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ORIGINAL sources of information concerning 

the early Dutch settlers of Manhattan Island 

are neither many nor rich. The two volumes 

of Holland Documents, published by the State 

of New York, contain the official papers of the 

colony and the West India Company. Some 

contemporary descriptions exist, of which Van 

der Donck's is the best. But the Dutch wrote 

^ very little, and on the whole their records are 

? meagre. Concerning their social conditions, 

H the best authority is to be found in the pro- 

-1 ceedings of the burgomasters and schepens, 

E preserved in the City Hall and in the books of 

L the Surrogate's and Register's offices. These 

sources and the collections of the New York 

Historical Society have been relied upon in the 

preparation of this book. The author's thanks 

are due to Mr. WILLIAM KEBBY, Librarian of 

the Historical Society. 

March, 1893. 



Settlement of Manhattan Island by the Dutch West 
India Company. Administrations of Directors 
Peter Minuit, Wouter van Twiller, and Wilhelm 


The Administration of Peter Stuyvesant ... 57 


Social Aspect of New Amsterdam in the Time of 

Peter Stuyvesant 103 

New Amsterdam becomes New York . . . 169 




ON the morning of the 4th of September, 1609, a 
few Indians wandering upon the shore of Sandy 
Hook, were surprised by the sight of a ship sailing 
slowly along the coast. They fled inland, spreading 
among their tribe the news of the strange appari- 
tion. The vessel, carefully sounding as it went, 
rounded the Hook and cast anchor in the waters of 
what is now known as the lower bay of New York. 

A century of maritime and colonial enterprise had 
begun, which was to make familiar to Europe the 
continents of Asia, Africa, and America ; to witness 
the foundation of new empires, and to broaden in- 
definitely the horizon of human activity. As yet, 
colonization in America had made little progress. 
Spaniards under Menendez had built the fort at St. 
Augustine in 1565. A few settlers in Virginia had 
been struggling since 1607 under the leadership of 
Captain John Smith. In 1608, Champlain planted 


the cross and the fleur-de-lys at Quebec. Now, in 
1609, the flag of the United Netherlands was car- 
ried by Henry Hudson up the river which bears his 

The Dutch, who thus entered into competition 
with Spain, England, and France for the possession 
of American territory, were in the heroic period of 
their history. Industry and fortitude, .qualities es- 
sential to their existence, had been impressed on 
the national character. Possessing a land situated 
in great part below the level of the sea, and liable 
to overflow besides from the fresh waters of the 
Rhine, persevering toil had shut out the tides of the 
Atlantic, had confined by great dykes the river be- 
tween its banks, had changed marshes and inland 
seas into meadows. The precious territory thus 
redeemed was turned to such account that visitors 
from other nations of Europe were astonished at 
the aspect of Dutch cultivation. The towns promi- 
nent on the few elevations which the country af- 
forded, or in the lowlands intersected by waterways 
which served for streets, were hives of wealth-pro- 
ducing industry. Merchandise from every corner 
of the civilized world was floated through the quiet 
canals up to the warehouse doors. A soil too re- 
stricted to sustain its population by agriculture made 
foreign commerce the basis of prosperity. Dutch 
ships carried for every nation, making Amsterdam 
and The Hague markets where all the world came 
to buy. The destiny of the country was well ex- 
pressed by the stamp on an old Zealand coin, a 
sceptred king riding over the waves on a sea-horse, 


with the device, "Your road is upon the sea, and 
your paths are in many waters." The motto of the 
noble order of the Golden Fleece, which declared 
the wages of labour to be honourable, indicated the 
spirit of industry which animated the higher as well 
as the lower ranks of Dutch society. 

It was natural that a people so intelligent and 
self-reliant should rest uneasily under the weight of 
arbitrary power and the Roman Inquisition. From 
an early period, the provinces of the Netherlands 
had enjoyed an exceptional degree of political lib- 
erty. The large towns managed their own affairs 
as semi-independent corporations, while the nobles 
ruled on their estates in accordance with liberal cus- 
toms which had the force of law. The principles 
of the Reformation rapidly gained adherents. The 
efforts of the Inquisition to stifle religious thought 
at the gallows and the stake were met by rebellion 
and image-breaking. Charles the Fifth of Spain, of 
whose vast inheritance the Netherlands formed a 
part, abdicated his throne in time to avoid the solu- 
tion of the problem presented by Dutch political 
and religious liberty. But in 1555 he had brought 
his son Philip to the Netherlands, and had intro- 
duced to the provinces their future master. In the 
security of his palace at Madrid, the monarch who 
combined most completely an ignorant bigotry with 
a relish for human blood, brooded over a plan to 
extirpate every Dutchman not wholly devoted to the 
Roman Inquisition and the absolute authority of the 
Spanish crown. In 1567 Philip had decided upon 
the method, had received the approval of the earthly 


representative of Christ, and had appointed the Duke 
of Alva to carry out the holy work. The duke 
arrived in the Netherlands with his boxes of death- 
sentences signed in blank by Philip, and ten thou- 
sand picked veterans from the Spanish army, to 
which were added the king's troops already in the 
country. Against this force the Netherlands had 
almost none to oppose. Alva, holding the king's 
commission, had the law on his side. In several 
of the provinces the Catholics predominated, and 
welcomed what they considered a holy crusade 
against heretics. Moreover, the lack of union 
among the provinces enabled Alva to proceed 
against each one separately. Thus for a time the 
Dutch could only suffer. Three men stood pre- 
eminent as leaders, William of Orange, and the 
counts Egmont and Horn. William foresaw the 
object of Alva's mission, and left the Netherlands 
in time to save a life which was to be his country's 
salvation. Egmont and Horn, trusting in Philip's 
treacherous promises, remained to lose their heads. 
In the course of a few years, Alva and his Council 
of Blood had taken the lives of eighteen thousand 
persons by the hand of the executioner alone. The 
sword, the rope, the stake and the rack were sup- 
plied to their full capacity with victims whose crime 
was a belief in the reformed religion. Tortures 
which surpassed the ingenuity of savage races ex- 
torted from innocent servants accusations against 
equally innocent masters, which sent accuser and' 
accused together to the scaffold. 

The resistance to Alva and the Spanish armies 


could be made only by isolated towns which had 
none but their burghers and families to defend the 
walls. The endurance and valour displayed by the 
citizens of Haarlem, Leyden, Maestricht, and Alk- 
maar hardly find a parallel in history. Men, women, 
and children resisted for months the famine within 
as well as the veterans without. Leyden, reduced to 
the last extremity of starvation, held out until Dutch- 
men opened gaps in the dykes, led the waters of 
the Atlantic over the land, and forced the besiegers 
to abandon their exhausted prey. Of the character 
of the war waged by the Spanish generals, the fate 
of Maestricht is a sufficient example. After defend- 
ing their walls for four months against the Spanish 
veterans, the burghers and their wives were sur- 
prised in their sleep. The city had contained over 
thirty thousand inhabitants before the siege, occu- 
pied in flourishing industries. All those who had 
survived the previous fighting were put to the sword, 
except four hundred whom sheer fatigue of slaughter 
allowed to escape. They wandered away, and the 
town became a shelter for camp-followers and vaga- 
bonds. Such was the system chosen by Philip to 
tempt his Dutch subjects back to the fold of the 
Roman Church. After all the executions and the 
massacres, it was wonderful that there remained 
men or spirit enough to rise against the oppressor. 
But, as Sir Philip Sidney said to Queen Elizabeth, 
the spirit of the Dutch was the spirit of God, and 
was invincible. 

Through these years of suffering, the hearts of 
the Netherlander had turned to William of Orange 


as the only hope of their need. He had sold or 
mortgaged all his property to procure the means to 
hire soldiers to fight the Spanish, but the merce- 
naries which he could collect had been of little 
avail against the trained veterans of Philip. The 
patient fortitude of William the Silent proved supe- 
rior, at last, to Spanish force. The Protestant 
provinces, hitherto divided, united under his stand- 
ard. In 1579, the Union of Utrecht arrayed the 
country under William, and from that hour the tide 
turned. During forty years of war, Holland and 
Zealand led the other Protestant provinces in de- 
stroying and expelling the armies of Spain ; and 
during these years of struggle, the rebellious pro- 
vinces rose to an extraordinary height of prosperity. 
On the other hand, Hainault and Brabant (now 
Belgium), which submitted to the rule of Philip, 
sank into complete desolation. The withering rule 
of the Inquisition and the Spanish soldiery so re- 
duced the country that its inhabitants deserted it. 
The suburbs of Antwerp were abandoned to wolves, 
that reared their young in once prosperous human 
dwellings ; the crops ceased to be planted ; Catholic 
nobles who had lived in feudal pomp on their estates 
were seen begging for bread in the streets of Pro- 
testant Amsterdam and The Hague. From such a 
fate Holland and Zealand escaped by a desperate 
struggle of forty years against the power of Spain, 
when that power was the greatest in Europe, and 
was supported by the treasures taken from South 
American mines. In William the Silent, the Dutch 
had a soldier and statesman whose character ap- 


preaches more nearly to Washington's than that of 
any leader of men recorded in history. William 
was assassinated in 1584 by a hireling of Philip; 
but he left a son known as Prince Maurice of Nas- 
sau, who lived to be the first captain of his time, 
and to complete the work of national independence 
begun by his father. 

Great as were the victories won by the armies of 
Holland, they were surpassed by the prowess of her 
seamen. From every port on the coast sailed pri- 
vateers to prey on the commerce of Spain. Galleons 
from America, merchant- men from the East Indies, 
trading-vessels from European ports, ships which 
had carried their cargoes safely for thousands of 
miles were captured as they entered their own har- 
bours, and brought as prizes into the Dutch canals. 
As navigators and sea-fighters there was no compari- 
son to be made between the two nations. In 1602, 
Jacob Heemskerk, with two small vessels containing 
together one hundred and thirty men.captered in 
the Straits of Malacca a great Lisbon carrack manned 
by eight hundred men, and divided among his sailors 
a booty of a million florins. Wolfert Hermann, with 
five trading-vessels and three hundred men, put to 
flight off the coast of Java the fleet of twenty- five 
large ships which Mendoza had brought to punish 
the islanders who had dared to trade with the ene- 
mies of Philip and the Pope. In 1607, Admiral 
Heemskerk discovered the Spanish war-fleet com- 
manded by Don Juan Alvarez d'Avila at anchor in 
the Bay of Gibraltar under the guns of the fortress. 
Heemskerk had twenty-six small vessels, several of 


which could not be brought into action. D'Avila 
had twenty-one sail, of which ten were galleons of 
the largest size, containing four thousand soldiers. 
Heemskerk attacked at one o'clock, and by evening 
every Spanish ship had been destroyed with the 
crews and soldiers, while the Dutch lost not a single 
vessel and only one hundred men. 

Spain had exhausted her resources in vain to 
reduce the rebellious provinces to political and re- 
ligious subjection. The treasures which were to pay 
her soldiers had been wrested from her on the seas. 
While she was poor and defeated, the Netherlands 
were rich and victorious. Her pride could not yet 
recognize that independence which the provinces 
had won ; but she consented eagerly to a truce of 
twelve years, in which to regain energy to renew the 
struggle. This truce, which began in 1609, was 
not generally acceptable in the Netherlands. Prince 
Maurice led a powerful party, which preferred to 
continue a war which gratified the national desire 
for revenge at the same time that it filled with 
treasure the warehouses of the towns. But the 
peace-party, under the guidance of John of Barne- 
velt, carried the day, and a brief period of repose 
intervened before the Thirty Years' War. 

The national energies called into being by the 
conflict with Spain immensely increased the mari- 
time enterprise of Holland, and eventually made 
Dutchmen supreme on the seas. In 1596, Corne- 
lius Houtman doubled the Cape of Good Hope and 
showed his countrymen the way to India. The 
India trade increased so rapidly that the States- 


General, fearing the results of excessive competition, 
compelled all Dutchmen thus engaged to unite in a 
single organization. Thus, in 1602, was formed the 
great Dutch East India Company, which expelled 
the Portuguese from India, captured Spanish prop- 
erty all over the world, and grew into an unexampled 
commercial power. 

In 1609 this Company, hoping to find a northern 
passage to India shorter than that around the Cape 
of Good Hope, was looking about for a suitable 
explorer. He was found in Henry Hudson, an 
Englishman who had already made two arctic voy- 
ages in the employment of the London Trading 
Company, and who had shown himself to possess 
the necessary intrepidity, perseverance, and know- 
ledge of navigation. The East India Company 
placed him in command of the " Half-Moon," a 
small vessel manned by a picked crew of Dutch and 
English sailors, and he set sail from Amsterdam 
on the 25th of March, 1609. Ice and fog having 
balked his efforts to pass either to the south or the 
north of Nova Zembla, he sailed westward along the 
coast of North America from Newfoundland to Vir- 
ginia ; then turning again to the north, he followed 
the shore as far as the mouth of the great North 
River. Hoping that a passage might here exist to 
the north and west around the Pole, he sailed up 
the river as far as the site of Albany. He traded 
with the Indians, and gave them their first taste of 
intoxicating liquor. He observed the beauty and 
fruitfulness of the land, the remarkable adaptation 
of the waters to the purposes of commerce, and 


returned down the river, disappointed in his object 
of finding a northwest passage to India, but confi- 
dent that he had made a discovery valuable to his 
employers. The " Half-Moon " soon after made 
port at Dartmouth, England, where the authorities, 
jealous of Dutch interference in America, forbade 
Hudson to proceed to Holland. But the vessel, 
with maps and descriptions of the new discoveries, 
reached the Dutch East India Company at a propi- 
tious moment. 

The truce with Spain made it necessary to find 
new outlets for the maritime enterprise which had 
grown so fast during the war, and many ship-owners 
in Holland now turned their attention to America. 
During the five years following Hudson's discovery, 
the coasts were explored and the advantages of the 
fur-trade determined. Hendrick Christiansen and 
Adrian Block especially distinguished themselves. 
Block's ship having been burned at Manhattan 
Island, he built himself a new one on the spot, called 
the " Restless," in which he explored Long Island 
Sound and Cape Cod, and discovered the island 
which still bears his name. In 1614, the territory 
made known by Hudson and Block was formally 
named New Netherland by the States-General, and 
the monopoly of trade conceded to the Amsterdam 
Trading Company. This association kept up a 
small station on Manhattan Island and another up 
the river in the Mohawk country, and prosecuted the 
fur-trade for several years. A few agents lived at 
each station in log-huts, bartered Dutch trinkets for 
beaver-skins collected by the Indians, and were 


visited in their solitude at regular intervals by an 
Amsterdam ship, which brought supplies and carried 
home the peltry. In 1618 the Company's charter 
expired, and the States-General refused to grant a 
new one, as they had more extensive plans in view 
for New Netherland. The marvellous success of 
the East India Company as a commercial institution, 
and as an instrument for inflicting injury on the he- 
reditary enemies of Holland, convinced the States- 
General that their new possessions would be utilized 
to the best advantage by similar means. Therefore 
in 1621 was incorporated for twenty-four years the 
West India Company, with exclusive power to plant 
and govern colonies, to prosecute trade, and to wage 
war against national enemies in the West Indies and 
America. The government of this commercial and 
military monopoly was intrusted to a board of nine- 
teen directors, called the College of the XIX., of 
which Amsterdam furnished eight, Zealand four, 
The Maas two, North Holland two, Friesland and 
Groningen two, and the States-General one. 

The first agricultural colonists were sent out in 
the ship "New Netherland" in 1623, and culti- 
vated the fertile lands along the shore of the East 
River. Soon after, several families of Walloons, per- 
secuted Protestants from the Catholic provinces, 
settled at the Waal-Bogt, now Wallabout Bay, Long 
Island. Others followed, and under Cornelis Mey 
and Wilhelm Verhulst a small settlement grew up 
at the extreme end of Manhattan Island ; a trading- 
post, called Fort Orange, was erected on the Hud- 
son, near the present site of Albany, and another, 


called Fort Nassau, on the South or Delaware 
River. These three points in the wilderness marked 
the only habitations of white men between Virginia 
and Plymouth. In 1626, Peter Minuit came out as 
director for the West India Company, and under 
his administration of seven years much progress was 
made. The Island of Manhattan was purchased for 
the Company for twenty- four dollars, a fair sum, 
considering that the Indians suffered only a slight 
diminution of their hunting-grounds, and that the 
land had no value beyond that which the Company 
could give it by its own expenditure. A block- 
house, surrounded by a stockade, was erected to 
serve as a fort on the shore of the Bay. A mill was 
built, of which the upper room served as a church. 
The place of a clergyman was taken by a " krank- 
besoecker," or consoler of the sick, who read the 
creed and the Scriptures on Sundays. Around the 
block-house and the Company's counting-room grew 
up a settlement of small log-huts thatched with 
reeds. Before the little village lay the beautiful 
waters of the harbour, and behind it the unbroken 
forest. Such was Fort Amsterdam in 1630. The 
settlers were busily and profitably occupied with the 
collection of furs for export, sailing up the river in 
sloops, and making journeys into the woods to ex- 
change cloths and beads from Holland for beaver 
and other skins. The trade grew rapidly at first. 
In 1626 the exports were valued at 46,000 guilders ; 
in 1632 they were worth 143,000 guilders, showing 
the Company a profit over expenses. And the in- 
dustry of the colony was not confined to the fur- 


trade. A ship of six hundred tons burden, called 
the " New Netherland,' 1 was built at Manhattan in 
1631, and sent home loaded with peltry. 

Still, the Dutch possessions in America were no 
more than trading- posts, and it was evident that the 
West India Company was unfitted by its military and 
commercial character for the task of planting per- 
manent colonies. At the same time, the opposition 
already made by the English government to the 
Dutch settlements, and the hostile attitude toward 
them assumed by the colony of Massachusetts Bay, 
had made it plain that actual occupation of the soil 
was necessary to secure possession. The Dutch had 
little surplus population inclined to emigrate, and no 
body of men, like the English Non-conformists, who 
were obliged to build up a home in a distant wil- 
derness for the sake of religious freedom. There- 
fore, the Directors of the Company had to devise an 
artificial Method of colonization. 

The people of Holland were divided into three 
classes : the noble families owning land ; the bur- 
ghers who controlled the cities, and the common 
people. Many Of the burghers were rich, and 
sought to enter the highest class by the possession 
of land and the feudal rights connected with it. 
This wish could not be gratified in Holland, where 
the limited territory was held tenaciously by its 
owners. But the burgher of Amsterdam or The 
Hague might become the feudal chief of an Amer- 
ican domain. This idea was embodied in the 
"Charter of Privileges and Exemptions" adopted 
in 1630, by which any stockholder in the West India 


Company who should plant a colony of fifty souls in 
New Netherland was to acquire title to land six- 
teen miles in length on one side of a river, or eight 
in length if situated on both sides, and as far into 
the interior as the owner could occupy. Such owner 
was to be called a " Patroon," and to possess the 
hereditary rights of a feudal noble, power to make 
laws, to establish courts of justice, and to control 
hunting, fishing, and the grinding of grains, subject 
only to allegiance to the States-General. The 
patroons were allowed to trade along the American 
coast, and with Europe, on paying a duty of five per 
cent on the cargoes to the West India Company. 
The fur-trade was permitted on condition that the 
exports should be sent through the Company's agents 
at Manhattan. Thus, colonists were tempted to emi- 
grate by free transportation and the promise of good 
lands at a nominal rental, while rich burghers were 
tempted to assume the expense involved by the pro- 
spect of attaining the dignity of feudal lords. This 
plan seemed especially feasible, as wealth had lately 
been pouring into the coffers of the West India 
Company. The war with Spain had been renewed 
after the expiration of the truce in 1621, and the 
Company had shown itself equal to the East India 
merchants in making booty of Spanish commerce. 
In 1628, Peter Heyn, in command of the Com- 
pany's squadron, met the Spanish " silver fleet " 
bearing home the spoils of South American mines. 
Ten galleons were captured off Havana at the first 
encounter, and the remainder soon after in Matanzas 
Bay. Heyn brought in all the Spanish vessels ex- 


cept two as prizes, together with pure silver worth 
twelve millions of guilders. The enthusiasm was 
great throughout Holland, and the West India Com- 
pany declared a dividend of fifty per cent. 

Chief among those who now sought the honours 
of patroonship was Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, a wealthy 
jeweller of Amsterdam. In 1630, he purchased from 
the Indians, through the Company's agent at Fort 
Orange, a great tract of land lying on the river to 
the north and south of the fort. He made good his 
title by sending out emigrants, and thus planted 
the colony of Rensselaerwyck. Two other directors 
of the Company, Godyn and Blommaert, secured 
lands on the Delaware or South River, their patent 
ante-dating by two years that given by Charles I. to 
Lord Baltimore. Michael Pauw soon afterward pur- 
chased from the Indians Staten Island and Paulus 
Hook, the site of Jersey City, to which he gave the 
name of Pavonia. But the rapidity with which these 
enterprising directors had seized upon the best terri- 
tory excited so much jealousy among their colleagues 
that they were obliged to share their acquisitions 
with other members of the Company by taking them 
into partnership. The same jealousy caused the 
recall of Peter Minuit, who, as director, had con- 
firmed the obnoxious grants. The influence of Van 
Rensselaer was still strong enough to enable him to 
procure the appointment to the directorship of 
Wouter van Twiller, who had married his niece, and 
had served as his agent in shipping colonists and 
cattle to Rensselaerwyck, but who was only a clerk 
in the Company's employment, and quite unfit for 
the responsibility of the post. 


Van Twiller arrived 1 in New Netherland in the 
spring of 1633, bringing with him one hundred sol- 
diers, the first military garrison of the place. Other 
important fellow- passengers were Everardus Bogar- 
dus, the first clergyman, and Adam Roelandsen, the 
first schoolmaster. Besides these were two emi- 
grants, Govert Loockermans and Jacob van Cou- 
wenhoven, destined to play a leading part in their 
adopted country. Var; Twiller proceeded to spend 
the Company's money with a generous hand. The 
room over the mill, hitherto used for religious ser- 
vices, was now too small for the growing congrega- 
tion. A wooden church of rude design was built at 
the corner of Pearl and Broad streets, with a house 
for Domine Bogardus, overlooking the East River. 
The block-house was changed into something like a 
fort, with barracks for the newly arrived soldiers. 
Three windmills were set up, injudiciously to the 
north of the fort, where they lost the force of the 
south wind. Houses were built for the director and 
other officers of the Company, for the cooper, the 
smith, and the midwife. Van Twiller confirmed the 
Company's title to land on the west of the Connecti- 
ticut River by purchase from the Indians, and to 
protect the claim, erected a fort called the Good 
Hope on the present site of Hartford. 

In 1633, a Dutch sea-captain named De Vries, 
who had entered into partnership with two of the 
Amsterdam directors for the establishment of a 
patroonship, brought his vessel to Manhattan. De 
Vries belonged to the class of bold seamen who had 
rendered such great service to Holland, and he forms 


the most interesting figure among the Dutchmen 
connected with the early history of New Netherland. 
He rejoiced in an opportunity to lay his ship along- 
side a Dunkirk pirate, and thought nothing of en- 
gaging two or three Spaniards at once. While he 
was making the acquaintance of Van Twiller and 
the people at the fort, an English vessel named the 
" William " came up the Bay. In command of her 
was Jacob Elkens, a Dutchman formerly in the ser- 
vice of the West India Company at Fort Orange and 
dismissed for dishonesty in 1623. Having entered 
the service of Englishmen, he now announced his 
intention to take the " William " up the river to his 
old station, to trade with the Indians. Van Twiller 
declared that the river belonged to the West India 
Company of Holland, and that the " William " should 
not go up. Elkens replied that the river was dis- 
covered by an Englishman, and that he should carry 
out his intention. Van Twiller displayed the Orange 
flag at the fort, and fired three guns'. Elkens ran 
up the English flag on the " William," and likewise 
fired three guns. For six successive days Van 
Twiller contemplated the English vessel riding at 
anchor with a complacent sense of his authority. 
But on the seventh morning the "William " weighed 
anchor, and sailed defiantly past the fort. She was 
the first vessel to carry the English flag up the 
Hudson River. Van Twiller's rage was great, and 
his official action characteristic. Calling the inhabi- 
tants into the fort, he tapped a cask of beer in front 
of his house, and taking a glass himself, he called 
upon the others to drink with him, and to protect 


him from the violence of the Englishmen. The 
cask was soon emptied, amidst laughter and jeers. 
De Vries looked upon the scene with contemptuous 
indignation. The people, he declared, would al- 
ways help the director in that way, they would 
even get to the bottom of seven casks of beer to 
protect him ; but meanwhile the " William " was 
ascending the river unmolested. Soon after, De 
Vries taxed Van Twiller in private with his folly. 
" If it had been my case," he continued, " I should 
have helped him from the fort to some eight-pound 
iron beans, and have prevented him from going up 
the river. The English are of so haughty a nature, 
they think everything belongs to them. I should 
send the ship ' Soutberg ' after him, and drive him 
out of the river." Stung by the taunts of De Vries. 
Van Twiller embarked his soldiers on the " Sout- 
berg," a Dutch vessel lying in port, and overtook 
Elkens while trading with the Indians. With their 
greatly superior force, the Dutch had no difficulty in 
confiscating the peltries which Elkens had purchased, 
and in expelling his ship from the waters of Man- 
hattan. The director returned from this expedition 
in a vain-glorious spirit, and looked about for further 
opportunities to exercise his authority. De Vries 
ordered his yacht " The Squirrel " to go through 
Hell Gate to the East on a trading-voyage, as he had 
a right to do in his quality of patroon. Van Twiller 
forbade " The Squirrel " to proceed, and ordered the 
guns of the fort to be trained on the little vessel. 
At this, De Vries ran up to the fort. "The country 
is full of fools," he called out to the director and 


his secretary. " Why did you not shoot when the 
Englishman violated your river?" The abashed 
director withdrew his order, and "The Squirrel" 
proceeded. Soon after, when De Vries's boat was 
lying on the beach waiting to convey the captain to 
his ship, Van Twiller insisted that De Vries should 
not depart until his vessel had been searched by the 
officers of the West India Company. Twelve sol- 
diers were sent down to the shore to stop the boat. 
De Vries jumped in, and ordered his men to pull off 
without regard to the soldiers, who " were ridiculed 
with shouts and jeers by all the by-standers." De 
Vries left Manhattan after his first visit with a low 
opinion of the Company's officials. " They know 
nothing," he declared, " but about drinking. In 
the East Indies they would not serve for assistants ; 
but the West India Company sends out at once, 
as great masters of folks, persons who never had 
any command before ; therefore it must come to 

Van Twiller's alternate pusillanimity and tyranny 
made him an unpopular director. Dominie Bogar- 
dus felt called upon to threaten him with " such a 
shake from the pulpit as would make him shudder." 
His honesty was not unquestioned. When replaced 
by Wilhelm Kieft in 1637, he hired two of the 
Company's best boweries, or farms ; and it happened 
that upon these particular boweries had strayed 
nearly all the Company's cattle, although their pre- 
vious habit had been to wander over other parts 
of the island. Van Twiller claimed and kept them 
as his own property. During his administration the 


population had increased ; but the emigrants were 
chiefly traders, who looked to peltry instead of to 
agriculture for their maintenance, so that the colony 
could not support itself without supplies from Hol- 
land, which the Company had to send out at great 

The new director proved himself to be a yet 
more unfortunate selection. Wilhelm Kieft was a 
bankrupt merchant of Amsterdam, whose portrait, 
in accordance with Dutch custom, had been nailed 
on the gallows. There were dark rumours, also, of his 
having been sent to Turkey with money to ransom 
Christian captives, and of his having appropriated 
the money, leaving the captives to their fate. The 
inferior character of the agents appointed by the 
West India Company upon which De Vries had 
commented was the result of two circumstances : 
the wide field of Dutch activity at the time caused 
a scarcity of available men, and the best material 
was required at points where there was fighting as 
well as trading to be done. Kieft arrived at New 
Amsterdam in the spring of 1638, and his early 
labours were suggestive of the new broom. He 
placed on record the condition in which he found 
the settlement : the fort in decay, the guns dis- 
mounted ; of the three windmills, one burned, 
another useless ; the church and the counting-house 
out of repair. The prosecution of the fur-trade by 
individual settlers had prevented agricultural de- 
velopment, and had cut down the profits of the 
Company's monopoly. 

Kieft reorganized the administration. Cornelius 


van Tienhoven (formerly the book-keeper) became 
provincial secretary, a good choice only so far as 
his handwriting was considered. The Council was 
improved by the addition of Johannes de la Mon-. 
tagne, a Huguenot physician of high character. 
The Company's buildings were repaired, a strenuous 
prohibition was issued against the participation of 
private persons in the fur-trade, and the morals of 
the people, which their isolated condition had caused 
to degenerate below the standard of the fatherland, 
were regulated to some degree. 

At the same time the States- General of Holland' 
interfered in the management of the colony much 
to its advantage. The West India Company sent 
out few persons besides its clerks and fur-buyers ; 
the patroonships had .failed as a colonizing system, 
with the single exception of Rensselaerwyck. Real- 
izing that under the Company's narrow commercial 
policy the fertile province of New Netherland re- 
mained undeveloped while the colonies of New 
England advanced with rapid strides, the States- 
General abolished the exclusive privileges of the 
Company, and threw open the Hudson River trade' 
to all comers. The loss of its monopoly forced the 
directors into agricultural colonization as a means of 
giving value to their lands. Tempting inducements 
to farmers were now held out : the Company's ves- 
sels conveyed colonists without charge, and land 
ready for the plow, together with the use of house, 
barn, and cattle, were promised at a low rental. 
These changes of management produced an imme-' 
diate effect. Various persons employed by the Com- 


pany at Manhattan left its service to take up farms ; 
others established themselves in trade, exporting 
peltries, and importing clothing and provisions. 
Private vessels arrived, giving to the Bay a new 
animation. Farmers in considerable numbers em- 
igrated from Holland, settling at Manhattan, at 
Paulus Hook, and on Long Island. In a few years 
Kieft had a thriving colony to govern. Among the 
arrivals were men who brought property with them. 
Cornelius Melyn, the new patroon of Staten Island, 
settled there with his family ; Jochem Pietersen 
Kuyter, who had seen sendee in the East Indies, 
established a bowery on the Haarlem River; Dr. 
La Montagne took up a farm which he called 
" Vredendal," the Valley of Peace, described 
as lying " between the hills and the kills and a point 
on the East River called ' Rechga wanes ; ' " Abra- 
ham Isaacsen Verplanck settled at Paulus Hook ; 
four brothers named Evertsen cultivated tobacco at 
Pavonia, and had a tannery on Manhattan Island ; 
Nicholas Koorn (the sergeant), Hans Kierstede 
(the surgeon), Jacob van Curler (the inspector of 
merchandise), and David Provoost (the commis- 
sary), had small houses close to the fort. Among 
the soldiers in the barracks was Oloff Stevensen, 
the founder of the Van Cortlandt family ; Gyspert 
Op Dyck had charge of Fort Good Hope, on the 
Connecticut River ; Hendrick and Isaac de Forest 
began farming ; De Vries, the bold sea-captain, 
sailed from the Texel with a small colony, which he 
established on Staten Island. In 1640 an impetus 
to the colony was given by a new charter agreed 


upon by the States-General and the West India 
Company, the liberal provisions of which removed 
many of the obstacles to colonization created by 
the Company's exclusive powers. Henceforth any 
inhabitant of New Netherland could take up lands 
for his own use ; towns could be formed with the 
privilege of municipal government ; and commer- 
cial freedom was promised to all persons, subject 
only to export and import duties payable to the 
Company. De Vries, who had lately explored 
the beautiful shores of the Hudson, purchased from 
the Indians a tract at Tappan, which he called 
" Vriesendael," containing meadow-land enough to 
pasture two hundred head of cattle, and a fine 
stream. Not far from De Vries's new home, and 
bordering on the Achter Cul, or Newark Bay, 
Myndert van der Horst, of Utrecht, established a 
bowery. The settlement of Gravesend was begun 
by a Huguenot named Anthony Salee, who obtained 
two hundred acres opposite Coney Island. The 
site of Brooklyn (then called Marechkaweick) was 
occupied only by an Englishman named Thomas 
Belcher. Two of his countrymen, George Holmes 
and Thomas Hall, lived at Deutel (since called 
Turtle Bay), a cove on the East River, about two 
miles above Corlaer's Hook. 

The province of New Netherland soon assumed a; 
cosmopolitan character. Colonists arrived from Vir- 
ginia, introducing the cultivation of tobacco, and the 
cherry and peach trees which afterward became so 
abundant. The severity of religious censorship in 
New England sent many of its inhabitants to seek 


among the Dutch the liberty denied to them at 
home. Among these was John Underbill, distin- 
guished in the Pequod War. Persecuted English- 
men from Lynn and Ipswich settled on Long Island 
in 1641. Francis Doughty, expelled from Cohasset 
for preaching that Abraham's children should have 
been baptized, founded the town of Mespath, L. I., 
in 1642. John Throgmorton, with thirty-five Eng- 
lish families, was given land at Westchester. Anne 
Hutchinson and her son-in-law, the zealous Collins, 
fleeing before the vengeance of Massachusetts, found 
their last home at Annie's Hoeck, now called Pel- 
ham Neck, where the neighbouring Hutchinson's 
River still preserves the memory of the remarkable 
woman and her tragic fate. The foreigners who 
came to -New Netherland were subjected to no re- 
strictions beyond taking the oath of allegiance to 
the States-General. So considerable became the 
demand for land that Kieft purchased from the In- 
dians the western part of Long Island, extending 
from Rockaway to Sicktewhacky, or Fire Island Bay, 
on the south side, and on the north to Martin Ger- 
ritsen's, near Cow Bay. 

