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Iberoes  ot  the  IReformation 


EDITED    BY 

Samuel  flftacaules  Jackson 

PROFESSOR   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY,    NEW    YORK 
UNIVERSITY 


Aicupe'trei?  ^aptcr/marcoy,  TO  6e  aurb 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON 


VlVENTlS  *  OT  VIT-DVRERIVS  •  ORA/PHIIJPpi 
WVENTEAV-NON -P  OTVIT'PINGEKK'DO  CTA 

JVVANV.S 

A 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON. 

FROM    A    PAINTING    BY    ALBRECHT    DURER. 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON 

THE  PROTESTANT  PRECEPTOR 
OF  GERMANY 

1497-1560 


BY 


JAMES  WILLIAM   RICHARD,  D.D. 

PROFESSOR    OF    HOMILETICS,    LUTHERAN    THEOLOGICAL 
SEMINARY,    GETTYSBURG,    PENNSYLVANIA 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS 
NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

Gbe  fmicfcerbocfcer  press 

1898 


BR . 

335" 


COPYRIGHT,  1898 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 
Entered  at  Stationers'  Hall,  London 


Ube  Itnichcrbochcr  f»reas,  flew  tforh 


PREFACE 

BY  far  the  larger  part  of  the  materials  used  in  the 
composition  of  this  book  were  taken  from  Me- 
lanchthon's  own  writings  as  contained  in  the  Corpus 
Re  format  or  um.  Bindseil's  Supplementa  and  the  Wit- 
tenberg edition  of  Melanchthon's  works  (1562-64) 
were  also  used.  Besides  the  other  sources  of  inform- 
ation noted  in  the  margin,  the  standard  Church 
histories,  the  Real-Encyclopddie  of  Drs.  Herzog  and 
Plitt,  and  many  pamphlets  originating  in  the  memo- 
rial year  of  1897,  were  employed.  Neither  labour 
nor  expense  of  travel  in  Germany  has  been  spared  in 
getting  accurate  information  and  in  ascertaining  the 
opinions  of  the  best  and  wisest  Melanchthon  scholars. 
Galle's  Charakteristik  Melanchthons  (1840),  Herrling- 
er'sDie  Theologie  Melanchthons  (1878),  and  Hartf eld- 
er's Philipp  Melanchthon  als  Praeceptor  Germaniae 
(1889),  have  been  very  serviceable.  For  information 
in  regard  to  the  publishing  operations  of  the  Witten- 
berg Press,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  G.  H.  Putnam's 
Books  and  tJieir  Makers  during  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  author  has  aimed  throughout  at  objectivity 
of  presentation,  and  has  given  his  authority  for  all 
important  facts  and  statements.  It  is  believed  that 


iv  Preface 

thus  the  book  will  be  accepted  as  authentic,  and 
will  serve  as  a  guide  to  those  who  wish  to  make  an 
independent  study  of  the  life  and  theology  of  the 
Protestant  Preceptor  of  Germany. '  Care  has  been 
taken,  by  means  of  many  and  often  lengthy  quotations 
from  Melanchthon's  letters  and  other  writings,  to  im- 
part the  characteristic  features  of  ah  autobiography 
to  the  work. 

Thanks  are  hereby  tendered  to  the  several  persons 
who  by  words  of  encouragement  and  by  wise  sug- 
gestions have  helped  to  make  the  book  more  worthy 
of  its  theme. 

JAMES  WILLIAM  RICHARD. 

THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY, 
GETTYSBURG,  PA., 

October  i,  1898. 


MELANCHTHON'S  WATCH. 


KEY  TO  THE  CHIEF  REFERENCES. 


C.  ¥i.  =  Corpus  Re  for  mat  or  um.     (In  Latin  and  Ger- 

man.)    See  p.  3,  note. 
CAMERARlUS=Li/e   of  Melanchthon.     By    Joachim 

Camerarius.     Leipzig,   1566;  also  in   Vitce  Qua- 

tuor  Re  for  mat  or  urn,  edited  by  Neander.     Berlin, 

1841.     (In  Latin.) 
MATTHES  =£//<?   and    Works   of  Melanchthon.     By 

Carl  Matthes.     Altenburg,  1841.     2d  ed.,  1846. 

(In  German.) 
SCHMIDT  =  Life  and  Writings  of  Melanchthon.     By 

Carl  Schmidt,  Professor  of  Theology  in  Strass- 

burg.     Elberfeld,  1861.     (In  German.) 
SECKENDORF^  History  of  Lutheranism.     By  Vitus 

Ludwig  von  Seckendorf.      Frankfort  and  Leip- 

zig, 1692.     (In  Latin.) 
WALCH  =  L2tt/ier's  Works,  edited  by  J.  G.  Walch  in 

24    parts.     Halle,    1740-50.     (In    German.) 
DE  W.  =  Lut/iers  Letters,  edited  by  W.    M.  L.  De 

Wette   and  J.  K.  Seidemann.     Berlin,  1825-56, 

6  vols.     (In  German  and  Latin.) 
ERLANGEN  ED.  =  Erlangen  edition  of  Luther  s  Works, 

edited   by   Plochmann,    Irmischer,   and    others. 

1829-86.     (In  German  and  Latin.) 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

BIRTH    AND    EARLY    YEARS  .  ...  I 

Bretten — Glaus  Schwartzerd — His  Sons — Philip  Schwartz- 
erd  Born — His  Brother  and  Sisters — His  First  School — 
John  Unger — Death  of  Philip's  Father  and  Grandfather — 
Reuchlin — Pforzheim — Studies  Greek — Name  Changed. 

CHAPTER   II 

BECOMES    A    STUDENT    AT    HEIDELBERG     .  .  .12 

Universities — Heidelberg — Scholasticism  —  Melanchthon 
Matriculates  at  Heidelberg — His  Studies — His  Compan- 
ions— The  New  Learning — Becomes  Bachelor  of  Arts. 

CHAPTER   III 

STUDENT  AND  TEACHER  AT  TUBINGEN  ...  19 
Melanchthon  Leaves  Heidelberg  and  Goes  to  Tubingen 
— Life  and  Studies  at  Tubingen — Melanchthon  Becomes 
Master  of  Arts — Is  Licensed  to  Teach — Lectures  on  the 
Classics — Becomes  Proof- Reader,  Editor,  and  Translator 
— Obscurantism — Melanchthon  Attracts  the  Attention  of 
Scholars. 

CHAPTER    IV 

EARLY  WITTENBERG  DAYS  .....  29 
Wittenberg — Founding  of  the  University — Luther  Called 
to  Wittenberg — The  Ninety-five  Theses — Melanchthon 
Called  to  Wittenberg — Journey  to  Wittenberg — Personal 
Appearance — Liberal  Spirit  at  Wittenberg — Melanch- 
thon's  Inaugural— ^Luther's  Delight — Luther  and  Mel- 
anchthon Compared  —  Increase  of  Students  —  Literary 
Activity. 


viii  Contents 

CHAPTER    V 

PAG£ 

PROGRESS   OF    THE    REFORMATION     ....         46 
Effects  of  Luther's  Theses — Progress  of  the  Reformation 
— John    Eck — Controversy — Leipzig    Disputation — Eck, 
Carlstadt,  and  Luther — Melanchthon  Attends  the  Leipzig 
Disputation — Controversy  with  Eck. 

CHAPTER  VI 

HIS   THESES    AND   MARRIAGE 57 

Becomes  Bachelor  of  Theology — Doubts  the  Doctrines  of 
the  Church — Writes  Theses — His  Marriage — Family — 
Salary. 

CHAPTER  VII 

MELANCHTHON  THE  ALLY  OF  LUTHER  ...  68 
Luther  Burns  the  Pope's  Bull,  and  Writes  two  of  his  Most 
Important  Works  —  Melanchthon  Approves  Luther's 
Course — Controversy  with  Rhadinus,  and  with  the  Sor- 
bonne — Luther  Praises  Melanchthon's  Apology — Fanat- 
icism at  Wittenberg — Melanchthon's  Distress. 

CHAPTER    VIII 

THE    REVOLUTIONARY    MOVEMENT     ....          85 
The  Zwickau  Prophets — Increased  Confusion  at  Witten- 
berg—  Luther's    Return  —  His   Eight   Sermons — Quiet 
Restored— New  Order  of  Service— Translation  and  Pub- 
lication of  the  New  Testament. 

CHAPTER   IX 

THE    "  LOCI    COMMUNES  "  .....         94 

The  "Loci  Communes"  or  "Theological  Common 
Places" — The  Commentaries  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul- 
Luther's  Preface. 


Contents  ix 

CHAPTER    X 

PAGE 

PRIVATE    LIFE    DURING    1522-1525   .  .  .  .        107 

Melanchthon  Wishes  to  Relinquish  Theology  and  to 
Teach  Greek  and  Literature  Only — Luther  Interferes — 
A  Compromise — Melanchthon  Opens  a  School  in  his 
own  House — Visits  his  Mother — Honoured  by  the  Uni- 
versity of  Heidelberg — Cardinal  Campeggius — Contro- 
versy between  Luther  and  Erasmus  on  the  Will — 
Melanchthon  Meets  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse. 

CHAPTER  XI 

AS    PRECEPTOR    OF    GERMANY 125 

Death  of  Nesen — Melanchthon's  Discomforts — Call  to 
Nuremberg  —  Oration  on  Education  —  Services  in  the 
Cause  of  Education. 

CHAPTER    XII 

THE  PEASANTS'  WAR 142 

Death  of  Frederick  the  Wise — Melanchthon's  Funeral 
Oration — Insurrection  of  the  Peasants — Luther's  Advice 
— Melanchthon's  Confutation — Luther's  Marriage — Mel- 
anchthon's Letter. 

CHAPTER    XIII 

ORGANISATION    OF    THE    SAXON    CHURCHES         .  .       154 

Melanchthon's  Labours  in  Teaching  and  Writing — Opin- 
ion on  the  Reformation  of  the  Churches — Treatise  on  the 
Mass  and  Celibacy — Melanchthon's  Isolation — The  Visi- 
tation Articles. 

CHAPTER    XIV 

DISPUTES    AND    DANGERS  .....       167 

Controversy  with  Agricola — Tracts  against  the  Anabap- 
tists—The Affair  of  Pack— War  Threatened. 


Contents 


CHAPTER    XV 

PAGE 

SPIRES    AND    MARBURG       .  .       I?4 

Diet  of  Spires—  The  Protest  and  Appeal  —  Doctrine  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  —  Controversy  with»Zwingli  —  The 
Marburg  Colloquy—  Articles  of  Agreement—  Schwabach 
Articles. 

CHAPTER    XVI 

MELANCHTHON    AND    THE    AUGSBURG    CONFESSION   .       190 
The    Evil    Aspect   of   Affairs  —  The   Emperor    Orders   a 
Diet  at  Augsburg  —  Protestant  Princes  and  Theologians 
Gather  at  Augsburg  —  Melanchthon  Writes  the  Augsburg 
Confession. 

CHAPTER  XVII 

NEGOTIATIONS    FOR    PEACE         .  .  .  .  .       208 

Correspondence  with  Cardinal  Campeggius  —  The  Papal 
Confutation  —  The  Apology  of  the  Confession  —  Publica- 
tion of  the  Confession  and  its  Apology. 

CHAPTER   XVIII 
MKLANCHTHON'S  GROWING  FAME    ....     219 

Schmalkald  League  —  Peace  of  Nuremberg  —  Melanch- 
thon 's  Opinion  —  Melanchthon  Called  to  England,  to  Tu- 
bingen, and  to  France  —  Negotiations  with  Henry  VIII. 

CHAPTER    XIX 
MF.LANCHTHON'S  THEOLOGY    .....     231 

New  Edition  of  the  Loci—  Exposition  of  Melanchthon's 
Theology  :  The  Will,  Good  Works,  the  Number  of  Sac- 
raments, Infant  Baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper  —  Luther's 
Approbation  of  the  Loci. 

CHAPTER   XX 

THE    WITTENBERG    CONCORD     .  .  .  .       250 

Melanchthon  and  Bucer  at  Cassel  —  Oberlanders  Come  to 
Wittenberg—  Articles  of  Union  —  Internal  Feuds. 


Contents  xi 

CHAPTER    XXI 

PAGE 

MELANCHTHON'S  WILL     .         .  •      .         .         .         .     260 

Schmalkald  Convention — Melanchthon's  Subscription  and 
Appendix  to  the  Schmalkald  Articles — Frankfort  Con- 
vention— Calvin — Melanchthon  Plans  the  Reorganisation 
of  the  Leipzig  University — Melanchthon's  Will. 

CHAPTER   XXII 
MELANCHTHON    AND    PHILIP    OF    HESSE      .  .  .       272 

Colloquy    of    Hagenau — Melanchthon's     Sickness — The  \/ 

Landgrave's    Bigamy — Confessio     Variata — The    Tenth  y 

Article  of  the  Confession. 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

MELANCHTHON  AT  REGENSBURG  ....  289 
The  Diet  of  Worms— The  Regensburg  Diet— The  Re- 
gensburg  Book — The  Partial  Agreement — Melanchthon's 
Aphorisms — His  Steadfastness  and  Independence — His 
Report  on  the  Regensburg  Book — Publication  of  his 
Works. 

CHAPTER   XXIV 

THE    COLOGNE    REFORMATION  .....       296 
Melanchthon  Invited   to   Bonn — Hermann's  Consultation 
— Controversy — Strained  Relations  between  Melanchthon  \i 

and  Luther. 

CHAPTER  XXV- 

THE    INCREASE    OF    SORROWS      .....       308 

Luther    and    Melanchthon's    Last  Correspondence — Lu-  v 

ther's  Death — Melanchthon's  Funeral  Oration  over 
Luther — His  Letter  about  Luther — Alliance  against  the 
Protestants. 

CHAPTER    XXVI 

THE    SCHMALKALD   WAR 316 

Melanchthon's  Opinion  concerning  the  Threatened  War 
—  Defeat  of  the  Protestant  Forces  —  Capture  of  the 
Elector — The  University  Closed — Melanchthon  an  Ex- 
ile— Return  to  Wittenberg. 


xii  Contents 

CHAPTER  XXVII 

PAGE 

THE    INTERIMS  •       329 

The  Augsburg  Interim — Letter  to  Carlowitz — Several 
Formulas— The  Leipzig  Interim. 

CHAPTER   XXVIII 

THE    ADIAPHORISTIC    CONTROVERSY  .       338 

The  Reaction — Flacius  Illyricus — The  Adiaphoristic  Con- 
troversy— Melanchthon  Defamed— His  Letter  of  Defence. 

CHAPTER  XXIX 

THE    COUNCIL    OF    TRENT  .  .  .       3$2 

Various  Writings — The  Saxon  Confession — Council  of 
Trent — The  Treaty  of  Passau — Examen  Ordinandorum — 
More  Controversies. 

CHAPTER   XXX 

CONTROVERSIES   ON    THE    LORD'S    SUPPER  .  .       361 

Naumburg  Convention — Augsburg  Religious  Peace — 
Controversies  on  the  Lord's  Supper — Attempts  at  Recon- 
ciliation. 

CHAPTER  XXXI 

CLOSING    YEARS    AND    DEATH    .....       368 
Frankfort    Recess — The    Flacian     Party — Melanchthon 
Attends  the  Colloquy  of  Worms — The  Weimar  Confu- 
tation   Book — The  Bavarian  Articles — The    Heidelberg 
Scandal— Last  Sickness — Death  and  Burial. 

APPENDIX 
FUNERAL  ORATION  OVER  LUTHER  ....  381 

INDEX  ....  .  393 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON    .         .         .        Frontispiece 
From  a  painting  by  Albrecht  Dlirer. 

MELANCHTHON'S  WATCH iv 

COAT-OF-ARMS  OF  GEORGE  SCHWARTZERD  (ME- 

LANCHTHONS'S  FATHER)  .....  XV 

HOUSE  IN  BRETTEN  IN  WHICH  MELANCHTHON  WAS 

BORN  ........  4 

THE    CASTLE    AT    HEIDELBERG  .  .  .  .12 

From  a  drawing  by  Merian,  1620. 

JOHANNES  COCHLAUS,  EOBANUS  HESSIUS,  JOHAN- 
NES REUCHLINUS,  HANS  SACHS,  CONRAD 
CELTES .20 

From  an  engraving  in  Kreussler's  "  Andenken 
in  Miinzen." 

ULRICH    VON    HUTTEN        ......          26 

From  a  contemporary  wood-cut. 

LUTHER'S  HOUSE,  WITTENBERG      ....       32 
JOHN  AGRICOLA      ......  -5° 

After  a  contemporary  copper-plate. 

MELANCHTHON'S  HOUSE,  WITTENBERG   ...       64 

xiii 


xiv  Illustrations 


PAGE 

FREDERICK    THE    WISE,    ELECTOR    OF    SAXONY  .         80 

From  a  painting  by  Albrecht  DUrer,  1524. 

SPALATIN  .  .  .  •       HO 

NUREMBERG    IN    1519          .  •       J3° 

After  a  painting  by  Albrecht  Diirer. 

MARBURG    IN    THE    l6TH    CENTURY  .  .  .       138 

THE    PEASANTS    IN    ARMS    IN    1525     .  .  .       142 

From  a  contemporary  wood-cut. 

OPPOSITION    TO    THE    POPE    AND    THE     MONKS,    AND 

THE    UPRISING    OF    THE    PEASANTS    IN    1522         .       148 
From  a  contemporary  wood-cut. 

MELANCHTHON    BAPTISING    AN    INFANT    .  .  .       l6o 

From  a  picture  by  Lucas  Cranach  in  the  Parish  Church 

in  Wittenberg. 

CATHEDRAL    OF    SPIRES        ......     174 

ANDREW    OSIANDER  .  .  .       l88 

CHANCELLOR    BRUCK  ....  .       192 

DR.    JOHN    ECK ~     .       2OO 

Traditional  portrait. 

JOHN    THE    CONSTANT,    ELECTOR    OF    SAXONY  .       22O 

THE    ELECTOR    JOHN    FREDERICK    OF    SAXONY  .       230 

After  the  copper  engraving  by  G.  Pencz,  1543. 

WITTENBERG    IN     1546 254 

DR.    MARTIN    BUCER  .  .  .  .  .  .       258 

FACSIMILE  OF  CLOSING  PORTION  OF  A  LETTER 
FROM  MELANCHTHON  TO  THE  AUTHORITIES 
OF  TANGERMUNDE,  RECOMMENDING  A  STUDENT 
TO  THEIR  SUPPORT  r  ...  .  .  272 

NICHOLAS    AMSDORF  280 


Illustrations 


XV 


PAGE 

CHARLES    V.    IN     1547  ......       330 

From  the  painting  by  Titian  in  the  Pinacothek 
at  Munich. 

DUKE    MORITZ    OF    SAXONY          .....       324 
From  a  painting  by  Cranach,  the  Younger. 

CONTEMPORARY    CARICATURE    ON    THE    INTERIM        .       332 

JOACHIM    CAMERARIUS  .  .  .  .  .       336 

From  a  contemporary  copper-plate. 

MATTHIAS    FLAC1US 350 

After  a  contemporary  engraving. 

STATUE    OF    MELANCHTHON        .....       360 
In  the  Castle  Church  in  Wittenberg. 

PHILIP    MELANCHTHON,    MT.    6l  37O 

From  a  wood-cut  after  Lucas  Cranach  in  the  Luther 
Hall  at  Wittenberg. 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  MEL ANCHTHON's  FUNERAL  ORATION 

ON     LUTHER,     1546     .  ...       382 

MELANCHTHON'S  COAT-OF-ARMS       ....     392 


COAT-OF-ARMS  OF  GEORGE  SCHWARTZERD 
(MELANCHTHON'S    FATHER). 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTH   AND    EARLY   YEARS 

Bretten — Claus  Schwartzerd — His  Sons— Philip  Schwartzerd  Born — 
His  Brother  and  Sisters— His  First  School — John  linger — Death 
of  Philip's  Father  and  Grandfather — Reuchlin— Pforzheim — 
Studies  Greek — Name  Changed. 

NEAR  Carlsruhe,  the  capital  of  Baden,  in  the 
beautiful  valley  of  the  Kraichgau,  is  the  little 
city  of  Bretten,  with  five  thousand  inhabitants. 
Four  hundred  years  ago  it  belonged  to  the  Palat- 
inate, and  numbered  three  hundred  families  as  the 
sum  total  of  its  population.  For  a  town  so  small  it 
enjoyed  much  intercourse  with  the  outside  world, 
since  through  its  principal  street  passed  a  large  part 
of  the  merchandise  carried  from  Italy  to  the  lower 
Rhine.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  lived 
mostly  from  the  produce  of  their  fertile  fields.  They 
were  simple  in  their  manners,  upright  in  their  lives, 
and  warmly  attached  to  the  Church.  Their  relig- 


2  Philip  Melanchthon 

ious  faith  was  sincere;  but  it  was  coloured  by  the 
superstitions  of  the  times,  since  in  that  little  Pala- 
tine city  so  late  as  1504,  five  persons  were  convicted 
of  witchcraft  and  burned  to  death.  However,  the 
fame  of  Bretten  does  not  rest  on  the  beauty  of  its 
situation,  nor  on  the  probity  of  its  inhabitants,  nor 
on  the  number  of  witches  it  burned  four  hundred 
years  ago;  for  as  much  could  be  said  of  many 
another  town  in  the  Palatinate.  Its  fame  rests  on 
the  fact  that  on  Thursday,  the  sixteenth  of  Febru- 
ary, 1497,  at  just  six  minutes  past  seven  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  it  gave  birth  to  Philip  Melanchthon, 
the  Preceptor  of  Germany.  An  authentic  old  ac- 
count runs  thus: 

"  In  the  days  of  Count  Palatine  Philip,  Elector  on  the 
Rhine,  there  lived  in  Heidelberg,  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain,  an  upright,  pious  man  named  Claus  Schwartz- 
erd,  who,  by  his  wife  Elizabeth,  had  two  sons,  John 
and  George,  who  from  their  youth  up  were  carefully 
trained  in  the  fear  of  God  and  in  the  practice  of  every 
virtue.  John  learned  the  trade  of  a  locksmith;  but 
George,  who  did  everything  which  was  bidden  him  with 
the  utmost  alacrity,  and  was  a  very  active  boy,  so  won 
the  favour  of  the  Elector,  that  his  Electoral  Grace  took 
him  to  Court,  and  had  him  shown  all  kinds  of  handiwork, 
that  he  might  learn  what  he  most  delighted  in,  and  what 
could  be  made  of  him.  Now,  when  the  boy  took  delight 
in  armour,  and  associated  most  with  armourers,  the 
Elector  placed  him  under  a  master  at  Amberg  to  learn 
the  trade.  He  learned  so  rapidly  as  to  astonish  every- 
one; and  his  companions  grew  so  jealous  of  him  that  one 
day  one  of  them  burned  him  so  dangerously  with  hot 


1509]  Birth  and  Early  Years  3 

lead  that   his    life  was   despaired   of.     It   was  only  by 
divine  grace  and  special  care  that  he  was  saved. 

"When  the  Elector  learned  what  had  happened  he 
took  him  away,  and  sent  him  to  Nuremberg  to  a  master 
skilled  in  all  kinds  of  armour,  even  to  its  most  obscure 
parts.  When  the  master  showed  special  interest  in  the 
boy,  the  latter  gave  all  the  more  heed  and  soon  compre- 
hended whatever  was  shown  him,  for  he  had  so  much 
skill  that  he  could  imitate  with  his  hands  whatever  his 
eyes  saw.  He  could  forge  his  work  as  smooth  as  though 
it  had  been  filed.  He  pursued  his  trade  for  several 
years,  and  was  at  length  able  to  make  everything  per- 
taining to  armour  in  the  very  best  style.  The  Elector 
now  called  him  back  to  Court  and  made  him  his  armourer, 
or  armour-bearer."  1 

The  old  account  goes  on  to  say  that  George 
Schwartzerd  became  so  celebrated  for  his  skill  in  the 
manufacture  of  armour,  that  such  foreign  potentates 
as  the  King  of  Poland,  the  Duke  of  Wurtemberg,  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  the  Margrave  of  Baden,  impor- 
tuned the  Elector  Philip  for  his  services. 

"  But  the  Elector,  in  order  that  he  might  attach 
George,  who  was  now  thirty  years  old,  the  more  surely 
to  his  own  country,  began  to  look  out  for  an  honourable 
marriage  for  him,  and  to  that  end  he  negotiated  with 
Hans  Reuter,  a  distinguished  citizen  of  Bretten,  for  his 


1  Short  Report  .  .  .  written  by  the  Professors  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wittenberg,  Corpus  Reformatorum,  10:255.  The  Corpus 
Reformatorum,  hereafter  referred  to  as  C.  R.,  contains  in  twenty- 
eight  volumes,  edited  by  Bretschneider  and  Bindseil,  the  works  of 
Melanchthon,  and  many  other  valuable  documents  of  the  Reformation 


4  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

daughter  Barbara,  a  virtuous,  well-bred  maiden,  who,  by 
the  providence  of  the  Almighty  God,  and  the  negotia- 
tions of  the  Elector,  was  promised  to  him  in  marriage. 
They  were  married  at  Spires  in  the*  presence  of  many 
knights  who  assembled  to  do  them  honour. 

