Turkey in Revolt
BY
DAVID FRASER
AUTHOR OF 'A MODERN CAMPAIGN,' 'THE MARCHES OF HINDUSTAN,'
'THE SHORT CUT TO INDIA'
WITH 120 ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS
William Blackwood and Sons
Edinburgh and London
1910
P K E F A C E.
LATE one night at the beginning of the year 1909,
while I was absorbed in the repulsive task of
correcting proofs, the telephone bell at my side
rang with sudden sharpness ; then came a voice from
Printing House Square, and the query was
"Will you go to Persia for us?"
Things were moving in the country of the Shah,
and a quick affirmative seemed the obvious answer.
But was it possible to leave all these heaps of trash
that meant a book on the stocks ? I temporised
" When do you want me to go ? "
The voice gave me no time to think ; it spluttered
into my ear
" Immediately."
Then all at once it seemed as if the only thing
in life worth having was to be loosed where the
world was stirring. I looked no more at the rubbish
heaps, but murmured softly, that the precious words
might not be lost
" Will the day after to-morrow do ? "
And so it came to pass that forty hours later I
was crossing the Channel, bound for the Orient by
way of St Petersburg.
252349
VI PREFACE.
It was, therefore, as Special Correspondent to ' The
Times ' that I revisited Persia and spent the stormy
year of 1909 in Teheran; and subsequently travelled
to the Persian Gulf, then up through Mesopotamia,
and across the track of my previous journey, to Syria,
halting thereafter, on my way homeward, at many of
the principal towns in Turkey.
With the kind permission of * The Times,' these
opportunities I have now utilised in this endeavour
to sketch the more prominent features of Persian
and Turkish affairs as they appear in Constitutional
days.
D. F.
LONDON, September 1910.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
I. ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN ..... 1
II. THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT . 16
III. EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION . . .29
IV. THE UNREST IN PERSIA ' . . .48
V. THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ ..... 64
VI. THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN . . . .83
VII. THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN . . . 100
VIII. FIRE AND BRIMSTONE . . . . .117
IX. THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH . . . .126
X. DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT . . 143
XI. THE FINANCIAL POSITION . . . .161
XII. TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS . . .172
XIII. TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN . . . . .183
XIV. THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND .... 205
XV. THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY . . . 226
XVI. THE KARUN RIVER ..... 238
XVII. THE PERSIAN GULF ..... 252
XVIII. ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN PERSIA . . . 270
XIX. THE AFFAIRS OF BAGHDAD .... 293
XX. THE IRRIGATION OF MESOPOTAMIA . . . 308
XXI. KERBELA ..... 326
Vlll CONTENTS.
XXII. BABYLON ...... 337
XXIII. BY CARAVAN. ..... 348
XXIV. THE EUPHRATES VALLEY .... 359
XXV. THE HIGH DESERT ..... 376
XXVI. PALMYRA . . . . . . 388
XXVII. AN ENCOUNTER WITH ROBBERS . . . 399
XXVIII. TURKISH AFFAIRS ..... 416
INDEX 437
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
(The Author is indebted to the gentlemen named for permission to use
photographs which have been taken by them,}
FACING P.
HIS MAJESTY MOHAMED ALI SHAH . . Frontispiece
COLONEL LIAKHOFP . . . . n
A PERSIAN BRIDGE ...... 2
". . . CUSHION-FOOTED CAMELS FLOAT BY IN SILENCE . . ." . 2
THE CENTRE OF THE UNIVERSE HOLDS A SALAAM . . 5
ONE OF THE ROYAL REGIMENTS ..... 5
WATERFALL IN THE ELBURZ MOUNTAINS (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) . 24
INTERIOR OF THE ROYAL PALACE AT TEHERAN . . .49
EXTERIOR VIEW OF THE PALACE GROUNDS . . .49
THE BOULEVARD DES AMBASSADEURS . . . .56
(Mr J. BrinckerJio/ Jackson.)
" . . . THE TOWNSPEOPLE FLOCKED TO SEE THE GRUESOME
SIGHT ..." . . . . . .56
RUSSIAN N.C.O/S MANNING A MAXIM AT SHAHABAD . . 92
". . . WALKING ARSENALS ..." . . . .92
(Mr Eaggalay.)
RUSSIAN OFFICER WATCHING THE BOMBARDMENT OF BADAMEK . 110
CAPTAIN ZAPOLSKI . . . . . .110
THE IMPERIAL BANK OF PERSIA MIRRORED IN ITS PUDDLE . 120
THE ROYALIST GUNS BOMBARDING TEHERAN . . .120
(Mr E. A. Eennie.)
SIR GEORGE BARCLAY . . . . . .132
(Mr J. F. Ferguson.)
M. SABLINE ....... 132
THE PEACOCK THRONE IN THE PALACE AT TEHERAN . .137
(Mr J. Brinckerho/ Jackson.)
X LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
THE TAKHT-I-MARMAR . . . . . .137
PKRSIAN BEAUTIES (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) .... 158
(Mr Baggalay.)
A PERSIAN ANDERUN . . . . . .174
(Mr Baggalay.)
PERSIAN WOMEN WASHING . . . . .174
(Mr Baggalay.)
THE ELBURZ MOUNTAINS . . . . .176
(Mr J. Brinckerhoff Jackson.)
A PERSIAN GARDEN . . . . . .176
(Mr Baggalay.)
THE MOUNTAINS SEEN FROM THE GUN SQUARE . . .176
BURYING BRIGANDS ALIVE . . . . .198
THE HALL OF THE FORTY PILLARS AT ISFAHAN. . .198
CHIRAGH ALI KHAN ...... 208
THE KARUN RIVER NEAR ITS SOURCE .... 208
"... I WAS CORDIALLY INVITED BY THE LITTLE GIRL TO SHARE
THE WARMTH ..." . . . . . 210
OLD BAKHTIARI FORT AT DEH-DIZ . . . .210
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
THE KUH-I-GIRREH . . . . . .218
A GORGE OF THE KARUN RIVER . . . .218
MAIDAN-I-NAPHTHUN . . . . . .233
BAKU ........ 233
RIGS AT BAKU ....... 233
SHUSHAN ....... 238
(JDr Donald W. Carr.)
THE TOMB OF DANIEL ...... 238
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
THE KARUN RIVER AT SHUSHTER . . . .240
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
THE AB-I-GERGER . . . . . .240
". . . 80 MOSES-LIKE A PHENOMENON . . ." . . . 240
THE LYNCH BRIDGES (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . . 248
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
A HOUSE AT SHUSHTER ...... 253
A CREEK AT MOHAMMERAH ..... 253
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
MOHAMMERAH ....... 256
THE PERSIAN TELEGRAPH LINE (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . 256
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XI
CROSSING THE ELBURZ MOUNTAINS (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . 285
(Mr J. BrinckerJioff Jackson.)
SUBJECTS OP THE SHAH (4 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . . 291
(Dr Donald W. Carr.)
THE PORCH OF CHOSROES ..... 294
SOME OF THE "BORN TIRED" ..... 294
"... THAT SHINING VISTA OF WATER, REFLECTING A THOUSAND
TALL DATE-PALMS . . ." . . . .296
". . . SCORED ACROSS SO QUAINTLY BY THE FLOATING BRIDGE
OF BOATS . . ." . . . . . . 296
"... THE KHALIFAH STEAMS QUICKLY UP TO HER BERTH ..." 298
A STREET IN BAGHDAD ...... 298
MUSAYIB . . . . . . .312
MESOPOTAMIAN BUFFALOES . . . . .312
SYSTEMS OF IRRIGATION ON THE EUPHRATES (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) 322
THE BRIDGE OF BOATS . . . . . . 328
(Mr W. H. Davis.)
R.I.M.S. "COMET" ...... 328
SHAMU ........ 344
(Mr W. H. Davis.)
". . . THE WATERS OF BABYLON ..." . . . 344
RESIDENCE OF THE GERMAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION AT
BABYLON ....... 346
(Mr W. H. Davis.)
PROFESSOR KOLDEWAY AND HIS SHAITAN . . 346
A GABLE OF THE OLD BRITISH RESIDENCY AT BAGHDAD . 348
(Mr W. H. Davis.)
". . . THE MISCREANT . . ." . . . . 360
THE EUPHRATES ...... 360
WATER-WHEELS ON THE EUPHRATES (3 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . 363
THE FISHER'S SPEAR . . . . . .365
A WATER-WHEEL AT CLOSE QUARTERS . . . .365
POISED TO STRIKE ...... 365
THE EUPHRATES AT AN AH . . . . .366
DYKE IN THE EUPHRATES ..... 366
ABU KEMAL ....... 368
THE CARAVANSERAI AT ABU KEMAL . . . .368
A VILLAGE ON THE LOWER EUPHRATES . . . .371
". . . THE EDGE OF THE DESERT ..." . 371
xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
ENTRANCE TO ANAH ...... 377
DEIR EL-ZOR .... 377
FATHER, MOTHER, AND CHILD . . . . .379
MY CARAVAN .... . 382
NOT DEAD, BUT SLEEPING ..... 382
EXTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN . . .386
INTERIOR OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN . . . 386
THE PILLARS OF PALMYRA (3 ILLUSTRATIONS) . . . 390
A WOMAN OF TADMOR . . . . . .395
TOMBS OF THE ANCIENT PALMYRENES . . . .396
ENTRANCE TO THE SUBTERRANEAN CHANNEL . . .396
ARAB GIRLS (2 ILLUSTRATIONS) ..... 407
A LITTLE SYRIAN . . . . . .415
SYRIAN CHILDREN DRAWING WATER . . .415
PEKSIA AND TTJKKEY IN KEVOLT,
CHAPTEE I.
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN.
PERSIA in the beginning of 1909 was in a highly
interesting condition. The Bakhtiari tribesmen tri-
umphantly occupying Isfahan, in Central Persia, were
threatening to invade the capital ; and if the dark
hints of Young Persians exiled in Europe were worth
anything, the revolutionary stalwarts defending Tabriz
from the assaults of the Shah's troops were about to
trample upon their besiegers and to march against
Teheran, intent upon the destruction of autocratic
rule and upon the restoration of the Constitution.
When I left London in the early part of January
it was intended that, on arrival in Persia, I should
join either the Bakhtiaris or the Revolutionaries in
their advance upon Teheran, and take such modest
part in subsequent events as circumstances permitted.
Having landed at Enzeli, on the Caspian Sea, how-
ever, I found that the situation had not developed
as expected, and that both belligerents were main-
taining a masterly inactivity within their respective
A
''Ail- P4RSiA\AtfD TURKEY IN REVOLT.
strongholds. It remained for me, then, only to make
the abominable journey from the Caspian, and tamely
to enter the Persian metropolis in a four- horse stage-
carriage. The memory of that fifty-hour drive, over
high mountains deep in snow, and in cold that was
almost arctic, will not fade in a hurry. The reality
was so different from the rose-scented dreamland that
is the Persia of one's imagination : there were ugly
deserts instead of shady glades, sullen skies instead of
golden sunlight, filthy quagmires instead of the echo of
dainty quatrains. And yet there is nothing common-
place about the road. Gaunt cloud-hidden hills give
place to endless stony wastes touched with lights of
ineffable delicacy ; files of cushion-footed camels float
by in silence broken only by the deep-toned bells of
the leaders ; rows of heavily-laden donkeys patter past
with a solemnity so quaint that one's eyes are loth
to lose sight of them ; and the absurd clothes of the
people, their queer hats, their ancient guns, their com-
plete unconsciousness of being different from the rest
of the world, constitute attractions that never seem to
diminish in interest.
Study of the situation at Teheran revealed a curious
state of affairs both in the capital itself and in the
provinces. So far as the city was concerned quiet was
maintained by the police, behind whom were the
terrible Colonel Liakhoff and his red-handed Persian
Cossacks, objects of deep hatred on account of their
bombardment of the Mejliss six months before. Behind
these, again, were troops to the number of nearly 5000,
armed with modern rifles, and believed loyal to the Shah.
Their fighting value from the European point of view
was almost nil, but they were overwhelmingly superior
to any incoherent mob available on the Nationalist
side. The only danger apprehended in Teheran at
A Persian Bridge.
cushion-footed camels float by in silence. . . .'
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 3
that period was from the troops. Their pay being
hopelessly in arrears, it was feared that they might
take the law into their own hands and loot the bazaars,
a course which would entail loss to foreign property
and danger to individual foreigners. And once out of
control it was possible enough that the wild tribesmen,
of whom several of the regiments were composed,
might turn their attention to the European quarter,
which contained a foreign population of several hun-
dred souls. In these circumstances the European
community was dependent entirely for protection on
the Cossack Brigade under its Russian officers, and
nothing could have been less opportune, from the
foreign resident's point of view, than the suggestion,
made at this time in the House of Commons by a
leading member of the Persia Committee, that the
Russian officers should be withdrawn from Persia as
an indication to the Shah that he had lost the con-
fidence and support of the Powers owing to his failure
to keep pledges in regard to the Constitution. The
Powers, indeed, would have been very glad to have
snubbed Mohamed Ali, but there was no disposition to
demonstrate their dissatisfaction with him by a method
that deprived their own subjects, and foreigners in
general, of the only real guarantee for security.
In the provinces the situation was about as un-
promising as it well could have been from the Royalist
point of view. At Tabriz the Government troops had
failed time after time to capture the city, while it
seemed that even their endeavours to blockade the
roads and prevent the entrance of supplies were con-
tinually being rendered ineffective. Isfahan was in
possession of the Bakhtiaris and its Governor in
sanctuary in the British Consulate. The Bakhtiari
threat to march on the capital had never been taken
4 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
seriously in Teheran, but the tribesmen nevertheless
were supreme in one of the principal centres of the
country, while the measures taken to eject them were
pitifully inadequate. The handful of troops despatched
from Teheran were insufficient for the purpose, and
were without the means of getting to their destination.
It was obvious that they must halt half-way and obtain
even their daily bread at the expense of whatever
unfortunate town they happened to be quartered upon.
Farther south, the Kashghais, one of the most powerful
tribes in Persia, were reported to be contemplating a
descent on Shiraz. In Laristan, Abdul Hussein, a
turbulent seyd, was denouncing the Shah and raising a
force in the Nationalist interests. / Near Kermanshah
the Kurdish tribe of Kalhurs were in rebellion against
the local Governor their usurping chief, one Daoud
Khan, being reported to aspire to independence,
prompted thereto by a dream in which he found him-
self wearing a crown. In Mazanderan, on the Caspian
coast, Sipahdar, only a few months before second-in-
command of the Royalist army before Tabriz, had
founded an anjuman, or revolutionary club, in support
of the Nationalist cause, and was said to be inviting
other Caspian towns to join in the movement. Even
the lawless Turkomans of Astrabad were reported
to be in favour of the Constitutional side. Meshed,
Hamadan, and other important places were supposed
to be in sympathy with the popular cause. It seemed,
indeed, as if the country was only waiting TcPburst
into a blaze of rebellion and anarcfiy; as IT only a
leader was needed to co-ordinate all tEe elements of
unrest into an irresistible wave that should overwhelm
the old order of things riTl^ersia. My Persian col-
league put the matter in a nutshell when he tele-
graphed to London only a few days before my arrival
v ' I-
The Centre of the Universe holds a Salaam.
One of the Royal Regiments.
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 5
that the situation was " extremely obscure and preg-
nant with danger."
Upon the Court party this apparently desperate state
of affairs did not appear to have a disheartening effect.
Whatever might be happening in the provinces, the
Shah was supreme in Teheran, and still possessed all
the outward and visible signs of sovereignty. The
salaam, or levee, as held in Persia, was alone calcu-
lated to fill the heart of an Oriental monarch with
pride and satisfaction. Seated upon a throne, wearing
the Crown jewels, surrounded by the high officers of
State and a crowd of courtiers, the Centre of the
Universe periodically watched his twenty regiments
march past, their twenty bands loudly braying, the
while the royal cannon boomed forth a King's salute.
It was true that the Court was uncomfortably domi-
ciled in a park outside the city walls, but that was
a matter that affected the entourage more than his
Majesty, who occupied a delightful suite of rooms in a
summer-house overlooking a pleasant garden. When
the Shah took horse exercise he was careful to avoid
the town, remembering the bomb that had been thrown
at the Royal cortege not long before. That, again, was
no hardship, for it was always more pleasant to ride
among the gardens outside the walls than in the nar-
row and dirty streets of the city.
The shoe really pinched only in one place. The
Treasury was bankrupt ten times over, and with the
provinces in the condition described funds from out-
side were coming in in ever-decreasing volume. On the
other hand, the necessities of the Government were
greater than usual. The large force in the capital
required at least to be fed, and though it was possible
to evade the question of pay it was essential continually
to be doing something to keep the soldiers in good
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
temper. The prevalence of intrigue made expendi-
ture in this direction essential, for loyalty was mostly
a matter of money, or of favour of some kind. The
country and capital were full of tribes and grandees
sitting upon the fence, and their descent upon the
right side could only be secured by expenditure, or
by appointments that provided opportunities. It was
harassing work no doubt for the Shah and his Ministers,
but not so difficult as might appear, and possibly not
so uncongenial after all. An empty Treasury in the
patient East is far from being a hopeless handicap to
existence, and there was always property to be sold,
jewels to be pawned, courtiers to be squeezed, possibly
secret supplies to be drawn upon. When and where
the financial devices of an eastern potentate are ex-
hausted is impossible for the westerner to determine ;
and to assume, because the Government was desper-
ately hard up, that the Shah was near the end of his
tether, was to overlook the combined optimism and
fatalism which constitute the supreme characteristic
of the Oriental temperament. The impudent trick
played on the Imperial Bank of Persia about this time
illustrates at once the straits of the Government and
its ingenuity in supplying deficiencies. The commander
of the troops before Tabriz, as a climax to a long series
of requests for funds, at last telegraphed that unless
money reached him immediately he would be compelled
to raise the siege. The Government made desperate
efforts to arrange with the Bank that a specie caravan
then on the road to Tabriz, and guarded by Govern-
ment troops, should be diverted to the Royalist camp.
The Bank was quite willing, provided the money, plus
exchange, were paid in at Teheran, and pending this
operation instructions were given for the caravan to
halt. Whenever the Government heard that the
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 7
caravan was within the grasp of their agent, however,
they ceased to take any further interest in the transac-
tion, and never paid in the money. Meanwhile Prince
Ain-ed-Dowleh deliberately helped himself to the cash
in the caravan in question, and actually impounded two
other caravans that arrived shortly afterwards, the
whole sum appropriated amounting to 17,000. When
the news of these barefaced robberies reached Teheran
there was a great rumpus, and the British Minister
gave it hot to the Government. The Government were
very apologetic, and greatly regretted the unauthor-
ised (!) action of the commander, whom they promised
to admonish. But when Ain-ed-Dowleh heard what the
British Minister had said about him the Commander-
in-Chief, a Prince of the Hoyal blood, a grandson of the
great Fath Ali Shah ! he was furiously indignant, and
laid all the blame on the Government. Eventually the
matter was settled by repayment out of the Customs
takings in the Persian Gulf, a course which kept the
Bank out of its money for over a year. It is amusing
to note by the way that when Ain-ed-Dowleh took
possession of the Bank money, on the ground that it
was urgently required for the troops, his Royal High-
ness had the effrontery to send one thousand pounds of
it into the city he was besieging, and to purchase there-
with, from the Bank which he had robbed, and in his
own name, a draft on Teheran for an equivalent sum.
Many months later, when the siege was over and his
Highness back in the capital, the draft was duly
presented for payment long before the Bank had
obtained restitution of the amount seized !
Nationalist opinion at this juncture was somewhat
incoherent. The vigorous method by which the Shah,
through the agency of Colonel Liakhoff and the Cossack
Brigade, had put an end to the Mejliss in the previous
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
autumn, had warned bellicose Nationalists that there
was a limit beyond which it was not safe to go. On
the other hand, danger to individual liberty was not
imminent, for sanctuary in one of the foreign Legations
could always be obtained in time of peril. Much talk
was therefore the order of the day, but very little
action. It was darkly said that ten thousand armed
men were ready to spring forth at a given word, but
recollecting the peaceful manner in which the Teheranis
had accepted the bombardment of their beloved Parlia-
ment the few who put up a fight hailed from the more
virile province of Azerbaijan it seemed safe to assume
that none of the ten thousand would venture out, now
that the Government had the situation well in hand.
In truth, each of the Nationalists was much too public-
spirited to give personal countenance to anything in
the shape of a rising, however much he might approve
such a step undertaken by other people. A local com-
mittee was said to be spreading its net over all Persia,
and generally preparing the country for concerted action
against the Shah. It was claimed that the Bakhtiari
eruption at Isfahan was a direct manifestation of the
power of this committee, while every sign of revolt
against the Government anywhere in the country was
pointed to as proof that the nation as a whole was in
sympathy with the Constitutional movement.
In one respect Nationalist opinion was unanimous
r and emphatic. Russia was regarded as the evil genius
of the situation. The Shah was generally looked upon
a poor creature, without character or initiative, and
the victim of evil counsellors who were under Russian
influence. It cannot be denied that circumstances
did a great deal to justify this view, though if the
Nationalists had been gifted with clearer political
insight they would have realised that the evidence
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN.
upon which their suspicions were founded was capable
of explanation. It was notorious in Teheran that
while Monsieur de Hartwig, the Russian Minister,
acted ostensibly with the British charge d'affaires
in the matter of joint representations to the Shah
relating to the restoration of the Constitution, he
habitually spoilt the effect of the joint action in
subsequent private interviews with the Shah or his
advisers. In a variety of ways, patent to Oriental
but frequently overlooked by European eyes, he im-
pressed Persian opinion with the idea that he was
hand-in-glove with the Shah, even though he might find
it expedient to lecture his Majesty when in British
company. M. de Hartwig, in fact, belonged to the
old school which only knew the traditional forward
policy. He represented the reactionary and military
party in Russia which looks with scant favour upon
the Anglo-Russian Agreement and all that it implies.
Not only did he personally disapprove of the policy
of his own Government, but he was constitutionally
incapable of comprehending the great strategic and
economic issues involved in it. An advocate in the
Russian Foreign Office of an aggressive policy in Man-
churia, he was cast forth when that policy brought dis-
aster to Russia in the Far East. Appointed to Persia,
his great aim became the restoration of Russian pres-
tige in Asia by aggrandisement in Persia, a petty design
that brought its own reward. His sincerity in believing
Persia entirely unfitted for Constitutional government
in which belief he has many associates of approved
understanding is unquestionable ; but having done
incalculable harm by encouraging the Shah in false
notions of the situation, M. de Hartwig was at last-
recalled by his Government and replaced by a young
charge d'affaires. British interests were now in charge
10 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
of an experienced Minister, whose seniority naturally
gave him the lead on the numerous occasions on which
the two Legations acted in concert. Relations of the
most cordial character were speedily established be-
tween Sir George Barclay and Monsieur Sabline, and
henceforward nothing was ever done by one Legation
that remotely concerned the interests of the other
without frank consultation. It was indeed a wonder
and a happiness to see the Bear and the Lion consort
so amicably together.
~~^hatr^mght very well have convinced the Persians
that Russia had no ulterior motives, and that her
policy was in reality one of frank adherence to the
British interpretation of the Agreement non-interfer-
ence in the affairs of Persia so long as neither foreign
life nor property was threatened. British ideas in
regard to Persian affairs had been repeatedly expressed
in unambiguous terms by those responsible for our
policy, and Monsieur Isvolsky had plainly said to me,
when I saw him in St Petersburg, that Russia desired
the least possible interference in Persia. The best
proof she could give of her sincerity was to replace
M. de Hartwig. She gave it ; and from that moment
onward impartial observers were able to perceive the
theory of Anglo-Russian co-operation crystallising into
practice.
In Persian eyes, however, matters looked far other-
wise. Another post was not available for M. de
Hartwig, and, though recalled to St Petersburg, he
retained his appointment as Minister to Persia. His
family continued to occupy the Legation in Teheran,
to drive in the Legation carriages, and to appear in
public in the semi-state affected by foreign representa-
tives. It was freely stated that he was returning to
Teheran, and that the appointment of M. Sabline was
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 11
merely a blind to cover prosecution of the old policy.
While the official representative of Russia was hand-
in - glove with the British representative, unofficial
Russians occupying important positions, some respons-
ible to nobody, some responsible to departments other
than the Foreign Office, continually encouraged the
Shah, directly and indirectly, in the belief that Russia
was really with him and that he could afford to ignore
what was officially urged upon him. In fact, the
whole Russian community in Teheran, with the single
exception of the charge d'affaires, was more or less
openly opposed to the policy professed by the Russian
Government. The insidious suggestion, too, was con-
tinually being made that the Government itself was
in reality faithful to tradition and was ostensibly
furthering the new policy only with the object of
throwing dust in British eyes. In these circumstances
Anglo-Russian advice to the Shah, urging the reopen-
ing of Parliament and the institution of reform, was
thrown away, for the Shah was never likely to re-estab-
lish the Constitution while he supposed he had Russian
support in his opposition to that course.
Nationalists, then, had no faith in official Russian
professions. They saw only the encouragement given
to reaction by the Russian community, and that the
Shah's power was reinforced by the presence of Russian
officers with the Cossack Brigade. They had Liakhoff
on the brain. They did not realise the silent struggle
that was taking place in St Petersburg between the
forces of progress and reaction, between the Stolypin
Ministry and the old military party. Isvolsky as
Foreign Minister had many enemies anxious for his
downfall, and was constantly thwarted in his endeav-
ours to clear the situation in Persia. He was just
strong enough to recall Hartwig, but not strong enough
12 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
to secure his dismissal from the post of Minister to
Persia. He urgently desired the appointment to Persia
of Monsieur Poklewski-Koziell, then Councillor to the
Russian Embassy in London, a personal friend of King
Edward, and an active mover in the negotiations which
preceded the signing of the Anglo-Russian Agreement.
But the matter could not be managed. Instead, Hart-
wig's connections were allowed to remain in Teheran
stultifying official action, while the numerous agents
in Teheran of the reactionary party in St Petersburg
brilliantly seconded these efforts to maintain the old
policy, despite the contrary intention of the Govern-
ment in power. It must be admitted that the case
looked black against Russia, and that some faith was
required to believe in her real adherence to the letter
and spirit of the Anglo-Russian Agreement. Yiiuiica-
tion was to come later, but in the meantimePersian
Nationalist&-4Kere in despair, convinced that Russia
was^ the implacable foe of the Constitutional cause.
It heartened them considerably tKaF the Bakhtiaris
had taken the field in Nationalist interests, but they
could hardly believe that the Bakhtiaris would really
do anything while Russia was behind the Shah ;
and indeed they knew very well that the Bakhtiaris
could have very little understanding of their professed
aims, and that self- interest must be the principal
element in this sudden enthusiasm for representative
institutions. Whichever way the Nationalists looked,
Russia seemed to overshadow their prospects and to
make the realisation of their hopes difficult.
Foreign views on the situation were clearly defined.
It was obvious that the Persian Parliament had tried
to do too much. It had endeavoured to apply the
highly complex and involved methods of modern con-
stitutionalism to a country not only utterly unprepared
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 13
for it, but saddled with a bureaucracy to which, from
the Grand Vizier at the top to the gholam at the
bottom, reform seemed to spell absolute ruin. It was
to a great extent a self-constituted Assembly, and very
far from being representative of the people who were
dissatisfied with the existing Government. Conflict
with the executive brought about difficulties, which
ended in dissensions, which again resulted in the loss
of some of the better elements. The Parliament had
been at first purely constitutional ; it soon tended to
become revolutionary. Certain of the revolutionaries
were known to be violently antagonistic to the Kajar
dynasty. It was clear enough that the Shah could not
be expected to favour Parliamentary government which
generated hatred against himself, and afforded scope
for plots against his life.
Now, the Mejliss was no more, while the Shah him-
self had lost control of the country. The prevailing
anarchy not only affected foreign interests, but threat-
ened the necessity for that active intervention which
it was the declared policy of Russia and England to
avoid if possible. The two interested Powers were
therefore in the difficult position of having to choose
between standing aloof and seeing things go from bad
to worse, or of interfering when they wished to abstain
from interference. Even if they decided to interfere,
there still lay before them the difficulty of choosing
whether to back the Shah or the Constitutional party.
To put power into the hands of the former meant
return to the rotten old system that had resulted in the
present climax of misrule. To give it to the Mejliss
seemed equally unprofitable, for that body had proved
itself the most unpractical in the world. The truth was
that the winds were loosed in Persia, and that there
was no power within the country that could stay them.
14 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
How to secure the re-establishment of order without
resort to force from outside was the problem. During
my visit to St Petersburg, on the way out to Persia,
the subject was under consideration by an extraordinary
Council of the Russian Ministry, and from what I could
gather of the proceedings it appeared to be recognised
that neither the Shah nor the Mejliss alone could pro-
cure the desired restoration of tranquillity, chiefly
because of their desperate jealously of each other.
Were it possible to remove that jealousy, however,
it was presumed that both sides would thereafter
refrain from fomenting disorder, with the result that
an immediate amelioration of the situation would be
assured. If the two Powers would give some sort of
guarantee in regard to his throne to the Shah, and on
the other hand give some assurances to the Constitutional
party that the Mejliss henceforward should have a dis-
tinct and unquestioned share in the government of the
country, it is obvious that a working compromise would
be effected. To the compromise value could then be
given by an advance of money to relieve the straitened
condition of the Treasury. But as neither the Shah
nor the Mejliss had given proof of the common-sense
which it was essential should be imported into the con-
duct of affairs, if they were to be given a turn for the
better, it was regarded as imperative that skilled ad-
visers should be engaged who would help the executive,
and possibly even the Legislature, to confine their
efforts within practical limits, as well as constitute
some security to the Powers that the money lent
would be spent in a manner to secure the desired
result. So far as could be judged, official British
views of the situation, and of the steps necessary to
be taken for its improvement, did not differ essentially
from the Russian, except that the Russians proposed
ARRIVAL IN TEHERAN. 15
to give money to the Shah to enable him to restore
order before convoking the Mejliss, while we wanted
to see the Mejliss sitting before any money was given.
But there did exist a difference as to whether the
moment had yet come for so definite a degree of inter-
ference. We were all for allowing the Persians to
work out their own salvation, and for not coming in
unless the situation became hopeless. The Russians
thought the position hopeless already ; we were in-
clined to think matters might right themselves. If
we continued jointly telling the Shah to be good, the
miracle might happen, and the Shah become amenable.
The Russians wanted to take the situation in hand ;
we, with sublime opportunism, were willing that it
should become even more out of hand.
16
CHAPTER II.
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.
A BACKGROUND of the history of the Constitutional
movement, and of the developments which preceded its
birth, is necessary for a sufficient understanding of the
situation that existed in Persia. Some such knowledge
throws instructive light not only on the value of
Persian aspirations but on the attitude of the two
interested Powers towards the whole question of the
Persian revolution. Certain outstanding facts must
occupy duly prominent places in the picture if proper
perspective is to be maintained. Principally it should
be remembered that the Persians obtained their
Constitution almost without effort on their part. Of
scarcely less importance is the fact that we British
were mainly instrumental in getting it for them, and
that but for our assistance they certainly would not
have got it when they did. Thirdly, there is the simple
fact that Shah Mohamed Ali was able, with Russian help,
to cancel i.e., to bombard out of existence the Con-
stitution that his father promulgated, and that that
help was given not so much because of any inherent
Russian dislike to the Constitution, but because the
Constitution was a British protege. These points
remembered, much that is obscure becomes plain.
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 17
Let me discuss them in detail. As regards the first
a revolution is usually the climax of a period of mis-
government and tyranny, when an outraged people
revolt and obtain for themselves relief from an intoler-
able state of affairs. There are, of course, other motives
for revolution, but this is the most orthodox, and the
one generally attributed to the Persians in the present
instance. It is true that there was misrule and some
tyranny in Persia when Muzaffar-ed-Din granted the
Constitution, but it is equally true that similar con-
ditions have always existed in Persia. Those who
have examined the records at the British Legation
in Teheran have told me that the continual burden
of official despatches for nearly a jcenjury is that the
country was in such ji^sta t e ~7)F cfisor der7~anH~roisr ule
so outrageous, that it was impossible for things to go
on much-looger. Despatches written forty years ago,
when Nasr-ed-Din was supposed to be complete master
of the country, were couched in language almost iden-
tical with that used at the worst period in the present
crisis. They told the same tale, tyranny, cruelty, and
misgovernment on the one side ; disorder, robbery, and
rebellion on the other, and expressed the writers' pious
horror at such ongoings in civilised times. At the
end of 1905 and in the beginning of 1906 there was a
good deal of agitation in Teheran, consequent on a
struggle between the Grand Vizier of the day and
the clerical community. The former was a typical
Persian official, unbridled in his lust for riches, and
ruthless in his methods of obtaining them. Under
Mohammedan law the clergy constitute the only court
of legal appeal, and by virtue of their opportunities
have always been the principal bribe-takers in the
country. So greedy and rapacious a Prime Minister
as Ain-ed-Dowleh the same Royal Prince who appro-
B
18 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
priated the Imperial Bank's money very greatly inter-
fered with the perquisites of the clerics, thereby exciting
their deep animosity. Hence the ground of the agita-
tion mentioned. The demand was for the dismissal of the
Prime Minister, and for the constitution of courts of
justice independent of the Government for the res-
toration to the clerics, in short, of their immemorial
privileges. So far, be it noted, there was nothing new
in this situation, nor any grievance that had not been
of periodic recurrence in previous history. Nor was
there any mention whatever of a Constitution, or of
reforms which entailed representative government.
Nor was there any endeavour by the agitators to use
force for the attainment of their desires. Their policy
was one of protest, pure and simple, and it was ex-
pressed in the time-honoured manner by taking bast,
and in formulating demands from safe sanctuary.
There were in the situation, however, new elements,
though these do not appear to have inspired any
greater degree of public remonstrance, or any more
extended demands, than had been characteristic of
similar movements on previous occasions. The fashion
of visiting Europe, set by Nasr-ed-Din, had begun to
bear fruit in the shape of young men educated in
Europe. Members of the numerous suites accompany-
ing the Shahs in their foreign travels were impressed
by the advantage of possessing modern knowledge, and
by their own deficiencies in that respect. Considerable
numbers of young men were sent abroad to acquire
what their parents lacked. The extension of the
diplomatic service, consequent upon the new relations
between Persia and Europe, tended to facilitate the
going abroad of the junior members of the wealthier
classes. Perhaps most important was the fact that
the means of acquiring modern knowledge were im-
\
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 19
ported into the country, and a few schools and colleges
established where less affluent people could secure for
their families a fair smattering of the education that
was regarded as one of the principal ingredients of
European civilisation. And so there came upon the
scene, what had never been there before, the Young
Persian, in all his glory of facile French, high collars,
and cosmopolitan manners. But even he never appears,
as yet, to have dreamed of a Constitution.
There was, too, in the situation itself, a feature that
had never been present before, and which must have
filled all thoughtful men with apprehension for the
future of the country. Thanks to Muzaifar-ed-Din,
there was now a foreign debt, where in his father's
time there had been none. Not only had he spent the
large savings inherited from Nasr-ed-Din in 1896, but he
had borrowed from Russia, England, and the two foreign
banks in Teheran, sums equivalent to a total of nearly
five million pounds sterling. For that huge amount
there was not a public work of any kind to show. The
bulk of it had been spent upon profitless journeys to
Europe, on the purchase of quantities of useless foreign
trash, and in satisfying the demands of the hordes of
blood-suckers who filled the Court. Already the Cus-
toms revenue was nearly all alienated to meet the
interest on foreign obligations, and there was even talk
of another loan, which would absorb the little balance
that remained. The new loan would, of course, go the
way of others, and be wasted in Europe and dissipated
among favourites. Muzaffar-ed-Din's kindly and simple
nature had, indeed, greatly endeared him to his people,
but seldom, perhaps, has a monarch proved himself,
unwittingly though it may have been, so desperate
an enemy to his country. But even the knowledge
that independence was being threatened by the mort-
20 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
gaging of their financial resources does not appear to
have touched the Persians very deeply. From the three
most comprehensive accounts 1 of the agitation which
preceded the granting of the Constitution, all of which
differ in important respects, doubtless due to the ex-
traordinary difficulty of obtaining accurate informa-
tion in Persia, it appears that the principal demand
was always for the dismissal of the obnoxious Prime
Minister, whose quarrels with the clergy were the root
of the trouble. I cannot ascertain that any public
protest was ever made against the pledging of the
country's revenues, however much it may have rankled,
or that any demand was ever made by the agitators, or
anybody else throughout the country, for a share in
the government. The situation, in fact, had little
about it that was heroic, and nothing to suggest the
remarkable developments which followed. If the Per-
sians were really at this moment possessed of great
aspirations, they were very successful in concealing
them, and whatever their ideas may have been they
certainly never evinced the intention of shedding blood
for them.
The details of the agitation that was proceeding
are not material to this narrative. Shortly, they
amounted to the mullahs going from one holy place
to another and from sanctuary inciting the people.
The bazaars of Teheran were closed for a time the
simplest form of political protest in Persia, and of
common occurrence but were opened by order of
the Prime Minister. Large public gatherings were
organised in support of the clerical grievances, and
at one of these a seyd (descendant of the Prophet)
1 Blue-Book, " Affairs of Persia," No. 1 (1909) ; A Brief Narrative of
Recent Events in Persia ' (Luzac & Co., London), by Prof. E. G. Browne ;
'The Times,' 16th July 1907.
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 21
was shot. A few others were killed and wounded
by the soldiers firing on a crowd. The net result
of a period of public disturbance appears to have
been a complete victory for the Government. It
is very difficult, from the contradictory accounts
already mentioned, to follow exactly the course of
events, but there appears now to have ensued a
period during which the mullahs tried to take
bast under foreign protection. They were refused
admittance to the Turkish Embassy, according
to one account, whereupon they wrote to the
British charge d'affaires applying for the active
assistance of the Legation. Acting under instruc-
tions, Mr Grant Duff replied that it was impossible
for the Legation to support a movement directed
against the Government of the Shah. They next in-
quired whether in the case of their taking bast they
would be ejected. To this Mr Grant Duff responded
that, in view of the acknowledged custom in Persia,
it was not within his power to expel people who
took bast. The Minister for Foreign Affairs was in-
formed of this application, but no steps appear to
have been taken to prevent what followed.
On the evening of the 9th July fifty mullahs and
merchants entered the Legation grounds and took up
their quarters for the night. They were followed by
others in driblets, apparently extending over a long
period, for the official despatch reproduced in the
Blue - Book states that the highest number was
reached on 2nd September, when 14,000 persons
were assembled in the Legation garden. Of that
number it is safe to say that not one per cent knew
the meaning of the word constitution, or indeed
had ever even heard it. As they streamed up
the Boulevard des Ambassadeurs they were asked
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
why they were going to the British Legation, and
who told them to go. But the only answer obtainable
was that they did not know who wanted them to go,
or why. They were going, indeed, just because every-
body else was going, and because a tamasha in the
summer-time, when business was slack, in the leafy
aisles of the finest garden in Teheran appealed irre-
I sistibly to the pleasure-loving Persian mind. Never-
/ theless a full-blown democratic Constitution was the
f outcome of this curious situation. Strangely enough,
\1 in subsequent travel in remote parts of Persia, I
K encountered a mullah who happened to be in bast
\ in the British Legation at the time, in connection
I with a totally different affair. He had seen the
whole business from beginning to end, and was him-
self thereafter an ardent Nationalist. He said that
the people were enjoying themselves very much in
the Legation grounds, and did nothing but talk and
laugh and eat and smoke all the day. I asked if
they were not interested in the political situation,
and he replied that they weren't at all until the
word mashruteh (Constitution) was used. Then some-
body began explaining its meaning, whereupon interest
was aroused and spread throughout the crowd. There-
after mashruteh was in every mouth ; and as the
people began to understand the meaning of this blessed
word, they suddenly realised that it represented the
one thing needful forJPersia, the grand panacea for
alj^jbheir ills. To substitute government by the people
themselves for the tyraimy3ol!liu|ocrac^ seemed the
greatest thing in the universe. ~TJae-jje_mocratic idea
was conceived, born, weaned, and grown to full man-
hood in less time than it takes to 'make a suit of
clothes, and henceforwar^'ffieTe w^as universal demand
for a Constitution.
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 23
Mr Grant Duff acted as intermediary between the
bastis and the Government ; his only hope of getting
rid of the people who had ruined his garden it was
done in the most orderly and considerate manner
possible was to help them to settle their differences
with the powers that were. No great difficulty was
experienced. A short time before, Muzaffar-ed-Din
had been struck down by paralysis, and was even
then on his deathbed. He was not fit for business,
and only wanted peace. Besides, the Mejliss, or Par-
liament, which the people demanded from sanctuary,
be it remembered was a common enough institution
in Persia, and was frequently summoned both in the
capital and the provinces to discuss affairs and
give advice. That the Shah understood the full sig\
nificance of what was required is far from clear. By \
agreeing to their demands he thought to please the )
people and to escape from a dilemma, without realis- /
ing the extent to which he was divesting himself of /
his most important prerogatives. The bastis desired
British guarantees that the Shah's promises would
be fulfilled ; but these, naturally, were not forthcom-
ing. Whereupon a deadlock ensued, towards a re-
moval of which the Government requested the assist-
ance of Mr Grant Duff. Eventually a meeting took
place between the Government and the popular
leaders, at which the British representative was
present, whereat a decree, granting a National
Assembly and Courts of Justice, was drawn up by
mutual agreement. This being duly issued, the bastis
were satisfied, and left the Legation, whereafter the
movement entered upon a new phase. But the final
bargain between the Shah and the people had been
concluded at a meeting suggested by the British
representative, and held in his presence ; and though
24 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Mr Grant Duff took no part in the discussion except
when questioned, the implication was that the British
Government was sponsor to the arrangement and
morally responsible for its observance. In reality we
were no more so than is Mr Roosevelt for the due
observance of the terms of the Peace of Portsmouth ;
but in the East they regard things differently, and
the Persians thereafter, in all matters relating to the
differences which led them to seek sanctuary with
us, regarded us as their natural protectors. And they
interpreted the relationship to mean, henceforward,
that they were protected by Great Britain from the
consequences of anything which they had said and
done, or might say arid do, against their own
Government.
No sooner had the matter been settled and the
great bast over than the usual Persian difficulty
arose. A whole week was spent in gradually paring
down the promised concessions, whereafter a rescript
was produced in which the orginal project for a Con-
stitution was hardly recognisable. The hated Prime
Minister, who had been hovering in the offing during
the course of the negotiations, suddenly returned. The
Shah refused to sign the Regulations for the Assembly.
Great excitement ensued, and the Fourteen Thousand
notified our representative that they would again take
refuge in the Legation, if necessary by force, unless
he did his duty. Much expenditure on telegrams
resulted in the British and Russian Ministers being
instructed by their respective Governments to make
representations to the Shah on the subject of his
promises to his people. These representations had
their due effect, and the Royal signature was forth-
with affixed to the necessary documents. The in-
cident is noteworthy, for it gave opportunity for the
gg
i
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 25
manifestation by the Russian Government of a totally
new spirit as regards Anglo-Russian relations. Russian
co - operation with us on this occasion was, in fact,
one of the earliest expressions of the entente which
took material form twelve months later by the sign-
ing of the Anglo-Russian Agreement.
Despite the friendly action of the Russian Govern-
ment, however, it must be observed that the part played
by the British diplomatic representative in Teheran as
mediator between the Shah and his people created a
profound impression upon certain sections of Russian
opinion. British and Russian rivalry in Central Asia
was usually focussed in Teheran, and at times had given
rise to bitter feelings between the officials of either
country. Between subordinates throughout Persia,
indeed, suspicion and dislike, with few exceptions,
were usually entertained. Opportunities for obtaining
petty diplomatic triumphs were eagerly sought and
continually exploited. It is not worth while inquiring
who was principally to blame indeed, circumstances
were to blame, and not individuals at all. It is suffici-
ent to remark here that throughout a long period of
years the Russians had scored one victory after another
over us, and that our influence and prestige throughout
the north of Persia, and practically everywhere except
on the littoral of the Persian Gulf, had ebbed almost
out of sight. The reason why is plain to see. In
pursuance of the forward policy Russia had set herself
deliberately to absorb northern Persia. To this end
she had spent money like water in financing the
Government and in artificially stimulating her own
trade to the detriment of ours. To the power of the
purse thus acquired she added that of the sword, by
constructing roads from her own into Persian territory,
at three strategic points, thereby making available
26 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
against Persia the armies of the Caucasus and Turk-
estan. We were averse to spending money in Persia,
and the long desert routes between the Gulf and the
Persian capital precluded the possibility of our em-
ploying force. Diplomacy in these circumstances was
an edgeless weapon, and if ours was weak and watery
in those days, it was through no fault of our repre-
sentatives, but because of the false policy which
thought to maintain a strong position without the
power to assert it. The weakness of our position, so
far as action in Persia itself was concerned, was per-
fectly apparent both to the Persians and the Russians,
and in their disregard for us the former for years had
treated us with scant respect, ignoring our interests
and flouting our blandishments. The Russian, in fact,
was top dog.
And then, suddenly, it seemed as if the power in
Persia was to slip from the hands of the autocracy
which Russia had spent so much money in suborning,
into those of a democratic regime hating Russia and
leaning upon England. Local Russian opinion im-
mediately attributed the situation to a Machiavellian
British plot to recover long-lost ascendanc}^. We were
supposed to have engineered the Constitutional move-
ment from start to finish with the sole object of
destroying Russian influence and uplifting our own.
In any case it was a check to the forward policy, for
liberal government in Persia would entail resistance
to Russian aims. England and Englishmen were the
heroes of the moment, Russia and Russians the villains.
Exactly how the whole situation arose is difficult to
ascertain. In the very beginning we thought nothing
of the movement which culminated so remarkably,
for the same sort of unrest had always been chronic.
So we discouraged the bastis who proposed to honour
THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT. 27
us with their presence. The staff of the Legation
being away in the country, however, a few took refuge
without leave, and when they increased in number welj
began to take an interest. And then, as the number
kept growing and growing, and we could not very well
stop the influx, we began to realise that our sudden
popularity constituted a pretty dig at Russian suprem-
acy in the hearts of the populace. And if from
irresponsible quarters there ensued a little sly en-
couragement to the multitude to enlarge itself, who
shall say that the motive was not human, and sporting,
and comprehensible? That our people in Teheran
foresaw the far-reaching consequence of what was being
done, or that our Foreign Office ever realised the full
significance of what was happening in Teheran, cannot
be supposed. But the Russians were clear on the
point. They saw, what was patent to all observers,
that the success of our protege meant the loss of
Russian influence in Persia and the establishment of
British instead. For that reason every Russian^ in
Persia, as well as the reactionary^arty in Russia .
which professed the forward policy, became the bitter I (
enemies of the reform movemeni^and thereafter fought
tooth-and-nail for its defeat.
Subsequent developments, therefore, have to be fol-
lowed with an eye upon these three salient features
of the situation. A movement with unimportant be-
ginnings expands out of all proportion owing to
adventitious circumstances. Fostered by an outside
influence, it grows with hothouse rapidity. And be-
cause of the source of the artificial stimulus there
arises a blight which later on fixes upon the plant
and almost succeeds in killing it altogether. To ex-
press it in another way : the movement, as I read it,
would never have got so far as to extract constitutional
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
privileges from the autocracy were it not for the safe
basis of operations afforded by sanctuary in the British
Legation, together with the assistance given by the
British representative, and the fact that the Shah was
physically not in a condition to resist pressure. Nor do
I think Russian enmity to the Constitution obtained
would ever have become so acute as it ultimately did,
were it not that the concession had been obtained
principally through British agency, and for that reason,
according to tradition, was doomed to hostility.
29
CHAPTEE III.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION.
No sooner had he signed the Constitution than
Muzaffar-ed-Din lay down and died. The document
was read out in Parliament on New Year's Day 1907,
and, according to the three narratives which I have
been following, was received with tremendous enthu-
siasm. It happened, however, that I was travelling
in Persia at the time, and was privileged to be present
upon this historic occasion, and I must say that I
formed the opinion that the acclamations were pitched
in a very moderate key. 1 That, however, is a matter
of taste, for enthusiasm is a relative thing, great or
small, according as viewed from the standpoint of the
strenuous West or of the phlegmatic East. Prior to the
signing of the great document, however, the Mejliss
had been assembled for three months, and had already
achieved remarkable results. The extraction of the
formal charter of its liberties from a reluctant Court
was alone a notable performance ; besides which Anglo-
Russian financial assistance was refused, the principle
of founding a National Bank approved, and a strong
anti-foreign feeling developed. How admirably, too,
from the very beginning, the Persians had apprehended
1 See ' The Marches of Hindustan,' by the present writer.
30 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the Parliamentary idea will be realised from the words
of Sir Cecil Spring-Bice, the new British Minister, who
wrote 1 to Sir Edward Grey, in reference to the Mejliss,
that " any member may speak on any subject, and a
conclusion is rarely arrived at." The democratic spirit
which informed the new Assembly may be gathered
from the fact that the members sat on the floor sur-
rounded by the crowd, and that " the public . . . are
allowed to interrupt and even to speak."
On 19th January 1907 Mohamed Ali was crowned
Shah, eleven days after the death of his father. It is
significant of the importance which he and his Court
attached to the Mejliss that none of its members, offici-
ally or privately, were invited to attend the coronation.
Within ten days of this event Sir Cecil Spring-Bice
wrote 2 that the prospects of a good understanding
between the Shah and the popular party were still
remote, and that relations had steadily become worse.