After 1640, Manhattan began to assume more of 
the appearance of a town. Fairs for the exchange 
of agricultural products were held periodically near 
the fort. Most of the business was done by barter ; 
but beaver-skins, and the Indian beads called 
"seawant," served as a medium of exchange. The 
best seawant in America was made by the Long Is- 
land Indians, who picked up a superior supply of 
shells on their long beaches. " Good, splendid 


seawant, usually called Manhattan's seawant," were 
worth, when strung, four beads to a stiver, or an 
English penny. But loose beads were generally of 
an inferior quality, were regarded as a debased cur- 
rency, and valued only at six to a stiver. The dom- 
ine had occasion to complain that contributions 
at church were too frequently made in loose seawant. 
Fort Amsterdam became a stopping place for travel-' 
lers between New England and Virginia, the coast- ' 
ing vessels regularly putting in to the Bay to trade. 
The number of visitors thus requiring hospitalities 
at the fort became embarrassing to Kieft, and in 
1642 he built a stone " Harberg," or hotel, on the 
shore of the East River, at the corner of Coenties 
Lane and Pearl Street, opposite Coenties Slip. The 
need of a new church had been felt by many per- 
sons besides Domine Bogardus, and the energy of 
De Vries brought about its construction. Dining 
one day with Kieft in the Fort, he told the director 
that it was a shame to the community that visiting 
Englishmen should see the " mean barn " in which 
the domine preached ; that in New England a fine 
church was always built immediately after the dwel- 
ling-houses. " We should do the like ; we have fine 
oak wood, good mountain stone, and excellent lime, 
which we burn from oyster shells, much better 
than our lime in Holland." De Vries supported his 
plea by a subscription of a hundred guilders ; and 
Kieft, mindful of the fact that the people of Rensse- 
laerwyck were taking steps to build a new church,, 
consented to give a thousand guilders on behalf of 
the Company. The construction was confided to the 


care of Kieft, De Vries, Jan Jansen Dam, who lived 
conveniently near the Fort, and Jochem Pieter- 
sen Kuyter, " a devout professor of the Reformed 
religion." It was decided to have the church in- 
side the fort for greater protection against the In- 
dians. To raise the necessary funds then became 
a difficulty which the cunning of Kieft overcame. 
A daughter of Domine Bogardus was about to be 
married. At the wedding feast, " after the fourth 
or fifth round of drinking," Kieft announced the 
worthy project in hand, and produced the subscrip- 
tion list headed by his own name and that of De 
Vries. Amid the expansive enthusiasm of the occa- 
sion the company subscribed " richly." Not a few, 
as the chronicles record, " well repented it " on the 
morrow ; but " nothing availed to excuse." The con- 
tracts called for a stone church, in length seventy-two 
feet, in width fifty, and in height sixteen. John and 
Richard Ogden of Stamford did the work for twenty- 
five hundred guilders, with a hundred added for 
doing it well. English carpenters covered the roof 
with oak shingles, and completed the finest building 
in New Netherland. The words, " Anno Domini, 
1642, William Kieft Director-General, hath the 
Commonalty built this Temple," were cut in a stone 
on the front wall. The congregation worshipped 
here until 1693, when it removed to Garden Street 
(now Exchange Place). The building was used 
then by the military until its destruction by fire in 
1741. In 1 790, workmen, digging the foundations 
for the Government House on the southern end of 
the Bowling Green, uncovered the stone in which the 


inscription had been cut. It was set up inside the 
Garden Street church, and there remained to share 
the fate of that church in the great fire of 1835. 

The commercial system upon which the little 
Dutch colony had been established contained ele- 
ments of weakness, which were soon to turn pros- 
perity into ruin. The New England colonies were 
peopled by independent men, who came prepared 
to brave every hardship in a country which they in- 
tended to make the home of themselves and their 
descendants forever. They were bound together by 
powerful religious ties. To them success meant 
liberty of conscience and a living wrung from the 
soil of their adopted country by self-denying toil. 
But the Dutch had won the right to worship God in 
their own land and in their own way before the " Half 
Moon" had sailed into the Hudson River. They hadi 
neither the religious incentive nor the religious ties' 
of their neighbours. Moreover, the establishment 
of a permanent home in America was to them, in 
those early days, an object subordinate to the im-j 
mediate profits of the fur-trade. Instead of the' 
complete independence and self-reliance of the 
English colonists, they had the serious drawback 
of their subjection to a private commercial Com- 
pany, and the habit of looking to that distant 
power, rather than to their own efforts, for em- 
ployment and aid. 

The requirements of the fur-trade caused an all- 
important difference in the policy pursued toward 
the Indians by the English and the Dutch. The 
New England people sought to avoid complications 


by keeping the savages at arm's length. When in- 
volved in troubles with them, as in the case of the 
Pequod War in 1637, they took the offensive at 
once, and by a vigorous display of power procured a 
peace of forty years. But it was to the Indians that 
the Dutch looked for the supply of furs upon which 
their gains depended. For the, better prosecution 
of the trade, the Hollanders made long journeys 
into the woods and encouraged the visits of the 
Indians to Manhattan. As competition increased, 
the traders sought to be nearer the base of supply, 
and made settlements at great distances from the 
fort, thus extending dangerously the population of 
the colony. The Indians visiting at the fort were 
treated too indulgently, allowed to lounge about, get 
drunk at the taverns, quarrel with one another and 
the Dutch, and worst of all to become acquainted 
with the slender defensive resources of the settle- 
ment. The savages, who at first dreaded a gun as 
" the devil," no sooner understood its uses, than 
their eagerness to possess one made arms and am- 
munition the most profitable medium of exchange. 
The traders could not resist such a temptation as 
the offer of twenty beaver- skins for a gun. The 
people at Rensselaerwyck pushed this trade so far 
that the Mohawk nation was soon supplied with 
firearms, by the help of which they exacted tribute 
from the terror-stricken tribes of Canada, New 
England, and the Hudson River. At Manhattan, 
strenuous efforts were made to prevent the sale of 
guns to the neighbouring savages. But this prohi- 
bition so greatly aided the tyranny of the Mohawks, 


that the river tribes became exasperated at what 
they deemed the unjust advantages accorded to 
their enemies by the Dutch. 

In 1640. when the friendship of the savages had 
become somewhat alienated by this quarrel, the 
headstrong Kieft was foolish enough to arouse their 
active hostility. Finding himself short of provisions, 
he proceeded to levy a tribute of corn upon the 
river tribes on the pretext that the Dutch protected 
them against their enemies. As we learn from De 
Vries, the Indians refused the payment, on just 
grounds. The Dutch had never protected them 
against the oppression of the Mohawks. " Kieft," 
they said, " must be a very shabby fellow ; he had 
come to live in their land uninvited, and now sought 
to deprive them of their corn for nothing." They had 
paid for everything obtained from the Dutch ; when 
the Hollanders, "having lost a ship there, built a 
new one [the "Restless"], they had supplied them 
with food and other necessaries, and had taken care 
of them for two winters until the ship was finished. 
... If we have ceded to you the country you are liv- 
ing in," they concluded, " we yet remain masters 
of what we have retained for ourselves." The 
estrangement brought about by the injudicious de-j 
mands of the director soon entailed more serious 
complications. A trading party in the Raritan coun- 
try complained of having been attacked by savages ; 
and the theft of some hogs on Staten Island was tool 
hastily attributed to the same source. The Dutch 
were inclined to treat the Indians well, and these 
difficulties might have been smoothed over. But 


Kieft, as the Company's director, had absolute au- 
thority in this matter, and he had resolved upon a 
violent policy. He now sent a party of seventy men 
into the Raritan country to seek reparation or re- 
venge. Van Tienhoven, the secretary, who was 
placed in command, shared the director's animosity 
toward the Indians, and allowed his men to kill and 
plunder without attempting a peaceful negotiation. 
By such ill-advised injustice was made inevitable a 
condition of active war. It was not long before the 
Raritans had responded by burning De Vries's build- 
ings on Staten Island, killing four of his men, and 
thus destroying that promising colony. 

While this unnecessaiy quarrel with the Raritans 
was in progress, an avoidable difficulty arose with 
the Weckquaesgeeks of Westchester. About ten 
years before this time a Weckquaesgeek, accom- 
panied by his youthful nephew, was bringing peltry 
to New Amsterdam for sale. Some rough Dutch- 
men met them in the woods near the Kolck (a pond 
on the site of the Tombs prison), murdered and 
robbed the Indian, but allowed the boy to escape. 
JThe latter, having grown to manhood, savage cus- 
tom required that he should avenge the death of 
his kinsman. In August, 1641, in pursuance of his 
obligation, he came down the trail to Manhattan, 
which skirted the East River. In the woods near 
Deutel Bay stood the lonely cottage of Claes, the 
smith. The Weckquaesgeek entered, offered a 
beaver in trade, and when the smith stooped to 
take an article from his chest, he killed him at a 
blow. The demands of the Dutch for the surrender 


of the murderer were met by a relation of the pro- 
vocation and the claim of a just revenge. This cir- 
cumstance was the more unfortunate, in that it gave 
Kieft an excuse for the policy of violence upon 
which he was resolved. The community was averse 
to extreme measures. The boweries were scattered 
and defenceless ; while the people living about the 
fort might be secure, the outlying settlements were 
in danger of instant destruction. As De Vries de- 
clared, " It would not be advisable to attack the 
Indians until we have more people, like the English, 
who have built towns and villages." Moreover, 
there were not a few men in New Amsterdam who 
accused the director of seeking a war to conceal 
irregularities in his accounts with the Company. 
Others, again, reminded him that hostilities were 
not as attractive to them as to the official " who 
could secure his own life in a good fort, out of which 
he had not slept a single night in all the years he 
had been there." In face of this opposition, Kieft 
endeavoured to shift as much responsibility as he 
could upon other shoulders. Calling together the 
heads of families, he submitted to them the question 
whether or not the murder of Claes Smits should be 
avenged by the destruction of the village to which 
the assassin belonged. This, the first popular assem-l 
bly held upon the territory of New York, elected 
twelve men to decide the question. These were 
Jacques Bentyn, Maryn Adriaensen, Jan Jansen Dam, 
Hendrick Jansen, David Pietersen de Vries, Jacob 
Stoffelsen, Abram Molenaar, Frederik Lubbertsen, 
Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, Gerrit Dircksen, George 



Rapelje, and Abram Verplanck. The Twelve Men 
gave as the result of their deliberations that " the 
director send further, once, twice, yea, for the third 
time, a shallop, to demand the surrender of the 
murderer in a friendly manner." This failing, re- 
venge should be sought, but with a proper regard 
to " God and the opportunity." It would not do to 
bring a sudden war upon the scattered population. 
Peaceful relations should be kept up, and meanwhile 
the director should prepare arms for the soldiers 
and freemen. Finally, in case war became unavoid- 
able, they hinted that Kieft himself " ought to lead 
the van." 

The director was little pleased with this result. 
In January, 1642, he called the Twelve Men to- 
gether again, represented to them that the mur- 
derer of Claes had not been surrendered, and that 
a favourable moment for reprisals had arrived, the 
Indians being dispersed on their hunting expeditions. 
Kieft's authority was nearly unrestricted in the col- 
ony. The Council which should have limited it had 
but one member, Dr. La Montagne. The reader 
will recollect occasions in history when, on a greater 
scene and in more important emergencies, the 
monarch who has sought the assistance of his sub- 
jects for the prosecution of war has been forced to 
grant reforms as a preliminary condition. In this 
situation the director of New Netherland now found 
himself. The Twelve Men, instead of giving the 
; expected consent, demanded some of the political 
privileges to which they had been accustomed in 
Holland. Four representatives, elected by the peo- 


pie, should sit on the Council Board to save " the 
land from oppression; " the militia should be pro- 
perly organized ; and every freeman should have 
liberty to visit and to trade with vessels arriving in 
port. Kieft promised these concessions, meaning 
never to carry them out. The Twelve Men then 
gave their consent to an expedition against the 
Weckquaesgeeks. This point secured, the director 
announced that he did not consider that the Twelve 
had " received from the Commonalty larger powers 
than simply to give their advice regarding the murder 
of the late Claes Smits." He then issued a procla- 
mation in form, dissolving the Twelve and forbidding 
further political meetings of the people, as tending 
" to dangerous consequences and to the great injury 
both of the country and of our authority." 

The long talked-of expedition against the Weck- 
quaesgeeks took place in March. Kieft declined 
" to lead the van," and the command devolved upon 
Ensign Hendrick van Dyck. The guide missed 
his way, the soldiers wandered aimlessly about, and 
returned to the fort without firing a shot. The In- 
dians, discovering from the Dutch trail the danger 
from which they had escaped, now sent messengers 
to Manhattan to sue for peace. Van Tienhoven, 
the secretary, went to Westchester, and at the 
house of Jonas Bronck, on the Bronx River, a treaty 
was arranged, by which the Weckquaesgeeks agreed 
to surrender the murderer. This promise was not 
fulfilled; but the treaty served to maintain peace 
for some months. 

The year 1643 opened ominously. In both New 


England and New Netherland prevailed a vague 
terror of impending Indian troubles. The great 
sachem Miantonomoh was reported to be circulat- 
ing among all the tribes to organize a general attack 
upon the whites. The inhabitants of the boweries 
distant from Manhattan looked anxiously into the 
forests about them, hardly doubting from day to day 
that the war-whoop would resound from them. In 
an atmosphere so charged with alarms, a slight in- 
cident might have grave results. One day in Janu- 
ary De Vries was strolling about the woods near 
Vriesendael, gun on shoulder, in search of game. 
Suddenly an Indian, excited by drink, approached 
the patroon, " stroked him over the arms as a sign 
of good-will," and thus addressed him : " You are 
a good chief; when we visit you, you give us milk 
to drink for nothing. But I have just come from 
Hackinsack, where they sold me brandy half mixed 
with water, and then stole my beaver-skin coat." 
Notwithstanding the patroon's remonstrances, the 
injured savage declared that he should get his bow 
and arrows, and kill one of the " roguish Swanne- 
kins." De Vries, fearful of trouble, hastened over 
to Hackinsack, Van der Horst's bowery, and warned 
the inhabitants of the danger which their conduct 
had provoked. On his return to Vriesendael, there 
appeared several chiefs of the Hackinsacks and 
Rechawancks, who related that the harm had al- 
ready been done. The Indian had shot a Dutchman 
named Garret Jansen van Voorst, at Hackinsack, as 
he was thatching a roof. The chiefs had hastened to 
Vriesendael to offer the blood atonement of money 


(the usual Indian expiation of murder), and to se- 
cure the mediation of De Vries in favour of peace. 
The latter, knowing the provocation received by the 
murderer, and that the choice lay between the ac- 
ceptance of these well-meant offers and a bloody 
war, himself accompanied the Indians to the fort, 
and supported their cause. They had much to 
plead in their favour. " Why do you sell brandy 
to our young men?" they said to Kieft. "They 
are not used to it ; it makes them crazy. Even 
your own people, who are accustomed to strong 
liquors, sometimes become drunk, and fight with 
knives. Sell no more strong drink to the Indians, 
if you would avoid mischief." To their offer of 
atonement to the widow, Kieft would not listen. 
The person of the murderer must be surrendered. 
The Indians replied that this they could not do : 
he had gone off two days' journey among the Tan- 
kitekes. Thus the efforts of De Vries to preserve 
peace were foiled by the obstinacy and bad judgment 
of Kieft. 

In February, the Mohawks, armed with the guns 
obtained from the traders at Rensselaerwyck, made 
their annual descent upon the Algonquin tribes, in 
the vicinity of Manhattan, to plunder and levy 
tribute. De Vries awoke one morning to find his 
bowery filled with hundreds of starved and terror- 
stricken fugitives, seeking food and protection from- 
the Mohawks. He had but five men besides him- 
self to defend Vriesendael. It was the depth of 
winter, and the river was full of floating ice. But he 
embarked alone in a canoe, and made his way pain- 


fully to Manhattan, where he asked the director for 
the assistance of a few soldiers. Kieft refused it. 
Almost immediately large numbers of fugitive In- 
dians, including many from Vriesendael, camped 
with the Hackinsacks near the oyster banks of 
Pavonia, depending in their danger upon the pro- 
tection of the Dutch at the fort. The wise De 
Vries saw the opportunity offered by this emergency 
to win the lasting gratitude and friendship of the 
savages. He pointed out earnestly to Kieft that by 
/affording these people in their hour of suffering the 
'assistance they asked, the disputes of the past would 
be forgotten, and a permanent peace secured. 

But Kieft had neither wisdom nor humanity. 
Hatred of the savages and love of revenge hurried 
him on his fatal course. The measures to be taken 
were concerted in secret with some of his boon 
companions. Accompanied by Van Tienhoven, he 
went to dine at the house of Jan Jansen Dam, and 
there met Verplanck and Adriaensen. two oth- 
ers who had belonged to the Twelve Men. After 
dinner, the wily Van Tienhoven presented to the 
director a petition which purported to come from 
the Twelve Men. In this, it was urged that the 
murderers of Smits and of Van Voorst had not been 
given up, that circumstances had placed the savages 
in the power of the Dutch, and that a favourable 
moment had arrived to snatch an easy vengeance. 
The men there present had no right to speak for 
the Twelve, whom Kieft had formally dissolved in the 
previous year ; but the excuse of the petition was 
enough for the purposes of the bloodthirsty direc- 


tor. Van Tienhoven and Corporal Hans Steen were ' 
sent to reconnoitre the position of the Indians, and 
to plan the attack. There was no lack of opposition 
to these proceedings. Domine Bogardus protested 
vehemently ; La Montagne foretold that " war 
would stalk through the whole country." De Vries 
learned of the proceedings at Dam's house with 
disgust and dismay. He went immediately to the 
fort, and as a former member of the Twelve denied 
that that body had given its consent or had even 
been consulted. In vain he pointed out to Kieft the 
folly of his course, and the certainty that the scat- 
tered settlers, taken unawares, would be massacred 
on their boweries. But the director would reply 
only that his measures had been taken with the 
consent of the Commonalty, and leading De Vries 
to the window, pointed out triumphantly the sol- 
diers drawn up in review within the fort. " Let 
this work alone ! " cried De Vries ; " you want to 
break the Indians' mouths, but you will also murder 
our own people." " The order has gone forth," 
replied Kieft, obstinately, " it cannot be recalled." 

That night De Vries sat by the kitchen fire in the 
director's house, sorrowfully reflecting on the crim- 
inal folly which was plunging the colony into ruin. 
He was alone in the fort ; not even a sentinel had 
been left behind. "About midnight," he says, 
" hearing loud shrieks, I ran to the ramparts of the 
fort. Looking toward Pavonia, I saw nothing but 
shooting, and heard nothing but the shrieks of In- 
dians murdered in their sleep." He had returned 
sadly to the kitchen fire, when an Indian and his 


squaw, who had escaped from Pavonia in a canoe, 
burst into the room. "The Fort Orange Indians 
have fallen upon us," they cried; "we have come 
to hide ourselves in the fort." " It is no time to 
hide yourselves in the fort," replied the patroon, 
who recognized the savages as neighbours at Vries- 
endael ; " no Indians have done this deed. It is 
the work of the Swannekins, the Dutch." He 
led them to the gate of the fort, and pointed to the 
woods beyond as their only place of safety. 

The night attack upon the unsuspecting Indians 
resulted in a general massacre of the families at 
Pavonia and at Corlaer's Hook. Neither women 
nor children were spared. The next morning 
the director enjoyed his momentary triumph, and 
greeted the " Roman achievements " of his soldiery 
with hand-shakings and gifts of money. 

Kieft's bad example was soon followed by the 
turbulent element of the Long Island settlers, who 
wantonly attacked the friendly tribe of Marechka- 
wiecks, killing several, and stealing their corn. This 
outrage was the more stupid, as the enmity of the 
Long Island Indians left the Dutch surrounded by 
j foes. Eleven tribes now rose in furious war. On 
the Hudson River, in Westchester, on Long Island, 
the forests resounded with their cries, and every 
outlying bowery suffered attack. The farmers, with 
such of their families as survived, fled to Manhattan, 
and camped about the fort. The ships in the harbour 
became crowded with people anxious to. return to 
Holland. To keep the homeless and angry colonists 
from starving, Kieft had to take them into the pay 


of the Company as soldiers. Even Vriesendael did 
not escape. The savages destroyed the out-build- 
ings and gathered crops, while De Vries and his 
men awaited behind the loopholes of his house the 
final attack. But at this juncture the Indian whom 
De Vries had befriended on the night of the Pavonia 
massacre reminded the attacking party of the pa- 
troon's constant friendship ; and the savages de- 
parted, saying that they would do the good chief no 
more harm, and would even let the brewery stand, 
although they " longed for the copper kettle to 
make barbs for their arrows." 

Leaving the smouldering ruins of his beloved 
Vriesendael, De Vries went down to Manhattan. 
" Has it not happened just as I said," he demanded 
of Kieft, " that you were only helping to shed 
Christian blood?" The director could make no 
answer. He stammered out his surprise that the/ 
Indians had not come to the fort to make terms. 
" Why should they come here," asked De Vries, 
"whom you have so treated?" 

Kieft was now as much alarmed as he had been 
confident before, and sent messengers to the Long 
Island Indians to ask for peace. But the savages \ 
would not even parley. "Are you our friends?" 
they cried from a distance. " You are only corn 
thieves ! " The director's position became daily 
more uncomfortable. Manhattan was crowded with 
widows, with fatherless children, with farmers, who 
mourned the loss of buildings, crops, and relatives. 
It was winter, and shelter for the homeless was hard 
to find. Provisions were growing scarce. Dark 


looks and angry words met Kieft at every turn. 
Within two weeks of his vain boast that he would 
make the Indians " wipe their chops," he could 
find no palliation for the calamities which he had 
brought upon the colony other than to proclaim 
the fourth of March as a day of fasting and prayer. 
" We continue to suffer," the proclamation ran, 
" much trouble and loss from the heathen, and 
many of our inhabitants see their lives and property 
in jeopardy, which is doubtless owing to our sins." 

But Kieft's day of fasting did not help him much. 
A number of burghers talked plainly of putting the 
director on board of a ship bound for Holland ; oth- 
ers upbraided him even in the fort. To all he had 
but one reply to make : the responsibility rested 
with Adriaensen, Dam, and Verplanck, who, as 
members of the Twelve, had urged the midnight 
attack. But the retort of the burghers was con- 
clusive : " You forbade those freemen to meet, on 
pain of punishment for disobedience ; how came it 
then?" Among the most furious was Adriaensen 
himself, who had not only signed the petition, but 
had commanded the expedition which murdered 
forty Weckquaesgeeks at Corlaer's Hook. Ruined 
by the destruction of his own bowery, and stung 
by the reproaches of his companions, he resented 
Kieft's attempt to make him responsible. On the 
morning of March 21 he forced his way, armed, 
into the director's room, shouting : " What lies are 
these you are reporting of me ? " He was arrested. 
But a party of his friends and servants came to his 
rescue, and one of them fired at the director. The 


man was shot, and his head set upon a pole, while 
Adriaensen was sent to Holland. 

In this distracted state of the colony Kieft listened 
at last to De Vries. The latter, accompanied by 
Jacob Olfertsen, sought out the Indians in the 
woods, and his influence brought about a peace. 
But Kieft, persistently wrong, was niggardly with his 
gifts. The atonement was not sufficient, and De 
Vries knew well that, although the Indians were will- 
ing to observe a truce until their corn was planted, 
the chiefs could not restrain their young men from 
finally seeking a full revenge for the dead whom 
they mourned. And so it proved. In August, the 
Tankitekes of Haverstraw and the Wappingers of 
the Highlands dug up the hatchet, killing fifteen 
Dutchmen along the river, and plundering the fur- 
laden sloops coming down from Fort Orange. 

Kieft called the burghers together to assist him 
in this new emergency. By them an advisory 
board was chosen known as the Eight Men, consist- 
ing of Jochem Pietersen Kuyter, Cornelis Melyn, 
Jan Jansen Dam, Barent Dircksen, Abraham Pieter- 
sen, Gerrit Wolfertsen, Isaac Allerton, and Thomas 
Hall. The first two, Kuyter and Melyn, henceforth 
took in the affairs of the colony a leading part, 
which was destined to make much trouble for them 
in Stuyvesant's time. Allerton, a Mayflower emi- 
grant, had come to Manhattan from Plymouth. His 
presence on the board and that of Hall showed thej 
growing influence of the English in the colony. 
The Eight Men began their proceedings by expel- 
ling Dam on account of his part in bringing about 


the Pavonia massacre, and chose in his place Jan 
Evertsen Bout. The prosecution of hostilities was 
then authorized. The director took into the Com- 
pany's service fifty Englishmen, who were about to 
leave the unhappy colony, and placed at their head 
Capt. John Underhill, the hardy soldier whose ser- 
vices to New England in the Pequod War had 
not prevented his banishment thence for religious 

But, as De Vries had pointed out before, the 
colony was too scattered to admit of defence. In 
September, the Weckquaesgeeks murdered Anne 
Hutchinson and her family at Annie's Hoeck, in 
Westchester. Lady Deborah Moody's settlement 
of English people from Salem at Gravesend, Long 
Island, barely escaped with their lives by hard fight- 
ing. Doughty's prosperous colony at Mespath was 
destroyed. The Hackinsacks burned Van der 
Horst's buildings at Achter Cul. The village at 
Pavonia was burned in October, and the garrison 
killed to a man, although Stofifelsen, who was in 
charge and had shown the Indians kindness, was 
sent away by them on some pretext before the 
attack. Van Voorst's little son was made captive, 
and De Vries had to go into the forest to obtain 
his release. Thus, from the Highlands to the 
Honsatonic River, the province of New Netherland 
was desolated. The surviving farmers camped with 
their families about the fort. Above the Kolck but 
a few boweries maintained armed possession. New 
Amsterdam itself was in danger. Men gathering 
firewood as far north as Wall Street were constantly 


fired at. Van Dyck was shot in the arm while re- 
lieving guard. Provisions were falling short, and 
yet Kieft allowed two vessels laden with grain to sail 
for Curacoa. An application for assistance sent to 
New Haven by Allerton and Underhill resulted in 

At this sad time New Netherland lost its best 
friend. De Vries, the bold sea-captain and enter- 
prising patroon, left the colony forever. His public 
spirit, his rough wisdom, his tact in dealing with the 
Indians would have given to New Netherland a 
happy history had he been in the place of the 
director. His boweries were in ruins, and the 
prospect of rebuilding them became daily more 
remote. A herring-buss from Rotterdam came 
through Hell Gate, whose skipper had failed to 
sell his cargo of Madeira in New England " because 
the English there lived soberly." He wanted a 
pilot to guide him to Virginia, and De Vries took 
the opportunity to return to Holland. Before em- 
barking, the patroon went up to the fort. "The 
murders in which you have shed so much innocent 
blood," he said to Kieft, " will yet be avenged 
upon your own head," a prophecy before long 

During the winter of 1644 the Dutch sent out i 
expeditions against the Indians in Westchester and | 
on the great plains of Long Island, under Van 
Dyck, Kuyter, and Underhill, in which the Christian 
showed himself to be no less cruel than the heathen. 
But Kieft was much straitened in his supply of pro- 
visions for the people, and of ammunition for the 


soldiery. A bill of exchange which he had drawn 
on the West India Company in the previous autumn 
had returned protested. The unprofitable wars 
waged against the Portuguese and Spaniards in 
South America had brought the Company to bank- 
ruptcy. At this juncture, a vessel arrived in port 
with a cargo of supplies sent by the patroon to 
his colony of Rensselaerwyck. The skipper, Peter 
Wynkoop, having refused to sell shoes for the sol- 
diers at Manhattan, Kieft had the ship searched, and 
finding goods not included in the manifest he con- 
fiscated both ship and cargo. The ammunition and 
clothing thus acquired not proving sufficient, the 
director levied a tax on beer, which excited great 
opposition among the impoverished people. The 
Eight Men remonstrated justly, on the ground that 
the Company had formally agreed to defray all the 
expenses of war. " I have more power here than 
the Company itself," replied Kieft; "therefore I 
may do and suffer in this country what I please. I 
am my own master,, for I have my commission not 
from the Company, but from the States-General." 
Kuyter, Melyn, and Hall of the Eight who went to 
the fort to protest against the tax were allowed to 
kick their heels in the director's hall for four hours, 
and to depart "as wise as they came." In July a 
Dutch vessel called the " Blue-Cock " arrived from 
Curacoa, containing a hundred and thirty soldiers 
sent by Peter Stuyvesant, the governor there. The 
burghers hailed the arrival of these men as a means 
of terminating the Indian war during the summer. 
But Kieft quartered the soldiers on the Common- 


alty, and took no warlike steps. All summer, 
" scarce a foot was moved on land or an oar laid 
in the water." 

The Eight Men, exasperated by the sufferings of 
the colony, now apparently interminable, saw that 
their only hope of redress lay in applications to 
the States-General and the West India Company. 
Kuyter and Melyn were the authors of a vigorous 
memorial sent out in the " Blue-Cock." " Our 
fields lie fallow and waste," said the Eight ; " our 
dwellings and other buildings are burnt. The crop 
which God the Lord permitted to come forth dur- 
ing the last summer remains on the field, as well as 
the hay standing in divers places, whilst we poor 
people have not been able to obtain a single man 
for our defence. We are burdened with heavy 
families ; have no means to provide necessaries any 
longer for our wives and children. We are seated 
here in the midst of thousands of Indians and bar- 
barians, from whom is to be experienced neither 
peace nor pity. We have left our fatherland, and 
had not the Lord our God been our comfort, must 
have perished in our wretchedness. There are 
men amongst us who by the sweat and labour of their 
hands have been endeavouring at great expense to 
improve their lands and gardens. ... All these are 
now laid in ashes through a foolish hankering after 
war ; for it is known to all right-thinking men here 
that these Indians have lived as lambs amongst us 
until a few years ago, injuring no one, affording 
every assistance to our nation. The director hath, 
by various uncalled-for proceedings, so estranged 


them from us, and so embittered them against the 
Dutch nation, that we do not think anything will 
bring them back, unless the Lord God, who bends 
all men's hearts to his will, propitiates them." 

The memorials of the Eight Men were considered 
by the College of the XIX. at the end of 1644. 
They were conclusive in their description of the 
misgovernment of the colony, and moreover had the 
support of De Vries. The West India Company, 
now bankrupt, was seeking to merge itself with the 
successful East India Company. An examination 
into the affairs of New Netherland revealed the fact 
that instead of the long looked-for profits, the 
colony had cost, from 1626 to 1644, over five hun- 
dred and fifty thousand guilders above the receipts. 
But the College of the XIX. considering that the 
Company had promised to assist the colony, and 
that there might yet be some hope for it, resolved 
that the directors could not " decently or consis- 
tently abandon it." Kieft's policy was condemned, 
his acts repudiated, and he and his Council were 
ordered to Holland to assume responsibility for the 
" bloody exploit " at Pavonia and Corlaer's Hook. 
A new director was to be sent out and the admin- 
istration thoroughly reformed. 

In the spring of 1645 * ne Indians, themselves, 
weary of war, made proposals of peace. The nego- 
tiations were long ; but on the 2oth of August the 
burghers assembled joyfully at the fort, where the 
articles of the treaty were submitted to their ap- 
proval. None objected but Hendrick Kip, who 
opposed all the proposals of the director, on princi- 


pie. The next day was set apart as a day of thanks- 
giving, and in all the English and Dutch churches 
it was ordered " to proclaim the good tidings 
throughout New Netherland." But during the five 
years of war the colony had been nearly depopu- 
lated ; hardly more than three hundred freemen 
remained capable of bearing arms, and all were im- 
poverished. The news of Kieft's repudiation and 
recall made life at Manhattan very uncomfortable 
for him. Surrounded by men who attributed to 
him their ruin, he was often threatened with per- 
sonal chastisement when he should " take off the 
coat with which he was bedecked by the lords his 
masters." All this provoked Kieft to reprisals, and 
the fort was the scene of constant turmoil. Domine 
Bogardus arraigned him from the pulpit as " a vessel 
of wrath and a fountain of woe and trouble ; " to 
which Kieft replied by causing the garrison to beat 
drums and discharge cannon about the church dur- 
ing the time of the domine's discourse. 

The colony at Rensselaerwyck, having kept on 
good terms with the surrounding Mohawks, had es- 
caped the Indian war, and formed the most pros- 
perous portion of New Netherland. Nature was 
profuse in her gifts. The river abounded with stur- 
geon and the brooks with trout. Nuts, plums, 
blackberries, and grapes were to be had on all sides 
for the picking. The wild strawberries grew so 
thickly that the children had but to lie down and 
eat. Deer, turkeys, partridges, and pigeons were 
abundant. The lazy burgher could get a fat buck 
from an Indian in exchange for a pipe. Arendt 


van Curler, the agent for the patroon, received the 
emigrants, allotted them land, and administered a 
rude justice. In 1642, Domine Johannes Mega- 
polensis was sent out by the Classis of Alckmaar, 
and he preached to both Dutch and Indian. The 
fur-trade was a steady source of income, although 
the independent traders who came up the river 
curtailed seriously the patroon's profits. To remedy 
this abuse, Van Rensselaer ordered Van Curler to 
stop illicit trading, and to preserve his exclusive 
rights as the " first and oldest " patroon on the 
North River. For this purpose, in 1644, Van 
Curler erected a fort on Beeren Island command- 
ing both channels of the river, to which he gave 
the name of Rensselaerstein. The Dutch claim of 
" staple right " was set up, a toll of five guilders was 
levied on passing vessels, and all were ordered to 
strike their colors to the fort in homage to the 
patroon in whose territory they were. Nicholas 
Koorn was appointed " wacht-meester " to enforce 
these rules. In July, Covert Loockermans, a leading 
burgher of New Amsterdam, was sailing down the 
river in his sloop, the " Good Hope," laden with 
furs collected in the country above. As the " Good 
Hope " floated lazily past the fort, her crew were 
surprised to hear a cannon discharged thence, and 
the voice of Koorn from the ramparts, shouting, 

" Strike thy colours ! " 

Loockermans was at the helm. " For whom shall 
I strike?" he inquired. 

" For the staple right of Rensselaerstein," shouted 
Koorn, grandly. 


'' I strike for nobody," retorted Loockermans, 
" but the Prince of Orange, or those by whom I am 

The sloop passing defiantly on, three shots were 
fired from the fort, one of which passed through 
Loockerman's "princely flag," just above his head. 
Thus began a long struggle between the authorities; 
of New Netherland and of Rensselaerwyck. Nich-, 
olas Koorn was immediately summoned before the 
Council at Manhattan, and a lively dispute took 
place between him and Van der Huygens, the 
schout- fiscal. The latter protested against the 
patroon's attempt to control the Hudson River, 
while Koorn maintained the right of the patroon, 
derived from the States-General, to fortify and pro- 
tect his colony. And there the contention rested 
until Stuyvesant's time. 

The other Dutch possessions in America were 
faring badly. The South or Delaware River had 
been explored by Hendricksen in 1616, and in 1623 
a beginning was made by the erection of Fort 
Nassau, on the Jersey shore, ab~but four miles below 
Philadelphia. In 1631, the patroon Godyn and his 
partners established the colony of Swaanendael on 
the Delaware side. But in 1638 Peter Minuit, the 
former director of Manhattan, brought a party of 
Swedes into the river, who built Fort Christina, 
disregarded Kieft's remonstrances, and by superior 
enterprise soon made themselves masters in that 

The Dutch were still less successful in opposing! 
the encroachments on their eastern boundaries by 


the English. Western Connecticut belonged by dis- 
covery and by the erection of Fort Good Hope to 
New Netherland. But the New England people 
moved steadily westward, taking up good lands 
wherever they found them, replying to Dutch re- 
monstrances that the soil was too rich to be left 
idle. They settled all around the Fort Good Hope, 
making that Dutch stronghold the favourite subject 
of their jokes. The turnips planted by Op Dyck 
and his men were cooked in New England kettles, 
and the soldier who objected got a buffeting for his 
pains. The English ploughman ran his furrows 
close to the walls of the fort, and complained of the 
obstruction. The garrison that nominally held Con- 
necticut for the West India Company found them- 
selves living in an English community, with the town 
of Hartford growing up before them. The Dutch 
claim was undoubtedly good, but there was no force 
to prevent the all-absorbing English immigration. 
The New England people were already at Stamford, 
and the eastern end of Long Island was within their 
grasp. In 1640, the Lynn emigrants at Cow Bay 
pulled down the arms of Holland and left in their 
place "an unhandsome face." 