"  The  two  loved  each  other  dearly  ;  for  George 
Schwartzerd  was  an  upright,  pious,  God-fearing  man, 
who  served  God  earnestly,  prayed  devoutly,  and  ob- 
served the  hours  of  prayer  as  diligently  as  a  minister. 
Often  would  he  rise  at  midnight,  fall  upon  his  knees,  and 
offer  devout  prayer.  No  oath  ever  escaped  his  lips,  and 
no  one  ever  saw  or  heard  of  his  being  drunk.  He  lived 
in  wedlock  four  years  without  children;  but  after  the 
close  of  the  fourth  year,  which  was  1497,  on  Thursday 
after  Invoeavit,  his  first  son,  Philip,  our  dear  master  and 
teacher,  was  born  in  Bretten,  in  the  house  of  the  father- 
in-law  and  grandfather,  Hans  Reuter.  Thus  God  blessed 
this  pious  and  God-fearing  man  with  the  gift  of  a  son, 
whom  not  one  land,  but  many,  yea,  all  Christendom,  has 
enjoyed  and  without  doubt  will  enjoy  to  the  end  of  the 
world."1 

Other  children  were  born  to  George  and  Barbara 
Schwartzerd,  as,  in  1499,  a  daughter  named  Anna, 
who  was  married  to  Chilian  Grumbach,  and  died  in 
Heilbronn  ;  George,  about  four  years  younger  than 
Philip,  who  became  mayor  of  Bretten  and  wrote 
several  histories;  Margaretha,  born  in  1506,  married 
first  to  Andrew  Stichs,  and,  after  his  death,  to  the 
electoral  secretary,  Hawerer,  died  in  1540;  Barbara, 
born  in  1508  and  married  to  Peter  Kecheln.  The 
grandchildren  were  many,  and  all  shared  that  divine 

1C.  j?.,  10 :  256. 


HOUSE  IN  BRETTEN  IN  WHICH  MELANCHTHON  WAS  BORN. 


1509]  Birth  and  Early  Years  5 

blessing  promised  to  them  that  love  God  and  keep 
His  commandments. 

The  fame  of  "  the  Heidelberg  armourer,"  as 
George  Schwartzerd  was  called,  still  grew,  and 
foreign  princes  still  sought  to  profit  by  his  skill. 
When  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  "  the  last  knight," 
was  holding  a  diet  at  Worms,  he  was  challenged  to 
single  combat  by  a  bold  young  Italian  hero  named 
Fandius  Mandari.  After  he  had  assured  himself  of 
the  rank  and  valour  of  his  challenger,  Maximilian 
ordered  a  suit  of  armour  from  George  Schwartzerd, 
entered  the  lists,  and  gained  an  easy  victory.  As  a 
consequence  he  was  so  much  delighted  with  the 
armour  that  he  presented  its  maker  with  a  coat  of 
arms,  which  represented  a  lion  sitting  on  a  shield 
and  helmet,  holding  tongs  in  the  right  fore-paw,  and 
a  hammer  in  the  left. 

George  Schwartzerd  was  retained  in  the  service  of 
the  Emperor  Maximilian  until  the  breaking  out  of 
a  war  between  Bavaria  and  the  Palatinate,  when 
he  took  leave  of  his  royal  master,  and  returned  to 
the  Elector  Philip,  who  employed  him  in  the  secret 
service  against  the  enemy.  Drinking  water  from  a 
poisoned  well,  he  fell  sick,  and  after  lingering  four 
years,  he  died,  at  the  age  of  forty-nine  years,  October 
27,1507. 

This  was  a  sad  year  for  Barbara  Schwartzerd  and 
her  five  little  children.  Only  eleven  days  before  the 
death  of  her  husband,  her  father  had  passed  from 
earth.  Thus  the  boy  Philip  was  bereft  of  his  grand- 
father and  of  his  father  in  his  eleventh  year.  The 
latter,  three  days  before  his  death,  called  his  children 


6  Philip  Melanchthon 

to  his  bedside,  and  after  bestowing  his  paternal 
blessing  and  commending  them  to  the  protection  of 
their  Heavenly  Father,  said:  "  I  have  seen  many 
and  great  changes  in  the  world,  but  greater  ones  are 
yet  to  follow,  in  which  may  God  lead  and  guide 
you.  Fear  God,  and  do  right."  1 

In  order  that  Philip  might  not  witness  the  death  of 
his  father,  his  mother  sent  him  for  a  few  days  to  Spires; 
but  he  never  forgot  the  dying  counsel  of  his  father. 

The  education  of  his  two  boys  was  a  matter  that 
lay  near  the  heart  of  George  Schwartzerd.  But 
being  much  from  home  he  committed  their  intel- 
lectual and  religious  training  to  their  grandfather, 
"  a  fine,  intelligent  man,  who  himself  had  studied," 
with  the  strict  injunction  that  they  should  be  kept  at 
school  and  taught  something  useful.  Accordingly 
Philip  and  his  little  brother  George  were  sent  to  the 
town  school,  where  they  were  well  drilled  in  the  rudi- 
ments of  knowledge,  and  made  rapid  progress.  But 
when  the  French  plague  broke  out  in  the  town,  and 
the  school-teacher  was  attacked  by  it,  the  grand- 
father took  the  boys  out  of  school,  and  applied  to 
his  brother-in-law,  the  celebrated  John  Reuchlin 
(1455-1523),  for  a  teacher  who  should  instruct  them 
at  home.  Reuchlin  sent  him  John  Unger  of  Pforz- 
heim, who  had  acquired  a  good  knowledge  of  the 
ancient  languages.  Unger  was  a  conscientious, 
pious  man,  and  a  faithful  teacher.  He  laboured 
earnestly  to  promote  the  moral  and  intellectual  im- 
provement of  his  pupils.  He  inculcated  modesty, 
honesty,  and  the  love  of  truth.  His  frequent  com- 

1  C.  *.,  8  :  367. 


isog]  Birth  and  Early  Years  7 

mand  was,  "  Be  prudent  and  ready  to  yield."  He 
drilled  the  boys  thoroughly  in  grammar  and  syn- 
tax, using  as  a  text-book  the  poems  of  the  Italian 
Carmelite,  Baptista  of  Mantua,  since  at  that  time 
very  few  of  the  Latin  classics  had  been  printed  in 
Germany.  Every  mistake  was  corrected  with  the 
rod.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  severity  of  his  dis- 
cipline, Unger  enjoyed  the  confidence  and  affection 
of  his  pupils.  In  after  years,  when  Philip  had  him- 
self become  the  greatest  linguist  and  the  most  illus- 
trious scholar  and  teacher  in  Germany,  he  wrote 
thus  of  his  own  first  preceptor  in  language: 

"  I  had  a  teacher  who  was  an  excellent  linguist.  He 
died  two  years  ago.1  He  was  an  honest  man.  He 
taught  the  Gospel  and  suffered  much  for  the  Gospel's 
sake.  He  was  pastor  at  Pforzheim.  He  drove  me  to 
the  grammar,  and  required  me  to  construct  sentences. 
He  made  me  give  the  rules  of  construction  by  means  of 
twenty  or  thirty  verses  from  the  Mantuan.  He  would 
not  allow  me  to  pass  over  anything.  Whenever  I  would 
make  a  mistake  he  plied  the  rod,  and  yet  with  the 
moderation  that  was  proper.  Thus  he  made  me  a  lin- 
guist. He  was  a  good  man.  He  loved  me  as  a  son, 
and  I  him  as  a  father.  In  a  short  time  we  shall  meet,  I 
hope,  in  eternal  life.  I  loved  him  notwithstanding  that 
he  used  such  severity;  though  it  was  not  severity,  but 
parental  correction  which  urged  me  to  diligence.  At 
evening  I  had  to  hunt  the  rules  in  order  to  recite.  You 
see  discipline  was  stricter  then  than  now." 

The  young  Philip  was  a  worthy  pupil  of  so  excel- 

1  Unger  died  at  Pforzheim  in  1553. 
»C.  £.,  25:  448. 


8  Philip  Melanchthon  11497- 

lent  a  teacher.  In  disposition  he  was  modest  and 
amiable.  Though  he  would  sometimes  become 
irritated,  he  not  unfrequently  applied  to  himself  the 
saying,  "  He  cuts  and  stabs,  and  yet  hurts  nobody." 
In  matters  of  intellect  he  had  a  quick  perception,  an 
acute  penetration,  a  retentive  memory,  an  ardent 
thirst  for  knowledge,  and  the  ability  to  express  his 
thoughts  with  accuracy  and  precision.  In  school 
and  out  he  was  incessantly  asking  questions,  and 
often  would  gather  a  few  schoolfellows  around  him 
for  the  purpose  of  discussing  what  had  been  read 
and  learned.  Philip  was  noted  for  proficiency  in 
grammar;  and  when  their  grandfather  observed  the 
diligence  of  the  boys,  he  bought  them  a  Missal,  that 
along  with  their  other  studies  they  might  acquire  a 
knowledge  of  the  choral  services  of  the  Church. 
He  also  required  them  to  take  their  place  in  the 
choir  on  all  the  Holy  Days. 

"  At  that  time  the  great  Bacchanti  were  roving  through 
the  country.  Whenever  one  came  to  Bretten  the  grand- 
father sent  Philip  to  dispute  with  him.  It  was  seldom 
that  anyone  could  withstand  him.  This  pleased  the  old 
man;  and  he  took  special  delight  in  these  contests.  The 
boy,  too,  became  more  confident,  and  grew  in  fondness 
for  study.  The  grandfather  took  care  to  buy  books  and 
other  things,  that  the  boy  might  not  be  impeded."  ' 

And  now  that  both  the  father  and  grandfather  of 
Philip  and  George  had  departed  this  life,  the  educa- 
tion of  the  boys  devolved  upon  their  grandmother, 
Elizabeth  Reuter,  the  sister  of  Reuchlin,  who  was 

1  C,  R.,  10 :  258. 


1509]  Birth  and  Early  Years  9 

then  reckoned  the  best  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar 
in  Germany.  He  had  studied  Greek  at  Paris,  Or- 
leans, and  Poictiers,  had  taught  at  Basel  and  Tu- 
bingen, and  had  learned  Hebrew  in  Rome.  He  was 
Philip's  granduncle,  being  the  brother  of  his  grand- 
mother. Hence  it  was  no  small  circumstance  in  the 
boy's  education  when  the  grandmother  determined 
to  remove  with  him  to  her  native  town  of  Pforzheim, 
for  here  he  would  be  sure  to  come  more  or  less  under 
the  influence  of  Reuchlin,  who,  though  he  resided 
in  Stuttgart  as  president  of  the  Swabian  Court  of 
the  Confederates,  frequently  returned  to  his  native 
Pforzheim,  in  whose  splendid  Latin  school  he  had 
begun  his  education.  The  school  at  Pforzheim  was 
still  one  of  the  most  celebrated  in  the  Palatinate. 
Its  Rector  was  George  Simler,  a  scholar  of  the  cele- 
brated Ludwig  Dringenberg,  and  an  alumnus  of  the 
University  of  Cologne.  Simler  was  an  excellent 
Latin  scholar,  and,  besides,  had  a  good  knowledge  of 
Greek  and  Hebrew — a  rare  accomplishment  at  that 
time.  His  assistant  and  co-labourer  was  John  Hilte- 
brant,  also  a  fine  scholar,  who  during  the  vacation 
lectured  privately  on  the  Greek  language.  It  was 
the  custom  to  admit  to  the  study  of  Greek  only 
the  brightest  and  best  pupils.  Philip  Schwartzerd 
was  soon  selected  as  one  of  the  favoured  few.  He 
used  his  opportunity  with  so  much  diligence  and 
profit  that  in  a  short  time  he  became  tolerably  pro- 
ficient in  Greek.  Long  years  afterward  he  wrote : 

"  When  a  boy  I  heard  two  very  learned  men,  George 
Simler  and  Conrad  Helvetius,  alumni  of  the  University 


io  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

of  Cologne;  the  one  first  explained  to  me  the  Latin  and 
Greek  poets,  and  introduced  me  to  a  purer  philosophy, 
often  referring  during  the  lecture  on  Aristotle  to  the 
Greek.  The  other  at  Heidelberg  first  taught  me  the  ele- 
ments of  astronomy." 

Simler  also  gave  instruction  in  versification,  and 
expounded  the  school-comedies  of  his  friend  Reuch- 
lin,  two  of  which  he  published  at  Pforzheim  in  1508, 
with  a  commentary,  and  a  dedication  to  their  author. 
He  and  his  assistant  were  exactly  such  teachers  as 
are  needed  to  prepare  young  men  for  the  university. 
Under  their  efficient  instruction  Philip  Schwartzerd 
surpassed  all  his  schoolfellows,  among  whom  were 
Simon  Grynaeus,  the  linguist  and  theologian  of 
Basel,  Berthold  Haller,  the  Reformer  of  Bern, 
Francis  Friedlieb  of  Ettlingen,  who  wrote  a  historico- 
geographical  work  on  the  German  Empire,  Nicholas 
Gerbel,  and  John  Schwebel,  natives  of  Pforzheim, 
the  former  afterward  a  jurist  at  Strassburg  and  the 
latter  the  Reformer  of  the  territory  of  Zweibriicken. 
But  the  most  important  influence  exerted  on  the 
mind  of  the  future  Preceptor  of  Germany  at  this 
time  was  the  intimate  relations  with  Reuchlin  which 
he  now  enjoyed.  He  was  brought  in  direct  contact 
with  this  great  Aristarchus  of  the  literary  world  in 
the  house  of  his  grandmother.  When  Reuchlin  saw 
that  the  twelve-year-old  boy  possessed  such  excel- 
lent talents,  and  showed  such  industry  in  study,  he 
praised  him,  called  him  his  son,  placed  his  own 
red  doctor's  hat  on  his  head,  gave  him  a  Greek 

1  Declamatt. ,  135. 


1509]  Birth  and  Early  Years  n 

Grammar,  and  promised  to  send  him  a  copy  of  his 
own  Graeco-Latin  Lexicon,  yet  upon  the  condition 
that  when  he  came  again,  Philip  should  present  him 
with  some  Latin  verses  of  his  own  composition.  In 
a  short  time  Reuchlin  returned  to  Pforzheim,  where- 
upon Philip  presented  the  verses  and  received  the 
promised  Lexicon,  the  first  of  its  kind  that  had  ap- 
peared in  Germany.  As  a  further  mark  of  his  grati- 
tude, Philip,  with  some  of  his  schoolfellows,  studied 
one  of  Reuchlin's  school-comedies,  and  while  the 
author  was  at  a  banquet  given  by  the  monks  of  the 
place,  he  and  his  companions  came  and  rendered 
the  comedy  so  elegantly  that  all  were  pleased,  espe- 
cially Reuchlin,  who  declared  that  so  clever  and 
learned  a  young  man  should  no  longer  bear  the 
homely  name  of  Schwartzerd,  meaning  black  earth, 
but  shoud  be  called  by  its  Greek  equivalent,  Me- 
lanckthon,  the  name  by  which  he  has  since  been 
known,  and  by  which  he  shall  henceforth  be  desig- 
nated in  this  book,  though  he  himself  after  1531,  no 
doubt  because  of  the  easier  pronunciation,  wrote  it 
Melanthon.1 

1  See  C.  R.,  I  :  cxxxi.  Melanchthon  is  the  spelling  employed  by 
Camerarius  and  by  M.'s  friends  generally,  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  himself  was  at  any  time  pleased  with  it,  since  he  rarely  used 
it  in  early  life,  and  throughout  life  signed  the  most  of  his  letters 
simply  Philippus,  or  $i\.iitito'->. 


CHAPTER  II 

BECOMES  A   STUDENT  AT   HEIDELBERG 

Universities  —  Heidelberg  —  Scholasticism  —  Melanchthon  Matricu- 
lates at  Heidelberg — His  Studies — His  Companions — The  New 
Learning — Becomes  Bachelor  of  Arts. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
German  universities  were  by  no  means  what 
they  are  now,  the  seats  of  the  highest  culture  and 
of  the  most  advanced  methods  of  instruction.  In 
the  grade  of  their  scholarship  and  in  the  character 
of  the  work  done  by  them,  they  were  about  equal 
in  the  department  of  arts  to  the  middle  and  upper 
classes  in  the  German  gymnasia  of  the  present  time. 
Boys  then  went  to  the  university  to  learn  what  they 
are  now  required  to  carry  thither  with  them.  All 
the  instruction  was  given  in  the  Latin  language; 
but  it  was  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  the  corrupt 
monks'  Latin  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  Latin  classics  were  but  little  read.  Greek 
and  Hebrew  were  almost  entirely  ignored,  and  in 
some  places  violently  opposed.  The  philosophy 
taught  was  that  of  Aristotle,  exhibited  for  the  most 
part  by  means  of  defective  and  barbarous  Latin 

12 


s  I 
. 


3   I 

fe   S 


i5i2]  Student  at  Heidelberg  13 

translations  ;  and  theology  had  not  yet  been  emanci- 
pated from  the  scholastic  method.  The  old  contests 
between  Realism  and  Nominalism  were  still  raging, 
and  when  these  contests  could  not  be  settled  in  the 
lecture-room,  they  were  fought  out  by  the  students 
on  the  streets  with  their  fists  and  canes.  Then  little 
attention  was  given  to  composition  and  rhetoric. 
Logic  was  studied,  not  so  much  as  an  instrument  for 
finding  out  truth,  as  for  use  in  subtle  and  hair- 
splitting disputations.  The  manners  of  the  students 
were  coarse,  and  their  morals  corrupt.  So  much 
may  be  said  of  the  universities  in  general.  Of 
Heidelberg  in  particular,  though  it  was  the  oldest 
university  in  Germany  west  of  Vienna  and  Prague, 
having  been  founded  in  1386,  it  must  be  said  that 
in  learning  and  culture  its  relative  rank  was  not 
high.  The  Elector  Philip,  who  had  been  quickened 
by  the  rising  spirit  of  humanistic  culture,  had  indeed 
sought  to  awaken  a  new  intellectual  life  in  his  uni- 
versity. His  efforts  in  this  direction  had  been  nobly 
seconded  by  the  Bishop  of  Worms,  John  von  Dai- 
berg;  by  John  Wessel,  a  forerunner  of  Luther,  who 
had  sought  to  introduce  a  more  liberal  philosophy ; 
by  Rudolph  Agricola,  the  dialectician ;  by  Conrad 
Celtes,  the  poet;  and  especially  by  Jacob  Wimpfel- 
ing,  who  sought  to  join  humanistic  learning  to  the 
scholastic  theology.  John  Reuchlin  himself  had 
for  a  time  been  a  professor  at  Heidelberg,  and  his 
brother  Dionysiushad  begun  to  introduce  the  study 
of  Greek  there.  But  these  friends  and  promoters  of 
a  broader  and  more  liberal  culture  had  been  opposed 
and  hindered  in  their  work  by  the  older  professors, 


14  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  had  made  very  little  impression  on  the  courses 
of  studies,  or  on  the  methods  of  teaching  them. 

Nevertheless,  following  the  advice  of  Reuchlin 
and  Simler,  Philip  Melanchthon,  now  in  his  thir- 
teenth year,  turned  his  steps  to  the  paternal  city, 
and  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  October,  1509,  was 
matriculated  under  the  philosophical  faculty  in  the 
University  of  Heidelberg.1  He  found  a  home  with 
Dr.  Pallas  Spangel,  professor  of  theology,  at  whose 
house  he  served  wine  to  the  Pomeranian  guests  on 
the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of  Duke  George  of 
Pomerania  to  the  daughter  of  the  Palatine  Elector.3 
The  young  and  inexperienced  student  received  as- 
sistance and  encouragement  from  the  learned  doctor, 
whom  in  after  years  he  remembered  with  affection 
as  more  favourable  to  the  study  of  the  liberal  arts 
than  the  rest  of  his  colleagues  who  taught  theology.3 

Melanchthon's  opinion  of  the  studies  and  the 
methods  of  study  at  Heidelberg  is  expressed  in  the 
Preface  to  the  Basel  edition  of  his  works,  published 
in  1541 : 

"  While  yet  a  boy  I  was  sent  to  the  university,  but  the 
young  men  were  taught  scarcely  anything  except  garrula 
dialectice  and  particula  physice.  Inasmuch  as  I  had 
learned  to  write  verse,  with  a  kind  of  boyish  avidity  I 
began  to  read  the  poets,  and  also  history  and  the  drama. 
This  habit  gradually  led  me  to  the  ancient  classics. 

1  The  record  in  the  University  Album  is,  "  Philippus  Schwartzerd 
de  Brethenn  Spir.  dyoc.  xiiii.  Octobris."  Bretten  lay  in  the  diocese 
of  Spires.  Hartfelder's  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  12. 

*  C.  R. ,  1 1  :  1094. 

3  Declamatt.,  ii . ,  204. 


Student  at  Heidelberg  15 

From  these  I  acquired  a  vocabulary  and  style,  but  we 
boys  had  no  instruction  in  composition  We  read  every- 
thing without  discrimination,  but  especially  did  we  pre- 
fer modern  works  like  those  of  Politian.  My  style  took 
its  complexion  from  these,  and  reproduced  these  harsher 
and  less  polished  authors  rather  than  the  grace  and 
beauty  of  the  ancients." 

He  tells  us  further  that  about  this  time  he  received 
as  a  present  from  CEcolampadius  the  three  printed 
books  of  Rudolph  Agricola's  Dialectics,  by  the 
reading  of  which  he  was  not  only  instructed,  but 
also  incited  to  examine  and  inquire  more  diligently 
into  the  order  of  the  arguments  in  the  orations  of 
Cicero  and  Demosthenes.  "  In  this  way  I  was  en- 
abled to  understand  those  orations  better,  to  read 
them  easier,  and  to  comprehend  their  instruction." 

It  is  evident  from  these  reminiscences  that  Me- 
lanchthon  pursued  his  studies  largely  by  himself; 
and  yet  he  acquired  such  a  reputation  for  proficiency 
in  Greek  while  at  Heidelberg  that  when  one  day  a 
professor  proposed  a  question  the  solution  of  which 
required  a  knowledge  of  Greek,  and  cried  out, 
'  Where  shall  I  find  a  Grecian  ?  "  the  students  an- 
swered with  one  voice,  "  Melanchthon  !  "  "  Melanch- 
thon  !  " 

Yet  Melanchthon  did  not  occupy  himself  wholly 
with  the  ancient  languages  and  with  dialectics.  He 
also  studied  philosophy,  and  when  Conrad  Helvetius 
came  to  Heidelberg  and  lectured  on  mathematics 
and  astronomy,  he  found  in  Melanchthon  one  of  his 
most  appreciative  hearers. 

1  C.  tf.,4:  715- 


1 6  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

At  this  time,  about  the  year  1510,  he  formed  the 
acquaintance  of  Jacob  Wimpfeling,  who  was  at 
Heidelberg  superintending  the  education  of  several 
young  men  from  Strassburg.  Here  Wimpfeling  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  death  of  Geiler  von  Kais- 
ersberg.  Immediately  he  wrote  a  biographical  sketch 
of  the  renowned  Strassburg  preacher,  and  to  it 
added  a  number  of  elegies,  including  one  from  Me- 
lanchthon, whom  he  recommended  to  Count  von 
Lowenstein  as  private  tutor  to  his  two  sons.  It  was 
in  this  same  year  that  Wimpfeling  published  a  book 
in  defence  of  the  scholastic  theology  against  the 
satirical  attack  of  Jacob  Locker  of  Ingolstadt,  and 
put  into  it  a  poem  by  Melanchthon,  in  which  the 
young  scholar  calls  upon  the  gods  and  heathen 
muses  to  yield  to  the  true  wisdom  which  alone  can 
teach  us  who  made  the  universe,  and  can  show  man 
how  to  lead  a  pious  life.1 

Melanchthon  also  at  this  time  enjoyed  the  friend- 
ship of  the  poet  Sorbil,  of  whom  he  said,  nearly  fifty 
years  later,  that  no  one  in  Germany  had  a  better 
poetic  vein.9 

But  the  young  Melanchthon  was  not  an  exclusive 
devotee  of  literature,  philosophy,  and  science.  The 
deep  religious  sense  of  his  innermost  being,  and 
the  pious  training  of  his  childhood,  found  support 
and  development  in  the  sermons  of  Geiler,  which 
had  been  commended  to  him  by  his  uncle  Reuchlin. 
In  these  sermons  he  came  in  contact  with  a  devout 
and  pious  spirit  which  did  not  waste  its  energies  in 

1  C.  K.,  20:  765. 

'  Schmidt's  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  7 


Student  at  Heidelberg  17 

doubtful  disputations,  and  in  recounting  old  monks' 
fables,  but  rebuked  sin  and  reasoned  of  righteousness 
and  judgment  to  come  in  the  homely  and  familiar 
language  of  every-day  life.  The  impression  made 
on  the  young  student  by  the  reading  of  these  ser- 
mons was  never  effaced.  In  his  Postils  he  refers 
to  Geiler  as  saying  that  B  isc  ho ff  (bishop),  which  ac- 
cording to  German  etymology  means  bei  den  Schaf- 
fen  (ivith  the  sheep),  according  to  its  usage  had  come 
to  mean  beiss  das  Schaff '  (bite  the  sheep). 

This  narrative  of  facts  shows  that  Melanchthon, 
though  but  a  boy  in  years,  had  taken  rank  among 
the  learned,  and  that  his  associates  were  of  that  new 
generation  which  had  risen  to  herald  the  coming  of 
a  brighter  and  better  day  for  science  and  religion  in 
Germany.  Indeed  he  now  stood  on  the  dividing 
line  between  the  Middle  Ages  and  the  modern  era. 
But  the  day  dawned  so  speedily,  and  the  sun  shot 
up  toward  the  zenith  so  rapidly,  that  before  Me- 
lanchthon had  passed  the  meridian  of  his  life,  he 
had  witnessed,  and  had  acted  a  large  part  in  effect- 
ing, one  of  the  mightiest  revolutions  in  culture,  and 
one  of  the  most  beneficial  reformations  of  religion, 
that  the  Christian  world  has  ever  known.  The 
times  were  ready  for  the  change,  and  the  men  were 
at  hand  to  produce  it.  At  the  very  time  that 
Luther  was  expounding  Aristotle  in  Wittenberg, 
and  visiting  Augustinian  cloisters  in  Saxony,  and 
climbing  up  Pilate's  staircase  at  Rome, — at  that 
very  time,  in  the  academic  city  by  the  Neckar,  Philip 
Melanchthon,  fourteen  years  his  junior,  was  laying 
~C.£.,  24:85. 