He blamed the Government and the Assembly equally
for this unfortunate situation, and freely anticipated
the possibility of conflict. He recorded also the growth
of anti -foreign feeling and the birth of a fear of com-
bined British and Bussian action. Europe was now
being interested by the prospect of an Anglo- Bussian
rapprochement, and there was talk of the division of
Persia into spheres of interest as an item among the
terms of a possibly definite arrangement between the
two countries. These ideas were duly echoed in Persia,
and confirmed the suspicion aroused by the offer of the
joint loan. Bussian prestige had stood at zero since
the triumph of the reformers, but there was now a
slump in British popularity. Indeed the leading feature
of the reform movement, in the spring of 1907, was the
1 Blue-Book, Despatch of 3rd January 1907.
2 Blue-Book, Despatch to Sir Edward Grey, 30th January 1907.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 31
development of intense jealousy of everything and
everybody foreign, irrespective of nationality. This
feeling reached its climax in the end of February, when
the Mejliss procured the dismissal of the two principal
Belgian officials of the Customs Department, of whom
Monsieur Naus had become very much too big for his
boots, and well deserved his fate. The various non-
Islamic elements of the population suffered some perse-
cution, and many Chaldeans from the west left the coun-
try, while considerable numbers of Jews emigrated to
Palestine. Parsis were murdered, without punishment
being inflicted on the culprits. Parties in the Mejliss
were violently divided on the subject of religious
equality, the clericals loudly maintaining the necessity
for the maintenance of Mohammedan supremacy. A
prominent divine of Isfahan, and a champion of the
new movement, went so far as to suggest that Euro-
peans even should be forced to adopt habits and
customs more consonant with the respect due by them
to Moslems. It was a seyd of Shiraz, however, who
most aptly epitomised the Persian idea of liberty. In
a fit of enthusiasm this worthy man raced down a
street shouting " Long live Freedom," punctuating
his cries by sticking his knife into the scholars of a
Jewish school.
The Persians, however, were delighted with their
revolution, and never doubted their complete ortho-
doxy in the matter of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.
They experienced for the first time in their lives the
intoxication of political independence, and they took
to politics like ducks to water. Blissfully ignorant
of affairs, the members of the Mejliss developed an
interest in the details of administration that has never
been surpassed even in St Stephen's. Paget, M.P.,
found his apotheosis in Teheran. Deputies went about
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
poking their noses into every corner, ordering the
police to do this and that, instructing the public in
their duty to neighbours. Governors of distant pro-
vinces were jumped about like chessmen on a board, and
strong men of the new constitutional sort sent to put
things in order. The most extraordinary confusion
ensued. In sympathy with events in the capital,
many of the provincial towns formed little Parliaments
of their own, with the object of promoting the new
principles of government. These councils completely
overshadowed local executives and dislocated the
machinery of government. Glorious sentiments were
exchanged with Teheran by telegraph, and altogether
provincial enthusiasm quite equalled that of the capital.
Nevertheless the outlying centres would take no orders
from Teheran, and flouted the new Governors sent for
their betterment. They appointed their own Governors
and conducted their own affairs. Needless to say,
they interpreted the new order of things principally to
mean immunity from financial liability to the central
Government. They collected as much money as they
could for local purposes ; but that was precious little,
for the people also interpreted events to imply freedom
from liability. Not only, therefore, was the old system
of tyranny and extortion suddenly abolished, but it
was succeeded by a state of indiscipline under which
each man did what he liked and paid nothing. Self-
government in these circumstances was deeply ap-
preciated and the prestige of the Constitution rose
sky-high.
Meanwhile there arose in Teheran a Press that for
unbridled licence in the discussion of things and people
could not have been rivalled. Vituperation was its
strong point, and the heights attained in the abuse
of Shah, Government, Parliament, politicians, rival
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 33
publications, and finally private individuals, were cal-
culated to shame the Yellow Press of the most civilised
countries. Foreigners have from time to time said
many hard things of Persians, but no outsider has ever
said of them such unmerciful things as appeared daily
in the Teheran papers. These animadversions, how-
ever, were not taken very seriously, for it was well
understood that unprincipled persons in power, and
out of it, used the Press to blow their own trumpets
and to blast the reputations of their rivals. Teheran,
indeed, without adventitious aid from interested people,
could not possibly have supported so many publications.
But the Teheran papers, and their many imitators in
the provincial towns, penetrated far into the country
districts and were widely read. Many little villages
had their learned men who spent much of their time
spelling out the news to interested circles of listeners.
Some shook their heads at the criticisms of the Shah,
all were attracted by the scandalous revelations re-
garding their betters in the capital ; but it would be
hard to say how many stolid countrymen were fired by
the exhortations to patriotism and the better life which
appeared side by side with the garbage. The establish-
ment of numerous secret societies, commonly called
anjumans, was another influence for evil. The anju-
mans became all-powerful in the capital, and in reality
dictated to the Mejliss. Being formed of irresponsible
persons apt at intrigue, the anjumans in their effect
on the situation constituted a sort of Tammany in
which corrupt motives were the mainspring. Osten-
sibly established for the promotion of constitutional
aims, these societies became instruments for the grati-
fication of personal spite and revenge, and for the
collection of money by threats, besides being revolu-
tionary, if not anarchistic, to the core. Ending of the
c
34 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Kajar dynasty was, notoriously, the aim of their more
extreme members.
The Shah's point of view is not difficult to attain.
He disliked the movement from the beginning, and
later on found himself stripped of power and made the
butt of the populace. He developed a great and bitter
hatred of the Mejliss, of the Constitution which it
embodied, of the individuals who were his opponents.
His Prime Minister 1 was assassinated, threats against
his own life were frequent. It was natural enough
that he commenced to intrigue against the Mejliss.
Tools were ready to hand. The mullahs, as things
advanced, found themselves losing sympathy with a
movement that threatened a divorce between secular
and clerical government. The troops, hitherto friendly
to the Mejliss because they hoped to obtain their back
pay through its agency, soon discovered that nothing
could be done for them. A little ready money from
the Shah settled their allegiance for the time being.
Disorder in the provinces was easily stirred up by
judicious expenditure, and the blame was attributed
to dissatisfaction with the new style of government.
Each side fomented disturbances with the object of
discrediting the cause of the other.
Meanwhile the Shah's intrigues and the foolishness
of the Mejliss were having their due effect throughout
the country. One of the troubles of Persia is that
most of its mountainous regions are inhabited by
nomad and semi-nomad tribes of turbulent and lawless
character. These wild people were usually held in
check by the policy of setting tribe against tribe and
chief against chief. What the Persian lacks in resolu-
tion is made up for in craft, and the Government had
generally been successful in controlling within reason-
1 The Atabeg Azara, shot 31st August 1907.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 35
able limits these disturbing elements. The tribesmen
understood that they were regarded in Teheran as
troublesome children, and they maintained their repu-
tation by continual acts of disobedience, followed in
due season by remorseful submission. It was a great
game in which the Shah never over - harassed his
faithful subjects, while the subjects themselves knew
better than to go too far. Behind the diplomacy of
the Government there w r as always the whole power
of the Empire, a poor enough thing in itself, but over-
whelming when employed against a single tribe. Now,
however, the dangerous effect of the mushroom Press
of Teheran was being reflected among the tribes, while
the weakness of the central Government, due to the
conflict between the Shah and the Mejliss, was becom-
ing apparent in the flabbiness of local government.
Disorder rose to the surface and there was no strong
hand to suppress it. All the tribes of southern Persia
became restive, partly because the provincial governors
had lost their power, and partly because Nationalist
emissaries had urged them to rise in the sacred cause
of the Constitution.
Throughout the year 1907 the situation in the pro-
vinces gradually went from bad to worse. Isfahan,
Shiraz, Yezd, Meshed, and Kermanshah, besides many
other less important places, underwent periods of law-
lessness, during which authority was completely set
at naught. Trade was paralysed by the occupation of
the caravan routes by organised bands of freebooters,
among whom the Bakhtiari were conspicuous. Several
cases of robbery of Europeans took place, and the
Imperial Bank manager at Shiraz was fired at, and
narrowly escaped with his life. Consular servants
were beaten on several occasions, and consulates shot
over as a sign of disrespect to their occupants. In
36 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Teheran a French woman was murdered in her own
house, and cases of rough treatment of Europeans
were numerous. The Government proved incapable
of enforcing respect for its own representatives or for
foreigners, and seldom was able to inflict punishment
where it was due. So far, however, there had arisen
no definite movement in favour either of the Shah or
of the Constitution. Disorder was purely the result
of loss of power by the central Government, and had
very little political significance. What seemed so
extraordinary to the European onlooker was that in
the total absence of authority there should be so little
bloodshed and so few disturbances of a violent charac-
ter. Anarchy was supreme, yet the country on the whole
seemed little removed from its usual tranquillity. In
similar circumstances a Western state would have been
steeped in blood and swept with fire and sword ; but
the Persian took things very quietly, thereby showing
the peaceable stuff of which he is made. The Mejliss
meanwhile was proving itself powerless to do good, and
Sir Cecil Spring-Bice l wrote on 15th August that "it
has done, and is doing, nothing of practical value,"
/while Mr Marling, 2 the new charge d'affaires, on 8th
| November found the political horizon more threatening
J than ever, and could " scarcely see a single ray of light
) to promise better things," despite his opinion that the
\ Nationalist Cabinet " probably represents all that is
intellectually best in Persia." 3
Relations between the Shah and the Mejliss reached
a crisis in the middle of December. The Shah having
declined to accede to a request for the dismissal of
certain reactionaries, the Cabinet sent in their resig-
nations on the 14th. Next day the Ministers were
1 Blue-Book, Despatch to Sir Edward Grey. 2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., dated 6th December.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 37
summoned to the Palace, where, immediately on
arrival, they were arrested. The servant of the Prime
Minister, Nasr-ul-Mulk, an Oxford graduate and a
G.C.M.G., ran to the British Legation and reported
that his master was to be executed in a few hours,
whereupon Mr Marling sent the Oriental Secretary
to interview the Shah. The Shah disclaimed any in-
tention of injuring Nasr-ul-Mulk, who, along with the
rest of the Ministers, was allowed to leave the palace
in company with Mr Churchill. All were extremely
frightened, and believed themselves narrowly to have
escaped death. Nasr-ul-Mulk went off post-haste the
next morning, protected by Legation gholams, and hardly
stopped to breathe until he was safe on European soil.
Meanwhile the Mejliss appeared to be completely cowed
by the action of the Shah. The militant Nationalists
who, armed to the teeth, bravely defended the Parlia-
ment House in time of peace now showed no signs of
life, and the Shah could have occupied the buildings
if he had wanted, and there and then ended the Mejliss
and resumed his powers as an autocrat. Whether it
was that he did not mean business, and had not really
intended the execution of the Ministers, or that his
pusillanimity was just as great as his opponents', and
he merely lacked the nerve to do what he wished,
cannot be said for certain. In any case one perceives
a lack of determination in all concerned. The Shah
proving irresolute, and the British intervention on behalf
of the Ministers having hardened Nationalist hearts,
the Baharistan garden, which contained the Parliament
House, and the adjacent Siparsalar mosque, were
" slowly " occupied by armed members of the anjumans,
until by night there was said to be assembled 3000
armed men ready to defend the Mejliss. 1 To make a
1 Blue-Book, Mr Mai-ling's Despatch of 31st December 1907.
38 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
long story short, no fighting took place, and the Shah
eventually gave way all along the line, agreed to dismiss
the obnoxious reactionaries, and himself swore a bloody
oath on the Koran to be faithful to the Constitution.
The Shah's first attempt at a coup d'etat if it
really amounted to that, which is not quite clear
having failed, the Mejliss was given a new lease of life,
and conducted itself so as to call forth, six weeks later,
the official criticism that its proceedings " have been
even more irregular and purposeless than usual." l It is
interesting to know the opinion of the British repre-
sentative on the spot at this time in regard to the
Constitutional movement, and of the Assembly which
it had brought forth. While Mr Marling recognises
the duplicity and incapacity of the Shah, and his
ceaseless endeavours to obstruct and embarrass the
Mejliss, he writes in no uncertain terms of the patriot-
ism of the members of that body and of their capacity
for good. His despatch to Sir Edward Grey, dated
2nd January 1908, is a damning document and an
astounding commentary on the situation. I cull the
following paragraph relating to the Mejliss :
But it is also ignorant and corrupt. There is probably only a small
minority of the Assembly who are sincere in wishing for reform, or
have anything but a vague idea of what it would imply ; and though
some of these, such as Taki Zadeh, carry great weight in the Assembly,
the ignorant majority of deputies are often swayed by five or six
powerful and self-interested members who really guide the work of
the House. Of the corruption, a single instance will suffice. Large
sums have been collected, mostly by indirect menace from those sus-
pected of reactionary leanings, for the foundation of the National Bank,
and lodged with one of the Vice-Presidents of the Assembly. Of this
money, which may have amounted to as much as 50,000, no account
has been given. It may have been expended in payments of wages
and salaries ; it is, however, currently said to have been quietly
absorbed by the members of the Assembly and anjumans. Should
this be true, with dishonesty such as this, and with self-interest and
1 Blue-Book, Summary of Events for January 1908.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 39
mutual distrust rampant, there is not much to be hoped for from the
Assembly as it now exists. Nor is it likely, also, that a new election
would result in the return of better members. The fact is that
Persia is not yet, and will not fVvr^, ^ni]|p1^of sceng rations to come, be
fit for representative institutions.
The two last sentences are specially to be commended
to the notice of the reader, for they will go far to justify
the suspicion which has doubtless been forming in his
mind, that the identification of British policy in Persia
with a Nationalist or Constitutionalist movement was
something in the nature of a blunder. We are sound
enough on this subject in regard to India and Egypt,
where education is much more advanced and where
individual capacity is much greater. It is curious that
we have shown such a mistaken estimate of the situ-
ation in Persia, and supposed that good could have
come from the putting of such very new wine into such
very old bottles. The Continental onlooker is quite
satisfied in his own mind that our support of the
Constitutional movement was meant as a master-stroke
of diplomacy for the rehabilitation of British influence
in Persia, as opposed to Russian ; and some go so far
even as to believe that it was the situation so created
in Persia that forced Russia into signing the Anglo-
Russian Agreement. But we, who understand our own
weaknesses better, know very well that the mistake
was made unwittingly, and because we were rushed
by circumstances into action the consequences of which
we did not foresee.
On 28th February a determined attempt was made
upon the life of the Shah, but was not successful, as the
would-be assassins threw their bombs at his empty
motor-car, instead of at the carriage he was occupying.
The Mejliss promptly congratulated his Majesty on his
escape, but regret was openly expressed in the city that
40 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the attempt had failed. During the spring there was
a lull in the disorders throughout the country, though
official reports denied the existence of any real improve-
ment. Popular dissatisfaction with the Mejliss began
to grow, for its failure to improve the situation, and
the patent fact that it was being exploited by self-
interested parties, caused a revulsion in public feeling.
Business, in fact, was being conducted in the most
ludicrous fashion, Ministry succeeding Ministry with-
out effecting any change for the better. By many the
opinion was general that another crisis was impending,
and when early in June the Shah made a sudden exit
from the palace within the town and took up his
quarters in the Bagh-i-Shah, outside the city walls,
it was generally supposed he was hatching plans for
a coup. The Nationalists were also busy, and a com-
mission representing all the anjumans elaborated a
scheme of defence. Thousands of armed men rallied
round the Mejliss, and the whole neighbourhood was
transformed into a military camp. Merchants sub-
scribed large sums for expenses and declared them-
selves ready to fight to a finish. The value of these
preparations may be estimated by an incident which
occurred on llth June, when 25 Persian Cossacks
brought a warning from the Shah that force would
be used if the Mejliss did not immediately procure
the dispersal of the Nationalists, whereupon the
thousands of armed men hurriedly complied. 1 By the
19th Nationalist courage was somewhat restored, and
on the 22nd the Mejliss, once more surrounded by
eager defenders, decided to send an ultimatum to the
Shah. The initiative was taken by the other side,
however, and early the next morning the city was
1 'The Times,' 15th June 1908.
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 41
startled by the roar of cannon and the sound of
heavy firing.
Events from the Nationalist point of view were
tragic. They, poor people, were passively in occupa-
tion of their beloved Mejliss and the neighbouring
mosque when the Shah sent the brutal Liakhoff with
1000 Cossacks and heavy artillery to bombard them
out of existence. The enemy began by firing a volley
which killed about a dozen Nationalist volunteers.
Only then did the Nationalists reply, whereafter
shrapnel and shell were poured in upon the defenders
until all were slain, taken captive, or put to flight,
while Mejliss and mosque were reduced to ruins,
fighting covering a period of eight hours. So runs
Professor Browne's account, derived from first-hand
information collected from Persian refugees in England.
That the Professor was misled by his Persian friends
is suggested by the Blue-Book version, 1 which gives
quite a different impression :
The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the mosque
and Assembly. ... I believe that every preparation had been
made to clear the mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any
case the Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as
the attack was made by the popular party on the troops ;
and omits all mention of damage to Mejliss buildings or
mosque.
The facts of the case so far as I could gather are as
follows : In the early morning a small detachment of
Cossacks were sent by the Shah to the mosque to
arrest certain individuals. They were refused entrance,
and sent back word to this effect. Large Cossack re-
inforcements now arrived, accompanied by six field-
guns, men and artillery being posted in scattered
1 Mr Marling's Despatch to Sir Edward Grey, 25th June 1908.
42 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
positions commanding the Mejliss and the mosque.
It is inconceivable that these manoeuvres were intended
to be other than a demonstration before which the
Nationalists would melt away, for the positions taken
up were fatal in the event of fighting, while the Russian
officers did not accompany their men, and only arrived
in carriages when the force was already on the scene.
While the dispositions were being made the Nationalists
suddenly opened fire, and appear to have killed and
wounded about 40 Cossacks at the first outburst.
The Cossacks immediately bolted for cover, leaving
Colonel Liakhoff and his Russian officers and non-
commissioned officers alone in the square facing the
Mejliss. One of the Russian officers then coolly charged,
trained, and fired the first gun, whereupon the men
returned to their posts. In a few minutes the affair
was ended and the Nationalists decamped. A few
shells crashed into the Mejliss, and a few more bounded
harmlessly off the massive dome of the mosque, splinter-
ing the tiles only at the points of impact. So far as I
have ever been able to discover, no Nationalists, owing
to the safe positions from which they fired, were killed
in the brief fight that took place, though stray bullets
accounted for a few non-combatants. The Cossacks,
however, were badly mauled, twenty men being killed
outright. The Parliament House was then gutted by
the soldiers, as well as a few private residences. The
Russian officers showed complete fearlessness, and it
does not detract from their courage that the National-
ists had agreed beforehand, whatever happened, that
no Russian should be touched, in view of the danger
of bringing about Russian intervention. The handful
of Nationalists belonging to the Azerbaijan anjuman,
who alone fought, showed dash enough to open the
ball, and without support could not have been ex-
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 43
pected to do more than they did. As for the legions
who swore to defend the Constitution with their lives,
the less said about them the better nobody ever ex-
pected that they would.
Fears of a conflagration in the town were speedily
averted by the action of the Cossack Brigade, which,
under Liakhoff, retained complete control of the situa-
tion. Only the few houses belonging to marked people
were allowed to be touched, and the Shah's soldiers,
who were eager to be let loose, were disappointed of the
booty which they regarded as their right. Needless to
say, there was a scramble for the Nationalist leaders,
and thirty were captured, of whom two were strangled.
Others gained the safe sanctuary of the British Lega-
tion, thereby causing extreme disappointment to the
Shah, and giving rise to a situation that, though hurtful
to British pride, was not without a touch of humour.
During the days immediately following the coup
d'etat, Nationalists in hiding continually broke cover
and made a rush for bast in our Legation. We took
them in because we could not very well help ourselves.
But the Shah was furious to see his prey escaping, and
surrounded the Legation with troops that did their
work so well that not even eggs and milk were allowed
to pass in at the gates, much less human beings. This
insulting state of affairs lasted for several days, when a
telegram 1 to the Shah from King Edward, threatening
measures for vindication of the honour of the flag, had
the desired result of raising the siege. The humorous
aspect of this affair requires some development.
Ever since the signing of the Anglo-Russian Agree-
ment in the previous autumn the British and Russian
representatives had been alternately warning, advising,
and scolding the Shah. The Russian Government had
1 Blue-Book, page 134.
44 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
agreed to back up the British in insisting that he
should fulfil his promises to his people. Any steps
that the Shah had taken in the desired direction were
due not to his own volition, nor to any force exerted by
the Nationalists, but purely and simply to the exhorta-
tions of the two Powers. These exhortations, as we
have seen, had been productive of very little, and the
reason, of course, was that the Russian Minister was
giving one counsel to the Shah in public and a totally
different one in private. Jointly and publicly the two
representatives urged conciliation on the Shah, singly
and secretly M. de Hart wig advised patient obstruc-
tion. The Shah's coup of December went off half-cock
/ because he was acting on his own account. In June he
was successful because he had Russian support. The
handful of Russian officers, commanding a compara-
tively organised body of men in the shape of the
Persian Cossack Brigade, were more than sufficient to
turn the scale in the Shah's favour, and it was to them
alone that the Shah now owed success. It was no part
of the Russian officers' work to interfere in internal
politics, and their action was subsequently disavowed
by M. Isvolsky. But Hartwig pulled the strings and
the officers danced, with 'EEe'result thaTTEhe Mejliss and
all pertaining to it "^ere wipecT out of existence, and
Mohamed All become aiT autocrat like his ancestors
before him. He had boasted that his fathers had won
their throne with the sword, and he now had the satis-
faction of seating himself thereon after the manner of
his forebears, and by the aid of the same weapon. It
did not detract from his satisfaction that the sword
was not his own but a Russian one ! But the Shah
was only a puppet ; the real victor was Hartwig, and
the vanquished were the British. It was an ample
and complete triumph of the side which had the sym-
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 45
pathy of every Russian then in Persia, and a knock-
down blow for the side with which the British were
identified. M. de Hartwig could not conceal his satis-
faction, and his manners to his colleagues thereafter
were insufferably patronising. The British name went
down to zero, the Nationalists regarding us as broken
reeds, while the Royalists freely trampled upon us.
Not only was our Legation completely surrounded by
troops for several days, but one of the Shah's principal
generals expressed himself willing to take artillery
against it, and himself to fire the guns, so that we
might be forced to give up the refugees. For this
situation we had the Russians alone to thank. Colonel
Liakhoff was made Governor of the town immediately
after the coup d'etat, and there is no doubt it was with
his and M. de Hartwig's cognizance, if not by their
actual orders, that the British Legation was treated
with such indignity. For apology, however, we had to
look to the Persian Government, and there ensued the
edifying spectacle of the Russian Minister the real
instigator of the insult solemnly supporting, by order
of his Government, our demands for reparation.
With the exception of one place the country took
the Shah's coup quietly, and indeed there appears to
have been a good deal of relief at the disappearance of
the Mejliss, so discredited had it become in its later
days. The Teheran anjumans vanished like pricked
bubbles, and the flamboyant Press was utterly blotted
out. The Powers made it clear to the Shah, however,
that they would notTtolerate recriminatory measures
against the Constitutionalists. " Representation had the
effect of inducing the ShaHTio promise another Mejliss,
and to grant an amnesty, theTatter applicable to all
political offenders, even~thoseTn. refuge in the British
Legation, a few of whom, however, it was required
46 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
should travel abroadjintil their sins were forgotten.
The refugees gaveTlr Marling a great deal of trouble,
for though he had arranged the amnesty, and provided
them, by agreement with the Persian Government, with
papers stating them to be under British protection, they
utterly declined to leave the Legation. Persuasion and
argument were employed daily and hourly by those
members of the staff most gifted with logic, but with-
out avail, and it was only when brute force was threat-
ened which came rather ungracefully on the top of
the logic that the intruders were got rid of. The
six leaders were extremely loth to leave the country,
and actually demanded that the Shah should give them
an allowance to live on during their absence from
Persia. These patriots, however, who had for months
preached the deposition and killing of the Shah, were
in the end persuaded to go the Shah paying their
expenses ! An honourable exception was Taki Zadeh,
who declined to take a penny of the Shah's money, and
who loyally supported the Legation staff in the efforts
to induce the refugees to depart.
Meanwhile Colonel Liakhoff used the authority
r vested in him to good effect, and Teheran was reported
quieter by day and night than it had been for many
months previously. Tabriz, on the other hand, was
plunged into uproar by events in the capital, and there
immediately commenced that long farcical struggle
between Nationalists and Royalists which has played
such an important part in the development of the
Persian Revolution. Throughout the country the
Shah's victory gave pause to the forces of disorder,
but it was soon discovered that the hand of the
Government became no stronger, whereafter the pro-
vinces reverted to their previous condition of insub-
ordination. Not long after Mohamed Ali's assertion
EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 47
of himself over the Constitutionalists, his brother
monarch in Turkey was compelled by circumstances
over which he had no control to grant to his subjects
what the Shah had just snatched away from his. The
event caused little stir in Persia, for at the time all
the politics had been knocked out of the Teheran
Nationalists, while those in other parts of the country,
always excepting Tabriz, took no interest in any affairs
but their own. Money was the great difficulty of the
Shah, for he had none, while the Powers would not
give him any except on terms that he would not accept.
Russia and England, in pursuance of their policy of
non-interference in Persian affairs, continued busily to
advise the Shah, one Minister slily obliterating in the
evenings the good effect of what he and his British
colleague had said in the mornings. M. de Hartwig's
subtlety, however, was acting prejudicially to the good
understanding existing between the two Governments,
and he was recalled to St Petersburg in the middle of
November.
48
CHAPTER IV.
THE UNKEST IN PERSIA.
HAVING sketched the genesis and progress of the
reform movement in these two chapters, and in the
opening chapter dealt with the situation that existed
in Persia at the time of my arrival in January 1909,
I now propose to outline in more or less narrative
form the series of events and the succession of phases
which culminated in the coup d'etat of July of the
same year. So far I have laboured under the dis-
advantage of discussing matters of which I have
small personal knowledge, except as relates to a short
period in the winter of 1906-7, when I was travelling
in Persia and paid a short visit to Teheran. Hereafter,
however, I write with such degree of authority as
may be allowed to an eye-witness whose business it
was closely to follow developments. There is room,
it must be admitted, for much diversity of interpre-
tation of these developments, particularly in regard
to those of purely Persian aspect. It was always
possible to arrive at a fair understanding of occur-
rences in which the Powers were involved, but where
events happened independently of them conjecture
necessarily played a large part in European en-
deavours to comprehend. Owing to the intellectual
:.*: ;.'::.-:::
.
Interior of the Royal Palace at Teheran.
Exterior i>ieiv of the Palace grounds.
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 49
subtlety and unpractical minds of the people, prob-
ably in no country in the world is the acquisition of
accurate information so difficult as in Persia ; and it
is a feature of diplomatic work in that country that
events are continually happening of which no ade-
quate explanation is forthcoming, and of which a
clear understanding will probably never be attained.
Teheran, then, in the beginning of 1909 presented
an interesting psychological problem to the European
observer. At one moment it seemed that nothing
could avert an immediate explosion, and the next
that disturbance of the peace was unthinkable amid
such tranquil and even lethargic surroundings. A
morning spent in Nationalist company led one to
suppose the city in a state of electric tension which
the smallest event would transmute into active rev-
olution. But a drive or ride along the streets,
followed by a quiet talk with old residents, forced
one to exactly the opposite conclusion. According
to the latter the state of political excitement said
to prevail among the people was almost purely imagin-
ary, the fact being that the people were indifferent,
and the excitement confined to a small section of
the community, which, for lack of a better word,
may be termed Young Persian. And from the Young
Persian, the experienced seemed quite convinced, no
action could possibly emanate. But as the educated
classes with whom foreigners almost exclusively came
in contact were practically all red - hot Nationalists,
there was communicated to Europeans no incon-
siderable degree of alarm. The German Minister
went so far as to issue instructions to his nationals
what to do in event of disturbances, while one or two
other Legations laid in stocks of supplies as a pre-
caution in case they might be forced to provide pro-
D
50 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
tection for large numbers of refugees. The British
community, among whom were many with Indian
and Oriental experience, took things more philosoph-
ically, and I do not remember meeting any of my
own countrymen who believed an outbreak imminent.
Various Russian and German newspapers, however,
were inundated at this time with predictions by
local correspondents of violent revolution in which a
massacre of Europeans figured prominently, with the
consequence that fond relations at home were greatly
exercised for the safety of their friends in Persia. A
dangerous period was supposed to be the Mohammedan
festival of Mohurrem, on the tenth day of which re-
ligious fervour usually runs high and is occasionally
productive of isolated acts of fanaticism. It was
a frequent threat whence originating was never
clear that a few Europeans might be murdered with
the object of provoking foreign intervention. The
truth is, however, that feeling never really ran high
enough to prompt an outrage so foreign to the
peaceful and benevolent nature of the Persians, and
the critical moment passed quietly.
The first important event to occur after my arrival
was the advent of Caucasian revolutionaries at Resht.
A. batch of these worthies dropped apparently from
the clouds, and commenced operations by foully
murdering the Governor in cold blood. Armed with
bombs, Mauser pistols, and the latest pattern rifles,
and followed by an ever - increasing throng of town
roughs, they next attacked the Government offices,
killing several of the few soldiers on duty. Brief
news to this effect reached us in Teheran by the
private telephone of the road service, whereafter all
connection was cut and communication made impos-
sible. Considerable anxiety as to the safety of the
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 51
European residents was felt, particularly as the Russian
Consular guard numbered only ten Cossacks. In the
absence of full details the greatest excitement arose
in Teheran, and the belief seemed to be general that
a large army was marching upon the capital, and
that the Bakhtiaris would immediately make a cor-
responding move from Isfahan. It was soon realised,
however, that nothing of the sort was happening,
and that the Revolutionaries, indeed, were quietly
settling down at Resht and maintaining good order
in the name of the Constitution. The Government,
of course, were greatly perturbed, and immediately
despatched troops to the scene of the outbreak ; but
it is a quaint commentary upon the situation that
the force had to halt a few miles outside the city
for lack of funds, and did not really march until
several days later. To overawe Teheran itself several
regiments were paraded and posted about the town, a
precaution that proved sufficient to deter the Nation-
alists from anything in the shape of active sympathy
with this new development.
For nearly a month comparative quiet reigned
throughout the country, a few towns peaceably pro-
claiming themselves for the Constitution, among the
number Meshed, where a few Caucasians had arrived
to give the inhabitants a lesson in revolutionary tactics.
During this lull I was vouchsafed the honour of an
audience with the Shah, whom I was considerably
surprised to find in excellent spirits and full of humour,
despite the reports that he lived in constant fear and
trembling. His Majesty, who received me alone but
for an interpreter, speedily gave me a new impression
of his situation. He began by saying that he was
glad to know that c The Times ; had sent a represent-
ative from England, where many erroneous ideas as to
52 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
his attitude had been disseminated. He next pro-
ceeded to explain his position, and in a few sentences
made it clear that he possessed a sensible and logical
view of the situation according to his lights. He
recounted the principal events of the previous two
years, and pointed out how grossly many of the Con-
stitutionalists had abused their liberty, both with
regard to himself and by interference with the ex-
ecutive powers of the Government. It w r as evident
that his Majesty associated a representative body
with anarchy of the worst kind, and recollecting the
severe strictures passed upon the Mejliss by many of
the Nationalists themselves, one could not but appre-
ciate this view. I gathered from the tenor of the
Shah's remarks that so long as he was able to scrape
together the funds necessary for existence from day to
day, it was unlikely that he would act upon the advice
already given him by the two Ministers, or even upon
that of the two Governments, then supposed to be
pending, or make any concessions which, in his opinion,
would be disastrous to the country. His Majesty pro-
fessed great regard for his poople, and declared his
intention of initiating reforms and granting a limited
form of Constitution whenever order was restored.
Mohamed Ali, indeed, talked like a book, and
although, no doubt, his tongue was in his cheek
most of the time what great man's is not, when he
opens his heart to the Press ? I was constrained to
believe that he was not without reason. What the
poor man lacked seemed not so much common- sense
as knowledge of the world. Surrounded by sycophants
from his youth, brought up in complete ignorance of
modern developments, and inheriting reins of govern-
ment already rotted, Mohamed Ali would have been
a wonder if he had been able to hold his own. Unen-
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 53
cumbered and well advised, I venture to think he
might have pulled through ; but the Constitutional
movement had attracted all the better and more
advanced men in the country, and left at his side
only the ignorant and corrupt who feared reform.
Nor must it be forgotten that, as already explained,
Russian agents had forcibly helped him over one
stile, and were even then secretly supporting him in
his attitude of obstinacy. Well and disinterestedly
advised, he would have put himself at the head of the
popular movement. So miserably had the first Parlia-
ment failed to justify its existence that he might easily
have dominated a second by himself initiating moderate
reforms, and proving to the Powers that he was worthy
of support. He might, indeed, have remained as abso-
lute in Persia as the Czar remains in Russia, the while
his Mejliss learnt, as the Duma is now learning, its
functions in the machinery of government.
Events in the north now began to be reflected in the
south. That holy man, Seyd Abdul Hussein of Lar,
had long been stirring up the people of Ears to join the
righteous cause, and with such success that quite a
number of lawless tribesmen were attracted to his
standard. These gentry 'took Constitutionalism to
mean what the Redskins understand by the war-path,
and very fine adherents they speedily proved them-
selves to be. Their first public exploit, not counting
several months of highway robbery and murder, was the
capture of the port of Bunder Abbas and the annexa-
tion of the Custom-house, both solemnly effected in
the name of the Constitution. The prompt arrival of
a British man -o'- war detracted somewhat from the
picturesqueness of the proceedings, and nothing par-
ticular happened. There next followed the rise, at
Bushire, of Seyd Morteza, a disciple of the other Seyd,
54 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
and a greater patriot than his master, if that were
possible. Morteza brought with him a thousand rifle-
men from Tangistan and occupied the town, not for-
getting the Custom-house. Now, the Tangistanis are
a byword all over Persia for turbulence, and their
appearance in the sheepfolds of Bushire created a great
stir. The foreign Consuls immediately flew to the
British Resident and demanded measures for the pro-
tection of foreign life and property. But the local
Nationalists, by force of the divine fire within them,
proved themselves masters of the situation, and before
their gentle glances the ferocious Tangistanis became
as lambs. In these circumstances it was sheer brutality
that brought a gunboat and a cruiser upon the scene,
especially when the Teheran Nationalists gave assur-
ances that their brothers in the cause would assuredly
protect foreign interests.
Meanwhile Morteza in the Custom-house was happy
as a king, annexing the receipts and ignoring com-
munications from the Resident pointing out that the
revenue was pledged to the British. In this connec-
tion our Government gave a delightful exhibition of
the humanitarianism which is its especial attribute.
Major Cox telegraphed : l " Seyd Morteza is a fanat-
ical half-educated Mullah . . . the Persians, whether
Nationalists or others, have no faith in the personal
integrity or bond fides of the Seyd . . ." ; to which Sir
Edward Grey 2 replied that " it should be impressed
on the Seyd that his Majesty's Government attach
very great importance to the regular payment into the
Imperial Bank of a monthly instalment on account of
the interest due on British loans which are secured on
the Bushire Customs revenue." At this high treat-
1 White-Book. Persia No. 2 (1909). Despatch of 29th March 1909.
2 White-Book. Persia No. 2 (1909). Despatch of 30th March 1909.
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 55
ment the Seyd graciously agreed to place the receipts
in the Imperial Bank, to the credit of three trust-
worthy Persians, pending an equitable arrangement
by which he could take whatever was required for
the upkeep of his army, and the British could have
the balance. With that proposal we appear to have
been content, although the situation so affected trade
that there was no prospect of there being any balance
of receipts after the Seyd had helped himself.
The inevitable soon happened. The Tangistanis
broke loose and commenced looting the bazaars and
terrorising the inhabitants, many of whom took refuge
in the foreign Consulates. Goods belonging to British
merchants were plundered, and altogether a dangerous
situation suddenly arose. Seyd Morteza took advan-
tage of the confusion to arrange with the three trust-
worthy Persians for the withdrawal of the Customs
receipts from the Bank, and never afterwards could be
induced to part with them. This Gilbertian situation
was finally ended by the landing of a hundred blue-
jackets and the evacuation of the town by the Tangistanis
without the firing of a shot. Nationalists in Teheran
were considerably chagrined by the behaviour of their
allies in the south, but showed themselves so unappre-
ciative of practical politics that they actually questioned
our right to interfere, and bitterly resented the landing
of a force. It might be mentioned that before Major
Cox took action he gave warning to the provisional
authorities, and only landed the bluejackets when Seyd
Morteza repudiated responsibility for the maintenance
of order, when his ultimatum to the local Nationalists
met with no response, and when the situation had be-
come materially worse.
Teheran meanwhile was not without its emotional
moments. One of these occurred when the police
56 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
arrested three men on the alleged ground that they
were carrying bombs. One was immediately strangled
and the corpse suspended in a public gateway, where,
next day, the townspeople flocked to see the gruesome
sight. It was announced that the other two would be
similarly dealt with on successive days, but before that
occurred it transpired that the first victim carried a
paper which implied the protection of the British Lega-
tion. That made for trouble to the Persian Government,
and the outcome was an undertaking that there would
be no more executions without a proper trial. The
Nationalists were emphatic in declaring that the charge
was bogus, and a mere excuse for murdering an indi-
vidual who had incurred the Shah's displeasure. There
was a great deal of talk at the time about bombs, and
while it was quite possible that the men arrested
were actually in possession of such things, the proba-
bilities are that they were innocent. In any case, the
man hanged was known to be taking a prominent
part as intermediary between leading Nationalists and
persons in sanctuary for political reasons, and his fate
gave many schemers against the Government a con-
siderable fright.
Still greater consternation was caused not long after-
wards by a quadruple murder at a village a few miles
from Teheran. Three of the victims were said to be
mullahs who had recently deserted the Shah's side and
gone over to the Nationalists, and who, fearing for
their safety, had gone to the shrine at Shah Abdul
Azim to take sanctuary. It appeared that the party
had been unable to obtain quarters actually within the
precincts of the shrine, but had deemed themselves
safe in an adjoining house, as the whole village is
generally regarded as being inviolable. In the middle
of the night, however, a large party of Teheran roughs
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 57
with blackened faces arrived and climbed over the
roofs until they came to the house containing their
intended victims. Surrounding it they knocked at the
door. One unfortunate fellow who was left for dead,
but who eventually was able to describe what hap-
pened, related how the people inside realised their
danger so soon as the knock was heard, and endeav-
oured to escape. On showing themselves at the
windows, however, they were fired upon. The mur-
derers eventually broke into the house and killed four
of the inmates, completely riddling their bodies with
revolver shots and disfiguring them with sword cuts
and dagger thrusts. This ruthless outrage created
great dismay in Nationalist quarters, for it was obvi-
ously inspired by political motives and executed by
the myrmidons of the Court, probably with the direct
cognisance of the Shah, though this was never proved.
Indeed, so far as I am aware, no inquiry ever took
place, although the two Legations urged upon the
Government the necessity of punishing the culprits.
So great was the terror inspired by this deed that
it was freely predicted that the Shah would next
attack the Turkish Embassy, where some two hundred
and fifty persons had been in bast for several months
for political reasons. From this safe refuge the bastis
were busily engaged in intrigue and the Shah was
known to be itching to get at them. The Turkish
charge d'affaires applied to the Porte for a guard,
and also urged upon the British and Russian Lega-
tions the necessity for demanding the dismissal of cer-
tain officials believed responsible for the crime at Shah
Abdul Azim. Like so many occurrences in Persia at
the time, however, this one was soon overlapped by
another, and everybody's attention directed elsewhere.
The condition of the southern roads now began to
58 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
attract some attention, for within a period of three
weeks no fewer than three British subjects were
stopped and robbed of all their property. Mr Ebenezer
Gentleman, the agent of a mercantile firm, travelling
from Shiraz to Isfahan, met this fate near the ruins of
Persepolis, the culprits being Lashanis who for sport
had just destroyed several hundred telegraph insu-
lators. The next victim was Mr Monk ton of the
Church Missionary Society, and there quickly followed
the case of Mr J. E. Smith of the Indo-European Tele-
graph Department. Besides these there were numerous
instances of strippings, beatings, and robberies of native
employees of the Telegraph Department, all of which
went unpunished, despite vigorous representations
from the Legation. The truth was that representa-
tions might just as effectively have been addressed to
the Man in the Moon as to the Persian Government,
for the one had no more power to ensure retribution
than the other. What sort of fortune overtook native
travellers who ventured abroad can easily be imagined,
for almost all the roads in the country were alive with
robbers. Trade between the various parts of the coun-
try, needless to say, was at a standstill.
Turning to less bloody aspects of the situation, the
action taken by the Russian Government in relation
to a particular financial transaction might be men-
tioned. The necessities of the Persian Government
were at this moment so great that the most extra-
ordinary devices for obtaining funds were tried. This
is one of them. A wealthy merchant, whose landed
A+t- properties were valued at one million sterling, owed
the Russian Bank 400,000, secured on notes of
hand. The Government attempted to squeeze the
merchant, whereupon he took bast in the Russian
Legation. Pressed to meet his obligations to the
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 59
Bank he declared himself helpless, and under Moham-
medan law it was impossible for the Bank to take
over the properties and realise. Realisation in any
case was difficult, partly because of the unsettled
condition of the country, and partly because no man
dared to admit possession of ready money to pur-
chase estates lest the Government pounced upon
him. After protracted negotiations, however, the
following scheme was evolved. The Persian Govern-
ment agreed to take over all the properties of the
debtor, and in exchange to assume his debts, plus an
additional 80,000 which was to be advanced by the
Bank to enable the debtor to free himself of minor
obligations. The effect of this transaction would
have been to increase the national debt of Persia by
half a million pounds, and to augment the Crown
property by huge estates. Ostensibly the object of
the arrangement was to set on his legs again an
important man of business whose inability to settle
his affairs added considerably to the stagnation of
trade. It rescued the Bank from an unfortunate
position and gave it a Government for a debtor
instead of an individual. But this perfectly legiti-
mate transaction concealed an ingenious scheme for
raising the wind. As quid pro quo for their altruism
the Persian Government privately arranged with the
debtor that the cash involved should be lent to them.
In effect, the arrangement gave the Shah a new lease
of life, for not only did it provide him with a large
sum of ready money, but gave him possession of
valuable property which could be sold or mortgaged,
regardless of the interests of the country. The
Nationalists, who had something more than an ink-
ling of what was being engineered, were greatly
dismayed at the prospect of the Shah obtaining the
60 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
funds, lack of which principally prevented adequate
measures being taken against the various forces in
the field in the Constitutional cause. It was common
talk among them at this time that the Shah was
being secretly financed by the Russian Bank, despite
their notification to the Legations that debts con-
tracted by the Government without the consent of
Parliament were unconstitutional, and would not
thereafter be acknowledged. In complete refutation
of this charge, however, the Russian Finance Minister,
on being asked to sanction the above arrangement
the Banque d'Escompte de Perse is an offshoot of
the Ministry of Finance, similar to the Russo- Chinese
Bank definitely refused, on the ground that he
would be no party to a transaction which involved
an increase in the Persian debt in the interests of
a monarch who had turned a deaf ear to the joint
advice of the Powers, and who had shown himself
so incapable of effecting reform in his administration.
Not only, then, did the Russian Government give
substantial proof of its sincerity in supporting the
British view that the Shah should not be helped in
his campaign against the Constitution, but it did so
at material loss, leaving the Bank in the unfortu-
nate position of being unable to recover this very
important debt.
Another expedient of the Government was to sell
Crown Jewels. This was a difficult matter to effect,
for neither the British nor Russian Banks would
undertake the business, while private parties were
shy of admitting their ability to buy. A secret ex-
pedition from Paris, however, including an expert in
the valuation of jewellery, had no such qualms, and
trade to the extent of about 10,000 worth took
place before the cat escaped from the bag. Some
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. 61
very innocent travellers interested in antiquities
were then realised to be playing a deep game, with
large sums at their disposal. They were immediately
warned that the Revolutionaries at Resht would take
care that any articles which they might purchase
would be confiscated on the way out of the country,
and the buyers' throats cut into the bargain. The
innocent travellers were not of the fire-eating order,
and, bluffed into stopping operations by this gentle
hint, they left for Europe in considerable haste.
Events in Persia duly incurred for that country the
interest of certain friends of Liberty in England, who
constituted themselves under the title of the Persia
Committee into a sort of cross between the Balkan
Committee and the coterie of politicians in the House
of Commons which used to make it its business to find
fault with British proceedings in India. Those mem-
bers of the Persia Committee who had seats in the
House of Commons lost no opportunity of bullying the
Foreign Office on the subject of its omissions and com-
missions in Persia, while those without a place in St
Stephen's endeavoured to enlist popular sympathy
through the medium of the Press. The pet aversion
of these kind-hearted gentlemen was Russia, in con-
nection with whose actions, motives, and ends, as
regards Persia, they constantly detected the presence
of the cloven hoof. Indeed it was sometimes a little
difficult to know whether the principal object of the
Committee was to sympathise with Persia or to dis-
credit the Anglo-Russian Agreement. In March the
vote on the Foreign Office estimates gave them an
unrivalled opportunity of enunciating their opinions
and pressing their beliefs on the House of Commons.
Like members of corresponding committees, however,
it was the misfortune of the members of the Persia
62 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Committee to be very credulous in the matter of stories
from the objects of their sympathy, and all sorts of
exaggerated tales from Persia were freely accepted by
them. Indeed it was quite a joke among Teheran
Nationalists, when absurdities arose in connection with
the situation, that such matters must at once be
communicated to the Persia Committee for ventilation
in the House of Commons. It was very easy, there-
fore, for Sir Edward Grey effectively to answer the
charges brought against the Government, and the
debate did nothing to convert opinion to the views
of the Committee. Mr Dillon, whose warm-hearted
temperament makes him particularly susceptible to
Persian grievances, had been badly victimised on one
point, for, among other items in a long speech, was a
denunciation of ' The Times ' for being inimical to all
national movements, and for having, in this case, dis-
missed their Persian correspondent on account of his
Nationalist views, and appointed in his place another
correspondent (my humble self) to write down the
Constitutional cause accusations which met with flat
and circumstantial denial in next day's paper. My good
friend Mr Lynch also took the opportunity to reproach
' The Times,' and incidentally to ask why this corre-
spondent who had been deputed to disparage Persian
efforts to acquire freedom should unjustifiably state
that the Bakhtiaris who had espoused the Nationalist
cause were a tribe of robbers, when all the world, and
particularly the Secretary of State, knew them to be
honest and law-abiding people. As a matter of fact, I
had specially excepted the Bakhtiaris from the charge
of being robbers, as were the other tribes risen in the
south of Persia, because their share in the protection
of the trade route associated with the enterprise of Mr
Lvnch's firm was well known. But this direct incite-
THE UNREST IN PERSIA. . 63
ment to examine Bakhtiari doings in detail rather
than in entirety was too strong to be resisted, and I
was able, shortly afterwards, to have a quiet dig at
their champion by telegraphing that instead of the
Bakhtiaris marching upon Teheran to re-establish the
Constitution, as they had been constantly threatening,
" small bodies of the tribe were congenially occupied in
robbery on the Lynch Hoad between Kum and Sultan-
abad," and that they appeared to have " pillaged two
post waggons, plundered numerous travellers, and com-
mitted four murders within a fortnight."
In this chapter I have made no mention of certain
essential features of the situation which were contin-
ually in evidence. The siege of Tabriz was being
actively prosecuted during the period to which events
here described relate, but as its progress was so im-
portant as regards the whole position I propose to give
it a chapter to itself. The threat of invasion from
Isfahan and Resht was also being constantly reiterated
throughout this period, but here again events lend
themselves to separate treatment. It is only necessary
to remark, then, in concluding this chapter, that that
section of the inhabitants of Teheran who were in-
terested in politics was kept in a continual condition
of tension by the ever-growing prospect of the fall of
Tabriz ; while the whole population was deeply appre-
hensive of the consequences to the capital of its
invasion by Bakhtiari tribesmen, and by those people
supposed equally dangerous, the Revolutionaries from
Resht.
64
CHAPTER V.
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ.
WHEN Mohamed All Shah in June 1908 bombarded
the Parliament in Teheran out of existence, the city
of Tabriz became convulsed with emotion. Mohamed
Ali had been Governor of Azerbaijan province for
many years and the people of Tabriz knew him
well, and feared him from experience. They had be-
come ardent Constitutionalists very largely that the
power of Mohamed Ali might be diminished. When
the monarch, who had been their own governor, tri-
umphed over his enemies and reasserted his position
in the capital, these good Constitutionalists were im-
mediately divided into two parties those who held
it wisdom to side with the strong, and those who had
no hope of the strong. In other words, there was a
Royalist side and a Nationalist side, and the con-
sequence of their antagonism was a state of armed
excitement in which business was suspended and law
and order forgotten. But there was no fighting pend-
ing news from Teheran, and some indication of what
the Shah intended to do with Tabriz. That very soon
became apparent, for the redoubtable Rahim Khan
arrived early in July, accompanied by five hundred
tribal horsemen, and armed with instructions to support
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 65
the Royalists in the town and to punish the National-
ists. Only a few years before, Rahim Khan had been
a brilliant bandit in the neighbouring hills of Karadagh,
too brilliant indeed for the comfort of Azerbaijan, and
he had been captured and sent in chains to Teheran,
there to languish in gaol until fortune smiled again.