THE neglect shown by the West India Company 
towards its colony of New Netherland had been 
unavoidable. The conquests in Brazil and other 
portions of South America had proved so costly 
and unremunerative, the number and the value of 
Spanish prizes had so far diminished, that the ces- 
sation of dividends was followed speedily by bank- 
ruptcy. The competition of private traders had 
curtailed the profits of the fur- trade, and New Ne- 
therland, showing a balance on the wrong side of 
the ledger, was not an interesting subject to the 
Company. Indeed, the College of the XIX., sorely 
pressed by greater troubles, had nearly forgotten its 
North American possessions, until the information 
of the Indian wars and the aggressions of the Eng- 
lish made it evident that a total loss would result 
from further neglect. There were compunctions of 
conscience, too, several of the directors declaring 
that the Company, after the promises it had made, 
was bound to give assistance to the settlers. A 
strong man must be sent out who would repair the 
errors of Kieft, subdue the Indians, and resist the 
encroachments of the English. The choice fell on 
Peter Stuyvesant. 


The word " Stuyvesant " signifies " shifting sands," 
a condition characteristic of parts of the coast of 
Holland. Peter was the son of Balthazar Stuy- 
vesant, a clergyman of the Reformed religion. 
Previous to 1619, Balthazar was settled at Scherpen- 
zeel, in southern Friesland. In 1622 he removed 
with his family to Berlicum, in the same province. 
Thence, in 1634, he went to Delfzil, in Guelderland, 
where he died in 1637. At Berlicum, on May 2, 
1625, he lost his wife, Margaretta Hardenstein, who 
left two children, Peter, and a daughter Annake. 
On July 22, 1627, he married Styntie Pieters, of 
Haarlem, by whom he had three more children, 
Margaretta, Tryncke, and Balthazar. 

Peter had his own way to make ; and his vigour- 
ous and impetuous character had led him into the 
adventurous rather than the peaceful paths of Dutch 
commercial life. His record was well known to the 
directors of the West India Company, in whose 
service he had fought the Spaniards and Portuguese 
in South America, and had been for some years 
governor of the island of Curacoa. During his 
command there, he had made a naval attack upon 
the island of St. Thomas, his conduct of which was 
ever afterward a subject of contention between 
his friends and enemies. The former always spoke 
of it as an instance of his "Roman courage," 
sufficiently proved by the wooden leg worn in con- 
sequence of it ; while the latter declared that the 
undertaking was foolhardy in the beginning, and 
carried out with such vain bluster that the store 
of powder in the attacking fleet had been exhausted 


in a threatening cannonade before the ships got 
within gunshot of the enemy. It is certain that the 
attack was unsuccessful, and that Stuyvesant's leg 
was so badly injured that he was obliged to return 
to Holland, where it was amputated. He was now 
walking about on a wooden leg bound with silver 
bands, and had married, at Amsterdam, Judith, 
the daughter of Balthazar Bayard, a French pro- 
testant who had fled to Holland from persecution. 
The directors of the West India Company took the 
" Roman-courage " view of the St. Thomas inci- 
dent, and decided to confide to Peter Stuyvesant 
the execution of their plans for the regeneration 
of New Netherland. 

The expedition was liberally fitted out. There 
were four vessels, the "Great Gerrit," the " Prin- 
cess," the " Zwol," and the " Raet." A new' 
Council to assist the director was sent with him, 
consisting of Hon. Lubbertus Van Dincklage, vice- 
director of New Netherland and first councillor 
of New Amsterdam ; Hendrick van Dyck, schout- 
fiscal; Capt. Bryan Newton, an Englishman who 
had served under Stuyvesant at Curacoa ; Adriaen 
Keyser, the commissary ; and Jesmer Thomas, a 
captain in the Dutch navy. Besides these, there 
were soldiers and servants, and a number of traders 
and adventurers. Stuyvesant took his wife with 
him, and also his sister Annake (the widow of 
Nicholas Bayard), with her three sons, Balthazar, 
Peter, and Nicholas. The fleet sailed from the ; 
Texel on Christmas, 1646. 

In such an enterprise it was necessary that full 


authority should be vested in the commander ; but 
Stuyvesant soon showed that to his rightful predom- 
inance he added an overbearing spirit. For reasons 
known only to himself, he determined to proceed to 
Manhattan Island by way of Curacoa. The remon- 
strances of Van Dyck and others of the Council, 
who were exhausted by the tedium of the voyage 
and the unhealthfulness of a tropical climate, met 
with stern denial. At St. Christopher's the fleet 
fell in with a vessel called the " Love," whose 
papers not being satisfactory to Stuyvesant, was 
made a prize of. 'While the director was sitting 
in his cabin arranging for the disposal of the prize, 
the schout-fiscal Van Dyck attempted to take 
part in the business. "Get out!" roared Stuyve- 
sant. " Who admitted you into the Council ? When 
I want you, I'll call you." At Curacoa, poor Van 
Dyck tried to enter the council-room again with 
no better success ; and, to teach him who was mas- 
ter, Stuyvesant never allowed him even a "stroll 
ashore " during the three weeks that the fleet lay 
under the tropical sun in the harbour of Curacoa. 
By the time the long voyage was over, there had 
ceased to be any doubt as to the extent of the 
director's authority. 

It was the ayth of May, 1647, before the fleet cast 
anchor off the fort of New Amsterdam. Great was 
the joy on board at the view of these beautiful 
shores, and great was the satisfaction in the little 
settlement at the prospect of a new governor and 
new friends. At the fort all the ammunition that 
remained was consumed in firing salutes, while along 


the bank of the East River gathered the inhabitants 
with their vrows and children, ready with a hearty 
welcome. Kieft was there, his feelings divided be- 
tween satisfaction at relief from his burdensome 
position and fears as to his treatment by the new 
authorities ; Melyn and Kuyter, burning for an op- 
portunity to let the new director know what they 
thought of the old one ; Van Tienhoven, anxious 
for his office of colonial secretary ; and the other 
burghers, ready to forget the past in pleasant 

On landing, Stuyvesant proceeded to the fort, 
whither he was followed by the principal burghers. 
His bearing, as reported by unfriendly critics, was 
" like a peacock's, with great state and pomp," and 
he kept the burghers " for several hours bare- 
headed," while he was covered " as if he were the 
Czar of Muscovy." Standing within the fort, he' 
formally assumed authority. Then the wily Kieft, 
thinking to profit by the general good humour, 
made a farewell speech, in which he thanked the 
Commonalty profusely for their fidelity to him. He 
hoped that fair words would bring a responsive 
compliment, under which he might retire without an 
exposure of the hatred in which he had long been 
held. But his voice only excited still more the feel- 
ings which he sought to calm. Kuyter, Melyn, and 
others of the Eight Men answered angrily that they 
had no thanks for him. A stormy scene was im- 
minent. Stuyvesant cut it short by announcing that 
he would do justice to all, and would govern them 
as a father his children. But there was something 


in the director's manner which " caused some to 
think that he would not be a father." 

Stuyvesant's first work was to organize the ma- 
chinery of government. To the members of his 
Council, who had come out with him, he added 
Dr. La Montagne, who had served for many years 
in a similar capacity, and Van Tienhoven, who con- 
tinued in his old office of provincial secretary. 
Baxter, who had been appointed English secretary 
by Kieft, remained undisturbed, as he was the only 
man at Manhattan who could " tolerably read or 
write the English language." Paulus Leendertsen 
van der Grist was made " equipage master." A 
' court of justice was formed, with Van Dincklage as 
judge, although Stuyvesant reserved the right to 
preside when he desired. 

When the new director surveyed the capital of 
his dominions, he found that a great task lay before 
him. The long Indian wars, the consequent pov- 
erty, the incessant quarrels between Kieft and the 
burghers had left everything at loose ends. The 
town was confined between the site of Wall Street 
and the water fronts, and it was thickly settled only 
in the small space between the fort and the canal, or 
arm of the East River, which extended up the pres- 
ent Broad Street as far as Exchange Place. The 
streets were hardly named as yet, and were no more 
than broad paths, alternately muddy or dusty, ex- 
tending from the fort to the canal. The houses 
were rudely constructed of wood, with roofs generally 
thatched, and with wooden chimneys. Pig-pens 
and out-houses were set directly on the street, dif- 


fusing unpleasant odours. The hogs ran at will, kept 
out of the vegetable gardens only by rough stockades. 
Stuyvesant insisted on the removal of nuisances from 
the streets, ordered the proprietor? of vacant lots to 
improve them within nine months, and appointed 
Van Dincklage, Van Tienhoven, and Van der Grist 
" surveyors of buildings " to see that his reforms 
were carried out. The morals of the people were 
regulated by proclamations, which called for a 
" thorough reformation." Drunkenness, Sabbath- 
breaking, and brawling must cease. The selling of 
liquor to the Indians was prohibited. The church was 
still unfinished ; the walls of the fort trodden down 
by cattle, and an embankment was sorely needed 
along the water-front, against the encroachments of 
the tide. These works required money, and turned 
the director's attention to the revenue. He found 
that the West India Company was being defrauded 
of its due by the selling of furs to Virginia and New 
England. This unlawful business was summarily 
stopped. A " hand-board " was erected on the 
shore of the East River, at the foot of the pres- 
ent Whitehall Street, where all vessels were com- 
pelled to anchor, and where they could be properly 
supervised. A method of raising money, charac- 
teristic of Dutchmen and more attractive than port 
duties, was immediately adopted. Two vessels, 
the " Cat " and the " Love," were despatched 
to the West Indies in search of Spanish prizes. 

Stuyvesant had hardly started on this preliminary 
work, when a contest arose which greatly disturbed 
the peace of the colony, and formed the beginning 


of a long series of dissensions between the director 
and his people. The majority of the burghers had 
been satisfied with the dismissal of Kieft from the 
directorship, and .were bent only on making the 
most of the new conditions. But Kuyter and Melyn, 
who were partners in a patroonship, men of means 
and education much superior to Kieft, were not in- 
clined to let him off so easily. Their losses through 
, his misgovernment had been ruinous, and the long 
enmity rankled unsatisfied. Now they presented to 
the director and Council formal accusations against 
Kieft, with a petition that the leading citizens should 
be examined with a view to laying bare his whole 
conduct, from the imposition of the Indian tribute in 
1639. Had the patroons known more of the char- 
acter of the new director they would not have ven- 
tured so far. If there was one opinion unalterably 
fixed in the mind of Stuyvesant, it was that to the 
powers that be is due a blind obedience. Right 
or wrong, there should be no resistance to a consti- 
tuted authority. Although political liberty was the 
birthright of the Dutch, their colonies, generally 
military in character, had to be arbitrarily governed. 
Stuyvesant was accustomed to a rigid discipline, and 
he knew how to govern only as a master. 

When the petition of Kuyter and Melyn was re- 
ceived, the director at once took alarm. If the 
administration of Kieft were thus to be put in judg- 
ment on the demand of private persons, his own 
conduct would be subject to the same examination. 
The precedent was dangerous. He " chose the side 
of Kieft ; " declined to recognize Kuyter and Melyn 


in their official capacity as members of the Eight 
Men, and refused to consider such a petition from 
private individuals. " If this point be conceded," 
he said at the Council Board, " will not these cun- 
ning fellows, in order to usurp over us a more un- 
limited power, claim and assume in consequence 
even greater authority against ourselves and our 
commission, should it happen that our administra- 
tion may not square in every respect with their 
whims? '' He ended by saying, and no doubt it 
was his earnest belief : " It is treason to petition 
against one's magistrates, whether there be cause or 
not." The Council agreed with him, and the pe- 
tition of the " malignant subjects " was rejected. 

The guilty Kieft had been much alarmed at 
the possible issue. Now, seeing his advantage, he 
boldly became complainant, and accused Kuyter 
and Melyn of being the authors of the Memorial 
to the Congress of the XIX. in 1644, which, he 
claimed, contained false statements calculated to 
bring the magistrates into contempt. Stuyvesant 
had worked himself into a passion by this time, and 
made up his mind to punish Kuyter and Melyn as 
an example. He ordered them to appear to an- 
swer within forty-eight hours. Kieft's complaint 
being no more than the accusation that the pat- 
roons had told the truth about himself, other 
charges were trumped up. Both were convicted : \ 
Melyn was sentenced to seven years' banishment 
and a fine of three hundred guilders ; Kuyter, to 
half of the same penalty. The sentences were un- 
just and very unpopular. But Stuyvesant was re- 


solved that there should be no question in the col- 
ony as to the extent of the director's authority. 

Melyn declared his intention to appeal to the 
directors in Holland, which increased Stuyvesant's 
anger to fury. "If I was persuaded," he said to 
Melyn, " that you would appeal from my senten- 
ces, or divulge them, I would have your head cut off, 
or have you hanged on the highest tree in New 
Netherland." Nothing excited him so much as the 
contempt of his authority involved in a threatened 
appeal to Holland. When any one mentioned the 
subject, he became so angry that " the foam hung 
on his beard." He said to Van Hardenberg, as 
the two were leaving the parsonage house after 
a meeting of the consistory : " If any one during 
my administration shall appeal, I will make him a 
foot shorter, and send the pieces to Holland, and 
let him appeal in that way." His whole conduct of 
this affair was in accordance with a remark attributed 
to him in the " Representation from New Nether- 
land ": "These brutes may hereafter try to knock 
me down also, but I will manage it so now that 
they will have their bellies full for the future." 

The ship " Princess " lay at anchor in the East 
River ready to sail for Holland. Domine Bogardus 
and Kieft embarked to return home, and the un- 
fortunate patroons were sent aboard as prisoners. 
Off the coast of England the " Princess " struck 
upon a rock in the night, and began to go to pieces. 
" And now," says the Breeden Raedt, " this wicked 
Kieft, seeing death before his eyes, sighed deeply, 
and, turning to these two, said : ' Friends, I have 


been unjust towards you; can you forgive me?'" 
His repentance came too late ; he perished in the 
fulfilment of the prophecy of De Vries, that his sins 
would be visited upon his own head. The Domine 
Bogardus and nearly all the ship's company were 
lost. " Jochem Pietersen Kuyter remained alone 
on a part of the ship on which stood a cannon, 
which he took for a man ; but speaking to it and 
getting no answer, he supposed him dead. He was 
at last thrown on land, together with the cannon, to 
the great astonishment of the English, who crowded 
the strand by thousands, and set up the ordnance 
as a lasting memorial. Melyn, floating on his back, 
fell in with others who had remained on a part of 
the wreck, till they were ^driven on a sand-bank, 
which became dry with the ebb." Then they got 
ashore. As Kuyter and Melyn " were more con- 
cerned for their papers than for anything else, they 
caused them to be dragged for, and on the third day 
Jochem Pietersen got a small part of them. . . . 
When they arrived in Holland, the Dutch directors 
much lamented the loss of the ship and its rich 
cargo, and were doubly pained that, while so many 
fine men, were lost, two rebellious bandits should 
survive to trouble the Company with their com- 
plaints." But the patroons had justice on their side, 
and they succeeded finally in changing this hostile 

After the departure of the " Princess," Stuyvesant 
threw himself vigorously into the work of improve- 
ment. A devout professor of the Reformed religion, 
he had joined the consistory of the church at New 


Amsterdam, and now took measures to have the 
building finished. The place of Domine Bogardus 
was taken by Domine Backerus, who had come out 
with the director. Work on the fort and the 

i streets proceeded ; but in everything the director 
was hampered by lack of means. The " Love " 
and the " Cat " were still looking for a prize, and 
the port duties came in slowly. In this difficulty, 
IStuyvesant proclaimed a tax on wines and beers. 
Immediately there was great opposition from the 
burghers. They conceded to the Company its right 
of government, but insisted that it must pay its own 
expenses. " No taxation without representation " 
was a principle perfectly understood by the Dutch. 
Stuyvesant tried in vain to carry his point. At last, 
to allay the discontent, he was obliged to make 
concessions which admitted the people to a share 

. in the government. In September, 1647, a Board 
of Nine Men was established, to be presided over 
by the director. They were to advise, not to legis- 
late. Three members were to sit in rotation to hear 
civil suits, the litigants to have the right of appeal 
to the Council. Six were to retire annually, and 
their places to be taken by six others, to be ap- 
pointed by the director from a list of twelve of the 
" most notable citizens " named by the Commonalty. 
Thus, the Board of Nine Men was to be largely the 
director's choice ; and as it was to continue " until 
lawfully repealed," he could dispense with it if he 
chose. Still, the concession was a great step toward 
the representation of the people in public affairs, 
and prepared the way for better things to come. 


The first Board was made up of excellent men. 
From the merchants were chosen Augustine Heer- 
mans, Arnoldus van Hardenberg, Covert Loocker- 
mans ; from the citizens, Jan Jansen Dam, Jacob 
Wolfertsen (Van Couwenhoven), Hendrick Kip; 
from the farmers, Machyel Janssen, Jan Evertsen 
Bout, Thomas Hall. At the first meeting of the 
Board Stuyvesant was ill with an influenza which 
prevailed throughout New Netherland and New 
England ; but he sent a summary of the subjects to 
be considered, among which the principal were re- 
pairs to the fort, the completion of the church, the 
building of a schoolhouse, and the maintenance of 
a school-teacher. The Nine Men showed them- 
selves worthy of their responsibility. The means 
for all these objects were provided for by internal 
taxation, except the work on the fort. The Board 
contended, and maintained successfully, that the 
West India Company's charter of 1629 bound the 
Company to bear all the expense of the military 
establishment. For that purpose the director must 
depend^ upon the port and mill duties. 

Domestic affairs had hardly been got in running 
order when Stuyvesant's attention was drawn to the 
aggressions of New England. All the country lying 
between the Connecticut and Hudson rivers was' 
claimed by the Dutch by right of first occupation. 
We have already seen how ineffective a barrier had 
been Fort Good Hope and its small garrison to the 
steady westward progress of the English. These 
extensive and fertile lands were valuable to the 
Dutch as a rich field of the fur-gathering industry ; 


but they had never attempted to fill it with boweries. 
The restless New England people, continually mov- 
ing in search of better land, scorned the Dutch 
claim. " The land," they said, " was too good to 
stand idle." It rapidly became covered with their 
farms and villages. New Haven and Hartford grew 
apace. The Dutch had no power to keep back the 
English tide, and their numbers were not sufficient to 
send settlers to anticipate the intruders. The Eng- 
lish policy, openly avowed, was " to keep crowding 
the Dutch." Stuyvesant, alarmed at the prospect, 
opened communication with New England, and 
sought an interview with Winthrop ; but New Eng- 
land preferred to put off discussion, while the 
" crowding out " went on. Winthrop agreed to 
meet Stuyvesant when his health permitted, a 
time which seemed never to come. The Dutch 
director made a formal proposition that the bound- 
aries of New Netherland should be recognized as 
the Connecticut and Delaware rivers. Winthrop 
evaded an answer, and made complaints of the sell- 
ing of arms to the Indians by the Dutch, and of the 
restrictions on trade at the port of New Amsterdam. 
Already in Kieft's time a party of Englishmen had 
laid claim to Long Island as belonging to the Earl 
of Stirling. In the autumn of 1647, a man named 
Forester appeared, and attempted to take posses- 
sion as the agent of Lord Stirling's widow. This 
was pushing matters too far. Stuyvesant captured 
him, kept him in close confinement at New Amster- 
dam, and sent him off in the first ship that sailed 
for Holland. 


The flourishing colony of New Haven, under 
Governor Eaton, was within the nominal bound- 
aries of New Netherland. Stuyvesant heard that a 
Dutch ship, named the " Saint Benino," was taking 
in a cargo there without paying dues or obtaining 
permission from the authorities of New Amsterdam. 
In the director's opinion, this was a flagrant defi- 
ance of the West India Company's rights. He 
pronounced the ship a smuggler, and devised a 
skilful plan to capture her. The " Zwol," a Dutch 
vessel, had been purchased by the deputy gover- 
nor of New Haven, and delivery was to be at that 
place. Stuyvesant sent the vessel off with a party 
of armed men on board, under Captain Van der 
Grist. The " Zwol " sailed into the harbour at 
New Haven " on the Lord's Day," ran alongside the 
"Saint Benino," captured her and her crew; and 
Captain Van der Grist, leaving his own vessel to her 
new owner, sailed away on the " Saint Benino " 
before the English knew what was going on. Gov- 
ernor Eaton was naturally very angry. " We have 
protested," he wrote, " and by these presents do 
protest against you Peter Stuyvesant, Governor of 
the Dutch at Manhattans, for disturbing the peace 
between the Dutch and the English in these parts, 
... by making unjust claims to our lands and 
plantations, to our havens and rivers, and by taking 
a ship out of our harbour without our permission 
by your agents and commission ; and we hereby 
profess that whatever inconvenience may hereafter 
grow, you are the cause and author of it, as we 
hope to show and prove before our superiors in 


Europe." Stuyvesant replied that the ship was 
legally confiscated within the boundaries of New 
Netherland. But he was careful to conduct his 
correspondence in Dutch, which Eaton could not 

Three servants of the West India Company ran 
away soon after, and took refuge at New Haven. 
Stuyvesant wrote to Eaton, to request their sur- 
render ; but in his characteristic way he addressed 
the letter to New Haven in New Netherland. This 
angered Eaton still more, and he refused to give up 
the men. The harbouring of each other's fugitives 
was for all the colonies a dangerous practice, and 
Winthrop much regretted the action of Eaton. But 
Stuyvesant, instead of leaving his adversary in the 
wrong, put himself there by proclaiming that " if 
any person, noble or ignoble, freeman or slave, 
debtor or creditor, yea, to the lowest prisoner in- 
cluded, run away from the colony of New Haven, or 
seek refuge in our limits, he shall remain free un- 
der our protection on taking the oath of allegiance." 
This policy was so unpopular at home as well as 
hostile to the other colonies that Stuyvesant found 
himself obliged to inform Massachusetts and Vir- 
ginia that the rule did not apply to them. By as- 
surances of immunity, privately conveyed to the 
deserters at New Haven, he induced them to return, 
and was then able to revoke his proclamation with 
some show of dignity. Thus the conflict went on. 

Ever since the scene on the Hudson River, when 
Govert Loockermans had refused to strike his flag 
to the " right " of Rensselaerstein, there had been dis- 


agreement between New Amsterdam and Rensse- 
laerwyck ; and Stuyv'esant was not the man to 
smooth matters over by a conciliatory attitude. 
In 1648, having proclaimed a fast, Stuyvesant found 
that it was not observed at Rensselaerwyck, the 
commissary there taking this means of showing his 
independence of New Amsterdam. The first pat- 
roon had never been in New Netherland. He was 
now dead, and the title and estates descended to his 
son Johan, a minor in Holland. The guardians of 
the heir had sent out Brandt van Schlechtenhorst as 
agent and commissary, a man who loved indepen- 
dent command as well as Stuyvesant himself. On 
hearing of the commissary's neglect of his proclama- 
tion, the director went up to Fort Orange in per- 
son. The fort and some land about it belonged to 
the West India Company ; but the remainder of the 
territory was the property of the patroon. Hence a 
conflict of authority was easy. Stuyvesant found 
that the village of Beverwyck, which had nestled for 
protection close to the fort, was on land belonging to 
the Company. Moreover, the proximity of some of 
the houses to the ramparts interfered with the use 
of the fort. These houses he ordered to be pulled 
down ; and he further directed that the fort should 
be repaired with stone taken from the patroon's 
land. Van Schlechtenhorst refused to carry out 
either order, and a violent quarrel ensued, even 
the Indians standing about and wondering why 
"Wooden Leg" wanted to pull down his country- 
men's houses. Stuyvesant wished to assert his au- 
thority ; but he also wished to take measures to 


insure the safety of that portion of New Netherland. 
He departed from Rensselaenvyck in great wrath, 
and sent up from Manhattan a detachment of sol- 
diery to enforce his orders. But the force was not 
enough to overcome the opposition of the inhabi- 
tants, and victory, for the present, lay with the 

During the first two years of Stuyvesant's authority 
a substantial immigration from Holland took place ; 
the ravages of the Indian wars were repaired ; 
boweries were repeopled ; and trade grew at New 
Amsterdam. With returning prosperity the people 
grew restless under the commercial rule of the 
West India Company, and began to resent the ar- 
bitrary domination of the director. These Dutch- 
men had been accustomed at home to political 
liberty, and in their adopted country wished to be 
surrounded by the cherished institutions of the 
fatherland. In the hands of Stuyvesant absolute 
authority became a galling yoke. Well meaning 
though he was, and solicitous for the good of the 
colony, his impetuous temper and rough words kept 
him in an attitude of apparent hostility toward 
the burghers. The first Board of Nine Men had 
, many conflicts with him. The second Board, ap- 
pointed in 1649, were against him to a man. They 
accused him of selling arms to the Indians, while he 
forbade to the other citizens that profitable traffic ; 
of monopolizing various branches of trade for his 
own benefit ; and, lastly, of a tyrannical manner 
toward persons having business with the Company. 
The last accusation was well founded ; the others 
were probably mistaken. 


However, the Nine Men decided among them- 
selves that a reform in the administration of the 
province was imperatively needed ; abuses must be 
corrected, and a more popular government secured.! 
To attain this end a delegation must be sent to Hol- 
land to lay the demands of the people before the 
College of the XIX. and the States- General. The 
Board asked Stuyvesant's permission to call a meet- 
ing of the Commonalty to obtain its support and 
pecuniary aid. Stuyvesant, as usual, went into a 
rage, swore that there should be no public meeting, 
and that any communication between the people 
and the College should go through him only. 
Naturally, this method did not suit the Nine Men. 
As they were forbidden to consult the Commonalty 
in meeting assembled, they resolved to do so indi- j 
vidually and privately. They went about from 
house to house asking from each burgher his moral 
support and financial aid. With them went Adriaen 
Van der Donck, the first lawyer to settle in New 
Netherland, a graduate of the University of Leyden, 
and a Doctor of Laws ; he took down in writing the 
substance of these interviews. Stuyvesant was furi- 
ous when he heard of what was going on. He went 
in person to Donck's house while the lawyer was 
away, and seized his papers. Donck, on his return, 
was imprisoned. The director then called a meet- 
ing of burghers chosen by himself, procured their 
approval of his conduct, expelled Donck from the 
Board, and kept his papers. Although an apparent 
victory for Stuyvesant, this conduct excited great 
dissatisfaction in the colony, and roused an increased 
opposition to him. 


At this critical juncture, Melyn returned trium- 
phantly from Holland, bringing with him a reversal 
of his sentence obtained from Their High Mighti- 
nesses, together with a letter ordering Stuyvesant to 
appear in person or by proxy at The Hague, to 
answer the accusations which Kuyter and Melyn 
had brought against him. Melyn, smarting under 
his ill-treatment, was not inclined to spare the di- 
rector. Soon after his return, a meeting of citizens 
was held in the church. There he went accompa- 
nied by his friends, and demanded that the reversal 
\ of his sentence be pronounced as publicly as the 
sentence itself had been. A hot dispute arose : on 
one side Stuyvesant and his supporters, on the other 
Melyn and the party opposed to the administration. 
The question put to a vote was decided in Melyn's 
favour. So, Van Hardenberg, one of the Nine, 
took the paper and rose to read it. Furious at this 
proceeding, Stuyvesant declared that a copy must 
first be served on him, and going up to Van Harden- 
berg, he tore the paper from his hand. Hardenberg 
attempted to recover it ; an uproar ensued ; the op- 
posing parties struggled for the possession of the 
paper, and the sea* was torn from it. This scene 
of violence lasted for some minutes. Then some of 
the cooler heads interceded. Stuyvesant saw that 
his position was untenable ; Melyn promised to fur- 
nish him with a copy, and Van Hardenberg was 
allowed to read the mutilated paper. 

This scene, together with Stuyvesant's treatment 
of Van der Donck and the other subjects of com- 
plaint, roused so strong a feeling against the director 


that he could no longer prevent .the departure of a! 
delegation to Holland. A memorial of the com-' 
plaints and wants of the citizens was drawn up and 
signed on behalf of the Commonalty, by Augustine 
Heermans, Arnoldus van Hardenberg, Oloff Stevenss 
(Van Courtlandt), Machyel Janssen, Thomas Hall, 
Elbert Elbertsen, Govert Loockermans, and Hen- 
drick Hendricksen Kip. The memorial was dated; 
July 26, 1649. The delegates chosen to present it 
were Jacob Wolfertsen van Couwenhoven, Jan Evert- 
sen Bout, and Adriaen Van der Donck. Stuyvesant 
sent Van Tienhoven to represent him. 

On arriving in Holland, Van der Donck wisely 
perceived that he could expect nothing from the 
West India Company, who would support Stuyvesant 
right or wrong, and so he appealed directly to thej 
States- General. At the same time he realized the 
necessity of arousing some public interest in his 
mission, without which the States- General, occupied 
with greater affairs, might accord the delegates from 
New Netherland but slight attention. With this 
object, he published his " Vertoogh," a book which 
set forth the history of the settlement of the Dutch 
colonies in North America, with many interesting 
facts concerning their progress and necessities. The 
plan was eminently successful. The book was so 
much read and excited so much attention that the 
Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company 
wrote to Stuyvesant : " The name of New Nether- 
land, was scarcely ever mentioned before, and now it 
would seem as if heaven and earth were interested 
in it." 


The delegates were received formally in the great 
hall of the States-General, and a committee was 
appointed to consider their application. They asked 
for protection from the Indians, for freedom of trade, 
and, above all, for a popular municipal government 
in place of the arbitrary rule of a commercial Com- 
pany. They pointed out the necessity for encour- 
aging the emigration of real settlers who meant to 
make their permanent home in New Netherland, 
and without whom the Dutch territories could not 
be retained. At present, they said, there were too 
many " Scots and Chinese," persons who were de- 
fined as " petty traders who swarm here with great 
industry, reap immense profit, and exhaust the coun- 
try without adding anything to its population or 
security. But, if they skim a little fat from the pot, 
they can take again to their heels." Against Stuy- 
vesant they urged his tyrannical conduct, his mo- 
nopoly of profitable branches of trade, his injustice 
to litigants. " His manner in court," they said, " has 
been from his first arrival up to this time, to brow- 
beat, dispute with, and harass one of the two par- 
ties. ... If any one offer objection, his Honor bursts 
forth incontinently into a rage, and makes such a 
to-do that it is dreadful." Stuyvesant, they urged, 
was quite uncontrolled by his Council. Van Dinck- 
lage was always overruled ; La Montagne was afraid 
to speak frankly ; Brian Newton did not understand 
Dutch, and so was obliged to say "Yes" to every- 
thing; Van Dyck was not allowed to give an 
opinion. The colony could never prosper until 
it had proper courts of justice and a free burgher 


Van Tienhoven, representing Stuyvesant, relied 
upon the support of the West India Company, and 
sought only to discredit the motives of the popular 
party. . " Arnoldus van Hardenberg," he sneered, 
"knew how to charge the colonists well for his 
wares." Oloff Stevensen (Van Courtlandt) having 
gone out as a common soldier, had been promoted 
by Kieft to be commissary of the store ; " he has 
profited by the Company's service, and is endeavour- 
ing to give his benefactor the pay of the world, 
that is, evil for good." Elbert Elbertsen was in 
the Company's debt, from which he would like to 
escape ; Covert Loockermans owed his prosperity 
to the Company, and should support it. Hendrick 
Kip, he said, was a tailor who had lost nothing, pre- 
sumably, because he had nothing to lose. This line 
of defence could not have much effect, and Van 
Tienhoven soon discredited himself altogether by be- 
ing arrested and imprisoned for immoral conduct. 

Still, the delegates had against them the influence 
of the West India Company, whose policy it was to 
tire them out by vexatious delays. Postponement 
after postponement took place, causing to Van der 
Donck and his associates an expense and a loss of 
time which they could ill afford. During the pro- 
gress of the negotiations, their High Mightines- 
ses of the States-General endeavoured to smooth 
matters over by ordering Stuyvesant to appear in 
person in Holland, and the West India Company 
to institute reforms in New Netherland. But the 
Company, standing on its technical rights, disputed 
the authority of the States^ General, and privately 


informed Stuyvesant of the attitude it had taken. 
So when the director received the order to repair 
to Holland, he said that he should "do as he 
pleased," and he stayed where he was. For three 
)long years the faithful delegates urged the cause of 
their fellow-colonists at The Hague and at Amster- 
dam before they could prevail against the power of 
the commercial Company which held New Nether- 
land as its private property. 

Melyn had been assisting the delegates at The 
Hague, and in 1650 sailed from Holland in a good 
ship laden with colonists and stores for his manor at 
Staten Island. When off the coast, his ship was 
struck by a storm and put into Rhode Island for 
repairs. This was a technical violation of the West 
India Company's laws regarding trading without a 
license, although there was no proof to show that 
any trading had been done. But when the ship 
arrived at New Amsterdam, and Stuyvesant heard of 
the stopping at Rhode Island, he seized upon the 
excuse to persecute his enemy. He brought Melyn 
to trial as owner of the vessel ; unable to prove it, 
he was obliged to release him. But he confiscated 
both ship and cargo, a high-handed act of tyranny, 
for which the Company had to pay heavy damages 
to the real owner of the vessel. Poor Melyn lost 
his stores ; and not only that, Stuyvesant brought 
new charges against him, and confiscated his prop- 
erty in New Amsterdam. Melyn retired to Staten 
Island, built a fort, and intrenched himself against 
the fiery director. 

Stuyvesant's domineering temper was increasing, 


and the people were becoming less inclined to en- } 
dure it. New Amsterdam was a small place, and" 
irritation grew with constant contact. Money and 
letters were privately despatched to Holland to aid 
the cause of the delegates. Disaffection arose even 
in 'the Council. Van Dincklage, the vice-director, 
got up a new protest in support of Van der Donck. 
Stuyvesant discovered it, and expelled Van Dinck- 
lage from the Council. The vice-director resisted, 
contending that his commission was from the States- 
General. Stuyvesant imprisoned him in the fort. 
He escaped, and took refuge behind the stockade 
of Melyn on Staten Island. "Our great Muscovy 
Duke," he wrote to Van der Donck, "goes on as 
usual, resembling somewhat the wolf: the older he 
gets the worse he bites. He proceeds no longer by 
words or letters, but by arrests and stripes." 