1 8  Philip  Melanchthon  [1512 

that  foundation  in  Latin,  Greek,  Logic,  Rhetoric, 
Philosophy,  Mathematics,  and  Astronomy,  which 
qualified  him  to  stand  by  the  side  of  the  solitary 
monk  that  shook  the  world.  At  this  same  time 
Melanchthon  was  forming  friendships  with  young 
men,  who,  like  himself,  were  destined  to  play  an 
important  part  in  the  events  of  subsequent  years, 
such  as  Peter  Sturm,  brother  of  Jacob  Sturm,  the 
celebrated  statesman  of  Strassburg;  Theobald  Billi- 
can,  Reformer  of  Nordlingen,  then  professor  at 
Heidelberg  and  Marburg;  and  John  Brentz,  whose 
name  will  be  forever  associated  with  the  renovation 
of  Christianity  in  Wtirtemberg.  Of  Billican,  Me- 
lanchthon wrote:  "  He  was  my  schoolfellow,  and 
in  talents  and  eloquence  he  greatly  surpassed  me." 
Luther  compared  Brentz,  in  relation  to  himself, 
"  to  the  still  small  voice  following  the  whirlwind, 
earthquake,  and  fire." 

And  now,  after  two  years  of  study,  the  young 
Bretten  matriculate,  not  yet  fifteen  years  old,  stood 
his  examination  under  the  rectorate  of  Dr.  Leon- 
hard  Dietrich,  and  on  the  eleventh  day  of  June, 
1511,  was  made  Bachelor  of  the  Liberal  Arts.  Urged 
on  by  a  noble  thirst  for  knowledge,  by  a  pardonable 
pride  of  his  attainments,  and  by  an  ambition  to  be- 
come a  teacher,  he  devoted  himself  with  new  zeal  to 
the  study  of  the  scholastic  philosophy,  with  the  inten- 
tion of  taking  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  But  at 
the  end  of  a  year  his  application  was  denied  "  on  ac- 
count of  his  youth  and  his  boyish  appearance."  a 

1  Krauth's  Conservative  Reformation,  p.  76,  n. 
*  C.  A'.,  10 :  260. 


CHAPTER  III 

STUDENT  AND  TEACHER  AT  TUBINGEN 

[elanchthon  Leaves  Heidelberg  and  Goes  to  Tubingen — Life  and 
Studies  at  Tubingen — Melanchthon  Becomes  Master  of  Arts — 
Is  Licensed  to  Teach — Lectures  on  the  Classics — Becomes  Proof- 
Reader,  Editor,  and  Translator — Obscurantism — Melanchthon 
Attracts  the  Attention  of  Scholars. 

F^IQUED  by  the  rejection  of  his  application  to 
become  a  candidate  for  the  Master's  degree, 
and  thinking,  doubtless,  that  there  was  not  much 
more  to  be  learned  at  Heidelberg,  and  believing 
that  a  change  of  climate  might  improve  his  health, 
Melanchthon  resolved  to  emigrate  to  another  uni- 
versity. Again  following  the  advice  of  Reuchlin 
and  Simler,  he  went  to  Tiibingen,  where  he  matric- 
ulated, September  17,  1512,  John  Schemer  being 
Rector. 

The  University  of  Tubingen  was  founded  in  the 
year  1477  by  Duke  Eberhard  the  Bearded.  It  also 
was  yet  under  the  domination  of  the  scholastic 
philosophy;  but  it  had  given  a  larger  place  than 
Heidelberg  to  humanistic  culture.  Here  John 
frassican,  of  Constance,  taught  Latin  Grammar  by  a 

19 


20  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

simple  and  practical  method.  Heinrich  Bebel,  in 
1501  laureated  by  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  lectured 
on  poetry  and  eloquence. 

Melanchthon  heard  these  two  with  special  delight, 
but  he  supplemented  their  deficiencies  by  reading 
Virgil  and  Cicero.  He  heard  Francis  Stadian  on 
the  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  Simler  on  Jurisprudence 
and  Logic,  and  Stoffler  on  Mathematics  and  As- 
tronomy. He  also  heard  lectures  on  Medicine,  and 
read  the  words  of  Galen.  Greek  he  pursued  pri- 
vately, assisted  by  CEcolampadius,  who  was  fifteen 
years  his  senior.  Hebrew  he  began  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  Reuchlin,  who  had  written  the  first  Hebrew 
Grammar  that  appeared  in  Germany.  By  the  aid 
of  this  book  Melanchthon  pursued  the  study  of 
Hebrew  as  far  as  was  possible  without  further  assist- 
ance. To  this  list  of  studies,  already  long,  he  joined 
that  of  Theology,  which  he  always  regarded  as  the 
crown  of  the  sciences.  Both  Realism  and  Nominal- 
ism then  had  their  representatives  in  the  theological 
and  in  the  philosophical  faculty.  At  the  close  of 
the  preceding  century  Gabriel  Biel  had  taught 
Nominalism,  and  John  Heynlin,  Realism,  both  with 
renown. 

The  students  lived  in  special  quarters  called  Bur- 
sen,  according  as  they  belonged  to  the  old  school 
(Realism)  or  the  new  school  (Nominalism).  The 
symbol  of  the  former  was  the  eagle,  that  of  the 
latter  the  peacock  ;  and  many  were  the  battles 
fought  under  the  rival  banners.  Melanchthon  read 
Occam  assiduously,  and  became  imbued  with  Nom- 
inalism. He  also  heard  Jacob  Lemp,  "  the  old 


JOHANNES  COCHLAUS.  EOBANUS  HESSIUS. 

JOHANNES  REUCHLINUS. 
HANS  SACHS.  CONRAD  CELTES. 

FROM   AN    ENGRAVING    IN    KREUSSLER'S    "ANDENKEN    IN    MUNZEN.  " 


Student  and  Teacher  21 


Doctor  of  Theology,  who  pictured  transubstantia- 
tion  on  the  blackboard."1  At  the  same  time  he 
deepened  his  spiritual  life  by  reading  Gerson,  and 
found  theological  instruction  in  the  writings  of  John 
Wessel,  of  whom  he  wrote  in  his  Postils  :  "  On  many 
points  of  evangelical  doctrine  he  taught  exactly  as 
we  do,  now  that  the  Church  is  reformed,  and  that 
God  has  caused  the  glorious  light  of  the  Gospel  to 
shine  again  in  marvellous  ways."2  He  also  kept 
up  his  intercourse  with  his  learned  uncle;  often 
visiting  him  at  Stuttgart,  where  he  regaled  himself 
in  his  uncle's  library,  or  listened  to  his  account  of 
the  persons  and  things  he  had  seen  in  his  wide  inter- 
course with  men.  And  often  did  Reuchlin  visit  his 
nephew  at  Tubingen,  living  with  him  in  his  Burse 
and  eating  with  him  at  the  same  table,  "  because  he 
delighted  in  intercourse  with  young  men."  Reuch- 
lin gave  Melanchthon  a  Latin  Bible,  which  the 
latter  carried  with  him  whithersoever  he  went,  "  and 
read  it  carefully  day  and  night."  Even  during  the 
church  service,  while  the  preacher  was  discoursing 
on  the  ethics  of  Aristotle,  or  relating  monkish  fables, 
he  was  reading  in  his  Bible  such  explanations  as  no 
priest  and  no  professor  at  Tubingen  could  give  him. 
Thus  again  it  will  be  seen  that  Melanchthon's 
studies  took  a  wide  range.  He  sought  to  know 
everything  and  to  be  a  master  in  every  science. 
Bretschneider  sums  up  his  student  career  at  Tu- 
bingen as  follows  : 

"  He  gave  attention  chiefly  to  Greek  and  Latin  litera- 

1  C.  X.,  4:  718. 
5  C.R.,  24:309. 


22  •  Philip  Melanchthon 

ture,  to  philosophy,  history,  eloquence,  logic,  mathe- 
matics, heard  the  theologians  (particularly  Lemp,  who 
taught  the  scholastic  theology),  the  lecturers  on  law  and 
medicine,  and  read  Galen  so  carefuliy  that  he  could  re- 
peat most  of  his  works  from  memory." 

His  seventeenth  birthday  was  now  approaching, 
and  with  it  the  fulfilment  of  the  wish  which  had 
been  denied  him  at  Heidelberg.  On  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  January,  1514,  as  first  among  eleven 
candidates,  he  received  the  degree  of  Master  of  the 
Liberal  Arts,  and  with  it  license  as  a  Privatdocent  to 
lecture  on  the  ancient  classics  to  his  own  Burse,  of 
which  he  was  regent.  vHe  began  with  Virgil  and 
Terence,  to  which  Livy  and  Cicero  were  soon  after 
added.  His  didactic  skill,  his  extraordinary  thor- 
oughness, his  enthusiasm  for  classical  literature, 
awoke  a  new  life  in  the  university.  Not  content 
with  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties,  he  gathered 
round  him  a  select  circle  of  students  for  the  cultiva- 
tion of  a  purer  Latinity,  and  for  the  study  of  the 
Greek  language. 

He  also  became  corrector  to  the  printer,  Thomas 
Anshelm — a  position  which  could  be  held  then  only 
by  a  learned  man.  Here  he  had  an  opportunity  to 
employ  his  great  learning  in  the  interests  of  science. 
He  edited  and  almost  completely  re-wrote  the 
Chronicon,  or  Universal  History,  by  John  Naucler, 
the  Rector  of  the  university,  and  made  it  one  of  the 
most  serviceable  and  widely  read  books  of  the  age. 
In  March,  1516,  he  published,  with  Preface,  a  metri- 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  cxlvi. 


s]  Student  and  Teacher  23 

cal  arrangement  of  the  Comedies  of  Terence,  which 
had  been  hitherto  published  only  as  prose.  In  No- 
vember of  the  same  year  he  gave  out  a  Preface  to  the 
Dialogus  Mythologicus  of  Bartholomew  of  Cologne. 

The  next  year,  besides  other  literary  labours,  he 
translated  a  portion  of  Plutarch  ;  and  at  the  instance 
of  Professor  Stoffler  he  undertook  the  translation  of 
Aratus,  a  part  of  which  he  put  into  Latin  verse,  and 
ceased  only  because  he  had  resolved  to  undertake  a 
greater  work. 

Stadian  had  been  lecturing  on  Aristotle's  Analyt- 
ica  Posteriora,  which  was  then  regarded  as  belong- 
ing to  the  Metaphysics.  Melanchthon  became 
convinced  that  this  work  belonged  to  Rhetoric,  and 
succeeded  in  convincing  his  former  professor  of  the 
correctness  of  his  conclusions.  Stadian  then  pro- 
posed that  Melanchthon  should  prepare  a  new  edi- 
tion of  Aristotle  in  the  original,  for  the  purpose  of 
exhibiting,  in  his  own  true  form,  the  great  philo- 
sopher, "  who,  maimed,  mutilated,  and  translated 
into  barbarous  Latin,  had  become  more  obscure 
than  a  sibylline  oracle." 

Stadian,  Reuchlin,  Simler,  CEcolampadius,  and 
others,  promised  him  assistance.  But  the  work  did 
not  advance  very  far,  as  soon  Melanchthon  found 
his  life-work  in  another  field. 

Meanwhile,  and  since  1509,  Melanchthon  had 
been  a  spectator,  and  more  than  a  spectator,  of  one 
of  the  most  shameful  and  bitter  literary  contests 
known  to  history.  John  Pfefferkorn,  a  converted 
Jew,  and  Jacob  Hochstratten,  a  Dominican  Inquisi- 

1C.  R.,  i  :  26,  and  n  :  17. 


24  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

tor,  had  insisted  on  the  banishment  of  the  Jews  and 
the  destruction  of  most  of  their  writings. 

The  Emperor  Maximilian,  through  the  Elector  of 
Mayence,  required  an  opinion  from  Reuchlin.  The 
great  Hebraist  defended  the  Hebrew  literature 
against  these  self-appointed  watchers  on  the  walls  of 
Zion.  Pfefferkorn  published  Reuchlin's  opinion 
with  abusive  comments,  denounced  him  as  a  heretic, 
and  had  him  brought  to  trial  before  the  Bishop  of 
Spires.  The  whole  literary  and  theological  world 
was  now  drawn  into  the  contest.  On  the  one  side 
were  the  monks.  On  the  other  side  were  the  brave 
and  spirited  champions  of  Humanism,  such  as  Count 
Hermann  of  Neuenar,  John  Crotus,  Peter  Eber- 
bach,  Eoban  Hess,  Wilibald  Pirkheimer,  John  Brassi- 
can,  Richard  Crotus,  and  the  brave  and  brilliant 
Ulrich  von  Hutten.  Reuchlin  was  acquitted  by 
the  court,  but  still  the  battle  raged,  until  the  valiant 
Francis  von  Sickingen  forced  the  obscurant  monks 
to  pay  the  cost  of  prosecution,  and  to  make  the 
amende  honorable. 

What  part  Melanchthon  took  in  this  contest  is 
not  clear.  He  and  his  former  teacher,  John  Hilte- 
brant,  wrote  Prefaces  to  The  Letters  of  Illustrious 
Men,  addressed  to  Reuchlin,  and  published  by 
Anshelm  in  March,  1514,  in  order  to  show  to  the 
learned  world  the  kind  of  man  these  Cologne 
obscurantists  had  attacked.  Melanchthon  praises 
the  letters  as  models  of  epistolatory  style,  and  adds 
that  "  Germany  can  behold  nothing  more  glorious 
than  the  person  of  Reuchlin,  whom  the  goddess  of 
wisdom  has  adorned  with  the  most  splendid  gifts/' 


Student  and  Teacher  25 

As  a  counterpart  to  this  book  there  soon  appeared 
Epistola  Obscurorum  Virorum  ( The  Letters  of  Obscure 
Men).  It  is  a  book  of  satires,  the  most  natural,  the 
most  cruel,  and  hence  the  most  effective  ever  writ- 
ten. The  very  names  of  the  writers,  Hasenfusius, 
Hasenmusius,  Dollenkoppius,  Lumplin,  Schnar- 
holtzius,  Buntschuchmacherius,  Eitelnarrabienus, 
and  the  like,  bespeak  sarcasm  and  irony.  The  book 
was  written  in  the  barbarous  monks'  Latin  of  the 
period,  sometimes  interlarded  with  German,  as 
follows : 

"  Et  ivi  hinc  ad  Hagenau, 
Da  wurden  mir  die  Augen  blau, 
Per  te,  Wolfgange  Angst ; 
Gott  gib,  dass  du  hangst, 
Quia  me  cum  baculo 
Percusseras  in  oculo." 

The  satires  mirror  the  ignorance,  arrogance,  im- 
morality, and  barbarity  of  the  monks,  their  hate 
of  heretics  and  humanists,  in  a  style  which  might 
have  tortured  them  to  death  had  their  ignorance 
and  stolidity  not  been  so  great  that  some  of  them 
actually  thought  these  letters  had  been  composed 
in  their  honour.  Hence  they  even  assisted  in  their 
circulation. 

The  question  of  the  authorship  of  thes«  letters 
has  not  been  settled.  They  have  been  attributed 
to  Hutten,  to  Crotus  Rubianus,  and  to  other  old 
and  young  humanists.  One  of  the  most  amusing 
and  effective  of  the  entire  collection  is  entitled 
Carmen  Rithmicale  Magistri  Philippi  Schlauraff, 
quod  compilavit  et  comportavit,  quando  fuit  Cursor 


26  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

in    Theologia,   et  ambulavit  per  totam   Alamaniam 
superiorem.1 

Some  have  supposed  that  Melanchthon  was  the 
author  of  this  piece,  and  under  this  supposition 
Bretschneider  put  it  in  the  Corpus  Reformatorum, 
though  it  is  far  more  likely  that  it  was  written  by 
Ulrich  von  Hutten.  It  represents  a  young  Cologne 
Magister  travelling  over  Germany  in  search  of 
"  poets,"  and  everywhere  treated  with  insults  and 
blows.  The  prominence  given  to  "  Philip  Melanch- 
thon," in  this  poem  shows  that  the  young  Tubingen 
Magister  occupied  a  conspicuous  place  among  the 
authors  and  humanists  who  were  particularly  hostile 
to  the  monkish  pedantry  of  the  day.  A  few  extracts 
from  this  characteristic  poem  will  interest  the  reader: 

"  Tune  prseterivi  Studgardiam,  quia  habet  ibi  stanstiam 
Reuchlin  ille  hsereticus,  qui  fuit  mihi  suspectus. 
Tune  ad  Tubingam  abii,  hie  sedent  multi  socii, 
Qui  novos  libros  faciunt  et  theologos  vilipendunt : 
Quorum  est  vilissimus  Philippus  Melanchthonius, 
Sicut  ego  cognovi  :  et  igitur  Deo  vovi, 

Si  viderem  ilium  mortuum,  quod  irem  ad  Sanctum  Jacobum. 
Et  Paulus  Vereander,  die  schwuren  alle  mit  einander, 
Quod  vellent  me  percutere,  si  non  vellem  recedere. 
Sed  quidam  hie  theologus  cum  nomine  Franciscus 
Sua  cum  cavisatione  portavit  me  ex  ilia  regione. 
Tune  cogitavi  ire,  et  ab  illis  poe'tis  venire." 

Finally  this  wanderer  in  search  of  "  poets"  comes 
back  to  Cologne : 

"  Sic  ivi  ad  Coloniam,  et  inveni  bonam  componiam, 
Quamvis  mihi  Buschius  cum  suis  auditoribus, 


1  See  C.  ./?.,  10  :  472  et  seqq.,  and  Rotermund's  edition  of  the  Epis- 
tota,  pp.  142  et  seqq. 


ULRICH  VON  HUTTEN. 

FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY  WOODCUT. 


IBIS]  Student  and  Teacher  27 

Et  Joannes  Ctzsarius,  qui  legit  ibi  Plinius, 

Facerent  instantias,  quia  non  curavi  has  : 

Sed  steti  cum  Theologis,  et  vixi  in  laetitiis, 

Und  gab  nit  ein  Har  auff  den  Graven  von  newen  Ar, 

Quamvis  sit  Poeticus,  quia  Pepercornus 

In  suis  dictaminibus  dicit  de  nobilibus, 

Qui  quamvis  sunt  clari,  non  possunt  excusari, 

Et  debent  sibi  solvere,  pro  sua  obscuritate, 

Et  sic  est  finis  propter  honorem  Universitatis." 

Melanchthon's  participation  in  the  controversy 
brought  him  more  discomfort  than  praise.  The 
spirit  of  Tubingen  was  still  mainly  subservient  to 
the  old  learning.  The  "  heresy  "  of  Luther  was 
combated  by  Jacob  Lemp ;  and  humanists  and 
grammarians  were  viewed  with  an  evil  eye.  Even 
Simler  and  Stadian  clung  to  the  old  rather  than  ad- 
vanced with  the  new.  Melanchthon  was  satirised 
and  described  as  a  dangerous  man.  Hence  Tubingen 
was  no  longer  a  comfortable  place  for  him.  In 
1518,  he  wrote  to  Bernhard  Maurer:  "  The  method 
of  teaching  which  ought  to  improve  both  the  under- 
standing and  the  manners  is  neglected.  What  is 
called  philosophy  is  a  weak  and  empty  speculation, 
which  produces  strife  and  contention.  The  true 
wisdom  come  down  from  Heaven  to  regulate  the 
affections  of  men  is  banished." 

There  was  nothing  more  for  him  to  learn  from 
Tubingen,  and  he  could  not  be  content  to  remain 
where  the  new  learning  did  not  have  free  course. 
Moreover,  he  had  already  attracted  the  attention  of 
foreign  scholars.  Erasmus,  then  the  literary  mon- 
arch of  Europe,  in  his  notes  on  the  New  Testament, 

1C.  £..i:  25. 


28  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

had  written  the  following  encomium  on  him:  "  Eter- 
nal God,  what  expectation  does  not  Philip  Melanch- 
thon raise,  who  though  a  youth,  yea,  rather,  scarcely 
more  than  a  boy,  deserves  equaf  esteem  for  his 
knowledge  of  both  languages!  What  sagacity  in 
argument,  what  purity  of  style,  what  comprehension 
of  learned  subjects,  what  varied  reading,  what  deli- 
cacy and  almost  royal  elegance  of  mind!  "  '  Wili- 
bald  Pirkheimer  of  Nuremberg,  scholar,  statesman, 
humanist,  to  whom  Melanchthon  had  addressed  a 
Greek  ode,  had  placed  him  among  his  most  intimate 
friends,  "  on  account  of  his  studious  habits,  his 
learning,  and  his  talents."  2  A  call  to  a  professor- 
ship at  Ingolstadt  had  reached  him.  This  he  de- 
clined upon  the  advice  of  Reuchlin. 

Philip  Melanchthon,  now  in  his  twenty-second 
year,  was  beyond  question  the  best  humanistic 
scholar  in  Germany.  He  could  not  longer  remain 
4<  in  a  school  where  it  was  a  capital  offence  to  study 
polite  literature."  Greater  and  better  things  were 
in  reservation  for  him  elsewhere. 

1  Com.  on  Thessal.,  p.  555,   Basel,  1515. 
2C  /?.,  i:  23. 


CHAPTER  IV 

EARLY    WITTENBERG   DAYS 

Wittenberg — Founding  of  the  University — Luther  Called  to  Witten- 
berg— The  Ninety-five  Theses — Melanchthon  Called  to  Witten- 
berg— Journey  to  Wittenberg — Personal  Appearance — Liberal 
Spirit  at  Wittenberg — Melanchthon's  Inaugural — Luther's  De- 
light— Luther  and  Melanchthon  Compared — Increase  of  Stu- 
dents— Literary  Activity. 

WITTENBERG,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Elbe,  was  founded  in  the  twelfth  cent- 
ury by  Wendish  fishermen.  Built  on  a  low,  sandy 
plain,  and  surrounded  for  miles  by  sandy  plains  and 
a  rocky,  sterile  soil,  it  has  never  been  distinguished 
for  commerce  or  manufactures.  It  owes  its  fame 
entirely  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  cradle  of  the 
Reformation.  At  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century  it  had  a  population  of  about  three  thousand 
souls,  who  were  described  by  Luther  as  "  disoblig- 
ing and  discourteous,  without  any  regard  for  the 
finer  and  higher  culture,  and  dwelling  on  the  bord- 
ers of  civilisation."  Myconius  says:  "  The  houses 
were  small,  old,  ugly,  low,  wooden,  more  like  a  vil- 
lage than  a  city."  But  it  was  the  capital  of  Electo- 

29 


30  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

ral  Saxony  and  had  a  castle  to  which  was  attached  a 
church  known  as  the  Church  of  All  Saints,  a  parish 
church,  and  an  Augustinian  monastery.  When,  in 
1490,  the  Saxon  territory  was  divided  between  the 
Ernestine  and  the  Albertine  lines,  the  Electorate 
was  left  without  a  university.  As  it  soon  became 
necessary  to  provide  for  higher  education,  Frederick 
the  Wise,  who  had  himself  been  liberally  educated, 
selected  Wittenberg  as  the  location  of  his  university. 
Here  was  the  Castle  Church  with  five  thousand  re- 
liques,  and  with  provision  for  ten  thousand  masses 
per  annum.  Here  also  was  the  monastery,  which 
could  furnish  a  part  of  the  teaching  force,  and  thus 
reduce  the  expenses.  Accordingly,  October  18, 
1502,  the  University  of  Wittenberg  was  opened. 
Frederick  spared  neither  pains  nor  cost  to  make  his 
university  equal,  or  even  superior,  to  its  rivals  at 
Leipzig  and  Erfurt.  He  called  it  his  daughter,  and 
sought  to  bring  into  its  faculties  the  best  scholars 
he  could  find.  Dr.  Martin  Pollich,  physician, 
jurist,  theologian,  called  Lux  Mundi,  because  of 
his  much  learning,  was  made  Rector,  and  Dr.  John 
von  Staupitz,  a  Saxon  nobleman,  Vicar-General  of 
the  Augustinian  Monasteries  of  Germany,  was  ap- 
pointed Dean  of  the  theological  faculty.  The  latter 
soon  fixed  his  eye  on  his  young  friend,  Martin 
Luther,  an  Augustinian  brother  at  Erfurt,  as  a 
proper  person  for  a  professor.  In  1508,  Luther  was 
called  to  Wittenberg,  and  began  his  work  by  lectur- 
ing on  the  Aristotelian  philosophy. 