This occurred when the Shah wanted to crush Tabriz
and needed somebody to effect his purpose who would
not mince matters. So the chains were loosed from
Rahim Khan, money supplied, and orders given him
to make haste to his old haunts and raise a force for
operations against Tabriz. The wild tribesmen flew
to his banner, warm in the cause of the Shah, hot on
behalf of Islam, and absolutely boiling for the loot that
was to be their reward.
Rahim Khan and his lawless followers established
themselves in the town and proceeded to disarm
those quarters which tendered submission. Several
of the quarters were occupied by Nationalists, who
showed no tendency to submit, but who kept their
readiness to do the other thing more or less in the
background. Matters went so swimmingly for a day
or two that military precautions were relaxed by
Rahim Khan, whereupon his men began to attend to
their own needs in the outskirts of the town. En-
countering no opposition they got bolder and bolder,
and day by day the voices of the inhabitants who
suffered from their robberies and exactions became
louder and louder. The climax came when the
Karadaghis invaded a public bath on the women's
day and worked their will on the defenceless bathers.
The sight of their weeping wives and daughters drove
the Tabrizis distracted, and with one accord so the
story goes the whole populace surged, unarmed, to
Rahim Khan's quarters with the intention of throwing
E
66 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
themselves at the feet of the Dictator and begging for
mercy. But when the seething crowds became visible
from the house of Rahim Khan, that worthy and his
followers thought the city had taken arms against
them, whereupon they arose in haste and went forth
into the wilderness. The flight of Rahim Khan con-
vinced the townsfolk that the Shah's was the losing
side, whereafter they all became violent Nationalists,
deeply exultant for their brilliant victory. There
now began the celebrated siege, the Shah's followers
trying to re-enter the town, the Nationalists inside
striving to keep them out.
In due course Prince Ain-ed-Dowleh he of the
1000 draft arrived to take up the appointment of
Governor. He was supported by an army, commanded
by the Sipahdar who afterwards became a Nationalist
champion, composed of regular troops from Teheran,
including Persian Cossacks with modern artillery, and
tribal cavalry, both Kurdish and Bakhtiari. Mean-
while Nationalist leaders had been discovered in the
persons of Sattar Khan, who had been a brigand and
a horse-dealer before he took to politics and religion,
and Baghir Khan, a stone-mason in times of peace.
Fighting was soon in full swing, the Royalists occupy-
ing one part of the town and the Nationalists another.
Extensive barricading divided the opposing forces,
while the nature of the ground, covered as it was
with innumerable mud walls and cut up into small
gardens, permitted a great deal of firing with very
little danger. On the whole, the Nationalists appear
to have got considerably the best of the fighting,
succeeding at any rate in keeping their opponents
off until the arrival of the winter snow, when opera-
tions were very much relaxed. Ain - ed - Dowleh's
failure to assert his position caused great disgust in
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 67
Teheran, and he was dismissed, and Firman Firma
appointed in his stead. The latter declined to take
up his appointment, however, so Ain-ed-Dowleh was
renominated. This phase of the siege was dealt with
in detail in the columns of ' The Times/ whose Special
Correspondent furnished a series of graphic letters
in which the situation was painted in colours ludicrous
and pathetic, heroic and pusillanimous as its varying
aspects suggested. A short extract from one which
appeared on 28th August makes instructive reading,
indicating as it does the extraordinary ideas that
prevail in Persia as to what constitutes fighting and
fighting men. Describing the forces on each side the
Correspondent writes :
But of all the cheap warriors who have graced Tabriz during the
last six weeks the honest peasants of the Shah's Royal Regiment have
cut the worst figure. They marched from Teheran to join Rahim
Khan in his repressive measures. Met by a local band they marched
in 800 strong. Of this 800 none had ammunition, 200 only were
armed, and 400 incomplete uniforms had been divided between all
ranks. The very first day of their arrival the men protested to the
inhabitants their friendliness towards them, and, as if in earnest of this,
those who were told off to furnish guards surrendered their rifles to
the first revolutionary who made a claim. For a week they subsisted
on the charity of the town. Then 500 of them gravely handed such
oddments of Government property as they possessed to their officers,
and took the road back to their homes near Teheran. A few days later
a public subscription was started for the remaining 300 to furnish
them with sufficient funds to enable them to follow their comrades.
The people calculated that this would be cheaper than keeping them.
Thereupon the last of the gallant regiment marched out of Tabriz
grateful for the bounty which would enable them to reach their
homes.
So much for the Royalist forces. The anti-Royalists are not much
better. Sattar Khan has with him a score or two of well-armed
Caucasian mercenaries who are the backbone of his success. For the
rest he has to depend upon an army of tinkers, whose chief intention
in carrying arms is blackmail, while their last is to do any serious
fighting. Four krans a-day is their wage, and if they can add another
two or three to that by blackmailing the timid, they will not mind
68 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
how long the bazaars are closed. There are perhaps 100 men in
each faction who are determined fighting men. The rest is all stage
property.
With the departure of ' The Times ' Correspondent in
the beginning of October a detailed narrative of events
at Tabriz ceased to be available, and the progress of
the siege remains somewhat obscure for the next few
months. During that period, however, there was not
much active fighting, partly owing to the deep snow,
and partly to the realisation of the Royalists that they
were putting themselves at a disadvantage in attacking
a town so built that its endless walls constituted a
series of fortresses one within another. By mutual
consent apparently the different sections of the be-
leaguering force, the regulars and Bakhtiaris with
Ain-ed-Dowleh, the Karadaghis under Rahim Khan,
and the Kurdish tribes under a ruffianly leader called
Samad Khan, took up independent positions on the
principal roads entering the town, thereby cutting off
supplies from outside. The Nationalists made sorties,
and on several occasions were successful in defeating
the besiegers, but not in forcing them to raise the
blockade. Without cavalry, and backed by only a
handful of men who would venture into the open,
Sattar Khan could really do little more than create
temporary diversions which permitted the ingress of
limited quantities of supplies.
By the end of January (1909), however, news reached
Teheran that a new spirit had begun to animate the
besiegers, and that a determined attempt was being
made definitely and effectively to establish a blockade.
Henceforward information from the beleaguered town
was on an ascending scale of seriousness, and apprehen-
sions began to be entertained that tragedy was about
to be superimposed upon the absurdities which had
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 69
hitherto principally distinguished the operations.
Events elsewhere in Persia were responsible for this
new-born activity. The advent of the Bakhtiaris at
Isfahan, and later the appearance of the Caucasian
Revolutionaries at Resht, both threatening to advance
upon the capital, together with the defection of several
of the principal towns, and the fact that certain of the
powerful tribes in the country were keenly watching
the situation, made it imperative for the Shah to make
an effort to score a victory over his opponents. He
could not retire his forces from Tabriz and employ
them for the defence of the capital without adding
the whole of Azerbaijan to the side of his enemies,
as well as ruining his prestige throughout the country.
Victory at Tabriz, on the other hand, meant the
adhesion of the tribes who were sitting on the fence,
the release of a considerable portion of the forces
engaged in the attack, probably the acquisition of
treasure by a levy on the wealth of Tabriz, and
generally such a triumph for his cause that the
Bakhtiaris and Revolutionaries would retire from the
field altogether, and so bring about the collapse of
the Nationalist movement in a militant sense. To
that end Ain-ed-Dowleh and the tribal chiefs before
Tabriz were exhorted to push matters with the utmost
vigour, while money, ammunition, and reinforcements
were despatched to their assistance.
In consequence of these efforts one might suppose
great and co-ordinated activity in the camps before
Tabriz. The tribal chiefs, it is true, showed renewed
interest in the proceedings, doubtless because they
were promised anew unlimited opportunities of pillage.
But Ain-ed-Dowleh seemed sunk in lethargy, lacking
either the courage or the enterprise to employ the
resources at his command. Never once was Tabriz
70 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
attacked by all three commanders at once, and only
twice by two at the same time. Apparently each
leader took the field when the spirit moved him, and
without any effort to obtain the co-operation of his
colleagues. But while none of the attackers seemed
to care about fighting, the tribesmen were quite at
home in the task of occupying the roads and making
the entrance of supplies impossible. They roamed the
surrounding country in every direction, harrying and
robbing to their hearts' content. The most harrowing
details of their doings reached us in Teheran, and the
Legations warned the Shah repeatedly of the necessity
of controlling his wild supporters. That, however, was
beyond the Shah's power, and not only did the natives,
Moslem and Christian, suffer extreme hardships at
their hands, but Russian subjects and Russian prop-
erty were treated with scant courtesy. Indeed, before
the siege was over, Russian losses, and consequently
Russian claims for compensation from the Persian
Government, amounted to hundreds of thousands of
roubles, and it is one of the remarkable features of the
situation so arisen that Russia abstained from inter-
vention when her interests were being so seriously
interfered with and her subjects roughly handled.
Nobody in those days who ventured on the main road
between Tabriz and the Russian border was safe. Two
European merchants who made a dash for it were
stripped naked in the snow and left to find their way
to the frontier in goloshes, lucky to have escaped with
their lives. To catalogue the outrages and barbarities
that took place would be an endless task.
Turning to the situation inside the town, we find
that the resources of the defenders were considerable.
They had at their disposal 20,000 rifles, an adequate
supply of ammunition, and about a dozen cannons of
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 71
old-fashioned type. The majority of the rifles, how-
ever, remained in the arsenal, for although the city
contained 250,000 inhabitants whose lives were in
jeopardy, only 2000 were found bold enough to assume
a weapon in self-defence. And of that number there
were only some 250 who in the smallest degree were
entitled to be called fighting men. So runs the
account of a devoted European, who was so much in
love with the Nationalist cause that he joined it, to
the imminent danger of his life. As regards food-sup-
plies, however, the situation was much less satisfactory.
The fighting during the previous autumn had pre-
vented the accumulation of grain stocks in the town
granaries, according to custom. A large fruit harvest
in the surrounding gardens had not been exported
owing to the condition of the roads, and in a dried
O '
condition served to some extent to replace the shortage
of cereals. Altogether, however, the position was seri-
ous, and it was recognised in the middle of February
that if supplies could not be imported existing stocks
must be exhausted within two months. In these cir-
cumstances prices ruled high, while trade and enter-
prise being at a standstill, the working classes were
without the power of earning the wages that would
have purchased bread. With the majority of the
population thus reduced almost to starvation, painful
scenes were of continual occurrence, and many died of
hunger.
During this time, extraordinary to relate, the tele-
graph line between Teheran and Tabriz remained un-
broken, and we were able freely to communicate with
the besieged town. For a fortnight the continuation
of the line northward from Tabriz, a section of the
Indo-European connection, was broken; but as the
Company was entitled to 500 per day compensation
72 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
for each day the wires were out of work through fault
of the Persian Government, strenuous efforts were
made to effect a repair, and no other important stop-
page took place, though that result was due to the
heroism of the telegraph employees in risking their
lives to mend the accidental breakages by bullets
which were continually taking place. We were thus
made aware in the beginning of April that affairs had
reached a critical stage, and that supplies must in-
evitably be exhausted within three weeks if the siege
continued. Simultaneously came the news that two
Europeans had joined the Nationalist forces and were
busily engaged in drilling volunteers. One of these
was Mr Baskerville, an American teacher employed in
the school of the American Mission, and the other an
Irishman, Mr W. A. Moore, sometime Secretary to the
Balkan Committee, who was representing a syndicate
of Liberal papers in Persia. Mr Moore, as one would
expect from his antecedents, went to Tabriz as an ardent
supporter of the Nationalist cause ; but, judging from
what he subsequently wrote, he must have been griev-
ously disappointed in the people behind it. Neverthe-
less, when their prospects looked blackest and hope
had almost departed from them, he and Baskerville,
neither of whom knew the beginnings of soldiering,
enlisted in their ranks with the object of instilling
courage into the drooping Nationalists, and in the
hope of embuing them, by precept and example, with
some of the energy and resource of the European.
When the siege was over an article appeared in * The
Times' (3rd July 1909) from the pen of an Occasional
Correspondent, which thinly veiled the identity of the
writer, whose Liberal employers had dispensed with his
services when he associated himself with the National-
ists. It would be difficult to imagine a document com-
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 73
bining more completely the extremely ludicrous with
the supremely pathetic. " It was essentially a contest
between two sets of anefficients and incapables, each of
which feared the other," is the verdict of the writer in
graphically and amusingly summing up the fighting
capacity of both defenders and besiegers. In view of
that opinion he and his companion could have joined
the defenders only out of pity for their helplessness.
But the description of the fight in which Baskerville
lost his life, and in which Mr Moore modestly ignores
the danger which he himself equally incurred, makes
one indignant to think that two Europeans should
have given themselves so generously, but so uselessly,
for a people and a cause so undeserving. Let me
quote :
The rendezvous was fixed for midnight. Somewhat to my surprise
the whole of my 350 men and of Mr Baskerville's 150 turned up at
the rendezvous. The rest came more slowly, and hours passed before
we moved on. It was arranged that Mr Baskerville should attack on
the right ; the handful of Armenians, Georgians, and Caucasian Musul-
nians, with a Persian force, on the left ; while my men took the centre.
Satar Khan was to give support all round with a force which was
announced to be 1000, but proved to be less than 200; and in point
of fact this never came on at all or got into action. When my com-
mand got close to the enemy's barricades, at 4.30, it had dwindled
from 350 to 27. This, of course, was entirely to be expected. The
system of natural selection worked always with admirable automatic
precision, and this residuum of the more resolute cheerfully opened fire
at 4.30, and almost immediately rushed the enemy's position. Mr
Baskerville's followers, who had sunk to nine, engaged on the right,
while the Caucasians, bereft of their Persian comrades, joined in on
the left, numbering some thirty. So little, therefore, do numbers matter,
and such is the engaging inconsequence of war in Persia, that the
whole attack on Karamelik, with its garrison of 2000, was begun by
less than 70 men. Mr Baskerville was shot through the heart before
six o'clock while exposing himself in front in order to try to get the
men to advance ; and after his death, although later more of his men
came up, the right stuck fast. On the left and in the centre, for the
kind of warfare, things went with astonishing and splendid go. Soon
after six we rushed the enemy again. They bolted at once, and thus
74 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
we gained a second garden's length. Some of the recreants plucked
up heart, and supports kept dribbling up in daylight till we numbered
about 150. . . . By noon hunger, sleeplessness, heat, and toil were
telling heavily, and the men were dribbling away. The remnant rose
to another rush, and now only one garden's length separated us from
the village of Karamelik. It was the enemy's last line. But, as had
so often happened, there were none to claim the final victory which
was so easily possible. The stream of supports had long since failed,
and the tide was ebbing the other way. Not a man came up to
relieve the spent force of the night. It was impossible to get them
to advance the last length of garden.
So much for the brave Persians who were giving
their lives for their Constitution. Without the
Caucasians, Armenians, and Georgians one would like
to know how much fighting there would have been
at Tabriz ! It is incidental that I saw in Teheran
shortly afterwards a letter from a European in Tabriz
stating that not a single Persian would go out after
the fight to bring in Baskerville's body, and that if it
had not been for the devotion of the Caucasians, who
were already exhausted by the exertions of the day,
the unfortunate American's remains would have been
left to be eaten by the dogs. But I must do Mr
Moore justice, for, despite this experience, he has
praise for the people of Tabriz. " They could not
fight, but they could starve. The terrible tortures
of hunger were endured with a resignation which
compelled admiration. In the last few days the people
were eating grass, and for weeks before the scenes
outside the open bakeries . . . were pitiful to
witness." The submissive patience of the Oriental
is no doubt a quality to command admiration, but
one is disposed to think, in the light of what fol-
lowed, that Mr Moore gave the inhabitants of Tabriz
credit for a degree of resignation which they did not
possess.
By the middle of April the situation in Tabriz had
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 75
become so serious that the Legations in Teheran had
requested the Persian Government to permit the
entrance of food - supplies for foreigners. This was
refused, but willingness was expressed to assist in
adequately protecting those who wished to leave the
town. An effort was made to effect a compromise
between the belligerents, and the Nationalists in
Tabriz offered to accept a modified Constitution
where they had hitherto demanded the original one
intact, plus various stipulations and an amnesty ;
whereas the Shah, while promising just treatment,
insisted on unconditional surrender. From his atti-
tude it was obvious that the Shah was confident of
success with little delay ; further evidence that Tabriz
was really on its last legs was quickly forthcoming,
and in dramatic fashion.
On 19th April the alarming news was telegraphed
that the local Nationalist Assembly was believed to
be organising an attack upon foreigners, if the Powers
did not immediately intervene to save the situation.
Famished mobs were restrained from rioting with the
greatest difficulty ; and while the fighting men had
supplies and would not surrender, the inhabitants
found themselves without provisions, facing starvation
on one hand and the Shah's ruthless tribesmen on
the other. In their frenzied condition they saw no
escape but by sacrificing Europeans and bringing
Russian troops on the scene. Further advices sug-
gested that the rascally leaders, Sattar Khan and
Baghir Khan, who from being beggars before had be-
come rich men through appropriating the funds forcibly
collected for the defence, were encouraging the popu-
lace in the idea of attacking the Consulates in order
to divert attention from themselves they being now
regarded in the town with marked hostility.
76 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Telegrams were immediately despatched by the
British and Russian Legations to their respective
Consuls-General, containing messages for Sattar Khan
and the other leaders, to the effect that the out-
rages in contemplation " would exclude all concerned
from any amnesty and ensure the most vigorous
punishment of those responsible." It was hoped that
the warning contained in these words would tem-
porarily restrain the Nationalists from carrying their
threat into effect. Meanwhile the two Legations took
energetic steps to deal with the situation. Sir George
Barclay and M. Sabline demanded an audience of the
Shah, whereat they pointed out that an armistice
and permission for supplies to enter the town was
the only solution of the difficulty that had arisen.
To this course the Shah was strongly averse, on
the ground that any relief to the town meant the
undoing of the work of the past nine months. After
a long discussion and the application of strong
pressure, however, the Shah consented to an armis-
tice for six days, and to the importation into the
town of bread sufficient to feed the inhabitants for
that period. So much gained, Sir George Barclay
and M. Sabline followed up their advantage two
days later by making the long - deferred representa-
tions which were the outcome of the pourparlers
instituted in London and St Petersburg nearly four
months before, and which had hitherto been delayed
on account of the uncompromising attitude of the
Shah. The representations consisted principally of
urging upon the Shah the necessity of fulfilling
his promises in regard to the re - establishment of
the Constitution, and concluded by conveying a
solemn warning to his Majesty that if he ignored
the advice now offered jointly by the two Powers,
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 77
he would for ever forfeit their sympathy and the
claims for protection which the ruler of a State had
the right to expect from powerful neighbours. The
Shah on both these occasions did all his own talk-
ing, and impressed both Sir George Barclay and
M. Sabline by the sense and moderation he displayed
throughout what must have been uncommonly un-
palatable interviews.
Prior to the concession of the armistice, however,
the news of the serious situation of the Consuls and
foreigners in Tabriz had led the British Government
entirely to concur with the Russian in the necessity
for taking active measures for protecting Europeans.
To this end troops were being prepared in the Cauca-
sus for despatch to Tabriz, with the object of escorting
supplies of food and of covering the retreat of the
foreigners if that step should prove necessary. The
arrangement effected in Teheran, however, led the
Russian Government to defer departure of the troops,
particularly as the Legations held out a hope that
their forthcoming general representations might lead
to a settlement of the Constitutional question and
the final cessation of hostilities. Meanwhile the joy-
ful news of the armistice had been telegraphed to
Tabriz, occasioning a great revulsion of feeling. The
fears of the starving people were allayed, and dele-
gates were immediately sent to the Royalist camp
to make purchases of food, in the expectation of
receiving every assistance from Ain-ed-Dowleh.
But that officer professed himself entirely without
instructions, and though he appeared to have heard
about the armistice, he declined either to help or to
allow the delegates to procure supplies. This news
created a very bad impression in the town, and when
there immediately followed, as a consequence of the
78 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
cessation of fighting on the Nationalist side, the
occupation of a Nationalist position by Samad Khan,
suspicion that the Consuls had been merely playing
with them to gain time was loudly expressed. The
situation of Europeans, in fact, became extremely
critical when it was found by the populace that the
Shah's officers paid no attention to the armistice.
In consequence of this fresh development it was de-
cided between London and St Petersburg that there
should be no further delay in sending the troops
which were in waiting, and orders were immediately
given for a flying column to march from the frontier
in all haste. In taking this decision it was recog-
nised by the Powers that they were employing a
powerful lever to force the Shah seriously to consider
their representations on the subject of the Constitu-
tion. It was obvious from the delay in instructing
the Royalist forces to admit supplies that the Court
was obstructive, and hoped to see the town forced
into unconditional surrender for lack of food. That
occurring, the Shah had the game in his own hands,
and would assuredly laugh at all advice.
To what extent the Shah was guilty of violating the
formal agreement with the Legations on the subject of
the armistice never became clear. That instructions to
his officers on the spot were delayed to such an extent
as seriously to jeopardise the whole arrangement is
perfectly certain, but those most qualified to judge
held the opinion that certain Court officials were to
blame, either for absolutely withholding the instruc-
tions, or for at least telegraphing to the scene of
operations in a sense that rendered the instructions
inoperative. In any case, the mischief was done, and
the doing of it cost the Shah extremely dear ; for
without the failure immediately to fulfil the terms of
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 79
the armistice, the Russian troops probably would
never have come upon the scene at all, and a sur-
render might have been arranged that would have
conceded all the glory to the Royalist side. Nobody
in the town cared a fig for the Constitution while
his belly was empty, and the fighting leaders were
prepared to make any terms that would have saved
their skins.
The appearance of the Russian force acted like oil on
troubled waters. Their numbers were amply sufficient
to overawe the Shah's disappointed tigers, who did not
dare misbehave themselves in the presence of tangible
force. The townsfolk welcomed the troops eagerly
because of the convoys of food which they escorted,
and all went merry as a marriage-bell for the space of
twenty-four hours. But no sooner had their hunger
been assuaged than the Nationalists began to lament.
Making the best of his disappointment, the Shah, on
learning of the movement of the Russian troops, opened
negotiations with his dear subjects at Tabriz. They,
in reply, appealed to their unkind father to rescue their
common country from the danger of partition. They
were willing that the Shah's soldiers should enter and
kill all rather than that Persia should be delivered over
to the ravening northerners. The Shah is reported to
have read this appeal with tears rolling down his
cheeks, and to have ordered immediately an indefinite
extension of the armistice and every facility for the
introduction of food. Even the courtiers were roused
to patriotic expression, and they addressed his Majesty
in indignant terms, pointing out that Persia had stood
aloof when Great Britain was fighting the Boers, and
when Russia was engaged with the Japanese. What
right, therefore, had England and Russia to intervene
in Persia when she was engaged in civil war ! This
80 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
frame of mind lasted for a brief space in Tabriz, and
then the Nationalists, finding themselves out of all
danger, suddenly changed their attitude towards their
unkind father and demanded extravagant terms, and
even threatened to resume resistance if they were not
granted. Nor did they fail to turn upon the hand that
saved them from disaster. Hardly were the Russian
troops established outside their gates than a bitter
agitation was started against them. The smallest acts
were magnified into the deepest insults, the most ordi-
nary precautions in the interest of order were declared
to be ruthless tyranny, while all sorts of false accusa-
tions were brought against men and officers. Consider-
ing the circumstances in which the Russian troops were
brought upon the scene, and their object being the
protection of foreign residents whose lives were threat-
ened by a frenzied population, one could hardly expect
from them the behaviour of sympathetic friends. In-
deed, I have been informed on credible authority that
their behaviour was almost irreproachable, and that
occasional tactlessness was the worst charge that could
be levelled against their commander. Mr Moore in his
able and impartial article on the siege entirely bears
out this opinion. There were some people in Teheran
and elsewhere not in Tabriz itself who expressed
doubt as to the Nationalists ever having seriously
meant to threaten European life, or to have schemed
for European intervention by such means. That is
a point I cannot discuss from personal knowledge,
but I do know that Mr Moore, who so unselfishly
and bravely proved himself the friend of Tabriz, be-
lieved the charge to be true ; that Consul -General
Wratislaw sent successive telegrams, which are repro-
duced in the White -Book, 1 plainly stating that such
i Persia, No. 2. 1909.
THE SIEGE OF TABRIZ. 81
was the intention of the Nationalists ; and that the
leading British residents in Tabriz telegraphed to the
Foreign Office that they believed their lives to be in
danger. In spite of all that evidence to the contrary,
it may be that the Nationalists never really meant
mischief, and I am personally of the opinion that they
would have died of starvation rather than have faced
a handful of well-armed and determined Europeans,
even though the odds in their favour were something
like five thousand to one.
The outcome of the situation at Tabriz was satis-
factory in various ways. The joint action which had
resulted in the despatch of Russian troops served
several purposes. It saved the Europeans who were
supposed to be in jeopardy, it forced the Shah from
his attitude of obstinacy in regard to the Constitu-
tion, and it averted the catastrophe to the town
which had appeared imminent. Above all, it indi-
cated to the Shah that the Powers meant to stand
no more nonsense, and that one of them was not the
secret friend that he had been led to imagine. With
his trump card gone the Shah was all compliance, and
there was no doubt that at the moment he was eager
to compromise. No definite reply to the formal rep-
resentations was received for some time, but the
Legations were given to understand that difficulties
would not be raised. The true significance of the
Anglo-Russian action which brought about this volte-
face must not be overlooked. The foregoing narrative
makes it abundantly clear that Tabriz was on the
point of falling, and that victory must have given
the Royalist cause a tremendous fillip, if not a com-
plete triumph. How long the Shah in that case
would have been able to maintain his advantage is
quite another question ; he may or may not there-
F
82 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
after have made a fool of himself and effected no
improvement in the condition of the country. But
nothing alters the fact that but for the intervention
of armed force at the instigation of the two Govern-
ments Mohamed Ali would have been master of the
situation for the time being. As it was, England and
Russia robbed him of his triumph and gave the game
to the Nationalists ; their action, in effect, amounted
to definite intervention in favour of the Constitutional
side. How far-reaching were the consequences of that
action I shall endeavour to show in the following
chapter.
83
CHAPTEE VI.
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN.
IT was not to be expected that the Shah's surrender
would be of the unequivocal order associated with
corresponding action in regions where the human
mind works on another plan. Mental reservation is
as precious a privilege of the Persian as freedom of
conscience is of the Anglo-Saxon, and the man who
in Persia makes promises under stress violates no rule
of behaviour when he breaks those promises. To make
a Persian keep his promises, in fact, you must maintain
the stress. For that reason the European is apt to
get a little abroad in his estimation of Persian char-
acter. Yea and Nay are of little account in Persia,
or, indeed, anywhere else in the Orient ; what counts
are the circumstances that compel a negative or an
affirmative. Hence, when Mohamed Ali said he
would restore the Constitution, when he promised to
restore it, when he swore to restore it, when he took
solemn oath on the Koran to restore it, his protesta-
tions were of value exactly in ratio to the forces which
prompted him to these different degrees of assevera-
tion. Nationalists pretended to think their Shah a
very wicked man when he forgot his oath registered
upon the title-page of the Holy Book. But I am
84 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
convinced that the clergy who surrounded Mohamed
All Shah could have logically and justifiably acquitted
him of sin from the Persian point of view. The
clergy on the Nationalist side, I am equally convinced,
could have proved him worthy of eternal damnation.
It is, indeed, as the reader no doubt perceives, not
a question of guilt at all, but of which side you happen
to be on.
The Shah's first wriggle took the form of an an-
nouncement that he was willing to grant a Constitu-
tion in conformity with the Sacred Law. But the
Nationalists were sick of the Sacred Law, and wanted
something much more up to date. The Shah next
made an effort to improve the situation by making
changes in the Cabinet. He dismissed the Prime
Minister and the Minister for War, and gave both
portfolios to his own uncle, one of the most incorrigible
reactionaries in the country. At the same time he
drafted a rescript which embodied the principles of
a Constitution that were no more acceptable to the
people than one based on Sacred Law. These man-
osuvres brought the Legations into the field with an
intimation that the proceedings of the Shah did not
meet with their approval, and that if a plain answer
to their representations was not forthcoming within
two days another audience would be demanded. The
Shah replied by dismissing his Foreign Minister, who
happened to be the special nominee of the two Lega-
tions. This apparently irreconcilable attitude was
modified by some plain speaking from the Legations,
and the Shah being awakened to the danger of his
position the Bakhtiaris and Revolutionaries were
still threatening the barometer went up and up,
until on his birthday, 5th May, his Majesty formally
notified the Legations that he accepted their advice.
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 85
An Imperial rescript set forth that the disorderly
condition of the country necessitated measures for
the reorganisation of the administration, which could
be secured only through the operation of the Consti-
tutional principle. The rescript fixed a date two
months ahead for the elections, while subsequent pro-
clamations announced a political amnesty and the for-
mation of a committee to draft an electoral law that
would satisfy all parties. At the same time a Liberal
Cabinet was formed, in which the principal place was
offered to Nasr-ul-Mulk, the Nationalist Premier who
had to flee the country eighteen months before. At
this time I telegraphed to London (14th May) that
matters were proceeding smoothly, though only the
angels could tell what trouble lay ahead.
In chapter iv. I described the murderous descent
of Caucasian Revolutionaries upon Resht. It depends
upon one's outlook upon life in general whether one
regards these worthies as noble beings fired in a noble
cause, or, let us say, as soldiers of fortune. Certainly
it is a little hard to think that individuals, more than
half of whom are Christians of a kind who have suffered
terrible wrongs at the hand of Islam, should take their
lives in their hands solely to assist Moslems to a modern
form of government. But they breed queer fish in
the Caucasus, and one must not be dogmatic on the
point. Anyhow the Revolutionaries spent several
happy months in Resht, living upon the fat of the
land, occasionally murdering a Royalist, and firmly
and indiscriminately taxing the inhabitants in the
interests of the Constitutionalist war-chest. It must
be said for them that they kept good order in the
town, did not interfere with the conduct of trade,
and showed distinguished politeness to European
travellers. They gradually spread themselves along
86 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the Caspian-Teheran road, and occasionally threatened
to stop the mails or blow up a bridge, according as
their cause waxed or waned in the capital. But from
these and other acts of violence they were deterred by
the knowledge that Russia was ready to bring troops
upon the scene.
Sipahdar, their leader, occupied a peculiar position.
He was commander of the troops besieging Tabriz six
months before, so had not long since been actively
engaged against the Nationalists. But quarrels with
Ain-ed-Dowleh led to his departure from the front,
and he retired to his estates on the Caspian coast.
There he remained until February, when he left home
ostensibly to make a journey to Teheran. En route
he was detained by the Revolutionaries at Resht, and
chosen as their leader, apparently by chance. The
Shah endeavoured to lessen the blow to the prestige
of his Government by requesting Sipahdar by tele-
gram to remain at Resht, and to maintain order in
his Majesty's name pending the arrival of troops and
a new Governor to replace the one assassinated.
Telegrams from Resht to the capital were hence-
forward of a two-edged character, for they breathed
at the same time fealty to the Shah and allegiance
to the Constitution, whereof the Revolutionaries were
the main hope, many having sworn to kill the Shah
with their own hands. In fact, Sipahdar never wavered
in loyalty, despite his following and their well-known
aims. The two frames of mind may strike the Euro-
pean as somewhat incompatible, but east of Ararat
the capacity to serve God and Mammon with equal
sincerity is more highly developed than in the west.
Let us now turn to the other champions of the
Constitution. The influences that brought the Bakh-
tiaris into the field are not easy to estimate at their
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 87
precise value. They may be enumerated, however,
with some certainty. The original impulse came from
Paris, where one of the chiefs, a man of some ability
and culture, consorted with the Persians, Turks,
Egyptians, and Indians who dream dreams of the
regeneration of their respective countries. It was not
easy to dwell amid such ideas without being infected
by them, particularly when it was the aim of the
refugees From Mohamed Ali's wrath to interest in
the Nationalist cause one who had at his back a
powerful tribe, famous, in Persia, for its fighting
qualities. Sirdar Assad would hardly have been
human if he had resisted the blandishments put upon
him. He became a Nationalist, and his role was to be
that of his country's saviour. And it must here be
said for him that he was able to put away from him
the delights and allurements of the French capital,
which have brought about the moral and physical
downfall of so many Orientals, and to devote himself
with ardour to the newly adopted cause.
Sirdar Assad's brother was Ilkhani of the Bakhtiari,
and as official chief of the Khans was both the most
influential and the most powerful among the tribesmen.
When communications on the subject of support of the
Constitutional cause were opened Sirdar Assad's pro-
posals fell on good ground, for Samsam-es-Sultaneh was
out of favour with the Shah, and had reason to think
his Ilkhaniship in jeopardy. Soon afterwards he was
actually deprived of his office, whereupon he became
the Shah's violent enemy, and ready for any course
that might embarrass the Government. For not only
was the Ilkhaniship taken from him, but it was
promised to a rival chief, a vehement Royalist, then
with the Shah in Teheran. Circumstances favoured
activity. Close to the Bakhtiari country lies the
88 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
ancient capital of Persia, Isfahan, where a foolish and
rapacious Governor made the lives of the people a
burden to them. Isfahan, indeed, had a desperate
grievance against the Shah, for he had sent to rule
over it a creature of his own who had neither respect
nor regard for the local Assembly, nor any compunction
in taxing the inhabitants three times over. Their re-
spective grievances gave Isfahan and Samsam common
ground against the tyrant, and when the one whistled
the other appeared on the scene, backed by a thousand
horsemen. The Shah's soldiers were scattered like
chaff, the obnoxious Governor took "bast in the British
Consulate, and Samsam became ruler over Isfahan.
Of the two other influences in bringing the Bakh-
tiaris into the field, that of the Nationalists in Teheran
counted for something, because they announced a deep
conspiracy in the capital which would be productive of
6000 armed men when the decisive moment arrived.
Samsam may have had his doubts about the numbers,
but there could be no question about the voices of these
patriots, for they penetrated to the uttermost ends of
the country, calling upon the people to uphold the
sacred cause of the Constitution. The last influence
that animated the Bakhtiaris was the least, and that
was their own fervour for representative government.
With the exception of Sirdar Assad and one or two
others who have visited Europe, probably none of the
Bakhtiaris to this day have attained to any further
understanding of what constitution means than is
implied by the knowledge that it brings loot to the
tribesmen and fat appointments to their chiefs.
Entirely without education, the Bakhtiari know none
other than patriarchal government, and desire little in
the world but freedom to follow their nomadic inclina-
tions. Their ignorance of the merits of the cause in
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 89
which they took the field, however, mattered little so
long as they followed their chiefs, and in the end the
Bakhtiaris proved a potent factor in the development of
the Persian revolution.
Samsam-es-Sultaneh, like the Sipahdar from another
place, henceforward professed deep loyalty to the
Shah, coupled with regret that his Majesty should be
surrounded by evil counsellors. Early in the proceed-
ings he announced his Constitutional principles and his
profound sympathy with the Nationalists at Tabriz.
He intimated that it was his intention to march to
Teheran to free the Shah from the sinister influences
that perverted his mind, and to establish the Constitu-
tion in all its former glory. Weekly manifestos to
this effect soon bored us in Teheran, and if one wanted
to pull the leg of a Nationalist one had only to ask
him when Samsam was coming. Good Samsam, how-
ever, was no statesman and never meant his thunder.
His ambition was satisfied by sitting quietly in Isfahan
and in doing exactly, in so far as he dared, what his
predecessor had done before him milk the people.
Isfahan having paid its annual tax thrice in one year
to the Royalist Governor, very shortly began to com-
plain that the only advantage they derived from the
presence of the Bakhtiaris was the privilege of paying
a fourth time to Samsam. Samsam, on his side, soon
got to loggerheads with his hosts on account of their
parsimony towards the brave men who had rescued
them from the clutches of the Shah's satrap. In the
end Isfahan was as fain to be rid of its guests as Hesht,
for it was soon realised that the liability to pay under
the flag of the Constitution was no less than under
that of the old-fashioned Shah. It must be said for
the Bakhtiaris, however, that they kept excellent order
and scrupulously observed the usages of civilisation.
90 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
And that was very much to their credit, considering
who they were, what they were, and where they were.
For these highland caterans to have kept their hands
off the fat burgesses of Isfahan was truly a triumph of
self-denial.
But as for action, the time was not yet come, nor the
man. The real leader was Sirdar Assad, the scholar
of the tribes, their man of the world, their expert in
diplomacy. Not only was his presence necessary to
direct affairs and fix upon a policy, but his personal
influence was required to settle internal dissensions.
Bakhtiari history bears a close resemblance to the
chronicles of the cats in Kilkenny and the clans in
Caledonia. It abounds in feuds and factions, quarrels
and squabbles, which the Bakhtiaris themselves philo-
sophically admit have kept them poor and weak when
they might be rich and powerful. At this moment
they were sharply divided into two parties, one for the
Shah and one for the Constitution. Samsam's party,
whatever might be threatened, could never move on
Teheran alone. Until the Bakhtiaris were solid they
must be impotent. Three hundred were fighting for
the Shah at Tabriz, nearly as many were in the field
against Samsam. Knowledge of this division satisfied
the Court party that there was nothing to be appre-
hended from Isfahan at that juncture.
Sirdar Assad's first active move was a visit to the
Foreign Office in London. Sir Edward Grey expressed
some sympathy for his objects, but would advance no
money for their prosecution. A trifle was obtained
from other friends interested in Persia, and then Sirdar
Assad sailed for Bombay. Eventually, on 19th March,
he landed at Mohammerah and became the guest of
Sheikh Khazzal, a wealthy chieftain from whom much
was expected. Now the Shiekh had long coveted
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 91
certain lands of the Bakhtiaris, and upon them had
already made advances. He now paid a considerable
sum to obtain possession outright, thereby putting the
Bakhtiari chief in funds and constituting himself a
friend to the Nationalist cause. Thus fortified, Sirdar
Assad proceeded through the passes into the country
of his forefathers, where his real task was to begin.
He found it harder than he expected, besides which
it did not seem such good business to proceed against
the Shah when there seemed every prospect that a
Royalist victory at Tabriz was imminent. For a
month he lay low, and then, suddenly, Fortune inter-
vened to forward his plans. Anglo-Russian interven-
tion at Tabriz had queered the Shah's pitch and put
a totally different complexion on the game. Among
the Royalist Bakhtiaris was his own brother, son of
the same mother ; and although Sirdar Zaffar had
sworn on the Koran to be true to the Shah, he had
never contemplated such a concatenation of circum-
stances as the return from abroad of Sirdar Assad,
Sirdar Assad's appeal for support, and this knock-down
blow to his master the Shah. Overboard went the
oath, and his son in command of the family retainers
at Tabriz was ordered homeward with his men as fast
as their horses' legs would bring them. Faithful to
the Shah there now remained but a single Bakhtiari
chief, Amir Mufakham ; he was cousin of Samsam,
Sirdar Assad and Sirdar Zaffar, their permanent
opponent in domestic politics, and the one to whom
the Shah had held out the prospect of the Ilkhani-
ship. For the purpose of demonstrating on the side
of the Constitution, the Bakhtiari were now sufficiently
united, and early in May were assembled in Isfahan
to the number of some two thousand.
In sympathy with the Bakhtiari gathering, the
92 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Revolutionaries made an important step, and on 4th
May occupied Kazvin. Their method was singular,
but effective. A handful rode into the town in the
evening, and for all I know made themselves at
home in a tea-shop. But in the middle of the night
they arose and divided into two parties, one of which
galloped furiously up and down the streets firing rifles
and revolvers, while the other let off bombs under the
gateways of the Government offices. Ordinary pande-
monium was as dead silence in comparison with the
noise thus created, and the hearts of all in Kazvin
were turned to water. Five hundred of the Shah's
soldiers took wing without firing a shot. Great
carnage was reported, but who were the victims, or
how many, I have never been able to ascertain. In
most matters where figures are concerned one may
approach the truth by dividing Persian estimates by
ten ; but in all that relates to killed and wounded,
battles and bloodshed, there is no known divisor that
gives a reasonable result. It remains, however, that
the Revolutionaries, breathing fire and brimstone, were
now established within ninety miles of the capital.
Their increased proximity had the effect upon Teheran
of a suddenly opened furnace door. My Persian col-
league paid them a visit, and reported them armed
with a Mauser pistol on the left side, a large Browning
revolver in front, and a small Browning on the right.
Slung from the shoulders were a large square bomb,
a hand-grenade, and two rifles. He could not count
the number of knives and daggers protruding from
their clothes, but observed that they were completely
cuirassed in cartridges of various calibres. Walking
arsenals of this description are regarded in Persia as
the climax of military efficiency.
The earlier Royalist measures for dealing with the
f
Russian N.C.OSs manning a Maxim at Shahabad.
" ." . . -walking arsenals
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 93
Bakhtiari and Revolutionary dangers were extremely
feeble, partly because the Shah's resources were strictly
limited, and partly because it was understood that in
the beginning action was not imminent. On the first
appearance of the Revolutionaries at Resht 500 soldiers
had been despatched to turn the intruders out, but
with delightful inconsequence this body had halted
at Kazvin, and there remained until three months
later their adversaries arrived and frightened them
away. To meet the Bakhtiaris a force numbering
1100 infantry, 400 cavalry, and 6 guns was assembled
at Kum, 200 miles away from the objective. After
two months of dalliance, and when success at Tabriz
seemed to be impending, this force advanced 60 miles
to Kashan, and there took another rest.
Simultaneously with the Shah's definite acceptance of
Anglo-Russian advice, and the issue of proclamations
giving it concrete form, came the news of the Revolu-
tionary advance to Kazvin, and the information that
the Bakhtiaris were now united and assembling in
force at Isfahan. Rumours of these impending develop-
ments had already filtered to the capital, and had no
doubt played a part in making the Shah compliant.
But the Legations found themselves in a pretty pickle.
The Bakhtiaris and the Revolutionaries had repeatedly
announced their warlike intentions, but had carefully
refrained from carrying them out while Tabriz lay at
the mercy of the Shah, and while his Majesty was
surrounded by friends who, if reactionary and probably
dangerous to the best interests of the country, were
at least staunch to their master. By intervening at
Tabriz the Powers snatched the winning card from
the Shah ; by their advice he had denuded himself of
his friends. He had fully accepted their programme,
and had taken all steps possible in so short a time
94 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
to give it reality. But the Nationalists at Teheran
were now professing themselves dissatisfied, and their
militant allies, at long last, and when the Shah was
weakened by the action of the Powers, appeared to
be taking the field in earnest. Now that the Shah
had granted practically all they wanted they threat-
ened to attack him. Obviously their desire was to
get rid of him altogether. It immediately became the
main question whether the Powers would take any steps
to preserve the balance which they had disturbed.
They did their best. British and Russian Consuls
throughout the country were instructed to take every
possible means of letting the people know of the Shah's
surrender on the Constitutional question, and that the
Powers intended to keep Mohamed Ali to his word.
Our influence with the Bakhtiaris was used to impress
upon them that action on their part now merely com-
plicated the situation in Teheran and made the work
of the Legations more difficult. An attache from the
Russian Legation advised the Revolutionaries in the
same sense, and made the important intimation that
the Russian Government would not tolerate fighting
on the road which was at once Russian property, the
principal trade route in the country, and the channel
for European mails and travellers. The question of
sending troops to occupy the road was then under
discussion in St Petersburg, and any further action
by the Revolutionaries would merely precipitate their
despatch. These efforts had the desired result, and it
was understood that nothing further would be done
for the time being, but that both forces would remain
in the field prepared to act in case the progress antici-
pated by the Legations was not made. Thereafter
there was a steady improvement in the situation. The
Shah seemed willing that the conduct of affairs should
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 95
devolve upon the new Cabinet ; the Electoral Com-
mittee was hard at work ; while another Committee,
representing Nationalist opinion, and constituted with
the permission of the Shah, was in amicable consulta-
tion with the Cabinet regarding the points at issue.
So satisfactorily were matters proceeding that on 23rd
May I telegraphed that it was difficult to see where a
hitch could occur.
But a hitch did occur, and with violence, though not
immediately. Tabriz soon came to the front with com-
plaints of the Russians, as already mentioned, and the
Nationalists in Teheran became greatly agitated on
the subject. The Committee engaged in elaborating
the Electoral Law went off the rails altogether and
spent its time discussing various matters outside the
business in hand. The Nationalist Emergency Com-
mittee dissolved, on the ground that the Cabinet did
not comply with their reasonable demands. The
temper of the Nationalists generally became so diffi-
cult that it seriously interfered with progress towards
the goal that all had in view the re-establishment
of Constitutional government. They could hardly have
been more exigeant if they had brought about the
situation at the point of the sword, whereas it had
been the action of the Powers alone that had saved
their cause from disaster. Meanwhile the Shah ap-
peared to be playing the game, though the Nationalists
were extremely sceptical on the point. By the end
of May the majority of the Bakhtiaris had evacuated
Isfahan and retired to their own country, while the
Revolutionaries were supposed to have made a move-
ment to some point in the rear of Kazvin, there to
await events. Thus in spite of Nationalist peevish-
ness, and dilatoriness as regards the Electoral Law,
matters seemed to be going not so badly after all.
96 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Certainly there appeared to be nothing in the shape of
a serious cloud on the horizon.
Then all at once came the news that the Bakhtiari
were reassembling at Isfahan, and immediately after-
wards the information that a large detachment had
marched to the north. Sirdar Assad, who now for the
first time appeared as the leading spirit, publicly stated
that it was his intention to advance upon Teheran in
order to ensure the carrying out of the Constitutional
programme. That this was no idle threat was evident
from its electric effect on the Government. Negotia-
tions for a small loan from Russia, which had been
dropped because of the conditions imposed in regard
to its expenditure, were suddenly resumed, and frantic
appeals made for money on any terms. The Russians
flatly refused to give a penny for military expenditure,
which forces one to remark incidentally that this re-
fusal, to the ordinary mind, meant that they had no
desire to take the Shah's side. By the time the
Bakhtiari advance-guard had reached Kum the Revo-
lutionaries were once more at Kazvin, declaring their
intention of joining hands with the Bakhtiaris.
The Legations now stepped in, and the British and
Russian Consuls - General at Isfahan were instructed
to follow Sirdar Assad. After a two -hundred -mile
drive they caught him at Kum and urged him to
refrain from complicating a situation that promised
satisfactorily. They ultimately warned him that his
action was displeasing to the Powers, and was im-
perilling the cause he professed to have at heart.
Their language was not without effect, though no
definite reply was elicited beyond the stock phrases
about the Constitution. Their duty performed, the
Consuls then returned to Isfahan, Mr Grahame lucky
to get back safely, for when entering Kum two shots
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 97
were fired into his carriage, by whom was never dis-
covered. Meanwhile the Government made various
dispositions with the troops available. Those at
Kashan were recalled and others sent to meet them
from Teheran. Two bodies of Bakhtiari reinforcements
were also on the move, so that altogether there ap-
peared to be some six separate forces upon the roads
between Teheran and Isfahan, three belonging to one
side and three to the other. It may be regarded as a
triumph of Persian strategy that they all succeeded in
avoiding each other. By this time the Revolutionaries
had marched out of Kazvin, supported by Persian allies
supposed to bring their force up to 1400, and taken up
a position within forty miles of the capital.
These events filled Teheran with excitement. Minis-
terial changes took place with a rapidity and an un-
accountableness that one can only compare with the
running of petits chevaux. Nationalists and Royalists
alike flocked to the British and Russian country villages,
where the Legations were in summer quarters, to take
refuge from unknown dangers. Wonderful rumours of
great tribal movements in the south continually reached
us. A circular from the Revolutionaries to all the
Legations in Teheran created some uneasiness among
Europeans, for it implied that if Russian officers
fought with the Cossack Brigade foreigners in general
would no longer be regarded as inviolable. But as
the Cossack Brigade was looked upon by Europeans
as the only real element of security in a delicate
situation, withdrawal of its Russian officers was not
to be thought of. Without the Russian officers the
Brigade would be merely Persian. Needless to say,
the question of bringing Russian troops upon the scene
was again under discussion ; and although I believe I
am correct in supposing it was Sir George Barclay's
G
98 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
opinion that their presence was not essential to Euro-
pean security, the responsibility of pressing that view
on the Foreign Office was too great to be taken, so that
eventually the British Government acquiesced in the
Russian plan of sending a force to watch the situation
from Kazvin.
On the last day of June the Bakhtiari advance-
guard marched out of Kum, not towards Teheran, but
by a north-westerly route which indicated their inten-
tion to effect a junction with the Revolutionaries.
The seriousness of this step could not be overlooked,
and once more the Legations endeavoured to stop the
advance by despatching officials to meet the leaders of
both parties and to warn them that the Powers might
find it necessary to intervene. No definite reply was
obtained from Sirdar Assad, but Sipahdar on behalf of
the Revolutionaries submitted a list of demands, some
of which the Legations regarded as so unreasonable
that they replied that they had not thought it worth
while laying them before the Shah. The threat of the
intervention of Russian troops having now been made,
the Legations had nothing more to say, and announced
their intention of holding no further communication
with the advancing forces. It was hoped that their
warnings would bear fruit, and an event which had
already occurred suggested that the Nationalist leaders
had received a check which might make them think
twice before proceeding to extremities. This consisted
of a fight in which the Nationalists had been defeated.
Part of the arrangements for the defence of Teheran
included the occupation of the Kherraj Bridge, a struc-
ture crossing a small river thirty miles west of Teheran.
The Bakhtiari movement from the south making the
retention of this position undesirable, the Russian
officer in command of the Cossack detachment in
THE ADVANCE UPON TEHERAN. 99
occupation ordered a withdrawal to the caravanserai
of Shahabad, a point previously determined upon.