Van Dyck, the schout-fiscal, whom Stuyvesant 
had treated with such severity on the voyage out, 
was found to have been concerned with Van Dinck- 
lage. He was punished by being reduced from the 
office of fiscal, or attorney-general, to the position 
of a clerk. Stuyvesant's opponents assert that poor 
Van Dyck was "charged to look after the pigs and 
keep them out of the fort, a duty which a negro 
could very well perform." The late attorney-general 
objected to such an occupation, and then.the direc- 
tor " got as angry as if he could swallow him up," 
and when he disobeyed "put him in confinement or 
bastinadoed him with his rattan." Yet the feelings 
of Van Dyck were still more sorely offended. Van 
Tienhoven, after presenting Stuyvesant's defence to 


the committee of the States- General, had been con- 
victed of licentious conduct, and Holland being 
too hot for him, had returned to New Amsterdam. 
Stuyvesant now accused Van Dyck of drunkenness, 
and appointed Van Tienhoven in his place as fiscal. 
The appointment was very unpopular, and particu- 
larly hateful to Van Dyck. " The perjured secre- 
tary," he wrote, " returned here contrary to their 
High Mightinesses' prohibition ; a public, notori- 
ous, and convicted whore-monger and oath-breaker, 
a reproach to this country and the main scourge 
of both Christians and heathens. . . . The fault of 
drunkenness could be easily noticed in me, but not 
in Van Tienhoven, who has frequently come out 
of the tavern so full that he could get no further, 
and was forced to lie down in the gutter." All 
these animosities kept New Amsterdam in a fer- 
ment, and Stuyvesant now went about accompanied 
by a guard of four soldiers. 

In 1650, the director found himself obliged to 
make some settlement regarding his New England 
boundary. The English farmers were extending 
constantly westward, and serious quarrels were tak- 
ing place between them and the Dutch owners of 
outlying boweries. Stuyvesant concluded wisely 
that he could only lose by delay, and that it was 
' better to draw a definite line somewhere, even if 
much territory justly claimed by the Dutch had to 
be surrendered. Negotiations were opened with 
Connecticut, and commissioners appointed on both 
; sides. Those representing the Dutch were Thomas 
Willett of Plymouth, and George Baxter, the Eng- 


lish secretary of New Netherland. Much indigna- 
tion was expressed at New Amsterdam that both 
commissioners to present the Dutch cause were 
Englishmen. Stuyvesant probably found it impossi- 
ble to select competent Dutchmen who could speak 
English ; and moreover the nationality of his com- 
missioners was of little importance to him, as the 
real work of sustaining the Dutch claims was to be 
performed by himself. He proceeded in state to 
Hartford, where, as well as on the journey, he was 
treated with great respect by the inhabitants. As 
he travelled eastward, he could not help recognizing 
the weakness of the Dutch claim to Connecticut. 
It was true that the Dutch had been the first white 
men to tread upon these lands, and that they had 
taken formal possession by the erection of Fort 
Good Hope and the maintenance of a garrison 
there. But the fertile valley of the Connecticut 
was actually occupied by English farms and villages- 
The Dutch director had no power to compel their 
allegiance or to drive them away. By force of 
numbers and by activity of settlement the English 
had acquired a right of occupation which was at 
least as good as the Dutch right of discovery. The 
eastern end of Long Island was in the same situa- 
tion as Connecticut. 

When the negotiations were opened, Stuyvesant 
raised a small storm by characteristically dating his 
first communication from " Hartford in New Nether- 
land." But this blew over, and business proceeded 
quite amicably. The agreement reached provided' 
that the line dividing Dutch and English jurisdiction 


I on Long Island should run from Oyster Bay to the 
\Atlantic Ocean. On the mainland, the line began 
west of Greenwich Bay, four miles from Stamford, 
and ran northerly thence ; but it was never to ap- 
proach nearer than ten miles to the Hudson River. 
In the vicinity of Hartford, the Dutch were consid- 
ered as controlling only such lands as they actually 
held and cultivated. This agreement was condemned 
vigorously at New Amsterdam, where the people re- 
proached Stuyvesant with the abandonment of so 
large a portion of New Netherland. The West India 
Company also disapproved the treaty. Yet there 
can be no doubt that Stuyvesant knew best, and 
set the wise course for the Dutch to pursue under 
the circumstances. 

At last, in the beginning of 1653, Van der Donck 
) and his companions returned to New Amsterdam 
with the hard-earned fruits of their patriotic labours 
in Holland. The West India Company had op- 
posed them long with success ; but the collapse of 
Van Tienhoven, the continued support sent to the 
delegates from New Amsterdam, the persistent ap- 
peals by Van der Donck, Bout, and Couwenhoven 
to the States-General and the people of Ho'.iand had 
proved too much for the Company. It was obliged 
to yield, or see its power transferred altogether to 
the States-General. The government of New Am- 
sterdam was henceforth to be conducted by two 
burgomasters, five schepens, and a schout, or sheriff, 
after the manner of the towns of the fatherland. 
These offices were directed to be filled by election. 
But Stuyvesant, disregarding the orders of the States- 


General to that effect, took it upon himself to fill 
them by his own appointment. The first burgo- 
masters were Arendt van Hatten and Martin 
Cregier ; the schepens, Wilhelm Beeckman, Paulus 
Leendertsen van der Grist, Maximilian van Gheel, 
Allard Anthony, Pieter Wolfertsen van Couwen- 
hoven ; and Jacob Kip was the first secretary to the 
magistrates. It is significant that none of those 
men to whose efforts the great reform was chiefly 
due were appointed to office. Still, the appoint- 
ments were good and well received. Van Tien- 
hoven, however, was made the schout, which gave 
great dissatisfaction. It is difficult to understand 
Stuyvesant's continued support of this man except 
on the ground that he made a useful tool. Thus 
began municipal government on Manhattan Island, 
where burgomasters and schepens conducted the 
city's affairs until the English had taken the place 
of the Dutch flag. The labours of these officers will 
be considered in another chapter. 

At the same time that their High Mightinesses 
granted the reforms asked for by Van der Donck, they 
commanded Stuyvesant to return to Holland to an- 
swer the accusations which had been made against 
himself. But this order was soon rescinded. War/' 
had broken out between England and Holland ; 
Blake and Tromp were contending for the mastery 
of the English Channel ; and Stuyvesant's hand, too 
heavy in times of peace, was needed at the helm in 
the prevailing storm. The news of the European 
war was received in New England and New Am- 
sterdam with consternation, as it seemed to involve 


hostilities between the colonies. Stuyvesant, know- 
ing his own slender resources, was much troubled 
at the prospect, and sent to New England and 
Virginia assurances of his continued friendly feeling. 
But the danger was imminent, and all the director's 
energies were concentrated on measures of defence. 
The northerly boundary of the town, where an attack 
by the English would be made, was quite unpro- 
tected. Stuyvesant began the construction of a 
ditch and palisade from the East to the North River, 
upon which work was pushed rapidly while the dan- 
ger of invasion lasted. The palisade was erected on 
the present site of Wall Street, whence the name was 
derived. There was a gate on the shore of the East 
River called the Water Gate, and another at Broad- 
way called the Land Gate. The inhabitants at first 
cheerfully seconded Stuyvesant's efforts to erect 
this defence : but as war became less probable, they 
refused to go on with it, and Stuyvesant was obliged 
to raise the necessary means to complete the work 
by a private subscription among the richer citizens. 
In New England the alarm of coming war was 
intensified by a report circulated in Connecticut, as 
derived from Uncas the Mohegan chief, that Stuy- 
vesant was in league with Pessicus, Mixam, and 
Ninigret, chiefs of other tribes, to make a concerted 
descent upon the English. As soon as the director 
heard of the story, he denied it publicly and indig- 
nantly. Still, the possibility of savage hostilities was 
so much dreaded that New England sent commis- 
sioners among the tribes to investigate the report. 
To them Uncas said : " Do not we know the Eng- 


lish are not a sleepy people ? Do they think we are 
mad to sell our lives and the lives of our wives and 
children and all our kindred, and to have our country 
destroyed for a few guns, powder, shot, and swords ? 
What good will they do us when we are dead?" 
Ninigret, in his defence, set forth the contemptuous 
treatment of himself by Stuyvesant : " I stood a great 
part of a winter's day knocking at the governor's 
door, and he would neither open it nor suffer others 
to open it to let me in. I was not wont to find 
such treatment from the English my friends." 

Massachusetts was persuaded of Stuyvesant's 
peaceful intentions, and refused to join Connecticut 
in making war on the Dutch. The Connecticut 
people, being so much nearer the point of danger 
and so much more liable to Indian attacks, were 
less confident of security ; but they could not pro- 
ceed without the help of Massachusetts Bay. Gov- 
ernor Eaton sent Captain John Underhill to Long 
Island to investigate there the reported conspiracy. 
Underhill, who was a turbulent fellow, did not trouble 
himself to investigate, but began a small war on his 
own account. Raising his standard at Heemstede 
and Flushing, he made proclamation that Stuyve- 
sant had been guilty of unlawful taxation, conspir- 
acy with Indians, violation of conscience and other 
obnoxious conduct, and called upon the Dutch 
and English inhabitants to throw off his tyranni- 
cal yoke. Stuyvesant arrested Underhill, and would 
have hanged him ; but thinking it a good opportu- 
nity to show his friendship toward New England, he 
released him after a short imprisonment. 


The graceless Underbill then went to Rhode 
Island, where he succeeded in inducing the General 
Assembly to declare war against New Netherland. 
He was made captain of the land forces, while 
William Dyre and Edward Hull were appointed 
commanders on the sea, to relieve the English on 
Long Island " from the cruell tirannie of the Dutch 
power at the Manathoes " and to " bring the Dutch 
to conformitie to the Commonwealth of England." 
Underhill set out for Fort Good Hope with twenty 
volunteers. The deserted and ruined fort, with 
about thirty acres of land, was all that remained to 
the Dutch in the Connecticut valley. This property 
Underhill claimed by right of conquest, and sold to 
two different persons, giving to each a deed. Then 
he disbanded his valiant army. At sea, Hull took a 
French ship, which was not a severe blow to Stuy- 
vesant ; and Baxter, under a letter of marque from 
Rhode Island, turned pirate and attacked Dutch 
and English vessels impartially. 

A number of fights occurring among the Indians, 
and some outrages upon white settlers at this time 
renewed in Connecticut the fears of Indian hostility. 
The prospect of such a calamity was so appalling, 
and a belief in a league between Dutch and Indians 
so strong, that the people prepared actively for a 
war. Until New Netherland should be subject to 
English rule, there seemed no certainty that the 
savages could be kept in subjection. Large gather- 
ings of armed men took place at Stamford and 
Fairfield. Massachusetts was loudly blamed for her 
refusal to send assistance. Commissioners were 


sent to England to ask Cromwell for men and arms, 
and Governor Hopkins, who was then in London, 
was urged to press the demand. Cromwell com- 
plied ; and several vessels, with arms and soldiers 
under Captain Leverett and Major Sedgwick, reached 
America, where Plymouth and New Haven had raised 
a co-operating force. But before the beginning of 
hostilities, in 1654, news arrived that peace hadj 
been concluded between England and Holland. It 
was a fortunate escape for New Netherland, which 
must have yielded to so superior a force. Stuyve- 
sant had realized the gravity of the situation, and on 
the announcement of peace he set apart a day of 
thanksgiving. " Praise the Lord," ran the procla- 
mation, " O England's Jerusalem ! and Netherland's 
Zion, praise ye the Lord ! He hath secured your 
gates and blessed your possessions with peace, even 
here where the threatened torch of war was lighted ; 
where the waves reached our lips, and subsided only 
through the power of the Almighty." 

After the establishment of burgher government in 
New Amsterdam there continued to be some fric- 
tion regarding taxation between Stuyvesant, as the 
representative of the West India Company, and 
the municipality. But with this exception, matters 
went smoothly enough. On the other hand, there 
was much discontent among the inhabitants of the 
English towns on Long Island. They were still 
subject to the rule of the West India Company, 
and paid taxes to the director. They claimed that 
no protection against the Indians was afforded them, 
and that they got no equivalent for their money. 


In 1653 these towns chose delegates to a conven- 
tion held at the Stadt Huys in New Amsterdam, 
under the leadership of George Baxter and James 
Hubbard. These English residents of New Nether- 
land had been relied upon hitherto by Stuyvesant 
as a support against the disaffected Dutch party. 
Their opposition was, therefore, a serious blow to 
him. When the convention met, he sent La Mon- 
tagne and Van Werckhoven of his Council to rep- 
resent him. The delegates declined positively to 
receive Van Werckhoven, and refused to allow La 
Montagne or the director himself to preside over 
them. They made the point that while acknowl- 
edging allegiance to the States- General of Holland, 
they rejected the authority of the West India Com- 
pany. Hence they would receive into the con- 
vention representatives of the burgomasters and 
schepens, but not of the director. Furthermore, 
they declared that as they were obliged to take 
their own measures for defence, they would pay no 
more taxes to the Company. 

Stuyvesant was much enraged, and informed the 
convention that its conduct " smelt of rebellion, of 
contempt of his high authority and commission," 
which was indeed the fact. Unable to prevent this 
new disaffection, he sought to modify its effects. If 
a convention were to be held, he claimed, the Dutch 
as well as the English towns had a right to be rep- 
resented in it. The delegates had to agree to this, 
and postponed their meeting for a month, saying, 
"the director might then do as he pleased, and 
prevent it if he could." 


On re-assembling, delegates appeared from the 
four Dutch towns, New Amsterdam, Breukelen, 
Amersfoort (Flatlands), and Midwout (Flatbush) ; 
and four English towns, Flushing, Newtown, 
Heemstede, and Gravesend. Nine Englishmen) 
and ten Dutchmen composed the convention./ 
George Baxter was secretary, and drew up the 
memorial of grievances. Stuyvesant sought to sow 
discord among the members. " Is there no one 
among the Netherlands nation," he inquired scorn- 
fully, " expert enough to draw up a remonstrance to 
the director and Council, . . . that a foreigner or 
an Englishman is required to dictate what you have 
to say?" But this taunt did not disturb the union 
of the delegates. They presented their memorial, 
complaining of the arbitrary character of the gov- 
ernment, and of its neglect of their interests ; the 
West India Company collected taxes, and left them 
to fight their own battles with the savages. Stuy- 
vesant replied, denying that there was any cause of 
complaint. A debate followed. The director took 
the ground that there was no inherent right in the 
people to share in the government, and that the 
convention itself was an unlawful body. The 
delegates manfully sustained the contrary, and car- 
ried their views into effect by sending to Holland 
an agent, named Le Bleeuw, to argue their cause. 
The mission failed ; the agent's remonstrances 
were considered frivolous, and he was forbidden to 
return to New Netherland. The West India Com- 
pany wrote to Stuyvesant that his administration 
was approved. His only fault had been in showing 


too much leniency to " the ring-leaders of the 
gang," and in condescending to parley with them. 
So Stuyvesant expelled Baxter and Hubbard from 
their offices. Soon afterward they raised the 
English flag at Gravesend, and declared the town 
subject to England. The director then sent a 
'military force to Long Island, captured the English- 
men, and locked them up at New Amsterdam. 
Thus ended the last organized opposition against 
the rule of Stuyvesant and of the West India 

The Dutch possessions on the South or Delaware 
River had never been successfully settled or strongly 
held. After a time the Swedes began a colony 
there on the opposite side of the river. They 
commanded the most favourable situation for the 
Indian trade, grew in numbers, and quite overruled 
the Dutch, who were allowed to retain their lands 
only on sufferance. The Dutch claims to sole own- 
rship of the river excited only the derision of the 
Swedes, whose superior strength made acts of hos- 
tility unnecessary. In 1654 the Dutch fort Casimir, 
commanded by Gerrit Bikker, was occupied by the 
Swedish Captain Rysyngh, and its name changed 
to Fort Trinity. The Dutch inhabitants were kindly 
allowed to remain in the country, but under the 
Swedish flag. 

The news of these proceedings created great ex- 
citement at New Amsterdam. Stuyvesant's rage 
was shared by the burghers, who gathered about the 
fort to denounce the outrage. An unfortunate 
Swedish ship, on its way to the South River, ran 




aground near the mouth of the harbour, and, igno- 
rant of the state of affairs, sent up to New Amster- 
dam for a pilot. Instead of the pilot, Stuyvesant 
sent a vessel full of soldiers, who brought the Swede 
up to New Amsterdam, where she and her cargo 
were confiscated. This incident afforded some al- 
leviation to the director's fury, and he sought to 
open a negotiation with Rysyngh. But the Swedish 
commander, satisfied with possession, declined to 
enter into a discussion. Stuyvesant was belligerent, 
but had not the means for hostile measures ; he 
could only write an indignant account of the event 
to the West India Company, and ask for assistance. 
While awaiting a reply, he carried out a long-de- 
layed purpose, and made a voyage to the West 
Indies to open new trade for the Dutch. But 
in this object he was defeated by the efforts of 
the English. 

When the directors of the West India Company 
heard of the capture of Fort Casimir by the Swedes, 
they were as angry as Stuyvesant could wish. The 
director of New Netherland was ordered to drive 
away the intruders, and a ship of war, named the 
" Balance," was sent to him. Great preparations 
were made at New Amsterdam for the enterprise, 
and all possible secrecy was observed with the pur- ( 
pose of surprising the enemy. Six other ships were; 
hired or impressed ; a force of six or seven hundred 
men was collected. The expedition, planned on a 
scale which must be overwhelmingly superior to the 
Swedish means of defence, was so evidently destined 
to easy victory that every man in New Amsterdam 


wished to take part in it. A summer voyage to the 
Delaware River, with glory at the end of it, was a 
more attractive prospect than the routine of daily 
toil at home. So the fleet set sail in the midst of 
jollity and confident valour. 

Stuyvesant arrived in the South River on Sept. 
10, 1655. Fort Trinity surrendered at the first 
summons. Rysyngh held out for twelve days in 
Fort Christina. A great deal of talking was done, 
and a great deal of firing; but very little injury was 
received on either side. Rysyngh, having made 
a show of resistance, yielded to the inevitable ; the 
Swedes were allowed to stay where they were on 
taking the oath of allegiance ; and a Dutch gar- 
rison was placed in charge of the fort. Domine 
Megapolensis, who had gone as chaplain, preached 
a thanksgiving sermon. Thus ended Swedish rule 
on the South River. But the Dutch never pros- 
pered there. The West India Company conveyed 
the territory to the City of Amsterdam, in return 
for advances of money, and the colony was only a 
trading-post when it passed into the hands of the 
English with the rest of New Netherland. 

While Stuyvesant was in the midst of his triumph 
over the Swedes, he was suddenly recalled to New 
Amsterdam by the news of a great calamity. He 
had always kept on satisfactory terms with the 
Indians ; his conduct toward them had been a 
mixture of sternness and justice which commanded 
their respect. But others had been less judicious, 
and lately a brutal murder had roused their just 
resentment. Van Dyck, the late fiscal, whom Stuy- 


vesant had expelled from office, discovered a squaw 
in his garden picking the peaches from trees. He/ 
fired upon and killed her. This outrage demanded 
revenge, and the director's absence with the fighting 
force of the town gave the opportunity. One morn- 
ing in September, the streets of New Amsterdam , 
began to swarm with savages in war-paint. At first' 
they made no attempt to kill, but contented them- 
selves with bullying and robbing. The burghers, so 
much reduced in numbers, dared make no resistance 
to the plundering of their houses. Such soldiers as 
remained at home were kept in readiness in the 
fort, and 'meanwhile the Dutch sought to temporize 
and to come to a peaceable agreement with the 
savages. An arrangement was made that the Indi- 
ans should all go over to Nutten's, or Governor's, 
Island, there to await the result of a conference 
between the burghers and the chiefs ; but a quar- 
rel occurred, and fighting began no one knew how. 
Van Dyck was killed by an arrow ; Captain Van der 
Grist was felled with an axe. The struggle extended ; 
the soldiers were called from the fort, and before 
their organized attack the Indians fled in canoes. 

But they were now excited by bloodshed. Instead 
of going to Governor's Island, they went to Pavonia 
and Hoboken. What happened there was too well 
known to the people on Manhattan Island, who stood 
on the shore and watched the flames arise from the 
ravaged boweries. Men were killed, women and 
children taken prisoners. The savages then went to 
Staten Island, where the same scenes were enacted. 
For three days there was burning and murdering 


all about the Bay, Long Island, and Manhattan 
Island. The killed numbered one hundred ; the 
prisoners, one hundred and fifty; the homeless, 
three hundred. 

Stuyvesant returned as soon as the news reached 
him, called in the outlying farmers, and prepared 
\ for hostilities ; but the Indians sued for peace. 
Their attack had been provoked, and they had 
many prisoners in their power. Instead of seeking 
new vengeance and prolonging the war indefinitely 
as Kieft had done, the director granted a peace, 
and received back the prisoners. The result proved 
his wisdom, for there was no renewal of war on 
the part of the tribes about New Amsterdam. At 
Rensselaerwyck, no trouble was experienced. When 
knowledge of the hostilities at New Amsterdam was 
received there, the usual policy of conciliating the 
Mohawks was resorted to, and none of the other 
tribes dared to attack such allies. 

In 1658 another disastrous Indian war broke out, 
which affected only the town of Esopus on the 
Hudson River, near Rondout. The Dutch there 
were the aggressors, and the usual course of fighting 
and burning continued intermittently until 1663. In 
that year Stuyvesant went up in person to settle the 
disputes, and to put an end to a state of hostility in 
which the settlers could not fail to have the worst. 
While he was holding a conference with the chiefs, 
the warriors suddenly fired the village, and began a 
massacre of the whites. After this treachery, Stuy- 
vesant abandoned peaceful methods, and followed 
up the Indians until the small surviving remnant 



was glad to sue for peace. The troubles were ter- 
minated by treaty in 1664, the last Indian treaty 
made by the Dutch. 

Religious affairs never played the important part 
in New Netherland that they did in New England. 
The Dutch had won freedom of conscience in the 
wars with Spain and the Inquisition. They had come 
to New Netherland only for self-advancement, and 
there existed generally among the people a toler- 
ance of religious differences, and indeed an apathy 
toward sectarian disputes. Society in New Amster- 
dam was divided by political, but not by religious, 
quarrels. For thirty years after the settlement of 
Long Island no church was built there, the people 
depending upon the minister at New Amsterdam 
for spiritual aid. With theological rigour and per- 
secution there was no sympathy. With these senti- 
ments r the West India Company was in full accord, 
and it intended New Netherland to be a common 
ground for persons of all opinions. 

It was the arbitrary spirit of the director, ratheif 
than religious narrowness on the part of the Dutchj 
that brought about such persecution as occurred in 
New Netherland. Stuyvesant was a devout member 
of the Reformed Church ; but above all he believed 
in obedience to established authority, that power was 
derived from God, and that any one who rejected the 
generally accepted order of things was a disturber 
of the peace, and should be suppressed. When he 
persecuted a Lutheran or a Quaker, it was not so 
much the religious tenet that he attacked as it was 
the individual man who presumed to set up peculiar 


views of his own and obstinately follow them out, 
when the right way had been pointed out to him by 
his superiors. 

In 1654 the Lutherans had become numerous 
enough to have religious meetings of their own. 
Stuyvesant issued a proclamation to them, pointing 
out the propriety of their attendance at the regular 
Dutch church. What was good enough for the 
other inhabitants was good enough for them. When 
they tried to get a meeting- room for services, he 
prevented it. When they procured a minister from 
Holland, the director made life so uncomfortable 
for him that he left the colony. To have one body 
of non-conformists at liberty was to invite the pres- 
ence of others ; the idea was offensive to the direc- 
tor's sense of order. The Domines Megapolensis 
and Drisius were intolerant enough to support him. 
But the Lutherans appealed to Holland, where they 
found relief in the national spirit of liberality. The 
West India Company blamed Stuyvesant for perse- 
cuting these people, on grounds of both policy and 
principle. To retard the growth and happiness of 
a commercial colony on account of a "needless 
preciseness " on the subject of baptism was an 
act of folly; nor was it in accordance with the 
Christian spirit. So the Lutherans, who were law- 
abiding persons, were allowed henceforth full liberty 
of worship. 

Stuyvesant could accept the Lutheran Church, 
and could even in 1656 treat the Anabaptists on 
Long Island with comparative mildness. But he 
could not endure the Quakers. They were ob- 


noxious to him, as a Calvinist ; but as director 
their methods offended him much more, and his 
anger at their obstinacy carried him beyond all 
bounds. In 1 65 7 there arrived some " cursed 
Quakers ; " they had been expelled from Boston, 
and now reached New Amsterdam from Barbadoes, 
on their way to Rhode Island, that " sink of New 
England, where all kinds of scum dwell," as the 
Domines Megapolensis and Drisius described it. 
These Quakers went about the streets of the quiet 
Dutch town, gathering crowds on the corners, har- 
anguing against steeple- houses, a priesthood, and the 
powers that be in general. The inhabitants of New 
Amsterdam stood about, and stared, without under- 
standing the pious exhorters. But scenes of dis- 
order were of constant occurrence, and the Quakers 
would submit to no regulation. Nothing could be 
better calculated to excite the wrath of Stuyvesant. 
Two of the women-preachers were thrown into 
prison, and sent off, with their hands tied be- 
hind them, on the first ship bound for Rhode 
Island. But a man named Robert Hodgson was 
more aggravating in his conduct, and suffered a 
barbarous treatment. He was arrested at Heem- 
stede, where he had been preaching, and brought 
to New Amsterdam at a cart's tail. When arraigned 
in court, he drove the director into a paroxysm of 
rage by refusing to remove his hat, which was his 
way of showing respect to God alone. Stuyvesant 
proceeded to reduce the obstinate rebel to sub- 
mission. He was chained to a wheelbarrow, and 
compelled to work on the roads ; a negro accom- 


panied him armed with a whip ; he slept in a dun- 
geon. But Hodgson's spirit was hard to break, 
and he preached to the passers-by from his wheel- 
barrow. For this disobedience Stuyvesant had him 
hung up by the hands, and severely beaten. The 
contest between the outraged director and the 
obstinate preacher continued until the Dutch be- 
came disgusted with the spectacle. Mrs. Anna 
Bayard, Stuyvesant's sister, interceded for the un- 
fortunate Quaker, and he was released, with a 
sentence of banishment. 

Another contumacious Quaker named John Bowne, 
an old resident of Flushing, was sent to Holland ; 
Stuyvesant, writing to the directors of his offence, 
declared that he meant to treat others more se- 
verely. But the West India Company would not 
permit it. To send away active citizens on account 
of their religion was not the way to populate the 
colony. They ordered Stuyvesant to " let every 
one remain free as long as he is modest, moderate, 
his political conduct irreproachable, and as long as 
he does not offend others or oppose the govern- 
ment." This was the time-honoured custom of the 
magistrates of Amsterdam : " Tread thus in their 
steps, and we doubt not you will be blessed." 
Stuyvesant obeyed this injunction, and thus ended 
a religious persecution which had never had the 
sympathy of the people of New Netherland. 

During the last ten years of Stuyvesant's govern- 
ment the emigration from Holland had been stead- 
ily increasing, and was of a good class of farmers 
and burghers. By 1660 New Amsterdam had three 


hundred and fifty houses. Outside settlements in- 
creased rapidly, and boweries were cultivated as far 
as the Haarlem River. In 1656 the Rust Dorp, 
or Quiet Village, was settled, which was afterward 
called by the English Jamaica, from the Indian 
name Jemaico. New Utrecht and Boswyck, or 
Bush wick, followed in 1661. About 1656 Oost 
Dorp was settled in Westchester County, principally 
by Englishmen ; Thomas Pell bought a tract of 
land, which included the old possessions of the 
unfortunate Anne Hutchinson. In 1660 New 
Haarlem became a distinct village. In 1661 
Melyn gave up the struggle with Stuyvesant, and 
sold his property on Staten Island to the West 
India Company. There sprang up New Dorp, 
built by French Waldenses and Rochelle Hugue- 
nots. In the same year Bergen was founded in 
New Jersey, which preserved Dutch characteristics 
long after they had been crowded out elsewhere. 
Meanwhile Rensselaerwyck pursued its even way, 
untroubled by religious or political dissensions. Its 
alliance with the powerful Mohawk nation, wisely 
maintained, preserved it from the dangers of In- 
dian war. The inhabitants traded in furs, culti- 
vated their rich soil, fished and hunted in peace. 
The patroon's agent governed in his name, so far as 
any government was necessary. Stuyvesant had a 
long-continued quarrel with this agent, whom he 
kept under arrest at New Amsterdam for a time, for 
defiance of his authority. But toward the end of 
the Dutch rule in New Netherland the patroon's 
officers acknowledged the director's supremacy by 


an annual tribute of wheat. In 1661 Arendt van 
Curler bought for the patroon the " great flat" be- 
tween Fort Orange and the Mohawk country, which 
was then opened to settlement. In 1664 Schaen- 
heckstede, now Schenectady, was founded. 

Such, briefly stated, were the more important 
events of Stuyvesant's administration as far as the 
period when New Netherland became New York. 
That a considerable portion of the province had 
fallen under English rule was due to the want of 
a sufficient Dutch emigration and not to any fault 
of the director. The same difficulty had prevented 
the development of the territory about the Delaware 
River. On Long Island and along the shores of 
the Hudson River the Dutch had flourished and had 
made permanent homes. New Amsterdam had be- 
come an orderly, substantial town, already marked 
by characteristics destined to be lasting. There 
prevailed religious and political liberty, a cosmo- 
politan spirit tolerant of varied tongues and cus- 
toms, a commercial activity suited to an unequalled 
maritime situation. In the., next chapter we shall 
consider the outward appearance of the town in the 
days of Dutch supremacy, its social, educational, and 
national features. 




IN the early days of Dutch settlement the fort 
was the centre of activity, being at once the busi- 
ness headquarters of the West India Company and 
the only safe refuge from external danger. About 
it clustered the storehouses and dwellings of the 
colonists. As the settlement increased, new build- 
ings were constructed along the line of paths which 
diverged from the fort to other points of interest. 
Thus Broadway came into existence as the road lead- 
ing from the front of the fort over the ridge of the 
island to the common pasture-lands. Whitehall 
Street was the shortest way to the East River and 
the anchorage-ground. Stone Street originated in 
the path which ran from the fort down to a point on 
the East River, now Peck Slip, which was found to 
be the most convenient for a ferry to Long Island. 
Most of the streets at present in use in the lower 
part of New York city had a similar origin. In 
1657 these streets were already indicated with some 
distinctness as thoroughfares, but they abounded in 
irregularities of direction and width. In this year 
the town below Wall Street was surveyed by Jacques 
Cortelyou, and the streets definitely laid out. 


In front of the fort lay an open space, now called 
the Bowling Green. It was first used as a parade- 
ground for the garrison. In 1659 it became the 
established market-place of the town, and was called 
the Marckvelt. In this use it continued for many 
years. In 1732 the Corporation resolved to "leave 
a piece of land, lying at the lower end of Broadway, 
fronting the fort, to some of the inhabitants, in order 
to be enclosed to make a bowling-green there, with 
walks therein, for the beauty and ornament of said 
street, as well as for the delight of the inhabitants 
of this city." John Chambers, Peter Bayard, and 
Peter Jay were the lessees for eleven years, at one 
peppercorn per annum. In Stuyvesant's time, his 
private secretary Cornells van Ruyven and Allard 
Anthony had houses facing the Marckvelt, and Mar- 
tin Cregier kept a tavern there. 

Broadway was first called Heere Straat, princi- 
pal street ; later, the Breede Weg, translated by the 
English into the Broadway. It extended from the 
market-place to the Land Gate as a residence street, 
and thence northward as a country road as far as the 
pastures on the site of the present City Hall Park. 
As the business interests of the Dutch town were 
along the shore of the East River, Broadway was ne- 
glected for many years. Lots there had begun to be 
granted by Kieft in 1643, but tnev were generally held 
for speculation. In 1664 the condition of the street 
was about as follows : Leaving the fort and going up 
on the west side, near the present Morris Street, we 
find the town cemetery, about one hundred feet front 
and extending back to the North River. Some years 


later the cemetery was removed, and this land was 
sold in four lots. Next above was the property of 
Paulus Leendertsen van der Grist. He had com- 
manded one of the vessels which accompanied 
Stuyvesant from Holland, and had become a magis- 
trate and a man of wealth. His house was one of the 
best in the town, and was built near the river with a 
garden about it. Beyond Van der Grist was the house 
lately occupied by the fiscal Van Dyck, whom 
Stuyvesant had expelled from the Council. Next- 
were two lots, each ninety-three feet front and run- 
ning back to the river. The first of these the 
director had allotted to his son Nicholas William, 
and the second to his other son Balthazar. Beyond 
these was the West India Company's garden, after- 
ward granted to the English Church, and now 
Trinity churchyard. Turning at the Land Gate and 
going down Broadway on the east side, we find a 
number of small houses occupied by mechanics. 
This side of the street, sloping off to the marshy 
lands near the Broad Street canal, was not consid- 
ered desirable ; but it improved afterward, as the 
water-courses were filled up. 

The site of the present Broad Street was occupied 
by a sort of canal, or inlet, from the East River. 
Toward this canal four streets ran eastward from 
Broadway. The first now Wall Street began at 
the Land Gate, and extended to the East River. 
It was called De Cingel ofte Stadt Waal ("The 
Walk by the City Wall"), and was built upon at 
this time only on the south side, facing the stockade. 
Boatmen and labourers had cottages here. 


The next street now Exchange Place was a 
path called De Shaap VVaytie ("Sheep Walk") run- 
ning down to a bridge across the canal. Beyond 
the bridge, the site of Exchange Place was occupied 
by a stream, which, in common with the upper part 
of the Broad Street canal, was called the Prince 
Graft. On the Graft lived Johannes Hardenbrook, 
Jacob Kip, and Bay Roosevelt. Here, about 1691, 
when the stream was filled in and the street had 
been named, first Tuyen, and then Garden 
Street, was built the Dutch church, to replace 
the old one in the fort. 

Near the foot of Broadway was the Bever Graft 
("Beaver Canal"), the site of a stream running 
to the Heere Graft, or large canal, on Broad Street. 
When this "old ditch" was filled up, the street was 
built upon with houses of an inferior character. 
After crossing Broad Street, the Bever Graft was 
called Prince Street, and later Smith Street Lane. 
There lived Albert the Trumpeter. 

From the foot of Broadway to the East River ran 
Beurs Straat, or Whitehall Street. On the south side 
lay the fort and Stuyvesant's official residence. On 
the north side lived Jacob Teunis de Kay, Cornelis 
Steenwyck, the rich dry-goods merchant, and later 
Jacob Leisler. 

Four streets connected Whitehall Street with the 
Heere Graft, or Broad Street Canal. The first was 
called T'Marckvelt Steegie ("Market-field Path"), 
because it led from a boat-landing on the Heere 
Graft to the open space in front of the fort. 
Here lived Claes van Elslant, the sexton, and 
some mechanics. 