In  1512,  he  was  graduated  Doctor  of  Theology, 
and    thenceforth    devoted    himself    to    the    sacred 


isi8]          Early  Wittenberg  Days  31 

science.  In  his  doctor's  oath,  he  obligated  himself 
to  defend  the  Holy  Scriptures  against  all  errors,  and 
also  to  obey  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  He 
preached  much,  heard  confessions,  and  said  mass  as 
became  a  devout  Catholic.  Unexpectedly  to  him- 
self he  woke  the  theological  world  out  of  its  slumbers 
by  the  sound  of  the  hammer  strokes  which  fastened 
the  Ninety-five  Theses  to  the  door  of  the  Castle 
Church  on  the  thirty-first  of  October,  1517.  Hence- 
forth Wittenberg  was  committed  to  the  new  learning, 
and  was  now  prepared  to  furnish  a  fit  working- 
place  for  the  literary  head  of  the  Reformation. 
The  fame  of  the  university  was  growing,  and  it 
became  necessary  to  have  professors  for  Greek  and 
Hebrew.  Frederick,  who  was  becoming  proud  of 
his"  high  school,"  inquired  of  Reuchlin  in  April, 
1518,  for  suitable  persons  to  fill  the  proposed  chairs. 
The  old  "  phoenix  of  Germany  "  rejoiced  that  "  the 
University  of  Wittenberg  was  to  rise  to  the  honour 
and  praise  of  all  Germany  by  the  use  of  the  Latin, 
Greek,  and  Hebrew  tongues."  For  Hebrew  he 
suggested  Dr.  Paul  Riccius,  a  converted  Jew,  physi- 
cian to  Cardinal  von  Gurk,  or  Conrad  Pellican,  a 
Barefoot  prior,  one  of  his  own  pupils,  who,  in  1507, 
had  published  a  Hebrew  Grammar.  For  the  chair 
of  Greek  he  proposed  his  own  nephew,  "  Master 
Philip  Schwartzerd  of  Bretten,"  stipulating  only 
that  if  Master  Philip  should  not  fill  the  place  accept- 
ably he  should  be  returned  free  of  expense.  He 
further  suggested  that  Philip's  books  could  be  taken 
to  Saxony  in  September  by  the  merchants  of  Frank- 
fort, and  he  could  ride  with  them,  as  he  "  did  not 


32  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

know  the  way."  '  In  a  subsequent  letter  to  the  Elec- 
tor he  commended  Philip,  saying:  "  He  will  serve 
the  University  and  your  Electoral  Grace  with  honour 
and  praise.  Of  this  I  have  no  doubt,  for  I  know  no 
one  among  the  Germans  who  surpasses  him,  except 
Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  who  is  a  Hollander."  2  For 
a  time  the  decision  hung  in  the  balance.  Peter  Mo- 
sellanus,  the  celebrated  Greek  scholar  of  Leipzig,  had 
sought  the  place  for  himself,  and  had  found  advo- 
cates in  Luther  and  Spalatin.  The  latter  had  spoken 
of  him  as  pious,  peaceful,  upright,  and  able  to  trans- 
late from  Greek  into  Latin,  and  had  expressed  some 
scruples  against  Melanchthon.  It  is  probable  that 
regard  for  the  authority  of  Reuchlin  decided  the 
matter,  and  sent  Melanchthon  to  Wittenberg,  where 
he  became  the  companion  of  Luther  and  the  chief 
promoter  of  his  work.  What  would  Christendom 
be  to-day  had  Melanchthon  gone  to  Ingolstadt  and 
become  the  companion  and  supporter  of  Eck  ? 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  July,  Reuchlin  forwarded 
the  formal  call  to  Melanchthon,  saying: 

"  Here  you  have  the  letter  of  the  pious  Prince,  signed 
with  his  own  hand,  in  which  he  promises  you  his  favour 
and  protection.  I  will  not  address  you  in  the  language 
of  poetry,  but  will  quote  the  faithful  promise  of  God  to 
Abraham  :  '  Get  thee  out  of  thy  country,  and  from  thy 
kindred,  and  from  thy  father's  house,  unto  a  land  that  I 
will  shew  thee;  and  I  will  make  of  thee  a  great  nation, 
and  I  will  bless  and  make  thy  name  great,  and  thou  shalt 
be  a  blessing'  (Gen.  xii.,  i,  2).  So  my  mind  forecasts, 

1  See  Reuchlin's  letter  in  C.  Jt. ,  I  :  27  et  seq. 
JC  *.,  1:34. 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  33 

and  so  I  hope  it  will  be  with  thee,  my  Philip,  my  work, 
and  my  consolation." 

Then  after  advising  him  about  his  effects  and  his 
leave-taking  of  friends  at  Tubingen,  Bretten,  and 
Pforzheim,  and  inviting  him  to  come  to  Stuttgart, 
he  adds:  "  Such  is  my  advice.  Be  of  good  courage. 
Be  not  a  woman,  but  a  man.  A  prophet  is  not 
without  honour  save  in  his  own  country.  Fare- 
well."1 

Thus  dismissed  with  a  prophetic  anticipation,  and 
with  the  assurance  of  the  divine  blessing,  Melanch- 
thon  visited  his  mother  and  grandmother,  and  then 
hastened  to  Stuttgart  to  take  a  final  farewell  of  his 
illustrious  relative,  friend,  patron,  and  counsellor, 
who  from  "  his  youth  had  taught  and  instructed  him 
in  the  Greek  language,"  and  whom  he  should  never 
see  again  in  the  flesh. 

Urged  by  the  Elector,  who  was  at  that  time  at- 
tending an  imperial  diet  at  Augsburg,  to  come  to 
him  at  once  "  with  his  books,"  early  in  August 
Melanchthon  mounted  a  horse  and  set  out  for  Augs- 
burg, which  twelve  years  later  was  the  scene  of  his 
greatest  achievement,  the  composition  of  the  first 
and  most  widely  endorsed  Confession  of  Protestant 
Christendom.  Here  he  saluted  the  Elector,  and 
formed  the  acquaintance  of  Spalatin,  with  whom  he 
travelled  into  Saxony,  and  with  whom  he  formed  a 
lasting  friendship.  The  die  was  cast,  but  no  human 
mind  could  foresee  the  result.  It  could  only  have 
been  said  that  Philip  Melanchthon,  the  best  product 

~ '£.*.,  1-32. 


34  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

of  the  German  Renaissance,  had  left  his  land  and 
kindred,  the  fertile  fields  and  balmy  climate  of  the 
South,  for  an  academic  home  among  strangers  in 
the  cold  and  crude  North. 

But  the  change  was  a  relief,  since  he  wished  not 
longer  to  remain  and  be  tormented  in  Tubingen, 
where  his  eminent  scholarship  and  rising  reputation 
had  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  older  professors.1 
Nor  was  his  departure  deplored  by  his  colleagues, 
because,  as  Simler  said,  "  though  there  were  many 
learned  men  there,  they  were  not  learned  enough  to 
understand  how  great  was  the  learning  of  him  who 
had  gone  from  the  midst  of  them."  a  Yet  our  old 
account  relates  that 

"  in  the  meanwhile  Duke  Ulrich  of  Wtirtemberg,  who 
wished  to  retain  Philip  in  his  own  country,  sent  Conrad 
von  Sickingen,  then  in  his  service,  to  Philip's  mother  to 
inform  her  that  if  her  son  was  minded  to  enter  the 
priesthood,  he  should  apply  to  his  Princely  Grace.  Then 
he  would  provide  him  with  a  good  benefice  on  account 
of  the  faithful  service  of  his  sainted  father.  However, 
Philip  was  not  inclined  to  become  a  priest;  but  intended 
in  accordance  with  the  invitation  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony 
to  serve  his  Electoral  Grace  and  the  University;  and  so 
it  came  to  pass." 

After  tarrying  a  few  days  at  Augsburg,  where 
again  he  declined  a  call  to  Ingolstadt,  Melanchthon 
started  directly  for  Wittenberg.  At  Nuremberg  he 
made  the  personal  acquaintance  of  Wilibald  Pirk- 

1  See  his  letters  to  Reuchlin  in  C.  R.,  i  :  31. 
9C.  R.,  10  :  299. 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  35 

heimer,  and  of  Christopher  Scheurl,  who  from  1505 
to  1512  had  been  a  professor  of  law  at  Wittenberg. 
Both  received  the  young  professor  with  open  arms. 
August  20th  he  reached  Leipzig,  where  he  met  for 
the  first  time  Peter  Mosellanus,  the  young  professor 
of  Greek,  and  Andrew  Francis  Comitianus,  who 
afterward  became  counsellor  to  several  Saxon 
dukes.  Camerarius,  his  lifelong  friend  and  bio- 
grapher, relates  the  following  anecdote : 

"  Philip  used  to  tell  what  occurred  at  a  banquet  given 
in  his  honour  by  the  University.  The  courses  were 
many,  and  as  each  was  served,  some  person  would  get 
up  with  a  prepared  speech  and  address  him.  Having 
observed  this  for  a  while  and  having  responded  once  and 
again,  Philip  said:  '  I  pray  you,  illustrious  sirs,  allow  me 
to  respond  once  for  all  to  your  speeches,  for  I  am  not 
prepared  to  speak  so  often  with  the  proper  variety.'  "  1 

Schmidt  remarks  that  Melanchthon  was  not  so 
lusty  a  drinker  as  the  Leipzig  professors  were. 

In  addition  to  this  good  cheer,  the  Leipzig  pro- 
fessors sought,  more  earnestly  than  honourably,  to 
retain  him  in  the  service  of  their  own  university. 
They  spoke  disparagingly  of  Wittenberg,  and  offered 
larger  pay  than  had  been  promised  him — one  hun- 
dred florins — by  the  Elector.  But,  though  fearing 
lest  his  salary  might  not  be  adequate  for  his  main- 
tenance, he  nevertheless  stood  firmly  by  his  promise, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  pushed  on  toward 
the  end  of  his  journey.  He  passed  the  night  at 
Duben,  and  on  the  next  day,  August  25,  1518,  at 

1  Vita  Melanchthonis,  p.  26. 


36  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  entered  "  the  white 
city  "  by  the  Elbe,  where  he  was  destined  to  labour 
for  forty-two  years,  and  where  hi^  body,  worn  out 
by  toil  and  suffering,  was  to  find  its  last  resting- 
place. 

Melanchthon's  fame  had  preceded  him  to  Witten- 
berg, but  his  appearance  disappointed  expectation. 
He  was  young,  below  middle  size,  diffident,  hesitat- 
ing, of  frail  body  and  stammering  tongue,  and 
carried  one  shoulder  higher  than  the  other.  As  he 
passed  along  the  street  it  may  have  been  said  with 
a  wink  of  the  eye  and  a  wag  of  the  head,  "  There 
goes  Melanchthon,  the  new  professor";  but  those 
who  took  a  closer  look,  and  judged  not  by  the  out- 
ward appearance  only,  remarked  the  high  forehead, 
the  large,  clear,  blue  eyes,  the  thoughtful  face,  the 
animated  gesture, — all  of  which  gave  intimations  of 
the  lofty  intellect  which  used  that  frail  body  as  its 
instrument.  August  26th,  under  the  rectorate  of 
Nicholas  Gingelm,  Master  of  Arts,  "  Philip  Mel- 
anchthon of  Bretten,  a  Tubingen  Master  of  Arts, 
was  registered  as  the  first  professor  of  the  Greek 
language. ' '  So  runs  the  record  in  the  Codex  Bavari, 
t.  i.,  p.  1003. 

Melanchthon  is\iow  installed  a  professor  at  the 
new  University  of  Wittenberg.  No  restrictions  are 
imposed  on  his  teaching.  He  came  as  a  pronounced 
humanist,  but  a  humanist  of  a  loftier  purpose,  who 
is  to  use  humanistic  learning  in  the  service  of  re- 
ligion ;  and  Wittenberg  is  exactly  the  place  for  the 
execution  of  such  a  purpose.  From  its  very  begin- 
ning a  liberal  spirit  had  prevailed  in  the  Saxon  uni- 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  37 

versity  on  the  Elbe.  The  first  rector  had  favoured 
classical  studies  in  opposition  to  the  current  subtle- 
ties of  the  scholastic  method.  The  first  dean  of  the  j 
theological  faculty  had  laid  more  stress  on  practical  / 
piety  than  on  the  dogmas  of  the  Church.  Luther/ 
had  already  raged  against  Aristotle  and  the  scholas- 
tics, and  by  his  lectures  on  the  Psalms  and  Romans 
had  carried  the  study  of  Theology  back  towards  its 
sources.  John  Rhagius  and  Otto  Beckman  were 
lecturing  on  the  Latin  classics.  Jerome  Schurf,  from 
Tubingen,  lectured  on  Law.  Caspar  Borner  taught 
Astronomy.  These  friends  of  advanced  methods 
were  more  than  odds  for  the  few  remaining  Thom- 
ists  and  Scotists  who  taught  physics  and  logic  in  the 
old  way.  In  addition  there  was  in  the  theological 
faculty  Andrew  Bodenstein,  a  man  of  ample  learn- 
ing, and  of  controversial  spirit,  but  with  his  eye  to 
the  future  rather  than  on  the  past.  Surely  no  uni- 
versity in  Germany  furnished  at  that  time  such  an 
opportunity  and  such  congenial  companionship  for 
the  young  humanist  as  Wittenberg.  All  had  awaited 
his  coming  with  anxious  expectation,  and  all  had 
been  disappointed  in  his  appearance.  But  the 
disappointment  was  of  short  duration.  August 
29th,  four  days  after  his  arrival,  the  new  professor 
ascended  the  rostrum  in  the  presence  of  the  as- 
sembled University  and  delivered  his  Inaugural. 
His  subject  was  "  The  Improvement  of  the  Studies 
of  Youth  ' '  (De  corrigendis  adolescentia  studiis}.  He 
said : 

Only  regard  for  the  proper  studies  and  the  du- 
ties of  my  office,  illustrious  Rector  and  Heads  of 


38  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  University,  could  induce  me  to  commend  to 
you  the  study  of  classical  literature,  which  is  so 
much  opposed  by  rude  and  uncultured  men,  who 
declare  that  classical  studies  are  more  difficult  than 
useful;  that  Greek  is  studied  only  by  disordered 
intellects,  and  that,  too,  for  display  ;  and  that 
Hebrew  is  of  little  account.  To  contend  with  such 
teachers  one  needs  to  be  a  Hercules  or  a  Theseus. 
Even  before  me  I  see  those  who  are  annoyed  by  this 
innovation.  But  hear  me  patiently,  as  my  relation 
to  you  and  the  dignity  of  literature  require. 

In  the  Middle  Ages  Roman  literature  went  down 
with  the  Roman  Empire.  Only  in  England  and 
Ireland  did  learning  flourish,  as  with  the  Venerable 
Bede,  who  was  master  of  all  the  knowledge  of  his 
times.  The  Germans  were  better  acquainted  with 
war  than  with  literature.  Charlemagne  revived  the 
study  of  literature.  He  called  Alcuin  from  Eng- 
land to  France.  Under  his  leadership  Paris  became 
distinguished  for  culture.  Then  came  a  period  of 
relapse,  and  Aristotle,  mutilated  and  translated  into 
bad  Latin,  became  more  obscure  than  a  sibylline 
oracle.  This  was  followed  by  the  race  of  scholastics, 
more  numerous  than  the  seed  of  Cadmus.  Law, 
Medicine,  and  Theology  alike  suffered  from  the 
decline  of  classical  study.  Good  literature  was 
supplanted  by  the  bad;  the  pristine  piety  was  ex- 
changed for  ceremonies,  human  traditions,  constitu- 
tions, capitularies,  pilgrimages,  and  glosses. 

There  are  three  kinds  of  studies :  Logic,  Physics, 
and  Oratory.  Logic  teaches  the  force  and  differ- 
ences of  words,  and  also  the  limits,  origin,  and 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  39 

course  of  things.  But  the  science  has  been  cor- 
rupted by  many  of  its  modern  teachers;  and  endless 
disputes  arise,  as  between  Nominalism  and  Realism. 
Yet  Logic  is  of  great  service.  There  is  also  great 
confusion  among  theologians.  The  Philosophers, 
Orators,  Poets,  Theologians,  and  Historians  of  an- 
tiquity must  be  studied.  All  public  and  private  life 
is  profited  by  the  study  of  history.  Homer  is  the 
source  of  all  learning  among  the  Greeks,  and  Virgil 
and  Horace  among  the  Latins.  Theology  must  be 
studied  by  the  aid  of  the  Greek  and  Hebrew.  When 
we  go  to  the  sources,  then  are  we  led  to  Christ.  I 
shall  begin  my  work  with  Homer  and  the  Epistle  to 
Titus.  Cultivate  the  old  Latins  and  embrace  the 
Greeks.  To  the  inculcation  of  such  studies  I  now 
devote  myself. 

This  oration,  of  which  we  have  given  a  brief 
synopsis,  at  once  points  out  the  relation  of  Melanch- 
thon  to  the  great  intellectual  and  religious  movement 
of  the  age.  No  similar  programme  had  ever  been 
exhibited  to  the  professors  and  students  of  a  German 
university.  What  had  lain  in  the  author's  mind  at 
Tubingen  as  a  fruitful  seed,  now  in  the  congenial 
atmosphere  of  Wittenberg  blossomed  out  in  strength 
and  beauty.  In  the  face  of  remnants  of  obscurant- 
ism which  may  have  lingered  in  this  newest  univer- 
sity, the  young  professor  announces  the  mission  of 
classical  studies.  He  conceives  that  they  are  to 
regenerate  society,  and  to  lead  to  a  better  theology. 
The  Erasmian  thought  that  the  Church  must  be 
reformed  by  means  of  classical  study  takes  a  step 
forward,  and  joins  Homer  and  Paul.  It  does  not 


40  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

have  that  deeper  knowledge  of  the  Scripture  into 
which  its  author  was  yet  to  be  led,  nor  that  living 
relation  to  the  saving  doctrine  whjch  alone  can  free 
the  Church  from  its  Babylonian  captivity;  but  it 
points  significantly  and  positively  in  the  right  direc- 
tion, and  marks  the  inauguration  of  a  new  era  in 
culture  and  religion.  In  Italy  the  Renaissance 
brought  in  scepticism  and  Epicureanism.  In  Ger- 
many it  was  to  bring  faith  and  a  higher  morality. 
The  difference  in  results  lay  in  the  fact  that  in  Italy 
culture  was  sought  as  an  end  in  itself.  In  Germany 
it  was  used  as  a  means  for  the  cultivation  of  theology 
and  for  the  advancement  of  piety.  And  this  differ- 
ent use  of  a  revived  antiquity  has  been  one  of  the 
most  potent  factors  in  making  Protestant  peoples  so 
much  superior  to  their  Roman  Catholic  neighbours, 
both  in  theology  and  in  religion.  For  very  much 
of  this  superiority  the  world  is  indebted  to  Melanch- 
thon. His  Inaugural  is  an  open  declaration  of  war 
against  the  "  men  of  darkness,"  and  a  protest 
against  the  traditional  methods  in  theology.  It 
enunciates  distinctly  the  evangelical  principle:  the 
Bible  as  the  means  and  Christ  as  the  goal  of  truth 
and  wisdom. 

The  impression  made  by  the  oration  was  extraor- 
dinarily great.  A  new  star,  destined  to  shed  its 
light  wide  over  the  world,  had  risen  in  the  North. 
Luther  was  in  ecstasy.  Two  days  later  he  wrote  to 
Spalatin : 

"  As  regards  our  Philip  Melanchthon  everything  shall 
be  done  as  you  suggest.  On  the  fourth  day  after  his 
arrival  he  delivered  a  most  learned  and  chaste  oration  to 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  41 

the  delight  and  admiration  of  all.  It  is  not  now  neces- 
sary for  you  to  commend  him.  We  quickly  retracted  the 
opinion  which  we  had  formed  when  we  first  saw  him. 
Now  we  laud  and  admire  the  reality  in  him,  and  thank 
the  most  illustrious  Prince  and  your  kindness.  Be  at 
pains  to  commend  him  most  heartily  to  the  Prince.  I 
desire  no  other  Greek  teacher  so  long  as  we  have  him. 
But  I  fear  that  his  delicate  constitution  may  not  bear  the 
mode  of  life  in  this  country.  Also,  I  hear  that  because 
of  the  smallness  of  his  salary  the  boastful  Leipzig  pro- 
fessors hope  soon  to  take  him  from  us.  They  solicited 
him  before  he  came  here."  l 

Luther  then  exhorts  Spalatin  not  to  despise  Mel- 
anchthon's  appearance  and  age,  "  for  he  is  worthy  of 
all  honour."     Two  days  later  he  wrote  again:    "  I 
most    heartily    commend    Philip.      He    is   a   most 
thorough  Greek   scholar,    very  learned  and  highly 
cultured.      His  lecture-room  is  filled  with  students. f 
All  the  theological  students,   the  highest,   middle,) 
and  lowest  classes,  study  Greek." 

The  two  great  men  were  at  once  drawn  to  each 
other.  Luther's  clear  understanding,  deep  feeling, 
pious  spirit,  heroic  courage,  overwhelmed  Melanch- 
thon  with  wonder,  so  that  he  reverenced  him  as  a 
father.  Melanchthon's  great  learning,  fine  culture, 
philosophical  clearness,  his  beautiful  character  and 
tender  heart,  acted  as  a  charm  upon  Luther.  Each 
found  the  complement  of  his  own  nature  in  the 
other.  God  had  joined  the  two  with  marvellous 
adaptation.  If  Luther  was  a  physician  severer  than 

1  De  W.  (De  Wette's  Luther's  Briefe),  I  :  134,  135- 
2De  W.,  i  :  140. 


42  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  diseases  of  the  Church  could  bear,  Melanchthon 
was  too  gentle  for  the  hurt  of  the  declining  Church, 
which  could  not  easily  bear  either,  her  diseases  or 
the  remedies  required  to  heal  them.  Together  they 
achieved  what  neither  could  have  done  without  the 
other.  Hence  they  are  entitled  to  share  equal  hon- 
ours for  the  work  of  the  Reformation.  Without  Mel-~^ 
anchthon  the  nailing  up  of  the  Ninety-five  Theses  \ 
had  ended  in  a  monkish  squabble,  to  be  followed  per- 
haps by  a  new  school  of  theology  in  the  old  Church. 
Without  Luther  the  teaching  of  Greek  at  Witten- 
berg would  have  ended  in  a  higher  and  purer  human- 
istic culture.  Their  combined  labours  produced  the 
Protestant  Church,  changed  the  course  of  history, 
and  introduced  the  modern  era.  Luther  by  his  fiery 
eloquence,  genial  humour,  and  commanding  per- 
sonality commended  the  Reformation  to  the  people. 
Melanchthon  by  his  moderation,  his  love  of  order, 
his  profound  scholarship,  won  for  it  the  support  of 
the  learned.  Luther  himself  has  put  their  gifts  in 
happy  juxtaposition : 

"I  am  rough,  boisterous,  stormy,  and  altogether 
warlike.  I  am  born  to  fight  against  innumerable  mon- 
sters and  devils.  I  must  remove  stumps  and  stones,  cut 
away  thistles,  and  thorns,  and  clear  the  wild  forests;  but 
Master  Philip  comes  along  softly  and  gently,  sowing  and 
watering  with  joy,  according  to  the  gifts  which  God  has 
abundantly  bestowed  upon  him."  ' 

The  sowing  was  just  as  useful  and  indispensable 
as  the   removal   of   the  stumps  and  stones.     The 

1  Preface  to  Melanchthon's  Com.  on  Colossians. 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  43 

work  of  the  one,  especially  at  the  beginning,  was 
predominantly  the  work  of  destruction;  that  of  the 
other,  as  predominantly  the  work  of  construction. 
Luther  tore  down  the  idols  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  Melanchthon  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
dogmatic  system  of  Protestant  theology,  and  wrote 
the  first  Confession  of  the  Protestant  Church.  Their 
combined  labours  brought  into  existence  the  Evan- 
gelical Lutheran  Church.  Also  the  friendship  es- 
tablished between  these  great  men  forms  one  of  the 
most  pleasing  features  of  the  religious  drama  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  Luther  loved  Melanchthon 
as  a  son,  and  yet  he  often  sat  at  his  feet  as  a  pupil, 
and  preferred  the  opinions  of  Master  Philip  to  his 
own.  Melanchthon  learned  his  theology  and  his 
spiritual  apprehension  of  divine  truth  from  Luther. 
Each  esteemed  the  other  better  than  himself.  Each 
saw  in  the  other  a  wonderful  instrument  of  Provi- 
dence, and  each  had  the  consciousness  that  he  had 
been  providentially  joined  to  the  other  for  the  exe- 
cution of  a  common  commission.  At  one  time  the 
ardour  of  their  friendship  was  slightly  damped,  but 
the  warmth  of  earlier  attachment  was  soon  rekin- 
dled, and  then  it  endured  to  the  end.  Lovely  and 
pleasant  in  their  lives,  they  toiled,  prayed,  and  suf- 
fered for  the  same  great  cause,  and  in  their  death 
they  are  not  divided,  since  they  sleep  together  under 
the  same  roof  in  the  Castle  Church  at  Wittenberg, 
on  whose  door  Luther  nailed  the  first  battle-cry  of 
the  Reformation. 

A  new  era  in  academic  culture  had  now  begun  at 
Wittenberg.      For  some  years  theology  had  been 


44  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

taught  in  an  independent  and  liberal  way;  but  Mel- 
anchthon was  the  first  to  lead  the  students  to  the 
original  sources  of  theology  and  to  train  them  by 
means  of  logic  and  classical  literature  to  system- 
atic thinking  and  to  the  clear  expression  of  their 
thoughts.  The  result  was  that  from  all  parts  of 
Germany,  and  from  foreign  lands,  students  flocked 
to  Wittenberg,  chiefly  to  hear  Melanchthon.  In 
the  winter  semester  of  1518-19,  there  were  only  one 
hundred  and  twenty  students.  The  next  semester 
the  number  was  doubled.  In  the  summer  semes- 
ter of  1520  there  were  three  hundred  and  thirty- 
three;  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  Spalatin 
saw  six  hundred  present  at  one  of  Philip's  lectures. 

"  Sometimes  he  had  nearly  two  thousand  hearers, 
among  whom  were  princes,  counts,  barons,  and  other 
persons  of  rank.  He  taught  over  a  wide  range  of  sub- 
jects, including  Hebrew,  Latin,  and  Greek  Grammar, 
rhetoric,  physics,  and  philosophy;  thus  serving  the  com- 
mon weal  of  Church  and  State,  and  in  teaching  accom- 
plishing as  much  in  all  his  subjects  as  other  professors 
did  in  one  subject."  * 

So  splendid  was  his  success  that  Luther  exclaimed : 

"  Whoever  does  not  recognise  Philip  as  his  instructor, 
is  a  stolid,  stupid  donkey,  carried  away  by  his  own  vanity 
and  self-conceit.  Whatever  we  know  in  the  arts  and  in 
true  philosophy,  Philip  has  taught  us.  He  has  only  the 
humble  title  of  Master,  but  he  excels  all  the  Doctors. 
There  is  no  one  living  adorned  with  such  gifts.  He 

1  C.  R.t  10:  301. 


Early  Wittenberg  Days  45 

must  be  held  in  honour.     Whoever  despises  this  man, 
him  will  God  despise." 