This movement being interpreted by the Revolu-
tionaries as a retreat, a considerable body followed
and attacked. They burnt their fingers, however, lost
several men and a gun, and were forced to retire.
This action, apparently unpremeditated on both sides,
was riot important except in so far as it suggested that
the Persian Cossack Brigade, of whose loyalty some
doubt had been entertained, was prepared to do its
duty in defence of the Shah. As Nationalist hopes
were founded to some extent on the belief that the
Royalist troops did not want to fight, proof that they
were must have been disappointing.
With the belligerents now located within reach of
Teheran I was able to take a more active share in
the proceedings, and henceforward propose to deal
with events more in the form of a personal narrative.
100
CHAPTER VII.
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN.
MY good friend Mr Yantchevetsky of the ' Novoe
Vremya' wrote to me on the evening of 6th July
that a night attack upon the detachment of Persian
Cossacks at Shahabad was imminent. He and young
Krinsky of the ' Russki Slovo ' were off at twelve, and
they begged the pleasure of my company. I received
this note at 11.40, just when I was about to go to bed,
wearied after a trying day in the heat of Teheran.
The heavy pall of dust that hangs over the city in
summer was slowly sinking to earth, and as I looked
out across the Gun Square from the exquisitely orna-
mented verandah of the Imperial Bank, I saw the
night to be a lovely one, cool with a soft breeze from
the dimly outlined Elburz range which towers above
the Persian capital, brilliantly lit by a bright moon
that made a wonderful lattice of black and white on
the curious, painted buildings of the artillery barracks.
In a raucous voice that rang clear in the night, a
drunken soldier was telling a noisy comrade how his
behaviour was dragging his mother's father from the
grave. Every minute or two the sound of a shot
broke the stillness, fired somewhere in the town, for
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 101
what reason it was impossible to tell. Perhaps the
owner of a rifle had been looking upon the wine of
Shiraz, perhaps some one was explaining to a friend
the mechanism of a revolver, perhaps another was timid
coming home among the shadows, and wanted a noise
for company. Firearms to a Persian are like matches
to a small child in Europe things to play with, to let
off, half by accident, half by intention, that his mother
and sisters may see how brave he is. But this very
inconsequence of the gentle Persian in the matter of
shooting has its terrors for the cautious. That very
evening I had driven along the city wall and seen
hundreds of volunteers manning the ramparts to guard
against an attack from the wild riders of Bakhtiari-
land, or from the equally wild bomb-throwers of the
Caucasus. A Persian volunteer is usually a person
of no property, of no morals, of no courage. But he
loves to finger ready money, and has thirsted all his
life to possess a weapon. And so at this time of crisis
several cartloads of rifles had been doled out to the
vagabonds of the town on condition that they de-
fended the capital to the last drop of their blood.
On their honour they would, and took the rifles.
Had not God given them legs as a protection
against danger ? and when the Bakhtiari came could
they not run and be the richer for the gun and
the cartridges ?
Leaving the city at twelve in the night meant run-
ning the gauntlet of these brave people. I had indeed
little stomach for the adventure, for I had small faith
in the night attack, and less desire to be there if such
a thing occurred. In broad daylight a war corre-
spondent posted upon a high hill, and looking down
upon a battle, is an ornament to his trade and a joy
to his readers ; but in the dark of the night his place
102 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
is bed, and his duty the dreaming of bloody dreams.
As I pondered the matter there arose a commotion
at the other side of the square. There was a jingling
of harness, a banging of doors, the shouting of men
engaged in breathless labour. Presently there came
a loud order, followed by the noise of heavy vehicles
moving. And then the square was filled with the roar
of massive wheels surely there is no other sound in
the world like the deep solemn rumble of artillery.
As they debouched from the shadows of the trees into
the light of a great lamp the teams were plunging
and swerving, the horses fresh and excited. But as
they crossed the square the drivers steadied them and
they dashed through the great gateway almost beneath
me at a swinging trot, the gunners clinging tightly
to their seats as the swaying carriages bumped over
the rough ground. Leaning over the verandah, I saw
the light gleam for a moment on the long barrel of
one of the guns. These were no old-fashioned pieces,
but the real modern article, LiakhofFs babies, the
quick-firing Creusots, of which Persia possesses but
a single battery. There was business afoot. When
Yantchevetsky arrived a little later I was ready, for
even the oldest and weariest war-horse can be fired
by the signs of battle.
My two friends came in a little hired carriage
driven by a half-bred Russian from the Caucasus.
The latter spoke both Persian and Russian, and as
Yantchevetsky knew English we were all able to
communicate freely with each other, and would be
also with any friends or enemies we might encounter.
The Caucasian whipped up his ponies and I mounted
my horse, and we were off into the ewigkeit. We went
without permission from the military authorities, the
city was alive with irresponsible soldiery, a battle was
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 103
expected that night at our destination, and everybody
predicted that both Bakhtiaris and Revolutionaries
would outflank the opposing forces and deliver an
attack directly upon the town. If popular opinion
was worth anything we were much more likely to
meet enemies than friends. I had pleaded for half
an hour that very afternoon with Colonel Liakhoff to
let me go, but had been refused permission. And now
we were off where responsible people said it was
madness to go. In the carriage my Russian friends
were as cheery as crickets, but alone on the horse I
was a broken, half-hearted creature.
Our first difficulty occurred at the gate of the square.
Bakshish, however, won the way, and we got through.
Then we entered the Cossack parade-ground, to find
the outlet closed and Cossack sentries who resolutely
turned us back. Then I discovered that my horse was
dead lame. It seemed a fine excuse to turn back, but
my companions declined to be deserted, and they gave
the animal to a gendarme to take back to its stable and
made room for me in the carriage. Company made me
feel bolder. Foiled in leaving the city in the proper
direction, we drove north to a gate that we hoped
would not be so jealously guarded. By aid of bak-
shish, soft-sawder, and the exhibition of papers that
had no earthly connection with the matter in hand, we
got out at the Baghi-shah gate, only to find ourselves
in the arms of a picket that took us for Revolution-
aries and looked carefully in the carriage for bombs.
Oblation to the great god Bakshish saved us, and we
proceeded. Our road ran below the ramparts for a
mile and then struck west from the Kazvin gate.
That mile I knew would be a hateful experience ; and
so it was, for at every two hundred yards orders to
stop were yelled to us out of the shadows. At first
104 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
we complied, and were duly mulcted. My Russian
friends began to think it a joke, however, and ordered
the coachman to drive on, while I was begging him for
God's sake to halt. Every moment I expected a volley,
and so did the coachman, but every time he slackened
young Krinsky thumped him on the back and shouted
delightedly to go on. He answered the sentries in
fluent cursing in their own language, and roared with
laughter as their ravings died away behind us. Near
the Kazvin gate lurking figures pointed their rifles at
us and the horses' heads were seized. After half an
hour's parley, and a terrible waste of loose silver, we
were free to take the desert and meet whomsoever we
might. With the fear of the Bakhtiari in my heart,
it seemed to me but an escape from the frying-pan
into the fire.
During the sixteen miles' drive to Shahabad we
halted many times to reconnoitre. Flaming bonfires
on the southern horizon suggested the camp-fires of
the invading armies. Dark bodies on the road ahead
might easily have been horsemen, though they always
turned out to be donkeys laden with forage going to
the city. Once we ran fairly into an ambuscade, which
proved to be no more than a caravan resting for the
night. The moon created a thousand dark terrors for
us, and we were nervously weary when the first signs
of dawn lightened the sky and showed the great cara-
vanserai where the Cossacks were camped. The out-
posts made no difficulty, and we were soon inside a
large square full of picketed horses and prone figures.
Captain PeribinozefF (break the nose, it means in
Russian) crawled out from under his mosquito net to
receive us. His orderly provided tea, and we were
soon made aware that there had been no fighting and
that none was now expected. Nevertheless there was
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 105
a continuous going and coming of patrols, everywhere
the figures of sentries were silhouetted against the
sky, and behind a huge hole in the western wall rested
the long grey Creusot gun that had helped to beat
off the Revolutionaries two nights before. Over the
gateway were two Maxims surrounded by a parapet of
sand-bags. Everywhere cartridge-cases were littered ;
ammunition-boxes were piled here and there ; stores
bulked largely under a tarpaulin. A great gap in the
roof of a building showed where a Revolutionary shell
had burst ; two holes in the adjacent wall told where
projectiles had passed through without bursting ; the
roofs were scored by bullet marks. Three hundred
yards away were the mud walls of a garden where
the enemy had taken up position, their single moun-
tain-gun on a low tower. In the hurry of retirement
they had left their gun, first taking the precaution of
throwing the sights into a stream, where they were
found next day by the Cossacks.
By six o'clock in the morning we had seen all that
was to be seen, and the whole day remained to us. A
brilliant thought struck Krinsky "Why not visit
Sipahdar and his Revolutionaries ? " Proposed and
carried unanimously ! Captain Peribinozeif made no
objection, our Caucasian driver was a sportsman, and
the horses had been well fed. Kherraj Bridge was
only fifteen miles distant and the way was simple.
Broken to war in South Africa and Manchuria, it did
not seem to me to be quite the correct thing or the
safe to acquire full knowledge of the position and
forces of one side, and then to visit the enemy. But
my young Russian friends waved their hands at me,
and said we were in Persia where everything was
upside down. Let us go ! And once more we were
trotting along the illimitable Persian desert.
106 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Between the last Cossack outpost and the first Revo-
lutionary one was a gap of about eight miles, wherein
there tainted the air a few dead horses, and where at
one point a broken-down waggon suggested the ravages
of war. Then we came to a gay red flag floating
boldly in the breeze, and knew ourselves entering the
Nationalist lines. We were well past the flag before
we saw anybody, and then three men came out of a
house, running after us and shouting. They were
armed to the eyebrows with rifles, pistols, revolvers,
and daggers, and absolutely encased in cartridges of
different calibres. They came up panting with the
exertion of moving, and demanded to know where we
were going. " To see Sipahdar" was quite enough for
them, and we were soon bowling along the road once
more. We met various buccaneer-like looking gentle-
men thereafter, but none tried to stop us. They
seemed indeed very mild of countenance despite the
bravery of their equipment. Then at the bridge we
ran into their camp. Respectable-looking people en-
crusted with cartridges and strapped up with two rifles
lounged about. One of them mounted a horse and
intimated his intention to escort us to the presence of
the commander. We entered a long avenue of trees,
on either side of which rows of horses were picketed.
Numerous shaggy ruffians rose to salute as we drove
past, their politeness somewhat belying their formid-
able appearance.
My Russian friends had been there before, and so
met with a cordial welcome, in which I was included.
Sipahdar occupied a large house that has been a shoot-
ing-box of the Shahs of Persia for many generations.
He received us in a room from the walls of which
looked down the portraits of Fath Ali Shah and his
twelve sons. The Revolutionary leader is a little
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 107
nervous man with jerky manners, but of dignified
appearance and the step of one accustomed to com-
mand. About sixty years of age, he is reputed very
wealthy, with large possessions in Mazanderan, the
proximity of which to Bussia is supposed to have
made him peculiarly susceptible to Russian influence.
This influence was expected to be sufficiently potent
to check his advance upon Teheran. Sipahdar's
masterful character is evidenced by his having
threatened, at the time of the coup d'etat, to bom-
bard the British Legation if the bastis were not
handed over to the Shah's mercy.
But it was evident when I saw him that Sipahdar
was greatly perturbed by the reported arrival of
Bussian troops. He gave me the impression of being
a man between the devil and the deep sea. Asked
what his plans were, he told me that he hoped to
meet the Bakhtiari leader in a few days and to
discuss whether to take Teheran, or to take Sul-
tanatabad, where the Shah was in summer quarters,
or to cease fighting. Only a few days before
he had agreed to come to Teheran, under Bussian
protection, to make his peace with the Shah. This
was not the attitude of a man with a great pur-
pose, and when I telegraphed at night that the
landing of the Bussian troops had taken the wind
out of the Bevolutionary sails, I was expressing an
opinion for which there seemed ample justification.
It must be remarked, however, that though their
leader appeared to have little heart for the business,
some of the men seemed exceedingly keen. One of
them was a young fellow from Tabriz, a nephew of
Taghi Zadeh, who knew sufficient English to maintain
a stilted conversation. He was what most people
would call hot stuff, and one felt that if all the
108 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Persians were like him Persia would be a first-class
Power. He was very anxious to know whether the
Nationalists would have the right to drag Mohamed
Ali out of the Russian Legation, should he take
refuge there. I said certainly not, and asked him
what sort of justice would it be to deny to the
Shah the right to the same bast which had enabled
the Persians to obtain their Constitution, and of
which they made abundant and profitable use during
subsequent events. He was rather nonplussed by
this answer ; but when I followed it up by the
inquiry wliy he wanted to get hold of the Shah,
he rapped out with incredible fierceness, " To KILL
him ! To KILL him ! " As Ali Mohamed Khan,
however, was only a boy, and had been at the
American school in Teheran when the Constitutional
movement commenced, I did not attach much im-
portance to his vehemence, though I afterwards dis-
covered he was one of the leaders, and possessed of
much influence because of his force of character.
Subsequent events, of course, falsified my impression
that the Revolutionaries were half- hearted, as will
appear immediately. The return drive to Teheran,
with tired horses, in the desperate heat of the long
summer day, is a memory on which I do not care
to dwell. We regained the city late in the evening,
smothered in dust and wearied to death.
A nose for battle is an indefinable attribute. One
does not literally smell war, but none the less one is
drawn towards its manifestations by subconscious
working of the spirit. My visit to Kherraj had
embued me with the idea that since the landing
of the Russian troops in Persia the Revolutionaries
no longer liked the business. But at last the
Nationalist forces had either to do or give up. The
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 109
Russians were well on the road to Kazvin, and it
seemed that they must interfere to prevent an
attack on Teheran, with all its attendant horrors,
and its very possible danger to European life and
property. On July 8 the Bakhtiari were reported
marching northward ; the next day the Revolu-
tionaries evacuated Kherraj and marched south to
meet their allies. On July 10 there arrived from
the south a considerable force of the Shah's soldiers,
who were immediately ordered out to the front. On
the morning of the llth I found myself drawn by
iron chains in the same direction. I persuaded my
Russian friends to accompany me, and within two
hours we were in the midst of a battle !
Our first intention on leaving Teheran was to pro-
ceed to Shahabad, but some distance out we spied a
Cossack riding full tilt across country towards the
town. He looked like a despatch-bearer, and proved
to be so when we stopped and questioned him. A
Cossack detachment with four guns, commanded by
Captain Zapolski, was in a village four miles off,
busily preparing to move to the attack. We were
soon in the village, only to hear that the column
had started. We followed, and half an hour later,
looking through the glasses, I saw a long flaming
line of colour moving across the dazzling white plain
in front, and recognised the red cotton tunics of the
Brigade. Before we got up the column had disap-
peared into one of those masses of trees that denote
an oasis in the immense Persian desert. And no
sooner had it disappeared than the loud roar of
artillery followed. We had found the right place
at the right moment.
Passing quickly through the gardens we came out
on the plain again and found four guns in action,
110 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
two quick - firing Creusots and two breech - loaders.
Limbers, teams, and waggons were standing about
immediately in the rear, as if the column had only
halted for a moment to fire. Captain Zapolski was
standing on a limber searching the distance with
binoculars. Some 5000 yards to the west lay a
mass of trees similar to the ones we had just passed
through, and standing out in front was a curious
mud building that covered the bones of a Musulman
saint. Immediately behind the tomb was the village
of Badamek on the bank of the Kherraj river. The
enemy's main position was in the village, while the
tomb and the adjacent buildings were held in force.
Of the two mountain - guns in the possession of the
Revolutionaries one was placed in the tomb on the
left of their position, the other at the southern end
of Badamek on their right.
Before giving an account of the action which en-
sued, it will be best to explain what went before.
It appears that as the Bakhtiari with Sirdar Assad
marched north from Kum they were closely observed
by Amir Mufakham, the loyalist Bakhtiari chief, with
a force estimated, according to the degree of one's
credulity, at anything between 200 and 20,000.
Probably 300 was about the correct number. Amir
Mufakham had been skirmishing round his own
relations for some days, but on the evening of
the 10th, with greatly inferior numbers, he boldly
attacked the combined Bakhtiari and Revolutionary
forces from the south. He reported great slaughter
of his enemies, but in the morning begged for re-
inforcements as he had been surrounded in the night.
The Cossack commander out of his slender resources
sent 170 cavalry in the early morning. But Amir
Mufakham still reported himself in difficulties, and
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^
^o g
^ s
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. Ill
as further reinforcements could not be spared, Major
Blazenoff, who was in command, ordered a demon-
stration by the whole force, with the object of giving
relief to his Bakhtiari colleague. This explains why
the Cossacks did not move until midday ; also why
they attacked when the general orders were to
remain strictly on the defensive.
From Ahmedabad, where Zapolski's column came
into action, to Shahabad, PeribinozefFs camp, is a
distance of eight kilometres, spread over a gentle
upward slope that enabled a spectator to see every
movement. I took up a position on a high wall
and obtained an excellent view of the proceedings.
Immediately to our left was a body of irregular
cavalry keeping touch with Mufakham on the ex-
treme left. Zapolski formed the centre with his
men strung out to the north, where, two miles away,
they were in touch with PeribinozefFs force, which
had advanced south from Shahabad and formed line.
The Cossack front was imposing in length, but very
thin, while as reserve I could see only a single body
of about 100 dismounted horsemen. It was supposed
that the enemy numbered at least 2000, and pos-
sibly 3000. They were concentrated within a distance
of no more than a couple of miles, while the Royalist
front extended in a semicircle that might have been
ten miles in length, and contained probably no more
than 1000 men. It looked as if the Nationalists
might easily come out and break the line wherever
they chose. To balance things, however, there were
with the Cossacks the quick-firing guns and at least
three Maxims.
When connection between Zapolski's and Peribino-
zefFs forces had been established a slight advance took
place, and the two Creusot guns from Ahmedabad
112 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
changed position and joined the advanced line. The
breech-loaders from Ahmedabad, the two Creusots,
and a gun from Shahabad then poured a fairly regular
fire into the enemy's position, which was answered only
by the Nationalist gun from the tomb, until the latter
was either silenced or withdrawn, for it proved quite
useless at the range. The Cossacks then made a
further advance, and immediately there were signs
of activity on the Nationalist side. Through the hot
tremulous air I could see a thin line of horsemen come
galloping forward at high speed. They appeared to
halt for a few minutes behind hillocks, and then they
retired as quickly as they had come, for apparently
they had approached within rifle range of the Cossack
right flank. The Cossacks then moved forward again
and brought the Creusot guns still further up. After
some delay three horsemen detached themselves from
the Cossack line and galloped at tremendous speed
towards a low hillock within range of the enemy's
rifles. There they took cover and dismounted.
Cossacks and irregulars now streamed forward in small
batches until the little hill was black with figures, and
there seemed no more room for the horses.
Once more the Nationalists showed themselves. A
long line, numbering anything between 50 and 100,
dashed out of the hollow of the river and galloped
straight towards the hillock from whence the dis-
mounted Royalists were busily firing. Their objective
evidently was a long ruined building 400 yards from
the hillock. It now seemed as if the whole of the
Royalist forces meant to meet this movement, for there
was a general advance, while a whole squadron shot
out from the line, and in widely extended order
galloped for the ruined building. The Cossacks got
there first, and the Nationalists were soon seen stream-
THE FIGHTING OUTSIDE TEHERAN. 113
ing back under heavy rifle fire. By this time the
Creusot guns were far in advance of their original
position, and a Maxim had been sent for, so it really
began to look as if the Royalists meant to close on
the Nationalist position. At five o'clock, however,
after a brisk musketry duel, and some good shooting
on the part of the little Nationalist gun, the Cossacks
ceased fire and commenced to retire. At the time we
could not understand why they failed to press their
advantage, but next day we heard that it was because
they had succeeded in effecting their object of relieving
the Bakhtiari chief on the far left. It was, on the
whole, a very interesting little fight, none the less
pretty to watch because small damage was done on
either side. It suggested that the Cossack Brigade
was well in hand, without proving its quality as a
fighting unit. As regards the Nationalists, they made
no serious effort to counter the demonstration, but
their inaction, at the same time, left an impression
of a want of determination, which, however, their
subsequent behaviour completely belied.
On July 12 the Cossacks did no fighting, but the
Bakhtiari and the irregulars were skirmishing through-
out the day, and the two breech-loaders at Ahmedabad
kept up a desultory fire on the Nationalist position and
outposts. Before darkness fell I spent half an hour
examining Badamek and its neighbourhood with my
glasses. From Shahabad the whole plain was spread
out below me, and there was nothing to be seen but a
few horsemen widely separated. The dense mass of
trees that covered the Nationalist forces showed not a
sign of life ; and as the sinking sun tinted the distant
mountains with colour, and lit up warmly the oases
scattered throughout the immense vista of desert that
stretched far to the south, this exquisite and peaceful
114 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
scene seemed utterly empty of human endeavour.
Before turning in for the night I had an interview
with the Russian officers. While their own men were
keen to attack, and the loyalist Bakhtiari were difficult
to hold in check, their orders were to remain strictly
on the defensive and not to fight unless attacked.
As regards movement on the part of the enemy, they
expressed no opinion, and could only say that they
were prepared so far as their small numbers permitted.
I spent the night in a house about a mile from the
caravanserai occupied by the Cossacks. A little after
daylight I went up on the roof and again examined the
country and the Nationalist position. As before, there
were only visible a few odd horsemen scattered about
the plain, and Badamek seemed as quiet as the grave.
Then I strolled along to see the Cossack officers, and
found great activity and excitement in the camp.
Captain Peribinozeff curtly informed me that Sipahdar,
with a large force, had passed through the lines in
the night and was now in Teheran.
More astonishing news could hardly have met me.
The Cossacks had very meagre information, but it was
plain that they were packing up to return to Teheran.
I lost no time in taking the road for the city. We
met en route several carts coming from town. None
of the people we encountered had heard a whisper of
the news. Passing Yaftabad at a distance of about
two miles a patrol galloped across to see who we were.
They said that Zapolski's outposts had caught four
Caucasians wandering about in the night. A few
miles further on a Persian officer told us that his
patrols had just reported a body of 200 men riding
towards Teheran from the north - west. Arrived at
the gate of the city, the guards told us that the town
was perfectly quiet, and they laughed at the idea of
TIIK I'KillTINC OUTHlhK TKIIKHAN. 115
Sipahdar having arri\ ed. Nol uni.il we had pene-
trated for a mile did we see a sign to surest, any
excitement. And I. lien we found onsrlvrs in the thick
of (liin^s ;i.ll at once. The gates into the Gun Square
were closed, and (he sound of intermittent firing rose
:ind fell in gusts. Krom the north of the lo\vn came
the rattle of a continuous fusillade. Nobody knew
what had happened. 1 decided to make for tho
Imperial 15: ink in the hope of offncting an ent ranee
by a back gate. I got there safely enough, but only
by crossing 1 wo si reel s up and down which was pass-
ing a continuous stream of whistling bullets.
At the Bank they had definite news. At 6.30,
ily two hours before, the Nationalist forces had
ridden <jnietly in by the Yusafabad gate in the
northern ramparts. They had found the gate open
and unguarded, and had entered without firing a shot.
Some of the Bank officials out for a quiet morning
ride had seen about 800 men, and had been told that
oi hers were following. So quietly was the entrance
eM'eeted that an hour later, when the same officials
were coming down to the Bank, they actually met a
Cossack patrol proceeding on its daily task of riding
round the northern quarter of the town. The patrol
was marching quietly along, and it never entered the
heads of these spectators to suppose that the men were
rant of the situation. But a volley sent them
helter-skelter back to their quarters, minus two of
their number.
The story of the extraordinary operation which re-
sulted in the Nationalist forces passing through the
1 1 < > y ; 1 1 i s i I i n es and peacefully entering Teheran proves
dillicnlt of elucidation. That there was treachery at
(lie Yusafabad gate admits of no doubt. I had per-
sonally seen seven of the gates less than three days
116 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
before, and at each one a large guard was stationed.
When the Nationalists entered, riding in close order
as if there was no enemy within a hundred miles, there
was not a soul to bar their entrance so a Euro-
pean eyewitness informed me. As regards slipping
through the lines outside the town, it appears that the
Nationalists passed between Shahabad and Yaftabad,
where Cossack detachments were posted under Peri-
binozeff and Zapolski. The distance between these
two points is about 7J miles, or 12 kilometres, of
perfectly open country. The Cossack arrangements
consisted of outposts close to camp, patrols throughout
the night, and a party of irregular cavalry stationed
between the two points. When a Cossack patrol
reached the irregular cavalry somewhere in the small
hours they found them all asleep. As day broke
Nationalist stragglers were discovered and the situa-
tion was realised. Whether the irregulars deliberately
let the Nationalists past, or whether they were really
asleep, seems impossible to ascertain. Either assump-
tion in the case of Persian irregulars is perfectly
reasonable. While the Russian officers were, of course,
responsible for what happened, it is hard to see exactly
what more they could have done. There were only
three of them, and they were bound to remain with
their main bodies. Perhaps they trusted where they
ought to have distrusted. Their predicament was that
they had to trust all, or none.
117
CHAPTER VIII.
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE.
THE memory of the next few days, during which I
enjoyed the hospitality of the Imperial Bank of Persia,
will long remain with me. Occupying one side of the
Gun Square, which was held by soldiers of the Shah,
while the garden and buildings behind the frontage
were all more or less within the zone occupied by the
Nationalists, the position of the Bank and its inmates,
Mr A. O. Wood, the manager ; Mr Sydney Rogers, the
deputy ; Edwards, butler and old soldier ; and myself,
can only be compared to that of people whose lot it is
to be berthed over the screw of a steamer during a
violent storm. Any noise, excitement, or emotion that
happened to be going came to us. The bankers de-
clined to seek safer quarters, as their first duty was
to protect the money-bags, even to the laying down
of their lives. My place, of course, was where I could
see the most killing and wounding. And as for
Edwards, the constant turmoil of battle was as music
to his ears, and without him we certainly never should
have got anything to eat.
The Square was full of soldiers who from three of
the gates kept up a continuous fusilade. Their rifles
were of large bore, and their powder black, so that the
118 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
din was terrific and the smoke like a foretaste of the
Pit. From various points beyond, the gates were being
fired at, evidently from small-bore rifles, and the thin
singing of the nickelled bullets sounded like the wail
of lost souls on the way to damnation. The smack of
lead on the adjacent walls was continuous, and every
now and then came the blood-curdling scrunch of a
bullet in the ironwork of the dome above the hall.
In the garden, the tree -tops crackled viciously from
the missiles that swept through them, and the leaves
and twigs fluttered to earth as if suddenly struck by
the decay of autumn. In the midst of such danger
we kept well within doors, and indeed avoided even
the windows, lest by looking out we might encounter
the grim gaze of the destroyer. The first few hours
of that experience did us all good. Dormant nerves
were waked to their uttermost extremities, and circu-
lation restored where encroaching years had induced
a sluggishness of the blood. From being comfortable
middle-aged gentlemen, we became perky young fel-
lows, with a hop in our walk and a new light in our
eyes. Rejuvenation is the only word to describe the
effect upon us of the bombardment outside ; and that
happy state once attained we were able to take in-
terest and pleasure in all that happened.
We had visitors who came to see if the Bank still
existed, and who expressed surprise to find us alive.
Their own adventures in coming sounded like pages
from a penny dreadful. They reported tremendous
firing in various parts of the town, but no real fighting.
The Cossacks were in occupation of their own quarters
and busily shooting over the walls. The Nationalist
forces were hidden in various gardens, and from behind
loopholes punched in the soft mud were bombarding
nothing in particular. Many private* persons were
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE. 119
engaged in rifle practice from safe cover under the
impression that they were acting as combatants in a
fierce battle. Many dogs and cats had been slain,
besides a few human beings. One of our visitors was
Wahid-ul-Mulk, my Persian colleague, and one of the
cheeriest persons in Teheran. He had been to see
Sirdar Assad and Sipahdar, and was in a jubilant
frame of mind about the Nationalist success. He had
been assured that the Nationalist forces were entirely
peaceable, and that they would remain on the defen-
sive until attacked. The leaders declared that the
greatest care would be taken of foreign life and pro-
perty. When Wahid-ul-Mulk went out again to watch
the fray he was advised to be careful not to get a
shot in his locker. Wahid replied that he didn't
mind if he did so long as the bullet was a soft-
nosed one.
So accustomed did we become after a time to the
streams of lead passing overhead, and to the incessant
noise, that we ventured forth to play tennis. I think
possibly the play was not up to Wimbledon form, but we
managed to get some exercise before Wood ducked his
head to avoid a projectile that came whirling through
the air with a hum like an aeroplane. When picked
out of the hole it made in the court, this turned out
to be a Martini bullet that had been splayed on a
wall, and when a few more of the same sort came
along we thought it better to retire indoors. The
banking part of the building was on the ground-floor,
and the dwelling part upstairs the one quite safe, the
other comparatively so. But the heat was so great
that we preferred to run the risk of being above,
where the open windows caught the least breath of
air. We ran little danger so long as we kept out
of the line of the windows, but that was not always
120 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
possible. All the front bedrooms were invaded by
bullets, while the verandah was regularly peppered.
Considering the indifference we all developed, and the
risks we took, wittingly at first, heedlessly afterwards,
we had reason to think ourselves lucky in escaping
damage.
On the second and third day of the bombardment
we were greatly troubled by shell - fire. It appeared
that at a point not far away the Shah's soldiers were
looting, and that Colonel Liakhoff from the Cossack
parade-ground was treating these sinners to shrapnel.
At such close range the cases of the shells, after the
shrapnel bullets had left them, travelled far, and as
the Bank was in the line of fire we got the benefit
of them. One whole case entered a room where the
archives and old furniture were stored, and the ravages
of a bull in a china-shop were as naught to the effect
produced. Occasionally the cases were burst in the
air by the shrapnel charge, and then we got all the
bits in a cluster. Shrapnel bullets were quite thick
all over the garden, a shower of them creating consid-
erable damage to the trees. Once when walking along
the verandah I heard a whack on the wall beside me,
and, looking down, saw sticking in the plaster a little
fat bullet that had passed between my legs. In three
days Edwards collected enough iron and lead to build a
battle-ship.
Our chiefest joy was the man at the gate. A great
archway stands at the corner of the Bank, connecting
the Gun Square and one of the principal bazaars. This
bazaar runs at right angles to the square, and bounds
one side of the Bank buildings so that the southern
windows all look into it. Bullets fired from the arch-
way, therefore, flew successively past all these windows,
while the noise of the shots entered with accumulated
'' V .
The Imperial Bank of Persia mirrored in its puddle (see page 175).
,^L
The Royalist guns bombarding Teheran.
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE. 121
insistence. Now the archway is deep and vaulted,
and a shot fired from within reverberates like thunder.
Moreover, the great iron-bound doors, closed in the
circumstances, seemed to gather up the sound and to
multiply it tenfold. That is the kind of noise that
came into the Bank, and terrible it was. In the
beginning it sounded to us like the end of the world.
Well, it was the business of a detachment of soldiers
to defend that gate, which, of course, meant to shoot
from it. As time went on the work appeared to
devolve on one particular man, and he interpreted
his duty to necessitate a regular and continuous bom-
bardment, directed through a crack in the gate, at
man, woman, child, dog, cat, or any moving thing to
be seen throughout the length of the street beyond.
When he could see nothing moving he fired all the
same, just to show, as he explained when I interviewed
him, that the garrison was awake. He was indeed a
faithful servant ; and when I asked him one evening
how things were going for the Shah, he replied that
Providence had been on their side up to then, but
who could tell what might happen in the night.
Now the Bank was so placed, facing Royalist ground
and backing on to Nationalist, that people passing
from one side to the other found it convenient to
come our way, so that we had several visitors engaged
in diplomatic negotiations between the two camps.
Moreover, through the Bank was the easiest way to
the telegraph office. The Manager and his Deputy,
being hospitable souls, bade many of the passers-by
to break bread with us. At first our visitors sat in
the great salon, where the firing outside and the
continual thunderous explosions made them think the
Bank a very hot place. But when we took them
into the dining-room, whose windows looked into the
122 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
street, that was beyond the gate, that stood under
the archway, that contained the man that fired the
gun, they fairly trembled with apprehension. At the
first shot, BANG ! like the crack of Doom, it was a
jump and a turning pale ; at the second appalling
discharge, a standing-up and a gasp for breath ; and
at the third crash, a complete collapse. Taking no
notice of these manifestations, although the whole
building was quivering and vibrating as from an earth-
quake, we of the house would go on with our lunch
as if nothing was happening. If the guest stammered
out that the Bank was being attacked, we merely
expressed mild surprise, and said we had become so
accustomed to this sort of thing during the last forty-
eight hours that we hardly noticed the noise at all.
If the man at the gate slacked off at any time we
had only to send him out a glass of tea, when he
immediately resumed work. The gift of a kran set
him blazing away with the speed of a Maxim. It
was a cruel way of entertaining people, but I am
sure no hospitality in the world was ever so eloquently
rewarded.
The despatch of a telegram after dark w r as a difficult
business, though the telegraph office was scarce two
hundred yards distant. But the way thither included
the skirting of one gate and the passing through
another. The guard at each point were in such fear
of assault that they sat all night with their fingers
glued to the triggers of their rifles. If a beetle buzzed
into an eye, a rifle went off ; if a bat swished through
the air, there was a salvo ; while if a living figure
moved within the range of vision, it was battled upon
with lead from all round the Square. And so to send
my simple little messages, that were hardly glanced at
the following morning by several hundred thousand
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE. 123
readers, it was necessary gently to summon the sentry
near the iron grill of the Bank doorway, and with the
greatest caution to institute a queue of soldiery that
should stretch all the way to the telegraph office, and
thereby give passage from hand to hand of the precious
document. While these brave fellows were holding
on to each other they were confident, but if they
happened to separate they might begin to shoot.
Their anxiety seemed exaggerated, but on the second
night of the trouble, while we were indulging in a
rubber of bridge, there occurred what all were ex-
pecting. A bomb exploded in a corner of the Square
with a detonation that appalled us all. We had
become pretty well inured to violent sound, but this
one was overwhelming. It was followed by deathly
silence for a few seconds, and then another explosion
rent the air, again followed by silence. At last came
the firing, a burst of it that set the air fiercely
throbbing and brought the sweat to our brows. We
thought it was the expected Nationalist attack on the
Square, preceded by the bursting of the bombs that
are the favourite weapons of the Caucasians. The
bombs had been fired surely enough, but no attack
followed, the firing died away, and we resumed the
game, confessedly shaken and trembling. I know I
doubled no trumps shortly afterwards, so inopportunely
that we lost a little slam. But I think those two
crashes, followed by the roar of musketry, would have
unnerved Satan himself.
As may be imagined, I made various expeditions
abroad. It was safe enough hugging the walls and
keeping within narrow lanes. Cross - roads were
dangerous, and proved the undoing of many a non-
combatant. The trouble was that one had to walk
in the desperate heat of summer along these inter-
124 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
rninable streets. Carriages had vanished, and to ride
a horse would have been to invite destruction. One
of my first visits was to the Legation, where a hospital
had been opened for the wounded, and where several
hundred Armenians had taken refuge, as well as a
few British residents driven from their houses by
artillery fire. The trees of the garden were being
continually flicked by passing bullets, and several of
the houses were thickly marked, and their windows
smashed by the same cheerful visitors. On the lawn
before the Minister's door a figure lay prone, uncon-
sciously moaning, waiting for the death that no medical
aid could avert. Another poor creature had had his
lower jaw and tongue cut clean away by a ricochetting
bullet. Outside the Legation walls several dead men
were lying, and the house of the Director of the Tele-
graph Department was wrecked by shells. In the
telegraph office itself the clerks stuck to their work
under most difficult circumstances, some of them
unable to get near their homes, and having to sleep
night after night at the office without proper food or
refreshment. On the verandah outside the windows
behind which they worked a barricade of heavy
packing-cases protected them from the flying bullets
that poured into the building.
On the way back I got mixed up with a fight in
the Ala-ed-Dowleh, the street of the Legations. A
party of Caucasians and Armenians darted past, taking
cover in doorways and behind trees as they advanced.
They got within close range of the Cossack lines,
against which they directed a heavy rifle fire, followed
by a deluge of Mauser pistol bullets. A fierce return
fire forced them to retire, for which I was thankful,
as watching this sort of work was attended by more
danger than the excitement was worth. The next
FIRE AND BRIMSTONE. 125
morning, after paying a visit to the Nationalist leaders,
I again found myself in a warm corner. As I left the
Mejliss buildings I got involved in a crowd of fidais
rushing up a street, at the top of which heavy firing
was proceeding. A few minutes later I found myself
crouching in a sangar thrown up on the roof of a
house, and occupied by some twenty wild and shaggy
Bakhtiari. They were shooting down a broad street
at the end of which lay a deserted gun. Round the
gun were several dead bodies. From the window of
one of the rooms below us a brass gun was belching
forth flames. All around was a horde of fidais who
kept up a vigorous fire. The Bakhtiari were madly
excited, for they had driven the gunners from the
piece in the distance. They borrowed my glasses and
yelled with delight when they looked through them.
Then they resumed firing and cleaning out their old
gas - pipes, which would not work unless frequently
treated with ramrods and rags. All the while I could
see nothing but the corpses near the gun, though the
fact that a poor fellow near by was shot through the
chest proved that the enemy, who were loyalist tribes-
men, were busy behind adjacent walls. That quarter
of an hour with the Bakhtiari was a period of pure
emotion which I do not want to repeat more often
than is absolutely necessary.
126
CHAPTER IX.
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH.
THE situation in the town was extraordinarily difficult
to understand at the time, though subsequently ex-
planation was forthcoming. On entering in the early
morning the Nationalists rode straight to Baharistan
and took up their quarters in and around the Mejliss
buildings. On the way they shot a couple of soldiers
in the guard-house opposite the gate of the British
Legation, but otherwise made a perfectly peaceful
entrance. Meanwhile the main body of the Cossack
Brigade, under LiakhofF, and numbering about 400
men, were in occupation of the Brigade headquarters
about a mile distant. Adjacent was the Royal Palace
enclosure and the Gun Square, occupied by a regiment
of regulars and a number of volunteers. In the course
of the morning Liakhoff was reinforced by the return
of Zapolski with 400 Cossacks and part of the loyal
Bakhtiari. In effect the northern portion of the city
was held by the Nationalists, while the centre and the
west remained in the hands of the Royalists. It was
open to both sides freely to come and go by the gates
in their respective zones.
Throughout the first day both sides were completely
inactive, though enough ammunition was burnt to
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 127
make a Manchurian campaign. I imagine it is nearly
correct to say that hitherto nobody was killed or
wounded in direct fighting, unless the shooting of the
two guards and the surprise of the Cossack patrol may
be so considered. But damage to non-combatants, and
of course to those engaged, by spent bullets was con-
siderable, several women losing their lives. On the
second day the Shah, who remained in his summer
quarters at Sultanatabad, seven miles distant, com-
menced an attack on the Nationalists. Peribinozeff,
who with the Cossacks and artillery from Shahabad
had joined the Shah instead of returning to Teheran,
took up a position on the low hills at Kasra Kajar,
three miles to the north-east, and shelled the Mejliss
buildings and the adjacent gate. Liakhoff supported
this fire by a bombardment from the Brigade head-
quarters, while a body of tribal levies attacked the
northern ramparts. PeribinozefFs fire, at the range,
was quite ineffective, while that from the Brigade
headquarters was even more so, as, owing to the inter-
vening buildings, there was no mark to aim at. The
tribal force failed in an attempt to capture one of the
gates, but a party of 70 Silahoris, who had entered by
a gate at the north-eastern corner of the town the
night before, took up a position in a garden within 200
yards of the Mejliss, which they held throughout,
though completely isolated. These were the people
who had lost the gun, and the fighting with whom I
witnessed from the Bakhtiari sangar. It was here
that the only casualties worth mentioning occurred,
about a dozen of the Silahor tribesmen being killed
outright. Being unsupported from outside they were
caught in a trap. The Shah's attack was a miserable
fiasco. It was badly directed, and quite unsupported
by the Cossack Brigade, except by useless artillery
128 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
fire, and was doomed to failure. The Nationalists had
only to sit behind walls and do a little shooting to
maintain their position. For a time, however, they
were extremely anxious about the result, and there is
no doubt that co-operation by all the Royalist forces,
and a concerted endeavour to surround the National-
ists, would have put the latter in a precarious position.
The Nationalists, it may be mentioned, received little
support from the townspeople, except from the Arme-
nians, a good number of whom turned out and took a
share in what fighting there was. On the other hand,
the Nationalists made an extremely clever entry into
the town, the movement being boldly conceived and
brilliantly executed. It would have been impossible in
real warfare, though that does not detract from the
credit due to the Nationalists. Their mistake was in
aiming at Teheran instead of at Sultanatabad, where
the Shah was. Their sudden movement brought them
within a few miles of his residence ; half an hour's trot-
ting would have taken them to a point where he would
have been cut off from all the foreign Legations and
thus lain completely at their mercy. Probably the
Nationalists shrank from the opposition that they must
have encountered from the soldiers surrounding the
Shah, and their own contention must be recognised
that they had no desire to fight, but merely to force
compliance with their wishes. But it would have
saved endless troubles and complications, as well as
expense, if they had captured Mohamed Ali and
squared accounts with him on the spot.
After the failure of his attack Mohamed Ali threw
up the sponge and took refuge in the Russian Legation,
telegraphing the Czar that he put himself and his
family under the protection of Russia. The pre-
liminaries to that step are interesting, as is the action
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 129
taken by the Legations at this moment of crisis.
When the Shah commenced to bombard the town,
or rather two well-defined points in it widely separated
from the European quarter, Sir George Barclay and M.
Sabline posted off from their own summer residences,
which were close at hand, to remonstrate with his
Majesty and to request a truce for negotiations. The
Shah complained that the Legations had continually
tied his hands, and that now he was actually being
attacked it was impossible for him to make a truce
unless the Nationalists laid down their arms. Talk of
conciliation proved useless, for it was evident that the
Shah meant to make this single bid for victory and
then to retire altogether from the contest if he failed.
Simultaneously with this attempt to arrange a truce
a joint deputation from the two Legations was sent to
recommend the same course to the Nationalist leaders,
but was unable to enter the town on account of the
fighting. The same day, and before it became
apparent that the Shah's attack had failed, a most
significant move was made by the Russian Legation.
This was no less than the despatch of an attache' to
open negotiations with the Nationalist leaders for the
surrender of the Cossack Brigade. Certain terms were
offered on the afternoon of the second day's fighting,
which were not thought sufficient by the Legation, and
which were the subject of a further communication to
the Nationalists on the third day, a communication
which did not reach its destination, however, as its
bearer was prevented by the fighting from entering the
town. It might be remarked that passing in and out
of the gates was throughout a hazardous business,
owing to the irresponsibility of the defenders, who
usually interpreted their duty to be to shoot at every-
thing and anybody in sight. On the fourth day, when
130 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the attache endeavoured to carry out his mission, he
found that Colonel Liakhoff had already settled the
matter the previous day, and had agreed to cease
fighting. The very next morning the Shah took bast.
It is impossible, from these facts, to overlook that the
Russian Legation was in a great hurry to make terms
for the Brigade irrespective of its duty to the Shah.
Considering that in efficiency the Brigade stood head
and shoulders over any of the other forces engaged,
and was, moreover, led by European officers who under-
stood their business, it is obvious that it ought to have
made a very good show ; instead of which it did
practically nothing from beginning to end of the
fighting except to make a defence when attacked at
Shahabad. The deduction to be made from the hand-
ling of the Brigade is that the Russian Government
had no desire to maintain Mohamed Ali on the throne,
and that they were only too glad to get him into bast
without the Russian officers becoming involved in the
fighting in the manner which created such a hubbub in
the summer of 1908. With the approval, expressed or
tacit, of their Government, it is my conviction that the
Russian officers might have managed the situation so
as to have ensured a different result.
But it was never meant that they should do anything
of the kind, as may be deduced from other occurrences.
As already mentioned, the Russian Government, with
the acquiescence of the British, had decided to bring
troops upon the scene. Considering the character of
the Nationalist forces, Bakhtiari tribesmen who were
champions in brigandage that implies no reproach in
Persia and Revolutionaries led by dare-devils who had
helped to keep the Caucasus in ferment, and were
known to nurse the deepest hatred of things and
people Russian, Russia requires no excuse for having
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 131
taken steps to ensure protection of European life and
property. It certainly turned out that both elements
among the Nationalists behaved in an exemplary man-
ner, and that no reproach of any kind can be levelled
at them on the score of their conduct of the fighting.
But I think that most Europeans in Teheran would
admit that the thought of the Russian troops watching
proceedings at Kazvin, only three days' march away,
was distinctly comforting. And I think if they had
not been there the victors would have handled some of
the vanquished much more roughly than they did.
The chances against disaster in this life are usually
pretty small, but one observes that insurance to cover
risks is becoming increasingly popular. The interesting
thing to note in connection with the Russian troops is
that every Russian in Teheran implored the Legation
to order them from Kazvin to Teheran, and that nearly
all of the foreigners except the British pestered M.
Sabline to do the same on the ground that there was
danger to foreigners. The situation was unquestion-
ably alarming, and there would have been no shadow
of ground for complaint if both Legations had agreed
that the troops ought to come. But both M. Sabline
and Sir George Barclay were satisfied that foreigners
had nothing to fear. M. Sabline, under whose orders
the Kazvin column was, therefore abstained from
making the signal, despite the protests, even insults,
of his compatriots. Incidentally, I wonder if these
two gentlemen would have been quite so steadfast
if they had lived through those four days' fighting
in Teheran itself, instead of in the quiet groves of
Shimran. I think our Man at the Gate, could he
have had Sir George and his colleague bottled up
in the Bank dining - room for a few minutes, would
have moved those troops in double-quick time. The
132 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
happiness of such an experiment, however, though
we tried hard to compass it, was denied us, as the
Ministers were much too busy in the country to
come down to see the fun. Stirring accounts of the
titanic conflict that was proceeding reached them
periodically, but they refused to be moved from
their determination on the subject of the troops. It
was a very high trial for so young a diplomatist as
M. Sabline, and one which he came through with
flying colours. Nor must one forget that M. Isvolsky
stood fast upon the advice of his charge d'affaires,
and declined to be influenced either by alarms from
Teheran or by reactionary pressure at home. The
firmness of Sir George Barclay at the moment when
his responsibility was greatest contributed substan-
tially to the satisfactory issue. Nor should it be
omitted that the calmness of the British community,
not one of whom man, woman, or child left Teheran,
constituted valuable support to the joint policy of
non - intervention. If British subjects had wavered
Sir George Barclay would have been compelled to
assent to the bringing of the Russian troops, when a
dangerous situation might have arisen, calculated to
destroy for ever the policy pursued by both Powers.
In their triumphal temper the Persians would have
deeply resented foreign interference, and an irre-
trievable disaster might have resulted from the
appearance on the scene of the Russian column.
By taking sanctuary the Shah virtually abdicated,
whereafter further hostilities became superfluous. The
first thing to be done was to arrange a meeting be-
tween Colonel Liakhoff and the Nationalist leaders,
and this was effected in the afternoon through the
instrumentality of the Legation secretaries. It was
settled that a Bakhtiari chief should come for him
Sir George Barclay and M. Sabline take the Persian situation very seriously.
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 133
to the Imperial Bank, and thereafter escort him to
Baharistan. This part of the proceedings gave rise
to an exciting incident. Colonel Liakhoff arrived at
the Gun Square entrance and was duly brought up-
stairs, where he was good enough to sign his name
on the shell that he had sent to us so unceremoni-
ously two days before. Not long afterwards the
Bakhtiari chief, with an escort of Caucasians and
Bakhtiari, arrived at the back entrance. Almost at
this moment one of the gates of the Square was
opened to let Colonel Liakhoff's empty carriage pass
out, whereupon a seyd rushed through and was im-
mediately shot dead by one of the soldiers my Man
with the Gun, I shall always believe. Tremendous
excitement followed, and firing broke out in all direc-
tions. The Nationalist escort in the garden deployed
and advanced upon the Bank in skirmishing order. A
fight seemed imminent, and for the moment interested
witnesses thought there was treachery afoot. For-
tunately Colonel Liakhoff was able to reassure the
soldiers from the balcony, and peace was restored.
He then drove off with the Bakhtiari chief, escorted
only by his late enemies, his own men having been
ordered to wait. When the pair, both tall, hand-
some men, marched amicably into the Mejliss en-
closure they were loudly cheered by a huge crowd.
It was by this time arranged that Sipahdar was to
be Minister for War, under whose orders hence-
forth, according to the terms arranged, the Brigade
was to be. Liakhoff was requested by his new chief
to continue to maintain order in the city as before,
and after a satisfactory interview left amid an
enthusiastic scene. Shortly afterwards an Extraor-
dinary National Council formally deposed the Shah
and appointed his little son, Sultan Ahmed, in his
134 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
stead, under a Regent. Sirdar Assad was made
Minister of the Interior, and various members of
a Cabinet appointed. These formalities completed
the Nationalists' triumph and gave them what they
wanted a new Government without Mohamed Ali.