The present Stone Street came next. From 
Whitehall to Broad it was called Brouwer (Brew- 
er) Straat, on account of Oloff Stevensen van 
Courtlandt's brewery situated there. Besides Van 
Courtlandt, the inhabitants were Jeroninus Ebbingh, 
Isaac de Forest and his wife Sara Philipse, and 
Isaac Kip. Beyond the Heere Graft, Brouwer 
Straat became Hoogh (or High) Straat, on account 
of its elevation above the East River. Hoogh 
Straat extended to the city wall, parallel to the 
Water Side. It was the favourite situation for dwell- 
ings in Stuyvesant's time, being sufficiently near the 
river for convenience, and yet safe from high tides ; 
it was also the principal thoroughfare for all persons 
entering the town by the Water Gate. Here lived 
Govert Loockermans, Johannes van Bruggh, Abra- 
ham de Peyster, Abiggel Verplanck, Jacob and 
Johannes van Couwenhoven, Nicholas de Meyert 
and his wife Lydia van Dyck, Nicholas Bayard and 
his wife Judith Verlett, Evert Duyckinck and his 
wife Hendrickje Simons, and two Englishmen, 
Isaac Bedlow and John Lawrence. Brouwer Straat 
and its continuation Hoogh Straat were the 
first to be paved ; which was done with cobble- 
stones in 1657, under the superintendence of Isaac 
de Forest and Jeroninus Ebbingh. Hence was de- 
rived the present name of Stone Street. 

De Brugh (or Bridge) Straat was the next, con- 
necting Whitehall with Broad. It took its name 
from the large bridge over the canal which lay at its 
foot. Hendrick Hendricksen Kip the ancestor 
of the Kip family lived here. 


Continuing down Whitehall, past Bridge, we come 
to Pearl Street, which formed the eastern boundary 
of the fort. It had this name only south of White- 
hall Street. There lived Pieter Wolfertsen van 
Couwenhoven, Jacques Cousseau, Gerrit van Tricht, 
and Dr. Hans Kierstede. 

North of Whitehall Street, on the present line of 
Pearl, there was not, during Stuyvesant's govern- 
ment, any street regularly built upon. The locality 
was called the Water Side, and was simply the 
shore of the East River. The present Water, South, 
and Front streets were then covered by the tide. 
The present Pearl Street came into existence gradu- 
ally. In 1642 Director Kieft built the stone tavern, 
called the Harberg, down on the shore of the river, 
where it could be seen from the anchorage-ground, 
and there it stood alone for some years. In 1654, 
when the municipal government was organized, 
this building was granted to the municipality as 
a town hall, and called the Stadt Huys. Its situ- 
ation was that of the present Nos. 71 and 73 Pearl 
Street, facing Coenties Slip. High tides rose close 
to the building, and to prevent such encroachments 
a stone wall was built out in front of the Stadt 
Huys to keep off the water. This wall protected 
the building but not the rest of the shore, which 
often became impassable by the washing of the tide. 
On this account a barrier against the water was 
built along the shore, on a line with the wall in 
front of the Stadt Huys. It was called the Schoey- 
inge, and consisted of planks driven endwise into the 
mud, the space behind them being filled in. The 


work went on from 1654 to 1656, by which year 
it extended from Broad to Wall streets. Owners of 
lots fronting on the Water Side were compelled to 
bear part of the cost. When the Schoeyinge was 
completed it made a dry walk along the shore, and 
then houses were built on the line of the Stadt 
Huys and fronting on the East River. This street 
was called from the tide-barrier De Waal, and also 
Lang de Waal, and is sometimes confounded with 
the present Wall Street. The first people to build 
on De Waal were Balthazar de Haart, Carel van 
Brugh, Cornelis Jansen van Hoorn, and Dirck 
van Clyflf. At a later period the street became 

On the shore of the East River, east of Pearl and 
south of Whitehall, was a small street of one block, 
called T Water. When the flats along the river- 
front were filled in, the continuation of this block 
formed the present Water Street. Two short lanes, 
called De Winckel and Achter de Perel, near the 
fort, were closed up at an early period. 

Extending nearly parallel to Whitehall Street and 
Broadway, from the East River to Wall Street, on 
the site of the present Broad Street, was De Heere 
Graft, or principal canal, an important feature of 
the town. The Graft was an inlet of the East 
River, of which the waters rose and fell with the 
tide as far as Exchange Place. It was crossed by 
a large bridge near its mouth, at Bridge and Stone 
streets, and farther up by smaller foot-bridges. 
The Graft was the chief centre of trade. Near its 
outlet were the stores of the West India Company ; 


opposite was the anchorage-ground, where vessels 
were complied to unload. Boats laden with mer- 
chandise went into the Graft to discharge their 
cargoes. The Long Island farmers brought their 
produce there, selling from boats drawn up on the 
bank. Indians paddled up in canoes with skins to 
barter. Wooden sidings to protect the banks, like 
those on the East River, were constructed in 1657, 
and until 1659 two men were kept constantly at 
work upon them. Throwing refuse into the Graft 
was prohibited by the burgomasters. In 1659 Re- 
solvert Waldron was made " Graft officer," with in- 
structions to keep the sidings in repair, to prevent 
nuisances, and to see that " boats, canoes, and other 
vessels which came into it were laid in order." 
The vicinity of the bridge which crossed the Graft 
at Stone Street was the most populous portion of 
the town, and the bridge itself was a generally re- 
cognized place of meeting for the transaction of 
business. In 1670 the merchants met there every 
Friday morning, forming the first established Ex- 
change in the city. 

In 1660 a petition was presented to the "Re- 
spected Lords, the Burgomasters and Schepens of 
Amsterdam in New Netherland," to have a pave- 
ment laid on the walks along the banks of the Graft. 
Among the petitioners were Oloff Stevensen van 
Courtlandt, Johannes van Bruggh, Isaac, Jacob, and 
Hendrick Kip, Isaac de Forest, and Maria Geraerd. 
The petition was granted ; the street was surveyed, 
and the assessments apportioned by Jacques Cor- 
telyou, town surveyor. After the paving, the Heere 


Graft was used much more for dwellings, and prop- 
erty rose greatly in value. In 1676 the primitive 
conditions of commerce, which made the water- 
course useful, no longer existed ; the Heere Graft 
was filled in, and became Broad Street. Persons 
owning lots there, besides the petitioners mentioned 
above, were Nicholas Delaplaine, Abel and Johan- 
nes Hardenbrook, Johannes de Peyster, Cornelius 
de Silla, Conraet Ten Eyck, Guilian Cornelis, 
Joghem Beeckman, Adriaen Vincent, Jacob van 
Couvvenhoven, Cornelis Melyn, Brandt Schuyler and 
his wife Cornelia van Courtlandt, Jan de la Mon- 
tagne and his wife Annetje Waldron, Wilhelm Bo- 
gardus, and Jan Vincent. 

The site of William Street, south of Wall Street, 
and the south side of Hanover Square were on land 
granted to Borger Joris, who kept a blacksmith shop 
there. William Street- and Old Slip were then called 
Borger Joris's Path, and later Burgher's Path. The 
name was afterward Smee Straat, and under the 
English became Smith Street. Abel Hardenbrook 
and John Ray lived there. 

Such were the streets of New Amsterdam in the 
last years of Dutch supremacy. The town was in- 
cluded in the space bounded on the south by the 
fort and Whitehall Street, on the west by Broadway, 
on the north by Wall Street, and on the east by 
Pearl Street. It was intersected near the middle 
by the waterway on Broad Street. The large major- 
ity of the people lived near the fort and the East 
River. Two or three streets only had been roughly 
paved with cobble-stones ; the others were muddy 


and uneven. The only drainage was a gutter in the 
middle of the street. Trees abounded both in the 
streets and in the gardens about the houses. The 
houses were set irregularly, and generally surrounded 
by fences to keep out wandering hogs and cows. 
There was no attempt made to light the streets at 
night during the Dutch period. At first, horses, 
cows, goats, and hogs were allowed to run free in 
the streets and unenclosed grounds ; as the town 
improved, regulations on this subject were made : 
" On account of damage to roads by rooting of 
hogs, all inhabitants are ordered to stick a ring 
through the noses of their animals." Later : " On 
account of damage to orchards and plantations by 
hogs and goats, these animals are ordered to be 
kept within enclosures." In 1650 the fort having 
been injured and trodden down by animals, Stuy- 
vesant ordered that none should be allowed at large 
within the city. As nearly every house had its cow, 
which had to go daily to the common pastures, it 
was found convenient to have a town herdsman. 
One Gabriel Carpsey was chosen ; and for many 
years he went each morning from house to house, 
collected the cattle, and drove them along the 
Heere Weg to the commons. At night he drove 
them back ; and, as each cow stopped before its 
familiar gate, he sounded a horn to announce the 

Above the stockade at Wall Street, we find our- 
selves in the country. Broadway, within the stock- 
ade called the Breede Weg, now becomes the Heere 
Weg. It extended from the Land Gate north as far 


as the City Hall Park, then the common pastures 
called De Vlacke, or Flat. Thence it took a north- 
easterly course on the line of Park Row, Chatham 
Street, and the Bowery, as far as New Haarlem, to 
which village it was extended in 1669. 

The land lying between the stockade and Maiden 
Lane, from river to river, was granted by Director 
Kieft in 1644 to Jan Jansen Damen, and was oc- 
cupied by him as a farm. He had married Adriana 
Cuvilje, widow of Guleyn Vinje. He left no chil- 
dren ; but his wife had four by her first husband, 
who inherited and lived upon this property. They 
were John Vinje the son, and three daughters, 
Maria, wife of Abraham Verplanck ; Rachel, wife of 
Cornelis van Tienhoven ; Christina, wife of Dirck 

On the west side of Broadway, next above the 
Damen farm, was a farm belonging to the West 
India Company ; its boundaries were about the pres- 
ent Fulton and Chambers streets and the North 
River. On the capture of the town by the English, 
this land was confiscated and called the King's farm ; 
it was afterward given to the English Church. 

North of the King's farm lay a tract of about 
sixty-two acres. Its boundary line began at a point 
between Warren and Chambers streets, ran along 
the site of Broadway about as far as Duane Street, 
thence northwesterly to the Hudson River. This 
tract was known as the Domine's bowery. At a 
very early period in the settlement it was granted 
by Director Van Twiller to Roeloff Jansen, a super- 
intendent at Rensselaerwyck who had removed 


thence to New Amsterdam. Jansen married a wo- 
man named Annetje, or Annie, who as Annetje 
Jans attained a curious fame. On the death of 
Jansen she inherited the farm, and married Domine 
Everardus Bogardus. By each husband she had 
four children. After the death of Bogardus in the 
wreck of the " Princess," she went to live in Albany, 
and died there in 1663, leaving a will executed in 
January of the same year. The will provided that 
all her property should be divided equally among 
her eight children, the four children of Jansen, 
however, to be first paid one thousand guilders, out 
of the proceeds of the farm which Annetje had re- 
ceived from their father. The widow's title to the 
land had been confirmed by Stuyvesant in 1654, and 
was confirmed again in 1667 by Nichols, the first 
English governor. In 1670, Governor Lovelace 
bought the Domine's farm, but only a majority of 
the heirs signed the deed. Lovelace getting into 
debt, the property was confiscated by his successor, 
Governor Andros, and called the Duke's farm after 
the Duke of York. It was afterward considered to 
belong to the English Crown, and was granted by 
Queen Anne to Trinity Church. This land had 
rented for many years for a few hogs per annum ; 
when Governor Lovelace purchased it, he had not 
thought it worth while to get a perfect title. But as 
the town grew and values rose, the heirs of Annetje 
Jans began to cast longing eyes upon the great 
patrimony which had been sold for a mess of pot- 
tage. The heirs of those of Annetje's children who 
had not signed the deed claimed that Queen Anne 


had no right to convey their share in the property. 
The first suit to recover possession was brought by 
Cornelius Brower in 1750, and unsuccessful litiga- 
tion since that time has kept alive the name of 
Annetje Jans and her Domine's bowery. 

To return to Broadway. Only one street ex- 
tended eastward connecting Broadway with the 
East River. This was a path called T'Maagde 
Paatje, now Maiden Lane, which formed the north- 
ern boundary of the Damen farm. Maiden Lane 
was the first side-street above Wall to be built upon ; 
but although the Damen heirs sold some lots here 
about 1660, it was many years before the Maiden's 
Path lost its rural beauties. In 1679 there was an 
orchard between the present Cedar Street and 
Maiden Lane. One day a bear was found among 
the trees feeding upon the fruit, and the neigh- 
bours had an exciting time chasing him with clubs 
from tree to tree. 

On the east side of Broadway above the Damen 
farm was the property of Wilhelm Beeckman. In 
1656 Beeckman applied to the burgomasters and 
schepens, stating that certain persons claimed a right 
of way across his land, and requested that they be 
ordered to show their right. The alleged trespassers 
proved that there had long been a path through 
Beeckman's by which they drove their cattle to the 
common. This was the beginning of Beekman 
Street, but it was not laid out and paved until 1750. 

There were no streets parallel to Broadway be- 
tween it and the East River. Nassau Street was 
not begun until 1692. In that year we find a "pe- 


tition of Teunis de Kay, that a carte-way may be 
made leading out of the Broad Street to the street 
that runs by the Pye-woman's leading to the com- 
mon of this city ; that the petitioner will undertake 
to do the same providing he may have the soyle." 
This road was called Kip Street in 1732. The 
Middle Dutch church was erected upon it, which in 
our own time was used as a temporary post-office, 
and then torn down to make way for the Mutual 
Life Insurance Building. 

Another road extended out of the town along the 
shore of the East River from the Water Gate to the 
Long Island Ferry. It was a continuation of Stone 
Street, and was called De Smit's Valey. At the cor- 
ner of this road and Maiden Lane a blacksmith 
called Cornelius Clopper had set up his forge to get 
the custom of visitors from Long Island, and his 
occupation gave the name to the road. For many 
years the street connecting Wall Street with Franklin 
Square continued to bear the name, although modi- 
fied with time to Valey, Vly, and Fly. As it was 
directly on the shore, houses were built only on its 
west side, overlooking the river. Pearl Street now 
occupies its site. 

Just outside the Water Gate, Augustyn Heermans 
had a good house, with an orchard and garden ex- 
tending back over the present line of Pine Street. 
Heermans made a drawing of the town as it appeared 
from the East River in 165 6, which remains our best 
guide as to the appearance of New Amsterdam. 
Beyond his house, on the Smith's Yaley, we find 
some of the Damen heirs, John Vinje, and Abra- 


ham Verplanck with his sons Isaac and Guleyn. 
North of them lived Thomas Hall, an Englishman 
prominent in the affairs of the colony. On his death, 
the widow sold the property to Wilhelm Beeckman. 
That part of it called Beekman's swamp afterward 
belonged to Jacob Leisler, and was confiscated 
on his attainder. In 1732 Jacobus Roosevelt 
bought it for ^200, and sold it off in lots. It 
is still known as the Swamp, and is the site of the 
leather trade. The tanners had first established 
their pits in the swampy places on Broad Street ; 
thence they had moved to Maiden Lane and the 
shores of the Fresh Pond; they finally moved to 
Beekman's swamp, where the leather business has 
since remained. 

The ferry-landing was at Peck Slip. There one 
Cornelis Dircksen had settled before 1642, and 
added to his earnings by ferrying to the Long Is- 
land shore. As the number of travellers increased, 
the municipality assumed control of the ferry, and 
in 1654 regulated its use. Dircksen was given a 
monopoly of the business, but was compelled to 
conduct it systematically. He was allowed double 
fares at night, and might refuse passage during a 
storm. His wife furnished refreshments and beer 
to travellers, and Dircksen's became an important 

North of the common lands, and on the site of 
the Tombs prison, was a pond called the Kolch- 
hock. The name signified " Shell Point," and was 
derived from a deposit of shells on a point on the 
westerly side of the pond. This name was abbre- 


viated into Collck, and changed by the English 
to Collect. A stream ran from the pond to the 
East River, near the line of Roosevelt Street, 
and was called by the Dutch the Versch (fresh) 
Water; the land north of it was called Overyet 
(beyond) Versch Water. The pond itself was 
afterward called the Fresh Water by the English. 
It long remained the favourite fishing-ground for 
boys; and even as late as 1734 a town law was 
passed to prevent netting, or the taking of fish in 
any manner other than angling. Fifty years after 
the capture of the town by the English, land in the 
vicinity of the pond sold for twenty-five dollars 
per acre. 

Another outlet of the pond flowed in a north- 
westerly direction, into the large creek which occu- 
pied the site of Canal Street, and mingled its waters 
with those of the Hudson River. The creek was 
navigable for small boats. The shores of the pond 
were a constant camping-ground for Indians ; they 
paddled their canoes from the Hudson up the 
creek, and nearly to the pond itself. The creek 
and the marshy lands about it formed a serious 
obstacle to travel, so that the road northward to 
Haarlem kept along the east side of the island. It 
crossed the fresh-water stream by a bridge known 
afterward as the Kissing Bridge. A few labourers 
and negroes had houses near the creek, and they 
were described as living " Aen de Groote Kill," 
which was the first name for Canal Street. The 
low lands in the vicinity were called Lispenard's 


As the dread of Indian hostility passed away, 
farms were gradually established in the upper part 
of the island. In Stuyvesant's time there were five 
boweries between the common-lands and his house, 
in the neighbourhood of Fourth Avenue and Twelfth 
Street; but the greater portion of the land was 
densely wooded. A small hamlet, containing a few 
houses and farms, called Sapokanican, was the be- 
ginning of Greenwich, now comprising most of the 
eighth and ninth wards of the city. New Haarlem I 
was in its infancy, and growing. 

On Stuyvesant's arrival at New Amsterdam in 
1647 he found about one hundred and fifty houses 
and seven hundred people, but not more than one 
hundred permanent citizens capable of bearing arms. 
In 1664, when his directorship terminated, there j 
were two hundred and twenty houses and a popula- \ 
tion of fourteen hundred. The inhabitants of Rens- 
selaerwyck and the other Dutch towns had increased 
in the same proportion. Ten years later there were' 
three thousand people on Manhattan Island. At the 
end of the seventeenth century the population had 
increased to four thousand four hundred, and the , 
commerce of the port had become so considerable 
that forty square-rigged vessels and sixty-two sloops 
were entered at one time at the custom-house. 
Another century passed before the population of 
New York reached sixty thousand. . 

When Stuyvesant had restored order in the col- 
ony, and particularly after the establishment of mu- 
nicipal government, the emigration from Holland 
increased considerably, and was of a good character. 


Some of the laws made in 1656 by the West India 
Company for the government of its emigrant-ships 
may be cited as illustrative of the times : 

" No man shall raise or bring forward any ques- 
tion or argument on the subject of religion, on pain 
of being placed on bread and water three days 
in the ship's galley; and if any difficulty should 
arise out of the said disputes, the author thereof 
shall be arbitrarily punished. 

" If any one quarrel or strike with the fist, he 
shall be placed three days in irons on bread and 
water ; and whoever draws a knife in anger, or to 
wound, or to do any person bodily injury, he shall 
be nailed to the mast with a knife through his hand, 
and there remain until he draws it through ; and if 
he wound any one, he shall be keel-hauled, forfeit- 
ing besides six months' pay. If any person kill an- 
other, he shall, while living, be thrown overboard 
with the corpse, and forfeit all his monthly wages 
and booty." 

The desire to possess lands of their own was the 
chief attraction to emigrants ; and the West India 
Company, after the fur- trade became unprofitable, 
could gain only through the sale of its territory, and 
thus encouraged emigration as much as possible. 
The new-comers spread over Long Island, northern 
New Jersey, and the banks of the Hudson River as 
far as Rensselaerwyck. 

In 1655, the burgomasters Allard Anthony and 
O. S. van Courtlandt requested the director and 
Council to establish some system for the allotment 
of land within the city to emigrants wishing to settle 


there. Stuyvesant directed the road-masters, to 
gether with councillor La Montagne and burgomas- 
ter Anthony, to divide the spare land into lots, and 
to sell them at reasonable prices to persons wish- 
ing to build. These commissioners held regular 
sessions, at which they adjusted conflicting claims, 
ordered repairs and improvements, sold and gave 
away lots. The following examples will illustrate 
their procedure : 

" Jan Videt asks permission to build on the ground 
heretofore given to Daniel Teneur, which has not 
been built upon. Answer. Jan's application is re- 
fused, because on the ground asked for a corner 
house should be built, and he wishes to build little 
houses thereon. 

" Albert Jansen requests that, inasmuch as he is 
ready to build a house, a piece of ground may be 
given him, which is acceded to, and he may have 
the ground next to that of Jannette Boon." 

Until 1653, the government of the colony was con- 
ducted arbitrarily by the director and his Council, 
who acted with the authority of the States-General 
of Holland, but more particularly as the servants of 
the West India Company. The director's commands 
were announced by proclamations. In 1648 Stuyve- 
sant thus ordained a proper observance of Sunday : 
" Whereas the Sabbath in various ways has been pro- 
faned and desecrated, to the great scandal, offence, 
and reproach of the community : . . . Therefore 
the director-general and Council for the purpose 
of averting as much as lies in their power the 
dreaded wrath and punishment of God, through 


this sin and other misdemeanours, . . . ordain that 
from this time forth, in the afternoon as well as in 
the forenoon, there shall be preaching from God's 
Word." All the Company's servants were ordered 
to attend the services, and "tapping" during the 
day was forbidden. Similar proclamations were is- 
sued against brawling, drunkenness, and other mis- 
demeanours as circumstances called for them. 

At first, the only courts of justice in New Nether- 
land were those held by the patroon's agent at 
Rensselaerwyck and by the director at New Am- 
sterdam. Town courts were established on Long 
Island at Heempstede in 1644, at Gravesend in 
1645, an d at Breukelen in 1646. Stuyvesant and 
his Council at first undertook to hear all lawsuits 
arising in New Amsterdam at their own court. But 
the amount of business soon became embarrassing. 
Many suits of trifling importance were brought. 
The attention of the director and Council was drawn 
by them from more important matters, and at the 
same time the delays were becoming vexatious to 
litigants. Hence, in 1647, when Stuyvesant found 
it necessary to attract popular support by the ap- 
pointment of the Nine Men, he placed upon their 
shoulders the duty of hearing the cases of lesser 
moment. Three of the Nine sat in rotation as a 
court of arbitrators, their decisions subject to appeal 
to the director's Council. The pressure was some- 
what relieved by this means, but dissatisfaction with 
the administration of justice continued to prevail. 
Stuyvesant was far from being fitted for a judicial 
position ; his temper carried him away ; his preju- 


dices caused him to adopt one side or the other 
impetuously before he had heard the whole case. 
In court he browbeat one side or the other, and 
when resisted he " made a to-do that was dreadful." 
This continued to the distress of the colony until 
Van der Donck and his companions obtained their 
reforms in Holland, and a government by burgo- 
masters and schepens was established in New Am- 
sterdam in 1654. Henceforth Stuyvesant governed 
New Netherland for the West India Company, but 
New Amsterdam became a free Dutch town. The 
administration of justice as well as the regulation of/ 
the municipality was conducted by the burgomasters 
and schepens during the remainder of the Dutch 
possession. In 1655,3 separate "Orphan's Court" 
was established for surrogate cases. 

The scene of the meetings of the burgomasters 
and schepens was the two- story stone building/ 
erected by director Kieft in 1642 as a tavern, then 
called the Harberg, and under the management of 
the inn-keeper, Philip Gerritsen, who there retailed 
the Company's wines. Stuyvesant gave the building 
to the municipal government in 1654, to be used as a 
town hall, after which it was called the Stadt Huys. 
It stood on Pearl Street, opposite Coenties Slip, at 
high-water mark, overlooking the East River. Be- 
fore it was the walk along the Schoeyinge, called 
De Waal, or Lang t'Wall ; behind it was a garden 
fronting on Hoogh (or Stone) Street. In the tav- 
ern days this space was used for growing vegetables ; 
but after the building became the town hall, the bur- 
gomasters' secretary was allowed to raise a crop of 


grain in the garden for his own use. In 1659, 
Evert Duyckinck engraved the city arms on a 
window-pane in the council-chamber, where for forty 
years it was pointed out with pride. On the roof 
was a cupola, where in 1656 was placed a bell, rung 
for the assemblage of the magistrates and on the 
publication of proclamations, which was done from 
the front steps. Jan Gillisen, nicknamed " Koeck," 
held the office of bell-ringer for many years. The 
Stadt Huys contained a council-chamber, town offi- 
ces, and a prison. In 1697 the building had become 
so old and insecure that the judges refused to hold 
court in it. A new town hall was built in Wall 
Street, opposite Broad ; and the old Stadt Huys, 
with its garden, was sold at auction for ^920 to 
John Rodman, a merchant. 

t The town magistrates were eight in number, a 
/schout or sheriff, two burgomasters, and five sche- 
1 pens. When the States-General granted municipal 
government to New Amsterdam, they intended these 
offices to be elective. But Stuyvesant, as we have 
seen, ignored their intention, and appointed the first 
set himself. Half of the officers retired each year, 
and their places were filled according to the follow- 
ing method : The schout, on behalf of the director's 
Council, appeared at the meeting and requested the 
burgomasters and schepens to nominate a list of 
men of "goed naem and faem staen " (of good 
name and standing), from which the director and 
his Council should choose magistrates for the next 
year. Each burgomaster and schepen made out a 
separate list ; they were compared, and the per- 


sons receiving the highest number of votes were 
declared in nomination. From these Stuyvesant 
then made his choice. 

Among the magistrates who held office during 
Stuyvesant's time may be mentioned the following : 
Sellouts Cornelis van Tienhoven, Nicasius de Sille, 
Pieter Tonneman, Allard Anthony. Burgomasters 
Arent van Hatten, Martin Cregier, Allard Anthony, 
Oloff Stevensen van Courtlandt, Paulus Leendertsen 
van der Grist, Cornelis Steenwyck. Schepens 
Wilhelm Beeckman, Pieter Wolfertsen van Couwen- 
hoven, Johannes de Peyster, Jacob Strycker, Johan- 
nes van Bruggh, Hendrick Kip, Covert Loockermans, 
Adriaen Blommaert, Hendrick Jansen Vandervin, 
Isaac de Forest, Jacob Kip, Jeroninus Ebbingh. 

The magistrates were treated by the people withj 
much respect, and were generally addressed as 
" Most worshipful lords." But they seemed to have / 
no confirmed official titles ; and when Stuyvesant 
addressed them, he adopted a form which suited 
the importance of the communication or his own 
momentary humour. Thus, in announcing to the 
magistrates a Fast Day, he directed his letter to 
"The Most Worshipful, Most Prudent, and very 
Discreet, their High Mightinesses, the Burgomasters 
and Schepens of Nieuw Amsterdam." When he 
had occasion to request them to adopt regulations 
to keep pigs out of the fort, he addressed them as 
" Respected and particularly dear friends." But 
when a quarrel had arisen between the director 
and the municipal authorities on the subject of the 
propriety of a game called " Riding the Goose," 


Stuyvesant addressed his angry reproofs to "The 
Small Bench of Justices." 

In 1654 the salary of the burgomasters was 
fixed at about one hundred and forty dollars, and 
that of the schepens at one hundred dollars. But 
the salaries were to be paid out of the municipal 
" chest," which was always empty. The magistrates 
grumbled occasionally, and hoped for better times 
when the arrears might be collected. But those 
times never came, and they were obliged to be 
satisfied with the dignity of office, with the title of 
" worshipful lord," and the separate pew in church, 
where they sat in state on cushions brought over 
from the Stadt Huys by the sexton. 
I The schout's duties combined in a primitive 
I fashion those of a sheriff and district attorney. 
He prosecuted offenders, executed judgments, and 
supervised the order of the town. Nicasius de 
Sille used to complain that when he made his 
rounds after dark, the boys would annoy him by 
shouting " Indians ! " from behind the fences and 
raising false alarms. 

The duties of the burgomasters and schepens 
were of two kinds. They regulated the affairs of 
the town like a board of aldermen, and they sat as 
a court of justice both civil and criminal. 

Among their proceedings we find ordinances for- 
bidding galloping through the streets and shooting 
partridges or other game within the town limits ; or- 
dering horses and oxen to be led through the streets 
by the head, and children to be catechised on 
Sunday; regulating the value of wampum and the 


prices of various commodities. But although these 
municipal powers were usually conceded to the 
magistrates, the director and his Council reserved 
the right to make regulations overriding those of 
the burgomasters and schepens. Thus the arbitrary 
spirit of Stuyvesant continued to obstruct the free 
institutions which the States-General intended to 
implant in New Netherland. One day an order 
issued from the fort forbidding the game of " Riding 
the Goose " at the feast of Backus and Shrove-tide. 
The order was very unpopular, and the magistrates 
at the Stadt Huys felt aggrieved that it should 
have been proclaimed without any consultation 
with them. " Aggrieved, forsooth ! " wrote Stuy- 
vesant, haughtily, " because the director-general had 
done this without their consent and knowledge ! As 
if without the knowledge and consent of the burgo- 
masters and schepens no order can be made, no 
mob interdicted from celebrating the feast of 
Backus ; much less have the privilege of correcting 
such persons as tread under foot the Christian and 
holy precepts, without the knowledge and consent 
of a little bench of justices ! Appreciating their own 
authority, quality, and commission better than oth- 
ers, the director and Council hereby make known 
to the burgomasters and schepens that the institution 
of a little bench of justices under the name of the 
schout, burgomasters, and schepens, or commission- 
ers, does in no wise diminish aught of the power of 
the director-general and councillors." 

The first police and fire departments were estab-\ 
lished by the burgomasters and schepens. In 1658 | 


twas organized the " ratel wacht," or rattle-watch. 
The first watchmen were Pieter Jansen, Hendrick 
van Bommel, Jan Cornelsen van Vlensburg, Jan 
Pietersen, Gerrit Pietersen, Jan Jansen van Lang- 
straat, Hendrick Ruyter, Jacques Pryn, and Tomas 
Verdran. The wages were twenty-four stuyvers per 
night, to have " one or two beavers besides, and two 
or three hundred sticks of firewood." The captain 
of the watch, Ludowyck Pos, was authorized to collect 
monthly from each house the sum of fifty stuyvers 
to meet the expenses. The following rules of the 
watch were adopted : 

" When any one comes on the watch being drunk, 
or in any way insolent or unreasonable in his beha- 
viour, he shall be committed to the square-room or 
to the battlements of the town hall, and shall be- 
sides pay six stuyvers. 

" When any one shall hold watch in the battle- 
ments, he shall diligently be on the lookout ; and if 
he be found asleep during his hours of watch, he shall 
forfeit ten stuyvers. 

" If any one be heard to blaspheme the name of 
God, he shall forfeit ten stuyvers. 

" If any one attempt to fight when on the watch, 
or tries to draw off from the watch for the purpose 
of fighting, he shall forfeit two guilders. 

" When they receive their quarter money, they 
shall not hold any gathering for drink or any club 

" They shall at all corners of the streets, between 
the ninth hour of the evening and the break of morn- 
ing, call out the time of night and how late it is." 


The customary thatched roofs, wooden chimneys, , 
and hay-stacks near the houses were a constant i 
source of danger from fire. An order was issued in 
1655 forbidding the future construction of wooden 
chimneys between the fort and the Fresh Water. 
Adriaen Keyser, Thomas Hall, Martin Cregier, and 
Joris Wolsey were appointed wardens to enforce 
the regulation. But it was not until 1657, when it 
was evident that one fire might sweep the town, that 
systematic precautions were adopted. In that year 
all wooden chimneys, thatched roofs, hay-stacks, 
hen-houses, and hog-pens within the town wall were 
ordered to be removed. The burgomasters and 
schepens levied a tax on each house, great or small, 
of one beaver-skin, or eight guilders in seawant, 
to furnish fire-buckets, ladders, and hooks. To 
maintain them a yearly tax of one guilder was col- 
lected for every chimney. The shoemakers were' 
called before the burgomasters, and it was agreed 
with Remout Remoutsen and Adriaen van Lair to 
make two hundred and fifty buckets for six guil- 
ders two stuyvers each ; payment, half beavers, 
half seawant. The ladders were placed at con- 
venient points in the streets. The buckets were\ 
distributed as follows : in the Stadt Huys, fifty ; 
in Abraham Verplanck's house in the Smith's 
Valey, twelve ; in Johannes Pietersen van Bruggh's, 
twelve ; in Heer Paulus Leendertsen van der 
Grist's, twelve ; in Heer Nicasius de Sille's, in the 
Sheep Path, twelve ; in Pieter Wolfertsen van 
Couwenhoven's, twelve ; in Hendrick Hendricksen 
Kip's, ten. 



The burgomasters and schepens met as a civil 
and criminal court once a fortnight ; and when busi- 
ness required it, once a week. A recess of a month 
took place about Christmas-time, and no sittings 
were held during the harvest. At nine o'clock Jan 
Gillisen Koeck rang the court-house bell ; and in- 
side the council-chamber Johannes Nevius turned 
the hour-glass, and fined all persons who were late. 
The burgomasters and schepens sat on benches 
provided with cushions, the same which on Sundays 
were carried to their pew in church. Behind them 
was the coat-of-arms of New Netherland, sent over 
from Holland. Johannes Nevius had charge of the 
law-library, to which the court resorted when in 
doubt. Among the books were " Placards, Ordi- 
nances, and Octroys of the Honourable, Great, and 
Mighty Lords, the States of Holland and of West 
Friesland," " The By-laws of Amsterdam," and 
"The Dutch Court Practice and Laws." Claes van 
Elslant, son of the old sexton, was court- messenger ; 
Pieter Schaafbanck was jailer; and Matthew de 
Vos, bailiff. Proceedings were opened by a prayer 
from the domine. 

Litigants nearly always appeared in person, and 
presented their own cases. Van der Donck, who 
was an educated lawyer, requested permission of the 
College of the XIX., in 1653, to practise at New 
Amsterdam ; but he was allowed only to give advice, 
on the ground that " as there was no other lawyer 
in the colony there would be none to oppose him." 
There were several notaries. Dirck van Schelluyne, 
who came out in 1641, was the first: others were 


David Provoost, Solomon La Chair, Van der Veen, 
Van Vleck, and Pelgrum Clocq. These men could 
draw wills and deeds, and their knowledge of legal 
forms was sufficient for the simple needs of their 
clients. If they made a mistake, the Worshipful 
Court was not slow in its reprimand. Pelgrum Clocq 
drew up a deed without procuring the appointment 
of a guardian for an infant, whereupon he was thus 
addressed in open court : 

" Whereas, you, Pelgrum Clocq, in the above and 
other of your instruments, have committed great 
abuses, wherefrom serious mischiefs might arise ; 
and, according to the law of the Orphan Chambers, 
no notary can draw up any instrument relating to 
widows and orphans without a chosen guardian, 
therefore you are hereby ordered and charged by 
the burgomasters and schepens of this town not to 
draw up within six weeks from date any instrument 
appertaining to the Subaltern court of this town." 

The proceedings of the court may be shown best 
by reciting some cases, and their disposition. 

"Jan Haeckins, plaintiff, demands payment from 
Jacob van Couwenhoven, defendant, for certain beer 
sold him according to contract. The defendant says 
the beer is bad. Plaintiff denies that the beer is bad, 
and asks whether people would buy it if it were 
not good. He further insists that the beer is of 
good quality, and such as is made for exportation. 
Couwenhoven denies this, and requests that after 
the rising of the bench the court may come over 
and try the beer, and then decide. The parties 
having been heard, it was ordered that after the 


meeting breaks up the beer shall be tried, and if 
good, then Couwenhoven shall make payment ac- 
cording to the contract ; if otherwise, the plaintiff 
shall make deduction." 