Melanchthon  also  continued  his  literary  activity. 
In  the  year  1518  he  edited  and  published  the  Epistle 
to  Titus,  and  wrote  to  Spalatin  that  he  was  ready  to 
publish,  among  other  things,  a  Greek  dictionary, 
two  treatises  of  Plutarch,  a  Greek  hymn,  Athenag- 
oras,  Plato's  Symposium,  and  three  books  on 
Rhetoric.2  He  was  body  and  soul  devoted  to  Wit- 
tenberg, with  the  double  purpose  of  bringing  honour 
to  the  university  and  of  disseminating  knowledge. 
He  declared  that  he  should  be  wanting  neither  in 
faithfulness,  nor  in  study,  nor  in  zeal,  nor  in  labour, 
to  increase  the  splendour  of  Wittenberg,  and  to 
meet  the  expectations  of  the  Elector.3 

Thus  with  his  hands  full  of  work,  and  with  his 
reputation  as  a  scholar  and  teacher  fully  established, 
Melanchthon  closed  the  year  1518. 


1  C.  R.,  10:  302. 
2C.  *.,  1:44,50,52. 

3  Ibidem. 


CHAPTER  V 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

Effects  of  Luther  s  Theses — Progress  of  the  Reformation — John 
Eck — Controversy — Leipzig  Disputation — Eck,  Carlstadt,  and 
Luther— Melanchthon  Attends  the  Leipzig  Disputation— Con- 
troversy with  Eck. 

LUTHER'S  Theses  had  excited  great  commo- 
tion throughout  Christendom.  Those  who  felt 
themselves  oppressed  and  scandalised  by  the  papal 
corruptions,  hailed  the  Saxon  monk  as  the  coming 
deliverer  of  the  Church.  Those  who  were  content 
with  the  existing  order  of  things  proclaimed  him  a 
heretic,  schismatic,  babbler,  and  blasphemer.  The 
Dominicans  complained  that  their  order  had  been 
insulted,  and  yet  they  rejoiced  that  the  Augustin- 
ians  were  about  to  be  brought  into  disgrace.  The 
Pope,  Leo  X.,  who  at  first  thought  the  commotion 
was  only  an  insignificant  quarrel  between  the  monks, 
soon  learned  that  it  threatened  the  stability  of  his 
throne.  Early  in  February,  1518,  he  had  called  on 
the  General  of  the  Augustinian  Order  to  extinguish 
the  fire  which  Luther  had  kindled.  He  then  cited 
Luther  to  appear  in  Rome  within  sixty  days  to  have 

46 


Progress  of  the  Reformation        47 

his  case  tried  before  three  judges.  And  when 
through  the  good  offices  of  the  Elector  it  was  de- 
cided to  have  the  case  tried  in  Germany,  Luther 
was  ordered  to  appear  before  Cardinal  Cajetan  with- 
out delay.  The  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and, 
October  7,  1518,  Luther  arrived  at  the  cloister  of 
the  Augustinians  in  Augsburg.  The  interview  was 
continued  through  several  days,  but  without  results. 
Fearing  violence,  Luther  left  Augsburg  secretly, 
and  October  3ist  he  was  again  in  Wittenberg.  Mel- 
anchthon  had  attended  his  friend  on  the  dangerous 
journey  with  his  best  wishes  and  prayers;  and  now 
he  rejoiced  at  his  safe  return.  Luther  had  written 
him  to  play  the  man,  and  to  teach  the  young  men 
properly,  as  he  himself  was  going  to  the  sacrifice,  if 
it  pleased  God,  and  adds:  "  I  'd  rather  perish,  and, 
what  is  more  grievous  to  me  than  all,  be  deprived 
forever  of  your  delightful  companionship,  than  to 
recant  things  fitly  spoken,  and  be  the  occasion  of 
putting  an  end  to  profitable  studies."  *  A  few  days 
later  he-  wrote  to  Carlstadt  that  he  would  rather  die, 
be  burnt,  expelled,  and  anathematised  than  recant. 
He  begs  all  his  friends  to  pray  for  him;  "  yea  for 
yourselves,  since  your  own  cause  is  at  stake  here, 
viz.,  faith  in  Christ  the  Lord,  and  the  grace  of 
God."2 

Luther's  danger  and  his  courage  drew  the  young 
scholar  still  more  closely  to  him,  and  helped  to  iden- 
tify him  with  the  new  movement.  Hence  when,  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  November,  1518,  Luther  pub- 

1  De  W.,  i:  146. 
2De  W.,  i:  161. 


48  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

lished  his  Appeal  to  the  Pope  for  a  general  council, 
Melanchthon  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  Spalatin,  saying: 

"  I  send  you  Martin's  Apology.  *There  is  no  reason 
why  you  should  dread  the  rage  of  the  Romanists.  That 
is  what  such  men  are  wont  to  do.  Unless  they  play  the 
tyrant  they  do  not  think  they  rule;  though  in  the  name  of 
God  what  a  difference  there  ought  to  be  between  ruling 
and  being  stewards!  But  ambition  and  avarice  are  seen 
in  everything.  Martin  defends  himself  so  well  that  they 
are  not  able  to  invent  a  new  accusation  against  him." 

Luther  and  Melanchthon,  though  fully  convinced 
of  the  corruptions  of  the  Church,  and  of  the  right- 
eousness of  what  had  now  become  their  common 
cause,  had  no  intention  of  separating  from  Rome, 
or  of  changing  the  constitution  of  the  Church  or  her 
order  of  worship.  They  hoped  that  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities  could  be  led  to  see  the  errors  and  abuses 
which  prevailed  everywhere,  and  could  be  induced 
to  correct  them.  The  old  institutions  and  orders 
might  remain.  They  only  needed  purification. 
Melanchthon  even  praised  Frederick  for  having  pro- 
vided for  the  priests,  built  new  monasteries,  and 
restored  old  ones.2  But  the  two  Wittenberg  profess- 
ors, who  had  been  so  powerfully  drawn  together, 
were  not  allowed  to  rest.  They  had  begun  an  irre- 
pressible conflict.  The  truth  itself  was  now  fighting. 
Every  day  "  the  Pope's  crown  and  the  monks' 
bellies, ' '  to  use  the  words  of  Erasmus,  were  incurring 
greater  danger.  The  threats  and  denunciations  of 

'C.  J?.,  i:  58. 
2C.*.,  1:47- 


1519]      Progress  of  the  Reformation        49 

Cajetan  had  not  silenced  "  that  child  of  Satan  and 
son  of  perdition,"  as  the  Pope  had  called  Luther. 
Another  method  must  be  tried.  Miltitz,  the  papal 
chamberlain,  was  despatched  to  Altenburg  to  flatter 
and  conjure  the  bold  monk  into  silence.  He  suc- 
ceeded, but  with  the  distinct  understanding,  on  the 
part  of  the  monk,  that  he  would  observe  silence 
provided  that  his  enemies  would  also  do  the  same. 
Here,  it  was  thought,  the  whole  matter  would  rest. 
But  a  new  actor  now  came  on  the  stage.  Dr.  John 
Eck,  Pro-chancellor  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt, 
was  one  of  the  most  learned  men  and  eminent  theo- 
logians of  his  age.  He  had  studied  at  Heidelberg 
and  Tubingen,  had  visited  other  celebrated  univer- 
sities in  Germany,  and  had  made  the  acquaintance 
of  the  most  illustrious  scholars  then  living.  Wher- 
ever he  went  he  gained  applause  as  a  debater.  At 
the  age  of  twenty  he  began  to  lecture  on  Occam 
and  Biel,  on  Aristotle's  philosophy,  on  dogmatics, 
and  on  the  nominalistic  morality.  He  sought  to 
master  every  subject  and  to  surpass  every  other 
scholar.  To  increase  his  reputation  as  a  disputant 
he  visited  Vienna  and  Bologna.  He  was  as  vain  as 
he  was  learned,  and  delighted  in  recounting  his 
victories.  He  saw  in  the  Ninety-five  Theses,  which 
had  been  sent  him  by  Luther,  a  subject  for  a  new 
debate  and  a  chance  for  an  additional  triumph. 
Against  the  Theses  he  published  animadversions 
under  the  title  of  Obolisci.  These  were  answered 
by  Carlstadt  in  406  theses,  in  which  both  the  learn- 
ing and  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Ingolstadt  professor 
were  boldly  assailed.  Luther  himself  finally  replied 


50  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

in  the  Asterisci.  The  result  was  a  challenge  to  Carl- 
stadt  for  a  public  disputation.  Over  the  shoulders  of 
Carlstadt  Eck  wished  to  chastise  Luther.  He  chose 
Leipzig  as  the  place  for  the  disputation,  and  June  27, 
1519,  as  the  time  for  beginning  it.  But  already  in 
February  he  had  published  thirteen  theses  which  he 
proposed  to  defend.  Some  of  these  were  directed 
against  Luther.  As  his  enemies  had  now  broken 
the  peace,  Luther  was  no  longer  bound  by  his 
promise  to  keep  the  peace.  Hence  he  began  to  pre- 
pare to  meet  the  challenge,  with  the  declaration  that 
he  feared  "  neither  the  Pope,  nor  the  name  of  the 
Pope,  nor  popelings,  nor  puppets."  Eck  came  to 
Leipzig  early,  and  made  a  great  display  of  himself, 
so  as  to  attract  attention.  On  June  24th  the  Wit- 
tenbergers  entered  the  city.  Besides  the  two 
champions,  Carlstadt  and  Luther,  there  came  Dr. 
John  Lange,  Vicar  of  the  Augustinians,  Philip 
Melanchthon,  Nicholas  Amsdorf,  John  Agricola, 
three  doctors  of  law,  and  about  two  hundred  stu- 
dents. Eck  disputed  with  Carlstadt  four  days  on 
the  freedom  of  the  will ;  then  with  Luther  on  the 
Pope's  primacy,  purgatory,  penance,  absolution,  and 
satisfaction.  Luther  drew  his  arguments  against 
the  Pope's  primacy  from  the  Scriptures  and  from  the 
fact  that  the  Greek  Church  had  never  acknowledged 
the  Pope's  primacy.  These  were  his  strong  points; 
and  in  this  part  of  the  discussion  he  evinced  his 
superiority.  He  went  so  far  as  to  declare  that  a 
General  Council  could  not  create  an  article  of  faith, 
and  could  give  no  guarantee  against  error.  Eck 
now  proclaimed  him  a  heathen  and  a  publican. 


JOHN  AGRICOLA. 

AFTER   A   CONTEMPORARY  COPPER    PLATE. 


1519]      Progress  of  the  Reformation        51 

The  disputation  was  continued  for  some  days  on 
other  subjects,  and  then  brought  to  a  close.  Eck 
claimed  the  victory,  was  applauded  by  his  friends, 
and  rewarded  by  Duke  George,  in  whose  Castle  of 
the  Pleissenburg  the  disputation  had  taken  place. 
Luther  departed  for  home  displeased,  exclaiming 
that  Eck  and  his  friends  had  not  sought  the  truth, 
but  fame.  Yet  the  disputation  was  helpful  to 
Luther.  He  had  now  reached  the  sublime  conclu- 
sion that  in  matters  of  faith  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  Church  was  not  to  be  recognised.  He  had 
also  discovered  that  henceforth  his  chief  weapon 
must  be  the  Word  of  God,  which  alone  can  make 
articles  of  faith. 

Melanchthon  describes  himself  as  "an  idle  specta- 
tor "  of  the  Leipzig  disputation.  But  he  was  more 
than  that.  He  did  not  indeed  take  public  part  in 
the  debate,  but  he  furnished  his  fellow-professors 
with  arguments  in  the  intervals  of  the  discussion, 
and  made  suggestions  sotto  voce  while  the  debate 
was  in  actual  progress.  This  displeased  Eck,  who 
cried  out,  "  Keep  silent,  Philip;  mind  your  own 
studies,  and  don't  disturb  me." 

Eck  was  already  displeased  with  Melanchthon, 
because  in  his  Inaugural  Melanchthon  had  classed 
him  with  the  perverters  of  Logic.  He  now  describes 
Melanchthon  as  a  "  nephew  of  Reuchlin,  very  arro- 
gant. ' '  But  for  Melanchthon  the  Leipzig  disputation 
was  a  turning-point  in  life.  It  marks  the  real  begin- 
ning of  his  active  participation  in  the  work  of  the 
Reformation.  His  faith  in  the  authority  of  the 
existing  Church  is  now  completely  shaken,  and  his 


52  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

studies  henceforth  take  a  more  decidedly  theological 
direction.  The  personality  of  each  of  the  disput- 
ants, and  the  great  questions  of  the«  debate,  awaken 
in  him  the  liveliest  interest. 

Four  days  after  the  disputation  had  closed,  that 
is,  July  2 ist,  Melanchthon  published  a  letter  to  his 
friend  CEcolampadius,  then  preacher  at  Augsburg,  in 
which  he  gave  an  account  of  the  debate,  but  refrained 
from  expressing  a  judgment  on  the  result,  or  on  the 
direction  matters  were  taking.  He  says  that  the 
object  of  the  discussion  was  to  state  the  difference 
between  the  old  theology  of  Christ  and  the  Aris- 
totelian innovations.  He  also  relates  that  in  the 
dispute  about  the  Pope's  primacy,  Eck  had  spoken 
with  bitterness  and  rudeness,  and  had  sought  to 
prejudice  Luther  in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  Of  the 
disputants  he  says: 

'  They  displayed  talents,  varied  erudition,  and  much 
learning  in  the  debate,  from  which  I  hope  religion  will 
be  well  served.  Eck  was  greatly  admired  by  many 
among  us  on  account  of  his  varied  and  splendid  gifts. 
Carlstadt  you  know  from  what  he  has  written.  He  is  a 
good  man,  having  rare  and  unquestioned  learning.  In 
Martin,  with  whom  I  have  long  been  well  acquainted,  I 
admire  the  quick  intellect,  learning,  and  eloquence,  the 
sincere  and  excellent  Christian  spirit.  I  cannot  help 
loving  him."  * 

This  letter  falling  under  the  eye  of  Eck,  so  excited 
his  ire  that  on  the  25th  he  sent  forth  from  Leipzig  a 
reply  against  "  the  Wittenberg  Grammarian,  who 

1C.  /*.,  I  :  87  et  seq. 


1519]      Progress  of  the  Reformation        53 

knows  some  Greek  and  Latin."  He  calls  him  "  the 
literalist,"  "  the  bold  little  man  who  assumed  to 
play  the  role  of  the  judge."  Once  he  addresses 
him  as  "  thou  dusty  schoolmaster,"  and  tells  him 
that  he  might  have  gained  some  reputation  had  he 
minded  his  own  business,  but  that  now  he  has  "  con- 
signed himself  to  obscurity."  Finally  he  says: 

"Though  Philip  is  not  a  person  whom  a  theologian 
should  meet  in  a  matter  of  theology,  yet  had  I  kept  silent 
I  should  have  seemed  to  acknowledge  what  he  has 
charged  me  with.  Hence  I  resolved  to  meet  him,  just 
as  Augustine  did  not  hesitate  to  write  against  Crescon, 
the  grammarian." 

The  letter  as  a  whole  exhibits  a  spirit  of  proud  con- 
tempt for  the  Wittenberg  Grammarian,  who  is  re- 
garded as  incapable  of  expressing  an  opinion  on 
subjects  of  theology.  But  Eck  had  mistaken  his 
man.  In  August,  Melanchthon  sent  forth  a  reply 
"  from  the  renowned  Wittenberg  of  Saxony," 
"  dedicated  to  the  candid  reader."  He  makes  no 
reference  to  the  personal  indignities  heaped  upon 
him  by  Eck,  further  than  to  say  that  he  does  not 
mean  to  return  evil  for  evil,  and  railing  for  railing. 
He  then  reviews  the  Leipzig  disputation  in  a  way 
that  evinces  a  clear  insight  into  the  questions  at  is- 
sue, and  shows  that  the  writer  is  a  master  of  trench- 
ant logic.  He  not  only  sustains  and  justifies  the 
positions  of  Carlstadt  and  Luther,  but  what  is  of  far 
greater  significance,  he  declares  that  the  Church 
Fathers  on  whom  Eck  relied  in  his  interpretation  of 

1C.  R.,  i:  103. 


54  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Scripture  and  in  his  defence  of  the  Pope's  primacy, 
can  have  no  binding  authority.     He  says: 

"  Far  be  it  from  me  to  detract  from*  the  authority  of 
anyone.  I  revere  and  honour  those  lights  of  the  Church, 
those  illustrious  defenders  of  Christian  doctrine.  Inas- 
much as  the  Fathers  differ  in  opinion  they  are  to  be 
judged  by  the  Scripture.  The  Scripture  is  not  to  be 
wrenched  by  their  different  opinions.  The  meaning  of 
the  Scripture  is  one  and  simple;  and  as  the  revealed 
truth  is  very  simple  anyone  can  understand  it  by  follow- 
ing the  text  and  context.  To  this  end  we  are  bidden  to 
study  the  Scripture,  viz.,  that  to  it  as  to  a  Lydian  stone, 
we  may  apply  the  doctrine  and  opinions  of  men.  If  the 
Fathers  are  to  be  employed  in  judging  the  Scripture,  it 
were  better  to  take  their  opinion  from  those  passages  in 
which  they  simply  narrate,  than  from  those  in  which  they 
orate  and  give  way  to  their  feelings.  We  know  that  we 
ourselves  understand  the  Scripture  differently,  accord- 
ingly as  we  are  differently  affected.  Every  person  is  led 
by  his  own  feelings,  and  as  the  polyp  reflects  the  colour 
of  the  stone  to  which  it  clings,  so  we  strive  with  all  our 
might  to  reproduce  what  we  have  studied,  as  we  are  led  by 
inclination.  Often  we  get  the  right  meaning  and  pursue 
a  proper  method,  such  as  we  cannot  afterward  recall. 
So  with  the  Fathers.  Often  when  led  away  by  feeling 
they  abuse  the  Scripture  by  giving  a  meaning,  not  exactly 
bad,  but  inappropriate." 

He  then  goes  on  to  say  that  the  scholastics,  by 
their  allegorical,  tropological,  anagogical,  literal, 
grammatical,  and  historical  interpretation,  have 
turned  the  sacred  Scripture  into  a  very  Proteus. 
He  asks  : 


1519]      Progress  of  the  Reformation        55 

"  How  often  did  Jerome,  Augustine,  Ambrose  fall  into 
error  ?  I  am  not  so  ignorant  of  them  that  I  may  not 
venture  thus  to  speak.  I  am  perhaps  better  acquainted 
with  them  than  Eck  is  with  his  Aristotle.  How  often  do 
they  differ  from  each  other  and  retract  their  errors  ? 
But  why  say  more  ?  The  canonical  Scripture  alone  is 
inspired,  is  true  and  pure  in  all  things."  ' 

This  reply,  in  which  the  Ingolstadt  professor  is  so 
thoroughly  refuted,  shows  not  only  that  Melanch- 
thon  was  profoundly  acquainted  with  the  Fathers, 
but  that  he  based  the  study  of  theology  on  the  sure 
foundation  of  the  Word  of  God,  and  understood  the 
correct  principle  of  Hermeneutics,  viz.,  that  the 
Scripture  has  only  one  sense.  Eck  made  no  reply, 
but  hastened  off  to  Italy  to  seek  aid  and  comfort 
from  the  Holy  Father. 

Melanchthon's  tractate  was  received  with  loud 
applause  by  the  friends  of  evangelical  truth.  He 
was  recognised  at  once  as  worthy  to  stand  with  the 
theologians  of  the  first  rank.  On  the  fifteenth  of 
August  Luther  wrote  an  account  of  the  Leipzig 
disputation  to  Spalatin,  in  which  he  declares  that 
Melanchthon  is  three  or  four  times  more  learned  in 
the  Scriptures  than  all  the  Ecks.  He  says  expressly : 

"  I  return  to  Philip,  whom  no  Eck  can  make  me  dis- 
like, since  in  all  my  teaching  I  know  of  nothing  better 
than  his  approval.  His  opinion  and  authority  have  more 
weight  with  me  than  many  thousand  miserable  Ecks. 
Though  a  Master  of  arts,  of  philosophy,  and  of  theology, 
and  adorned  with  nearly  all  of  Eck's  titles,  I  should  not 

'(7.  ^.,  i :  108  et  seg. 


56  Philip  Melanchthon  [1519 

hesitate  to  yield  my  opinion  to  that  of  this  Grammarian, 
should  he  dissent  from  me.  This  I  have  often  done, 
and  I  do  it  daily  on  account  of  the  divine  gift  which  God 
with  his  bountiful  blessing  has  deposited  in  this  frail 
vessel,  though  it  be  contemptible  to  Eck.  I  do  not 
praise  Philip.  He  is  a  creature  of  God.  I  revere  in 
him  the  work  of  my  God."  1 

1  De  W.,  i :  305. 


CHAPTER  VI 

HIS   THESES   AND    MARRIAGE 

Becomes  Bachelor  of  Theology — Doubts  the  Doctrines  of  the  Church 
— Writes  Theses — His  Marriage — Family — Salary. 

MELANCHTHON  was  rapidly  growing  in  the 
love  of  the  Scriptures,  and  was  devoting 
more  and  more  of  his  time  to  their  exposition, 
especially  as  since  the  beginning  of  the  year  1519 
he  had  also  taught  Hebrew,  and  had  expounded 
portions  of  the  Old  Testament.  On  the  twenty-fifth 
of  January,  1519,  Luther  had  written  to  Spalatin: 
"  Our  Philip  is  engaged  on  the  Hebrew  with  greater 
fidelity  and  also  with  better  results  than  that  John  ' 
who  left  us.  The  faithfulness  and  diligence  of  the 
man  are  so  great  that  he  scarcely  takes  any  leisure. ' ' a 
On  the  nineteenth  of  December  Melanchthon  him- 
self wrote  to  John  Schwebel  that  during  the  summer 
he  had  expounded  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and 
that  he  was  then  engaged  in  expounding  Matthew, 

1  Luther  means  John   Boschenstein,   who  came  to  Wittenberg  as 
professor  of  Hebrew  in  November,  1518,  and  left  after  a  few  months. 
2DeW.,  1:214. 

57 


58  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  meant  to  publish  a  commentary  on  Matthew. 
He  adds:  "  I  am  wholly  engaged  on  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  wish  you  would  also,  devote  yourself 
wholly  to  them.  There  is  a  wonderful  charm  in 
them ;  yea,  a  heavenly  ambrosia  nourishes  the  soul 
which  is  engaged  on  them."  '  The  estimate  which 
Luther  placed  on  these  lectures  on  Matthew  is 
shown  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Lange  on  the 
eighteenth  of  December:  "I  am  sorry  that  I  cannot 
send  all  the  brethren  to  Philip's  theological  lectures 
on  Matthew  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The 
little  Grecian  surpasses  me  also  in  theology."  a 

Melanchthon  was  now  in  the  theological  faculty. 
On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  1519,  in  company 
with  John  Agricola,  he  was  made  Bachelor  of  The- 
ology. This  was  the  only  theological  degree  he  ever 
accepted,  not  because  he  affected  to  despise  higher 
degrees,  as  we  learn  from  one  of  his  letters,  but  partly 
because  he  thought  they  ought  to  be  conferred  with 
great  discrimination,  and  partly  because  he  did  not 
wish  to  be  responsible  for  what  was  involved  in  the 
theological  doctorate,  though  Luther  pronounced  him 
a  doctor  above  all  doctors;  and  he  certainly  was  the 
doctor  of  the  German  Evangelical  Church,3  though 
he  was  never  ordained  to  the  office  of  the  ministry. 

1  C.  R.,  i :  128. 

2  De  W.,  i  :  380. 

3  In  1542,  Melanchthon  wrote:    "Titulus  aliquid  habet  oneris. 
Vides  meum  exemplum :   nemo  perpellere  potuit,  ut  ilium  quemlibet 
honorificum  titulum  Doctoris  mihi  sinerem.     Nee  ego  gradus  illos 
parvifacio  ;  sed  ideo,  quia  judico  esse  magna  ornamenta  et  necessaria 
Reipublicae,  verecunde  petendos  esse,  et  cpnferendos,  sentio,"—  (7. 


His  Theses  and  Marriage          59 

Among  the  subjects  which  he  discussed  at  his 
promotion,  were :  '  That  the  Catholic  Christian 
needs  no  articles  of  faith  except  those  furnished  by  the 
Scripture.  That  the  authority  of  councils  is  inferior 
to  the  authority  of  the  Scripture.  Whence  it  follows 
that  it  is  not  a  heresy  not  to  believe  Transubstantia- 
tion  and  the  like. 

Luther  wrote  to  his  old  teacher,  Staupitz : 

"  You  have  seen,  or  will  see,  Philip's  theses.  They 
are  bold,  but  they  certainly  are  true.  He  defended  them 
in  such  a  way  that  he  seemed  to  us  all  a  veritable  wonder, 
and  such  he  is.  Christ  willing,  he  will  surpass  many 
Martins  and  will  be  a  mighty  foe  of  the  devil  and  of  the 
scholastic  theology.  He  knows  their  tricks  and  also  the 
Rock  Christ.  He  will  powerfully  prevail."  a 

The  admiration  which  Luther  constantly  ex- 
presses for  his  young  friend  does  not  rise  out  of  the 
dark  and  dubious  region  of  sentiment,  but  from  the 
firm  belief  that  Melanchthon  is  a  chosen  instrument 
of  God  for  carrying  on  the  work  of  reforming  the 
Church.  In  a  letter  to  Lange  he  describes  himself 
as  the  forerunner,  come  in  the  spirit  and  power  of 
Elijah,  but  says  that  Philip  will  overthrow  Israel 
and  the  followers  of  Ahab.3  And  not  less  deep  and 
sincere  was  the  admiration  which  Melanchthon  had 
for  Luther:  "  Martin  is  too  great  and  too  wonder- 
ful for  me  to  describe  in  words,"  he  writes  to 
Schwebel;  and  again:  "  You  know  with  what  as- 

1C.  £.,  i :  138. 
2De  W.,  i  :  341. 
3De  W.,  1:478. 