What meant triumph to the Nationalists brought
woe to the Shah's household. Warning of his in-
tended flight had reached the Russian Legation the
previous evening, and in the morning the white
bungalow of the Minister, then vacant, was ready
for its royal occupants. The Queen and her women
arrived first, accompanied by several carriages con-
taining servants and baggage. Shortly afterwards
Madame Sabline, who occupied another house, went
to visit her guest, and found the Shah, who with his
two sons had just arrived on horseback, busily dry-
ing the Queen's eyes with a handkerchief, and com-
forting her after the manner of more humble folk in
domestic affliction. The Shah apologised for his wife's
weakness, and explained that the delay in the coming
of the riding -party had frightened her into thinking
that they had been killed on the way. The Shah
appeared to accept his changed position with Oriental
philosophy, and showed no lack of the personal dignity
becoming to a monarch. He and his family received
all the attention possible in the circumstances, while
their safety was watched over by a guard of Russian
Cossacks and Indian sowars. Above the door of the
Legation were crossed the flags of Russia and Great
Britain.
It was soon announced to the Shah that the Pro-
visional Government desired to send a delegation to
announce his deposition, but Mohamed Ali replied
that that was unnecessary, as he considered that by
taking protection under a foreign flag he had forfeited
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH, 135
the Throne. The Government at the same time noti-
fied the nomination of the new Shah, and desired that
Sultan Ahmed should be delivered into their keeping.
This request was conveyed by M. Sabline to the ex-
Shah, who replied that he thought the boy's mother
would not consent. The ex-Shah then took M. Sabline
to the Queen, and an affecting scene ensued. Both
the mother and father broke down at the thought
of parting with their favourite son, and offered their
second in his place. M. Sabline replied that the selec-
tion had been made by the people, and that he had
no voice in the matter. The boy himself wept bitterly
in sympathy with his parents and declined to leave
his mother. Finally their Majesties were persuaded
to agree, whereupon arrangements were made for the
reception by the Regent and a Nationalist deputation,
Next morning an interested crowd witnessed the little
Shah's departure from the custody of his natural
guardians. During the morning Sultan Ahmed wept
bitterly at the prospect of becoming a king, and it
required a stern message to the effect that crying was
not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his
eyes. Then the little man came out bravely, entered
a large carriage and drove off alone, escorted by Cos-
sacks, sowars, and Persian Cossacks, and followed by a
long string of carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met
by the Regent and ceremoniously notified of his high
position, and of the hope entertained by the nation
that he would prove to be a good ruler. " In sh ? Allah,
I will," replied the lad.
Teheran after its baptism of fire presented an appear-
ance little different from the normal. A few telegraph-
poles were down and the wires trailing in the streets,
several corners were decorated with ruined sangars,
a few dead horses and defunct pariah dogs tainted the
136 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
air. The shell and rifle fire on the mud walls and ram-
shackle architecture of the city had left but few marks,
considering the enormous expenditure of ammunition.
Hardly had the firing ceased than the tramways re-
sumed work, carriages began to ply for hire, and the
shops to open. Bakhtiaris and Revolutionaries pa-
trolled the streets, while Persian Cossacks and other
Royalist soldiers walked about and appeared to frater-
nise with the visitors with whom only the day before
they had been engaged in mortal combat. One of my
earliest visits was to the little shop of a one-armed
Frenchman who, I had been told, had been killed in
the fighting. But there he was, fresh as a daisy, and
bleeding like a pig from an open wound in the back of
his head, inflicted by an enemy that morning he
explained, while stanching the blood with a handker-
chief. I begged him at once to jump into my carriage
and come to a doctor, but he most airily declined any
assistance. As his scalp was gaping wide for an inch
and a half where it had been slit by the bullet, and
his clothes were drenched with blood, I momentarily
expected to see him drop down in a faint; but he
continued gaily to recount his experiences during the
siege, as if the wound was a trifle not worth consider-
ing. He told me how he had spent the time with his
head through an opening in the roof busily shooting
anything he could see. He claimed to have killed
sixteen men and wounded nearly fifty, and got tre-
mendously excited as he described the circumstances.
His principal victims were members of the looting
parties shelled by Colonel Liakhoff, whereby it seemed
that his bloodthirstiness had been exercised in a good
cause. But he went on to say that he had killed all
sorts, Cossacks, sarbasses, Bakhtiari, Revolutionaries,
mullahs, seyds, and Heaven knows whom else, whereat
The Peacock Throne in the Palace at Teheran.
The Takht-i-Marmar (Throne of Marble] in the Palace at Teheran.
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 137
I began to think my friend slightly touched in his
upper storey. He finally begged me to accompany
him to the back of his shop, where having one arm,
let it be recollected he caught hold of a curiously
wire-bound zinc cylinder and tossed it into the air.
Catching it in his only hand he threw it up again, and
joyfully exclaimed that this was a bomb that he had
stolen from a Caucasian ! . . . I was out of that shop
like a streak of lightning, and off down the street as
if the devil were behind. Nothing happened, but I
venture the opinion that there are few things in the
world more likely to alarm a quiet man than to find
himself in the company of a delirious maniac who plays
ball with a bomb powerful enough to hoist a fortress.
The poor Frenchman's tale was indeed true, and for
his share in the shooting a determined attempt had
been made that morning to murder him. Always
eccentric, the events of the past few days had upset
his mental balance, and the French Legation at once
made arrangements for his deportation to France.
Success having been achieved, the Nationalists trans-
ferred their headquarters from Baharistan to the Royal
Palace, whose sacred precincts thereafter became open
to the populace. Here assembled penitents, flatterers,
and office-seekers waiting for the crumbs that might
drop from the table of the new rulers. Among them
were many of the old reactionary gang, unabashed and
unashamed, and it says much for the magnanimity of
Persian character that they were not repulsed. The
new Cabinet was soon completed, and among other
appointments made was that of Ephraim, an Armenian,
to be Chief of Police. I have been informed on good
authority that this man, a Russian Armenian, has had
a remarkable career, having been exiled to Siberia for
his share in revolutionary troubles in Tiflis some years
138 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
before. From Siberia he had escaped, and found his
way to Resht, there to engage upon the commonplace
business of brick-making. The movement initiated from
Resht proved too much for his revolutionary instincts,
and he forthwith joined Sipahdar, and thereafter be-
came the leading spirit in the events which culmin-
ated in the Nationalist success. In introducing this
fearless and determined man to the notice of the reader
it will be appropriate to explain more fully his share in
the development of the situation.
It is obvious that the soldiers of fortune, of which
the Revolutionary force was principally composed, must
have been greatly disappointed by the disappearance
of their raison d'etre when Mohamed Ali Shah gave
way on the Constitutional question in consequence of
the action of the Powers at Tabriz. They had had an
infinitely pleasant time at Resht and Kazvin, living on
contributions from the people, forced, in many instances,
by the threat of assassination. Moreover, a taste for
strutting in the public eye once acquired was not easily
relinquished, nor was it pleasant to sacrifice the dream
of the conquest of Teheran. Among them were some
of the fiery Azerbaijan spirits who had fought on the
day of the bombardment of the Mejliss and killed so
many Cossacks. These were led by my friend Ali
Mohamed Khan, and they to a man wanted the blood
of the Shah and the complete overthrow of autocracy.
The Caucasian members of the force, Christian and
Mohammedan, were all desperate haters of Russia, and
prepared for any policy which they thought embar-
rassing to their enemy. The Armenians in particular
had a political motive to serve, for life for them in
their own country, whether under Turkish or Russian
rule, was a perpetual affront to the spirit. A Turkish
Armenian once said to me that, despite the terrible
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 139
wrongs that his people had suffered at the hands of the
Turks, they would sooner live under the Turkish flag
than under the Russian, for while the Turks were
ruthless in persecution they made no attempt to under-
mine their individuality as a people, whereas Russia
aimed at their national extinction and their conversion
to the Greek Church. To keep Persia independent of
Russia, and free as a field for Armenian endeavour, is
therefore a tangible policy for the thoughtful Armenian.
In the same way the Mohammedan element among the
Caucasian Revolutionaries was interested in preserv-
ing from Russian encroachment a country that afforded
it a base for anti- Russian propagandism. An inde-
pendent, self-governing Persia, then, appealed to all
elements ; and although it is not suggested that more
than the smallest fraction of the force was animated by
any political motives at all, it is unquestionable that
these were the ideas that inspired the Revolutionary
societies of Tiflis, Baku, and Constantinople, who
financed the movement at its outset. The collapse
of opposition in Teheran, therefore, had the effect of
taking the bread out of the mouths of the real movers,
and leaving them no excuse for remaining in the field.
But many of them had left Russia with " bad " papers,
and had little hope of being able to re-enter, so that,
with no further prospect of employment in Persia, their
situation became exceedingly unfortunate. In these
circumstances it was to the interest of the Revolution-
ary leaders to pursue the original policy of marching to
Teheran, whatever might be the situation there.
To do this with any decency, or indeed with safety,
it was necessary that the Bakhtiaris should participate.
It would never do for outsiders, as they were, to under-
take schemes on behalf of Persia in which Persians did
not take a leading part. It was for this reason that
140 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Sipahdar had been impressed as their leader and kept
at the head of affairs. As a prominent Persian he
made a good puppet behind whom the Caucasians could
pursue their own ends. It was because Sipahdar
appeared to be the head, and because it was not
realised that behind him stood a man of Ephraim's
calibre, that observers in Teheran were disposed to
think the movement lacked purpose. It was a true
diagnosis as regards the apparent leader, but his own
followers told me after their arrival that when Sipahdar
wanted to withdraw altogether on account of Russian
warnings, Ephraim and Ali Mohamed Khan repeatedly
threatened to shoot him with their own hands if he
wavered. Whether that is a true bill or not I cannot
say, but from personal knowledge of the three parties
concerned I should say the story was extremely
probable.
But the Bakhtiaris appeared already to have retired
from the contest. When in the beginning of May
they had assembled in Isfahan to the number of 2000,
they had now melted away, but for a small garrison,
to their own country, and were reported bitterly
quarrelling among themselves. They had been put
to considerable loss by their adventure, and they were
disposed to blame Samsam-es-Sultaneh and Sirdar
Assad. Moreover, the man who had refused to join
them, Amir Mufakham, remained in Teheran with the
Shah, and had the Ilkaniship in his pocket. Fortun-
ately for Caucasian plans, the Nationalists in Teheran
came to their rescue with loud and bitter plaints of
the situation there. Nothing that was done satisfied
them, and they spread it over all Persia that Mohamed
Ali had brought the Russian troops into the country
the poor man had been ruined by the coming of the
Russians ! and that he was hoodwinking the simple
Legations, and that the Constitution was no more a
THE NATIONALIST TRIUMPH. 141
reality than it had been before. Now Sirdar Assad
was already sore at the failure of his scheme, and
felt balked of the great role that he was to have
played. When, therefore, there fell upon him the
taunts and reproaches and jeers of the Teheranis, and
the urgent representations from Sipahdar i.e., the
Caucasians to gird up his loins, and to let them
jointly sweep the Shah off his throne, as the Turk-
ish Nationalists had just done to their Sultan, he
was greatly exercised, and by a herculean effort paci-
fied the Khans and brought them once more upon the
scene. At the bottom of the Caucasian persistence,
both as regards the advance of the Resht force and the
reappearance of the Bakhtiaris, was the masterful per-
sonality of Ephraim, a modest and unassuming man in
appearance, but stout-hearted out of all proportion to
his associates. When Sirdar Assad and Sipahdar met
near Teheran, and discussed the news of the arrival
of the Russian troops for the occupation of the Caspian-
Teheran road, they were both, I am assured on good
authority, anxious to compromise, and it was only the
forcefulness of Ephraim that kept them going. He
was in command of the Revolutionaries throughout the
fighting outside Teheran, and his was the bold scheme
for the joint midnight march upon the capital.
Hitherto it had been a reproach against the Nation-
alists that they had confined themselves to talk and
done little to give their aspirations reality, while it
can never be forgotten against them that they made
no effort to save Tabriz when a few determined men
might have raised the siege. On that account they
were themselves to blame for the presence of Russian
troops at Tabriz. But, all said and done, there was
now no gainsaying the fact that the Nationalist cause
had triumphed, although only by the agency of out-
siders on the one hand, and tribesmen on the other,
142 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
who, with the exception of their leader, had no interest
in the question of Constitutional government. Past
vacillation was thrown into the shade by present per-
formances, and there was no denying that a situation
had been brought about that promised more happily
for Persia than any that could have been brought about
by foreign advice or agency. The shadow of interven-
tion had long been spreading over the Persian sky,
and the day seemed nigh when the shadow must have
been followed by something which would have crippled
Persian independence. Nothing but Persian activity
could have saved the situation, and as that activity
had asserted itself at the psychological moment, the
direction of events was taken out of foreign hands
and rested once more where it ought to rest with
the Persians themselves. Russian intervention at
Tabriz, in a manner tantamount to ruination of the
Shah's designs, and again her abstention during the
advance upon Teheran when the raising of the charge
d'affaires' little finger would have brought Russian
troops to the capital and saved the situation for
Mohamed Ali Shah, conclusively showed that Russia
was no implacable foe to Nationalist aims. It seemed,
therefore, with England friendly, that the Nationalists
now had the game in their own hands. The reaction-
ary power was broken, and must remain in the dust
while the Nationalists were firm and careful. Tact
and magnanimity had distinguished their actions in
their moment of triumph, and there seemed nothing
left to the foreigner but to congratulate them and to
wish them luck. It was not to be overlooked that
rocks and shoals beset their course in the future, but
while there were men at the helm who had their
country's welfare at heart there was always hope of
successful navigation.
143
CHAPTER X.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
AMONG the many matters requiring attention at the
hands of the new Government were three of immediate
importance. These were the making of arrangements
for the departure of the ex-Shah, the replenishment
of the Treasury, and the convocation of the Mejliss. In
regard to the last-named, orders were given on 27th
July for the holding of the elections, and Sirdar Assad
informed me that he hoped Parliament would meet
within a month. The deputies for Teheran were
actually elected on 19th August, but so dilatory were
the methods employed elsewhere that only on 15th
November was the Mejliss opened with the barest
margin over the necessary quorum of sixty members
out of a total of one hundred and twenty. It is
instructive to note that the law under which the
elections took place was that signed by Mohamed Ali
Shah shortly before his downfall, while the fact that
three of the Ministers in the new Government formed
part of the Cabinet selected by the Shah two months
before upon the advice of the Powers, also suggested
how nearly the Legations, compatible with the circum-
stances, had interpreted popular wishes.
The affairs of Mohamed Ali proved very difficult to
144 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
arrange, partly because the ex-Shah himself offered
considerable obstruction, and partly because the Gov-
ernment dealt with the matter in a somewhat narrow
spirit. It was obviously to the Nationalist interest to
get rid of Mohamed Ali in the shortest possible space
of time, so that his presence in the country should con-
stitute no nucleus for reactionary intrigue. Disputes
arose as to the ownership of jewellery, the ex -Shah
claiming certain articles as his private property, the
Government maintaining that they were appanages of
the Crown. Many of the Crown Jewels were missing
altogether, and claims for them, and for property in the
shape of horses, donkeys, saddles, rifles, and other
articles too precious to mention, were presented.
Then there was the Shah's debts amounting to some
300,000 to be considered, as well as his private landed
property and a pension for his maintenance in Russia.
After a long period of wrangling, an arrangement was
concluded by which the Government assumed the
debts, took over the property, and agreed to pay
the Shah a pension of about 20,000, with reduced
allowances to his family after his death, and provision
for cancellation in case he was at any time proved
guilty of intrigue in Persia. On the whole, Mohamed
Ali made a pretty good bargain, though it is hardly
necessary to state that he was far from satisfied. On
9th September, seven weeks after seeking Russian pro-
tection, he left the care of the Legation, bound for his
new home near Odessa. The little Persian village,
crowded by the escort and the numerous six- and four-
horse carriages which were to carry the fallen monarch
and his retinue to the Caspian, presented a curious and
pathetic scene as the long cavalcade started. Many
of the European colony came to see the last of his
Majesty, and there were not a few of the ladies moved
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 145
to tears. Sir George Barclay's position at this moment
was decidedly awkward, for in view of the fact that
the Shah regarded him as the principal instrument
of his downfall, and had referred to him a few days
before as the Angel of Death, it was a little difficult
to effect a graceful farewell. In the circumstances
there was some excuse for Sir George absent-mindedly
whistling the Wedding March while wondering what
to do. The Shah, however, solved the difficulty him-
self by stopping his carriage at the point where the
Minister was standing. Leaning out of the window
to say good-bye, he gravely thanked Sir George for
the trouble he had taken in helping him to settle his
affairs.
The question of money, of course, also presented
difficulty. To effect a loan without the consent of
Parliament would have been unconstitutional, and the
Persians at such a moment were so delighted at re-
gaining possession of their Constitution that nothing
in the world would have induced them to violate its
principles. And so they embarked on a policy of tail-
twisting which brought a considerable amount of grist
to the mill. A long list of names was published, and
opposite each was placed the figure which each person
was expected to pay, voluntarily, of course, to the
Treasury. At this moment arrived from exile the
Zill-es-Sultan, eager to assist in the regeneration of
his country. He was surprised to find himself arrested
on the way from the Caspian and confronted with a
demand for 100,000. He declined to pay, and asked
if this was constitutional procedure. A long comedy
followed, in which the friends of the Zill loudly com-
plained that he was being starved and tortured. The
Legations day by day solemnly remonstrated with the
Government, and reminded them of their promise not
146 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
to ill- treat his Royal Highness. In their turn the Gov-
ernment repudiated all such intention, and sent per-
emptory orders to the anjuman at Hesht to behave
with the utmost gentleness to their prisoner. To
which the anjuman replied that until the Government
withdrew their wicked emissaries who were darkening
the days of the Prince his proper comfort could not
be secured. The Zill could not have expected to get
off scot - free, however, because he had made all his
wealth out of Persia, and might reasonably be expected
to contribute to her necessities in time of need. There
was one little thing, besides, that made his position
awkward, and could hardly have tended to his merciful
treatment. Years before he had caused the treach-
erous murder of the then Ilkhani of the Bakhtiari,
who was no less than the father of Sirdar Assad, now
joint Dictator in Teheran. The Zill's excuse has al-
ways been that the deed was done by the orders of
Nasr-ed-Din Shah. Finally the Zill was released on
payment of 20,000, and the signing of bills for an-
other 40,000, and it would seem as if he was lucky
to get off so cheaply the Bakhtiari chief might rea-
sonably have demanded blood for blood, even although
the assassination was a very old story.
The Legations at this time had an important part
to play, none the less important because it was in-
formal and unofficial. In their inexperience the
Nationalists were continually venturing upon dan-
gerous ground, and it was sometimes very hard to
make them realise the risks they were running. In
such matters Sir George Barclay proved himself their
very good friend, and it is to their credit that they
usually modified their attitude when they became
aware of his opinions. Needless to say he was sup-
ported by M. Sabline in these unobtrusive efforts to
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 147
guide the Nationalists aright, though in certain
matters he had to proceed independently of his
colleague. The question of tail - twisting was one
in which the influence of the Legations was useful.
Few people had sympathy with individuals who had
grown rich by sweating the country in the past, and
if they were now being made to disgorge, the process
seemed equitable enough provided the spirit of the
Government was changed. But it was procedure
hardly consonant with civilised ideas, or with the
freedom which it was the professed aim of the
Nationalist party to obtain for the country. As a
financial policy it was proving a failure, because
inadequate to supply the needs of the situation,
while in Liberal quarters in Europe it tended to
diminish sympathy with the Nationalist cause. An-
other policy of the Government adopted upon its
accession to power was the execution of notorious
reactionaries. A batch of these were tried by an
informal court, and found guilty of complicity in the
murders at Shah Abdul Azim, described in chapter iv.
Within five days five men were hanged or shot, one
of them a high ecclesiastic, and another a plain mullah.
Doubtless they deserved their fate ; but the nature of
the court which condemned them, and the vindictive-
ness displayed by some of its members, made it desir-
able in the interests of the new regime that the past
should be forgotten. Through the instrumentality of
the Legations an amnesty was somewhat tardily
declared.
Where Sir George Barclay had to act alone, and
found great difficulty, was in endeavouring to stem
an anti-Russian campaign. The Nationalists wanted
to change the dress of the Cossack Brigade, modelled
on the Ptussian style, to take away the name which
148 PERSIA AND TURKEY IX REVOLT.
suggested its connection with Russia, and to substi-
tute other foreigners for its Russian officers. They
also wanted to dismiss the little Shah's Russian tutor,
and the Russian doctor to the Court. Some of these
steps were proposed only by the rank -and -file, but
others were backed by the sympathy, secret if not open,
of the whole body of Nationalist opinion. It appeared
to be quite forgotten that though Russia had always
held, and still held, the northern part of Persia in the
hollow of her hand, she had deliberately stood by
while a Russophil Shah had been dethroned by a
Russophobe Nationalist party. That constituted no
proof, of course, that Russia had relinquished her
ancient designs upon northern Persia though the
Anglo-Russian Agreement prominently intimated that
she had done so but it might very well have given
pause to distrust, and suggested the expediency of
conciliation rather than of unnecessarily arousing
Russian antipathy. On account of the loudly ex-
pressed complaints in certain sections of the Rus-
sian Press, and statements to the same effect in the
German papers, that Russia's honour and interests in
/ Persia had been sacrificed on the altar of British friend-
ship, public opinion in Russia was distinctly averse to
any diminution in the appearances of Russian influence
in Persia. In these circumstances any tampering with
Russian privileges in Persia merely placed a weapon
in the hands of the Russian reactionaries who were
opposed to the policy of M. Isvolsky, and led to delay
in the removal of those Russian troops whose presence
was the immediate cause of the anti-Russian outbreak.
It was possible for Sir George Barclay to demonstrate
to the Nationalist leaders that interference with Rus-
sian institutions in Persia was fatal to their own de-
sires, but to impress the same thing upon Nationalists
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 149
at large was next to impossible, and the local Press
embarked upon a career of unbridled denunciation of
things and people Russian. To save Persia from its
Shah was a simple matter compared to saving Persians
from themselves.
Voluntary contributions to the Treasury induced by
moral and other suasion proving inadequate, the
Government was compelled to seek some other method
of obtaining funds. It had already been suggested to
the Imperial Bank of Persia that an overdraft without
security would be acceptable, and it provoked some
surprise to discover that a British institution doing
State business in Persia should be reluctant on these
terms to finance the Government of the country in
which it earned a large dividend. It was then pro-
posed to pledge the Crown Jewels as security for an
advance against the foreign loan that was to be
arranged with the sanction of the Mejliss. But both
the Russian and British Banks pointed out that if the
Government had no power to raise a loan they had no
right to pawn the jewels, another surprise. Indeed,
the Banks w r ere not disposed to assist the Government
at all, for the excellent reason that their just claims
were being ignored, while there was even talk of re-
pudiating some of their transactions with the previous
Government. The simplest assurances in regard to
outstanding questions would have satisfied the Banks,
but these were not forthcoming from the Government,
because, in fact, all sorts of irresponsible and unin-
formed people were meddling in affairs and making
business impracticable. In this, as in so many other
matters, the Nationalists were making mistakes
through sheer ignorance and inexperience, mistakes
which would never have been made if they had
called in European advice and acted upon it. Mean-
150 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
while disorder was becoming rampant throughout the
country, and expeditions for the restoration of tran-
quillity were being held back for lack of money ; or,
as more often happened, disturbance was completely
ignored out of simple inability to deal with it.
At the very moment when the Nationalist triumph
was effected in Teheran bad news was pouring in from
the provinces. Shiraz was reported in anarchy in con-
sequence of the information that the great Seyd Abdul
Hussein, supported by a large force of Kashghais, was
marching upon it. We next heard that the Seyd
had dropped out, and that Sowlat-i-Dowleh, Ilkhani
of the Kashghais, was threatening the town with
10,000 men. Local feuds were imagined to be re-
sponsible for these movements, but there was reason
to suppose that the Kashghais, a more numerous and
more wealthy tribe than the Bakhtiaris, and equally
warlike, were jealous of the deeds of their compeers
in the north, and wanted to show what they could do.
The prospect of fighting in the town led the British
Legation to warn the Persian Government that if the
advancing force was not stopped steps would be taken
for the protection of the lives and property of for-
eigners. The situation eventually became so grave
that the Consular guard was reinforced by forty men
and a Maxim gun from Bushire. Fighting as a matter
of fact never took place, although a large body of Kash-
ghais arrived and camped outside Shiraz. Whether
hostilities were prevented by British efforts, or by
those of the Persian Government, or by divine influ-
ence working through the Ulema of Nedjef, has never
become clear. The small British force, however, still
remains.
Another trouble that caused a great commotion was
that raised by the Shahsevans at Ardebil in the north-
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 151
east of Azerbaijan. Here these wild folk, supported
by Rahim Khan, one of the protagonists at Tabriz,
surrounded the town and besieged it, their numbers
being several thousands, and their object reported as
re-enthronement of Mohamed Ali. Tremendous efforts
were made in Teheran to fit out an expedition, and some
2000 men were actually despatched from the capital,
while a further force, stated to be of equal numbers,
went from Tabriz. The Tabriz force melted away
altogether, if indeed it ever existed, while a fraction
of that from Teheran marched half-way, to Zinjan, and
there halted to settle another rebellion. Meanwhile
Ardebil was taken by the Shahsevans with considerable
slaughter and much pillage. The situation had already
led to preparations in the Caucasus, and heavy rein-
forcement of the Russian Consular guard, backed by
the assembling of a considerable expedition on the
border, resulted in the retirement of the Shahsevans.
The Russians were in a great mind to cross into
Persian territory and disarm the Shahsevans, who had
been giving trouble on the frontier for years, but were
persuaded not to interfere, so as to give the Persian
Government a chance to earn some prestige by them-
selves dealing with the situation. Only a handful
of the Persian troops, however, arrived at Ardebil, and
it was two or three months after the affair was settled
before a force under Ephraim appeared and went in
search of Rahim Khan. So far as appeared, no steps
were taken to punish the Shahsevans ; but after a little
fighting Rahim Khan was chased across the Russian
border, whereupon Ephraim returned to Calcutta.
Simultaneously with the troubles at Shiraz, Zinjan,
and Ardebil, there occurred widespread disorder in
Kermanshah, Yezd, and Kerman. The local Press
reported in addition cases of lawlessness in Kashan,
152 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Shushter, Hamadan, Fars, and Kazvin, while our old
friend Seyd Abdul Hussein was threatening an attack
on Lingah, to which troops were sent as a precautionary
measure. One paper declared that the situation was
worse than under the previous Government, and I got
myself into deep hot water in Teheran because in a
telegram I quoted this observation and some others re-
lating to instances of lawlessness. The Persian Legation
in London, by order of the Government in Teheran,
contradicted the statements which appeared in ' The
Times/ with the rather unfortunate result that the
contradiction was followed by an editorial note point-
ing out that the substance of the telegram was con-
firmed by Sir Edward Grey in the House of Commons
in answer to a recent question on the state of Persia.
The trouble was that the new Government, with
unconquerable optimism, had early in the day notified
the London Press through their Legation that every
necessary step had already been taken to establish
order throughout the country, and that all cause for
future disturbance was removed. 1 The plain truth,
therefore, was unpalatable, even although the Gov-
ernment could not really be held to blame for the
disturbed condition of the country, which had been
inherited from their predecessors. Their mistake was
in trying to delude British public opinion into thinking
they were able to deal with a situation that was, in
fact, utterly beyond their control. The new Govern-
ment did not lack the intention, or the desire, to allay
disorder, but they lacked the essential means for quell-
ing it money. This little incident had the effect of
cutting off from the Persian Press various opportunities
of obtaining such news from the provinces as was not
of a kind creditable to the administration.
1 "The Times,' 19th July 1909.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 153
This feature of recent developments in Persia
is worthy of something more than a passing notice.
One of the early consequences of the establishment
of Constitutional government was the birth of a free
Press. Under the old regime the whole of Persia
boasted no more than a single journal, which was, in
fact, little else than a gazette to record the doings
of the Court and the virtues of the monarch. The
opening efforts on the part of Persian journalists were
deeply appreciated, and there soon sprang up a crop
of newspapers of the kind characteristic of Eastern
countries that begin to seek the light. At the time
of the coup d'etat in June 1908, there were published
daily and weekly some thirty newspapers in the
capital, besides three at Tabriz, two each at Eesht,
Isfahan, and Bushire, and one at Shiraz, figures which
give a fairly accurate measure of the political activity
at the various important centres throughout the coun-
try. But with the bombardment of the Mejliss in
June 1908 the Persian Press was completely blotted
out. Even the Teheran official gazette was stopped,
for everything that bore the slightest semblance to a
newspaper was anathema to the triumphant Royalists.
Shortly after the appearance of the Revolutionaries
at Resht in February 1909, an enterprising journalist
started in that town a paper called ' Habl-ul-Matin '
(strong rope). It had previously existed at Teheran
in the Mejliss days, and was named after the * Habl-
ul-Matin ' of Calcutta, a newspaper published in Persian
and edited by the brother of the Teheran editor
devoted chiefly to Persian news and to criticisms of
the Indian Government. The Resht newspaper flour-
ished there for some months, many copies being
brought secretly to Teheran, where they constituted
the only mental food enjoyed by local Nationalists
154 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
during the interregnum. When Mohamed Ali Shah
was pushed by the Legations into re-establishing
the Constitution, one newspaper made a sporting
effort to appear, but suffered immediate suppression.
With the advent of the Revolutionaries and the Bakh-
tiaris, however, the Nationalists had it all their own
way, and within a few days several sheets began
to appear regularly. The ' Habl-ul-Matin ' was trans-
ferred to Teheran, where it enjoyed but a brief spell
of existence, its editor shortly afterwards being cast
into prison for making impious references to the national
religion. Another paper called ' Neda-y-Vatan ' (cry
of the fatherland) also ran for some time, until its
editor was accused of political inconsistency, and incar-
cerated forthwith. In the autumn of 1909 there were
running the 'Nejat' (salvation), 'Tamaddun' (civilis-
ation), ' Tahzeeb ' (morality), ' Mejliss ' (parliament),
< Iran-i-Nau ' (New Persia), and ' Sharq ' (East). Of
the politics of these newspapers it is difficult to speak
with accuracy, but it may safely be said that in regard
to home affairs they were all frankly critical of the
Government. Of foreign affairs they frequently took
a highly original view. The ' Mejliss,' for instance,
believed Persia to be a " parade-ground for the polit-
ical gallops " of Russia and England, and professed no
faith in the efficacy of foreign correspondents for the
transmission of Persian news to Europe " May God
open their eyes to the truth ! " The ' Iran-i-Nau ' had
some sensible articles on finance, but flippantly referred
to sound advice on this subject, that had appeared in
a 'Times' leader, as "belching." This paper also
published a letter advocating the establishment in
Persia of military schools taught by Germans, and the
appointment of German officers to instruct the Persian
army. The ' Sharq,' in an article on the " cureless
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 155
diseases" of Persia, came down very heavily on the
new Government, and deplored the fate of a country
that had escaped from the hands of a single despot
only to fall into the clutches of a number. It accused
those in authority of weakness, tyranny, and self-
interest, and more generally of sacrificing the public
weal to their own personal ends. In another vein was
an article in the * Sharq ' dealing with Russian dom-
ination, wherein it was stated that " Persians will make
a mountain of their corpses as a barrier against agres-
sion, so that posterity may know that torn and muti-
lated bodies are better than loss of independence and
honour." In quaint contrast to this followed a solemn
disquisition in the ' Mejliss ' on the economic conditions
prevailing in other countries and the importance of
industrial activity. This article concluded as follows :
" In our dear fatherland, thank God, out of the
endeavours of our clever leading men we have a
number of factories working, by the blessing of whose
existence our country is prosperous and our people
earning their living in comfort. As witness the
factories of beggars, bankrupts, opium-smokers, fools,
mischief-makers, charlatans, imitation constitution-
alists, &c., &c., all of which, working at high pressure,
keep their founders in affluence and cover their gracious
names with historical honour ! "
The Government, indeed, enjoyed no bed of roses, for
on all hands they were assailed by criticism, some just,
but a great deal utterly without justification. Perhaps
not very much notice was taken of the imputations
made against them, for it was recognised that a
Cabinet of archangels would not be exempt from cavil
in Persia. But it was curious that the denunciations
came from within, while European observers, who as
a whole were deeply sceptical of the ability of the
156 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Nationalists to effect improvement, were content to
withhold judgment and to make allowances. Depress-
ing features of the situation were the abundant evi-
dence of mutual distrust, and the indications that the
Cabinet then acting provisionally lacked the backbone
to stand up against popular but ignorant clamour.
As there was every prospect that the same Govern-
ment would continue in power after the meeting of
Parliament, the future was not regarded as particularly
promising.
The great day came on 14th November. Persia had
gone through fire and water since the opening of the
first Parliament more than three years before. Since
then Muzaffar-ed-Din Shah had gone to his fathers,
Mahomed Ali Shah had been dethroned, and the King
of Kings was now a small, chubby-faced boy who had
no voice in the affairs of State. Teheran had twice
listened in alarm to the thunder of cannon fired in
anger, and escaped but narrowly from the horrors of
war within her walls. Where Persia had been an ab-
solute monarchy she was now a constitutional country,
with a nominal head who could not for years exert even
the limited authority belonging to his station. The
Regent w T ho would act during the minority of the little
Shah was the servant of the Constitution ; in all the
high places there sat not a single exponent of reaction.
These are curious changes to have taken place in a
country so backward as Persia, geographically so far
removed from the influences of modern civilisation.
Is it that the East is stirring to its very extremities,
or is it that the changes are more in seeming than in
reality? It can hardly be said that the spirit of
progress has begun to animate all Persia, but that
it has galvanised sections of this sleepy self-satisfied
community into life is a fact there is no gainsaying.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 157
Time alone can show to what extent the Persian
leopard has changed his spots.
The opening of the new Mejliss marked the climax
of the series of events that had recently attracted
Western eyes to Persia. What the Nationalists strove
for had been accomplished, and it was meet that the
city should assume her gayest garb to celebrate the
great occasion. The large and gaudy-coloured square
where the artillery is housed was crossed and recrossed
by festoons of flags that fluttered in the faces of pass-
ing riders. Huge carpets, soft, rich, dusky-red fabrics,
some doubtless of priceless value, obscured the ugliness
of blank walls. From the front of the Imperial Bank
of Persia hung, side by side, suspended from monster
poles, two enormous standards the Union Jack
and the Lion and the Sun. The streets were filled
with as motley an array of soldiers as could well be
conceived. The Persian regular on State occasions
can be clothed to rival a bird of paradise, and the
passing of the Shah from the Palace to Parliament
was an opportunity not to be lost. Lanky Caucasians,
still " walking arsenals," save for the bombs that were
now left at home, were conspicuous ; crowds of shaggy
tribal horsemen, trim Persian Cossacks, brilliantly blue
white-corded gendarmes, lined the streets. The Persian
himself is sad in the matter of clothes, but his peculiar
complexion, not European and yet hardly Asiatic, his
sparkling dark eyes, and his quaint headgear have an
attraction all their own. Then there was the solemn
bearded mullah, often more sanctimonious than holy ;
the green-turbaned syed who trades on his descent,
authentic or reputed, from the Prophet ; and the
callow, long-necked theological student, who already
assumes the attitude of infallibility belonging to his
profession. And everywhere groups of hoodie-crows
158 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Persian women draped from head to foot in black
shapeless cloaks that conceal face and figure. They
chattered volubly among themselves in shrill unmusical
tones, and except for an occasional peep of a dainty
beaded slipper and the shy gaze of a cherub-faced
child, one would have found it hard to believe, what
the privileged know, that these forbidding garments
often cover uncommon beauty and charm.
Entrance to the Mejliss was effected between richly
decorated columns through a great gateway guarded
by armed men. Huge crowds surrounded the ap-
proaches, but inside were only rows of soldiers, who
continually presented arms to the greater ones privi-
leged by ticket to enter. Aged mullahs hardly able to
walk, gorgeous generals, most of them starred and
ribboned for no prowess but aptitude in intrigue,
merchants in brown abbas, humble in inverse ratio to
their reputed wealth, diplomatists in uniforms, some of
whom represented countries whose interests in Persia
it would be difficult to discover, European ladies in
hats and dresses from Paris, followed each other in
quick succession. Inside the building the available
space was allotted to princes, nobles, Ministers, officials,
deputies, leading residents, the Diplomatic Corps and
their ladies. The Throne, a simple chair, was set on
a dais with a crimson silk canopy overhanging it.
The Press had a small gallery all to itself, facing the
Throne, and commanding the whole of the large taste-
fully decorated hall whence was to emanate thereafter
the wisdom that shall restore to its former greatness
a country far advanced on the path of degeneration.
There were no chairs but the one allotted to the
Centre of the Universe. His small Majesty entered
with dignity, carrying a huge jewelled scimitar and
closely shepherded by the patriarchal Eegent. The
DIFFICULTIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 159
steps to the Throne seemed too high for the little legs,
and the poor boy, encumbered with uniform and sword,
laboured somewhat on the way up, despite the fatherly
hand of the Regent on his shoulder. Sultan Ahmed
pressed past his chair, regardless of the Regent, who
wished him to sit down. But the boy knew his busi-
ness better, and, before taking his seat, also uncom-
fortably high, stepped to the edge of the platform
and gravely saluted the foreign Ministers one by one.
These proceedings I was privileged to view with much
difficulty from the Press gallery. The handful of
editors and satellites that represent the newspapers
of Teheran might easily have shared the available
space with the few European correspondents, and
seen all that was to be seen with ease. But, true to
tradition, the distributors of tickets served their own
ends, with the result that our gallery was packed with
people who had no right to be there, and who almost
completely shut us off from the interesting scene below.
Fortunately a kindly eunuch of great height took com-
passion on me, and explained in a reedy but friendly
voice the things I could not see or understand. He
took an unholy joy in pointing out people whose
tongues were constitutional but whose hearts were
reactionary. He knew all the deceivers, and left me
in no doubt as to his own sympathies. Who shall
say that Persia is not on the move, when the very
parasites of the old order find their nutriment
distasteful !
The aged Regent having lost his voice, it devolved
on the Minister for War, who is also Prime Minister,
to read the Speech from the Throne. The Sipahdar,
in uniform, left the side of his colleague, Sirdar Assad,
the unassuming Bakhtiari chief who was clad in a
simple brown abba, and climbed the same steps that
160 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
had embarrassed Sultan Ahmed. Despite his great
position, it was evident that the Sipahdar felt himself
in the august presence of the Shah-in-Shah, and it
was with marked humility that he set his feet on
the same level to take the paper containing the
speech from the hand of the Regent. Having ob-
tained it he salaamed and backed a few steps down-
ward. Adjusting his spectacles with considerable
deliberation, he cleared his throat and opened the
paper ; but alack ! only to discover that something
was amiss. The Regent in fact had given him the
wrong paper, and the right one had to be searched
for in the capacious folds of Azud-ul-Mulk's garments,
from which paper after paper was drawn, till the
breathless onlookers began to fear the right one had
been left at home. At last, however, the valuable
document was found and a catastrophe averted. The
speech was short and unctuous, after the manner of
similar utterances in other countries. At one point
alone did the European listener prick up his ear in
anticipation, but only to relax attention at once, for
the allusion to the afflicting presence of foreign troops
in the country was merely used as an opportunity for
expressing confidence in the sincerity and integrity of
purpose of the great neighbour in the north. A little
respectful applause at the end of the reading and
the ceremonies were complete, and Persia embarked
anew on the deep waters of the future.
161
CHAPTER XL
THE FINANCIAL POSITION.
THREE weeks after its opening the Mejliss unanimously
approved the proposals of the Government the mem-
bers of which remained as before with regard to bor-
rowing abroad and the employment of Europeans in
connection with the reorganisation of the finances and
the army. The action of the Mejliss marked an import-
ant advance, and suggested that the new Parliament
was possessed of a sensible desire to face the realities
of the situation. A week later formal application was
made to the British and Russian Legations for a loan of
500,000, but the application was not accompanied by
any offer of security, nor was it suggested that any of
the conditions, which it was well understood the Powers
would attach to a loan, would be agreed to. In fact, it
almost appeared as if the Persians expected to get the
money against their simple acknowledgment, by cheque,
per return. It was, however, only the Oriental method
of offering infinitely less than you are prepared to give.
All the little world in Teheran knew that the Powers
wanted European executive officers in the Finance
Department, as security that their money would be not
only legitimately spent, but employed in a practical
manner for the benefit of the country. And Russia
162 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
was expected to be inexorable concerning the appoint-
ment of Russian instructors to the force of gendarmerie
to be organised in northern Persia. There were other
requirements of secondary importance, but the real
difficulty was one of principle in two respects. The
Persians were willing to engage foreigners in advisory,
but not in executive capacities ; while they were pre-
pared to employ military officers from the smaller
European countries, but were adamant on the subject
of Russians. Informal discussion of terms lasted for
two months, whereafter British and Russian Notes
were handed to the Persian Government in answer to
the application. The terms embodied therein were, it
is understood, acceptable to the Government, but were
not expected to be approved by the Mejliss, and in fact
the Cabinet threatened to resign shortly afterwards
because the Mejliss would not support its policy in this
and other respects. Early in April came a flutter in
the European Press on the subject of German financial
prospecting in Persia. It would appear that the
Persians became aware how difficult the position of
their country might become if they coquetted with an
outside party, and they very wisely repudiated all de-
sire to borrow from Germany, while Germans indig-
nantly denied the ridiculous suggestion that there ever
existed any idea of making a second Morocco of poor
Persia. Finally, on 9th April, the Persian Government
definitely refused the Anglo-Russian loan because there
was attached to it conditions extraneous to the ques-
tion of security and repayment. They were, in fact,
refusing assistance because they thought they might
get on without it. The Mint had been taken over
by the Government, and from it a good profit was
expected. There was vague talk of an internal loan,
while a European expert was engaged in valuation of
THE FINANCIAL POSITION. 163
the Crown Jewels, and it was reported that a large
sum could be realised by their sale.
Meanwhile what was the condition of the country ?
Quiet reigned in the north of Persia, trade flourished,
and taxation was coming in better than for a long time
past. Why ? Because Russia had plainly intimated
by the despatch of forces to Tabriz, to Kazvin, to
Ardebil, and by strong consular reinforcements to
Meshed, Astrabad, Resht, and Urumiah, that she
would not put up with disturbances that interfered
with her trade and menaced either the interests or
the lives of her numerous subjects settled in the
north of Persia. Moreover, certain of the troops so
despatched still remained as a warning to the wild
tribesmen that their depredations would not be
tolerated. By this state of affairs the Persian Govern-
ment directly profited, not only in being able to collect
taxation that otherwise could not have been obtained,
but in having order kept for them instead of having
to maintain it themselves at heavy expenditure. This
view of the situation is of course entirely overlooked by
Persians in general, though it cannot but be apparent
to independent observers who are aware of the effer-
vescent character of the tribes of northern Persia, and
of their readiness to take advantage of the absence of
authority. I do not think the best friends of the
Nationalists can claim that, in the absence of funds
sufficient for the organisation of a strong force, their
Government is capable of keeping order in the wild
regions of north-west Persia.
Turning to the south, what do we find ? Indescrib-
able chaos, government a farce, trade at a standstill
almost wherever one looks. Following chapters dealing
with my journey southward will make that abundantly
clear. Here there are no Russian forces, no standing
164 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
deterrent from lawlessness, for it is well understood
that British policy regards loss to British trade and
traders in consequence of insecurity as preferable to
active intervention. It is not the fault of the Persian
Government that anarchy reigns, except in the nega-
tive sense that it is the Government's duty to quell
disorder. Without the means the new Government
are incapable of remedying the consequences of former
misgovernment. If they had the means probably
they could effect material improvement. The situa-
tion, therefore, resolves itself into this, that the Persian
Government, having their house kept in order for them
in the north by an outsider, and having no pressure
put upon them to rectify matters in the south, can
afford to dispense with assistance, regardless of the
fact that they are neglecting their responsibility as
the rulers of the country. The south of Persia is so
far away from Teheran that turmoil may exist there
without in the least disturbing the peace of the capital.
Supreme in Teheran, and in the few Nationalist centres
in the north, they care not if the devil take the rest !
That is, in effect, the position taken up by the Govern-
ment ; for in declining the help of the Powers they con-
sciously leave the south to take care of itself, because
for the moment the situation does not press upon them.
In view of the probability, however, that British
patience will not endure for ever, and that there is
a limit to the commercial losses we are prepared to
suffer before intervening, it is evident that the
question of a loan must again come to the fore,
particularly as the latest news from Persia (August
1910) indicates that a new Cabinet is prepared to
reopen the question. In these circumstances it is
interesting to examine Persian resources. Without
accurate knowledge of the value of the Crown Jewels,
THE FINANCIAL POSITION. 1C5
and considering the probability that public opinion
may disapprove of parting with national property,
much of it of historic value, I do not take this asset
into account, though it may turn out that a loan
upon this security can be arranged, or even their sale
effected for a large sum. An internal loan is not likely
to be a success, if the experience of the past counts for
anything. Four years ago the attempt to establish a
National Bank which would supply the Government
with funds sufficient to obviate the necessity for
foreign assistance ended in a fiasco. Many people
subscribed, but few paid cash. A public grievance is
the absence of accounts showing how the money col-
lected was expended. Though the proposed capital
amounted to several millions sterling, the actual sum
subscribed was less than 50,000, of which the bulk
was paid under pressure of various kinds. Anyhow,
the whole of the money has disappeared, and there
remain many people who demand the return of their
subscriptions, and many others who want to see the
accounts. Frankly, the truth is that the Persians do
not trust each other, and their experience in regard
to the National Bank merely suggests that their dis-
trust is reasonable. This lack of mutual confidence
is, of course, one of the great weaknesses of the situa-
tion. Were the Persians prepared to put their hands
into their own pockets there would be much more hope
for them.
The total debt of the country is in reality very small
when considered in relation to the population and to
the revenues which might easily be obtained by the
introduction of a sound system of administration.
As things are for the moment, however, the country
is bankrupt, and there are very few sources of revenue
that would constitute security for a loan from the
166 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
European financier's point of view. When, therefore,
there arises any question of a joint British and Russian
loan, the terms necessarily include certain reforms for
the carrying out of which there is no surety without
the employment of European executive officers. In
other words, a preliminary to financial assistance is
the institution of some degree of financial control.
Roughly, the foreign liabilities of the Persian
Government are as follows :
^editor. Amount.
Russian Government . 3,300,000 5 per cent.
British Government . 320,000 5
Russian Bank . . 1,160,000 6 to 18
British Bank . 690,000 12
Total 5,470,000
To this sum must be added large claims by the
British, Russian, and French Governments for losses
sustained to property, goods supplied, &c., aggregat-
ing perhaps another 300,000.
For purposes of security the resources of Persia are
practically confined to the Customs revenue. This,
in recent years, has amounted to an average net
total of 520,000, with a maximum of 600,000 in
1907-8. First charges on this source of income are
the interest on and amortisation of the loans of the
Russian and British Governments, amounting to
215,000. Next come the private advances by the
Russian and British banks, at present only partially
guaranteed by the revenues of the Customs, which
though much less in aggregate than the Government
loans, actually require a greater sum for their annual
service owing to the higher rate of interest. The
Russian Bank debt includes the late Shah's private
THE FINANCIAL POSITION. 167
liabilities transferred to the Government at an annual
charge of 6 per cent. The remainder consists of
original advances at rates varying between 12 per
cent and 18 per cent, and is largely composed of
arrears of interest. Unpaid interest also bulks largely
in the sum due to the British Bank. Given an
average rate of 12 per cent, the annual interest
payable on the total of 1,850,000 due to the banks
amounts to 222,000. Finally, there are the annual
expenses of the Cossack Brigade, 78,000 ; pay and
pensions of European employees, 24,000 ; and sundry
expenses (chiefly connected with the Customs adminis-
tration), 40,000, all of which, though not actually
secured upon, have become by usage chargeable to
the Customs revenue. The ex - Shah's pension will,
henceforth, also be met from the same source. The
total charges are therefore as follows :
Interest and amortisation on Russian and
British loans 215,000
Interest on debts to Russian and British
Banks 222,000
Cossack Brigade upkeep .... 78,000
European employees 24,000
Sundry payments 40,000
Ex-Shah's pension 20,000
Total . . 599,000
This sum is considerably in excess of the net average
Customs receipts. Given consolidation of the debts
to the banks, and their conversion into a State loan
bearing interest at 6 per cent, the saving thereby
effected would do little more than balance the account.
For all practical purposes, therefore, the Customs
revenue is already completely mortgaged.
There remain various sources of income, of which
168 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the principal is the maliat, or land revenue, reputed
to produce in normal times 1,000,000 per annum.
Profits from the Mint are worth about 50,000 a
year, and telegraphs, passports, Caspian fisheries, and
mines give perhaps another 100,000. But out of
these sums have to be provided Civil List, upkeep
of army, public works, pay of Government depart-
ments, an enormous number of pensions, and, in fact,
all the oil that keeps the creaky machine of Persian
administration from stopping altogether. How much
of the maliat has reached Teheran during the last
two years no man can say. One thing certain is that
the normal amount is tremendously diminished, and
that no considerable sum will be available until
order is restored throughout the country, and until
the provinces are impressed by the fact that Con-
stitutional government in no way abolishes the obli-
gation to pay taxes to the State. As security for
a European loan the ordinary revenues of Persia may
therefore be regarded as worthless in the present
condition of the Administration.
But a totally different complexion would be put
upon the situation were European efficiency imported
into the conduct of affairs, as has been done in the
case of the Customs Department through the agency
of Belgian officials. Mint, posts, telegraphs, and
passports together might easily be made to show a
stable revenue, aggregating perhaps 200,000 per
annum. The question of the maliat is a much
bigger one, for a radical change of system, which
would be bitterly opposed by a corrupt and ignorant
bureaucracy, is essential before there can be any
security that the money collected throughout the
country shall reach the central Treasury. Moreover,
it is commonly believed that an equitable land settle-
THE FINANCIAL POSITION. 169
ment would result in the doubling of the revenue
usually collected, the fact being that provincial
authorities already impose taxes and imposts far in
excess of the figures recognised by the Government.