Wolfert Webber, plaintiff, against Judith Verleth, 
defendant : " The plaintiff makes complaint that the 
defendant has for a long time pestered him, and 
with her sister Sara came over to his house last 
week and beat him in his own house, and afterward 
threw stones at him. He requests that said Judith 
may be ordered to let him live quietly in his own 
house. The defendant acknowledges that she has 
struck Webber, but excuses the act because he has 
called her names ; moreover, he once threatened 
to strike her with a broom. The parties are or- 
dered to leave each other unmolested." Webber is 
fined twelve stuyvers for passing the lie during the 

Certain domestic troubles between Arent Juniaan- 
sen Lantsman and his wife Beletje, the daughter 
of Ludowyck Pos, having been brought to the notice 
of the court, the matter was referred to the Domi- 
nes Megapolensis and Drisius, who were requested 
to reconcile the pair. " Then, on the promise of 
amendment and that such should not occur again, 
shall the past be forgiven ; but if one or the other 
party shall not abide by nor submit to advice and 
arbitration of the reverend preachers between this 
and the next court day, then proceedings may be 
expected according to the style and custom of law, 
as an example to other evil housekeepers." 

Pieter Kock and Anna van Voorst having entered 


into an agreement, of marriage, and then having 
shown unwillingness to fulfil the engagement, " the 
burgomasters and schepens by these presents decide, 
that as the promise of marriage has been made be- 
fore the Omniscient God it shall remain in force ; 
so that neither the plaintiff nor defendant, without 
the approbation of their lordships the magistrates 
and the other one of the registered parties, shall 
be permitted to enter matrimony with any other, 
whether single man or single woman." 

As there was no prison for criminals, they were 
punished by fines, whipping, branding, the stocks, 
the ducking-stool, labour with negroes, riding on a 
wooden-horse, and banishment. The rack was used 
to threaten with ; but it is unlikely that there ever 
was a rack on Manhattan Island. In criminal cases 
the schout prosecuted. 

Hannen Barentzen was sentenced to be chastised 
with the rod and banished from the town for five 
years for stealing three half beavers, two nose-cloths, 
and a pair of linen stockings. Mesaack Martens 
stole cabbages from Pieter Jansen, in the Maiden 
Lane. He had to stand in the pillory with cabbages 
on his head, and was then banished for five years. 
Jan Alleman, an officer in the fort, was sentenced 
to ride the wooden-horse and to be cashiered for 
sending a challenge to Jan de Fries who was bed- 
ridden. Abel Hardenbrook was fined forty guilders 
for having " at night and at unseasonable hours, in 
company with some soldiers, created an uproar and 
great insolence in the street by breaking windows." 
Madaleen Vincent accused Wilhelm Beeckman and 


the schout-fiscal of winning her husband's money at 
play, and of leading him into evil courses. She could 
not prove her allegations, and so was fined sixty guild- 
ers. Pieter Pietersen Smit called Joghem Beeckman 
a "black pudding ; " Isaac Bedlo called Joost Goderis 
a " horned beast." The slanderers were fined. 

An aggravated case was that of the schout An- 
thony de Mill against Abel Hardenbrook. " The 
Heer Schout complains that the defendant Harden- 
brook has shoved him on the breast, and abused 
him with foul and unseemly language, wishing that 
the devil should break his neck, when, on the third 
September last, the Heer Plaintiff repaired, by or- 
der of the burgomasters and schepens, to defend- 
ant's house, to warn his wife that she should not go 
again to the house of the Heer Burgomaster Johan- 
nes de Peyster, as she now had twice done, to make 
trouble there ; also had obstinately refused to obey 
the order of the burgomasters and schepens as well 
as the court-messenger Henry Newton, the burgo- 
master Luyck, and Heer Schepen Wilhelm Beeck- 
man, as to him the plaintiff; and that the said 
delinquent being in the evening a prisoner at the 
town hall, in the chamber of Pieter Schaefbanck, 
carried on and made a racket like one possessed 
and mad, notwithstanding the efforts of the Heer 
Burgomaster Johannes van Bruggh, running up to 
the court-room and going away next morning as if 
he had not been imprisoned. ... All which qught 
in no manner to be tolerated in a well-ordered bur- 
ghery, being directly contrary to the customs and 
provisions of the laws. . . . The burgomasters and 


schepens, having heard the delinquent's excuse 
and the arguments between parties, and examined 
the evidence produced, condemn the delinquent in 
a fine or penalty of twenty-five florins in beavers ; 
further, that the delinquent for the assault shall 
beg pardon of the Court, God, and Justice, and pay 
the costs incurred herein." 

The magistrates were careful to uphold the dig- 1 
nity of public office. When the fire inspectors were 
going about ordering the demolition of wooden 
chimneys, Solomon la Chair lost his temper, and 
abused the inspectors, calling them, among other 
names, " chimney-sweepers." His conduct having 
come to the knowledge of the court, he was fined, 
and a messenger was sent to collect the fine. 
Solomon paid it with the contemptuous remark, 
*' Is it to have a little cock booted and spurred that 
I am to give it?" For this the court imposed a 
fflrther fine of twelve guilders, on the ground that 
" it is not seemly that men should mock and scoff 
at persons appointed to any office, yea, a neces- 
sary office." The house of Pietertje Jans was sold 
on an execution for debt. Whereupon she declared 
publicly to the officers of the court, "Ye despoilers ! 
ye bloodsuckers ! ye have not sold, but given away 
my house ! " The officers complained that such 
words were " a sting that cannot be endured." 
Whereupon Pietertje was brought before the magis- 
trates, and reprimanded in the following terms : 

" Whereas, thou, Pietertje Jans, hast presumed 
shamefully to attack honourable people with foul, 
villainous, injurious words, yea, infamous words ; 


also insulting, defaming, affronting, and reproach- 
ing the Worshipful Court of this town, publicly on 
the highway, to avenge the loss which thou hast 
caused thyself in regard that thy house and lot were 
sold on an execution, which blasphemy, insult, 
affront, and reproach cannot be tolerated or suf- 
fered to be done to a private individual, more 
especially to the court aforesaid, but must in the 
highest degree be reprimanded, particularly cor- 
rected, and severely punished as criminal : There- 
fore the heeren of the court hereby interdict and 
forbid you to indulge in such blasphemies for the 
future, or by neglect the judge shall hereafter pro- 
vide for it." 

The notary Walewyn van der Veen was in con- 
tempt of court several times. On one occasion, 
when a case had been decided against him, he 
spoke of the magistrates as " simpletons and block- 
heads." The court decided that "Van der Veen, 
for his committed insult, shall here beg forgiveness, 
with uncovered head, of God, Justice, and the Wor- 
shipful Court, and moreover pay as a fine one hun- 
dred and ninety guilders." On another occasion, 
when the secretary Johannes Nevius declined to 
show him some records, Van der Veen called him 
a " rascal," and said further, " Had I you at another 
place I would teach you something else." The 
secretary complained to the burgomasters and 
schepens of this treatment, and the schout, as pro- 
secutor, presented the case to the court, saying : 
" That in consequence of the slander and affront 
offered to plaintiff in scolding him as a rascal, 


which affects his honour, being tender ; and as the 
Honourable and Worshipful Court is not willing to 
be attended by a rascally secretary, he demands a 
fine of fifty guilders, that it may serve as an example 
to all other slanderers, who for trifles have con- 
stantly in their mouths curses and abuse of other 
honourable people." 

Until the adoption of the burgher government 
the finances of New Amsterdam were entirely in the 
hands of the West India Company. But in 1654, 
when the director found himself confronted by a 
debt of seven thousand guilders incurred in preparing 
for the expected hostilities with New England, he 
resolved to shift the burden upon the new magis- 
trates, and directed them to consider the means to 
pay the debt. A special meeting was held for the 
purpose, the following being present : Arent van 
Hatten, Martin Cregier, Paulus Leendertsen van 
der Grist, Pieter Couwenhoven, Wilhelm Beeckman, 
and Martin van Gheel. The importance of the 
issue made it advisable to secure the support of 
the Commonalty, and a number of burghers were 
requested to attend in an advisory capacity, among 
whom were Johannes Pietersen van Bruggh, Johan- 
nes Gilliesen van Bruggh, Jacob van Couwenhoven, 
Govert Loockermans, Oloff Stevensen van Court- 
landt, Abram Verplanck, Johannes de Peyster, and 
Coenraet Ten Eyck. The burgomasters and sche- 
pens, with the concurrence of the private burghers, 
decided that the duty of defending the town be- 
longed to the West India Company, and that the 
Commonalty was not liable for the debt. They 


would take no steps in the matter until the di- 
rector-general abandoned his excise on wine and 
beer, when they would find means to raise the ne- 
cessary money. Stuyvesant refused to give up the 
obnoxious excise, saying that it had already been 
paid into the Company's counting-house. The 
magistrates held another meeting, and declared 
positively that they would do nothing toward pay- 
ing the debt until the excise was transferred to the 
treasury of the burgomasters and schepens. If any 
calamity resulted, they held themselves blameless. 
The director was obliged to yield, and relinquished 
the "tapster's excise" to the town authorities, with 
the only condition that the salaries of Domines 
Megapolensis and Drisius should be paid out of 
it. This was the first revenue coming to the town 
of New Amsterdam. 

Having gained this point, the burgomasters and 
schepens raised the seven thousand guilders in 1655 
I by a direct tax on the citizens in proportion to their 
' supposed wealth. A considerable number not only 
paid the sum levied upon them, but added a further 
voluntary contribution. The largest payments were 
made by P. Stuyvesant, C. van Tienhoven, A. An- 
thony, O. S. van Courtlandt, T. W. van Couwen- 
hoven, J. P. van Bruggh, C. Steenwyck, Govert 
Loockermans, Jacobus Backer, J. L. van der Grist, 
J. van Couwenhoven, P. L. van der Grist, Jo. 
Nevius, Jo. de Peyster, Martin Cregier, Domine 
Megapolensis, Domine Drisius, Jeremias van Ren- 
sselaer, Isaac de Forest, Cornelis van Ruyven, 
Wilhelm Beeckman, Hendrick van Dyck, Ludowyck 


Kip, Arent van Corker, Jacob Kip, Isaac Kip, 
Conraet Ten Eyck, Abrarn Verplanck, P. C. van 
der Veen, H. J. Vandervin. 

The next year the town was again in financial 
straits. The town wall, the schoeyinge, the Stadt 
Huys, the watchroom, the schoolhouse, and the graft 
were all in need of repairs, for which the excise 
duties were far from sufficient. The burgomasters 
and schepens applied in vain to the West India 
Company for relief. Stuyvesant was resolved that 
the Stadt Huys should get no help from the Fort. 
The next year, 1657, matters were not improved, 
as the records show : 

'' Hendrick Hendricksen, drummer, attended the 
meeting of the burgomasters, and requested payment 
of promised yearly wages ; but as the chest at pres- 
ent is not well supplied, the applicant is requested 
to wait until the first convenient opportunity, when 
he shall be satisfied. 

"Jan Jansen, woodcutter, left at the meeting his 
account for timber and other work for the town; 
but since he is not present himself, and the chest 
is not well supplied, the consideration of the same 
is put off." 

In 1658 the burgomasters and schepens placed 
taxes upon land-transfers, taverns, and slaughtered 
cattle, and managed to raise sufficient money to 
meet the necessary expenses of the town. But the 
chest never contained enough to pay their own 

There was very little gold or silver money at New^ 
Amsterdam. In their place beaver and other skins J 


/and the Indian wampum, or seawant, served as a 
medium of exchange in cases where simple barter 
was inconvenient. The beaver-skin was the stan- 
dard. The West India Company paid eight guil- 
ders for a beaver over its counter, and thus its value 
was fixed. Inferior skins brought less, and so their 
condition entered into every bargain. The seawant 
derived its value from its purchasing power with 
the Indians. As beaver-skins grew scarcer, it re- 
quired more seawant to buy one : hence this cur- 
rency depreciated steadily. The buyer and the 
seller had to come to an agreement as to the 
amount of beavers and seawant an article was 

The foreign trade of New Amsterdam was made 
up by the exportation of skins and tobacco, and the 
importation of tools, clothing, and articles adapted 
to Indian exchange. Until 1660 the foreign trade 
was limited to Holland, a circumstance which re- 
stricted the enterprise of New Amsterdam mer- 
chants, and caused much complaint. In that year 
trading was allowed with France, Spain, Italy, and 
the West India Islands, on payment of duties ; and 
this extension brought added prosperity during the 
few years which remained of Dutch rule. It was 
not until after the English occupation, when New 
York became a grain-producing and exporting coun- 
try, that wealth became considerable. The peltry- 
trade alone was never sufficient to meet the wants of 
the colony. 

Several causes tended to reduce the profits of the 
Dutch- Indian trade. The French in Canada became 


active competitors ; as New Netherland grew, the 
Indians were pushed into the interior, and skins 
were less easily obtained. But the most serious ; 
cause was the intrusion of foreign traders, who sailed 
past New Amsterdam, outbid the Dutchmen at the 
trading-posts up the river, and gradually stole away 
their business. Even in the town the foreign ped- 
dlers, who kept no " fire and light," were reaping 
profits which belonged to Dutch citizens. Realiz- 
ing the injury which resulted to permanent settlers 
by the operations of these " base, itinerant deal- 
ers," who bore no share in the expense of govern- 
ment, the burgomasters and schepens petitioned the 
director and Council to withdraw the privilege of 
free trade from foreigners; to make them keep 
open shop in New Amsterdam, and pay the 
usual taxes. 

In February, 1657, Stuyvesant and his Council' 
limited the right of trade to recognized citizens; j 
and in order to draw the line between them and the 
foreigners, an institution called the " Great and Small 
Citizenship " was established. The Great Citizens 
were to be : (i) Those who have been or are mem- 
bers of the supreme government, with descendants 
in the male line ; (2) Past and present burgomasters 
and schepens in the town with their descendants ; 
(3) Former and present ministers of the gospel, with 
their descendants: and (4) Officers of the militia, 
with their descendants. Other persons could obtain 
the distinction by paying fifty guilders. The Small 
Citizens were to be : ( i ) Residents for one year and 
six weeks, who have kept fire and light ; (2) All born 


in the town; (3) All who have married daughters 
of citizens born in the town; and (4) All who have 
opened a store, and paid to the burgomasters twenty 
guilders. The distinction created between Great 
and Small Citizens was declared to be " grounded 
in reason," and to be " in conformity with the cus- 
toms of the city of Amsterdam in Europe." But 
very few of the burghers considered the rank of 
Great Citizens to be worth fifty guilders. The 
names on the list were nearly all of persons who 
had held office ; others who desired enrolment 
for business reasons contented themselves with 
the Small Citizenship. Of these there were two 

Until 1656, the shores of the Heere Graft formed 
the market-place of the town. There the Indians 
drew up their canoes and bartered their beaver- 
skins. There the farmer from Long Island, from 
Bergen, Nieuw Haarlem, or Gamoenepa, exchanged 
his vegetables and fruits for tools, clothing, sugar, 
and beer. In 1648 was inaugurated the annual fair 
called the Kermis, which began on the first Monday 
after the feast of Saint Bartholomew and continued 
for ten days. All comers sold their goods from tents. 
In 1656, it became evident that better means were 
required to bring together the producer and con- 
sumer ; and the magistrates proclaimed, " Whereas, 
divers articles, such as meat, pork, butter, cheese, 
turnips, cabbage, and other country produce, are 
from time to time brought here for sale by the peo- 
ple living in the country, and oftentimes wait at the 
strand without the people living out of that immedi- 


ate neighbourhood knowing that such things are for 
sale in the town : Therefore it is ordered that from 
this time forward, Saturday in each week shall be 
appointed as market-day, the articles to be brought 
on the beach, near Mr. Hans Kierstede's house ; of 
which all shall take notice." This spot remained for 
many years a resort for dealers in country produce. 
In 1659 a yearly cattle- market was established by 
the burgomasters and schepens for " fat cattle, 
steers, cows, sheep, goats, hogs, bucks, and such 
like." It opened on October 20, and lasted till 
the end of November. The site was the present 
Bowling Green, where shambles were erected and 
" the key given to Andries the baker, to keep over- 
sight of the same." Posts were set up along Broad- 
way opposite the churchyard, to which the animals 
were attached pending sale. The proclamation for 
this market was translated into English and sent to 
Standtfort, Uncque, Suidhampton, Suidhool, Straat- 
foort, Milfort, and Oosthampton. This fair was held 
for more than thirty years. During its continuance 
no visitor could be arrested for debt, and the attend- 
ance was large from Connecticut and all parts of 
New Netherland. The fish-market was at Coenties 
Slip, so-called because the land in this vicinity was 
the property of Conraet Ten Eyck, who was famil- 
iarly known as Coentje. 

Of separate shops there were none ; but many 
of the merchants used parts of the ground- floor of 
their houses as retail stores, especially those living 
on the Hoogh Straat. Most of these were general 
stores, in which hardware, dry-goods, and wines were 


all sold. Cornells Steenvyck, at the corner of 
Bridge and Whitehall streets, made a specialty of 
dry-goods, and grew rich by selling petticoats, linen, 
and ribbons to the women, breeches and shirts to 
the men. Steenwyck's was the most fashionable 
store, and much frequented by the "vrows." 

When Peter Stuyvesant came out as director, the 
houses of New Amsterdam were nearly all poorly 
built of wood, with thatched roofs and wooden 
chimneys ; but with the return of peace and pros- 
perity the town was gradually rebuilt. By 1664, 
when the Dutch rule terminated, there were about 
two hundred and fifty houses, of which a consider- 
able number were of a substantial character. Small 
/coloured bricks, and black and yellow tiles for roofs, 
I were imported from Holland ; and it was the ambi- 
tion of the wealthier Dutch citizens to construct 
their houses of these. The buildings stood with the 
gable end toward the street, the roof rising to a 
peak by a series of steps. The stoop was made an 
important feature ; there the burgher sat with his 
family on pleasant evenings. Connected with every 
house of any pretension was a garden, where kitchen 
vegetables and flowers were cultivated. In some 
cases these gardens were made highly ornamental, 
and the subject of family pride. The improvement 
in the appearance of the town was gradual, but con- 
tinuous. After the haystacks, piggeries, and other 
unsightly objects had been suppressed by the mag- 
istrates, and the streets straightened and paved, the 
citizens made individual efforts to adorn their prop- 
erties, which soon changed the appearance of New 


Amsterdam very much for the better. The water 
supply during this period was derived from wells 
near the houses, and from streams and springs when 
convenient. Later on, public wells were dug in 
various parts of the town. 

In the interior of the houses we see the same 
improvement keeping pace with prosperity. The 
floors were covered with a thin layer of sand drawn 
by the broom into quaint figures. Carpets were 
long in coming into use. There was one in Cor- 
nelis Steenwyck's " great chamber " when he died 
in 1686, and by that time the parlours of the principal 
citizens probably had them. There were "tabby" 
curtains at the windows. The principal articles of 
furniture, imported from Holland and handed down 
from father to son, were the sideboard, with its 
pewter and sometimes silver or china furniture, the 
sofa and chairs in the best room, the four- posted 
bed, the linen chest, and the hand-loom. As it ap- 
pears by the inventories of deceased persons, the 
furniture increased very much in quantity and value 
as time went on. Before 1650 people had only 
the most necessary articles; after 1670 a great in- 
crease in wealth and comfort appears. Dr. Jacob 
Lange died in 1685. Enumerated as part of his 
estate were a sword with silver handle, another with 
an iron handle, a carbine, a pistol, a cane with silver 
head, and another with ivory head. Among his cloth- 
ing were found a gros-grained cloak lined with silk, 
a black broadcloth suit, a coloured serge suit with sil- 
ver buttons, silk and calico drawers, silk night-caps, a 
pair of yellow hand-gloves with black silk fringe, five 


white calico stockings, and two worsted stockings. 
Dr. Lange's wife had when she died red and 
scarlet under-petticoats, cloth petticoats with black 
lace, striped stuffed petticoats, coloured drugget pet- 
ticoats with various coloured linings and lace, black 
silk petticoats with gray silk lining, black pottofoo 
petticoats with black and gray silk linings : these 
petticoats were valued at ^30. Besides these she 
had a black tartanel samare with a tucker, a flow- 
ered calico samare, flowered and red calico night- 
gowns, silk and red calico waistcoats, a bodice, 
white cotton stockings, five black love-hoods, one 
white love-hood, sleeves with great lace, cornet 
caps with and without lace, a black silk rain-cloth, 
a yellow love-hood, a black plush mask, an em- 
broidered purse with silver bugle and chain to the 
girdle, a silver hook and eye, five small East India 
boxes, five hair- curlings, four yellow love-drowlas, 
one silver thread-wrought small trunk, in which was 
the following jewelry : a pair of black pendants with 
gold hooks, a gold boat, wherein were thirteen dia- 
monds to one white coral chain, one pair gold pen- 
dants in each ten diamonds, two diamond rings, one 
gold ring, and another gold ring with diamonds. 

When Cornelis Steenwyck died in 1686, he left 
seven hundred and twenty-three ounces of silver 
plate and ^300 in money. Among the articles 
found in his house, apart from the store, were a 
gold chain and medal, a child's whistle, coats and 
breeches with silver buttons and buckles, rush-leather 
chairs, velvet chairs with fine silver lace, tables, a 
cabinet, a looking-glass, thirteen pictures, bedsteads, 


ten pieces of china, five alabaster images, tapestry for 
twelve cushions, a great deal of pewter, and some 
watches and clocks which were out of order. Prob- 
ably purchased at Steenwyck's store were the fol- 
lowing articles of men's dress, which are elsewhere 
enumerated : green silk breeches flowered with sil- 
ver and gold, silver gauze breeches, scarlet stockings, 
blue silk stockings, laced shirts, laced neck-cloths, 
a lacquer hat, bob wigs and periwigs. 

Elizabeth van Es died in 1694, aged seventy 
years. Her inventory contains the goods in the 
shop, a share in a brigantine, a negro-boy Toby, 
two bands of seawant, two breast- plates of seawant, 
one silver tankard, one silver beker, one silver mus- 
tard-pot, three gold hoop-rings, two gold rings with 
stones, one hundred and three beaver-skins, eighteen 
otters, twenty-three maters, nine fishers, eight minks, 
two cats, eighteen rat-skins, forty-nine hespannen, 
nine gray squirrels, one red squirrel, seven bear- 
skins, one wolf, one beaver-rock, two Bibles with 
silver clasps and two Dutch Bibles, a New Testa- 
ment with silver clasps, and two catechisms. Her 
library which was a good sample of the contem- 
porary bookshelf contained "Isaac Ambrosius," 
" Housewife," Howin's " Church History," French 
"Flock of Israel," Coleman's "Christian Interest," 
"Christ's Ways and Works," Dewitt's " Catechism," 
Duyken's " Church History." 

In Stuyvesant's time domestic servants were rare ; \ 
the housework was performed by the housewife and ' 
her daughters. In a few of the wealthier families 
one or two Dutch domestics were employed as 


apprentices ; but as their term of service expired 
they usually married. The same difficulty prevailed 
in regard to male labourers. Thus, a ready market 
f was found for African negroes when Dutch traders 
brought them to Manhattan Island. In 1629 the 
West India Company promised to supply negro 
slaves to the colony as fast as possible ; but for 
many years the arrivals were few, and these served 
as labourers for the Company. The treatment of 
'them was humane, and freedom was generally 
within their reach as a reward of good conduct. 
In 1644 a number of slaves petitioned Kieft to free 
them, on the ground of long service. The petition 
was granted as to themselves and their wives, but 
not as to their children. The freedmen were placed 
on the same footing with other citizens, except that 
they had to pay a yearly tribute to the Company. 
In 1646, on request of Domine Megapolensis, a 
slave named Jan Francisco was freed in conse- 
quence of faithful service, on condition of paying 
the Company ten skepels of wheat annually. Ne- 
groes were brought to New Amsterdam only from 
the West Indies until 1654, when the first cargo 
arrived direct from Africa. The slave-trade was 
allowed to citizens of New Netherland, but was 
not participated in by them until the end of the 
century. The negroes seemed to have fared well 
at the hands of the Dutch citizens, and to have been 
orderly and contented. At the end of the century 
they had increased in number, and were generally 
employed as domestic servants. At that time, we 
find that the widow Van Courtlandt had seven adults 


and two children ; Colonel de Peyster, the same 
number. William Beeckman had three ; Rip van 
Dam, five and one child. The widow Philipse had 
four, and three children. Members of the Kip family 
had twelve. Mrs. Stuyvesant had five ; Balthazar 
Bayard, six ; John van Horn, four ; Jacobus van 
Courtland, four and a child ; David Provoost, Jr., 
three ; Col. Nicholas Bayard, three ; Abraham 
Loockermans, five and three children. Rebecca 
van Schaick had three. 

During the rule of the West India Company 
building-lots were conveyed to settlers at nominal 
prices, and until near the end of Dutch control real- 
estate values remained very low. About 1660 there 
was a decided advance, following on increased pros- 
perity ; and this advance continued steadily. In 
1647 a farm of two hundred acres near Haarlem 
brought forty dollars. In 1667 the house and lot 
on west side of Broadway, near Morris Street, 
brought three hundred dollars. In the same year 
the house and lot next north of Trinity churchyard, 
fifty by ninety feet, was sold for seventy-five dollars. 
In 1682 a lot on Wall Street brought thirty dollars. 
In 1683 a lot on Pearl Street, near John, brought one 
hundred and fifty dollars. In 1700 Wall Street had 
become a favourite locality, and a lot on the corner 
of Wall and Broad was sold for $815. The fol- 
lowing is a record of a contract of sale of real estate 
made in Stuyvesant's time : 

" Before me, Cornelius van Tienhoven, secretary 
of New Netherland, appeared Harck Sybesen, who 
acknowledged to having sold to Barent Dircksen his 


house and lot, earth and nail- fast, both big and 
little, as the same is situated on the Island of Man- 
hattan, near Fort Amsterdam, which Dircksen also 
acknowledges to have purchased for one hundred 
and seventy-five guilders, and a half-barrel of beer 
as a treat for the company, to be paid in fourteen 
days, when the delivery of the house and depend- 
encies shall take place. It is agreed that if either 
party backs out, or repents of the sale, he shall pay 
a half-barrel of beer." 

The descriptions of property transferred were usu- 
ally rather indefinite. When Govert Loockermans 
purchased the land near Hanover Square, on which 
he lived, it was thus described in the deed, dated 
1642 : "A dwelling-house and lot situated on East 
River, on Manhattan Island, beginning at a brook 
of fresh water emptying into the East River, till to 
the farm of Cornelius van Tienhoven, whose pali- 
sades extend from the long highway toward the 
East River, as may be seen by the marks by him 
made bordering on the aforesaid land, from the 
fence to the great tree." 

In the disposition of property by will, the general 
custom among the Dutch was for the husband and 
wife to inherit absolutely from each other. The 
married pair appeared before a notary and declared 
such to be their wish, " out of love and special nup- 
tial affection." When husband or wife married a sec- 
ond time, it was arranged that the property of the 
deceased should eventually go to his or her children. 
The children inherited equally, without regard to 
sex or priority of birth. "An instance of which I 


remember," said Wooley, "in one Frederick Phi- 
lipse, the richest Mein Heer in that place, who was 
said to have whole hogsheads of wampum, who, 
having one son and one daughter, I was admiring 
what a heap of wealth the son would enjoy; to 
which a Dutchman replied that the daughter must 
go halves." In dividing property among the chil- 
dren, the testator usually specified every article 
in detail : the scarlet petticoat was to go to Ger- 
truyd, the black love-hood to Annetje, the pew- 
ter tankard to Jan. So the father left his Sunday 
suit to Pieter, the three-cornered hat to Evert, 
the gun to Nicholas, the linen-chest to Tryntje. 
Through these wills heirlooms can be traced in 
families for several generations. When a man died 
insolvent, his widow could relieve herself from the 
claims of creditors by relinquishing the right of in- 
heritance. This was done in legal form, when the 
wife declared that she " kicked the estate away with 
the foot, and laid the key on the coffin." 

The festivals observed by the Dutch were Ker- 
stydt Christmas ; Nieuw Jar New Year's Day ; 
Pinxter Whitsuntide ; Paas Passover ; and 
Saint Nicholas Day. For two or three weeks after 
Christmas the burghers and their families spent 
much of their time in firing guns, beating drums, 
dancing, card-playing, playing at bowls or nine-pins, 
and in drinking beer. The public offices were 
closed during these holidays. " Whereas," says the 
record of the burgomasters and schepens, " the win- 
ter festivities are at hand, it is found good that be- 
tween this day and three weeks after Christmas the 


ordinary meetings of the court shall be dispensed 
with." May Day was observed so boisterously that 
the burgomasters provided that damage done to 
property during its celebration should be reported 
lo them, and reparation would be made. There 
was always a contest between the rigid director at 
the fort and the complaisant magistrates at the 
Stadt Huys as to the toleration of these public 
amusements. On one occasion Stuyvesant pro- 
claimed : " Whereas experience has taught us that 
on New Year's days and on May days from the 
firing of guns, the planting of May-poles, and 
drunken drinking there have resulted unnecessary 
waste of powder and much intoxication, with the 
bad practices and accidents which generally arise 
therefrom : therefore we expressly forbid on New 
Year and May days any firing, or plantiug of May- 
poles, or beating of the drum ; nor shall there be 
at those times any wines, brandy, or beers dealt 
out." This order may have modified, but it did 
not suppress, the popular ebullition of spirits. There 
was a game called " Pulling the Goose," introduced 
at New Amsterdam in 1654. A goose with head 
and neck smeared with grease was suspended be- 
tween two poles. Men rode at full gallop, and 
tried to grasp it as they passed. Stuyvesant forbade 
this game, pronouncing it " an unprofitable, heathen- 
ish, and popish festival, and a pernicious custom." 
Some farmers who " pulled the goose " after the 
prohibition were fined and imprisoned, " in order 
to prevent more sins, debaucheries, and calamities." 
Against this severity the burgomasters remonstrated. 


As the colony grew in wealth and stability, the 
amusements of the people became more refined. 
The rougher sports were replaced by ball games, i 
bowling, and cricket, introduced by the English. ' 
Shooting and fishing were much in favour. The 
young people of both sexes met at dancing-parties 
and at jaunts in boats, wagons, and sleighs. Mrs. 
Knight, an English visitor, in 1 700, says : " Their 
diversion in winter is riding in sleighs about three 
miles out of town, where they have houses of en- 
tertainment at a place called the Bowery ; and 
some go to friends' houses, who handsomely treat 
them. ... I believe we met fifty or sixty sleighs 
one day ; they fly with great swiftness, and some 
are so furious that they '11 turn out of the path for 
none except a loaded cart. t Nor do they spare for 
any diversion the place affords, and sociable to a 
degree, their tables being as free to their neighbours 
as to themselves." Among the wealthier families 
chocolate parties were much in vogue, which a j 
domine objected to as keeping people up till ' 
nine o'clock at night. 

A great deal of beer was consumed in New Am- 
sterdam, and several of the richest men were 
brewers. Stuyvesant and the domines had to 
struggle against intemperance and its consequences, 
which they did very earnestly. The traditional 
fondness of the Dutch for smoking seems not to 
have been exaggerated. " They are obstinate and 
incessant smokers," says Wooley, " both Indians 
and Dutch, especially the latter, whose diet, es- 
pecially of the boorish sort, being sallets and 


bacon and very often picked buttermilk, require 
the use of that herb to keep their phlegm from 
coagulating and curdling. I once saw a pretty 
instance, relating to the power of tobacco, in two 
Dutchmen riding a race with short campaigne-pipes 
in their mouths, one of whom, being hurled from 
his steed, as soon as he gathered himself up again, 
whip'd to his pipe, and fell a-sucking and drawing, 
regarding neither his horse nor fall, as if the prize 
consisted in getting that heat which came from 
his beloved smoke. Tobacco is two pence and a 
half a pound." 

The church in the fort was the only Dutch 
Reformed church in New Amsterdam during Stuy- 
vesant's time. The first religious services at Man- 
hattan were begun in 1626, in the room over the 
horse-mill. When Domine Bogardus arrived in 
1633, a plain wooden building was erected on the 
East River, near Old Slip, with a parsonage for the 
domine. The people worshipped here until 1642, 
when, at the suggestion of De Vries, the stone 
church in the fort was built. This building re- 
mained in use until 1693, when it had become 
much dilapidated, and the congregation, under 
Domine Selyns, gladly removed to the new church 
in Garden Street, now Exchange Place. The old 
edifice in the fort was used by the military until 
1741, when it was burned. The site remained un- 
touched until 1790, when the government house 
was built upon it. Then it was that the commem- 
orative stone erected by Kieft in 1642 was dug 
up and placed in the Garden Street church. 


Subscriptions began to be taken up for the new 
building in 1689. Many persons thought Garden 
Street was too far up-town ; but a piece of land 
there was finally chosen in 1690, which adjoined 
the orchard of Domine Drisius's widow. The 
church was opened in 1693, having cost about 
$28,000. It was an oblong building with a brick 
steeple. The windows were of small panes set in 
lead. On many of the panes were the coats-of- 
arms of elders and magistrates engraved thereon by 
Gerard Duyckinck. There were also painted coats- 
of-arms hung on the walls. Galleries ran along the 
sides ; in them sat the men, with the women below. 
The interior was quite plain ; the seats were wood- 
en benches ; the pulpit, imported from Holland, 
stood in the middle of the end opposite the door ; 
the bell-rope hung down in the middle aisle. 

As the population increased, another church was 
built on Nassau Street, on the corner of Liberty 
Street. It was of stone, with a clock in the tower ; 
and there the true Reformed doctrines were preached 
far into the nineteenth century. It was surrounded 
by trees in early times, and looked as though " built 
in a wood." The Garden Street church was then 
called the Old Church, and the Nassau Street church 
the New Church. When another was built at the 
corner of Fulton and Williams streets it was called 
the North, that in Garden Street the South, and that 
in Nassau Street the Middle Church. The building 
in Garden Street was destroyed in the great fire of 
1835 ; that in Nassau Street was pulled down in 
our own time ; prayer-meetings of the Dutch Re- 
formed Church are still held in Fulton Street. 