60  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

tonishment  Alcibiades  regarded  Socrates.  .Much  in 
the  same  way,  but  in  a  Christian  sense,  I  regard 
Martin.  The  more  I  contemplate  him,  the  greater 
I  judge  him  to  be." 

Of  the  relation  which  they  sustained  to  each  other 
at  this  time,  and  indeed  during  most  of  the  time 
they  lived  together,  it  may  be  said  that  Luther  relied 
on  Melanchthon,  and  used  his  great  learning  for  the 
promotion  of  the  cause  with  which  he  had  identified 
himself  body  and  soul;  while  Melanchthon  by  con- 
tact with  Luther  grew  in  courage  against  Rome,  and 
in  that  spiritual  perception  of  the  essential  quality 
of  Christianity  which  brought  him  to  sharper  anti- 
thesis with  the  doctrines  and  practices  of  the  Church. 
In  tne  sarr  3  letter  to  Schwebel  he  says:  "  We  do 
not  fear  the  dregs  of  Rome.  If  God  be  for  us  who 
can  be  against  us  ?  "  His  letter  of  February,  1520, 
to  John  Hess,  of  Nuremberg,  is  taken  up  largely 
with  doubts  about  Transubstantiation  and  the  teach- 
ing of  the  Scholastics,  and  with  an  exposition  of  the 
teaching  of  Paul  in  opposition  to  the  teaching  of 
the  councils.  He  is  not  willing  to  number  Tran- 
substantiation among  the  articles  of  faith ;  or  to  say 
that  anything  is  an  article  of  faith  which  cannot  be 
proved  by  the  Scriptures;  or  to  allow  that  the 
authority  of  councils  is  equal  to  that  of  the  Script- 
ures. Nor.  is  he  willing  to  confess  that  it  is  a  heresy 
not  to  concede  both  swords  to  the  Pope;  nor  not  to 
agree  with  Peter  Lombard  touching  the  number  of 
the  sacraments;  nor  to  withstand  the  bulls  of  Indul- 

1  C.  *..  i  :  264. 


His  Theses  and  Marriage          61 

gence.1  .But  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  express- 
ing his  doubt  in  regard  to  many  doctrines  of  the 
Church,  he  was  advancing  to  clearer  conceptions  of 
the  scriptural  doctrine  of  faith;  of  the  sacraments; 
of  the  keys;  of  eternal  life.  In  July  of  this  year, 
perhaps  earlier,  he  wrote  eighteen  theses  for  aca- 
demic discussion.  They  are  as  follows: 

"Justification  takes  place  through  faith;  love  is  the 
work  of  faith;  there  is  no  difference  between  fides 
formata  &&&  fides  informis;  fides  Informix,  as  it  is  called, 
is  not  faith,  but  a  vain  opinion ;  love  necessarily  follows 
faith;  faith  and  love  are  works  of  God,  not  of  nature; 
Christianity  is  a  Sabbath  and  perfect  freedom;  satis- 
faction is  not  a  part  of  penance;  there  is  no  external 
sacrifice  in  Christianity;  the  Mass  is  not? fa  worlc  the 
benefit  of  which  avails  for  another;  Baptism  benefits  only 
him  who  is  baptised,  and  the  Mass  only  him  who  par- 
takes. Baptism  and  the  Mass  are  sacramental  signs  by 
which  the  Lord  witnesses  that  he  will  pardon  sins;  inas- 
much as  the  sum  of  our  justification  is  faith,  no  work 
can  be  called  meritorious;  hence  all  human  works  are 
only  sins;  the  keys  are  given  to  all  Christians  alike,  nor 
can  the  Primacy  be  allowed  to  Peter  by  divine  right; 
Aristotle's  notion  of  blessedness  agrees  neither  with 
Christian  teaching  nor  with  the  common  sense  of  men; 
it  is  better  to  derive  our  notion  of  blessedness  and  like 
things  from  the  Holy  Scripture  than  from  the  nonsense 
of  the  vain  sophists."  2 

In  these  theses  on  justification  by  faith,  the  sac- 


1  C.  R.,  I  :  138  et  seq. 

2  C.  R. ,  i  :  126.     For  a  discussion  of  the  date  of  these  theses,  see 
ibid.,  i  :  126. 


62  Philip  Melanchthon 

rament,  the  keys,  the  Pope's  primacy,  et  cetera, 
we  have  the  central  doctrines,  both  material  and 
formal,  of  the  Great  Reformation.  The  rapid 
advance  made  by  Melanchthon  in'evangelical  con- 
ceptions is  doubtless  due  mainly  to  his  study  of  the 
Scriptures. 

In  the  years  1519  and  1520,  Melanchthon  was 
very  active  with  his  pen.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
latter  year  he  published  two  treatises  on  the  doc- 
trines of  Paul,  and  a  handbook  on  Dialectics.  In 
April  he  is  engaged  in  writing  a  commentary  on 
Matthew.  He  published  for  the  students  the  Greek 
text  of  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  an  edition  of 
the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes,  and  a  new  edition 
of  his  Greek  Grammar,  besides  other  treatises,  some 
of  greater,  others  of  less,  importance.  His  industry 
was  amazing.  He  began  his  work  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  continued  it  until  evening.  Luther 
and  others  feared  for  his  life.  Even  the  Elector 
wrote  him  to  take  care  of  his  health.1  Luther  felt 
that  with  his  hard  work  and  the  poor  comforts  pro- 
vided by  his  meagre  salary,  together  with  the  sever- 
ity of  that  northern  climate,  Melanchthon  could  not 
long  remain  at  Wittenberg.  Consequently  he  not 
only  begged  the  Elector  through  Spalatin  for  an  in- 
crease in  Melanchthon's  salary,  but  urged  him  to 
get  married,  in  order  that  he  might  have  someone 
to  take  care  of  his  weak  body.  Melanchthon  at  first 
rebelled  at  the  suggestion  of  marriage ;  not  because 
he  hated  women,  or  esteemed  marriage  lightly,  but 


C.  R.,  10 :  193. 


His  Theses  and  Marriage          63 

because  he  loved  study  more.1  At  length  he  gave 
a  reluctant  consent,  saying,  "  I  am  robbing  myself 
of  study  and  of  pleasure  in  order  to  follow  the 
counsel  and  subserve  the  pleasure  of  others."  2 

Luther  does  not  deny  that  he  made  the  match. 
He  wishes  to  do  the  best  he  can  for  his  friend,  and 
invokes  God's  blessing  upon  him.3  Finally,  on  the 
fifteenth  of  August,  Philip  announces  to  Langethat 
he  is  going  to  marry  Katharine  Krapp,  daughter  of 
Hieronimus  Krapp,  Mayor  of  Wittenberg.  He  de- 
clares that  she  is  a  young  lady  possessing  such  man- 
ners and  qualities  of  mind  as  he  should  desire  from 
the  immortal  gods.4  Soon  gossips  were  busy,  as 
ever  they  are,  and  the  marriage  was  hastened.  On 
the  twenty-fifth  of  November,  1520,  Melanchthon 
posted  the  following  verses  on  the  bulletin  board : 

"  A  studiis  hodie  facit  otia  grata  Philippus, 
Nee  verbis  Pauli  dogmata  sacra  leget." 

"  Rest  from  your  studies,  Philip  says  you  may, 
He  '11  read  no  lecture  on  St.  Paul  to-day." 

This  was  the  day  of  his  marriage.  Luther's  father, 
mother,  and  two  sisters,  and  other  persons,  some  of 
whom  were  illustrious  and  learned,  attended  the 
nuptials. 


1  In  1540  he  wrote  to  Veit  Dietrich  :  "I  am  really  indignant  at 
those  misanthropes  who  regard  it  as  a  special  mark  of  wisdom  to 
despise  women,  and  to  sneer  at  marriage.  Women  may  have  their 
own  infirmities,  but  men  also  have  vices." — C.  JR.,  3  :  1172. 

2C.  R.,  i:  265. 

3De  W.,  i  :  478. 

4C.  R.,i:  212. 


64  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Melanchthon  in  his  four-and-twentieth  year  is  a 
married  man,  and  begins  to  experience  the  trials  and 
pleasures  of  married  life,  though  the  latter  greatly 
preponderated.  He  declares  that  his  wife  is  worthy 
of  a  better  man.  She  is  described  by  Camerarius 
as  "  a  most  pious  woman,  ardently  devoted  to  her 
husband,  liberal  and  kind  to  all." 

The  happy  pair  lived  together  thirty-seven  years, 
and  became  the  parents  of  two  sons  and  as  many 
daughters:  Anna,  born  probably  in  1522,  was  highly 
accomplished  and  very  dear  to  her  father.  Luther 
calls  her  "  Melanchthon's  elegant  daughter."  At 
the  age  of  fourteen  she  was  married  to  George  Sa- 
binus,  a  gifted  but  wayward  poet,  who  neglected 
her  and  her  children.  She  died  at  Konigsberg  in 
1547,  and  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  there.  Philip 
was  born  January  13,  1525.  He  was  good-natured, 
but  "  weak  in  body  and  mind."  He  lived  to  be 
eighty  years  old,  and  died  as  notary  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wittenberg.  George  was  born  November 
25,  1527,  and  died  when  two  years  old.  He  had 
already  begun  to  display  extraordinary  talents.  His 
death  brought  Melanchthon  inexpressible  sorrow. 
Magdalena  was  born  July  18,  1533.  She  was  mar- 
ried to  Caspar  Peucer,  who  was  a  professor  of  medi- 
cine in  the  university,  and  afterwards  became  court 
physician.  She  died  at  Rochlitz,  July  18,  1576, 
through  excess  of  grief  for  her  husband,  who  was 
cruelly  kept  a  prisoner  for  twelve  years  by  the 
Elector  of  Saxony. 

To  Melanchthon's  family  belonged,  also,  John 
Koch,  a  Swabian,  who  entered  his  master's  service 


MELANCHTHON'S  HOUSE,  WITTENBERG. 


1520]         His  Theses  and  Marriage          65 

in  1519.  He  was  a  man  of  some  culture,  "  chaste 
and  a  lover  of  chastity."  He  trained  the  children 
and  managed  the  affairs  of  the  house  as  a  steward. 
When  he  died,  in  1553,  Melanchthon  invited  the 
academicians  to  his  funeral,  and  delivered  an  oration 
over  his  grave.  Afterwards  he  wrote  an  epitaph  for 
his  tomb. 

The  house  in  which  Melanchthon  lived  in  Witten- 
berg is  still  standing.  A  tablet  high  up  on  the 
front  bears  the  following  inscription : 

Hier  wohnte,  lehrte  und  starb  PHILIPP  MELANCHTHON. 

That  is : 

"  Here  lived,  taught,  and  died  PHILIP  MELANCHTHON." 

The  front  room  on  the  second  story  was  Melanch- 
thon's  study,  and  finally  the  place  of  his  death,  as 
we  learn  from  two  Latin  inscriptions : 

Ad  Boream  versis  oculis  hac  sede  Melanchthon  Scripta 
dedit,  quae  nunc  praecipua  orbis  habet. 

That  is : 

"  At  this  place  Melanchthon,  with  his  eyes  turned 
towards  the  North,  wrote  those  works  which  the  world 
now  holds  in  high  esteem." 

Siste  viator 

Ad  hunc  parietem  stetit  lectulus  in  quo  pie  et  placide 
expiravit  vir  reverendus  PHILIPPUS  MELANCHTHON. 

Die  XIX.  April,  dodrante  horse  post  VII.  Anno 
MDLX. 


66  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

That  is : 

"  Stop  traveller! 

"  Against  this  wall  stood  the  coucji  on  which  the 
venerable  PHILIP  MELANCHTHON  piously  and  peacefully 
died,  April  19,  1560,  at  a  quarter  past  seven  o'clock." 

The  study,  the  dining-room,  the  nursery,  the 
school-room,  and  the  chambers  have  all,  until  re- 
cently, been  preserved  in  their  original  condition. 
The  entire  house  is  now  "  the  Melanchthon  Mu- 
seum." 

In  this  house  Melanchthon  dispensed  a  liberal 
hospitality.  Exiles,  wandering  scholars,  comers 
and  goers  of  every  age,  sex,  and  condition,  were  in- 
vited to  his  house,  or  imposed  themselves  upon  him. 
One  day  at  dinner  he  heard  eleven  or  twelve  lan- 
guages spoken  at  his  table.  At  first  his  salary  was 
one  hundred  florins,  equal  to  about  four  hundred 
dollars;  in  1526  it  was  raised  to  two  hundred  ;  in 
1536  it  was  increased  to  three  hundred;  and  from 
1541  it  was  four  hundred,  which  at  that  time  was 
regarded  as  a  very  large  academic  salary.  He  re- 
ceived many  presents  from  the  city  council  and  an 
eighth  interest  in  the  water  company.  He  also 
received  frequent  gratuities  from  princes  whom  he 
had  in  some  way  served,  or  to  whom  he  dedicated 
editions  of  his  works. 

By  his  marriage,  Melanchthon  became  firmly  an- 
chored at  Wittenberg.  Every  attempt  to  drive  or  to 
draw  him  away  failed.  The  first  effort  in  the  direc- 
tion of  his  removal  came  from  Reuchlin,  who  in 
1519  had  accepted  a  professorship  at  Ingolstadt. 


1520]         His  Theses  and  Marriage          67 

Desiring  to  have  his  nephew  with  him,  and  wishing 
doubtless  to  detach  him  from  Luther's  influence,  he 
wrote  him  to  come  to  Ingolstadt,  and  promised  him 
the  forgiveness  of  Eck.  But  the  young  man  was  now 
too  ardently  devoted  to  Luther  and  the  Elector,  and 
was  too  closely  identified  with  the  Wittenberg  move- 
ment to  be  influenced  by  the  claims  of  friendship,  or 
by  the  love  of  country.  He  wrote  to  his  uncle: 

"  I  have  been  brought  to  Saxony.  Here  I  will  do  my 
duty  until  the  Holy  Spirit  to  whom  I  shall  commit  my- 
self shall  call  me  away.  I  have  such  a  love  for  my  native 
land  as  the  gods  might  envy;  but  in  all  things  I  must 
consider  the  call  of  Christ,  rather  than  my  own  inclina- 
tion." 1 

This  letter  settled  the  matter,  but  it  cost  Mel- 
anchthon  the  love  and  devotion  of  his  uncle.  The 
aged  Reuchlin,  who  was  simply  a  Catholic  humanist, 
fearing  lest  he  should  be  suspected  of  sympathy 
with  his  heretical  relative,  requested  Melanchthon 
not  again  to  write  him ;  and  despite  his  promise, 
made  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  to  give  his  splen- 
did library  to  Melanchthon,  he  gave  it  to  the  monks 
at  Pforzheim.  Thus,  like  Erasmus,  he  drew  back 
from  the  Reformation  which  by  humanistic  studies 
he  had  helped  to  introduce,  and,  like  Erasmus,  he 
died  in  the  bosom  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church; 
while  Melanchthon,  "  his  work  and  his  consolation," 
became  one  of  the  chief  actors  in  exposing  the  cor- 
ruptions of  that  Church,  and  in  showing  the  more 
excellent  way  of  the  Reformation. 

1C.  ^.,  i:  151. 


CHAPTER  VII 

MELANCHTHON   THE   ALLY   OF   LUTHER 

Luther  Burns  the  Pope's  Bull,  and  Writes  two  of  his  Most  Important 
Works — Melanchthon  Approves  Luther's  Course — Controversy 
with  Rhadinus,  and  with  the  Sorbonne — Luther  Praises  Mel- 
anchthon's  Apology — Fanaticism  at  Wittenberg — Melanchthon's 
Distress. 

IN  the  year  1520,  affairs  reached  a  crisis  at  Witten- 
berg. Eck  had  returned  from  Rome  with  a 
papal  bull  which  he  sought  to  have  executed  against 
Luther  at  once.  But  on  the  morning  of  November 
nth,  just  outside  the  Elster  gate,  Luther  burned 
the  Pope's  bull,  together  with  certain  books  of  the 
canon  law,  with  the  bold  declaration,  "'  Because 
thou  hast  vexed  the  Holy  One  of  the  Lord,  be  thou 
consumed  with  everlasting  fire."  This  was  the 
most  courageous  act  of  his  life,  and  it  completely 
cut  him  off  from  hope  of  papal  clemency.  For  this 
he  had  already  prepared  himself  by  one  of  his  most 
powerful  and  influential  writings,  The  Address  to  the 
Christian  Nobility  of  the  German  Nation  concerning 
the  Reformation  of  the  Christian  Estate.  In  this  book 
he  demolishes  the  walls  with  which  the  Romanists 

68 


Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    69 


had  surrounded  themselves,  and  calls  upon  the  tem- 
poral Christian  power  to  exercise  its  office  without 
let  or  hindrance,  or  without  considering  whether  it 
may  strike  pope,  bishop,  or  priest.  In  a  word,  he 
seeks  to  make  the  Church  and  the  Empire  free  from 
the  dominion  of  the  Pope.  In  the  accomplishment 
of  this  object  he  had  the  support  of  Melanchthon, 
who  wrote  to  John  Lange,  who  thought  that  Luther 
had  done  better  had  he  kept  quiet : 

"  The  purpose  of  writing  the  letter  to  the  German 
nobility  1  approved  from  the  beginning.  Luther  was 
encouraged  in  it  by  those  on  whom  we  both  rely.  Be- 
sides, it  is  of  a  nature  to  glorify  God.  I  was  not  willing 
to  have  it  delayed.  I  did  not  want  to  curb  the  spirit  of 
Martin  in  a  matter  to  which  he  seems  to  have  been 
divinely  appointed.  The  book  is  now  published  and 
circulated,  and  cannot  be  recalled." 

In  October  of  the  same  year  Luther  published  his 
Babylonian  Captivity  of  the  Church,  in  which  he 
attacks  and  overthrows  the  Romish  sacramental 
system.  About  the  same  time  he  wrote  the  book 
entitled,  Against  the  Execrable  Bull  of  Anti-Christ. 
In  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  Melanchthon  said:  "  Martin 
seems  to  me  to  be  impelled  by  a  spirit.  He  ac- 
complishes more  by  prayer  than  we  do  by  counsel. 
Nothing  worse  could  befall  us  than  to  be  deprived 
of  him."  2 

Luther's  publications  of  this  year  threw  all  Ger- 
many into  a  ferment.  The  people  thought  they 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  211. 
2C.  /?.,  i  :  269. 


J 


70  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

heard  the  tocsin  of  war.  But  the  excitement  was 
increased  by  the  Oration  of  Thomas  Rhadinus 
against  the  Heretic  Martin  LutJicr,  zvko  is  destroy- 
ing the  Glory  of  the  German  Nation,  published  at 
Leipzig  in  October,  1520.  Its  author  was  Thomas 
Rhadinus  Todiscus,  born  at  Placentia.  The  Oration 
had  been  published  at  Rome  in  August.  Luther 
and  Melanchthon,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  author, 
nor  of  the  Roman  edition,  thought  it  had  proceeded 
from  Jerome  Emser,  a  Leipzig  canon.  It  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  princes  and  people  of  Germany,  and 
covers  forty  pages  in  the  Corpus  Re  format  or  um.1  It 
is  full  of  falsehoods,  and  of  coarse  abuse  of  Luther, 
whom  it  calls  the  pest  of  theology,  the  disgrace  of 
the  Augustinian  family,  the  destroyer  of  Germany, 
the  bane  of  the  Christian  state,  the  tainted  wether 
which  has  infected  the  entire  flock.  It  charges  him 
with  resisting  the  Turkish  war,  with  opposing  phi- 
losophy, and  with  setting  at  naught  the  teaching  of 
Christian  antiquity,  the  decrees  and  laws  of  the 
Church.  It  classes  him  with  the  apostates,  schis- 
matics, and  heretics  of  all  ages,  and  closes  by  calling 
on  all  the  gods  and  goddesses,  on  whose  temples 
and  rites  this  Luther,  ignorant  of  philosophy  and  of 
sacred  letters,  has  declared  sacrilegious  war,  to  drive 
away  this  enormous  mass  of  wickedness,  and  pre- 
serve intact  the  glory  of  the  Christian  name  in  Ger- 
many. 

Melanchthon,  under  the  name  of  Didymus  Faven- 
tinus,  now  took  up  his  pen  to  defend  his  friend  and 
colleague.  Rewrote,  and  in  February,  1521,  pub- 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  212  et  seqq. 


Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    71 

lished,  an  Oration  which  covers  nearly  seventy-one 
pages  of  the  Corpus  Reformatorum.1  It  is  learned  in 
form  and  matter,  but  bitter  and  sarcastic  in  tone. 
It  is  directed  against  Emser,  whom  it  never  wearies 
of  calling  the  he-goat.  It  declares  that  Luther  has 
sought  only  to  remove  the  abuses  in  the  Church; 
that  he  is  not  opposed  to  the  Turkish  war,  nor  hos- 
tile to  all  philosophy;  but  only  to  that  philosophy 
which  treats  falsely  of  the  origin  of  things;  and  to 
such  ethics  of  Aristotle  and  of  other  ancient  philo- 
sophers as  disturb  the  consciences  of  men.  It  shows 
that  Luther  asserts  the  authority  of  the  Gospel  over 
against  the  authority  of  councils  and  popes.  The 
Pope  is  called  a  tyrant,  and  his  primacy  is  disproved 
both  from  history  and  Scripture.  An  appeal  is 
made  to  the  princes  to  remember  that  they  are 
Christians  and  rulers  of  the  Christian  people,  and 
are  to  rescue  the  miserable  remnants  of  Christianity 
from  the  tyranny  of  Antichrist.  The  Oration  is  a 
fit  companion  to  the  Address  to  the  German  Nobil- 
ity, and  to  The  Babylonian  Captivity  of  the  Church, 
with  the  difference  that  whereas  Luther's  pieces  are 
addressed  chiefly  to  the  unlearned,  this  is  addressed 
to  scholars. 

By  this  time  the  danger  to  the  Pope's  crown  had 
grown  so  great  that  the  Wittenberg  arch-heretic, 
who  had  resisted  admonition  and  defied  threats,  and 
had  burned  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  must 
be  summarily  dealt  with.  On  the  third  of  January, 
1521,  the  Pope  issued  another  bull  against  Luther, 
and  urged  the  Emperor  to  enforce  it.  March  6th 

1  C.  R.,  i:  rtb  et  seqq. 


72  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

an  imperial  mandate  ordered  Luther  to  appear  at 
Worms  by  April  i6th  "  to  give  information  con- 
cerning his  doctrines  and  books."  On  the  second 
of  April,  attended  by  Nicholas  Amsdorf  and  a  few 
other  friends,  he  set  out  for  Worms.  When  parting 
from  Melanchthon  he  said : 

"  If  I  should  not  return,  and  my  enemies  should  kill 
me  at  Worms,  as  may  very  easily  come  to  pass,  I  conjure 
you,  dear  brother,  not  to  neglect  teaching,  nor  to  fail  to 
stand  by  the  truth.  In  the  meantime  also  do  my  work, 
because  I  cannot  be  here.  You  can  do  it  better  than  I 
can.  Therefore  it  will  not  be  a  great  loss,  provided  you 
remain.  The  Lord  still  finds  a  learned  champion  in 
you." 

Of  Luther's  heroic  stand  at  Worms;  of  the  im- 
perial edict  hurled  against  him ;  of  the  sojourn  at 
the  Wartburg;  and  of  the  many  things  done  and 
suffered  by  him  during  the  next  eleven  months, 
this  is  not  the  place  to  speak.  Gladly  would  Me- 
lanchthon have  accompanied  his  friend  to  the  South, 
but  permission  to  do  so  was  denied  him.  His  place 
was  at  Wittenberg,  as  a  part  of  Luther's  labours 
had  fallen  on  his  shoulders,  and  his  advice  and 
help  were  needed  in  starting  Aurogallus,  the  new 
professor  of  Hebrew,  in  his  work.  He  also  rendered 
valuable  assistance  to  Justus  Jonas,  who  in  June 
came  as  Provost  of  the  Castle  Church  and  as  pro- 
fessor of  canon  law.  And  most  of  all  did  he  serve 
the  common  cause  by  taking  up  his  pen  again  in 
defence  of  Luther. 

The  theologians   of   Cologne   and    Louvain   had 


Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    73 

already  condemned  the  doctrines  of  Luther.  Now 
on  the  fifteenth  of  April,  while  he  was  on  the  way 
to  Worms,  the  theological  faculty  of  Paris  issued  a 
Determination  on  the  Lutheran  Doctrine  *  This  cele- 
brated faculty,  known  as  the  Sorbonne,  was  the 
theological  oracle  of  the  age.  Its  judgment  of  a 
theological  question  was  supposed  to  be  final.  In 
the  plenitude  of  its  wisdom  it  calls  Luther  an  arch- 
heretic ;  a  virulent  renewer  of  the  ancient  heresies; 
a  pernicious  enemy  of  Christ ;  an  execrable  restorer 
of  old  blasphemies,  who  has  approved,  commended, 
and  extolled  the  madness  of  the  Bohemians,  the  Al- 
bigensians,  the  Waldensians,  the  Heracleans,  the 
Pepucians,  the  Arians,  the  Lamperians,  the  Jovin- 
ians,  the  Artotyrians,  and  other  like  monsters.  It 
then  extracts  twenty-four  propositions  from  Luther's 
writings.  These  are  treated  one  at  a  time,  and  are 
summarily  declared  false,  schismatic,  impious,  her- 
etical. Not  a  word  of  proof  is  offered  from  the 
Sacred  Scriptures.  The  condemnation  is  dogmatic 
and  oracular. 