Bribery, too, is responsible for great areas of cul-
tivated land escaping taxation altogether. There
are, besides, various other minor taxes and revenues
which with attention might easily be expanded into
valuable assets.
Summarised, the Persian financial position is as
follows : Foreign indebtedness 6,000,000, plus in-
ternal loans and arrears generally supposed not to
exceed 1,000,000. On the other side of the account
stand Customs revenue, maliat and sundry sources
of income worth a total of 1,750,000, and supposed
to be capable of expansion to 3,000,000. State
expenditure for the future is greatly reduced by the
presence of a minor on the Throne, and there should
be a substantial reduction in military charges when
a small but efficient gendarmerie is substituted for
the present large, but worthless, regular army.
There is practically no expenditure on public works,
while the inordinate list of pensions which encumber
the Budget can be materially reduced. Altogether,
Persia may very well be regarded as less burdened
financially than any other big country in the world.
Granted an advance sufficient for the conversion of
the loans bearing high interest, present alienable in-
come is sufficient to meet all foreign obligations. A
comparatively small sum would then suffice for the
reorganisation of the Administration, while the im-
provement effected would result in the provision of
ample funds to meet the interest thereon.
As things are, however, the Persians are opposed
to incurring further foreign indebtedness, not because
170 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
they are averse to handling foreign money, but because
they are too jealous of foreign interference to accept the
financial supervision which the Powers have hitherto
regarded as an indispensable corollary to the grant-
ing of a loan. The question of advancing money to
the Persian Government without any conditions at
all has frequently been discussed, and it would cer-
tainly seem that the British Government, to be
consistent in its professed faith in the Nationalist
capacity to remedy the evils from which the country
has long suffered, might well entertain such a plan.
The Russians, however, have always been averse to
this course, while individual British views have been
that the Persians would surely hang themselves
with the money, and demonstrate so unmistakably
to the world their administrative incapacity that
the intervention which both Powers wish to avoid
would become inevitable. It has been felt that
careful nursing alone can make a Constitutional
Government effective, and that the independence of
action conferred by an unrestricted loan would lead
to disaster. An interesting view in this connection
has been brought to my notice by a person with an
unrivalled knowledge of Persian affairs and character.
I asked him why no loan had been arranged against
the Crown Jewels, and he replied that civil war would
be the consequence of any Government in Persia ob-
taining unrestrained possession of a considerable sum
of money, either by the pledging of the Jewels or
in the shape of a foreign loan. He added that all
sensible Persians regarded it as the saving of the
situation that the Nationalists had hitherto been
short of funds, and that the policy of the Powers in
requiring control of money lent was entirely approved.
This instructive commentary on the position suggests
THE FINANCIAL POSITION. 171
one important reason for the unaccountable delay in
arranging a loan when money, admittedly, is urgently
required. There are at present in Teheran the agents
of no less than three distinct groups desirous of lend-
ing money on a large scale to the Persian Government.
None, so far, have been successful, and it may be that
the conditions imposed, or the security demanded, are
not the only difficulties in the way, but that the deep-
seated mistrust of all Nationalists for each other results
in the impotence of the few in power to overcome the
veiled opposition of the remainder.
Note. The various advances of the Imperial Bank of
Persia to the Persian Government have recently been
consolidated into a single loan, bearing interest at the
reduced rate of 7 per cent, and secured upon the
Customs Revenue of the ports in the Persian Gulf,
an arrangement by which Persia makes an annual
saving of 35,000.
172
CHAPTEE XII.
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS.
To the European eye Teheran is disappointing. One
expects much from the principal city of the Centre of
the Universe, and one finds little. The bazaars are
poor compared with those of Cairo or Constantinople,
while the palaces are a melancholy mixture of what is
delightfully Persian and abominably European. The
colour of the town is drab, for its walls are of simple
mud, while most of its houses are built of the same
uninviting substance, sun - baked into bricks. The
better dwellings are of burnt brick cooked, according
to a Persian friend of mine and are not infrequently
stuccoed over to resemble a sculpture gallery, and
painted white, or pale green, or red pink, or a blue so
blue as to keep a whole street shuddering. The chief
glory of a nobleman's house is a great room in which
the ceiling is hidden by massive chandeliers composed
of millions of flashing prisms. Its owner loves to have
placed, wherever there is standing room, gorgeous
clocks, shining gilt ornaments, flamboyant vases, and
anything that adds to the confusion of glaring colours.
Above all, he comes to grief in the matter of upholstery.
Where in the world he finds such gaudy combinations
of brocade and velvet is beyond one's power to guess ;
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS. 173
but as Europe is responsible one can only say that
these productions are a disgrace to civilisation. Then,
perhaps, in the midst of so much dazzling unsightliness,
there may be found underfoot, lying modestly in a
corner, some gem of Oriental art, a dark-red or maroon
rug with velvety surface whose warm harmonious
colours suggest all the mystery and enchantment of
the East. In the simpler houses there will be found
in each room, besides a lesser attempt to caricature
the rainbow, a delightful arrangement of square or
arched niches (tochche, in Persian), rows of doors that
are planned to look out upon the flowers and trees of
a Persian garden, possibly a copy of the Koran within
whose beautifully decorated boards are discovered the
exquisite writing and delightful illuminations that in
every page indicate infinite and loving care on the part
of some bygone artist. Here, indeed, as elsewhere in
the East, one is confronted with painful evidence that
the Oriental sense of art completely ceases to operate
when in contact with the things of the West.
Here and there stands a mosque surmounted by an
egg-shaped dome flanked by the inevitable minarets.
The dome is sometimes faced with tiles of brilliant
turquoise-blue, sometimes with an exquisite mosaic of
all the colours under the sun ; while in the holy places
it is covered with a casing of beaten gold that gathers
up the sunlight and from a distance gives the dome the
appearance of a glittering star. Unfortunately there is
no variation from the form of the gateway, or dome, or
minarets, and the eye tires of seeing the typical mosque
throughout the length and breadth of Persia, frequently
though one is charmed anew by the wealth of detail
and the richness of colouring which contrast it with the
never-ending mud of adjacent buildings. The streets
of Teheran are generally as unpicturesque as they
174 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
could be, either a bad imitation of Europe or a dirty
unkempt example of Oriental slovenliness. Still there
are exceptions, for occasionally one finds a broad road
flanked by tall trees, approached perhaps by a massive
gateway that affords a vista of green, under the shade
of which idlers drink their tea and puff their kalians.
A feature of the streets is the women who wash
clothes. This homely operation may be performed in
private, but it seems to be the pleasure of the Persian
housewife to wash her dirty linen in public. Many
streets boast a little canal of running water, either
bubbling along in the open at the feet of a row of
trees, or coursing secretly underground in a channel
that has occasional openings to the daylight. At
every one of such is to be found a crouching woman,
busy with the double task of rinsing swabs of cloth and
keeping her face hidden from the gaze of passers-by.
Where the water is open there will be half a dozen
shapeless squatting figures of which one can see but
the bare brown arms punching and twisting and
waving. And so the water flows onwards, laden with
soap and dirt, to be used by many others below to
clean pots, to cool the legs of horses, to wash the sores
of beggars, to be lapped by pariah dogs, to be drunk
of with satisfaction by thirsty humankind. Oh ! for
the frame of mind that questions not the gifts of
Heaven.
In the north of the town these runnels are pure
and bright, and the water tumbles quietly over clean
gravel, or lies in limpid pools that magnify every pebble
at the bottom. And wherever the water runs there
are trees giving grateful shade. It is here that the
Persian is tempted to rest from the glaring sun.
Down he squats on his heels and begins to gaze
with far-off eyes into the rippling current. At such
A Persian Anderun, or Harem.
Persian Women -washing.
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS. 175
moments he seems without thought or consciousness ;
his mind, unloosed, wanders in the infinite, searching
out the Giver of all things that it may bow down in
gratitude. Never a dog in the sun, nor a cat in the
warmth of a blazing fire, knows greater content than
our simple subject of the Shah when he sucks in at
every pore the comfort of a shadow and the soul-
pleasing melody of running water.
The Gun Square is one of the principal centres of
life in the city. Along two sides of it are housed the
Shah's artillery, in gaudy buildings, thickly ornamented
by the golden sign of the Lion and Sun. At the
western end is a platform covered with ancient guns,
one a curious old weapon with a metal barrel twelve
inches in diameter and pierced with seven bores. The
architect of this wondrous engine of war must have
thought to economise material when he resorted to the
ancient recipe for the construction of cannon to take
a hollow and put iron round it ; for he has endeavoured
to make one lot of iron do for several hollows, with
what success in practice none can tell. In the centre
of the Square is a garden, at the corners of which stand
ponderous old cannon that have long ago broken their
carriages, and now drunkenly point their muzzles to
the skies or rub them in the ground. The eastern
side of the Square is filled by the Bank, that place of
tremulous memory for me. In front of it is a spacious
puddle known as the Lake of the Bank-in-Shahi. In
winter the lake is a considerable pool, in summer a
depression. The Bank has offered to fill up the depres-
sion at its own expense, but the Government declines
the proposal on the ground that it might give the Bank
occasion for territorial acquisition. The Government
itself will not do the filling up, partly because of the
expense, and partly because of the philosophic conviction
176 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
that it is good for people rich enough to have business
at a bank to encounter some risk in getting there.
And writing of the Gun Square brings me to
Teheran's chief glory the magnificent range of
mountains that look down upon the city from the
north. A photograph shows them but poorly, but
sufficiently perhaps to indicate the grandeur of the
picture they present, towering in massive white- topped
beauty over the colourless plain at their feet. They
stretch as far to the east and to the west as the eye
can reach, great shimmering piles of snow resting on
a base of purple foothills. The highest point measures
over 12,000 feet above the sea, and is distant about
twenty miles from the city, though in the translucent
atmosphere of Persia it looks so near that a hard-
thrown stone might almost pitch on the very top.
Fifty miles to the east rises to 19,000 feet the perfect
cone of Demavend, Persia's highest mountain, and
without rival in the world for grace or beauty. All
this loveliness is a perpetual gift from Heaven to the
dweller in Teheran ; yet in all the town there is scarce
a house so built that its windows look forth on this
perfect picture of Nature's providing. One were
almost tempted to think of the pearls that are cast
before swine, were it not that the Persian really loves
his mountains, and would gladly look at them from
his own housetop if the opportunity to gaze could be
obtained without the risk of seeing into his neighbour's
harem. " Eyes in the boat " is one of the few public
obligations recognised by the Persian, and his devotion
to it costs him dear to the end of his days.
A Persian garden is always a thing of joy, more
perhaps by force of contrast with the brazen barren-
ness outside than because of its intrinsic beauty.
There is always water the great lack in Persia
The Elburz Mountains from the City Walls.
A Persian Garden.
The Mountains seen from the Gun Square.
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS. 177
running in canals, lying still in great ponds, or
bubbling from fountains into blue - tiled tanks.
Summer-houses overlook the water, and masses of
trees cast their shadows over all. Between the trees
the undergrowth is allowed to run wild, while the open
places are barred with banks of flowers. Here the
Persian spreads his carpet and sits down to tea, and
late in the evening to the wine of Shiraz, which he
drinks for its effect on his senses, and not as a pleasant
liquid to quench his thirst. " I no drinkee for drinkee,"
says John Chinaman ; "I drinkee for drunkee "
thereby stating the case for all Asia.
The Persian is, above all, a merry fellow, charming
to meet, and delightful as a host. He loves the good
things of this world, and is as extravagant in his tastes
as an American heiress. His devotion to Islam does
not prevent indulgence in the minor vices, and he
adores every kind of humour that is not directed
against himself. Wit also is his in no small degree,
and it would indeed be> difficult to imagine a being
more different from the grave and solemn individual
that one is wont to associate with the Orient. Never-
theless he is Oriental to the backbone when one comes
to do business with him, and a straightforward answer
or a plain statement is to him as difficult of achieve-
ment as the truth to a born liar. His subtil ty of mind
gives him a consciousness of superiority over the
matter-of-fact European; he can see much further
round a subject than the simple foreigner, gives him-
self great airs in consequence, and then tumbles head-
long over a practical matter. His perception of the
inessential is stupendous, his grasp of the essential
pathetic. A typical Persian stood by his master the
Shah during a great review of troops in France.
One hundred thousand soldiers in solid phalanxes
M
178 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
were paraded before them, the flower of the French
army, horse, foot, and artillery. " Give me a thousand
of my cavalry," said Amir Bahadur Jang to the Shah,
" and I will ride through them from end to end."
The truth is that a single squadron of French cavalry
could ride through the whole of the Persian army,
as anybody who has seen both armies knows. Yet
the gallant Persian who had attained the position of
Commander - in - Chief of the Shah's army, without
ever seeing a fight, or knowing the rudiments of
warfare, in the warmth of the moment probably be-
lieved what he said, while perhaps the Shah believed
it too out of pure enthusiasm. It must be admitted,
however, that if Bahadur Jang had been vouchsafed
the opportunity to pit his thousand Persians against
the French legions he would have perceived their in-
adequacy ; his common - sense would have prevailed
over his valour. The Persian, in fact, is too much
given to floating in the air. When brought to earth
by realities he is practical and clever enough. The
trouble is to bring him to earth.
There are more politics to the square yard in
Teheran than anywhere else in the whole world. It
is a new fashion with the Persian, and he takes to
it with joy. It is no inconsiderable fraction of the
battle that so goodly a proportion of the inhabitants
are capable of entertaining an interest in things that
do not primarily concern them. It seems proof that
nationalism of a kind, at least, is implanted in the
Persian breast. If representative government were all
the ignorant Oriental paints it, one might believe there
was hope that in the comparatively near future the
political retrogression from which this country has
been suffering for many long years would cease, and
give place to the promise of better things for the
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS. 179
future. Unfortunately for Persia, the Persians do not
grasp the fact that it is the character of European
peoples, and not their institutions, that has been
their salvation. Out of the character of our people
has grown the British Constitution that we know, and
other foreign nations in varying degrees have adopted
our system of government, not because they have real-
ised its superiority and copied it, but because the
development of their national characteristics has fol-
lowed the same lines as our own and forced upon them
what has been forced upon us. Environment in the
West has developed individualism, which in its turn
has demanded political recognition.
The consequence has been the gradual importation
into our system of government of representative
institutions which give scope to the mental activity
of the individual. In Persia, however, environment
has been, and remains for the present, inimical to
the growth of individualism. In other words, the
frame of mind, the national characteristics in fact,
of the Persian do not seem to constitute soil suitable
for the development of representative institutions.
Parliamentary government may be established, may
even do its work in Persia, but until there is some
remarkable modification in the character and tem-
perament of the Persian, it is very much to be doubted
whether it will ever be seen at its best, or do for Persia
what it appears to have done for certain of the coun-
tries of Europe. It is a truism that reform must come
from within. There is a demand for reform in Persia,
but is the demand to be satisfied by the adoption of
a particular system, successful elsewhere because con-
genial to the character of the people who invented it ?
One would have more faith in Persian aspirations if
the Persian had evolved a method of his own more
180 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
in consonance with the disposition of his fellow-coun-
trymen. Icy-cold water may be good for a Polar bear,
but it kills the Bengal tiger. For Persia to copy
western institutions and think to regain thereby her
lost position seems over-sanguine. The Persian will
tell you how Japan adopted western institutions and
forthwith was able to hunt the Russians out of her
preserves. But Japanese achievements are no more
due to her foreign importations than to the man in
the moon. It is Japanese character, the growth of
centuries, that enabled Japan to face the problem of
reorganisation, to conquer it, and to emerge equipped
with the weapons of the West, but armed in reality
with the capacity for self-abnegation, the sense of
discipline, the devotion to ideals that have belonged
to her people for ages. Were the Persian to acquire
characteristics similar to those of the Japanese, all
things would be possible for him. While he remains
Persian most things will be difficult for him, if what
the Persians say about one another is true.
It is one of the most instructive features of the
existing situation, that with their hearts presumably
full of desire to sweep away abuses, to abolish tyranny,
to establish decent government, there are few Persians
who trust their neighbour. Each seems to possess the
conviction with regard to his fellow -reformer that the
grinding of an axe is always in view, and that he
would readily lapse into the methods of reaction if not
carefully watched. Such is the opinion which many
Persians will freely express to the European with
whom they are intimate. To the foreigner it seems
an overwhelming evidence of weakness ; but the Per-
sian himself, again, frankly declares that what is
required is a system by which corruptibility shall be
rendered nearly impossible, the creation of a public
TEHERAN AND ITS INHABITANTS. 181
opinion which shall act as an incentive to public recti-
tude. Wherein seems very good sense, particularly
when one reflects that a good deal of our own com-
parative immunity from public dishonesty is due to
the certainty of detection, and the total loss of worldly
position, in case of deviation from the paths of right-
eousness. Hitherto public office in Persia has merely
been a mine of wealth to the unscrupulous, who in-
curred no odium by acquiring riches at the expense of
the community. It will be difficult for the Persian to
rid himself of the instinct that place and power are
only divine opportunities for the acquisition of plunder.
Banded together, those in power will be hard to
defeat by those out of power, who are themselves
hungry for the loaves and fishes of office. But the
European parliamentary system seems to the Persian
the one remedy against the danger of individuals
acquiring the upper hand to the exclusion of other
individuals. There will be opportunity for attack, for
defeat, for readjustment of the administrative machine
a chance, in fact, for all, where hitherto there has
been room only for the favoured few. Whether Persia
will fare better in the hands of the many than in those
of a single sensible autocrat, who from self-interest
keeps a sharp look-out upon the condition of his pro-
perty, remains to be seen.
The spirit of altruism and self-sacrifice that is so
bound up with the progress of a western State is
lacking as yet in Persia. Until the Persian loves his
neighbour as himself his profit in democratic institu-
tions must be small. A decent system of government
will undeniably do something towards saving the
country from the engulfment which has long threat-
ened it from north and south ; yet one finds but few
indications of the contrite hearts and humble, spirits
182 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
that must precede national regeneration. That, how-
ever, is a big word to connect with the present state of
transition in which Persia finds herself. The aim of
her patriots is, for the moment, no more than to evolve
order out of chaos, to avoid such a situation as will
entail upon England and Russia the necessity of assum-
ing jointly, or separately, in their respective spheres,
the administration of the country.
183
CHAPTER XIII.
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN.
THE climax of the situation which brought me to
Persia having passed, there remained no occasion for
my continued presence in Teheran ; and it was with
thankfulness mingled with regret that I handed the
Nationalists over to the tender mercies of a young
colleague, in the hope that his less sophisticated eyes
might perceive in their doings more promise for the
future.
There were various ways out of Persia, but few
available to the traveller. There was the Caspian
route, much worn, and already traversed by the writer
three years ago. The same applied to the Askabad-
Meshed road, only I had entered Persia that way,
whereas now I proposed In sti 'Allah to leave it.
There remained three well-known exits, via Kerman-
shah to Baghdad, through Shiraz to Bushire, and by
Isfahan and Bakhtiari-land to Ahwaz and the Gulf.
To make a choice in these days was hard. The Kurd-
ish tribes between Hamadan and Kermanshah were at
war with each other : sixteen brigands were known to
be murdering and plundering on the road, and all
caravaning was at a standstill. It was surely folly to
tempt the Kurds. As for the Shiraz road, it was
184 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
bestrode north and south by bands of ferocious rascals
whose delight was to strip the traveller to the buff,
and to send him tobogganing down the side of snow-
covered mountains on a lump of ice. One lot had just
attacked a Russian Consular party bound for Bushire,
killed one Cossack, wounded two more, killed five of
their horses, besides slaughtering about twenty in-
offensive Persians. That was no route for a Christian.
As for the Bakhtiari road, inquiries by telegraph from
Isfahan and Ahwaz resulted in the discouraging replies,
"too late in the season," and "journey not recom-
mended ; heavy snow reported." Robbery and murder
on the one hand, and the prospect of transmutation
into an icicle on the other ! It was a Spartan choice,
and when the moment to decide came I was nearer
" cold feet " than at any other time throughout a long
and fearful life. But covenanting blood prevailed, and
I turned my back on the easy way homeward, by
carriage, steamer, and train. Choosing the risk of
being frozen, I packed my kit, said good-bye to the
good and never-to-be-forgotten friends I had made in
Teheran, ^nd departed from the city in the early
morning.
Or rather I planned to depart in the early morning,
and only say that I did that my spirit may not be
vexed by the memory of what happened. The import-
ance of really getting through portions of the Bakhtiari
country before the passes were finally closed for the
winter had forced upon me the necessity of driving the
300 miles to Isfahan, instead of caravaning as I should
have preferred, for by so doing a precious week could
be saved. Hence it was my ill-luck to have to depend
upon a carriage for the opening stage of my journey.
I had booked a large and comfortable-looking landau
to be at my door at eight in the morning. This
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 185
vehicle was in the hands of the coach-repairer when I
inspected it, and he assured me that though many of
the essential parts were tied together by rope this
form of joining was really more appropriate to Per-
sian roads than the glueing, soldering, and welding
favoured by Europeans. He promised me a safe
journey, and took up the respectful, prognostic-of-good
attitude one associates with the expectation of an
in' am. (Persian, present ; Anglice, tip. ) I ignored the
attitude, but interjected In sti Allah to his prophecy.
I hinted that if the carriage conveyed me safely to
Isfahan I might transmit an in'am, as this happy end-
ing would be entirely due to his effective tying of the
ropes. It was his turn to say In sh' Allah, and he said
it with unction, but, I thought, with some hopeless-
ness. For which I had little wonder, as in Persia a
carriage wouldn't be a carriage at all but for its
accidents ; without them it would be a miracle.
Next morning at eight the road outside my gate was
a blank, and continued so until ten, when I despatched
a minion in haste to summon the missing vehicle. The
road now looked busier, and became more busy when
somebody else's servant, seeing mine passing, came out
to say salaam aleikum, and about ten thousand other
things, for the saying of and listening to which they
both sank to their heels, in other countries they sit
down with a click, but in Persia they do it with the
stateliness of a camel. This stirring sight I witnessed
from a distance. Then I sent a second hireling to bid
the first remember the fate of Lot's wife. And so the
twain in the road became three, and the prospect was
more busy than ever. But it was evident that my
message had struck home, for number one showed
signs of animation and gradually rose to his feet,
elsewhere they come up with a jerk, but in Persia they
186 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
arise with the graceful deliberation of centenarians.
And so the carriage carne, three hours after the
appointed time.
Now this carriage for which, with relays of horses
to Isfahan, I had paid over 20, was supposed to carry
four passengers, each with 40 Ib. of baggage, excess
thereafter costing about 5s. per 10 Ib. As I had only
my servant with me, I argued, mentally, that we could
take 160 Ib. of luggage, plus the equivalent in weight
of two people, without extra charge a total of over
400 Ib. As we had less than 300 Ib. I never doubted
that there would be any question of additional payment.
But I reckoned without the clerk who accompanied the
carriage. He said that as two passengers were to use
the carriage the free baggage was only 80 Ib., and
that on everything beyond we must pay. At this
rate I would have to disburse another 5, and that
I had no intention of doing. I pointed out that the
carriage ticket permitted me to take four people and
160 Ib. of baggage, and that I was bringing far less;
why then should I pay ? Obviously an in am was
required, and I instructed my domestic to produce a
toman (4s.) But the maker of difficulty pointed out
the discrepancy between the one toman offered and
the twenty-five I would have to pay at the office. He
intimated that ten tomans for himself might square
the business. I retorted that all his defunct relations
were burning, and ordered the coachman to proceed.
The coachman, however, was torn between the desire
to earn my favour and the fear of incurring his
master's displeasure. He moved on at a very slow
trot down the street which ^d both to the carriage
office and to the Isfahan gate. Following us came the
clerk yelling instructions to the driver to stop at the
office or accept instant dismissal. My servant on the
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 187
box kept prompting the driver to take no notice,
pointing out that a fat bakshish from me was far more
important than the ravings of the underling behind.
At this moment we met a European friend, and I
stopped the carriage to say another farewell. He
happened to be chief of the Post Office, and the
giver of the southern postal contract to the owner of
the carriages. The troublesome man behind salaamed
with deep respect, there were a few sharp words of
disapproval, a visiting-card was handed over with the
dictum, " any complaints to be referred to ME," and my
troubles were at an end. We sailed away at the rate
of five miles an hour, only half a day late. But that
is a flea-bite in a country already nearly a thousand
years behind time.
The golden dome of the mosque at Shah Abdul Azim
passed, and we were really clear of the city. It lay
behind us, a mere smudge on the great plain stretching
southward from the feet of the snowy Elburz. The
mountains were exquisite to look at in the afternoon
sun, Demavend a thing perfectly poised on its purple
plateau. It was all very beautiful, but very cold.
There was for me more human interest in the dark
mark below, that was all that could be seen of the
Shah's capital. The hardiest wanderer cannot spend a
year in one place without sending forth roots that drag
heavily when wrenched from the soil that has nourished
them. The prospect of the well-beloved road, long de-
serted, was unholily joyful ; yet overcast by the thought
of the friendly souls, the goodly occasions, the many
pleasant realities of the days just gone, that henceforth
were to be but floating dreams. The changing scenes
of incessant travel are quickly forgotten, or remem-
bered at most with a comfortable thought unspoiled by
sentiment. But for me hereafter Teheran is a special
188 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
memory, not to be conjured without the sighing of
a sigh, and perhaps the shedding of a tear.
The road we travelled was the subject of a concession
to a foreign company, whose interests are managed
by the well-known firm of Lynch Brothers. Their
Teheran agent had done me the politeness of giving me
a letter authorising use of the company's rest-houses,
and of otherwise facilitating my journey. His recom-
mendations proved very useful at the post-stations,
and were ill-requited by the mendacity of my menial,
who declared me a high official in the road company,
and greatly superior in rank to the Teheran agent.
Later on he announced me as a Consul, the highest
dignity attainable to a foreigner in Persia, and gener-
ally bruited my importance to idlers at large. I got
perhaps a trifle more respect in consequence, but suf-
fered the drawback of having to pay at a higher rate
for all forms of service. The man who called the boy
who deviled for the driver of each relay of horses
expected something, as well as the boy, his relations,
and the beggars who lived on the family crumbs. The
driver, of course, received a regular m'am, minimum a
shilling, maximum indefinite the capacity to accept
presents has no limit among coachmen all the world
over. Every fifteen miles or so we changed horses.
It was usually a weary business, for the whole hier-
archy of individuals connected with each relay had
to be waked one by one. Then the horses had to
be aroused from dreams of idleness, fed, watered, har-
nessed, brought forth, stuck on, cursed, and finally
whipped before we got under way. An hour is quick
time, twelve hours is quite ordinary, for sometimes
there are no horses, and sometimes dynamite would
not make them stir, utterly exhausted as they often
are from overwork. At the end of stage two, one
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 189
poor brute which had been flogged all the way, and
had been pushed along by the swinglebar throughout
most of the distance, actually fell down dead when
released from the carriage. How long he had been
dead I cannot say, but I think he was alive when
originally harnessed. Levity seems wicked in con-
nection with cruelty to animals, but, in Persia, if one
took such things seriously, one would be for ever
steeped in anguish. One cannot help the situation
without changing the disposition of all Asia. If there
is a Providence above, He must have meant it so, hard
though it be to understand.
Our first important town was Kum, famous as a
place of political protestation. Its celebrated mosque
is sanctuary from the wrath even of the Shah, and
you may steal your neighbour's chickens or wives, or
cut his throat, and yet be safe from pursuit in Kum.
Bast is a peculiarly Persian institution, and supplies a
regular public want. It is a pity some of our wealthy
philanthropists at home do not establish free gold
and silver mines here, so that the spot might be more
complete as a paradise for evil-doers. Into the mosque
no European is allowed ; iron chains bar all the ap-
proaches, besides local prejudices, which are reported
capable of attaining the last stages of frenzy at the
thought of a giaour intruding where only the faithful
may enter. It is curious that the Persians, notori-
ously the most irreligious people in Asia, should be
so fanatical on this point. Educated Persians, of
course, smile at the idea, but declare the popular
feeling strong. Only quite a few years ago residence
in Kum was highly uncomfortable for a European,
and the one telegraph clerk resident there used to
have a very close time. Even now children shout
derisively after the foreigner, though the inhabitants
190 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
generally content themselves with looking upon him
with contempt. An interesting symptom of the times
is that Sirdar Assad offered, when at Kum, to take
the British telegraph clerk into the mosque, with the
object of breaking down the unreasoning prejudice on
the subject. The Bakhtiaris, however, are particularly
casual in the matter of their beliefs ; they were, more-
over, at that moment a marching army, so that while
their chief might do what he pleased the foreign resi-
dent had to remain there alone afterwards, and very
wisely declined the compliment. So the tomb of the
Imam is still without its Cook or its Peary.
At Kum we heard that the previous day's post-
waggon had been stopped by brigands and robbed of
all the money. The culprits were known to be Shah-
sevens, a branch of the gentry who had recently
invaded the city of Ardebil in the north, and been
responsible for the bringing of a large Russian expedi-
tion into the country. No steps were being taken to
punish the thieves, because there were no troops in
the town. Besides, to search for them in the maze
of mountains to the south would be hopeless. It was
clearly the will of God that the post had been robbed.
Public opinion had not crystallised in regard to the
prospects of subsequent travellers at the hands of the
brigands. The road was probably safe now, but who
could tell ? Perhaps they would not touch a Feringhi
in any case. On the other hand, English travellers
were safe prey, as the British Government only wept
when they were attacked and robbed. It did little,
which showed what a good and kind Government it
was in comparison with the Russian. Wherefore I
could have wished myself a subject of the Tsar while
passing the dangerous neighbourhood. As we drove
down the road upon which yesterday's outrage had
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 191
taken place, we were shown the ruined building behind
which the wicked robbers had taken the post-waggon,
that they might ransack it at their convenience. My
servant was anxious about the readiness of my revolver,
the driver kept a close watch on the horizon, only I
was brave and fearless, strong in the faith that a
Persian robber would never have the stomach to do
the same deed on successive days. And I was right,
for we toiled through the tragic region, and found but
a Sabbath-like calm in its lonely wastes.
Sixty miles south of Kum stands the city of Kashan,
famous for a variety of things, but principally for the
timidity of its inhabitants and for the nobility of
character of its scorpions. The latter are black, more
numerous than the grains of sand upon the sea-shore,
and have stings like daggers. They maintain a per-
petual feud with the dwellers of the town, but are
courteous enough never to interfere with strangers.
As for the people, they are said to have been affected
in courage by the peculiarity of the climate, which
seems highly inimical to the development of bravery.
Stories of the pusillanimity of the Kashani are found
in many books on Persia, particularly the one regard-
ing the request of the Kashan regiment, on its return
from the capital after a campaign, to be allowed an
escort homeward. One has also heard of the soldier
from Kashan who declined to join in a battle on the
ground that his feelings would not stand the sight of
men killing each other. Proof that climate is respon-
sible for this characteristic of the people of Kashan
is furnished by the case of the commander of the Shah's
troops, that in the spring marched south to turn the
Bakhtiaris out of Isfahan. I had the honour of an
interview with this officer before he started, and found
him brimming over with military ardour. He would
192 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
smite the enemy hip and thigh within a week or two,
and bring the head of Samsam-es-Sultaneh to Teheran.
This frame of mind lasted him to Kum and beyond,
but it changed completely once he had camped at
Kashan. There he halted for two months, ignoring
all orders to proceed, and praying daily to Heaven
for an excuse to retreat. In one respect, however, he
showed great self-restraint ; for he allowed his army
literally to devour everything in the shape of supplies
to be found in the town, without ever paying a
farthing a striking instance of the ability of the
somewhat extravagant Persian to practise economy
in seasons of stress.
Rolling over the plain south of Kashan we got our
last glimpse of Demavend. Distant just 160 miles,
this beautiful mountain stood out as clearly in the
morning sunlight as if no more than twenty miles
away. The great range of which it is the outstand-
ing feature barely showed an edge of snow above the
horizon ; but Demavend itself, shorn by distance of its
dark foothills, swam serenely in the steely blue of the
distance, transparently white, elegant in form almost
as the spire of a cathedral. Refined by the immense
stretch of atmosphere through which we saw it, it
no longer gave the impression of bulk or height, but
only of something supremely delicate in shape and
colour ; no more material, but a thing of spirit touch-
ing sky, afloat from earth. Each day in all these long
months it had been mine at will to sweep an eye over
that perfect picture overlooking the Shah's capital ;
and now, when a low ugly ridge shut off the view to
the north, and I knew I should see Demavend no more,
there fell upon me a chilling sense of loss.
Three stages south of Kashan I went through a
series of emotional moments that stirred me to the
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 193
depths. We changed horses at a place called Khaled-
abad, and leaving the plain behind plunged into a
region of mountains. The road wound in and out of
hills that were spurs only of great masses behind,
surmounted by peaks that on either hand towered up
to a height of over 11,000 feet. Darkness had fallen
before we left the plain, and only the stars and the
remnant of a brilliant moon served to show the way.
I sat on the box beside the driver, that I might enjoy
the beauty of the night and let my servant get a
comfortable sleep in my place in the carriage. I had
commenced the stage by walking a couple of miles
to get warm, so that before I mounted we were well
on the road, and Agajan far travelled into the land of
Nod. No sooner seated than I realised that the muffled
figure beside me was not as other men. He moaned
at the horses, alternately hurried them and allowed
them to drop into a walk, leant forward so that I
feared he must descend in a heap, sat up with jerks,
breathed like a man fighting with death. My diagnosis
was an unconquerable tendency towards somnolence,
aggravated by strong drink. Later, however, I under-
stood that my friend was but half- waked from an opium
sleep, that precious refuge of the Persian stage-driver.
Evidently the fumes hung heavily over his brain, and
were it not that my elbow busied itself with his ribs,
the horses would assuredly have ceased from their
task altogether. But as long as they kept moving
I was happy, for the night was magnificent, lit by
the crescent of moon and the scintillating brilliance of
the stars. All around were the nebulous lines of snow-
clad mountains reaching towards the heavens ; close by
the blackest shadows made deep caverns in the dim
light. The horses did the work, their master struggled
in the borderland betwixt sleep and consciousness.
N
194 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
Then after three hours of driving the rascal bestirred
himself. He began with a loud objurgation, and con-
tinued with a sweeping lash across the backs of the
four plodding beasts at our feet. Galvanised into
life, they plunged into their collars and set the heavy
carriage rocking beneath us as they broke into a
canter. I bethought me anxiously of my seat, which
was none too secure, consisting, indeed, only of a heap
of horse-clothing thrown loosely on the box. Already
I overlapped the rail, and had much ado to grope
for it behind and at the side. Clinging to it in the
most precarious manner, I was the sport of every
bump and the certain prey of the slightest mishap.
Never shall I forget that last quarter of an hour.
The road had steadily climbed until we seemed to be
on a plateau amid the hills. There it meandered over
broken ground, diving into hollows, whirling round
corners, rushing up slopes. Along this giddy course
we raced at full gallop, the brain-fogged maniac be-
side me yelling at his animals, slashing their heaving
backs with his whip, yawing them sharply to right
or left by furious dragging upon the reins. The
sparkling lights in the skies above only served to
make the darkness below more black. The road
was merely a line less dense than the shadows that
lay thick on the ground. On either hand there
seemed to yawn the deepest precipices, every now
and then we dashed upon masses of rock that re-
solved themselves into nothingness. Sometimes the
dim mark that proclaimed the road dwindled down
to a narrow line promising certain disaster. The
galloping animals, spread wide in front, would then
close up until the four grey backs were packed tight
together, like sardines set edgewise in a box. But
always they alternated between a hard canter and a
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 195
furious gallop, urged by the madman with the reins,
who was now awake with a vengeance. Petrified
by apprehension, I clung to my seat momentarily
expecting a broken end. On plunged the swaying
vehicle amid the black and horrid dangers of the
night. It seemed a marvel that wheels or springs
stood the strain. It was a miracle that the road
was flat as a billiard-table, and that never a bump
disturbed the smoothness of our progress. The
slightest obstacle would have pulverised the carriage
and made corpses of its occupants. Nevertheless, we
drew up at a low hut, unharmed, and I know not
whether to attribute the powers of Satan to the
driver, or the cleverness of angels to the horses,
that had accomplished that fearsome career without
the shadow of an accident. May the gods protect
me from a repetition of it.
I turned the sleeping Agajan out of the comfortable
corner he had made in the carriage, and filled it myself,
indifferent thereafter what might happen. If the next
stage was as exciting as the former, the thrills and
emotions were all another's. I slept peacefully until
it was over, when my domestic woke me to say that
the next driver declined to move before daylight as
there were robbers on the road. And that I knew
to be true enough, for was not the famous Naib
Hussein of Kashan a fugitive in the adjacent hills,
vainly pursued by the Government for his sins ? This
faithful supporter of the ex-Shah had been a bully
in Teheran, and had retired to his native province
when his master had gone the way of foolish monarchs.
In Kashan he harried his ancient enemies to the full,
defied the Government, and gathered around him a
band of free-lances. His doings became too hot even
for Persia, and troops were sent from Teheran. They
196 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
protected the town, but could do nothing towards
catching the band that took to the hills. The Govern-
ment employed local tribesmen at a handsome re-
muneration to effect what could not be done by the
regulars. When I passed through, Naib Hussein was
still at large, and the tribesmen were clamouring for
their pay and cursing the Government that used them
without recompense hence the episode of the looted
post. A lawless robbery was indeed but the secret
working of the ends of justice, for if the Government
would not pay their just debts, the Shahsevens must
pay themselves at the expense of the Government.
But I was not to be food for Naib Hussein. We
halted until earliest dawn, and then proceeded with
much caution. I was requested to have my revolver
ready, and ready it was at the bottom of a bag I
could not reach. There was much looking over
shoulders, right, left, and in the rear, much anxious
scrutiny of distant marks that might be crouching
robbers, much trepidation between the driver and my
servant. Only I was brave and fearless, for it was
with me a deep and solemn conviction that no Persian,
saint or robber, ever was up and doing before the sun.
Of all the Asiatics the Persian is the one most uncom-
promisingly bedridden, and ever shameless of being
late in the morning. Of course we saw nothing, and
when the sun rose we were clear of the hills and
launched into the long plain at whose southern end
lies the city of Isfahan.
Here scattered around we saw large numbers of
gazelle, that slowly trotted off as our lumbering
carriage disturbed their neighbourhood. They seemed
tame enough and likely game for a simple stalk. In
the distance we saw another carriage coming, saw it
halt, noted a crouching figure disappear in a fold of the
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 197
ground, then heard a shot roll across the plain. The
carriage contained his Excellency the Samsam-es-
Sultaneh, Governor of Isfahan, en route for Teheran,
and as we met it there hung from the handle of the
door the bleeding carcass of a gentle doe. The carriage
itself presented one of the queerest spectacles that a
traveller might see, even in Persia. It was a yellow
brougham, drawn by four weedy horses. Inside it
were three very stout men, judging by the way they
bulged out of the windows. Beside the driver sat a
hairy Bakhtiari, with the inevitable Martini emerging
from between his legs. On the roof squatted two more
shaggy figures, precariously balanced, armed with rifles
and bandoliers of cartridges. The door handles, the
rails, the lamp racks, the axle behind, were all
festooned with hanging bundles, sacks, implements of
tin and copper. The whole carriage moved with a
heavy list to port, and made a noise like a large
caravan. As we swept past this quaint arrangement
I could not see the great man inside, but his wild
followers perched on top scanned us with longing eyes,
and a poor chance would we have had but for the
presence of their master. He, poor man, had been
summoned to Teheran to explain why he governed his
province so badly, the truth being that Samsam was a
gallant leader of a foray, but no hand at administration.
Meanwhile we steadily approached a village that
had long been visible at the far side of the plain.
Apparently quite close, it was in reality far away, for
the clarity of the Persian atmosphere is truly amazing.
That village was a fateful place for me, for when at long
last we entered its narrow lanes the carriage suddenly
went sick, swayed, lurched, gave a loud rumble, and
subsided with a horrible scrunching. The felloes of
one wheel had crumpled up, and the axle lay on the
198 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
ground. Alas for the prospects of the repairer in
Teheran ! His in' am had vanished into thin air,
though it must be said for him that there were no
ropes binding the broken part. It was a fault of
omission on his part, not of commission. To rage
would have been vain. My hopes of getting to Isfahan
that day were blasted, for we were still fifty miles
distant, and stranded in a Persian village, than which
the universe holds nothing less helpful in a crisis. I
made up my mind to the necessity of sending a
messenger to Isfahan in the hope that a new carriage
would arrive within twenty-four hours. Repair of the
damaged one was out of the question. Just as a
realisation of my misfortune was settling down upon
me, I spied in a corner of the caravanserai where I had
taken refuge a specimen of the cart or fourgon of the
country, a springless vehicle dedicated to the transport
of merchandise. In solemn tones I demanded to know
its owner and its uses. It belonged to the carriage
company, but was no fit conveyance for a Sahib and a
gentleman. I inquired if it was in order and capable
of taking the road. It was. And an hour later, a
good breakfast packed tightly inside me, we were
jolting along the road at a steady six miles an hour,
shaken to bits, deafened by the rattling and jingling,
but surely bound for our journey's end, which we safely
attained within an hour of the appointed time.
Isfahan is a typical Persian city, built of mud, but
with more than the usual quantity of relics of ancient
greatness. These have already been frequently de-
scribed by nimbler pens than mine, so it remains for me
only to glance at local politics. These in recent times
had been of a tempestuous character. Oppressed by
a tyrannous and unscrupulous Governor, the people of
Isfahan were delighted when the Bakhtiaris responded
The Governor of Isfahan has revived the old Persian punishment of
burying brigands alive.
The Hall of the Forty Pillars at Isfahan.
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 199
to the invitation to come and rid them of the oppressor.
The call was sent in the name of the Constitution and
accepted on the same account. The Isfahanis cared
considerably for the Constitution, for it was to them
the only road to a riddance of the abhorred Governor.
Samsam-es-Sultaneh, who had a grievance of his own
against the Shah, also liked the Constitution, for it
gave an excuse to take the field, ostensibly at the
bidding of Isfahan, not a little in his own quarrel. All
went merrily as a marriage-bell at the beginning, for
the Bakhtiari wolves scrupulously respected the lambs
within their grasp, made quite a show of obtaining
restitution of the loot taken by the Shah's soldiery
during the fighting, and, above all, they kicked out the
obnoxious Governor, who took refuge in the British
Consulate. The Bakhtiaris deeply appreciated the
amenities of town life, as well might men whose daily
sustenance at home frequently consisted of bread made
from acorns. Their hosts housed them well, fed them
well, gave them good wine to drink. And at one
moment, when it looked as if the Bakhtiaris might be
scared back to their mountains by the despatch of a
Royal expedition, leaving Isfahan to the Shah's retribu-
tion, they even offered them the comforts of matrimony.
The mullahs preached from the pulpits sanctioning and
advising the fathers of Isfahan to give their daughters
to the Bakhtiaris as an inducement to them to remain.
Many fathers did, with the consequence that there are
many disconsolate widows in Isfahan to-day, not to
speak of wailing orphans. It is a curious commentary
on the prejudices of Islam that if a Mussulman woman
is discovered to be intimate with a Christian her life is
forfeit ; while that of her paramour, of whatever nation-
ality, or however powerfully protected, may be serious-
ly endangered in fact, departure from the country
200 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
may be necessary in such circumstances. A Persian
city will scream with rage if a tipsy Russian soldier
peeps over the wall of a harem, and will demand the
blood of the culprit. But the same city will suffer
dozens of cases of abduction and rape by home-bred
ruffians, and never think twice of the matter.
As time went on Isfahan found that it had escaped
from the hand of one master only to fall into that of
another. The one thousand horsemen who rescued
Isfahan from the oppressor had to be paid for, and
at a fairly high rate. Very soon Isfahan repented
herself of the arrangement, and wished the Bakhtiari
elsewhere. Samsam - es - Sultaneh at the same time
became most bitter on the subject of the parsimony
of his hosts. They would give little or nothing, and,
as a champion of Constitutionalism, he could hardly
help himself by force. A disagreeable situation was
greatly alleviated by the departure of the bulk of
his men for the north, since when the Bakhtiari
garrison of Isfahan had not exceeded one hundred
men.
Upon the unsophisticated mountaineer town life
had the usual effect. Extreme poverty in his own
country prevents the Bakhtiari from acquiring vicious
habits. He marries early, seldom sees money, knows
little of the attractions of strong drink, and less of
those of gambling. Leading a free and independent
life in the hills, he is a cleaner and more decent
liver than ever the dweller in a Persian town can
be. But carried into the vortex of city life, given
pay in cash, tempted on all hands by new and in-
sidious delights, our simple highlander falls an easy
prey to the seductions of civilisation. So the once
respectable Bakhtiari had become a gambler, a
tavern haunter, and a convert to other peculiarly
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 201
Persian practices. Discipline, in fact, had been re-
laxed all round, and the consequence was a marked
increase of crime in the city.
The bully is a characteristic feature of the Persian
social system. Where the people are soft and effem-
inate a man of energy and strong character can very
easily obtain an ascendancy that the weaker vessels
cannot resist. Here and there Persia breeds a rascal
that cares neither for God, nor for man, nor for the
devil. Such an one becomes a joy to the wicked and
a terror to the respectable, for to convict him of
crime in a country where money stands for all the
virtues is next to impossible. Money he gets by
force, and with money he can buy immunity for any
offence from petty pilfering up to murder. Such is
the situation in Isfahan of a ruffian known as the
Major, and properly styled Fath AH Khan Yavar.
This individual has instigated or committed crime after
crime throughout a series of years, and has crowned
all past performances by being directly implicated
during 1909 in five murders. The last of these was
committed in broad daylight, within hail of the Brit-
ish and Russian Consulates- General, only a few days
before I arrived at Isfahan. A man and his servant
were quietly riding along a main thoroughfare when
they were attacked by five armed ruffians. The master
fell dead with five bullets in his body, the servant
escaped by taking refuge in a drain. The outrage
was witnessed by many people, who recognised the
culprits as being associates of the notorious Major,
who, moreover, had a feud against the victim. Yet
neither the principal nor his accomplices had been
arrested, though their whereabouts were publicly
known. The matter had been weightily represented
to the Bakhtiari Governor ; but nothing was done,
202 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
obviously for the good old Persian reason that the
culprits had been able to bribe somebody to leave
them alone.
Isfahan has a large population and covers a great
area, the policing of which requires a considerable force.
Police exist to the number of sixty or seventy, but
they are a sorry lot, unpaid, unfed, and unclothed
by the Government. To live, therefore, they must
find work or take to thieving. They will do any
sort of job for a little money, and if legitimate means
of earning something are not to hand they are com-
pelled to take to illegitimate methods. An instance
of the disorderly condition of the city thus encour-
aged is furnished by a recent outrage on a European
lady. Members of the missionary community in
Isfahan have long been respected by the people, and
in recent years have seldom had complaints to make
about their treatment in the town. Nevertheless
Miss Stuart, niece of Bishop Stuart, whose missionary
labours in Persia extend over a period of forty years,
was attacked in a well-known street about a fort-
night before. The time was just after sundown, when
Miss Stuart, escorted by a boy with a lantern, was
passing from one of the mission buildings to her
home. Three men ran up to her, brandishing swords.
One held a dagger to her throat while the other two
searched her for valuables. Fortunately she had left
both watch and money at home, and the rascals find-
ing nothing, let her go unharmed. The incident had
no unfortunate results, but is disquieting ; for the
culprits, of course, have never been punished, or
even discovered, and the temptation to similar out-
rage, in a place where order is relaxed, is greatly
increased.
The situation in the Province was equally bad.
TEHERAN TO ISFAHAN. 203
Not long before, a large caravan trustingly set forth
for Shiraz in the full hope of marching at least 100
miles before reaching the danger zone. But only
10 miles out it ran into the arms of a large band
of Kuhgelus, who gathered up baggage, animals, and
men at one swoop. Caravan the second marched soon
afterwards, and suffered exactly the same fate. Cara-
van three, in complete ignorance that a scene from
"The Forty Thieves" was being enacted a few miles
ahead, then followed, and was duly swallowed up by
the delighted Kuhgelus all save one soul, who escaped
to tell the tale and warn the town. This within ten
miles of the capital of the Province, where the
Governor is supposed to sit surrounded by horse,
foot, and artillery ! Samsam telegraphed to seventy-
five of his men at Kumishah 50 miles to the south,
which they had been sent to protect against the
marauders, to attack in rear. The seventy-five wisely
did nothing of the sort, while Samsam with only
twenty-five in Isfahan was powerless. The result was
that the Kuhgelus got away with all their booty,
and in the comfortable assurance that the hand of
the Government was not long enough to reach them.
Without a proper garrison Isfahan itself really lay
at the mercy of any determined band of robbers
who liked to enter. Fortunately for the Isfahanis
determination and enterprise are qualities lacking
among the unruly elements in Persia, as well as
among the orderly, so that such a contingency seems
improbable. Since I passed through, the Kuhgelus
have repeatedly returned to the neighbourhood of
Isfahan ; while a letter from that place, dated July,
and written to me by a responsible person, states
that the Kashghais are harrying up to the gates
of the city, and that it would not be surprising if
204 PERSIA AND TURKEY TN REVOLT.
they made a coup de main upon the town itself.