Religious services on Manhattan Island were first 
held by a schoolmaster and " consoler of the sick." 
In 1633 the first domine came out, Everardus Bo- 
gardus, who served the people faithfully for fourteen 
years, resisted the tyranny of Kieft, and perished 
with him in the wreck of the " Princess " in 1647. 
Johannes Backerus succeeded him in 1648, but re- 
turned to Holland in the following year. His de- 
parture left Manhattan without a minister, much to 
the discouragement of Stuyvesant. At this juncture 
Domine Johannes Megapolensis, who had served at 
Rensselaerwyck since 1642 as minister to the Dutch 
and Indians, arrived at New Amsterdam on his way 
to Holland, whither his wife had preceded him. 
Stuyvesant pictured to him the miserable state of 
the people without a minister, and persuaded him 
to remain. He continued to be the leading domine 
in the colony until his death in 1669. The famous 
Jesuit, Father Lemoyne, visited him in 1658, in 
order to convert him to Romanism, but without 
success. Megapolensis had a son Samuel, who had 
been taught Latin and English at the " Academy of 
New England," in Cambridge. In 1658 Samuel 
went to Holland, studied for five years at Utrecht, 
and was ordained. In 1664 he came out to Man- 
hattan, and ministered to a parish which included 
Breukelen, the Waal-Bogt, Gowanus, and Stuyve- 
sant's bowery. But after five years he wearied of 
colonial life, and returned permanently to Holland. 

Samuel Drisius of Leyden arrived in 1652. He 
could preach in Dutch, English, and French, and 
remained for twenty years, during most of this time 


acting as a colleague of Megapolensis. Whilhelmus 
van Nieuwenhuysen officiated from 1671 to 1681, 
and Henricus Selyns from 1682 to 1701. Although 
Selyns began his ministrations in New Amsterdam 
only in 1682, he had lived for a long time in New 
Netherland. In 1660 he succeeded Domine Joh. 
Polhemus at the parish of Breukelen, which included 
also Midwout (Flatbush), Amersfoort (Flatlands), 
and the Waal-Bogt. The population of Breukelen 
was then only one hundred and ninety-four persons. 
When Selyns arrived from Holland, Stuyvesant de- 
puted Nicasius de Sille and Martin Cregier to intro- 
duce him to his parishioners, and invited him to 
preach from time to time at his bowery. In 1664 
Selyns decided not to live under the English rule, 
and went to Holland. But the call to the New Am- 
sterdam church in 1682 brought him back, and he 
died here in 1701. Among those who were influ- 
ential in inducing him to return were Stephanus van 
Courtlanclt, Nicholas Bayard, Joh. de Peyster, and 
Dr. Joh. Kerfbyl. He was the most cultivated and 
accomplished of the domines. 

These preachers were all of the Reformed Dutch 
Church. The Lutherans only succeeded in forming 
a congregation toward the end of Stuyvesant's rule, { 
and many years passed before it became consider- 
able in numbers. Megapolensis and Drisius gave a 
vigorous support to Stuyvesant's attempt to suppress 
the Lutherans, and were never on cordial terms with 
their minister. Megapolensis accompanied Stuyve- 
sant to the South River in 1655, and preached the 
Thanksgiving sermon at the taking of Fort Casimir. 


He then thought the terms of the treaty of capitula- 
tion too easy, because they allowed the Lutheran 
minister to continue to preach. This antagonism 
animated his successors also. The Rev. Charles 
Wooley, who was rector of the English church, now 
Trinity, in 1679, relates the following anecdote : 

" In the city of New York, where I was minister 
to the English, there ,were two other ministers, or 
domines as they were called there, the one a 
Lutheran, a German or High Dutch ; the other 
a Calvinist, an Hollander or Low Dutchman, 
who behaved themselves one toward another so 
shily and uncharitably as if Luther and Calvin had 
bequeathed and entailed their virulent and bigoted 
spirits upon them and their heirs forever. They 
had not visited or spoken to each other with any 
respect for six years together before my being there ; 
with whom I being much acquainted, I invited them 
both, with their vrows. to a supper one night, un- 
known to each other, with an obligation that they 
should not speak one word in Dutch, under the 
penalty of a bottle of Madeira, alleging I was so im- 
perfect in that language that we could not manage 
a sociable discourse. So accordingly they came; 
and at the first interview they stood so appalled as 
if the ghosts of Luther and Calvin had suffered a 
transmigration. But the amaze soon went off with a 
salve fu quoque and a bottle of wine, of which the 
Calvinist domine was a true carouser ; and so we 
continued our menzalia, the whole meeting in Latin, 
which they spoke so fluently and promptly that I 
blushed at myself with a passionate regret that I 
could not keep pace with them." 


Claes van Elslant was the first sexton of the 
church in the fort. After him came Jan de la 
Montagne, who had a son Jan who was sexton of 
the Garden Street church. A third Jan, a son of 
the preceding, succeeded his father. Egbert Ben- 
son, when a boy in the latter part of the eighteenth 
century, saw the third Jan de la Montagne going 
his rounds to collect the " Domine's gelt." The 
Dutch were careful to pay their minister promptly, so 
that he should not need to " desire a gift." 

Sunday was not observed in New Amsterdam with 
anything like the strictness of New England. Still, 
the day was kept with respect. Stuyvesant would 
tolerate no selling of beer or disorder on Sundays, 
and treated the offenders with great severity. In 
this he was supported by the burgomasters and 
schepens. Albert the Trumpeter had to answer to 
the magistrates for being found on Sunday with an 
axe on his shoulder ; he excused himself on the 
ground that he only intended to cut a bat for his 
little boy. Fishing, fowling, gathering nuts or 
strawberries, the playing of children in the streets, 
were forbidden on Sundays. Dancing, playing ball, 
cards, tric-trac, tennis, cricket, nine-pins, and plea- 
sure parties were not allowed before or during di- 
vine service. It was a day of relaxation, however, 
when the people put on their best clothes (which 
were used at no other time) and enjoyed a respite 
from toil. 

As the occasions for social reunion were few, 
marriages were made much of, and furnished the 
opportunity for the display of silver, pewter, or 


china, and the best clothing. The publication of 
banns at the church was necessary, and run-away 
or impatient couples had to go down to Lady 
Moody's settlement at " Gravenzande," where there 
were no such restrictions. At both weddings and 
funerals it was customary to load the dining- table 
with the best dishes, wine, or beer which the family 
could afford. At funerals a pewter or silver tankard 
was passed around filled with hot wine. 

In Holland the church was an essential part of 
the government, and it was not less so regarded in 
New Netherland. It was as much the duty of the 
West India Company to keep the colony supplied 
with a domine as with a director. And the domines 
were of the utmost importance to the social order. 
They were a mediation between the authorities and 
the people, a restraint on the one hand to tyranny, 
on the other to rebellion. Upon them the burgo- 
masters' court frequently relied to reconcile husband 
and wife, or to reform the youthful evil-doer. 

Not less inseparately connected than the church 
with the Dutch idea of government was the school. 
The church and the school belonged to each other 
and to the civil authority. The appointment of 
domines and schoolmasters rested conjointly with 
the Company and the Classis of Amsterdam. When 
Domine Bogardus came out in 1633, there accom- 
panied him Adam Roelandsen, the first schoolmas- 
ter. He taught the children until 1639, when he 
resigned and went to Rensselaerwyck. Jan Corne- 
lissen, a carpenter living there, heard of the vacant 
.post, and coming down to New Amsterdam secured 


it. He taught until 1650. Roelandsen had a school-, 
room assigned to him ; Cornelissen received his' 
pupils in the house in which he lived. In 1647, 
when Domine Backerus returned to Holland, Stuy- 
vesant sent by him a message to the Classis of 
Amsterdam asking for " a pious, well-qualified, and 
diligent schoolmaster." William Vestens was sent 
in answer to this appeal, arriving in 1650 in the 
same ship with Domine Megapolensis's wife. Ves- 
tens continued in office for five years, the school 
being held in a hired room. During this period 
he was the principal teacher ; but there being more 
scholars than he could well take care of, Jan de la 
Montagne was appointed a second teacher, and a 
room in the tavern was assigned to him. A school- 
house was then built, and at the same time Vestens 
was succeeded by Harmanus van Hoboocken. The 
school was soon after burned, and Hoboocken was 
allowed one hundred guilders annually to hire new 
accommodations, " as the town youth are doing so 
uncommonly well now." In 1661 Hoboocken was 
transferred to Stuyvesant's bowery, to teach the 
children of settlers in that growing quarter. Evert 
Pietersen then became the schoolmaster at New 
Amsterdam, living and teaching in the Brouwer 
Straat. The school with difficulty founded and 
maintained through the early years of the settle- 
ment was continued by the Collegiate Dutch Church 
after the English possession. There the Dutch 
youth were educated for many years in their native 
language only, later in both English and Dutch. 
The school, like the church, still exists and flourishes 


in New York ; they are bound together by the old 
ties, and look back upon an honourable and inter- 
.esting history. 

While this was the official free school, maintained 
by Church and State, there were also private schools 
in New Amsterdam. Licenses for the teachers of 
these were issued before 1664 to Jan Stevensen, 
Aryaen Jansen, Andries Hudde, Jacob van Corlaer, 
Jan Lubberts, Joost Carelse, Adriaen van Ilpendam, 
Juriaense Becker, and Johannes van Gelaer. 

In 1658 a general desire was felt for a high or 
classical school, which would carry the youth beyond 
the rudiments of education. Accordingly the bur- 
gomasters and schepens thus petitioned the West 
India Company : " It is represented that the youth 
of this place and the neighbourhood are increasing 
in number gradually, and that most of them can read 
and write, but that some of the citizens and inhab- 
itants would like to send their children to a school 
the principal of which understands Latin, but are 
not able to do so without sending them to New 
England ; furthermore, they have not the means to 
hire a Latin schoolmaster expressly for themselves 
from New England, and therefore they ask that the 
West India Company will send out a fit person as 
Latin schoolmaster, not doubting that the number 
of persons who will send their children to such a 
teacher will from year to year increase, until an 
academy shall be formed whereby this place to great 
splendour will have attained, for which, next to God, 
the Honourable Company which shall have sent such 
teacher here shall have laud and praise. For our 


own part, we shall endeavour to find a fit place in 
which the schoolmaster shall hold his school." The 
petition was granted, and in 1659 Dr. Alexander 
Carolus Curtius, of Lithuania, arrived in New Am- 
sterdam. The burgomasters gave him the use of 
a house and garden, promised him a salary of five 
hundred guilders, and allowed him to charge each 
scholar a fee of six guilders per quarter. Curtius 
turned out to be not a fit person for the place. 
Parents complained that he could keep no order 
among the pupils, who "beat each other and tore 
the clothes from each other's backs." Curtius ex- 
cused the lack of discipline on the ground that " his 
hands were tied, as some of the parents forbade 
him punishing their children." He overcharged 
some scholars by asking from them a whole beaver- 
skin per quarter. The discontent with his services 
sent Curtius back to Holland. The Rev. ^Egidius 
Luyck, who had been tutor to Stuyvesant's sons, was 
then appointed principal, and under his care the 
academy succeeded admirably, students attend- 
ing it from Virginia, the South River, and Rens- 
selaerwyck, as well as from the neighbourhood of 
New Amsterdam. 

The first educated physician who practised in 
New Amsterdam was Dr. Hans Kierstede, who 
lived on the East River, near the foot of Whitehall 
Street. Samuel Megapolensis, the domine's son, 
added the practice of medicine to his spiritual 
duties while he lived in the colony. Other phy- 
sicians were Johannes de la Montagne, Johannes 
Kerfbyl, a graduate of Leyden, Jacob Bloeck, 


Samuel Coster, and two or three of lesser fame. In 
1652 the profession petitioned the director and 
Council that none but surgeons should be allowed 
to shave people. After weighty consideration, the 
Council gave the following answer : 

" That shaving doth not appertain exclusively to 
chirurgery, but is only an appanage thereof. That 
no man can be prevented from operating herein 
upon himself, or doing another this friendly act, 
provided that it be through courtesy, and that he 
do not receive any money for it, and do not keep 
any open shop of that sort, which is hereby forbidden, 
declaring, in regard to the last request, this act to 
belong to chirurgery and the health of man." 

The medical profession, like other skilled occu- 
pations, increased very much in importance to- 
ward the end of the century, when there was 
wealth enough in the colony to attract well- trained 
men from Holland. 

Only a portion of the early Dutch settlers had 
family names. It was at about this time that such 
names were becoming fixed and hereditary. There 
were three ways in which, commonly, family names 
were attained. The first and most usual was the 
attachment of sen or se (a termination meaning 
son) to the father's Christian name : thus, Evert 
Pietersen and Frederic Philipse. To signify a 
daughter the termination s was used : thus, An- 
netje Jans, Tryntje Everts. If we take, for ex- 
ample, a man named Jan : his son Hendrick, to 
distinguish himself from other Hendricks, calls 
himself Hendrick Jansen ; -his son again is called 


Evert Hendricksen ; his son Teunis Evertsen ; his 
son Willem Teunissen. Thus the second name va- 
ried from generation to generation. Gradually the 
second name became hereditary, and Hendrick 
Jansen's children were called Jansen instead of 

Another method of fixing a family name was by 
the father's trade. Thus, the brewer Willem Hen- 
dricksen was called Willem Brouwer; Jan Willem- 
sen the bleacher was called Jan Bleecker. In the 
same way originated the names of Coster, Schoon- 
macker, Stryker, Dyckman, and Hofman. 

A third derivation of names was that from places 
of origin. When Oloff Stevensen van Courtlandt 
first came out to New Amsterdam as a soldier, he 
was known as Oloff Stevensen, and so signed his 
name to the protest carried by Van der Donck to 
the States-General. As he became a leading man, 
he distinguished himself from other Stevensens by 
adding van Courtlandt the town of his birth 
to his name ; his descendants continued the custom, 
and so it became the family appellation. Other 
names of similar origin are Van Bergen, Van 
Antwerp, Van der Veer (Ferry), Verplanck (of the 
plank- walk), Ten Eyck (at the oak), Ten Broeck (at 
the marsh,) Opdyck (on the dyke), and Wyckoff 
(parish-court). Some of these names had been 
borne in Holland ; many became hereditary first 
in New Netherland. 

Augustyn Heermans, who made a good sketch of 
the city of New Amsterdam as it appeared from the 
East River, was the only artist whose work survives. 


But three Dutchmen wrote poetry in their native 
language, which may still be read. Jacob Steendam 
composed a " Complaint of New Amsterdam " 
and " The Praise of New Netherland," dedicated 
to the Hon. Cornelis van Ruyven, secretary of the 
West India Company, "a faithful and very up- 
right promoter of New Netherland." The next 
poet was Nicasius de Sille. He was a member of 
Stuyvesant's Council and an educated man. In 
1656 he succeeded Van Tienhoven as fiscal, and 
afterward held the office of schout. In 1657 he 
built a house at New Utrecht, L. I., where he 
afterward lived. ' This house was of stone, roofed 
with large Dutch tiles, and originally protected by 
palisades. In 1850 this house was still standing, 
and formed a comfortable dwelling. In front of 
it stood a great tree, which had probably shaded 
De Sille himself. He kept the records of New 
Utrecht in good language and handwriting. One 
of his daughters married Hendrick Kip, and an- 
other Gerritse van Couwenhoven of Breukelen. 
He composed " Imitations of the Psalms," an 
"Epitaph on a Cortelyou Child," the first born 
in New Utrecht, and " The Earth speaks to its 
Cultivators." The third poet was the good Domine 
Henricus Selyns. The subjects which inspired him 
were : " Nuptial Song for ^Egidius Luyck and 
Judith van Isendoorn ; " " Birthday Garland woven 
in Honour of Matilda Specht ; " "To my Friend, 
Captain Gerard Douw ; " " Epitaph on Domine 
Johannes Megapolensis ; " " Epitaph for Madam 
Anna Loockermans, widow of Oloff Stevensen van 


Courtlandt ; " " Epitaph for P. Stuyvesant ; " " Rea- 
sons for and against marrying Widows." 

There was no lack of good food in New Am- 
sterdam in time of peace. Game was shot in plenty 
by the young men, and brought to town in canoes 
by the Indians. Deer were very numerous : an In- 
dian would sell a fat buck for five guilders ; in some 
seasons a pipe would buy one. Bears, elk, hares, 
and rabbits abounded. Close at hand were quail, 
partridges, and wild turkeys ; of the latter De Vries 
shot one weighing thirty pounds. Along the shores 
of the rivers and harbour fluttered and swam great 
numbers of wild geese, ducks, and swans. Van der 
Donck knew a gunner, named Hendrick de Backer, 
who killed eleven gray geese out of a large flock at 
one shot from his gun. The waters in the vicinity 
of Manhattan Island furnished sturgeon, salmon, 
bass, shad, drum, smelts, cod, sheepshead, herring, 
mackerel, black-fish, lobsters, weakfish, oysters, and 
shrimps. Nor did the terrapin swim unappreciated. 
" Some persons," wrote Van der Donck in 1656, 
" prepare delicious dishes from the water terrapin, 
which is luscious food." 

The gardens of New Netherland produced lettuce, 
cabbages, parsnips, carrots, beets, spinach, radishes, 
parsley, cresses, onions, leeks, artichokes, asparagus, 
squashes, melons, cucumbers, and beans. On the 
farms were cows, goats, sheep, and hogs. Horses 
were bred and used ; but oxen did the farm work. 
The native grasses were mixed with the wild onion, 
which gave its taste to the milk. A great deal of 
tobacco was raised, which ranked next to that of 


Virginia. But the crops most cultivated were wheat, 
rye, barley, and corn. The latter was grown in hills 
with pumpkin-vines, as at present. The rye grew so 
tall that a man could bind the ears together above 
his head. Van der Donck saw a field of barley, 
of which the stems were seven feet high. The soil 
seemed inexhaustible. Domine Megapolensis stated 
that a farmer had raised fine crops of wheat on the 
same field for eleven years in succession. 

It was when the inhabitants of New York looked 
for profit to the land rather than to the forest, that 
wealth flowed in upon them. At the end of the cen- 
tury the colony was celebrated more for its grain 
than for its beaver-skins ; then the trader and the 
farmer, working together, laid the foundations of a 
great prosperity. 




DURING the last few years of Stuyvtsant's admin- 
istration the Dutch colonists prospered, good order 
prevailed, and immigration steadily increased. Ex- 
cept for the Indian war at Esopus, nothing occurred 
to interrupt the growing activity of the settlement. 
But although the people were contented and pros- 
perous, the director had cause for ceaseless anxiety 
and exertion. The encroachments of the English 
were menacing the very existence of New Nether- 
land as a Dutch colony. On the South or Delaware 
River, the " crowding out " policy was being 
pursued with little disguise. The English there 
claimed jurisdiction over the whole territory under 
Lord Baltimore's patent. Stuyvesant sent Wilhelm 
Beeckman to defend the Dutch rights and direct 
the affairs of the colony. Matters not improving, 
Cornelis van Ruyven went to the assistance of 
Beeckman, accompanied by Captain Martin Cregier 
and sixty soldiers. Later on, the director appointed 
Resolved Waldron and Augustyn Heermans as com- 
missioners to negotiate with the English authorities. 
They presented the Dutch claims so forcibly that 
further English aggression was postponed until 1664. 


New England gave the director still greater cause 
for apprehension. Massachusetts set up the claim 
that her territory extended indefinitely westward, 
and so claimed the northern Hudson. Connecticut 
did more. In 1662 John Winthrop obtained in 
London a new patent from Charles II., which made 
Connecticut, like Massachusetts, extend indefinitely 
westward and include all northern New Netherland. 
In Westchester and on Long Island, English settlers 
were increasing much faster than the Dutch, and 
their towns were becoming restive under Dutch 
jurisdiction. Against this accumulation of threat- 
ened disaster Stuyvesant laboured earnestly but with 
little effect. He made a visit to Boston in person 
and conferred with representatives of the United 
New England colonies. But all his efforts were 
checkmated by the English policy of delay. While 
the director was thus pressed from the East and the 
South by harassing aggressions, and had the Esopus 
war on his hands, the Long Island English towns 
revolted under John Scott and repudiated Dutch 

Stuyvesant had to struggle on alone. In 1660 
he had written to the Amsterdam Chamber of the 
West India Company : " Place no confidence in the 
weakness of the English government and its indis- 
position to interfere in affairs here. New England 
does not care much about its troubles and does not 
want its aid. Her people are fully convinced that 
their power overbalances ours tenfold ; and it is to 
be apprehended that they may make further attempts 
at this opportunity without fearing or caring for home 


interference." While New England needed no help 1 
from the mother country, Stuyvesant could get none! 
The West India Company was unable to send mili- 
tary assistance, and the subtle character of English 
aggression was of a sort difficult to make, through 
the States-General, a national grievance. 

A treaty of peace between England and Holland 
had been signed at Westminster in 1662. But 
Charles II. hated the Netherlands ; he had his rea- 
sons for wishing to conciliate New England ; and he 
had the fortune of his brother, the Duke of York, to 
make. Hence in March, 1664, he granted to the 
Duke of York all the territory between the Con- 
necticut River and Delaware Bay, the exact boun- 
daries of New Netherland. The grant was kept 
secret, and nothing was heard of it in Old or New 

In April, 1664, a fleet of four ships sailed for 
New England under the command of Colonel 
Richard Nicholls, carrying three hundred and fifty 
soldiers. This news was brought to Stuyvesant in 
July by Captain John Willett. The director divined 
the object of the fleet, and feared that his worst 
predictions were about to be realized. All his 
energies were immediately devoted to preparations 
for defence. But the same news had reached 
Holland long before. The West India Company 
had made inquiries in London, had been informed 
that the expedition was intended only to enforce 
certain of the king's wishes in New England, and 
the directors wrote to Stuyvesant that he had noth- 
ing to fear. Thus thrown off his guard, Stuyvesant 


went up to Fort Orange to conduct negotiations 
with the Mohawk Indians. The English fleet ar- 
rived in Boston Harbour, remained there inactive 
for a month, and all seemed safe. 

One day toward the end of August the English 
flagship was seen sailing into the lower bay. Stuy- 
vesant was informed, and hurried down from Fort 
Orange. One by one the other ships of the hostile 
fleet came to anchor in the Narrows with reinforce- 
ments of men from New England. The enemy 
made no secret of its mission. A fort on Staten 
Island was taken immediately. Soldiers were landed 
on the Long Island shore, and the inhabitants were 
warned not to send supplies or assistance to the 
town. Stuyvesant threw himself into the work of 
defence with all his wonted vigour. All able-bodied 
men were put to work on the fortifications or en- 
rolled as soldiers ; new guns were mounted, and the 
shores patrolled. But with all this effort, the result 
could be slight. The town lay unprotected except 
for the poor fort at the Battery. There were guns, 
but of powder hardly sufficient for a day's cannon- 
ade. On the north the only defence was an earthen 
rampart three feet high, surmounted by the old rot- 
ten palisade which had done duty in the Indian 
wars. From the hills beyond it cannon could com- 
mand the whole town. On the east and west the 
hostile ships could sail up and down, pouring in un- 
answered broadsides. Stuyvesant, however, was hot 
/for the fight. 

On Friday, August 29, he sent a messenger to 
Nicholls, demanding to know the meaning of his 


invasion. The answer, couched in friendly language,) 
was a summons to surrender the town, with a prom-f 
ise of protection and fair treatment to all who sub- 
mitted like good subjects to the authority of Charles 
II. The director read this communication to his 
Council and the assembled magistrates. His labours 
to provide means of defence had been ill supported. 
The Long Island farmers refused to come in, on the 
ground that they had their own property to defend. 
The townspeople were persuaded that resistance was 
useless, and their work was half-hearted. Stuyvesant 
was anxious to keep the summons secret, lest its 
favourable terms should incline the people to yield. 
But he was overruled by the Council and the burgo- 
masters. They were resolved not to have their houses 
knocked about their ears to preserve the interests 
of the West India Company. They insisted on 
making public the contents of Nicholls's letter, 
and the director had to give way, saying that he 
would not hold himself " answerable for the ca- 
lamitous consequences." 

The evident intention to accomplish their objects 
as peacefully as possible helped the English cause 
very much. On Monday, Winthrop, who guided 
the policy of the invaders, came up the Bay under 
a flag of truce, bearing another summons yet more 
attractive in its terms. There was to be no change 
but that of the flag and the governor. The Dutch 
were to trade with Holland as before, Dutch prop- 
erty was to be inviolate, and immigration from 
Holland to continue. When this communication was 
read in the council-chamber at the fort, Stuyvesant 


saw in it a death-knell to his plans. The people, 
with the consequences of a bombardment in their 
minds, seeing no prospect but bloodshed, fire, and 
the destruction of homes acquired by long and 
painful toil, were already nearly unanimous for sur- 
render on any favourable terms. The soldiers were 
becoming mutinous, and were heard talking of 
booty and where the young women lived who wore 
gold chains. Stuyvesant felt that the only way to 
make his people fight was to give them no other 
alternative. Hence, he announced in Council that 
the letter must be kept secret ; but the councillors, 
the burgomasters, and schepens, knowing that de- 
feat was certain in the end, and wishing to preserve 
life and property, contended that the public had a 
right to know what the English proposed. A hot 
debate ensued, in which the director maintained 
his point with his customary violence. At last 
, Stuyvesant, finding that all were against him, char- 
jacteristically settled the question by tearing the 
letter into small pieces, and throwing them pas- 
sionately on the floor. The meeting broke up in 
confusion, and its members carried into the town 
information of what had occurred. The people be- 
came angry and rebellious, work on the fort ceased ; 
a large crowd gathered in front of the Stadt Huys 
clamouring for Stuyvesant and the letter. The di- 
rector appeared, harangued the people, and sought 
to inspire in them some of his own patriotic deter- 
mination ; but they continued to call for the letter, 
and denounced him and the West India Company as 
indifferent to their interests. Stuyvesant returned 


mournfully to the fort. The fragments of the letter 
were gathered up by a secretary, pieced together, 
and delivered to the burgomasters. A copy was 
then made, which was read from the steps of the 
Stadt Huys. Meanwhile, Stuyvesant retired to his 
own house to compose his answer. He demon- 
strated the title of the Dutch to New Netherland 
by discovery, settlement, and possession; he de- 
nounced the violation of English and Dutch treaties 
by the present invasion ; he concluded by defying 
the English, and by declaring his trust to be in God, 
who could give victory to the weak over the strong. 
On receipt of this communication, Colonel Nich- 
olls made his preparations for an assault. Soldiers 
were landed on Long Island, and marched toward 
Breukelen. The war-ships were anchored off the 
fort, with their guns trained on the town. Stuyvesant 
stood gloomily beside a gun on the ramparts; his 
situation was desperate, and he could expect no 
better issue than death at his post. From time to 
time came Domine Megapolensis, members of the 
Council, the burgomasters a"nd schepens, begging 
him not to make a useless sacrifice of the town. 
After some hours, the director went down to the 
shore with one hundred soldiers, prepared to oppose 
a landing. Thus matters remained all day, neither 
side being desirous of firing the first shot. Then 
Stuyvesant sent another letter to Nicholls, his tone 
still defiant ; but he despatched commissioners with 
it, whom he hoped might gain some advantage. 
But the commissioners returned with the final answer 
that the terms could not be changed, and that the 


only choice "lay between their acceptance and bom- 
bardment. When this became known, the people 
crowded about the director clamouring for sur- 
render. A remonstrance against resistance was 
handed to him, signed by all the principal burghers, 
including his son Balthazar. Stuyvesant declared 
that he would rather be carried a corpse to his grave 
than to surrender ; but there was no alternative, a 
fact as well known on board the fleet as in the town. 
On Saturday, September 6, Jan de Decker, Nicholas 
Verleth, Samuel Megapolensis, Cornelis Steenwyck, 
Jacques Cousseau, and O. S. van Courtlandt met 
Colonel Nicholls, and agreed upon terms of surren- 
der. By these, safety of life and property, freedom 
in religion, trade, and emigration, and a represen- 
tative government were guaranteed to the Dutch. 
rOn Monday, Stuyvesant had to ratify the treaty ; and 
immediately afterward he walked out of the fort 
followed by his soldiers, whom he led through 
Marckvelt Straat to the East River, where the mili- 
tary were embarked on the ship " Gideon " for 
Holland. The English flag was hoisted in place of 
the Dutch ; Fort Amsterdam became Fort James ; 
and New Netherland, New York. A fortnight 
later Fort Orange surrendered, and was named 
"Albany," the Duke of York's second title. 
The inhabitants of Rensselaerwyck were given the 
same terms as those of New Amsterdam, and the 
patroon himself afterward received a confirmation 
of his rights. On October i Fort Casimir, on the 

, South River, was taken, and the Dutch flag ceased 

i to wave in North America. 


The object of the English to gain possession of ' 
the Dutch colony without injuring its value had 
been gained ; but such a proceeding was tantamount 
to a declaration of war, and it was so received in 
Holland. As soon as the " Gideon " arrived with 
the garrison of Fort Amsterdam, orders were de- 
spatched to Admiral de Ruyter, off the coast of 
Africa, to reduce the English possessions there, 
which he did without delay. In 1665 great prepar- 
ations for the war were made in Holland, and the 
fisheries were suspended to gain men for the war- 
ships. Then Charles II. formally declared war.} 
During its progress the advantage remained with 
the Dutch, whose captures were much the more 

Meanwhile the West India Company sent word 
to Stuyvesant to come out, and explain the surren- 
der in person. Before his departure, he asked from 
the burgomasters and schepens a statement regard- 
ing his conduct as director. They testified : " His 
Honour hath, during eighteen years' administra- 
tion, conducted and demeaned himself not only as 
a director-general, as, according to the best of our 
knowledge, he ought to do on all occasions for the 
best interests of the West India Company, but be- 
sides as an honest proprietor and patriot of this 
province, and as a supporter of the Reformed Re- 
ligion." Stuyvesant arrived at The Hague in Oc- 
tober, 1665, and presented his report to the 
States-General. He found the directors of the 
West India Company much incensed against him. 
Angry at the loss of their property, and prejudiced 


by misrepresentations of the facts made by hostile 
members of the Fort Amsterdam garrison, they 
wished to hold him responsible for the " scandalous 
surrender." His situation for some time was very 
unpleasant. He wrote to New York for testimony 
in confirmation of his defence, and received in six 
months letters from the city magistrates and from 
Jeremias van Rensselaer, which enabled him to make 
before the States-General an able and conclusive 
vindication of his conduct. 

Medhvvhile negotiations for peace were conducted 
between England and Holland. A treaty was signed 
in August, 1667, according to which each nation was 
to retain its conquests. These terms were considered 
both in London and The Hague to be highly favour- 
able to the Dutch, who gained more than they lost. 
Stuyvesant exerted himself to obtain from the Eng- 
lish government privileges of trade advantageous to 
New York, and returned there in October, 1667, 
where he passed the remainder of his life in retire- 
.ment on his bowery. 

-N4m> years afterward Holland and England were 
again at war. In August, 1673, while De Ruyter 
and Tromp were maintaining the reputation of the 
Dutch for prowess on the seas, by defeating the com- 
bined English and French fleets off the Helder, 
Dutch mariners again hoisted the national flag on 
Manhattan Island. 

Cornelis Everts and Jacob Binckes had just cap- 
tured eight English tobacco ships in the Chesa- 
peake, when the idea occurred to them that New 
York would be an easy prey. They were soon 


anchored off the fort, at which they fired a few 
broadsides, while Capt. Anthony Colve, at the 
head of six hundred men, landed at Trinity 
churchyard, and marched down Broadway. No 
defence was offered beyond a cannon-shot fired at 
the fleet. The fort surrendered unconditionally ; 
the English marched out, and the Dutch marched 
in. Governor Lovelace then formally capitulated. 
The English had taken the place by surprise in 
time of peace. The Dutch re-took it in time 
of open war. Prizes were made of all the English 
vessels in the harbour. The province was re-named 
New Netherland ; the city was called New Orange ; 
and the fort, William Hendrick. A Dutch admin- 
istration was appointed, with Anthony Colve at its 
head. Anthony de Mill was made schout ; Johan- 
nes van Bruggh, Johannes de Peyster, and ^Egidius 
Luyck, burgomasters ; Wilhelm Beeckman, Jeroninus 
Ebbingh, Jacob Kip, Laurens van der Spiegel, Gelyn 
Verplanck, schepens. The joyful shout of "Oranje 
Boven " was heard throughout the province. 

But England soon became disgusted with a war 
which cost her too much. Twenty-seven hundred 
British ships had been taken by Dutch men-of-war 
and privateers. In 1674 the Treaty of Westminster 
was signed, by which it was agreed that each power 
should return to the other the conquests made dur- 
ing hostilities. Thus New Netherland became per- 
manently New York. 

Peter Stuyvesant died in 1672 at his bowery, and' 
his remains were interred in a vault beneath the 
chapel which he had built near his house. When 


the present St. Mark's church was erected, on the 
site of the old chapel, the vault was preserved, and 
a commemorative stone was placed upon its wall, 
which still marks the grave of the hardy director of 
New Netherland. The character of Stuyvesant has 
appeared plainly in the narrative of events at New 
Amsterdam. Honest, blunt, and passionate, his vir- 
tues and his faults were evident to all men. He had 
been a faithful servant to the West India Company, 
guarding its interests with a jealous fidelity and pro- 
moting them with untiring zeal. In the service of 
his employers, he never lacked vigour or courage. 
In his enforced conflicts with other colonies he 
showed judgment and foresight, yielding when he 
must, but struggling to the last against any odds. 
Had the West India Company heeded his warnings, 
New Amsterdam might have resisted for many years 
the English pressure. In his dealings with the In- 
dians he pursued a policy of stern justice, which won 
their respect and confidence. No Indian war can 
be laid to his charge ; and during his presence on 
Manhattan Island, the sleep of the Dutch settlers 
was undisturbed by fears of savage invasion. His 
conduct as director was marred by conflicts with 
those under his authority, which were caused not so 
much by harshness of nature as by an unnecessarily 
rigid idea of his duty. To govern a colony of ad- 
venturous men, settled in the wilderness, threatened 
on the one hand by savage enemies, on the other by 
aggressive neighbours of uncertain friendliness, 
he conceived that his mastery must be unquestioned. 
The responsibility was his, the authority must be 


his also. His life had been spent in Dutch colonial 
adventures, where the word that was passed from 
the quarter-deck was the law without appeal. Hence 
the contentions which characterized the early years 
of his rule, and the attitude of apparent tyranny in 
which he appeared. As time wore on, he and the 
burghers understood each other better, and a mutual 
respect succeeded to the old antagonism. Head- 
strong and violent in his temper he always was, but 
animated by good motives, faithful to the line of his 
duty, and seeking the interest of those committed to 
his charge. 

Stuyvesant's last years were passed in seclusion 
on the old bowery, which had been the home of his 
family for some years before the capitulation in 
1664. The house was of wood, two stories in 
height, with projecting rafters. Its situation, as 
described by the Hon. Hamilton Fish, was a point 
about one hundred and fifty feet east of Third Ave- 
nue and about forty feet north of Twelfth Street. 
In front of it was a stiff Dutch garden, laid out with 
formal paths and flower-beds. Near the house 
Stuyvesant had planted a pear-tree, which had a 
remarkable history. For more than two hundred 
years it marked the spot where had been the old 
director's garden. Generations of his descendants 
grew up and passed away, and still the pear-tree 
held its own. As new streets were laid out and the 
open fields of Stuyvesant's bowery became city lots, 
the pear-tree found itself on the corner of Third 
Avenue and Thirteenth Street, protected by an iron 
railing. The onward march of improvement had 


left it behind in a thickly settled part of the city, 
when in February, 1867, it was blown down in a 
storm. The boundaries of Stuyvesant's bowery 
were, roughly speaking, Fourth Avenue on the 
West, the river on the East, on the North Seven- 
teenth Street, and on the South Sixth Street ; it 
contained about six hundred acres. 