The  Determination  is  an  out-and-out  defence  of  the 
old  Scholasticism,  of  which  the  Sorbonne  was  now 
the  chief  representative.  Well  did  Luther  say  on 
reading  it:  "I  have  seen  the  Decree  of  the  Paris 
sophists,  and  am  heartily  glad  for  it.  The  Lord 
would  not  have  smitten  them  with  such  blindness, 
had  he  not  intended  to  make  an  end  of  their  ty- 
ranny.'" 

The  bitterness  and  ignorance  shown  in  the  Deter- 

1C.  R.,  i  :  ifrb 
'D<?W.,  2:30 


74  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

mination  might  have  been  its  condemnation,  had  not 
the  authority  of  the  Sorbonne  been  so  great,  and 
had  not  Eck  translated  it  into  German  and  circulated 
it  among  the  people.  The  Sorbonne  Decree  had  to 
be  answered. 

Now  it  is  that  the  courage  of  Melanchthon  reaches 
its  highest  tide.  Undismayed  by  papal  bulls  and 
imperial  edict,  he  enters  the  lists  alone  against  the 
Paris  corporation.  He  advances  to  the  battle  not 
with  the  arrogance  of  youth,  but  with  the  confidence 
of  the  experienced  warrior  who  knows  that  he  has 
his  quarrel  just,  and  knows,  too,  that  he  stands 
on  the  sure  foundation  of  truth.  In  June,  1521,  the 
answer  was  ready,  entitled,  Apology  for  Luther 
against  the  Furious  Decree  of  the  Parisian  Theologas- 
ters.1  It  begins  by  asserting  that  these  Paris  theo- 
logians have  prefixed  a  bloody  letter  to  their  Decree, 
and  have  added  impious  and  atrocious  notes  on 
single  sentences  taken  from  Luther's  writings  and 
perversely  distorted.  It  then  declares  that  instead 
of  theologians,  sophists,  instead  of  Christian  doctors, 
calumniators  seem  to  rule  at  Paris  where  formerly 
were  men  like  Gerson,  full  of  the  Christian  spirit. 

"  It  is  evident  that  a  profane  Scholasticism  has  sprung 
up  at  Paris,  which  is  called  theology,  but  which  leaves 
nothing  salutary  to  the  Church.  The  Gospel  is  obscured ; 
faith  is  extinguished;  a  doctrine  of  works  is  introduced; 
instead  of  a  Christian  people  we  are  a  people  not  subject 
to  law,  but  to  the  ethics  of  Aristotle,  and  instead  of  Christ- 
ianity, a  kind  of  philosophical  mode  of  life  has  been  in- 
troduced in  opposition  to  the  whole  mind  of  the  Spirit." 

1  C.  J¥M  I  :  398  et  seqq. 


i52i]  Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    75 

Luther,  it  says,  is  accused  of  heresy,  not  because 
he  departs  from  the  Scriptures,  but  because  he  op- 
poses the  universities,  the  Fathers,  and  the  councils. 
But  these  have  erred,  and  cannot  make  articles  of 
faith.  In  very  many  things  Luther  agrees  with  the 
ancients.  The  Parisian  theologians  themselves  are 
in  many  things  directly  opposed  to  the  Fathers,  as 
in  the  doctrines  of  sin  and  human  ability.  But  an- 
tiquity did  not  have  the  tyrannical  laws  of  the  popes, 
nor  the  Parisian  masters,  nor  the  Parisian  articles, 
which  obscure  the  Gospel. 

"  Let  us  now  look  at  the  councils.  By  which  councils 
is  Luther  condemned  ?  You  make  out  of  Luther  a 
Montanist,  a  Manichaean,  an  Ebionite,  and  the  like,  and 
want  to  have  it  appear  that  his  doctrine  has  been  con- 
demned by  the  councils  of  the  ancients.  Unless  the 
author  of  the  Epistle  wishes  to  play  the  orator  here, 
there  is  nothing  so  malignant,  so  impudent,  as  the  Paris 
Sorbonne.  It  is  easy  to  discover  why  they  wish  to  asso- 
ciate Luther  with  the  ancient  heretics.  It  is  that  his 
name  may  become  odious.  The  Parisian  theologians  are 
blind  in  that  they  see  no  difference  between  the  doctrines 
of  Luther  and  those  of  the  Manichoeans.  The  Mani- 
chseans  denied  freedom  to  the  human  will  in  such  a  way 
as  to  deny  that  there  is  any  substance  which  can  be  re- 
newed, and  therefore  it  is  incapable  of  liberty.  Luther 
denies  freedom  in  such  a  way  as  to  maintain  that  there 
is  a  substance  which  when  it  is  renewed  by  the  Spirit,  is 
freed  from  bondage." 

They  also  think  that  because  Luther  has  con- 
demned the  councils  and  the  holy  Fathers,  he  is  a 


76  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Montanist,  a  Manichaean,  an  Ebionite,  an  Artotyrite 
et  hoc  genus  aliis. 

41  There  have  been  several  papal  ccAincils  during  the 
reign  of  the  Roman  antichrists,  which  Luther  con- 
fessedly does  oppose;  but  in  this  he  follows  the  plain 
Scripture.  And  why  should  he  not  oppose  them,  since 
so  many  things  were  done  in  them  contrary  to  the 
Gospel  ?  The  Council  of  Vienna  denied  that  the  keys 
of  the  Church  are  common  to  all.  The  Council  of  Con- 
stance denied  that  the  Church  consists  of  the  whole  body 
of  the  predestinated.  It  also  decided  that  there  are  some 
good  works  apart  from  grace.  Such  doctrines  are  directly 
opposed  to  the  Gospel.  These  councils  Luther  has  op- 
posed, following  the  lead  of  Christ.  They  who  decide 
against  him  are  not  Christians,  but  antichrists. 

"  The  Sorbonnists  blame  Luther  because  he  has  not 
followed  the  Church.  What  do  you  call  the  Church  ? 
The  French  Sorbonne  ?  But  how  can  that  be  the  Church 
which  is  hostile  to  the  Word  of  Christ,  who  declares  that 
his  sheep  hear  his  voice  ?  We  call  that  the  Church  which 
is  based  on  the  Word  of  God,  which  is  fed,  nourished, 
sustained,  ruled  by  the  Word  of  God;  in  fine,  which  de- 
rives everything  from  the  Gospel." 

Luther,  who  was  now  at  the  Wartburg,  was 
greatly  delighted  with  Melanchthon 's  Apology.  As 
a  mark  of  his  approval  he  translated  it  into  German, 
and  added  to  it  a  translation  of  the  Paris  Decree, 
and  published  the  two  together,  with  a  preface  and 
an  appendix,  as  the  best  means  of  opening  the  eyes 
of  the  people.  He  says  that  "  although  my  beloved 
Philip  has  answered  these  sophists  so  well,  he  has 
touched  them  too  gently,  and  has  run  over  them 


Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    77 

with  a  light  plane.  I  see  I  must  come  down  upon 
them  with  the  farmer's  axe,  otherwise  they  '11  think 
they  've  not  been  hurt."  1 

Besides  much  hard  work,  this  year  1521  brought 
great  anxiety  to  Melanchthon.  He  felt  that  he 
could  not  take  the  place  of  Luther.  He  could 
teach,  and  could  write  more  learned  controversial 
tracts  than  Luther  could;  but  he  could  not  lead  in 
the  work  which  Luther  had  begun.  Hence,  when 
he  learned  that  Luther  had  been  outlawed,  and  had 
disappeared  after  leaving  Worms,  his  soul  was  filled 
with  sadness.  Great  was  his  joy  when  he  received 
Luther's  letter  from  the  Wartburg,  May  I2th.a 
He  wrote  to  Link,  "  Our  most  dear  father  still 
lives."  3 

But  Luther's  letter  must  have  filled  him  with 
forebodings : 

"  Be  thou  a  minister  of  the  Word.  Defend  the  walls 
and  towers  of  Jerusalem  until  they  also  attack  you.  I 
pray  for  you,  and  I  doubt  not  that  my  prayer  avails. 
Do  thou  likewise,  and  let  us  bear  the  burden  together. 
Hitherto  I  have  stood  alone  in  the  battle.  After  me 
they  will  attack  you." 

Melanchthon  longs  for  the  companionship  of  Lu- 
ther. To  Spalatin  he  writes  that  all  things  go 
well  at  the  university,  except  that  Luther  is  want- 
ing. He  then  exclaims:  "  Oh  happy  day,  when  I 
shall  be  permitted  to  embrace  him  again!  "  4 

1  Erlangen  ed.,  27  :  408. 
2De  W..  2:  i. 
3C.  X.,  i  :  389. 
4C.  R.,  i  :  396. 


78  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Still  greater  troubles  were  in  store  for  the  tender- 
hearted Melanchthon.  The  man  who  was  instant 
and  fearless  in  controversy,  was  hesjtant  and  timid 
in  action.  Hitherto  the  Reformation  at  Wittenberg 
had  been  a  war  of  words,  though  many  of  the  words 
were  half  battles.  Luther  had  preached,  and  Mel- 
anchthon had  taught,  that  the  authority  of  popes 
and  councils  must  yield  to  the  Word  of  God ;  that 
vows  of  celibacy  are  not  binding;  that  the  sacra- 
ments do  not  justify  ex  opcre  operate ;  that  faith 
alone  justifies;  that  the  cup  ought  to  be  given  to 
the  laity ;  that  private  masses  ought  to  be  abolished  ; 
that  the  Lord's  Supper  ought  to  be  administered 
according  to  primitive  simplicity.  Men  were  be- 
ginning to  demand  the  practice  of  what  had  been 
preached.  The  monks  knew  that  celibacy  had  been 
one  of  the  greatest  curses  to  the  Church.  The 
question  arose :  Is  celibacy  better  than  marriage  ? 
It  was  answered :  It  can  be  better  only  when  one  has 
the  gift  for  it.  Many  now  felt  that  they  did  not 
have  this  gift.  Then  it  were  better  to  marry  than 
to  burn.  Acting  on  this  principle,  Jacob  Seidler, 
pastor  at  Glasshiitte,  in  Meissen,  Bartholomew  Bern- 
hard,  of  Feldkirch,  provost  at  Kemberg,  and  a  Mans- 
feld  pastor  had  married.  They  held  that  marriage 
was  not  forbidden  by  their  vows  of  ordination.  In 
Meissen  the  vow  required  the  observance  of  chastity 
only  in  so  far  as  human  weakness  should  permit. 
Seidler  held  it  more  honourable  to  explain  this  in 
the  sense  of  marriage  than  in  that  of  unchastity.1 
Bernhard  had  pledged  himself  to  follow  the  tradi- 
1  C.  R.,  i :  420. 


i52i]  Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther     79 

tions  of  the  Fathers ;  and  these  had  not  bound  them- 
selves by  the  law  of  celibacy.  Hence  marriage  is 
permitted,  he  argued.  Seidler  and  the  Mansfeld 
pastor  were  imprisoned. 

Melanchthon,  Carlstadt,  and  Agricola  sent  a  letter 
of  intercession  for  Seidler  to  the  bishop  of  Meissen,1 
but  without  effect.  Duke  George,  to  whose  domin- 
ion Seidler  belonged,  was  an  implacable  foe  of  the 
reformers.  He  had  a  great  personal  dislike  for 
Luther,  called  Carlstadt  "  a  loose,  frivolous  man," 
saw  in  Melanchthon  only  "  a  young  fellow  who  ap- 
plied himself  to  things  beyond  his  power."  Seidler 
was  executed  in  prison,  one  of  the  first  of  the  German 
evangelical  martyrs. 

What  became  of  the  Mansfeld  pastor  is  not  known. 
For  Bernhard,  Melanchthon  wrote  an  Apology  a  in 
the  name  of  the  Wittenberg  doctors  of  law,  in  which 
he  showed  that  neither  the  law  nor  the  Gospel  for- 
bids marriage  to  layman  or  to  priest ;  and  that 
Bernhard  had  not  perjured  himself  by  taking  a  wife. 
Melanchthon  also  wrote  to  the  Elector  in  the  interest 
of  Bernhard.  As  a  result,  the  matter  was  dropped, 
and  Bernhard  remained  an  evangelical  pastor.  This 
Apology  of  Melanchthon,  translated  into  German, 
was  widely  scattered.  It  awakened  thought.  The 
abolition  of  celibacy,  one  of  the  chief  supports  of 
the  hierarchy,  was  a  long  step  in  the  direction  of 
practical  reformation. 

The  leaven  of  sound  doctrine  was  also  working 
in  other  directions.  In  October,  the  Augustinian 

1C.  R.,  i :  418. 

2  C.  R.t  I  :  421  et  seqq. 


8o  Philip  Melanchthon 

monks  in  Wittenberg,  under  the  advice  and  leader- 
ship of  Gabriel  Zwilling,  their  preacher,  conceived 
the  purpose  of  abolishing  private. masses,  and  of 
restoring  the  cup  to  the  laity.  When  this  came  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  Elector  at  Lochau,  he  directed 
his  chancellor,  Bru'ck,  to  inquire  into  the  matter,  and 
to  report  to  him.  On  the  eleventh  of  October  the 
chancellor  reported  that  Zwilling  had  declared  in  a 
sermon  that  the  adoration  of  the  sacrament  is  idol- 
atry ;  that  private  masses  should  not  be  held ;  and 
that  the  sacrament  should  be  received  in  both  kinds. 
It  was  also  discovered  that  the  theologians  were  in 
sympathy  with  these  movements  toward  practical 
reform.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  take  advise- 
ment of  the  matter.  On  the  twentieth  of  October 
a  report,1  signed  by  Jonas,  Carlstadt,  Melanchthon, 
Pletner,  Amsdorf,  Doltsk,  and  Schurf,  was  sent  to 
the  Elector.  It  recites:  (i)  that  the  Mass  has  been 
abused  and  changed  into  a  good  work  for  the  pur- 
pose of  reconciling  God.  Hence  the  Augustinians 
desire  to  hold  no  more  such  masses,  but  to  introduce 
such  as  Christ  and  the  apostles  held;  (2)  that  the 
masses  as  they  are  now  held  are  contrary  to  the 
usages  of  Christ,  and  of  the  apostles,  who  always 
communicated  to  a  company,  and  never  to  a  single 
person ;  (3)  that  Christ  had  appointed  both  forms  to 
be  used.  The  report  then  appeals  to  the  Elector 
to  abolish  the  abuses  connected  with  the  Mass,  even 
though  he  should  be  called  a  Bohemian  and  a  here- 
tic, since  all  who  would  obey  the  Word  of  God  must 
bear  reproach,  lest  they  be  cast  off  by  Christ  in  the 
1  C.  R.,  i :  466. 


FREDERICK  THE  WISE,   ELECTOR  OF  SAXONY. 

FROM    A    PAINTING   BY    ALBRECHT    DURER,    1524. 


i52i]  Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    81 

last  day.     Though  it  would  not  be  a  sin  to  hold 
private  masses,  if  they  be  not  abused. 

The  Elector  was  not  wholly  pleased  with  the  re- 
port of  the  committee,  and  preferred  to  advance 
with  caution.  He  communicated  his  mind  to  the 
committee  through  Dr.  Baier,  insisting  that  in  so 
grave  a  matter  they  should  proceed  with  great  de- 
liberation, since  they  were  the  smaller  party ;  other- 
wise serious  consequences  might  follow,  as  the  Mass 
had  existed  for  hundreds  of  years,  and  the  churches 
and  cloisters  had  been  founded  for  holding  masses.1 
The  committee  replied  with  that  joyful  courage 
which  only  the  Gospel  can  inspire  : 

"  That  though  they  are  the  smaller  party  they  could 
not  despise  the  truth  of  the  Divine  Word,  which  is  above 
all  angels  and  creatures,  and  is  clearly  revealed  in  the 
Gospel.  Besides,  the  smaller  and  despised  party  has 
always  preached  and  accepted  the  truth,  and  so  will  it 
be  to  the  end  of  the  world.  Christ  sent  into-  the  world 
the  despised,  poor,  simple,  unlearned  people,  to  preach 
the  truth;  and  he  has  revealed  to  them  the  divine  truth 
which  he  has  concealed  from  the  great,  the  high,  the 
wise  of  this  world." 

They  proceed  to  show  that  the  Mass  as  then  held, 
especially  masses  for  the  dead,  and  with  one  form, 
is  an  innovation,  for  which  they  are  not  responsible. 
Finally  they  say :  "  Let  no  one  hesitate  because  this 
will  bring  great  offence;  for  Christ  came  into  the 
world,  and  was  given  to  those  who  believe  on  him 

lc.  R.,  i :  471. 

6 


82  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  his  Word,  that  they  might  be  benefited  in  him 
and  have  everlasting  life." 

Nearly  all  the  professors  favoure4  reform  in  the 
Mass.  But  the  chapter,  Jonas,  the  Provost,  ex- 
cepted,  opposed  the  reform.  The  canons  wrote  to 
the  Elector,  and  begged  him  not  to  change  the  Mass 
in  the  churches  and  cloisters.8  As  opinion  was  thus 
divided,  Frederick  wisely  recommended  that  they 
should  continue  to  discuss  the  matter  and  further 
instruct  the  people  before  changes  were  introduced. 

Meanwhile  the  excitement  had  spread  through 
Meissen  and  Thuringia.  On  December 3  2oth  of 
this  year  the  Augustinians  of  these  districts  held  a 
provincial  convention  at  Wittenberg,  at  which  they 
resolved  formally  to  abolish  private  masses,  clois- 
teral  coercion,  and  other  unchristian  customs. 
Melanchthon  was  especially  anxious  to  have  the 
Mass  changed,  since  he  thought  that  the  priests 
were  destroying  legions  of  souls  by  their  masses.4 
But  Melanchthon  was  not  the  man  to  introduce  the 
desired  changes,  though  the  times  were  ripe  for  a 
reformation.  He  was  not  a  minister.  He  could 
not  preach,  nor  serve  at  the  altar.  He  must  natur- 
ally give  place  to  his  older  colleague,  Carlstadt. 
This  man,  violent,  eccentric,  and  ambitious  of 
leadership,  smarting  no  doubt  under  the  conscious- 


1  C.  K.,  i  :  494. 

*  C.  /?.,  i :  503. 

3  This  is  the  date  given  by  Matthes  in  Melanchthon 's  Leben,  p.  48  ; 
and  by  Schmidt  in  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  82.  See  Seckendorf,  i  : 
p.  214.  KOstlin  places  it  in  January,  1522,  Luther's  Leben,  I  :  503. 

*C.  J?.,  1:477,478. 


Melanchthon  the  Ally  of  Luther    83 

ness  of  his  ill-success  in  the    Leipzig   disputation, 
undertook  to  revolutionise  everything. 

He  not  only  made  a  complete  change  in  the  order 
of  worship,  by  seeking  to  return  to  original  simplic- 
ity, but  he  tried  to  bring  all  learned  studies  into 
contempt,  and  advised  the  students  to  leave  their 
books  and  learn  trades.  He  announced  in  a  ser- 
mon that  on  the  first  of  January  he  would  cele- 
brate the  Mass  in  both  kinds,  and  would  omit  the 
Canon.  Though  warned  by  the  Electoral  counsel- 
lors, he  did  as  he  said  he  would  do,  and  also  pub- 
lished a  treatise  on  the  abolition  of  pictures  and 
begging  among  Christians.  So  matters  stood  at 
the  close  of  the  year  1521.  Melanchthon  had  urged 
the  changes  in  the  Mass,  but,  as  the  representative 
of  order  and  science,  he  could  not  approve  Carl- 
stadt's  revolutionary  violence.  With  Schurf  he 
threw  the  whole  weight  of  his  authority  against  the 
dissolution  of  the  university  and  the  abolition  of 
learned  studies.  In  this  he  succeeded  fairly  well. 
But  he  did  not  have  the  age  and  experience  to  take 
command  in  practical  matters  against  the  chief  agi- 
tator, between  whom  and  himself  strained  relations 
had  for  some  time  already  existed.  His  place  was 
the  professor's  chair,  not  the  pulpit ;  the  instrument 
of  his  power  was  the  pen,  not  the  voice.  In  a  storm 
the  pen  is  impotent,  the  voice  omnipotent;  the 
chair  is  silent,  the  pulpit  is  heard.1  That  he  did 

1  Melanchthon  once  said  :  "I  cannot  preach.  I  am  a  logician, 
Bugetihagen  is  a  linguist,  Jonas  is  an  orator,  Luther  is  all  in  all.  I 
can  write  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  Roman  Empire,  but  I  am 
dumb  in  the  presence  of  an  audience." — Planck's  Melanchthon,  pp. 


84  Philip  Melanchthon  [1521 

not  quiet  the  storm,  nor  guide  it  to  salutary  results, 
was  his  misfortune  rather  than  his  fault.  Even 
Luther  at  Melanchthon 's  age  and. with  Melanch- 
thon's  environment  could  scarcely  have  controlled 
the  wild  passions  of  students  and  populace,  which 
burst  forth  now  that  the  burden  of  centuries  had 
been  lifted. 

62,  63.  After  1540  Melanchthon  delivered  lectures  in  Latin,  Sunday 
afternoons,  to  those  foreign  students  who  did  not  understand 
German. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   REVOLUTIONARY   MOVEMENT 

The  Zwickau  Prophets  —  Increased  Confusion  at  Wittenberg  — 
Luther's  Return — His  Eight  Sermons — Quiet  Restored — New 
Order  of  Service — Translation  and  Publication  of  the  New 
Testament. 

THE  revolutionary  movement  at  Wittenberg  was 
reenforced  at  Christmas,  1521,  by  the  arrival 
of  three  of  the  Zwickau  prophets,  Nicholas  Storch, 
a  weaver,  another  weaver,  and  Marcus  Thomas 
Stubner,  who  had  been  a  student  at  Wittenberg. 
They  were  soon  joined  by  Thomas  Mu'nzer,  an  elo- 
quent demagogue  who  subsequently  figured  in  the 
Peasants'  War.  One  of  their  first  disciples  in  Wit- 
tenberg was  Martin  Cellarius,  a  private  teacher. 
These  prophets  were  more  radical  than  Carlstadt. 
They  rejected  the  written  Word,  the  regular  minis- 
try, and  infant  baptism ;  boasted  of  dreams  and 
special  revelations,  and  of  communications  with  God 
and  the  angel  Gabriel ;  and  predicted  the  overthrow 
of  the  existing  civil  government. 

In  the  new  government  Storch  was  to  be  God's 
vicegerent,  for  the  angel  had  told  him,  "  Thou 
shalt  sit  on  his  throne." 

85 


86  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

The  prophets  sought  and  obtained  an  interview 
with  Melanchthon,  who  listened  with  astonishment 
to  their  claims  of  inspiration  and  oMnterviews  with 
God,  and  was  much  moved  by  their  arguments 
against  infant  baptism.  He  regarded  faith  as  a 
personal  act;  he  did  not  see  how  baptism  could 
benefit  without  faith.  Children  cannot  exercise 
faith ;  a  foreign  faith  cannot  benefit  them.  Then, 
too,  he  remembered  that  Augustine  and  others  of 
his  time  had  disputed  much  over  infant  baptism,  and 
that  Augustine  had  rejected  the  doctrine  of  infant 
faith,  and  had  fallen  back  on  the  doctrine  of  original 
sin,  and  on  custom.1  He  also  discovered  that  the 
prophets  had  the  correct  sense  of  the  Scripture  in 
many  of  the  chief  articles  of  faith.3  This  only  in- 
creased his  confusion.  That  they  had  a  spirit,  he 
was  certain,  but  whether  it  was  the  Spirit  of  God, 
or  the  spirit  of  the  Devil,  who  spoke  through  them, 
he  could  not  discern.  In  his  perplexity  he  wrote 
the  Elector,  December  2/th  : 

"  You  know  that  certain  dangerous  dissensions  have 
arisen  in  Zwickau  concerning  the  Word  of  God.  Some 
of  the  innovators  have  been  cast  into  prison.  Three  of 
the  authors  of  these  commotions  have  come  hither,  two 
unlettered  weavers,  and  one  man  of  education.  I  have 
heard  them.  They  relate  marvellous  things  of  them- 
selves, as,  that  they  have  been  sent  by  a  loud  voice  of 
God  to  teach;  that  they  have  familiar  converse  with 
God;  that  they  foresee  the  future:  in  a  word,  that  they 
are  prophets  and  apostles.  I  can  scarcely  tell  how  I  am 

'C.  *~  1:534. 
•C.*..  1:533. 


1522]    The  Revolutionary  Movement      87 

moved  by  these  things.  For  certain  strong  reasons  I 
cannot  bring  myself  to  condemn  them.  That  there  are 
spirits  in  them  is  very  apparent.  But  no  one  can  easily 
judge  concerning  them  except  Martin.  Since  the  Gospel 
and  the  glory  and  peace  of  the  Church  are  endangered, 
there  is  the  greatest  need  that  Martin  should  meet  these 
men,  for  they  appeal  to  him.  I  would  not  write  to  your 
Electoral  Highness  about  this  matter,  did  not  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  case  require  that  it  should  be  considered  in 
time.  It  is  needful  for  us  to  be  on  our  guard  lest  we  be 
entrapped  by  Satan."  1 

The  same  day  he  wrote  to  Spalatin  declaring  that  un- 
less Luther  should  interfere,  things  would  go  to  ruin. 
He  asks : ' '  Whither  shall  I  turn  in  this  great  difficulty  ? 
Assist  in  this  thing  in  whatever  way  you  can." 