This in spite of the fact that there is a new
Governor, and that the Teheran Press, in bitterly
attacking me for exposing the situation in ' The
Times/ declared that perfect order was being main-
tained in both the town and the Province.
205
CHAPTEE XIV.
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND.
SOME friendly residents of Isfahan had agreed to
start ine on my journey across the Bakhtiari moun-
tains, and with an escort of Tiwana Lancers from
the Consulate we made quite a large party. The city
left behind, and the famous bridge of Ali Verdi Khan
crossed, we passed through the Armenian village of
Julfa and then found ourselves in open country. The
weather was brilliant, with all the charm that bright
sun, blue sky, and purple mountain can confer. Mid-
winter at a height of 5000 feet is always cold and
bracing, and to the exhilaration of fine air was added
the attractive prospect of a long journey through
new country. It seemed an auspicious beginning ; but
hardly had the thought crossed my mind than my
steed slipped on a patch of frozen ground and came
down with a crash. The hardy camera that has
been my faithful companion all these years presented
the same old corner to my ribs as I fell, and proved
itself no softer than of yore. The leg under the
fallen horse took all the button marks in the usual
way, while the hip on the side next the ground met
with a very stiff reception. Nobody in the caval-
cade liked this plain warning that the day was an
206 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
unlucky one for starting. Remounted, I proceeded
as before, until, as we were trotting along perfectly
level smooth plain, down came my beast again. The
corner of the camera scored another point against
my side, the ground got in another sledge - hammer
blow on my hip, and the map imprinted upon my
leg by the weight of the horse spread itself in all
directions. The unfortunate animal barked both its
knees, and thus incurred for me the ignominy of
having injured another man's property. It looked,
indeed, as if I had forfeited the favour of Heaven.
Nevertheless I took the chances, called for another
mount, and set out once more, amid the horror-
stricken murmurings of the native members of the
party, who took the man to be mad that could
ignore this double intimation of Divine displeasure.
Soon afterwards I bade adieu to the kind friends
who had accompanied me so far, and rode on to
the village of Pul-i-wargan, where I counted to find
my caravan bestowed, my tea ready, and a comfort-
able fire blazing whereat I might warm my hands
and soften the stiffness that had crept into my limbs
old bones resent the gymnastics described above.
But the caravan, although there had been ample
time, was not yet arrived, neither tea nor fire was
ready, and I had to wait an interminable time for
both. This coming on the top of endless trouble and
delay in starting, dispute as to loads, and difficulty
about ropes and bridles, indicated that I had made
a bad shot at a muleteer in this case a hang-dog-
looking fellow called Reza, who eventually turned
out to be the slowest, laziest, and most disagreeable
rascal that ever cursed the footsteps of a traveller.
Our night at Pul-i-wargan proved miserably cold,
and I was awake and up before the sun reached the
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 207
horizon. Everybody else was asleep, and I had the
pleasure of turning the sluggards out into the chill air
much sooner than they would have preferred. The
first ten miles of the day's stage ran across a large
plain devoted to the cultivation of rice. Irrigation
channels continually barred the way, and their cross-
ing meant the transit of precarious bridges, or the
diving into sticky hollows where our animals slipped
and floundered. Having crossed this uninteresting
region, we began to rise over a long bare slope covered
with stones and quite devoid of vegetation. A gentle
climb of several miles took us over a low pass from
which we could see an enormous valley, fifteen miles
across, through which meandered the upper reaches
of the Zendeh Rud, already twice crossed since leaving
Isfahan.
The scene from the pass is typical of the country.
An immense area stretched before us, the ground
lying in beautifully defined folds, each with its own
shade of russet, or blue or violet. Surrounded by
purple snow - topped mountains, and domed by the
cobalt of heaven, the colouring is exquisitely mellow
and delicate. But what complete desolation ! Nothing
living to be seen, animal or vegetable. Mile upon
mile upon mile of soft flowing lines, unbroken by sign
of habitation or of moving figure, desert as it has been
since prehistoric times, carved and rounded by the ice
of another age, shaped as it was in the beginning of
things. Such is the Persian plateau, an immense waste
scarce redeemed from utter loneliness by the few de-
lightful spots rescued from the wilderness by the labour
of mankind. The great valley before us proved to be,
as we advanced across it, not so blank as it seemed,
for when we could see into the bed of the river we
discovered a series of small villages nestling close under
208 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the high banks. Here the Zendeh Hud wanders back-
ward and forward in a narrow band of rich alluvium
cut into flats whereof every inch is carefully cultivated.
Two hundred yards broad at the most, this pleasant
strip formed a sharp contrast to the surrounding desol-
ation ; cosily hidden below the general level its position
seemed designed for escape from the bleakness above.
It was while crossing this valley that I first encoun-
tered Chiragh Ali. Tramping along for the good of
my health, with my nag in tow by the reins, I could
hear a quick-stepping horse coming up behind me.
When it came alongside a shrill voice gave me "Good
morning," in English, and looking up I perceived a
small boy perched before a man riding a handsome
grey Arab. Brown eyes were gazing at me seriously
from under the peak of a tweed cap that was many
sizes too large for the wearer. My servant rode up
and explained that this was Chiragh Ali Khan, son
of Samsarn-es-Sultaneh, Ilkhani of the Bakhtiari. At
this introduction I saluted and got back in response,
' ' Are you quite well ? " That exhausted my little
friend's stock of English, and henceforward we com-
municated by interpretation. His father having left
Isfahan for Teheran did I not meet the Samsam's
weird equipage on the road ! the boy was homeward
bound to see his mother, accompanied by two tutors,
his male nurse, and an escort of six sowars. He was
greatly exercised to know why I walked when I had
a horse to ride, why I carried no gun, and why I
travelled without sowars. To these inquiries I replied
that I walked because I was strong, like all English-
men, that I had no gun because I did not want to shoot
anybody, and that I had no escort because I supposed
travellers were quite safe in his father's country. My
replies were unanswerable, though far from convincing
I
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 209
to Chiragh AH, whose ideas were completely otherwise.
But he was too polite to argue, and so proceeded to
other subjects. The sowars behind, however, were not
to be put off so easily. One hard-bitten-looking speci-
men asked what I would do if I were attacked by
robbers. I replied that the well-known gentlemanli-
ness of the Bakhtiaris made that impossible in their
country. He accepted the compliment with com-
placency, but begged me just to suppose that we
were attacked what would I do then ? Having had
some experience of the kidney, and perceiving the
gleam of covetousness in this rascal's eye, I instructed
Agajan to explain to him how important a person I
was, and that I carried letters to all the Khans from
Sirdar Assad. Agajan explained the situation at such
length that I demanded to know what he was saying.
He was rubbing it in with a vengeance it seemed.
Sirdar Assad, according to Agajan, had agreed to cut
the right hand off any man who robbed me,, and to
return the value of stolen property four times over.
If I were wounded the culprit would be bastinadoed
until he died, and if I were murdered the Bakhtiaris
would have to pay 50,000 tomans to the heirs of my
body. These unblushing inventions had great effect, and
henceforth I was treated with caution ; but whether
because of the risk of incurring any of the aforesaid
penalties, or out of respect for a man whose servant
was such a powerful liar, cannot be said. Chiragh Ali
was a firm friend of the British Consul-General in
Isfahan, and on this account considered himself half
an Englishman. His brother, a member of parliament
in Teheran, had brought him his overgrown cap from
England, and Chiragh Ali meant to go to London
himself in the fulness of time to buy rifles and revolvers
and swords and other implements of civilisation. Paris
o
210 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
had no attraction for him ; London was his goal. But
when little boys grow up they are apt to prefer the
former. Paris, indeed, is the bourne of all semi-
enlightened Asia.
We spent the night in the village of Madrasseh, in
the house of a local notable who put his best room at
ray disposal. The village being off the road white men
were a rarity, in consequence of which we were besieged
by sight - seers eager for a glimpse of the Feringhi.
Having got rid of the men after a great deal of trouble,
I next had to run the gauntlet of the women's eyes.
Female modesty was quite eclipsed by feminine curios-
ity, and the end of their peeping was that half a dozen
filed into the room and sat round me in a semicircle
to gaze their fill. The Persian woman is such a sacred
creature that I was not sorry for the opportunity to
reciprocate. And so we sat and looked at each other
for about ten minutes, when they could stand it no
longer and fled shrieking with laughter. The old ones
were about as plain as they could be, the younger
plump and not bad looking, while one little girl, aged
nine, was as pretty a child as one could wish to see.
My host had an old wife and a young one, each with
children, and the whole company slept together at night
in a circle round a charcoal fire. Over the fire was a
low wooden frame, and over that a large quilt which
made a hot cave into which all the family legs were
thrust. I was cordially invited by the little girl to
share the warmth, to the amusement of her mothers,
but declined the pleasure owing to the unspeakably
unwashed appearance of the company. Madrasseh
proved a place of much vexation, for when the time
for starting came the muleteers were not forthcoming.
It appeared that this was their native village, and
that they had retired to the bosoms of their families
/ was cordially invited by the little girl to share the warmth . . .'
Old Bakhtiari Fort at Deh-diz.
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 211
and forgotten all about their duties. There was a
terribly long delay before they were rooted out and
the caravan set going. It was then that I discovered
that Madrasseh was off the road and that I had been
tricked into spending the night there. In the morning
we had to march back on our own tracks of the pre-
vious night. My grievances against the rascal Reza
were already considerable, although we were only two
days out from Isfahan.
We now resumed the transit of the broad desert
valley already described. After a few miles we reached
the foot of the mountains forming the far side of
the valley, and rose sharply to the Gerdan-i-Rukh, a
pass about 7000 feet above sea-level. The ridge con-
stitutes the boundary between Bakhtiari land and
Persian territory, as well as the watershed dividing the
drainage between Central Persia and the Persian Gulf.
From the pass we looked down upon the region where
the great Karun river is born. Right in the pass stood
a small guard-house built of loose stones, and here were
a few wild-looking Bakhtiaris, who, I was glad to find,
showed no inclination to shoot me. That might have
been because I climbed the pass in company with
Chiragh Ali and was engaged in deep conversation with
him when we arrived at the guard-house. The tribesmen
assailed the little Khan with loud cries of delight, and
the tenderness with which he was lifted off his horse
could not have been surpassed. I was politely invited
to partake of tea, and we all squatted round a little
charcoal fire while Chiragh Ali was catechised re-
garding his experiences in the city of Isfahan. There
I left him and proceeded down the hill on foot, leaving
my nag to be looked after by the charvadar. That
rascal let the beast loose among the caravan animals,
and all scrambled along together in amity until we
212 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
reached level ground, when I decided to mount again.
The shaggy, skinny, angular, cow-hocked, ewe-necked,
Roman-nosed little rat reserved for my riding, and
called a horse out of the purest courtesy, looked as if
nothing less than a red-hot poker would make him go
faster than a slow walk. He had his eye on me as I
waited for him to come up, and when I stretched out
my hand to catch the rein he just slewed himself out of
reach. I walked unconcernedly after, thinking that if
I showed no anxiety he wouldn't either. For half a
mile we walked thus, he always a clear length in front
whether I moved quickly or slowly. Then I made a
dart at him and missed. Up went his heels and with
a squeal he was off. Finally, when I had had much
more walking than I wanted, the wretch was chased
into a bog, where he sank up to his belly and had to be
hauled out by the tail. Remounting, I swore a solemn
oath never again to let him go.
The descent from the pass brought us into a long,
narrow valley, without trees or sign of habitation.
More dreary and desolate a region could hardly be
imagined, though in summer the valley is doubtless
filled by encampments. After two hours' travelling,
however, we reached the village of Qahn-i-Rukh and
found ourselves in Chahar Mahal, a great plain dotted
with small mud villages. Here our muleteers wanted
to halt for the night, but in reward for their dilatoriness
in the morning I insisted on proceeding. As this meant
another sixteen miles, which could not be accomplished
before dark, deep sulkiness prevailed. Pushing ahead
with Agajan we rode as hard as my wretched little
beast could be persuaded to go, but found ourselves
overtaken by darkness without seeing a sign of Sharns-
abad, the village for which we were bound. We knew
nothing about the road, and could only guess that the
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 213
track we had hitherto followed was the correct one.
For three hours we did not see a living soul, and then
as it grew dark we encountered a party of men and
donkeys. A meeting of this kind is not always desir-
able, and we were glad to discover that these people
were harmless, as they doubtless were glad to find us.
They advised us about the track and we proceeded,
leading our animals, for it seemed safer to walk than to
ride over such rough ground as we were now crossing.
We toiled along in the dark for another hour, and then
from the top of a low pass heard dogs barking and saw
a few twinkling lights in the valley below. To keep
clear of the teeth of the savage watch -dogs that infest
Bakhtiari villages, we mounted and rode forward. We
were soon detected and surrounded by a pack of vicious
brutes that kept up a terrifying chorus of barking and
snarling. Our beasts were accustomed to this sort of
treatment, however, and marched calmly on into the
village, where a wall with turrets, looming huge in
the darkness, indicated the castle of the Khan.
Dismounting in the gateway I led my horse forward
until stopped by several dark figures who wanted to
know our business. I said I was English, whereupon
my hands were violently seized and I was cordially
invited in my own language to enter. Truly an aston-
ishing reception in such an out-of-the-way place ! After
the rough travelling of the last few days, and the wild
people and country to which we were becoming habitu-
ated, subsequent experiences at Shamsabad were like a
taste of the magic of the Arabian Nights. Out of the
cold starlit night I was led by the hand up a broad
flight of steps to a deep verandah, and from thence
into a thick- carpeted room, where a large fireplace was
filled with gaily burning logs. On the mantelpiece
stood a huge gilt-framed mirror, and on the shelf a
214 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
gilded clock flanked by large golden ornaments. Richly
upholstered furniture was arranged round the walls,
and coloured lamps standing on tall brass and crystal
pillars cast a soft and glowing light throughout this
wonderful chamber. Blinking amid so much brilliance
it was some time before I was able to take stock of the
good genie who had rescued me from the wilderness and
transported me into a palace.
Mehdi Guli Khan he was, and eldest son to Sirdar
Zaffar, one of the family of brothers which divides
between them the honoured places of Bakhtiari official-
dom. He informed me that only that day a number
of the principal Khans had arrived at Shamsabad,
attended by many horsemen, and that they were now
at dinner in another room. Presenting my letters
from Teheran, I was received with great kindness by
my host, Amir Mujahed, the chief whose entrance
to the Mejliss buildings in Teheran at the time of
the recent coup, in company with Colonel Liakhoff,
created so much enthusiasm. I was privileged to
witness the cordiality which can exist between the
enemies of yesterday who have become the friends of
to-day. Amir Mufakham, who fought so loyally for
the Shah at Teheran, and inflicted considerable damage
upon his own people, was happily hobnobbing with
brothers and cousins who only a few months back had
sought his life. His ambition had been the coveted
Ilkhaniship of the tribes, but his side having lost, he
could forget the disappointment and be friendly again
with his relatives. Sunshine and cloud are common
alternatives among the Bakhtiari hills, and one won-
ders how long the present harmony may last. I found
the chiefs men of liberal ideas, apparently unhampered
by the prejudices usually associated with Islam. Two
small boys, sons of different Khans, are at present
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 215
being brought up by an English lady in Persia, and
when I pointed out the danger of their becoming
Christians the fathers uttered a complacent Bismillali.
The guilelessness with which one young chief explained
his conversion to Constitutionalism while he was yet
fighting ardently for Mohamed Ali before Tabriz was
instructive. The Khans apparently had a hard busi-
ness to decide which was the safer side, and it was
only when the Russian troops raised the siege of Tabriz
and spoilt the Shah's chances that they began col-
lectively to perceive the merits of the Nationalist
cause. I was interested to realise that the usual
estimates of Bakhtiari military strength are somewhat
exaggerated. Apparently the number of mounted men
regularly maintained is only 900, so that the force of
2000 raised for the march on Teheran was collected
with some difficulty. The Bakhtiaris have few horses,
and those mostly of inferior quality, though the Khans,
of course, are well mounted. Arms are another weak-
ness, for hitherto the tribesmen have only possessed
Martinis, though 1000 small-bore Lebel rifles, recently
obtained from Teheran, will considerably add to their
resources. Their power for defence is much greater
than for offence, as the number of infantrymen they
can put in the field is only limited by the number
of rifles available. All Bakhtiaris are supposed to be
born soldiers, but they would be more useful in this
respect if they knew the rudiments of musketry. As
it is, they keep their rifles filthily dirty, and do not
understand the use of the sights as regards range.
Not long after my arrival dinner was brought in,
and a more excellent meal I never want to eat. The
principal dish was a huge plate of pilau flavoured with
currants, raisins, cloves, cinnamon, and other spices.
Hidden in this mountain of rice was a young lamb
216 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
boiled whole, and so tender that the flesh came off
with the slightest pull. Stewed mutton, boiled chicken,
and roasted partridge were minor dishes. Delicious
pickled walnuts, excellent cheese, and a huge heap
of the large flaps that do duty as bread in Persia,
were conspicuous, as were a dish of masth, that form
of curdled milk known as yourt in Turkey and by
various other names throughout Central Asia. In the
masth was a sliced vegetable that must have been
some sort of radish, the two forming a delightful com-
bination of tastes. To drink there was orange sherbet
served with delicate pear-wood ladles from a great
Chinese bowl. That morning I had breakfasted at
seven o'clock, and throughout the livelong day, while
we had travelled over thirty miles, of which I had
walked the greater part, never a bite had passed my
lips. What a blessed thing is the conjunction of a
strong appetite and a good meal. After a comfortable
night and a large repast in the morning on the same
generous lines as the night before, I took leave of
my host. I had received the greatest kindness and
attention both from the owner of the house and from
the other Bakhtiari chiefs assembled there, and left
with the impression that it would be difficult to en-
counter more pleasant people. The letters from
Teheran no doubt helped to smooth the way, but
apart from these introductions I have no doubt that I
should still have been well received, for the Bakhtiaris
have long been known for their friendliness to strangers
in general and to British travellers in particular. One
consequence of the letters was the attachment to my
person of two sowars, who were instructed to give
me every assistance on the road, and on no account
to leave me until I was safely bestowed in Shushter.
We next reached Shelamzar and were hospitably
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 217
accommodated in the house of Samsam-es-Sultaneh.
The Ilkhani himself being in Teheran, it devolved upon
Chiragh Ali to entertain us, and that he did right
well, promising faithfully to visit me in London when
his inches would no longer serve his mother as an
excuse to keep him at home. Here we were con-
fronted by a precipitous mountain-range, already snow-
clad, crossed by the Gerdan-i-Zirreh, a pass about 9000
feet high. This formidable obstacle, however, was yet
but lightly covered with white, and we hoped on the
morrow to follow a path trodden down by venturesome
wayfarers. But luck was against us, for snow fell
during the night, and in the morning the whole
countryside was six inches deep. This first check
kept us back a day, but on that following the mule-
teers agreed to start after the sun had softened the
snow. It was a wearisome climb for men and horses,
but worth the toil, for the summit of the pass revealed
a panorama of plain and mountain ravishing to the
eye and amply compensating for a New Year's Day so
hardly spent. Two days of unending ups and downs
brought us to the curious bridge at Dopulan, where
the Karun, emerging from a dark ravine, rushes
through a narrow crack in a stupendous mass of
rock.
We had now reached the most critical stage of the
journey, for between the next two ridges lies a depres-
sion where the winter snow is said to accumulate to
a depth of fifteen feet. This section of the route
claims an annual toll of victims, frozen to death in
sudden storms that sweep down from the surrounding
heights. But we effected a crossing of the dreaded
region in the loveliest of weather, climbing 3000 feet
in bright sunshine, through a thin forest of gnarled
and stunted oak - trees, and over rocky ground alive
218 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
with clucking partridge that continually rose from
under our feet and flew away with a clamour of wings
that echoed loudly among the ravines. It was hard
travelling for horse and mule, but the magnificent
view that widened with every step was infinitely
delightful to the human eye. Deep down behind us
lay the purple gorge of the Karun, beyond to right
and left rose mountain masses whose dazzling tops
reached 13,000 feet. Everywhere stretched the ex-
quisite vision of blue sky, white hill and violet slope,
that symphony of colour unequalled among the beauties
of nature.
After a cold and wet night spent in the tents near
the village of Sarkhun, we found ourselves confronted
by another offshoot of the Kuh-i-Zerreh, entailing a
climb of more than 2000 feet over abominably rough
ground, and over long stretches of slippery snow where
the horses floundered badly. A most wearisome march
to the top of the spur was rewarded by magnificent
scenery to south and west. Parallel to our direction
flowed the Karun, hidden in a deep gorge, whose wind-
ings occasionally gave a glimpse of flashing water. In
the far distance a new range of mountains stretched
right across our front like a wall. Insignificant in
height and breadth as compared with others, the Kuh-
i-Mungasht, from the point where we first gained an
uninterrupted view of it, impressed me as being as
majestic a range as could be imagined. It occupied
a very large section of the horizon to the south-west,
stretching in one precipitous rampart of uniform height
as far to right and left as we could see. An overcast
sky threatening bad weather gave a dark and gloomy
effect to its formidable bulk, draped in shadow below,
dimly white above. The distance blotted out all detail,
and gave the impression that the huge, round-topped,
The Kuh-i-Girreh.
A Gorge of the Karun River.
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 219
bluff-sided barrier was without break, and unapproach-
able from the long dark valley that lay stretched at its
feet. Dropping rapidly, intervening hills soon shut
us off from this fine spectacle, while the ever-darkening
skies warned us of the necessity to hurry for shelter.
In due course we arrived at what is called by courtesy
the caravanserai of Shelil, an institution that had
nothing to recommend it but its musical name. Im-
agine a large courtyard three feet deep in dung, with
roofless stalls around three sides and doorless rooms
round the other ; cover the floors of each of these
rooms with more dung, let the roofs be full of holes
and the floors be pitted for fireplaces, and you have
this delectable refuge for the traveller.
I selected the least dilapidated of the rooms, and my
following joined in with the person who was supposed
to look after the caravanserai. This individual pays
a high price for the privilege of occupation, and the
opportunity to overcharge the humble but cantanker-
ous muleteer. The nearest village was a day's march
distant there are no houses at Shelil so he had a
monopoly of the supplies, and immediately began to
exercise it on my unfortunate charvadar. Reza came
to me with tears in his voice and complained bitterly
of the prices charged for forage. He got very little
sympathy from me, however, for a more unsatisfactory
rascal never stepped. I merely remarked that if he
got up a little earlier in the morning he would not
be so easy to swindle. Needless to say, pale humour
of this sort was wasted upon him. The climax of his
sorrow was yet to come. That evening it commenced
to rain. All night it rained, and in the morning it
was coming down in sheets. A start was impossible,
and as the skies were black with clouds there seemed
every chance of our being weather-bound for the day
220 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
and another night. That gave the monopolist another
opportunity, and he raised his prices still more. But
I had my own troubles, for my roof leaked furiously,
first by drops in one place, then in two, then three,
and so forth, until there were no less than thirteen
driblets pouring into the room. It was easy to avoid
the first few, but after they ran into double figures
I found myself kept busy searching for dry zones. My
first care was my bed, and by grace I was able to save
it, and everything I could put under it ; but the wet
got at most of my other things and made the situation
generally miserable. Outside a great storm was raging,
and peals of thunder followed each other in quick suc-
cession. Altogether it was a wild day, and one felt, in
this narrow valley, surrounded by high mountains,
that the warring of the elements might easily cause a
land-slide which would rub caravanserai and occupants
completely out of existence. Towards evening, how-
ever, the storm abated, and occasionally the mists
opened and gave us a glimpse of distant mountains,
now thickly whitened far down their sides.
During the day I had been visited by a young man
who said he was the headman of a neighbouring village.
He was better dressed and less dirty than his fellow-
countrymen, and quite distinguished in appearance.
Having explained who he was, he informed me that
he received a salary from one of the British Consuls.
Supposing myself to be on the verge of discovering
some dark political .design entailing the expenditure
of secret service funds, I caused the gentleman to be
closely questioned, when it appeared that his salary
was no more than a present once received from a
wandering Englishman all travellers are Consuls
probably in exchange for eggs and chickens. Per-
ceiving the drift of the salary conversation, I gave
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 221
my visitor a cigarette and intimated that I was busy.
He went away somewhat crestfallen, but offered to
come again when I was not occupied. Come again
he did the next morning, when I was packing up for
a start. I gave him a cigarette, but he still hung
about, obviously hoping for something more substantial.
To get rid of him, I gave him a two-kran piece (eight-
pence), remarking to my servant that I had thought
Bakhtiaris were soldiers, not beggars. Agajan promptly
translated my observation, thereby greatly hurting my
friend's feelings but not sufficiently to make him give
back the money.
From Shelil we dropped 1500 feet and crossed the
Rudbar river, a tributary of the Karun. Here the
bridge is one of two suspension-bridges constructed for
the Bakhtiaris by Messrs Lynch Brothers, who also
made parts of the road I had been travelling over,
whereby hangs a tale to be told later on. All the way
down from Shelil we had fronted what looked like a
precipice up the face of which wound a narrow track.
It seemed inconceivable that loaded animals could ac-
complish such a climb ; but the muleteers took it as
a matter of course, so there was nothing to be said.
The map puts the bridge at 3080 feet and the top of
the rise at 6400 feet, so we had our work cut out. A
good deal of the track zigzagged up slopes of 45
degrees, but the average angle must be less, for the
apparent precipice lost much of its steepness when we
began actually to climb. But to the traveller coming
down from Shelil the ascent confronting him looks truly
remarkable, and more severe in appearance than any-
thing of the kind I have ever seen. That day I walked
all the way down from Shelil, and all the way up the
ascent described, and by the time I got to the top I
was literally cooked. But I am proud to say that I
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
never once halted to rest, though it must be admitted
that my pace was of the elderly order. But the sowars
behaved like old women, resting and panting and groan-
ing and grunting all the way up. They could not
decently ride owing to the steepness, and so had to
walk, very much against their wills. One was an old
man, and there was some excuse for him, but the
other was a lusty young ruffian for whom I had no
sympathy.
After a drop of 1200 feet we came to the village of
Deh-i-Diz, where lived a petty Khan. We routed him
out, but he would not take us in, and seemed quite
unable to induce any of the other people to do so. The
houses here were extremely miserable, and the dirt and
squalor of the children really dreadful to contemplate.
It began to look as if we should have to spend a cold
night in the tents, when Agajan bestirred himself and
ended by persuading a respectable-looking man to let
me have his best room for a price. But no sooner had
I entered than a raging woman appeared and bitterly
reproached the man in front of my face. One does not
often see such an exhibition of feminine temper in a
Mussulman country, but the lady was evidently greatly
exercised about the safety of her things. She was
appeased when she heard that only the Feringhi was
to occupy the room, and that he was to pay well for
it. Then I took possession, as well as the sight- seers
would allow. The room had no windows, and no
carpet, and had only mud walls. But it had that
most essential accessory in cold weather, a fireplace.
Moreover, two hens were sitting on eggs in holes in
the wall, which conferred an air of homely comfort.
The difficulty was that the hens liked to go outside
occasionally for fresh air, and the getting them back
before the eggs caught cold was a business that em-
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 223
ployed a great number of people many times during
the course of the evening. An uneventful night was
followed by an exciting morning. Agajan lost a shirt,
and various other things, which nobody would confess
to having taken. Usually it would be the business
of the sowars to recover stolen goods, but as these
gentry made no particular efforts it is not unlikely that
they knew more of the missing articles than they
ought. Several people came into my room when I was
packing up. They went about handling things and
popping them into dark corners, in the hope that these
articles would be overlooked. Agajan had got very
cunning, however, and defeated this manoeuvre several
times. Finally we were ready to start, when I missed
my fur-lined gloves, which I had carefully put down in
a prominent place so that they might not be forgotten.
We hunted high and low, and finally found them on a
high shelf far back out of sight. The Bakhtiaris are,
indeed, absolute champions at pilfering, as every trav-
eller amongst them has found to his cost. Layard, who
had a lengthy experience of them, recounts how they
stole the shoes off his horse during the night. Taking
the horse itself would have raised a hullabaloo, but the
thieves cleverly calculated that the shoes would not be
missed until it was too late to make a fuss.
From Deh-i-Diz we descended 2800 feet to Godar-i-
Balutak, where the other of the Lynch suspension-
bridges spans the Karun, here emerging from a magni-
ficent gorge, of which I was fortunate to obtain a good
photograph. We were now at 2400 feet, and practically
at the end of the trying series of ups and downs which
had constituted the previous week's marching. The
next stage to Malamir, though not entailing a high
climb, proved the most laborious of all our marches,
owing to the terrible roughness of the track. We were
224 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
nine hours on the move, and arrived quite fagged out.
Part of the way ran over an ancient road constructed
of large round stones that were infinitely difficult for
man and horse. The only object of interest encountered
was several small caves in the face of a precipice
where, I was informed, in ancient Parsi times the old
people used to be shut up until they died. Evidently
it is better to be an aged Parsi in a civilised country
to-day than to have been a decrepit Zoroastrian in the
Persia of long ago.
Malamir is a large plain fairly thickly populated by
settled Bakhtiaris, who were busy ploughing the ground
when we arrived. At several points in the neighbour-
hood there are ancient sculptures and inscriptions, some
of which were visited by Layard during that interesting
residence in Bakhtiari-land so delightfully described in
his * Early Adventures.' Here we were again compelled
to put up the tents, owing to the inhospitality of the
inhabitants, who, moreover, made considerable difficulties
about supplies. The Bakhtiaris, apart from the Khans,
who are kindness and friendliness personified, indeed
are disobliging people, even when it is to their own
advantage to be otherwise. Frequently we tried to
purchase a lamb from the flocks encountered grazing
by the road. But in no case would the shepherds
sell, on the ground that they were waiting until the
lambs grew big, when they would sell them as sheep.
We offered to give the full price of a sheep for a lamb,
but even that would not fetch them, money-grubbers
though they are. On one occasion, in response to a
request for milk, a small bowlful was brought, for which
they demanded a price twelve times as great as is usu-
ally paid for a similar quantity in Persia proper. We
offered four times the usual price, but this was sulkily
refused. This where there were large herds of cattle,
THROUGH BAKHTIARI LAND. 225
and where everything in the shape of milk must have
been plentiful.
Being desirous of visiting the newly opened oil-fields
in the neighbourhood of Shushter, I now left the ordin-
ary trade route to Ahwaz, followed by the Lynch road,
and made two disagreeable marches to Goorgeer, where
we camped for the night in the middle of the village.
I ought here to remark that the headman of the village
where we spent the previous night behaved like a
gentleman, for he sent me a present of fowls, eggs, milk,
and firewood, and really required some persuasion to
accept a money present in exchange. But Goorgeer
was a trying experience, for the dogs barked far into
the night and the people never ceased from quarrelling
amongst themselves. One old woman gave the head-
man no rest, for she had been robbed by somebody
and was keen on redress. Her reproaches coming to
a noisy climax this while I was waiting in a hut
for my tent to be erected one rascally -looking fellow
exclaimed in a tone of righteous indignation, " Are
the Bakhtiaris thieves ? " whereunto the assembled
multitude answered with honest pride, " God forbid ! "
so translated Agajan, with curling lip.
226
CHAPTER XV.
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY.
OIL in Persia is a very old story, and people of vivid
imagination and much faith in their own discernment
will tell one that the fire- worshipping of ancient Persia
was a consequence of the flames that burned eternally
where the oil spurted from the ground. The spot
meant in this connection is Baku, the great Russian
oil-field on the Caspian, once Persian territory. There
appears to be a belt of oil-bearing country stretching
down from the Caucasus to the Persian Gulf, mani-
festations of the presence of the precious fluid being
frequent both on the Turkish and Persian sides of the
frontier line. The phenomenal success of the Baku
wells had drawn inquiring looks towards Persia, but
owing to the existence of a concession giving a mon-
opoly of mining enterprise throughout that country
nothing could be done. But the company owning
this concession, having lost over 100,000 in pro-
specting and in importing machinery, though not in
connection with oil, gave up working. On the expira-
tion of its rights General Kitabji Khan, an Armenian
officer in the service of the Shah, obtained the ex-
clusive right to work and develop oil in Persia, and
immediately sold his concession to a Mr D'Arcy, a
wealthy Australian interested in mining.
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 227
The transfer was recognised by the Persian Govern-
ment, and the new owner was given exclusive rights
for sixty years from 28th May 1901. D'Arcy set to
work at once, and after a period of prospecting fixed
upon a point to commence operations. This point was
near Kasr-i-Shirin, close to the Turkish frontier, and
distant from the Persian Gulf some 300 miles. The
disadvantages of this selection were numerous, the
principal being the expense of establishing communi-
cation with the sea in the event of the oil being
discovered in paying quantity. Another serious objec-
tion was that, owing to the mountainous character of
the intervening country on the Persian side, a pipe
to carry the oil to the coast for refining and ship-
ment would have to be carried across the Turkish
border, and then, at a suitable point, back into Persian
territory, thereby causing endless complications. After
expenditure on an enormous scale, owing to the ex-
treme difficulty of transporting machinery in a roadless
country, oil was duly struck in considerable quantity,
but only for it to be recognised, in the circumstances
just set forth, as valueless. The oil was there, but it
would not pay to transport it. D'Arcy had now ex-
pended as much money as he cared, and it looked as
if the enterprise might be abandoned. But it was
well known that there were oil manifestations at
other points nearer the sea, and eventually D'Arcy
enlisted the interest of the Burma Oil Company.
This concern was ready enough to come in, not so
much because they were in love with the prospects,
but because they did not want to see the concession
snapped up by some of the great rival trusts.
The new syndicate began prospecting in south-
western Persia, and eventually commenced boring
operations at two points in the Bakhtiari country.
228 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
In 1907 full success was obtained at Maidan-i-Naph-
thun, thirty miles east of Shushter, and operations
were thenceforth concentrated there, the other field
being temporarily abandoned. In due course ample
proof of the extent and richness of the oil strata was
obtained, and the syndicate proceeded to business.
Two exploitation companies had already been consti-
tuted in order to conform to the terms of the con-
cession, but in April 1909 these were merged in the
Anglo-Persian Oil Company, Limited, with a capital
of 2,000,000. But only 800,000 in the shape of
Preference Shares and Debenture Stock was offered
to the public, all the ordinary shares being retained
by the syndicate, composed of, principally, the Burma
Oil Company and, in lesser degree, Mr D'Arcy, Lord
Strathcona, and others. The issue was a great success,
for the subscription list was full half an hour after
being opened, thousands besieging the issuing banks
in London and Glasgow. The money subscribed is to
be devoted to recouping the syndicate for the heavy
expenses of prospecting and of preliminary work, said
to have cost 300,000. The remainder goes to the
erection of a refinery near Mahommerah and the con-
struction of a pipe-line from the oil-field to supply the
raw material to the refinery. It is worth noting that
the Burma Oil Company and the co-vendors guarantee
a dividend of 6 per cent for five years to the holders
of the Preference Shares, this to cover the period before
the business is in full swing. But as the pipe-line and
refinery plant are expected to be ready within three
years from April 1909, the concern should be earning a
dividend on its own account long before the expiration
of the guarantee. By the terms of the concession the
Persian Government receives 16 per cent of the shares
of the Company, while the Bakhtiaris get 3 per cent
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 229
of the net profits on the sale of the oil extracted from
the wells situated in their country. Success, therefore,
means a handsome revenue for the Persian Government
and a substantial annual payment to the Bakhtiaris.
From this short sketch of the history of the oil
enterprise, and of the present position of the Company
engaged in it, I now turn to the field of operations
as I found it on my arrival. Some time before actu-
ally reaching the place where work is being conducted,
I found signs of the nasty product which the modern
world prizes so highly. Laboriously scrambling up a
small river-bed our noses were repeatedly assailed by
a noxious smell to which paraffin, brimstone, sulphur,
and rotten eggs would appear chiefly to contribute.
Not long afterwards we came to huge ugly brown clots
of the oil itself, lying on the stones and poisoning the
neighbourhood. These appeared to have floated down
the stream, and to have got stranded on the way. I
incautiously trod on one of the patches, and only
succeeded in freeing my foot by trailing the long
sticky serpent that adhered to it several yards over
the stones. Soon afterwards we sighted buildings and
tents perched on the hillside, and a few minutes later
I was hospitably received by Mr Eeynolds, the general
field-manager of the Company. Having been without
food for ten hours, I was very glad to have lunch while
my host very kindly put me in possession of a few of
the leading facts relating to the enterprise.
It appears that the oil exists in large quantity in a
tract that has been proved to be nearly three miles
long and of considerable width, and may, of course,
be much greater. Eight wells have been drilled to
a depth varying between 1600 and 3000 feet, boring
operations being stopped either when the oil spouted
or when the geological cap, proved by mining experi-
230 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
ence to cover oil deposits, was reached. It was pos-
sible to stop the flow of oil in some of the wells, but
in others it spouted so strongly that when the pipe
was capped the oil forced its way up outside the pip-
ing and escaped in great quantity. This process is
now proceeding and the oil running to waste in the
ravines, efforts to preserve it being of little avail. It
was at the oil-fields that I heard that the storm which
we experienced at Shelil had been prevalent all over
south-western Persia, and that six inches of rain fell in
thirty hours, an unprecedented experience where the
total fall averages only eight inches per annum. The
tremendous amount of water which fell during the
storm washed great masses of the semi-congealed oil
down the local streams, which eventually carried them
into the Karun river, to the great excitement of the
Arabs on its banks.
I spent some time trying to worry out how the oil
ever comes to exist far down in the ground, and this is
how it was explained to me. In the sea of to-day exist,
as they probably did in those of past geological ages,
microscopic organisms known as foraminifera. These
little beasts densely inhabit the water, though one
cannot see them, and they keep dying by the million,
the corpses sinking to the bottom. The floors of
ancient oceans are supposed to be covered with a
deposit of these dead bodies, each containing an in-
finitesimal speck of oil. After the flight of ages and
the occurrence of great geological changes there exists
far underground an old ocean bed, part of it a stratum
representing the dead foraminifera of other times.
Time and great pressure have acted upon their re-
mains so as to bring the specks of oil together, leaving
other matter to sink, or perhaps to swim. It reads
like a tissue of lies, but such, or something like it, I
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 231
understand to be the latest and most approved theory
to account for underground oil. The getting down to
it is an interesting process, magic when you don't
understand, simple when you do. First is required an
erection about 80 feet high, known in mining circles as
a rig. From the top of the rig hangs a chain or a wire
rope, and at the end of the rope is attached a driller, a
heavy steel beam with sharp but broad edge like a
chisel weighing two or three tons. A steam-engine
behind the rig hoists the driller and lets it down auto-
matically from a height on its point. The diameter of
the driller is only a few inches, so the impact with the
ground is tremendous. The dropping operation per-
formed continuously and exactly on the same spot soon
produces a hole whether the ground be mud or sand
or solid rock, the last named indeed being the easiest
of all to work. Whenever an appreciable hole is made
a long iron cylinder is fitted into it and henceforth the
driller works inside the cylinder. Water is always
kept in the hole so that the driller plunging into it-
keeps the refuse liquid. Periodically a pump is in-
serted which sucks out the liquid containing the
pounded earth or rock. It should be mentioned that
the driller is automatically turned so that the edge is
always striking the bottom of the hole at a different
angle. When the edge gets blunt a new head is easily
fitted to the driller. As the driller bores downward
the cylinder is let into the hole by degrees, and when
flush with the ground another cylinder is screwed to
the top, and the process is continued, cylinder after
cylinder being added until the oil is reached. Deep
boring produces complications which result in the
gradual reduction of the bore of the cylinder. Com-
mencing perhaps with 12 or even 15 -inch cylinders for
the first few hundred feet, they gradually become
PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
smaller and smaller until at a depth of 3000 feet
the pipe may be no more than four inches in diameter.
Each time there is a change of bore new piping has to
be introduced from top to bottom, so that wells some-
times have their top few hundred feet composed of six
concentric rings of iron piping, another few hundred
feet with five rings, then four, and so on, until the
length of single small-bore piping at the bottom. Drill-
ers, of course, must vary in size so as to bore out the
diameter to take the required size of cylinder. Given
suitable ground, I understand that a depth of one
thousand feet can be bored in two months working day
and night shifts, at a cost of something like 12,000,
cost varying greatly, of course, according to venue,
price of transport, labour, and so forth.
Mr Reynolds, who is now in charge of the field oper-
ations of the oil company, has been connected with the
enterprise from the very beginning. He started the
work near Kasr-i-Shirin, and his account of the diffi-
culties encountered in transporting machinery from
Baghdad to the scene of action, the obstacles put in his
way by the natives, and the great hardships endured,
make up an entertaining narrative. The author of it
is an optimist, of course, or he could hardly have per-
severed with his task. There came a period, after
operations had been transferred to the Bakhtiari
country, when the syndicate appears to have given
up hope of success, and actually to have contemplated
the abandonment of the work, a course which would
have involved a very heavy financial loss. The repre-
sentative on the spot, however, strenuously advocated
a policy of perseverance, with the result that the oil
was discovered in the nick of time. Mere driblets
were of no use from a commercial point of view ; what
was wanted was a spouting fountain of oil. And one
Ma idan- i-Naphthun .
Baku whose fortune "was made by oil.
Rigs at Baku.
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 233
day it came, to the huge delight of the camp, shooting
high into the air and drenching the rig from top to
bottom. Analysis of the oil shows it to be of high
grade, and rich in those numerous by-products which
form such an important feature of the oil industry.
Truly a beautiful commercial prospect. But from
other points of view Maidan-i-Naphthun is surely one
of the ugliest places in the world. The dirty grey and
yellow hills that surround it are desolate and forbid-
ding to a degree. Not a tree or a bush is to be found
within twenty miles, and when I was there not a blade
of grass to relieve the horrid monotony. All the water
is bad, and none sweet is to be found under a day's
march. The temperature in summer goes up to 120
degrees Fahrenheit in the shade. Fresh food is pro-
cured from a distance with infinite difficulty. The
European employees live either in tents or in most
uncomfortably small squat buildings that are furnaces
in the hot weather and ice-boxes in winter. Those
early on the scene underwent hardships of the kind
that result in grey hair.
An inspection of the camp proved highly interesting,
though my untechnical eye failed to understand much
of what it saw. But there was no mistaking the
blackened earth surrounding the well-heads, or the
pressure of the oil on the screwed caps, evident in the
shape of continuous hissing and bubbling. Two large
tanks excavated in the ground were full of the crude
article, while horrid brown masses of it floated undulat-
ing and wriggling on the water of a small stream. The
stench absolutely pervaded the atmosphere, most un-
pleasant to my unsophisticated nose, but balm to those
who live in it and work upon it. People used to oil-
fields are said to go sick when they breathe untainted
air, and to require in their waistcoat-pockets a small
234 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
phial of their precious oil to inhale from when they
take a holiday. A large workshop in which mechanics
of various nationalities were busy is a feature of the
camp. A powerful oil-engine drives the machinery,
and will later on be employed to work a dynamo
which is to provide electricity for lighting and other
purposes. Belching black smoke from a dozen chim-
neys indicates that the product of the wells is used
for cooking in the houses. Large sheds and stabling
accommodation are provided for the transport estab-
lishment, which consists of about 150 mules and a
dozen carts of the kind with two pairs of enormous
broad-tyred wheels joined by a heavy beam. To draw
these contrivances when loaded with the cylinder
lengths described, six pairs of mules are required. As
existing mule tracks were useless for heavy transport,
one of the necessities of the enterprise was a road to
the Karun river, forty miles long. Another feature of
the camp is a dispensary to which the natives flock,
sometimes from distances of a hundred miles. The
medical officer of the Company does valuable w r ork, not
only professionally but diplomatically, for his powers as
a healer give him an influence with the people that has
frequently been of great service to his employers. One
of his principal uses in the camp itself is to perform oper-
ations for stone, which is very prevalent owing to the
saline character of the water. As proof of the Doctor's
prowess in dealing with this ailment I was shown a
large heap of gravel at the back of the dispensary.
The affairs of the oil syndicate have given rise to
difficulties of a serious kind with the Bakhtiaris, and
nothing goes further to demonstrate Bakhtiari ignor-
ance of the world and affairs generally than the be-
haviour of the Khans a few years ago. A stipulation of
the agreement between the Bakhtiaris and the syndi-
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 235
cate was that guards should be provided for the exploi-
tation camps. 2000 per annum was to be paid for
this protection, against which the Bakhtiaris were to
be responsible for the safety of life and property, and
to give compensation for loss from robbery. Despite
the guards, however, the greatest inconvenience was
suffered from continuous and systematic robbing of
material. Complaints were rudely met and relations
became generally strained. In 1907 a European em-
ployee of the syndicate was assaulted in the neighbour-
hood of the fields ; the headman of a village appeared
on the scene and stopped drilling operations ; the
manager of the fields was actually threatened by his
own guards. In addition to this provocation, the Bakh-
tiaris threatened to denounce the agreement and to
divest themselves of responsibility for the safety of
the employees, if claims for compensation for robberies
continued to be presented. In this intolerable state of
affairs the quarterly instalment of the guard money
was withheld as a protest. A deputation of the Khans
then visited the Legation in Teheran, demanding pay-
ment of the money withheld, and the transfer of nego-
tiations from the Ahwaz Consulate to that of Isfahan,
the official of the former place not pleasing them on
account of his support of the oil syndicate's claims.
Both demands met with a refusal, whereupon the depu-
tation formally repudiated responsibility for the protec-
tion of the camp. Meanwhile the Legation had been
pressing for the punishment of the assailants of the oil
company employee who had been assaulted in July. As
no steps were taken by the Bakhtiaris the Legation
applied to the Persian Government, which put pressure
on the Khans, with the result that the offenders were
publicly beaten in October. Thieving still continued
at the oil-camps, however, and as there seemed no
236 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
prospect of improvement, the home Government took a
step that had been long in contemplation, and which
redounds very much to their credit. Two British
officers, eight sowars, and twelve native infantry were
brought from India and sent up to the oil-fields. As
protection this small force was, of course, totally in-
adequate, but it proved amply sufficient to convince the
Bakhtiaris that the British Government intended to
stand no more nonsense. They climbed down imme-
diately, since when matters have gone much more
smoothly and it has been found possible to withdraw
the Indian guards. This, of course, is an old story now,
and it is satisfactory to know that relations have greatly
improved of late. That is as it should be, for the
Bakhtiaris have nothing to gain by being obstructive,
but everything to lose. Besides the annual payment
for guards they might derive large profit from the sale
of supplies, but in this matter the local tribesmen have
proved so rapacious that it has been found cheaper to
import from outside. If the Bakhtiaris are wise they
will realise that the development of the field, and con-
sequently their own share in the profits, depends to a
considerable extent on the assistance and support which
they extend to the company.
As regards the future of the Anglo-Persian Oil Com-
pany, it is difficult to express an opinion, for the condi-
tion of the oil market, owing to the operations of trusts
and the discovery of many new fields, is such that it
may not pay at present to extract more than a limited
amount. In any case, development can only proceed at
a sedate pace, for the refinery now in course of con-
struction will only be able to manufacture 2,000,000
gallons per month, whatever the output of crude oil
may be. Should there occur in the future, however,
any remarkable increase in the demand for oil, there is
THE ANGLO-PERSIAN OIL COMPANY. 237
little doubt that the quantity just mentioned might
be increased indefinitely by the provision of additional
refining facilities. Of the raw material it would appear
as if the supply were almost illimitable, for not only is
there the field at Maidan-i-Naphthun, itself equal in
area almost to the Baku field, but there are other
spots adjacent where oil unquestionably exists. The
determining factor in the success of this venture, then,
would appear not to be the amount of oil available,
but the elasticity of the market in which it is sold.
238
CHAPTER XVI.
THE KARUN RIVER.
HAVING been hospitably entertained by Mr Reynolds
and his staff I left the oil-field next day, and after
eleven hours riding over most repulsive country reached
Shushter, to find my belongings, sent independently
from Goorgeer, comfortably installed in the house of
Mr Solomon, the agent of Lynch Brothers. Here I had
to wait for the small stern- wheeler which plies between
Ahwaz and a point seven miles below Shushter, beyond
which the river is not conveniently navigable. The
comfort of a proper house was very welcome after the
rough journey over the mountains, while my host was
most assiduous in showing me the local sights, which
were varied and interesting. There are few stranger
towns to be found than Shushter, a blessed place in the
eyes of the inhabitants, but one of the filthiest in the
world according to travellers. A local mullah of high
repute who came to visit me explained that the word
Shush the famous ruins of the city of Shushan, where
Daniel was given to the lions, is in the neighbourhood
means good, fine, beautiful, bountiful, and all the rest of
it, and that Shushter is the superlative of the same
word. I like to see a man stick up for his native place,
but in the present case there would seem to be little jus-
Shushan, showing the excavations of the French Archceological Expedition.
The Tomb of Daniel at Shushan.
THE KARUN RIVER. 239
tification for municipal pride. Epidemics of plague and
cholera eighty years ago ruined Shushter, and where
were 45,000 inhabitants and a large trade, there are
now only some 6000, while trade is stagnant. The con-
sequence is a large area of ruined and tumble-down
houses, desolate bazaars, and a prevailing air of for-
sakenness. There is another air, too, very prevalent
and truly abominable. Shushter streets are every-
where so narrow that outstretched hands will touch
either wall. Despite this, sanitary and scavenging
arrangements are such that every house must discharge
its superfluities into the narrow lanes by which the
people go up and down. Each house has a small cave
opening on to the street at the ground-level. Down a
tunnel into this cave is shot the household rubbish,
morning, noon, and night, to the utter empoisoning of
the air. Nevertheless these narrow streets and the
curious architecture are inexpressibly quaint, and quite
unlike anything to be found elsewhere in Persia.