Stuyvesant's widow, Judith Bayard, lived upon the 
bowery until her death in 1687. By her will, she 
founded St. Mark's Church. She had two sons, 
Balthazar, born in 1647 '> an ^ Nicholas William, born 
in 1648. Balthazar went to the West Indies, where 
he died, leaving a daughter. Nicholas William mar- 
ried, first, Maria Beeckman ; and, secondly, Elizabeth 
Schlectenhorst. He passed his life at New York, and 
is the ancestor of the present family. 

Although New Netherland became a permanent 
English colony under the Treaty of Westminster in 
1674, its population remained largely Dutch until 
nearly the middle of the next century. The pros- 
perity of New York, growing steadily with the prog- 
ress of trade and the exportation of grains, attracted 
emigrants from Holland notwithstanding the change 
of flag. Many families now living on Manhattan 
Island are descended from Dutchmen who came out 
after the English occupation. The old names with 
which we have become familiar in the early annals 
of New Amsterdam continue in positions of honour 
and prominence through the English colonial rec- 
ords. In 1673, we find among the city magistrates 
Johannes van Bruggh, Johannes de Peyster, ^Egi- 
dius Luyck, Jacob Kip, Laurans van der Spiegel, 


Wilhelm Beeckman, Guleyn Verplanck, Stephen 
van Courtlandt. In 1677, Stephanus van Court- 
landt is mayor, and Johannes de Peyster deputy- 
mayor. In 1682, Cornells Steenwyck is mayor; 
in 1685, the office is filled by Nicholas Bayard; in 
1686, by Van Courtlandt again. Abraham de Peys- 
ter was mayor from 1691 to 1695 ; and in his time 
the following Dutchmen were aldermen : W. Beeck- 
man, Johannes Kip, Brandt Schuyler, Garrett Douw, 
Arent van Scoyck, Gerard Douw, Rip van Dam, 
Jacobus van Courtlandt, Samuel Bayard, Jacobus 
van Nostrandt, Jan Hendricks Brevoort, Jan van 
Home, Petrus Bayard, Abraham Wendell, John 
Brevoort. These names recur down to 1717. In 
1718, John Roosevelt, Philip van Courtlandt, and 
Cornelius de Peyster are aldermen. In 1719, Ja- 
cobus van Courtlandt is mayor, and among the 
aldermen are Philip van Courtlandt, Harmanus van 
Gilder, Jacobus Kip, Frederic Philipse, John Roose- 
velt, Philip Schuyler. In 1745, Stephen Bayard is 
mayor. During the last half of the eighteenth 
century the Dutch names are more and more 
crowded out by the English. But we still find 
Nicholas and Cornelius Roosevelt, Cornelius van 
Home, Dirck Brinckerhoff, Huybert van Wagener, 
Henry Brevoort, Jacob Lefferts, John Hardenbrook, 
Nicholas Bayard, Tobias van Zandt, John Quack- 
enboss, Theophilus Beeckman, and others. By the 
beginning of the nineteenth century, the Dutch 
names occur only occasionally. 

These Dutchmen not only preserved their leader- ; 
ship in public affairs, but carried on a large proper- ' 


\ tion of the city's trade. New York was an English 
colony, but its greatness was largely built on Dutch 
foundations. It is often said that the city became 
flourishing only after the English occupation. This 
is true, with the qualification that the Dutch trader 
and the Dutch farmer after that event had greater 
opportunities for successful activity. 
j Not a few of the old Dutch houses have remained 
intact until our own day. Notable among these was 
the De Sille house at New Utrecht ; the Cortelyou, 
Schermerhorn, and De Hart houses in Brooklyn ; and 
the Kip house on Kip's Bay, near the foot of East 
Thirty-fifth Street, New York. The Van Courtlandt 
manor-house at Yonkers still stands in much its 
original condition. 

Some of the Dutch geographical names remain 
unchanged, as Barnegat, Kill van Cull, Staten Island, 
Corlaer's Hook, Spuyt den Duyvel (in spite of the 
devil). Others have been Anglicised or trans- 
lated ; thus, Sandt Hoeck, Sandyhook ; Beeren's 
Island, Barren Island ; Conyn's Island, Coney Isl- 
and ; Vlachte Bos, Flatbush; Jemaico, Jamaica; 
Vliessengen, Flushing; Robyn's Rift, Robin's Reef; 
Waal-Bogt, Wallabout ; Kruine Punt, Crown Point ; 
Deutel Bay, Turtle Bay ; Helle-gat, Hell Gate ; Mar- 
tyn Wyngaard's Island, Martha's Vineyard ; An- 
tonie's Neus, St. Anthony's Nose. Yonkers was 
called Jonckers, from Jonge Heer, and signified the 
"young gentleman's place." 

Dutch continued to be the language of New York 
iuntil the end of the seventeenth century, after 
which time English contended for the mastery with 


steady success. In the outlying towns of Long 
Island and New Jersey and along the Hudson River, 
Dutch was generally used for a century later. The 
diakct called " Jersey Dutch " is still heard in the 
Ramapo Valley. But in New York city the large 
English immigration, the requirements of com- 
merce, and the frequent intermarriages of Dutch 
and English families had given to English the pre- 
dominance by the year 1750. The Rev. Dr. Laid- 
lie preached to a Dutch Reformed congregation 
the first sermon in English in March, 1 764, in the 
Middle Church. In 1773, English was first used 
in the Dutch school. Mary, the daughter of Peter 
van Schaack of Kinderhook, and the wife of James 
Jacobus Roosevelt, who died in 1845, spoke Dutch 
in her family ; and her son, C. V. S. Roosevelt, who 
lived on the southwest corner of Broadway and 
Fourteenth Street, could also speak it. Many similar 
cases of the survival of the language occurred. But 
after the beginning of the present century they were 
unusual, and the services of the Reformed churches 
were conducted entirely in English. The colony of 
Cape Town in South Africa, like New Amsterdam, 
became an English possession after being settled by 
the Dutch. There the language continued more 
steadily in use. The late Nicholas L. Roosevelt vis- 
ited Cape Town in 1870 as a lieutenant on board 
the United States ship " Alaska " of the East In- 
dian squadron. A ball was given on board to the 
residents of the town, and some of them expressed 
to Lieutenant Roosevelt their surprise that he could 
not converse with them in the language of the 


The language and customs of Holland survived 
until recent years in isolated villages of Long Island, 
of New Jersey and the Hudson River. In Albany, 
the Dutch inhabitants continued in nearly exclusive 
possession through the eighteenth century. The 
Van Rensselaer patroonship was the only one which 
succeeded and endured. After the English occupa- 
tion, the patroonship was changed to a manor, but 
the proprietor retained his title. Stephen van Rens- 
selaer, the last of the family to be called " The 
Patroon," died in 1839. 

In New York city, the high- stoop house, and the 
peculiar observance of New Year's Day which 
continued until 1870, are two familiar relics of 
Holland. The valuable custom of registering trans- 
fers of real estate has been received from the same 
source. The Collegiate Dutch Church has flour- 
ished for two centuries and a half in a career of 
uninterrupted and unmeasured usefulness. When 
the English flag was hoisted at New Amsterdam 
in 1664, the infant city had already stamped upon 
it the characteristics of commercial enterprise, of 
a cosmopolitan spirit, of religious toleration, of free 
public education, and of a representative munici- 
pal government. 



ACHTER DH PEREL STRAAT, 109. Bikker, Gerrit, 92. 

Adriaensen, Maryn, 37, 42, 46. 

Binckes, Jacob, 178. 

Albert the Trumpeter, 106. 

Bloeck, Jacob, 163. 

Allerton, Isaac, 47. 

Block, Adriaen, 16. 

Alva, Duke of, 10. 

Blommaert, Adriaen, 21, 125. 

Amersfoort, 91. 

Bogardus, Everardus, 22, 32, 43, 53, 

Amsterdam Trading Co., 16. 

67, 114, 156. 

Anchorage ground, no. 

Wilhelm, in. 

Animals, at large, 112. 

Books, 147. 

Anthony, Allard, 85, 104, 125. 

Bout, Jan E., 48, 69, 77. 

Artists, 165. 

Bowery, the Domine's, 113, 114. 

Stuyvesant's, 181. 

BACKER, Jacobus, 138. 

Bowling Green, 104. 

Backerus, Johannes, 156. 

Bowne, John, 100. 

Bayard, Annake, 59. 

Bommel, van, Hendrick, 128. 

Balthazar, 59, 149. 

Breede Weg, 104. 

Nicholas, 59, 107, 149, 183. 

Brevoort, Henry, 183. 

Peter, 59, 104, 183. 

Jan Hendrick, 182. 

Samuel, 183. 

Bridge Street, 107. 

Stephen, 183. 

Bridge, the, 107, 1 10. 

Baxter, George, 62, 90. 

Brinckerhoff, Dirck, 183. 

Beaver Street, 106 

Broadway, 103, 104, 112, 115. 

Becker, Juriaense, 162. 

Broad Street, 105. 

Bedlow, Isaac, 107, 134. 

Bronck, Jonas, 39. 

Beeckman, Joghim, in. 

Brooklyn, 29, 91. 

Maria, 182. 

Brouwer, Cornelius, 115. 

Theophilus, 183. 

Straat, 107. 

Wilhelm,8 5 , 115, 125, 133,137, 

Bruggh.van, Carel, 109. 

138, 149, 169, 179. 

Johannes, 107, no, 125, 179, 182. 

Beekman Street, n S . 

Johannes G-, 137- 

Beekman's Swamp, 117. 

Johannes P., 129, 137, 138. 

Belcher, Thomas, 29. 

Bruggh Straat, 107. 

Benson, Egbert, 159. 

Building lots, 149. 

Bentyn, Jacques, 37. 

Burgher's path, in. 

Bergen, 101, 

Burgomasters and schepens, the first. 

Beurs Straat, 106. 

85; method of appointment, 124; 

Beverwyck, 73. meetings of, 123; duties of, 126; 



powers of, 127 ; salary of, 126 ; title 
of, 125 ; impose taxes, 138 ; sitting 
as civil and criminal court, 130, 
Bushwyck, 101. 

CANAL, on Beaver Street, 106. 

on Broad Street, 105, 109. 

Canal Street, 118. 

Carelse, Joost, 162. 

Carpsey, Gabriel, 112. 

Cemetery, the, 104. 

Chambers, John, 104. 

Charles II. grants New Netherland 

to Duke of York, 171. 
Charter of privileges, 19. 
Christiansen, Hendrick, 16. 
Church, the first building, 22 ; in the 

fort, 31, 32; others, 154, 155; the 

English, 105. 

Cingel ofte Stadt Waal, 105. 
Citizenship, great and small, 141. 
Clergyman, the first, 22. 

See Domines. 
Clocq, Pelgrum, 131. 
Clopper, Cornelius, 116. 
Clothing, 145. 
Clyff, van, Dirck, 109. 
Co'enties Slip, 108. 
Collect, the, 118. 
Collins, John, 30. 
Colve, Anthony, 179. 
necticut lands, 22. 

orlaer, van, Jacob, 162. 

ornelis, Guilian, in. 

ornelissen, Jan, 160. 

ortelyou, Jacques, 103, no. 

oster, Samuel, 164. 
Courts of justice, 122, 123, 130. 
Courtlandt, van, Cornelia, in. 

Jacobus, 149, 183. 

Oloff Stevensen, 28, 77, 79, 107, 

1 10, 125, 137, 138, 148, 176. 

Philip, 183 

Stephen, 183. 

Cousseau, Jacques, 108, 176. 
Couwenhoven, van, Jacob, 22, 69, 77, 
107, in, 131, 137- 

Johannes, 107. 

Pister, 85, 108, 125, 129, 137. 

Cows, 112. 

Cregier, Martin, 85, 89, 104, 125, 129, 

37, 138, 169. 
Crops, 168. 
Curler, Arendt, 54. 

Jacob, 28. 

Curtius, Alex. C., 163. 
Cuvilje, Adriana, 113. 

DAM, Jan Jansen, 32, 37, 47, 69. 

Dam, van, Rip, 149, 183. 

Damen, Jan Jansen, 113. 

Decker, de, Jan, 176. 

Delaplaine, Nicholas, in. 

Delegates to Holland, 77, 78, 84. 

Dincklage, van, Lubbertus, 59, 78. 

Dircksen, Barent, 47. 

Cornelius, 117. 

Gerrit, 37. 

Domines, the, their salaries, 138 ; in- 
fluence of, 160 ; those who officiated 
in New Amsterdam, 156, 157. 

Donck, van der, Adriaen, consults 
with people, 75 ; sent to Holland 
to procure reforms, 77 ; publishes 
" Vertoogh," 77 ; returns success- 
ful, 84 ; law practice, 130. 

Doughty, Francis, 30, 48. 

Douw, Gerard, 183. 

Gerrit, 183. 

Drainage, 112. 

Drisius, Domine, 98, 138, 156. 

Duyckinck, Evert, 107, 124. 

Gerard, 155. 

Dutch people, character of, 8 et seq. 

Dutch influence, after English occu- 
pation, 182, 184, 186. 

Dyck, van Hendrick, 39, 59, 78, 94. 

Lydia, 107 

Dyre, William, 88. 


Eaton, Governor, 71. 

Ebbingh, Jeroninus, 107, 125, 179. 

Eight Men, the, 47, 51. 

Elbertsen, Elbert, 77. 

Elkens, Jacob, 23. 

Eislant, van, Claes, 106, 130, 159. 

Emigration, 100, 119, 120. 

English language, first used in Dutch 

church and school, 185. 
Es van, Elizabeth, 147. 



Esopus War, 96. 

Governor's Island, 95. 

Everts, Cornells, 178. 

Graft, Bever, 106. 

Exchange Place, 106. 

Heere, 109, 142. 

Exchange, the first, no. 

Prince, 106. 

Gravesend, 20, 91. 

Greenwich, 119. 

Farm, the Duke's, 114; the king's, 
113 ; West India Company's, 113. 

Grist, van der, Paulus L., 62, 71,85, 
95. i5, 125, 129, '37, 138- 

Ferry, the, 103, 116, 117. 

Festivals, 151. 

HAART, de, Balthazar, 109. 

Finances, 137. 
Fire department, 127, 129. 
Fish, Hamilton, 181. 
Flat, the, n 

Haeckens, Jan, 131. 
Half-Moon, the, 15. 
Hall, Thomas, 29, 47, 50, 69, 77, 117, 

Flatbush, 91. 
Flatlands, 91. 
Flushing, 91. 

Hanover Square, in. 
Hardenberg, van, A., 66, 69, 76, 77. 
Hardenbrook, Abel, in, 133, 134. 

Fly, the, 116. 

Johannes, 106, in, 183. 

Food, 176. 

Harlem, 101, 119. 

Forest, de, Isaac, 28, 107, no, 125, 

Hartford treaty, 84. 

Fort Amsterdam, 18, 103, 176. 

Hatten, van, Arent, 85, 125, 137. 
Heemskerk, Jacob, 13. 

Casimir, 92, 176. 

Heemstede, 91. 

Christina, 55, 94. 
Good Hope, 22, 56, 88. 

Heere Straat, 104. 
Heere Weg, 112. 

James, 176. 

Heermans, Augustyn, 69, 77, 116, 

Nassau, 18. 
Orange, 17. 

165, 169. 
Hendricksen, 55. 

Trinity, 92,94. 

Herberg, 31, 108. 

William Hendrick, 179. 

Herdsman, the, 112. 

Franklin Square, 116. 
Fresh Water, the, 118. 
Front Street, 108. 
Funerals, 160 
Fur trade, 18, 57, 140, 141. 

Hermann, Wolfert, 13. 
Heyn, Peter, 20. 
Hoboocken, van, Harmanus, 161. 
Hodgson, Robert, 99. 
Hoogh Straat, 107. 

Holland, naval victories, 13 ; war with 

GAME, 167. 

England, 177, 178. 

Garden Street, 106. 

Holmes, George, 29. 

Garden, West India Company's, 105. 

Hopkins, Governor, 89. 

Gelaer, van, Johannes, 162. 

Home, van, Cornelius, 109, 183. 

Geographical names, Dutch, 184. 

Jan, 149, 183. 

Geraerd, Maria, no. 

Horst, van der, Ulyndert, 29, 48. 

Gerritsen, Philip, 123. 

Houses, 144, 145. '84. 

Gheel, van, Martin, 137. 

Houtman, Cornelius, 14. 

Maximilian, 85. 

Hudson, Henry, discoveries, 8 ; at 

Gilder, van, Harmanus, 183. 

Hudson River, 15. 

Gillisen, Jan, 124. 

Hubbard, James, 90. 

Godyn patroon, 21. 55. 

Hudde, Andries, 162. 

Golden fleece, 9. 

Hull, Edward, 88. 

Good Hope, Cape of, 14. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 30, 48. 


ILPENDAM, van, Adriaen, 162. 
Indian War, the, 35 ; end of, 53 ; in 

Stuyvesant's time, 95. 
Indians, treatment of, by Dutch, 33, 

34 ; by Stuy vesant, 94. 
Inheritance, 150. 
Inventories, 146, 147. 

JAMAICA, 101. 
Jans, Annetje, 114. 
Jansen, Albert, 121. 

Aryaen, 162. 

Hendrick, 37. 

Machyel, 69, 77. 

Pieter, 128. 

Roeloff, 113 

Jay, Peter, 104 
Jersey, Dutch, 185. 
Joris, Borger, m. 

KAY, de, Jacob Teunis, 106, 116. 

Kerfbyl, Johannes, 157, 163. 

Kermis, 142 

Keyser, Adriaen, 59, 129. 

Kieft, Wilhelm, his appointment as 
director and previous reputation, 
26 ; his administration, 27 et seg ; 
his conduct toward Indians, 35, 37? 
attacks Indians, 42 ; accuses Kuyter 
and Melyn, 61, 65 ; his death, 66. 

Kierstede, Hans, 28, 108, 143, 163. 

Kip, Hendrick, 52,69, 77, no, 125. 

Hendrick H , 107, 129. 

Isaac, 107, 139, 149. 

Jacob, 85, 106, no, 125, 139, 

179, 182, 183. 

Johannes, 183. 

Ludowyck, 138. 

Kip Street, 116. 

Kissing Bridge, 118. 

Koeck, Jan, 130. 

Kolch-hoeck, 117. 

Koorn, Nicholas, 28, 54. 

Krank-besoecker, 18 

Kuyter, 28, 32, 37, 47, 50, 61, 64, 66, 67. 

LA CHAIR, Solomon, 131, 135. 
Laidlie, Dr., 185. 
Lair, van, Adriaen, 129. 
Land Gate, 104, 105. 
Lang de Waal, 109. 

Lange, Jacob, 145. 
Langstraat, van, Jan, 128. 
Lawrence, John, 107. 
Lawyers, 130. 
Lefferts, Jacob, 183. 
Leisler, Jacob, 106, 117. 
Leverett, Captain, 89. 
Lispenard's Meadows, 118. 
Litigation, 130. 
Loockermans, A., 149. 

Covert, 22, 54, 69, 77, 107, 125, 

i37, 138. 

Long Island, settlement of, 30. 
Long Island towns, convention of, 90. 
Lovelace, Governor, 179. 
Lubberts, Jan, 162. 
Lubbertsen, Frederik, 37. 
Lutherans, the, 98, 157. 
Luyck, Aegidius, 134, 163 166, 179, 

MAAGDE Paatje, 115. 
Magistrates, the, 124, 125. 
Maiden Lane, 115. 
Manhattan Island, purchase of, 18. 
Marckvelt, the, 104. 
Marckvelt Steegie, 106. 
Market-field Path, 106. 
Markets, 142, 143. 
Marriages, 159. 
Maurice, Prince, 13, 14. 
Megapolensis, Johannes, 54, 94, 98, 
138, 156, 175. 

Samuel, 156, 163, 176. 

Melyn, Cornelius, 28, 47, 50, 61, 64, 

66, 67, 76, 80, 101, in. 
Mespath, L. I., 30. 
Mey, Cornelis, 17. 
Meyert, de, Nicholas, 107. 
Midwout, 91. 
Mill, de, Anthony, 179. 
Minuit, Peter, 18, 21, 55. 
Mixam, 86. 

Molenaar, Abram, 37. 
Money, 139. 

Montagne, de la, Jan, in, 159. 
de la, Johannes, 27, 28, 43, 62, 

78, 163. 

Moody, Lady Deborah, 48. 
Municipal government, its beginning, 

84, 85. 



NAMES, family, 164, 165. 
Nassau Street, 115, 
Nevins, Johannes, 130, 136, 138. 
New Amsterdam, as Stuyvesant found 
it, 62; its limits, in; its appear- 
ance, 112; houses in, 119; popula- 
tion of, 119; allotment of land in, 
12 1 ; establishment of municipal 
government, 123 ; finances of, 137 ; 
first public debt, 137 ; first revenue, 
138; foreign trade, 140; attacked 
by English force under Nicholls, 
171; its surrender, 176; re-taken 
by Dutch, 178. 

Newark Bay, 29. 

New Dorp, 101. 

New England, encroachments of, 57, 
70, 82, 170. 

New England settlers in New Neth- 
erland, 30. 

New Netherland named, 16 ; growth 
under Stuyvesant, 100 ; its charter, 
19; government of, 121 ; courts of 
justice, 122; granted by Charles II. 
to Duke of York, 171 ; becomes 
New York, 176, 179- 

"New Netherland," built at Man- 
hattan, 19. 

New Orange, 179. 

Newton, Bryan, 59, 78. 

Newtown, 91. 

New Utrecht, 101. 

Nicholls, Richard, 171, 176 

Nieuwenhuysen, van, Wilhelmus, 157. 

Nine Men, the, 68, 69, 75, 122. 

Ninigret, 86. 

Nostrandt, van, Jacobus, 183. 

Notaries, 130, 131. 

Nutten's Island, 95. 

OLFERTSEN, Jacob, 47. 

Oost Dorp, 101. 

Op Dyck, Gyspert, 28, 56. 

PALISADE, at Wall St., 86. 

Park, City Hall, 113. 

Pastures, the, 104, 112. 

Patroons, their creation and privi- 
leges, 20 ; failure of the system, 27 ; 
the last patroon, 186. 

Pauw, Michael, 21. 

Pavonia, massacre at, 43. 

Pearl Street, 108, 116. 

Peck Slip, 103. 

Pell, Thomas, 101. 

Pessicus, 86. 

Peyster, de, Abraham, 107, 183. 

Cornelius, 183. 

Johannes, in, 125, 137, 138, 

149, 179, 182, 183. 
Philipse, Frederic, 147, 151, 183. 

Sara, 107. 

Physicians, 163. 
Pietersen, Abraham, 47. 

Evert, 161. 

Gerrit, 128. 

Jan, 128. 

Pine Street, 116. 

Poets, 166. 

Polhemus, Johannes, 157. 

Police, 127. 

Pos, Ludowyck, 128. 

Prince Street, 106. 

" Princess," wreck of, 67. 

Provoost, David, 28, 131, 149. 

Pryn, Jacques, 128. 

Punishments, 133. 

QUACKENBOSS, John, 183. 
Quakers, 99. 
Quebec, 8. 

RAPELJE, George, 38. 

Rattle-watch, 128. 

Ray, John, in. 

Real estate, 149, 150. 

Religious toleration, at New Amster- 
dam, 99. 

Remoutsen, R., 129. 

Rensselaer, van, Jeremias, 138, 178. 

Johan, 73. 

Kiliaen, 21, 54. 

Stephen, 186. 

Rensselaerwyck, 55, 73, 101, 176. 

Representative government, in New 
Amsterdam, 37, 47, 68, 69, 75, 84 
85, "7. 133- 
Restless," the, 16. 

Rodman, John, 24. 

Roelandsen, Adam, 22, 160. 

Roosevelt, Bay, 106. 

C. V. S., 185. 



Roosevelt, Cornelius, 183. 

Smit's Valey, 116. 

Jacobus, 117. 

Smoking, 153. 

James Jacobus, 185. 

South River, 55, 92, 169. 

John, 183. 

South Street, 108 

Nicholas, 183. 

Spiegel, van der, Laurens, 179, 182. 

Nicholas L., 185. 

Stadt Huys, 108, 123. 

Roosevelt Street, 118. 

Stamford, 88. 

Rust Dorp, 101. 

St. Augustine, 7. 

Ruyter, de, Admiral, 177. 

" St. Benino," capture of, 71. 

Ruyter, Hendrick, 128. 

Stevensen, Jan, 162. 

Ruyven, van, Cornells, 104, 138, 166, 

Steen, Hans, 43. 


Steendam, Jacob, 166. 

Rysyngh, Captain, 92, 94. 

Steenwyck, Cornelius, 106, 125, 138, 

144, 146, 176, 183, 

SALEE, Anthony, 29. 

Stirling, Lord, 70. 

Schaack, van, Peter, 185. 

Stoffelsen, Jacob, 37, 48. 

Rebecca, 149. 

St. Mark's Church, 180. 

Schaafbanck, Pieter, 130. 

Stone Street, 103, 107. 

Schenectady, 102. 

Stoop, the, 144. 

Schepens, 85. 

Streets, origin of, 103 ; the first paved, 

Schelluyne, van, Dirck, 130. 


Schlechtenhorst, van, Brandt, 73. 

Strycker, Jacob, 125. 

Elizabeth, 182. 

Stuyvesant, Balthazar, 58, 105, 176, 

Schoeyinge, the, 108, 109, 123. 


School, the, 160, 161. 

Judith Bavard, 149, 182. 

the Latin, 162. 

Nicholas William, 105, 182. 

Schoolmaster, the first, 22; others, 160. 

Pear Tree, 181. 

Schont, the first, 85; duties of, 124, 125. 

Peter, at Cura^oa, 50 ; appointed 

Schuyler, Brandt, in, 183. 

Director, 57; early life, 58 ; loss of 

Philip, 183. 

his leg, 58 ; his wife, 59 ; voyage to 

Scott, John, 170. 

New Netherland, 60 ; his overbear- 

Scoyck, van, Arent, 183. 

ing spirit, 60; arrival at Manhat- 

Seawan, 30, 140. 

tan, 61 ; organizes government, 621 

Sedgwick, Major, 89. 

his reforms, 63 ; his course toward 

Selyns, Henricus, 157, 166. 

Kieft, Kuyter, and Melyn, 64, 65; 

Servants, 147. 

his anger at an appeal to Holland, 

Sexton, the, 159. 

66 ; quarrels with burghers about 

Schaap Waytie, 106. 

taxation, 68 ; appoints nine men, 

Scheep Walk, 106. 

68 ; negotiates with New England, 

Ship, first built at Manhattan, 16. 

70; quarrels with New Haven, 71 ; 

Shops, 143. 

with Rensselaerwyck, 73 ; dissatis- 

Sidney, Sir Philip, n. 

faction with his government, 74 ;, Cornelius, in. 

punishes Van der Donck, 75 ; quar- 

Sille, de, Nicasius, ^5, 129, 166. 

rels with Melyn, 76, 80 ; sends Van 

Simons, Hen^rickje, 107. 

Tienhoven to represent him in 

Slavery, 148. 

Holland, 77 ; his arbitrary temper 

Smee Straat, 111. 

and acts, 81 ; negotiates with Con- 

Smith, Capt. John, 7. 

necticut, 82 ; journey to Hartford, 

Smith Street, in. 

83 ; appoints burgomasters and 

Smith Street Lane, 106. 

schepens, 85 ; prepares for war, 86, 

Smith, the, Claes, 36. 

89 ; opposes Long Island towns, 

INDEX. 193 

90; his expedition against Swedes, Verplanck, Maria, 113. 

93; pacification of Indians, 96; 

Vesteus, Wilhelm, 161. 

persecutes Lutherans, 98 ; the 

Videt, Jan, 121. 

Quakers, 99; his authority, 121 ; as 

Vin, van der, 125. 

a magistrate, 122 ; overrules bur- 

Vincent, Adriaen, in. 

gomasters, 127; his opposition to 

Jan, in. 

English encroachment, 169 ; visits 

Vinje, Guleyn, 113. 

Boston, 170 ; his dread of invasion, 

Vlacke, the, 113. 

171 ; hears of Nicholl's expedition, 

Vlensburg, van, Jan, 128. 

172 ; prepares for defence, 172 ; de- 

Vly, the, 116. 

termination to defend the city, 173 ; 

Volkertsen, Dirck, 113. 

his contest with the burgomasters, 

Voorst, van, Gerrit, 40, 48. 

174; defies the English, 175; is 

Vos, de, Mathew, 130. 

forced to surrender, 176 ; goes to 

Vries, de, arrives at Manhattan, 22 ; 

the Hague, 177: vindicates his con- 

opposes Van Twiller, 24 ; colonizes 

duct, 178; returns to New York. 

Staten Island, 28 ; opposes Kieft's 

178; his death, 179; his character, 

War, 40, 44 ; leaves New Nether- 

180 ; his bowery, 181. 

land, 49. 

Sunday, observance of, 159. 

Vriesendael, 29, 45. 

Surrender of New Amsterdam, 176. 

Surveyor, the town, no* 

WAAL, the, 109. 

Swamp, the, 117. 

Wagener, van, Huybert, 183. 

Waldron, Annetje, in. 

TANNERS, the, 117. 

Resolved, 1 10, 169. 

Taxation, 68, 138, 139. 

Wall Street, 86, 105. 

Teneur, Daniel, 121. 

Walloons, 17. 

Ten Eyck, Conraet, in, 137, 139, 143. 

Water Side, the, 108. 

Thomas, Jesmer, 59. 

Water Street, 108, 109. 

Throgmorton, John, 30. 

Water Gate, 1 16. 

Tienhoven, van, Cornelius, 27, 42, 61, 

Wendell, Abraham, 183. 

77, 79, 82, 113, 125. 

Werckhoven, Van, 90. 

Tonneman, Pieter, 125. 

West India Company, incorporation, 

Tricht, van, Gerrit, 108. 

17; profits, 18; successes, 20; 

Tromp, Admiral, 178. 

bankruptcy, 52, 57 ; opposed to re- 

Tuyen, Straat, 106. 

forms, 77, 84 ; its religious tolera- 

Twelve Men, the, 37. 

tion, 98, 100 ; summons Stuyvesant 
to Holland, 177. 

Westminster, treaty of, 179. 

UNCAS, 86. 

Whitehall Street, 103, 106. 

Underbill, John, 30, 48, 87. 

Willet, John, 171. 

Utrecht, Union of, 12. 

William of Orange, 10, 12. 

William Street, in. 

VEEN, van der, Walewyn, 131, 136. 

Winckel Straat, 109. 

Verdran, Thomas, 128. 

Windmills, 22. 

Verhulst, Wilhelm, 17. 

Winthrop, John, 70, 170, 173. 

Verleth, Nicholas, 176. 

Wolfertsen, Gerrit, 47. 

Verplanck, Abraham, 28, 38, 42, 113, 

Wolsey, Joris, 129. 

117, 129, 137, 139- 

Wooley, Charles, 158. 

Abiggel, 107. 

Wynkoop, Peter, 50. 

Guleyn, 117, 179, 183. 

Isaac, 117- 

ZANDT, van, Tobias, 183. 


The following is a list of the subjects and authors so 
far arranged for in this series. The volumes will 
be published at the uniform price of $1.00, and 
will appear in rapid succession : 

Christopher Columbus (1436-1506), and the Discov- 
ery of the New World. By CHARLES KENDALL 
ADAMS, President of Cornell University. 

John Winthrop (1588-1649), First Governor of 
the Massachusetts Colony. By Rev. JOSEPH H. 

Robert Morris (1734-1806), Superintendent of Finance 
under the Continental Congress. By Prof. WILLIAM 
G. SUMNER, of Yale University. 

James Edward Oglethorpe (1689-1785), and the Found- 
ing of the Georgia Colony. By HENRY BRUCE, 

John Hughes, D.D. (1797-1864), First Archbishop of 
New -York : a Representative American Catholic. 

Robert Pulton (1765-1815): His Life and its Results. 
By Prof. R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell University. 


Francis Higginson (1587-1630), Puritan. Author of 
" New England's Plantation," etc. By THOMAS W. 

Peter Stuyvesant (1602-1682), and the Dutch Settle- 
ment of New- York. By BAYARD TUCKERMAN, 
Esq., author of a " Life of General Lafayette, " 
editor of the " Diary of Philip Hone," etc., etc. 

Thomas Hooker (1586-1647), Theologian, Founder of 
the Hartford Colony. By GEORGE L. WALKER, 

Charles Sumner (1811-1874), Statesman. By ANNA 

Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), Third President of the 
United States. By JAMES SCHOULER, Esq., author 
of "A History of the United States under the 

William White (1748-1836), Chaplain of the Continen- 
tal Congress, Bishop of Pennsylvania, President of 
the Convention to organize the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in America. By Rev. JULIUS H. WARD, 
with an Introduction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, 
D.D., Bishop of New- York. 

Jean Baptiste Lemoine, sieur de Bienville (1680-1768), 
French Governor of Louisiana, Founder of New 
Orleans. By GRACE KING, author of " Monsieur 

Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), Statesman, Finan- 
cier, Secretary of the Treasury. By Prof. WILLIAM 
G. SUMNER, of Yale University. 

Cotton Mather (1663-1728), Theologian, Author, Be- 
liever in Witchcraft and the Supernatural. By Prof. 
BARRETT WENDELL, of Harvard University. 


Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle (1643-1687), Ex- 
plorer of the Northwest and the Mississippi. By 
EDWARD G. MASON, Esq., President of the Histori- 
cal Society of Chicago, author of " Illinois" in the 
Commonwealth Series. 

Thomas Nelson (1738-1789), Governor of Virginia, 
General in the Revolutionary Army. Embracing a 
Picture of Virginian Colonial Life. By THOMAS 
NELSON PAGE, author of "Mars Chan," and other 
popular stories. 

George and Cecilius Calvert, Barons Baltimore of 
Baltimore (1605-1676), and the Founding of the 
Maryland Colony. By WILLIAM HAND BROWNE, 
editor of " The Archives of Maryland." 

Sir William Johnson (17 15-1 774) , and The Six Na- 
tions. By WILLIAM ELLIOT GRIFFIS, D.D., author 
of "The Mikado's Empire," etc., etc. 

Sam. Houston (1793-1862), and the Annexation of 
Texas. By HENRY BRUCE, Esq. 

Joseph Henry, LL.D. (1797-1878), Savant and Natural 
Philosopher. By FREDERIC H. BETTS, Esq. 

Ralph Waldo Emerson. By Prof. HERMAN GRIMM, 
author of " The Life of Michael Angelo," " The Life 
and Times of Goethe/' etc. 


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