Shushter is unique in another respect. A mile up-
stream a canal takes off from the Karun and flows
past the eastern side of the town, leaving the river
to skirt the western side, the town itself being built
upon a low eminence between. Level with the town
a magnificent bridge spans the river by means of
thirty arches, several of which were swept away by
floods eighteen years ago, thus severing connection
between the banks. The peculiarity of this bridge,
attributed to Valerian, is that it is built on a cement
embankment evidently constructed with a view to
raising the level of the water for the purposes of
irrigation. Whether or no the embankment or bar-
rage was part of the canal scheme and constructed
so as to force water into the canal, is learnedly dis-
cussed by Lord Curzon. What interests the visitor
240 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
is to find that the canal, known as the Ab-i-Gerger,
on reaching the town is confronted by a heavy
masonry wall, at each side of which are curious
tunnels through which the stream pours violently.
Emerging on the other side the water is diverted
into a number of different channels cut out of the
solid rock. Over these channels are built mill-
houses, and through them the water courses, turn-
ing the mills on the way. Having done its work,
in some cases two or three times over, the water
then plunges into a deep seething pool on the lower
side of the embankment. The latter is used as a
bridge, and from it the visitor first catches sight of
the remarkable scene below ; spell - bound he halts
to examine so Moses - like a phenomenon. Out of
nearly twenty tunnels piercing the rock at different
levels the water gushes, pouring with a noise like
thunder into the boiling pool. The mills being
covered, the why and wherefore of this strange
arrangement is mysterious, until understood. The
explanation is that the rock is soft sandstone which
lends itself easily to cutting, and that the towns-
people, at one time or another, have ingeniously
availed themselves of the natural advantages. It is,
however, not absolutely established that the Ab-i-
Gerger is artificial, though the embankment of
course is, as well as two bunds projecting into it
up-stream of the embankment. It would be interest-
ing to determine whether the canal was made with
a view to milling facilities, or whether the idea of
milling was evolved from the proximity of the water
to the soft rock. In any case the result is most
picturesque, and supposed to be without parallel
elsewhere in the world.
The most pleasant place in Shushter is the fort, a
I
THE KARUN RIVER. 241
walled erection occupying a sandstone bluff overlook-
ing the Karun. The heat in summer is terrific, but
if there is any coolness to come in the evenings, it
will surely be found in the pleasant topmost storey
of the house in the fort, a many -windowed chamber
commanding a fine view both up and down the river.
Valerian's great bridge, broken towards the western
end, is clearly seen in the south, while to the north
the offtake of the Ab - i - Gerger is backed by the
mountains out of which the Karun emerges, seem-
ingly thankful after its tempestuous career in the
hills to stretch itself placidly on the easy mud of
the plains. From the walls of the fort my guide
takes me down to the water's edge and we skirt
the continuation of the bluff in the direction of the
bridge. For absolute curiousness this deserted part
of Shushter would be hard to rival. The overhang-
ing sandstone cliff, about fifty feet high, is carved
into shelves that are supported by pillars left un-
hewn by the masons. Great chambers extend far
back into the hill, some of them with smaller caves
leading off by means of well-cut doorways. Windows
there are too, and niches for holding things and
mangers for horses and cupboards for housewives.
Evidently space was precious here once, for in some
places a section between the shelves has been built
up with sides and front. Here and [there the arti-
ficial work has disappeared, leaving an interior open
to the day, in that garish manner fires and earth-
quakes have of dealing with human residences. In
one place a long tunnel disappears into the cliff, its
sides overlooked by galleries. This is the Ab-i-Khurd,
an underground canal that used to serve the double
purpose of providing an internal supply of water for
the fort, and of irrigating the fields in the south of
Q
242 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the town. Houses situated over its subterranean
course also drew their water from it by means of
wells. The great bridge, with its embankment which
raised the level of the river, being now broken, water
no longer flows along this useful canal, to the great
inconvenience of a part of the town, and to the ruin
of the cultivation which it used to water. How much
of the extraordinary cutting in the face of the bluff
is due to the action of the water, and how much to
human hands, would be difficult to say ; it is at least
obvious that the cliff was once largely inhabited,
though now deserted and given over to the owl and
the jackal.
The people of Shushter are about as queer as their
town. They claim to be pure Persian, but in reality
they are as much Arab as Persian. They are a type
by themselves, dress in a manner peculiarly their own,
and have customs that distinguish them from both
Persian and Arab. The town has the reputation of
being the most fanatical in Persia. Some years ago
Messrs Lynch's agent had a very unfortunate ex-
perience, being attacked by his own servant while
in bed. One arm was cut off altogether by a sword,
while his face was slashed across from forehead to
chin. Not a soul in the town would help the un-
happy man, despite which he managed to get down
to the steamer, whence he reached Ahwaz, Moham-
merah, and eventually Bussorah and medical atten-
tion, an exhibition of fortitude under suffering that
would be hard to rival. Except for one incident,
due to the excitement prevalent on the critical day
in Mohurrem, however, I have no complaint against
the people or even against the children, whose
impudence in outlying Persian towns is usually in-
dicative of the attitude of the inhabitants towards
THE KARUN RIVER. 243
unbelievers. Among themselves the people of Shush-
ter, as likewise those of Dizful, forty miles to the
north, are always at war. The town is divided into
quarters occupied by different factions in perpetual
feud with each other. The slightest cause sets the
town in a blaze, when street -fighting lasts for days.
Two months before my arrival there had been a
serious outbreak, when seven were killed and about
twenty wounded. The Shah appears always to have
been powerless to prevent these outbursts of law-
lessness, and in the present condition of the country
the new Government is not likely to have more con-
trol. My friend the mullah, already mentioned,
brought the Member of Parliament for Dizful and
Shush ter to call upon me. It appears that " his Ex-
cellency " was ready to start, but that the patriotism
of his constituents would not stand the strain of his
travelling expenses to Teheran.
Word having reached us that the Shushan had
arrived, Solomon suggested a kelek for getting down
to her with my baggage, and remembering happy
hours on the Tigris on a craft of this sort, I gladly
acquiesced. Next morning, therefore, I found myself
bestowed on a frail raft of skins, and afloat on the
Ab-i-Gerger not far below the remarkable hollow into
which the mill-streams plunge. We soon cast off,
and were immediately swirled away by the current
and turned round and round several times in a whirl-
pool before getting properly under way. The turbid
stream on which we floated was racing down a
narrow defile, on one side of which, high up above
us, were ranged the tall masonry dwellings of old
Shushter, like a row of mediaeval castles. At the
water's edge were red- and blue-clad women crouching
over their washing, children dabbling their legs in the
244 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
still places, and dark-visaged faces of squatting men
glowering at us from unshapely heaps of clothes.
Hardly had we realised this fantastic old-world picture
than the water hurried us away from it, as if it were
not good that profane eyes should dwell too long on
a bit of the real Asia thus caught unawares. In
seeming utterly untouched by the outside world,
Shushter remains as it was hundreds of years ago,
except that once it was prosperous while to-day it
languishes. There is nothing of the West about the
houses or the streets, nor do any of its inhabitants
affect any but their own old-fashioned garments. The
one Armenian from Isfahan, my friend Solomon, is
the only representative of civilisation, and he, poor
fellow, sometimes cannot put his nose outside his own
door for fear that it will be shot off. The Shushteri
expresses emotion by filling the streets with flying
lead, and when the thirst for noise and breakage comes
over him, the rest of mankind must stay at home until
his mood changes. This just suits Shushter, for the
ideal of its people is to do absolutely nothing but bask
in the sun in the cold weather, and sleep in under-
ground chambers in the hot. Anything serves as an
excuse to make a holiday within a holiday that is
already almost perpetual. Shushter vanished, the
defile rapidly dwindled until the river emerged upon
the open plain. From the fine rush that characterised
our progress in the earlier part of the voyage the speed
of the kelek died away to a sluggardly crawl, upon
which work with the clumsy paddles produced no
effect. The banks were completely monotonous, and
the sun blazed down upon our unprotected heads.
After four hours of this weariness we hove in sight
of the Shushan, and were very thankful to get aboard
of her, and out of the heat and glare. This little
THE KARUN RIVER. 245
vessel is the successor of that Susa which Curzon
writes so contemptuously of in his chapter on the
Karun river. The erstwhile captain of the Susa, who
to this day boasts that Curzon beat him with a stick,
is now first officer and chief engineer of the Shushan.
By nationality he is a Turk, of a very conscientious
and painstaking disposition. When master of the
Susa he combined this office with that of sole engineer,
and it is reported of him that, when he wished to start
or stop his vessel, he usually first rang the orders down
the telegraph on the bridge, and then skipped below
and executed them himself.
The voyage down to Ahwaz is not particularly
interesting except in so far as it illustrates the
extraordinary richness of the country and the thin-
ness of the population. Practically all the way down,
a distance of fifty miles direct, but some one hundred
miles following the winding of the stream, the soil is
pure alluvium of the most fertile kind. But in all
this distance there are only three or four villages
and a few scattered encampments. All the people,
settled and nomad, are Arabs Persians, curiously
enough, being conspicuously absent. There is abund-
ance of evidence, however, to show that in ancient
times things were very different. At one point the
river has cut deep into its bank and displayed on
the earthen cliff the remains of an ancient town of
considerable extent. In every direction are to be
seen the mounds that indicate towns and villages of
past times. One could hardly imagine a richer field
for the archaeologist, for although history informs us
that this region was thickly inhabited barely a
thousand years ago, below the remains of compara-
tively recent civilisations must exist those of times
contemporary with, if not anterior to, those of Babylon
246 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
and Chaldea. Half-way down we halt for the night,
and take in wood for the engines at a village which
appears to exist only for the purpose of providing
a regular supply. A walk of a mile brings us to the
junction of the Ab-i-Gerger, upon which we have been
sailing, the Karun proper, that has flowed more or
less parallel to us from Shush ter, and the Ab-i-Diz,
another considerable stream issuing from Luristan and
passing Dizful. The three joined together really for
the first time form what is called the Karun river,
the stream marked by that name on maps being known
above this point by a variety of local names. The
Karun itself is not navigable so close to Shushter as
the Ab-i-Gerger, while the Ab-i-Diz, though navigable
at high water nearly to Dizful, is usually very difficult.
What strikes one is that these three streams constitute
a magnificent water-supply, of which, apparently, not
the slightest use whatever is made for the purposes
of irrigation.
The following morning we cast off at daylight, and
entering the greater Karun, now a really fine river,
broad and deep, past banks thickly covered with low
jungle, steam down to Ahwaz. Here, owing to the
rapids, we are forced to disembark and to take another
boat. The junction is effected by a tramway about
three miles long, the property of the notorious Moin-
ut-Tajar, who, hearing that Lynch's contemplated such
a scheme for the connection of the steamers on the
upper and lower Karun, immediately ran off to the
Shah and got a concession for construction of the
same. Fortunately this astute gentleman has not
been able to do exactly as he likes, for whenever he
has put transit rates between the two streams too
high, the nimble muleteer steps in and restores prices
by competition. Rates are now, however, fixed at a
THE KARUN RIVER. 247
figure much higher than they might be if the concern
had been in proper hands. At Ahwaz I was saved
from stranding by Mr Wilson, Lynch's agent, who
took me in and looked after me royally. On the top
of his house, for the first time in my life, I looked
through an astronomical telescope, one of the most
enchanting experiences that a sinner can have in
this world. Mr Wilson is remarkable for one other
thing, for he has a gazelle head, the horns of which
measure 16^ inches, which I take to be a full inch
over the record, while the number of distinctly marked
notches, so far as I remember, is nearly 30. Thanks
to my host, I was able to get away from Ahwaz before
the arrival of the regular river-boat, and in the Ishtar,
a very fast twin-screw launch, made a quick voyage
down to Mohammerah, where we arrived on 20th Jan-
ary, exactly a month after leaving Teheran.
The opening in 1901 of the Bakhtiari road as a
trade route between the Persian Gulf and Central
Persia was expected to lead to an extraordinary de-
velopment of traffic upon the Karun, but these hopes
have been greatly disappointed by the experience of
the years which have since elapsed. As an artery
for commerce with the interior, the new route, as
compared with that from the Gulf via Shiraz, offers
the advantages of shorter distances and cheaper trans-
port rates, while the disadvantage of trans-shipment
at Mohammerah from ocean steamers to the river-boats
in the Karun is counterbalanced by the shipping
difficulties at Bushire. When it is realised that the
difference in cost of through transport to Isfahan in
normal times amounts to nearly 3 per ton, it becomes
obvious that the comparative unpopularity of the route
is due to special causes. To the traveller upon the
road these are easily discernible, and one can only
248 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
observe that their existence illustrates yet again the
extraordinary impracticability of the mind of the
Oriental, and his astonishing faculty for cutting off
his nose to spite his face. It is instructive of things
Persian to examine the situation.
The firm of Lynch Brothers undertook the improve-
ment of the existing track and the construction of
three bridges at an estimated cost of 5500. Un-
fortunately 8500 was spent on the work, although
only two of the bridges were built. Lynch's asked for
acknowledgment of the extra 3000, but the Bakh-
tiaris countered with a demand for reduction on
account of the unconstructed bridge. Lynch's figure
of 5500 had been only an estimate, not a contract
price, so the extra charge was not unreasonable, par-
ticularly as it would appear that the additional cost
was largely due to the Bakhtiari failure to assist with
labour and material at cheap rates, according to agree-
ment. At the same time Lynch's, knowing themselves
to be dealing with Orientals, ought to have been
extremely careful about exceeding the estimated ex-
penditure. As it was, the Bakhtiaris regarded the
additional cost as an imposition and utterly refused to
acknowledge it. The matter being referred to the
Legation, it was decided that Lynch's could not de-
mand the extra 3000, while as regards the uncon-
structed bridge the Bakhtiaris themselves built it, and
the British Government paid the cost, some 800. The
latter part of the decision was probably due to the
feeling that Lynch's had been unfortunate as regards
their claim, while political expediency suggested the
appeasement of the Bakhtiaris by the present of the
bridge, this took place in 1904, before there was any
idea of an Anglo-Russian rapprochement.
Other points were in hot dispute. The arrangement
THE KARUN RIVER. 249
was that the capital expenditure in connection with
the route was to be repayable in twenty-five annual
instalments with interest at 6 per cent. The Bakh-
tiaris having fallen behind with the instalments,
Lynch 's put in an account which included interest
on arrears ; they also included charges for repair of
bridges and other minor items. All of these the Bakh-
tiaris declined to admit. Eventually, however, they
paid up the arrears and certain of the charges, but it is
understood that Lynch's still press the British Govern-
ment to support their claim for 3000 additional cost,
and for the interest on arrears. Within the last year
or two the Bakhtiaris vigorously protested against
paying the expenses of an engineer to inspect the
bridges, and for the cost of painting them, treatment
which is essential for the preservation of the ironwork
from corrosion. All questions between the Bakhtiaris
and Lynch's have remained in abeyance of late owing
to the former being occupied with politics. With the
return to Persia of Sirdar Assad, and the adoption of
liberal ideas by the Bakhtiaris, it is fully expected that
petty differences will disappear and that relations
henceforth will be more satisfactorv. The Nationalist
/
movement in Persia has an ardent supporter in Mr
H. F. B. Lynch, lately the member for Hipon, and it
would certainly be ungracious of the Bakhtiaris to
continue to suspect the bond fides of the firm of which
he is principal.
As regards the working of the route, the road con-
structed was not meant to be anything but a mule
track, so one never expected to be able to drive a
carriage along it. At the same time much of the good
work done by Lynch's engineers is rendered useless by
deterioration, many parts being extremely difficult
even for the nimble mule. Moreover, there are prac-
250 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
tically no caravanserais on the road, with the result
that muleteers have to put up with considerable hard-
ships, while merchandise is liable to damage from rain
for lack of protection. Further, muleteers, though the
goods carried are guaranteed against robbery, are con-
tinually being squeezed in a small way by wandering
tribesmen, who ask them for their tea and bread and
tobacco in a masterful manner that is not to be denied.
Complaints meet with no redress. But worst of all,
from the muleteers' point of view, is the exorbitant
prices charged for forage, whenever opportunity offers.
The animals must be fed on the road, and only the
Bakhtiaris possess supplies. The object of the opening
of the Bakhtiari route was to cheapen the transport
charges to the interior of Persia, Lynch's to profit by
the traffic on the Karun river, the Bakhtiaris by the
tolls levied on the goods in transit. But the Bakh-
tiaris are killing the goose that lays the golden eggs
by neglecting to keep their road in repair, by allowing
the muleteer to be mulcted, and by failing to provide
accommodation by the way, this latter reason account-
ing to a great extent for the closure of the road for
three months in the winter. The one short section
where snow is a real difficulty could be kept open by a
little expenditure. The principal cause of the cessa-
tion of traffic is the hardships which the muleteer finds
confronting him owing to the necessity of camping in
the open in the depth of winter. Despite all the
drawbacks, however, the natural advantages of the
route are so great that the tolls have slowly increased
until in 1908 they yielded a revenue of over 1000.
Owing to the blocking of the Bushire route, trade
along the Bakhtiari road in 1909 was materially in-
creased, and if the Bakhtiaris were clever, they would
set themselves to retain the temporary advantage by
THE KARUN RIVER. 251
offering greater inducements to the muleteers. As it
is, mule-hire is ridiculously high because so few mule-
teers care to work on the route. Let the Bakhtiaris
spend some of their income on repairs, on provision of
forage at fixed rates, and on accommodation, and their
revenue from tolls will advance by leaps and bounds.
In this case, as in so many others in Persia, one can
see how European supervision of the arrangements
would have an immediate effect upon the prospects
of the route, and certainly realise for it the success
predicted at its inauguration. But the jealousy and
suspicion of foreigners, so conspicuous in Teheran, is
no less prevalent among the Bakhtiaris than among
their more sophisticated fellow-countrymen in the
north, and they are no more likely to entertain the
idea of European management than they are to migrate
to the South Pole.
252
CHAPTER XVII.
i
THE PERSIAN GULF.
EVERYBODY knows that if you go to the top of the
Persian Gulf and sail up the Shat-el-Arab for four
hours, you will come to the insalubrious port of Mo-
ham merah. The great Mesopotamian river, in its
course to the sea, is in its lower latitudes gradually
approached by the Karun, coming from the Persian
mountains, and at Mohammerah the two join. Most
authorities have proved to their own satisfaction that
the Karun used to flow into the Persian Gulf on its
own account, along the channel now known as the
Bahmishir. They attribute the joining to an ancient
worthy who dug a canal between the two that boat
traffic from one river to the other might be saved the
long voyage round by the sea. And they believe that
the Karun took a fancy to the new opening, and hence-
forward sought blue water by way of the canal and the
Shat-el-Arab, thereby deserting its old bed.
Sir William Willcocks, however, has laid all these
ingenious theorists low by declaring that the Bah-
mishir is merely an old irrigation channel, and that
the present course of the Karun is purely natural. He
goes further, and expresses the conviction that the
Shat-el-Arab once used to flow into the Gulf by what
A House at Shushter.
A Creek at Mohammerah.
THE PERSIAN GULF. 253
is known as the Zobeir channel, thirty miles to the
west, and that the present bed of the Shat-el-Arab,
below Mohammerah, is in reality the original bed of
the Karun. It seems a great pity, when a nice work-
ing hypothesis has been established, that anybody
should come along and destroy it, whether out of pure
pleasure or in the interests of Truth. Sir William,
however, is full of the iconoclastic spirit has he not
relocated Eden and brought Ararat from Armenia to
Mesopotamia ? and no respecter of comfortable miscon-
ceptions. As for that short section of the present
course of the Karun river, a bare two miles long, I can
offer no opinion of my own. But I do know from per-
sonal observation that the town of Mohammerah is
pleasantly placed on the reach in question, whether it
be the handiwork of man or the gift of Nature.
One may truly say pleasantly, so far as looks are
concerned. Steamers passing on the Shat-el-Arab
nowadays almost invariably drop anchor off the
entrance to the Karun and afford the passenger a
view of Mohammerah stretched along the northern
bank, its many windowed and verandahed houses
embowered in palms. Many a traveller bound else-
where has wished for a run up the Karun and a closer
look at the town mysteriously hiding itself behind
date groves. But very few have been able to gratify
the wish, for though the steamers stop they seldom
stay more than an hour or two. In my case, however,
the desire experienced during a former passing was
satisfied ; and more, for this time I dwelt a long week
in Mohammerah, and left it the poorer of another
illusion what a blessed provision of the Creator it is
that the human mind acquires new ones as fast as
the old ones fall away. Frankly, Mohammerah is a
poisonous place from the residential point of view, and
254 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the people who live in it do so out of pure heroism.
The European residents to whom alone the place is
objectionable, natives regarding it as a blessed blend
between Paris and Paradise are very few in number,
and entirely without amusement. There is no club,
and not even a tennis-court, the latter institution
being absent on account of a local belief that it is
irreligious to mark the ground with straight lines
piety like this is seldom found outside the country
where it is a sin to whistle on the Sabbath. Despite
the monotony of existence, however, I managed to
spend a very instructive week in Mohammerah, thanks
to a host keenly interested in local problems who
spared no trouble to enlighten me thereupon.
The date-palm is the most obvious thing in the town.
One knows this tree to be both graceful and elegant,
but it is surprising to learn that there is romance in
its life. Know then, gentle reader, that the date is
male and female, that the different sexes are properly
married, that the wives bring forth the fruit and that
the husbands are never faithless. There is polygamy,
to be sure, but no divorce owing to the high code of
morality. A date farmer plants twelve girls and one
boy all together, and five years later the nuptials take
place. The process entails the artificial fertilising of
the female trees with the seed of the male. Without
this assistance the females would be dependent upon
chance seed blown by the wind or dropped by birds.
Left to themselves trees speedily deteriorate in fruit-
bearing capacity, and in a state of nature the fruit is
worthless. Altogether the date is an interesting tree.
It is said to flourish when its feet are in water and
its head in hell. There are scores of varieties of dates,
but all need moisture and great heat. To see an Arab
climb a date-tree is a lesson in dynamics. The climber
THE PERSIAN GULF. 255
hoops himself to the tree, so loosely that when his toes
are against the trunk his body leans away from it at
an angle of about 45 degrees. Jerking himself towards
the tree the hoop slackens, and is slipped up the trunk,
an upward step completing the movement and restor-
ing the original position. In this manner the Arab
walks up a lofty tree as easily and as fast as he walks
on the level road. Mohammerah is streaked with
small canals, perhaps fifteen feet wide and six deep.
A section of date trunk makes an excellent bridge for
the barefooted, horny -soled native, but a precarious
path for the slippery - booted European, particularly
in view of the mud below. The Arab, in some parts
of the Gulf, it might be mentioned, is extremely
economical, and having eaten the dates himself, gives
the stones to his cattle. Fortunately for the cattle
the stones are ground into powder first.
One of the principal drawbacks to existence in
Mohammerah is the difficulty of procuring supplies.
The chickens are of the hardy order, and the potatoes
come from Isfahan, a three hundred mile journey by
mule or camel. The local rice is of inferior quality,
while vegetables are scarcer than fine gold. The river
is full of fish, but the Arab fisherman is empty of the
energy that might furnish a regular supply. Tinned
food ordered from Bombay arrives in the fulness of
time but cannot be procured locally. Floral decor-
ations are not among the requirements of the native
inhabitants, and when a few daisies were used to
brighten the table at a dinner party to which I was
bidden, the guests all exclaimed, " Oh ! where did you
get the flowers ? "
Telegraphic communication is a real difficulty. The
wire runs up country to Ahwaz, and from there south-
eastward to Bebehan, in the Kuhgelu country, and
256 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
thence to Shiraz, where it joins the lines of the Indo-
European Telegraphic Department. When the Kuh-
gelus are not engaged in shooting Russian and British
consuls, they spend their time potting the white
insulators on the telegraph poles. They frequently
employ a quarter of a mile of the wire for their own
purposes, and when repairing parties come out from
Shiraz to mend the gap, the Kuhgelus rob, strip, and
beat its members. This happened more than once
while I was at Teheran. European telegraph officers
have been murdered by the Kuhgelus, who are among
the sauciest of the Persian tribes. But as regards
Mohammerah, telegraphic communication, in these
circumstances, is necessarily precarious, and the usual
method of sending a message is by boat to the Turkish
wires at Bussorah, or by steamer to the Indo-European
Department cables at Fao or Bushire. It might have
been thought that telegraphing to Ahwaz, at least,
was a simple business, but in this respect exists a
complication unusual in the East. The Mohammerah
wire is Persian, and the officer in charge is stated
to be defunct, though he still draws the pay of the
post. The work is said to be done by his daughter
(who presumably draws the pay), who, if this be true,
possesses the distinction of being the only female
telegraph operator in the whole of the Orient. The
lady is engaged to be married to the operator in
Ahwaz, whom she is supposed never to have seen,
but whom she has captivated by her mastery of the
Morse code. While I was at Mohammerah there was
no telegraph communication with Ahwaz, and the
popular explanation was that there had been a lovers'
quarrel, in consequence of which the Mohammerah
end would have nothing to do with Ahwaz. This
eminently human reason quite satisfied Mohammerah,
Mohammerah.
The Persian Telegraph Line between Ah-waz and Mohammerah.
THE PERSIAN GULF. 257
which patiently awaited the resumption of friendly
relations to send off its telegrams.
The last twenty years has seen an extraordinary
development in the trade of Mohammerah. Where
exports and imports were almost nothing, the figures
are now practically half a million sterling, a result due
entirely to the opening of the Karun river and the
institution of the Bakhtiari trade route to Central
Persia, both primarily owing to the enterprise of the
Lynch firm. Of the present imports, cotton from India
and the United Kingdom and sugar from France rep-
resent 80 per cent of the total. German imports for
1908-9 were only 6300 out of a total of 260,000.
Exports are extraordinarily variable, owing to the
unreliability of the wheat crop. A remarkable feature
of the trade of the present year, complete figures for
which are not yet available, is the large quantity of
opium coming down the Bakhtiari road from Isfahan.
High prices consequent on the restriction in cultivation
in India and China have given a tremendous fillip to
the demand for the Persian article, and the total ex-
port for the year is expected to run into six figures.
Curiously enough it is all shipped to England, and from
thence backward to the Far East. Meanwhile the
town of Mohammerah has been rapidly increasing, and
the population is now estimated at 10,000, with every
prospect of being doubled within the next few years.
The disorders in southern Persia have led to large
temporary increase in the through trade to Central
Persia, and this, together with the establishment of
the managing agents of the Anglo-Persian Oil Com-
pany at Mohammerah, and the importation of machinery
for drilling and refining, and of material for the con-
struction of the pipe line, has led to very optimistic
and apparently well-grounded hopes of remarkable
258 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
development in the near future. The Imperial Bank
of Persia has just opened a branch, and a French
merchant from Bushire is setting up a store for the
sale of European goods. Both enterprises are likely
to meet with early success. All the land belongs to
the Sheikh, who seems rather inclined to demand fancy
prices for building sites. To starve the gosling before
it is old enough to lay the golden eggs does not seem
good policy, and the Sheikh will be well advised in his
own interests to do everything to encourage the estab-
lishment and growth of business, assured that success
will bring him ample reward in a hundred indirect
ways.
Mohammerah and the country of the Sheikh is
included in the Persian Governorship of Arabistan, a
province somewhat ill - defined both politically and
geographically. Roughly speaking, it includes all of
the plain south and west of the Persian mountains as
far as the Turkish boundary, a hazy line running north-
ward from the neighbourhood of Mohammerah towards
the Pusht-i-Kuh. The Sheikh is independent of the
Governor from Teheran, and usually keeps that gentle-
man in his pocket. Indeed, the Persian official can do
nothing with his province without the assistance of the
Sheikh, who can bring large military forces into the
field, while the Governor has nobody to enforce his
will. The Persian Government recognises the special
position of the Sheikh, and does not interfere with the
internal affairs of the tribes owing him allegiance.
The Sheikh on his side admits his liability to certain
taxation, which he remits in a lump sum to Teheran,
and accepts Persian Customs, Posts, and Telegraphs.
His relations with the Indian Government are usually
very satisfactory, the Sheikh finding British friendli-
THE PERSIAN GULF. 259
ness a convenient offset to the jealousy with which his
position is viewed in Teheran.
I had the pleasure of a long conversation with him
while I was at Mohammerah, and was interested to find
him a man of intelligent mind, keenly alive to the
political developments of the day relating to this part
of the world. By opportunely lending money to Sirdar
Assad on first-class security he has given substantial
aid to the Constitutional cause in Persia, and ranks
himself as one of its firm supporters, despite his
entrance into a compact to he mentioned in the next
chapter. He is at the same time critical of the atti-
tude of the present Government towards the questions
of finance and of foreign assistance in the reorganisa-
tion of the administration. He thinks it reasonable
that the expenditure of money lent by the Powers
should be subject to foreign control, and regards
European assistance as essential to the progress of
reform. The province is entitled to send representa-
tives to the Mejliss, but the member for Dizful and
Shushter has not yet started, for reasons already men-
tioned, while that for Mohammerah has not yet been
elected. The people here, in fact, seem to regard the
Parliament as a kind of joke that concerns Teheran
primarily, the rest of Persia very little, and Arabistan
not at all. Enmity between the Arabs and the
Bakhtiari is of long standing, and though the chiefs
on both sides are excellent friends, local opinion is
quite out of sympathy with a movement in which the
Bakhtiari have taken so prominent a part. An excep-
tion might be made in the case of the two towns
mentioned, for their inhabitants claim to be pure
Persians which they assuredly are not and as
such show a tendency to be interested in Persian
260 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
politics. Their election of a deputy to Parliament
certainly argues interest, though their failure to find
a trifle for his travelling expenses suggests luke-
warmness.
From Mohamrnerah I took ship to Bushire, the
metropolis of the Persian Gulf, in that British interests
in these regions are here focussed in the person of the
Political Resident. Unfortunately for me Colonel Cox
was in England, and the pleasure of renewing an
acquaintance with him made only a short time before
in Teheran was denied me. The problems of which
Bushire is the centre, however, stare one in the face,
and one realises here, on the spot, more substantially
than in the distant north, how curious it is that what
Britain strives with her right hand to do in the Persian
Gulf her left hand continually endeavours to undo.
There is surely in our history few more honourable
chapters than that which deals with our connection
with the Persian Gulf. We fought for predominance
there, and gained it ; we drove piracy out of existence,
and have since policed the Gulf; we have surveyed it,
mapped it, and lighted it ; we have shown our teeth
at one time or another to most of the kinglets on
its shores, and generally thereafter taken them under
our protection. And always, until within the last few
years, we have had a monopoly of the trade. If ever
there was a region where it would seem British wishes
ought to be law it is the Persian Gulf.
How very different is the real situation. It is a
joke throughout the whole of the Gulf that the gun-
running, against which we have always protested, is
carried on under our noses. The majority of the rifles
smuggled are manufactured in Birmingham, while
practically every one of them is brought to Mascat
in British steamers. And now, when we can stand it
THE PERSIAN GULF. 261
no longer, and we have employed warships and troops
to stop it, the situation as regards the origin of the
rifles, their transit and their distributing centre,
remains unchanged. We have not put a stopper
on the exportation from England, nor have we
debarred British ships from engaging in the trade ;
while in Mascat our naval officers lunch with our
Political Agent, and watch from his windows the
trans-shipment of rifles that at tea-time they will be
hunting on the high seas. Comedy could go no farther.
We are restrained from action in Mascat, of course,
by the existence of the French and American treaties
with that little principality. In high politics it is
very necessary to regard as sacrosanct the solemn
undertakings of great contracting parties. There
appears recently to have been a slight violation of
this laudable creed in the case of the Berlin Treaty,
but that lapse from virtue has since been condoned.
Gulf politicians, however, know very little of high
politics. To all appearances Great Britain is complete
mistress of the Arabian Sea and its offshoots, and
should be able to do exactly what she likes in these
regions. But instead of washing the whole business
of gun - running out of existence, she takes the
cumbrous and expensive method of trying to stop
it in the middle instead of at the source laborious
baling of the boat instead of expeditious mending of
the leak. Failure to compass an end in view is in
the East always attributable to weakness. For the
moment we have diminished the gun - running, but
it is much too profitable a trade to be stopped so
easily, and its resumption in the immediate future,
cunningly planned and highly organised, is a dead
certainty. Until the leak itself is dealt with there
will be no stopping this dangerous and ominous
262 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
traffic in modern weapons ; the marvel to local on-
lookers is that we appear to shirk the only effective
method of dealing with it.
So much for one side of the water. On the other,
the condition of southern Persia, due to our toleration,
is a cause of continual astonishment to the Gulf poli-
tician. In one way our prestige in the Gulf is very
great. The high character of our official representa-
tives and their dignified conduct of affairs are fully
recognised and appreciated by the natives. In com-
merce the Englishman's word is as good as his bond.
And there are always our armed ships to give reality
to the situation. In curious contrast to this aspect
of the situation is an event which happened near
Bushire last July. It will be remembered that, in
consequence of the threatened invasion of Shiraz by
a horde of Kashghais, it was decided to reinforce the
consular guard there for the protection of British
subjects and foreigners in general. It appears that
the question of sending sufficient numbers really to
enforce respect, and to withstand a siege if necessary,
was under discussion, but that on the score of expense
it was settled that a smaller number would suffice.
An organised attack on Europeans was not anticipated,
and it was assumed that the smaller number would be
sufficient to guard against petty annoyance.
Nevertheless, the smallness of the reinforcement led
to a regrettable incident. From the small Residency
escort of Indian sepoys at Bushire about thirty were
taken, besides a Maxim gun detachment of bluejackets
from the warship lying in the harbour. With two
British officers the whole party numbered only forty,
so far as I recollect. They moved from Bushire very
early one morning in the desperate heat of the Persian
Gulf summer. The first stage ended in the forenoon
THE PERSIAN GULF. 263
at a village about sixteen miles inland, where there
is a large caravanserai belonging to the local chief.
Necessarily the little expedition arrived in rather a
sorry condition, the officers keen to get their men
under substantial cover against the midday sun. But
instead of finding the caravanserai gate wide open, and
the proprietor waiting to receive them with open arms,
that worthy and his retainers had shut the door, and
were lining the walls to the number of several hun-
dreds, armed to the teeth and evidently far from bent
on hospitality. Clearly the shelter of the caravanserai
was not to be gained without a scrimmage, and as
fighting on the way was no part of the mission en-
trusted to the officer in command, he was compelled
to accept the situation and to order his party to camp.
The erection of tents in the heat, and resting in them
all day with such feeble protection from the burning
sun, was extremely disagreeable, and when two of the
sepoys shortly afterwards died of heat-stroke, there is
little doubt that the trying experience of the first day
contributed to this deplorable result. The loss of life
was bad enough, but what are we to think of so deadly
an insult to the British flag? News of an incident
of this kind spreads like wildfire, and the snub ad-
ministered to the foreigner was doubtless immediately
known throughout the Gulf, and all over the south
of Persia. It would be interesting to know in what
degree subsequent outrages on Europeans in these
regions have been a consequence of the cavalier treat-
ment described above. Mere travellers are likely to
be treated with scant respect when a party of soldiers
can be insulted with impunity, as far as I am aware
the village chief who behaved so impudently has never
been brought to book for his behaviour.
The condition of the south of Persia cannot be better
264 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
illustrated than by a recital of the wrongs of the port
of Bushire. An export and import trade that in
1907-8 exceeded 1,500,000 in value had dwindled
in 1908-9 to 1,200,000 ; and, to judge by the returns
already to hand, the total for 1909-10 will probably
amount to no more than half that for 1907-8. Bad
as the situation is, there is every prospect that it will
become worse in the future. The complete inability
of the Government to punish the brigands who at-
tacked the Russian Consular party in November, or
those who killed two of the sowars escorting a British
consul in the following April, has satisfied the dis-
orderly tribesmen that they have nothing to fear
either from Teheran or from the capital of the pro-
vince which they haunt. Where they were content
to pilfer they now indulge in wholesale robbery. The
consequence is that, while throughout the disturbed
period of the last three years trade has been merely
diminishing owing to the losses suffered by caravans,
it has now ceased altogether, for the robbers take
everything merchandise, mules, even the muleteers'
clothes, leaving the unfortunate wretches to die naked
in the bitter winter cold of the mountains. During
the few weeks previous to my visit to Bushire no
transport animals at all had come into Bushire, though
in normal times they arrive at the rate of hundreds
per day. The rah-i-Shah (royal road) to the north
is completely deserted but for the rascals who bestride
it between Bushire and Shiraz. In these circumstances
it is but natural that exports from Bushire have
dwindled away to nothing, while imports must cease
altogether when goods now on order have been de-
livered. Fresh purchases are useless, for the port is
already encumbered with accumulations amounting to
thousands of tons.
THE PERSIAN GULF. 265
How British and Indian commerce is affected by
these conditions is plainly indicated by the following
import figures :
Year.
Cotton.
Tea.
1907-8 ....
1908-9 ....
Six months of 1909 .
70,664 cwt.
49,926 n
13,874
16,656 cwt.
13,670
3,279 ii
The figures for other goods show corresponding de-
creases. Bar silver, once a heavy import, has now
disappeared from the statistics owing to the gradually
increasing insecurity of this route to Teheran during
the last six years. War rates, which are, of course,
prohibitive, are now charged for insurance on goods
in transit to the north. The European firms cannot
afford to insure, and although the Persian Government
is supposed to be responsible for foreign-owned mer-
chandise robbed on the recognised trade routes, claims
on this account to the extent of tens of thousands of
pounds are still unsatisfied, and are likely to remain
so. The merchants of Shiraz have recently entered
into a compact with Sowlat-i-Dowleh, Ilkhani of the
Kashgais, whereby that chieftain guarantees the safety
of merchandise despatched by a roundabout route from
the coast to Shiraz, against a small fee for each load.
British merchants cannot avail themselves of this
arrangement, for the insurance companies will have
nothing to do with any but the regular routes ; the
Persian Government declines responsibility on the
same account ; while in case of loss it would be easier
to obtain compensation from the man in the moon than
from the Sowlat. By guaranteeing one route the
Sowlat implies the right to make any other route a
hunting-ground for his braves. It may be interjected,
266 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
too, that by commercial treaties with Persia internal
imposts on trade are illegal. A sugar famine in Shiraz
has raised the price so high that fancy rates are being
paid for transport. Ordinary rates for carriage be-
tween Bushire and Shiraz 180 miles by road, only
110 direct are about 4 per ton, but muleteers now
demand 15, and in view of the risks they run it is
a wonder they do not want 150. The unfortunate
Bushire merchant has large quantities of sugar ready
for despatch to the scene of shortage, but robbery is
a certainty on the rah-i-Shah, and on the road guar-
anteed by the Sowlat there are no caravanserais, and
hence no protection for the sugar, which will surely
melt in the rain, or otherwise suffer damage from
the weather.
The tale of the sorrows of the British merchant in
Bushire is far from ended ; for, in addition to those
consequent upon the present condition of disorder, there
are others of a permanent kind. One grievance is very
old, and has now become greatly aggravated by the
state of the trade route. A Persian merchant finds
himself in difficulties and immediately divests himself
of all his property. His European creditor institutes
bankruptcy proceedings, or rather their farcical equiva-
lent in this country, and is told that the debtor has
no means to pay. A proper court could examine books
and witnesses with the object of elucidating the posi-
tion of the bankrupt. The Persian courts, however,
are hopelessly inefficient, and incorrigibly corrupt into
the bargain. If a bare denial of the possession of
means does not suffice, the debtor bribes the judges.
The difficulty of transport has resulted in large
numbers of Persian merchants being unable to take up
consignments ordered through British firms. Hence
a new crop of bad debts, which cannot be collected
THE PERSIAN GULF. 267
despite endless endeavour on the part of the Consul,
whose duty it is to support British claims. A great
difficulty is the fact that collateral security in the
shape of mortgages on real estate cannot be realised
owing to the fact that Persian law forbids a foreigner
to hold landed property.
Customs regulations have been a constant source of
annoyance and loss, for many of them were framed to
hamper trade in the Persian Gulf. Eigid interpreta-
tion of senseless rules by the Belgian officials caused
great vexation, but of late there is a slight improve-
ment in this respect owing to the action of the
Legation in obtaining a few modifications, and, it
should be added, to the much more friendly attitude
of the Belgians generally towards the British com-
munity, consequent on the disappearance of the
unfortunate influence of M. Naus.
The shipping difficulties at Bushire are well known.
Ships frequently have to lie nine miles from the port
owing to the shallowness of the water. Three miles
is the nearest an ordinary steamer can get to the
shore at favourable tides. Expensive lightering is the
consequence, and endless delay owing to the laggardli-
ness of the boatmen. They sometimes combine to force
shippers to pay higher rates, and there is on record the
occasion when they all took the rudders out of their
vessels and deposited them in a mosque with the object
of invoking Divine aid in their demands.
An extraordinarily unsatisfactory feature of trade
with Persia is the duty upon tea. The rate imposed
under the tariff of 1902, thanks to the futility of our
diplomacy in Persia at that time, is equivalent to 100
per cent ad valorem. This high duty in a tea-drinking
country gives rise to incessant smuggling from one end
of the Gulf to the other. A preventive force is out of
268 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
the question with the small resources at the disposal of
the Customs Department, and the consequence is that,
since 1902, when a large business was done in tea
by British firms, the trade has been gradually passing
from their hands into those of smugglers, who find a
thousand places on the desert coasts of the south where
there is not even the semblance of an attempt to collect
duty. Tea -smuggling has this year attained greater
dimensions than ever before, and of the total amount
imported into Persia, considerably more than half is
now estimated to enter duty-free. Yet British firms
who have no desire to do business except above board
are harassed by Customs formalities in their endeavours
to trade legitimately, while the natives who cheat the
Government escape altogether.
Meanwhile the British firms which monopolise the
trade of Bushire have had to maintain full establish-
ments and the usual expenses, whereas they have only
done half the usual business, and made only half, or
less, the usual profit. Nowhere in the East is the
struggle for existence by foreign traders harder than
in the Persian Gulf, and a diminution in the volume
of trade, such as here described, constitutes a serious
blow to our commercial position. Of recent years
German traders have been established at various
points in the Persian Gulf, while a German steam-
ship line maintains a regular service of boats. It is
a well-known and indisputable fact that business is
done by the Germans at a loss, for they both buy
and sell at prices which other merchants know to be
unprofitable. Their steamers are also run at a heavy
loss. To trade at a loss in order to establish business
connections is a well-known and perfectly legitimate
form of commercial enterprise. One cannot exactly
wish the Germans luck, though one can admire their
THE PERSIAN GULF. 269
pluck in fighting an uphill battle. The point of this
reference is, that while there are outsiders willing to
incur expenditure to obtain a footing in what has
hitherto been a British sphere, any weakening of
British firms in that market simply doubles the op-
portunities of the outsiders. Not only, then, is the
British merchant in Bushire individually a loser by
the present condition of affairs, but there is the risk
that business will tend to pass out of our hands
altogether if his losses continue.
270
CHAPTER XVIII.
ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN PERSIA.
HAVING dealt with the situation at length in the
preceding pages, it now behoves me to attempt some-
thing in the nature of an appreciation of Anglo-Russian
policy in regard to Persia. To do so effectively it
is necessary to gather up the various threads which
have run through my narrative of events and to
present them to the reader in more or less woven
form. There is, moreover, a slight hiatus to be filled
up, for, having left Persia in January in order to
prosecute my journey in Turkey, there remain six
months of the doings of the new Government to be
accounted for.
I have endeavoured to establish the view that the
Constitutional movement in Persia was of sudden
and artificial growth, and I do not believe that any
European observer conversant with the situation will
be disposed to dispute it. Where I may find myself
at issue with friends of Persia will be in my estima-
tion of the depth of the soil in which the growth
took place. It cannot be denied that the constitutional
idea was born in the grounds of the British Legation
at Teheran, but it may be claimed that the Persian
mind, by reason of long suffering and abasement, was
ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN PERSIA. 271
in a condition of extraordinary receptivity, and ready
to seize with avidity any suggestion which promised
for the country escape from the thraldom in which it
was held. The religious movements that have stirred
Persia during the last fifty years certainly imply a
desire for better things among a considerable section
of the inhabitants. But, as far as I am aware, these
stirrings have taken a spiritual rather than a tem-
poral direction, and it has not been suggested, for
instance, that the adherents of Bahism have identified
themselves with the Constitutional movement in their
capacity as Bahis. Dissatisfaction with the Govern-
ment was certainly strong in Teheran in the summer
of 1906, though not manifest throughout the country.
But according to the records things have always been
so in Persia, and the situation that existed then was
indeed more or less chronic. Certainly no Press news,
nor official despatches, nor other records relating to
the time, suggest any unwonted movement either at
the capital or throughout the country. The only new
element in the situation at all was the Young Persian ;
but, as I have already stated, even he never lifted up
his voice against the system of government or against
the ruination that was being brought upon the country.
It is, indeed, indisputable that the disturbances which
culminated in the great bast in the British Legation
were engineered by the clerics of the capital in pro-
test against the assumption of their privileges by the
Grand Vizier of the day, Ain-ed-Dowleh, my hero of
the 1000 draft. And so, in admitting a consider-
able degree of enthusiasm for reform subsequent to
the appearance of the constitutional idea, it must not
be forgotten that the zeal was of the sudden kind,
engendered much more by favourable circumstances
than by that irrepressible fever for liberty and for
272 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
reformation which has been the mainspring of
revolution elsewhere in the world.
Zeal usually accomplishes something, whatever the
disabilities under which it labours. The first Mejliss,
however, accomplished extremely little, partly because
it was greatly obstructed, but principally, I maintain,
because it was not based on a solid foundation. If
the right to a representative institution had been
wrested from the ruling power by a movement backed
by forceful spirits with clear aims and a sincere desire
for reform, it is inconceivable that some practical
result would not have ensued. The pitiable failure
of the Mejliss to achieve anything, or even to gain
public sympathy by honest endeavour, was indeed
due to the absence of the essential elements of high
resolve and fixed determination. Those who really
aspired to better things were either so few in number
as to be swamped by the interested many, or they so
lacked force of character as to be unable to influence
the course of events.
Autocracy having triumphed for a time, we see the
Constitutional party once more force its way into
power. That would seem to disprove the argument
that there was little depth in Nationalist aspirations,
were it not that the Nationalist success was due to
forces set in motion by outside parties. While ad-
mitting the sincerity of the Bakhtiari chief whose
ambition it was to fill the role of saviour of his
country, it is obvious that the clansmen whom he
led were animated by self-interest were, in fact,
from the Nationalist point of view, mercenary. The
Sipahdar's claim to immortality as a champion of
freedom will be admitted by all parties to be nil.
The backbone of the force under his command were
a few Caucasians who had their own game to play,
ENGLAND AND RUSSIA IN PERSIA. 273
and who were mercenary in the strict sense of the
word, whereas the Bakhtiaris were at least of Persian
nationality. There is, indeed, no overlooking the fact
that the resurrection of the Constitutional cause was due
to a combined effort on the part of one of the wild tribes
of Luristan, of a handful of foreigners, and of a few
fiery spirits from Azerbaijan, where the population is
impregnated by Turkish blood, and only in the smallest
degree to the originators of the Constitutional move-
ment and the Nationalist party that arose therefrom.
Since that resurrection the Nationalists have had
another opportunity to prove their quality. But
again, according to their own account, they have
been hampered by adverse influences, even as they
were at their first attempt by the intrigues of the
Shah. On this occasion Russia is the culprit, and
for all their misfortunes the Persians now blame the
Russians. It is not apparent that the Russians have
done any single thing to impede Nationalist efforts
to reform, except to refuse the loan of money without
terms. The Russian troops in the country have ab-
solutely and completely abstained from interference
with the administration, and have indeed done great
service in the cause of order by their simple presence.
Persian thoughts, however, have been so taken up by
this bitter infliction that there has been no time to
do anything but bewail and impotently rage against
it. Here, again, one is impelled to observe that zeal
is never entirely defeated, and that if the Persians
had really been animated by that high resolve and
fixed determination to improve the condition of their
country they would have accomplished something in
the desired direction, however handicapped.
That brings me to a consideration of the doings of
the new Government since I left the country. So
s
274 PERSIA AND TURKEY IN REVOLT.
far as has been possible, I have been a diligent student
of Persian news, as it appears in the Press, through
private correspondence with well-informed persons, and
by communication with fresh arrivals from Persia.
On all hands the situation is regarded as almost
hopeless. Nothing whatever has been accomplished,
and the verdict is universal that no progress of any
kind towards an amelioration of the situation is
possible until Russia and England interfere. A letter
to ' The Times,' dated 10th June, expresses the
burthen of what reaches me :
. . . Until some solution [of the financial problem] is found the
reorganisation of the Administration and the introduction of reforms
must remain in abeyance. But there is a further problem, as the events
of the past six months have shown, even more pressing than that of
finance. No progress in any direction is possible until a Cabinet is
formed composed of men capable not only of inspiring confidence in
the country but of working together in harmony with each other and
with the Mejliss. The country has been treated since the beginning
of the year to the spectacle of repeated resignations and dissensions in
the Cabinet, followed by temporary adjustments leading again to new
disagreements. The fact, moreover, that purely personal questions have
been largely responsible for these dissensions makes it doubly difficult
to arrive at a just estimation of the situation as a whole. ... A Persian
Prime Minister feels himself slighted, or has a difference of opinion
with some of his colleagues ; he resigns ; a few days later he resumes
office, only to lay it down again the following wee