Amsdorf  also  wrote  the  Elector  on  the  same  sub- 
ject ;  whereupon  the  latter  summoned  both  Amsdorf 
and  Melanchthon  to  Prettin,  and  inquired  of  them 
through  Haubold  von  Einsiedel  and  Spalatin  why 
they  had  written  him  so  excitedly  about  this  matter. 
Each  wrote  his  opinion  and  sent  it  to  the  Elector. 
Melanchthon's  letter  is  the  same  in  substance  as  his 
former  one  to  the  Elector.  He  insists  that  Luther's 
opinion  is  necessary,  as  only  he  can  judge  of  the 
questions  raised  by  these  men.3 

Amsdorf  thought  that  the  prophets  should  be 
neither  wholly  believed  nor  wholly  rejected  until 
after  they  had  been  heard.4 


*C.  *.,  1:513. 

3  C.  *.,  1:514. 

3  c.  J?.,  1:535. 
« a*.,  1:534. 


88  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

The  Elector,  as  a  layman,  refused  to  pass  judg- 
ment, and  so  turned  the  matter  over  to  the  theo- 
logians with  the  counsel  that  there  be  no  public 
disputation,  since  no  good  could  come  out  of  public 
discussion.  He  also  refused  to  recall  Luther,  who 
was  under  the  imperial  ban,  and  whom  he  did  not 
feel  able  to  protect.1 

Everything  was  now  confusion  and  uncertainty. 
But  Melanchthon  soon  became  convinced  that  these 
men  did  not  have  the  good  Spirit.  He  took  Stiib- 
ner  into  the  house  with  him  that  he  might  have  the 
better  opportunity  to  test  him.  One  day  as  they  sat 
together  while  Melanchthon  was  writing,  Stubner 
dropped  his  head  on  the  table  and  slept.  After  a 
while  he  awoke  and  suddenly  asked  Melanchthon 
what  he  thought  of  John  Chrysostom.  Melanchthon 
replied  that  he  thought  well  of  him,  though  he  did 
not  approve  his  verbosity.  Then  Stubner  said  :  "  I 
have  just  seen  him  in  Purgatory  in  a  sad  plight." 
At  first  Melanchthon  laughed;  but  he  soon  dis- 
covered with  sadness  the  man's  inconsistency,  since 
on  other  occasions  he  had  stoutly  rejected  the  notion 
of  Purgatory.2 

At  Wittenberg  things  were  going  from  bad  to 
worse.  Not  only  were  ecclesiastical  vestments  abol- 
ished, and  the  pictures  removed  from  the  church, 
and  the  people  admitted  to  the  communion  without 
confession,  but  the  preaching  was  fanatical,  pastoral 
oversight  was  omitted,  the  hospitals  and  prisons  were 
neglected.  Melanchthon  was  opposed  to  such 

*C.  *.,  1:535. 

'Camerarius,  p.  51. 


1522]    The  Revolutionary  Movement      89 

violent  innovations,  but  felt  himself  powerless  to 
check  them. 

We  have  no  letter  from  Melanchthon  to  Luther 
concerning  the  advent  of  the  prophets;  but  in  some 
way  Luther  learned  of  their  doings  and  claims,  and 
of  his  friend's  timidity  and  hesitation.  On  the  thir- 
teenth of  January  he  wrote  him  a  letter  of  reproof, 
telling  him  that  he  must  not  rely  on  what  these  men 
say  of  themselves,  but  he  must  try  the  spirits,  as  St. 
John  commanded ;  he  himself  has  not  learned  of 
their  having  done  anything  that  Satan  might  not 
do.  They  must  be  required  to  prove  their  vocation. 
God  sends  no  one  without  credentials,  and  does  not 
speak  in  the  old  man  except  he  first  be  purified 
as  by  fire.  As  to  the  matter  of  faith  in  infants,  he 
cuts  the  knot  by  asserting  that  they  are  benefited 
by  the  faith  of  others.  Finally  he  could  no  longer 
stand  it  that  "  Satan  was  wasting  his  fold  at  Witten- 
berg." He  was  once  heard  to  exclaim,  "  Oh  that  I 
were  at  Wittenberg!"  Breaking  away  from  his 
prison,  March  1st,  despite  the  Elector's  earnest  dis- 
suasion, he  appeared  on  the  scene  of  storm  and 
confusion,  March  6,  1522. 

His  letter  to  the  Elector,  sent  from  Borna,  south 
of  Leipzig,  is  written  in  the  loftiest  strain  of  faith 
and  courage.  He  tells  his  "  most  gracious  lord  " 
that  he  goes  to  Wittenberg  under  far  higher  protec- 
tion than  that  of  the  Elector,  affirming  even  that  he 
could  protect  his  Electoral  Highness  far  better  than 
his  Electoral  Highness  could  protect  him.  He  is 
the  best  protection  who  has  most  faith.  Inasmuch 
as  the  Elector  lacked  faith,  he  could  not  be  a  pro- 


90  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

tector.  If  need  were  he  would  go  to  Leipzig  even 
though  it  rained  Duke  Georges  for  nine  days,  and 
each  Duke  George  was  nine  times  as  fierce  as  the 
present  one.1  Riding  right  across  the  territory  of 
his  implacable  foe,  he  entered  the  city  of  his  friends 
on  Thursday  evening.  Two  days  were  spent  in 
learning  the  situation.  The  next  Sunday  he  as- 
cended the  pulpit  of  the  parish  church  before  a 
congregation  of  citizens  and  students,  and  began 
a  series  of  eight  sermons,  preached  in  so  many  con- 
secutive days,  by  which  he  brought  order  out  of 
confusion.  These  sermons  are  splendid  specimens 
of  pulpit  eloquence,  full  of  fervour  and  Christian 
faith,  and  full  of  moderation  and  love.  Nowhere, 
and  at  no  time,  did  Luther  appear  to  better  advant- 
age in  the  pulpit.  The  ruling  ideas  of  his  sermons 
are  those  of  freedom  and  charity,  which  will  resist 
as  well  the  coercion  of  radicalism  as  the  tyranny  of 
the  Pope.  The  things  that  the  Bible  has  left  free, 
such  as  marriage,  cloister-life,  private  confession, 
images  in  the  churches,  may  be  tolerated.  Only 
things  which  contradict  the  Word  of  God,  as  private 
masses  and  enforced  confession,  must  be  abolished. 
But  all  changes  must  be  made  in  a  decent  and 
orderly  way.  Paul  preached  against  idols  in  Athens, 
and  they  fell  in  consequence,  though  he  never 
touched  one  of  them.2 

The  victory  was  complete.     It  was  the  triumph 

1  De  W.,  2:  137-141. 

'Erlangen  ed.,  28:  202-260.  A  good  r/sumS  of  those  sermons 
in  German  is  given  in  Kostlin's  Martin  Luther,  1 :  437-445  ;  in 
English  in  Meurer's  Life  of  Luther,  translated,  pp.  245-253. 


1522]    The  Revolutionary  Movement      91 

of  wisdom,  truth,  and  love  over  ignorance,  error, 
and  passion.  The  professors,  the  town  council,  and 
all  peace-loving  citizens  were  delighted.  Zwilling 
confessed  his  mistake;  Carlstadt  was  silenced;  and 
Jerome  Schurf  wrote  to  the  Elector,  after  the  sixth 
sermon,  that  Luther  was  leading  the  poor  deluded 
people  back  to  the  way  of  truth.  "  It  is  plain  and 
manifest,"  says  he,  "  that  the  Spirit  of  God  is  in 
him.  And  I  doubt  not  at  all  that  he  has  come  to 
Wittenberg  at  this  time  through  the  special  provi- 
dence of  God."  l 

Luther  admitted  Stiibner  and  Cellarius  to  an 
interview.  Stiibner  affecting  to  know  Luther's 
thoughts,  the  latter  exclaimed,  "  The  Lord  rebuke 
thee,  Satan  !  "  When  they  boasted  of  the  power  to 
work  miracles,  Luther  charged  their  god  not  to  per- 
form miracles  against  the  will  of  his  God.  "  So  we 
parted,"  says  Luther.  The  same  day  the  fanatics 
left  town,  and  from  Kemberg  they  wrote  Luther  a 
letter  full  of  reproaches  and  imprecations. 

Many  of  the  changes  which  had  been  introduced 
during  the  commotion  were  in  themselves  of  the 
nature  of  true  reform,  and  were  retained  after  order 
had  been  restored. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  1522,  Dr.  Baier 
had  reported  the  following  to  Von  Einsiedel: 

"  The  University  and  council  have  agreed  that  in  the 
parish  church,  to  which  we  all  belong,  the  Mass  shall  be 
held  as  follows:  First,  singing  with  the  Introit  and 
Gloria  in  Excelsis,  the  Epistle,  Gospel,  and  Sanctus; 

1  Meurer's  Life  of  Luther \  p.  253. 


92  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

then  preaching.  Then  the  Mass  is  begun  as  God  our 
Lord  Jesus  instituted  it.  Then  the  priest  speaks  publicly 
the  words  of  consecration  in  German^  admonishes  the 
people  who  hunger  and  thirst  after  the  grace  of  God, 
and  communicates  to  them  the  body  and  blood  of  the 
Lord.  The  Communion  ended,  the  Agnus  Dei,  a  hymn, 
and  the  Benedicamus  Domino  are  sung." 

He  says  further  that  the  Canon  has  been  abolished 
and  begging  forbidden  among  the  monks;  that  the 
poor  are  to  be  served  from  a  common  treasury;  that 
a  pious  man  has  been  appointed  for  every  street  to 
look  after  the  poor,  to  restrain  open  transgression, 
and  to  have  transgressors  punished  by  the  university 
and  the  council.1 

Thus  the  fanaticism  of  Carlstadt  and  the  Zwickau 
prophets,  under  the  powerful  guiding  hand  of  Lu- 
ther, was  turned  to  good  account,  though  some  of 
the  things  that  had  been  abolished  were  restored 
for  a  time.  But  the  Canon,  or  that  part  of  the  serv- 
ice of  the  Mass  in  which  the  priest  is  thought  to 
offer  the  body  of  Christ  in  sacrifice,  was  not  re- 
stored ;  and  henceforth  no  more  private  masses  were 
said  in  the  parish  church.  When  the  time  came  for 
further  changes  and  for  the  introduction  of  the 
Lutheran  principles  of  worship,  the  way  was,  in  part 
at  least,  prepared. 

Now  that  order  was  restored,  Luther  took  up  his 
abode  in  the  cloister,  and  wore  the  habit  of  his 
fraternity.  In  this  he  had  the  approbation  of  Mel- 
anchthon, who,  in  matters  of  form  and  in  externals, 
remained  more  conservative  than  Luther. 

lC.K~i-.  540. 


1522]    The  Revolutionary  Movement      93 

The  recent  events  had  convinced  both  of  them 
that  changes  should  not  be  made  before  knowledge 
and  faith  had  taught  the  lesson  of  true  evangelical 
freedom.  The  Reformation  could  now  go  on  in  the 
development  of  its  fundamental  principle  that  the 
Word  must  do  everything.  And  it  was  in  harmony 
with  this  principle  that  Melanchthon  had  insisted 
that  Luther  should  translate  the  Bible.  In  compli- 
ance with  the  urgent  demand  of  his  friend,  Luther 
had  begun  the  work  of  translating  the  New  Testa- 
ment at  the  Wartburg,  and  had  brought  the  finished 
draft  with  him  to  Wittenberg.  He  and  Melanch- 
thon at  once  began  the  revision,  and  by  September 
2ist  an  edition  of  three  thousand  copies  was  printed. 
The  book  sold  so  rapidly  at  a  florin  and  a  half  a 
copy — equal  to  about  six  dollars  in  our  money — 
that  in  December  another  edition  was  required. 

The  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  was  imme- 
diately commenced.  The  finished  work  is  called 
Luther's  translation,  and  sometimes  Luther's  Bible, 
because  he  was  the  leading  spirit  in  the  little  Bible 
Club  that  met  once  a  week  in  his  house.  It  is  his 
greatest  and  most  important  work.  It  introduced 
the  Reformation  to  the  people. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE   "LOCI   COMMUNES" 

The  "Loci  Communes"  or  "Theological  Common  Places" — The 
Commentaries  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul— Luther's  Preface. 

WHILE  Luther  was  contending  with  the  Pope's 
bull  at  Wittenberg,  confessing  Christ  at 
Worms,  and  writing  his  Postils  at  the  Wartburg, 
Melanchthon  was  engaged  in  a  work  which  was  de- 
stined to  exert  a  powerful  influence  on  the  Reforma- 
tion, and  which  marks  an  epoch  in  the  history  of 
theology;  it  was  the  composition  and  publication 
of  his  Loci  Communes,  or  Theological  Common  Places, 
which  commended  the  Reformation  to  the  learned. 
The  purpose  conceived  by  the  author  was  to  set 
forth  in  condensed  form  the  leading  doctrines  of  the 
Christian  religion  in  opposition  to  the  Aristotelian 
subtleties.  The  book,  written  amid  the  stirring 
scenes  and  conflicts  of  the  years  1520  and  1521,  was 
finished  some  time  in  April  of  the  latter  year,  and 
published  soon  thereafter.  It  owes  its  appearance  at 
this  time  to  a  happy  accident.  On  the  seventeenth 
of  April,  1520,  Melanchthon  wrote  John  Hess,  of 
Breslau,  saying  that  while  preparing  notes  on  the 

94 


1522]         The  "  Loci  Communes"  95 

Epistle  to  the  Romans,  the  work  had  so  grown  in 
his  hands  that  he  was  going  to  write  Loci  Communes 
on  the  law,  sin,  grace,  the  sacraments,  and  other 
mysteries.1  These  Loci  were  merely  the  heads  of 
argument,  on  which  Melanchthon  proposed  to  lect- 
ure. They  were  written  down  by  one  of  his  hearers, 
it  is  supposed,  and  printed  without  the  knowledge 
of  the  author.  Melanchthon  was  dissatisfied  with 
the  little  book,  and  tried  to  suppress  the  edition. 
A  few  copies,  however,  survived,  one  of  which  is 
found  in  the  ducal  library  at  Gotha.  Though 
merely  the  heads  of  discourse,  intended  to  set  forth 
systematically  the  Pauline  argument,  and  called 
Lucubratiuncula,  the  work  covers  pages  11-48  in 
the  Corpus  Re  for  mat  or  urn,  and  is  supplemented 
by  a  Theological  Institute  on  the  Epistle  of  Paul 
to  the  Romans,  which  covers  ten  pages.3  These 
two  works,  revised,  expanded,  and  rendered  more 
systematic,  became  the  Loci  Communes  Rerum  Theo- 
logicarum,  sive  Hypotyposes  Theologies,  which  ex- 
tends from  page  82  to  page  227  in  the  Corpus 
Reformatorum"  vol.  xxi.  This,  without  doubt, 
is  Melanchthon's  most  important  theological  work. 
It  systematises  what  he  and  Luther  had  taught, 
and  lays  the  foundation  for  the  Evangelical  Dog- 
matic. For  the  time  being  it  was  Jthe  Wittenberg 
Confession_of  Faith,  and  was  the  forerunner  of  the 
Confession  of  Augsburg.  Unlike  the  Sentences  of 
Peter  Lombard,  it  is  not  based  on  the  scholastic 
philosophy,  and  developed  through  thesis  and  anti- 

1  c.  R.,  i:  138. 

*C.  R.,  21 :  11-58, 


96  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

thesis;  but  it  is  drawn  directly  from  the  Holy 
Scripture,  more  particularly  from  the  Epistle  of 
Paul  to  the  Romans.  And  yet  it  makes  a  proper 
use  of  history,  and  connects  its  expositions  with  the 
teaching  of  the  Church  fathers. 

Passing  lightly  over  the  metaphysical  and  philo- 
sophical doctrines  of  theology,  it  treats  chiefly  what 
seemed  to  its  author  to  be  the  fundamental  doctrines. 
Its  aim  is  to  lead  students  to  a  profitable  knowledge 
of  theology,  not  to  perplex  and  confuse  them  with 
doubtful  disputations.  '  Yet  I  desire  nothing  so 
much,"  says  Melanchthon  in  the  preface,  "as  to 
make  all  Christians  thoroughly  conversant  with  the 
Holy  Scripture  alone,  and  to  transform  them  into 
the  image  of  the  same." 

The  order  of  the  book  is  in  part  inherited  from 
John  of  Damascus.  It  begins  with  the  Trinity; 
but,  in  harmony  with  its  purely  practical  aim,  it 
quickly  passes  to  Man,  and  treats  of  Sin,  the  Law, 
the  Gospel,  the  Fruits  of  Grace,  Faith,  the  Sacra- 
ments, then  of  the  Magistracy,  Church  Government, 
Condemnation,  and  Blessedness. 

A  few  notes  will  indicate  its  characteristic  features : 
The  mysteries  of  the  Trinity  are  to  be  adored  rather 
than  investigated.  Indeed,  they  cannot  be  treated 
without  great  peril.  There  is  no  need  of  devoting 
much  time  to  God,  the  Unity,  the  Trinity,  the  mys- 
teries of  creation  and  of  the  incarnation.  The 
scholastic  theologists  have  been  engaged  on  these 
subjects  for  ages  without  having  accomplished  any- 
thing. In  regard  to  human  powers  there  is  a  wide 
difference  between  the  teaching  of  the  Sacred 


1522]         The  "Loci  Communes"  97 

Scripture  and  that  of  philosophy.  In  man  there  are 
two  powers:  the  power  of  intellect,  by  which  we 
understand  and  reason,  and  the  power  of  the  affec- 
tions, by  which  we  are  rendered  favourable  or  adverse 
to  things  known.  The  reason  in  itself  is  neither 
good  nor  evil;  it  serves  the  will.  Freedom  is  the 
power  to  do  or  not  to  do,  to  do  thus  or  so.  But 
there  is  no  freedom.  "  All  things  that  occur,  occur 
necessarily  according  to  the  divine  predestination. 
Our  will  has  no  freedom." 

Here  the  author  quotes  several  passages  from  the 
Scriptures  in  support  of  absolute  predestination,  as 
Romans  xi.,  36;  Eph.  i.,  ii;  Matt,  x.,  29.  'This 
doctrine  is  contradicted  by  the  reason,  but  is  em- 
braced by  the  spiritual  judgment.  To  believe  that 
all  things  are  done  by  God  is  profitable  for  repress- 
ing and  condemning  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of 
human  reason.  In  things  external  there  is  freedom 
of  will,  as  the  power  to  put  on  or  off  a  garment; 
but  we  have  no  power  over  the  inward  affections, 
and  no  power  by  which  we  can  seriously  oppose  the 
affections. 

Original  sin  is  a  native  impulse  or  energy,  which 
impels  us  to  commit  sin.  God  created  the  first  man 
without  sin,  but  he  fell,  and  God's  Spirit  ceased  to 
rule  him.  Self-love  is  the  root  of  all  sin,  and  leads 
to  contempt  of  God.  Original  sin  is  not  only  the 
want  of  original  righteousness;  it  is  the  flesh,  im- 
piety, contempt  of  spiritual  things.  What  is  law  ?  , 
It  is  that  by  which  the  good  is  enjoined,  or  the  evil 
forbidden.  There  are  natural,  divine,  and  human 
laws.  Neither  theologians  nor  lawyers  have  to  do 


98  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

with  the  laws  of  nature.  The  divine  laws  are  con- 
tained in  the  Decalogue.  The  first  commandment 
requires  faith  ;  the  second,  the  praise^of  God's  name ; 
the  third,  the  upholding  of  God's  work  in  us.  The 
other  commandments  are  explained  by  Christ,  as 
loving  thy  neighbour  as  thyself  (Matt.  v.).  The 
Gospel  is  the  promise  of  grace,  or  of  the  mercy  of 
God,  and  hence  the  testimony  of  God's  good-will 
towards  us.  God  revealed  the  Gospel  at  once  after 
the  fall  of  Adam,  and  then  more  fully  in  Christ. 
The  Law  brings  a  knowledge  of  sin.  It  is  the  voice 
of  death.  The  Gospel  is  the  voice  of  peace  and  life. 
Whosoever  is  comforted  by  the  voice  of  God,  and 
believes  God,  is  justified. 

"  Grace  signifies  favour,  that  favour  in  God  by  which 
he  comprehends  the  saints.  In  a  word,  Grace  is  nothing 
but  the  remission  of  sins,  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  who 
regenerates  and  sanctifies  the  heart.  We  are  justified, 
when,  mortified  by  the  Law,  we  are  raised  up  by  the 
word  of  Grace,  which  is  promised  in  Christ,  or  in  the 
Gospel,  which  forgives  sin,  and  when  we  cling  to  Christ 
nothing  doubting  that  the  righteousness  of  Christ  is  our 
righteousness,  that  his  satisfaction  is  our  expiation,  his 
resurrection,  ours.  In  a  word,  nothing  doubting  that 
our  sins  are  forgiven,  and  that  God  loves  and  cherishes 
us.  Hence  our  works,  however  good  they  may  seem  or 
be,  are  not  our  righteousness.  FAITH  alone  in  the 
mercy  and  grace  of  God  in  Jesus  Christ  is  RIGHT- 
EOUSNESS. This  is  what  Paul  means  when  he  says, 
the  just  live  by  faith,  and  righteousness  is  by  the  faith  of 
Jesus  Christ." 

The  sacraments  are  signs  of  promises  and  testi- 


1522]         The  "  Loci  Communes  "  99 

monies  of  God's  will  towards  us.  They  have  no 
power  to  justify.  Faith  alone  justifies.  Circumcis- 
ion, Baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper,  are  only  witnesses 
and  seals  of  the  divine  will  in  our  behalf.  Two 
signs,  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  are  given  by 
Christ  in  the  Gospel.  We  call  them  sacramental 
signs.  Baptism  is  the  washing  of  regeneration,  the 
passing  from  death  unto  life.  It  is  the  sacrament 
of  repentance.  Penitence  is  not  a  sacrament. 
Rather  is  it  the  Chrisitan  life  itself,  which  must  be 
constantly  renewed.  Private  Confession  is  retained. 
Private  Absolution  is  as  necessary  as  Baptism.  Only 
he  dare  comfort  himself  with  the  Absolution  who 
desires  it  and  believes. 

There  is  no  satisfaction  apart  from  the  death  of 
Christ.  The  Lord's  Supper  is  a  sign  of  grace.  It 
consists  in  eating  Christ's  body  and  drinking  his 
blood.  This  Sacrament  is  intended  to  strengthen 
us  as  often  as  our  consciences  are  troubled,  and 
doubt  of  God's  will  toward  us.  It  is  not  a  sacrifice. 
Confirmation  and  Unction  are  not  sacraments. 
Matrimony  is  not  a  sacrament.  Order  is  only  the 
selection  by  the  Church  of  those  who  are  to  teach, 
baptise,  and  administer  the  Supper.  Such  is  the 
duty  of  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons.  '  The 
Mass-priests  are  the  prophets  of  Jezebel,  that  is,  of 
Rome." 

For  the  maintenance  of  discipline  in  the  State  and 
in  the  Church,  the  magistracy  is  necessary.  The 
civil  magistrate  bears  the  sword  and  guards  the 
public  peace.  To  him  Christians  should  be  obedi- 
ent. Bishops  are  servants,  not  lords  of  the  Church. 


ioo  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

They  cannot  make  civil  laws,  nor  dare  they  do  any- 
thing against  the  Scriptures. 

These  notes  can  give  only  a  faint  idea  of  the  con- 
tents of  the  Loci.  Yet  they  may  serve  to  indicate 
its  practical  aim  as  well  as  its  positive  and  aggressive 
thought.  It  may  be  said  that  the  book  is  at  once  a 
faithful  exhibition  and  defence  of  the  doctrines 
taught  in  Wittenberg  at  that  time,  and  a  refutation 
and  rejection  of  the  leading  errors  of  Rome.  Its 
tendency  is  decidedly  polemical,  and  this  is  its  chief 
blemish.  It  does  not  have  that  calmness  and  that 
purely  didactic  quality  which  may  be  expected  in  a 
hand-book  of  theology.  But  it  is  a  genuine  product 
of  its  age,  which  was  one  of  strife  and  violent  con- 
tention. Its  author,  while  preparing  it,  had  in  mind 
the  coarse  invectives  of  Thomas  Rhadinus,  and  the 
scholastic  sophistries  of  the  Cologne,  Louvain,  and 
Paris  theologists,  who  had  issued  judgments  and 
decrees  against  the  teaching  of  Luther.  Even  its 
polemic  tendency  may  have  been  a  feature  of  value 
in  that  first  period  of  the  Reformation,  when  it 
was  as  necessary  to  refute  error  as  to  establish  the 
truth. 

Taken  as  a  whole,  the  Loci  must  be  regarded  as 
the  most  remarkable  theological  work  ever  produced 
by  a  young  man  of  twenty-four  years.  It  is  em- 
phatically something  new — a  system  of  theology 
based  on  Christ  and  the  Word  of  God.  As  over 
against  Scholasticism  it  is  the  theology  of  a  living 
principle,  and  is  well  illustrated  by  the  words  with 
which  the  book  closes:  "  The  kingdom  of  God  is 
not  in  word,  but  in  power." 


1522]         The  "  Loci  Communes"          101 

A  distinguished  theologian  of  the  Reformed 
Church  has  described  it  as  follows: 

"  The  book  marks  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  theology. 
It  grew  out  of  exegetical  lectures  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  the  Magna  Charta  of  the  evangelical  system. 
It  is  an  exposition  of  the  leading  doctrines  of  sin  and 
grace,  repentance  and  salvation.  It  is  clean,  fresh,  thor- 
oughly biblical  and  practical.  Its  main  object  is  to  show 
that  man  can  not  be  saved  by  works  of  the  law,  or  by 
his  own  merits,  but  only  by  the  free  grace  of  God  in 
Christ  as  revealed  in  the  Gospel.  It  presents  the  living 
soul  of  divinity  in  striking  contrast  to  the  dry  bones  of 
degenerate  scholasticism,  with  its  endless  thesis,  anti- 
thesis, definitions,  divisions,  and  subdivisions."  ' 

The  Loci  met  with  extraordinary  favour.  Two 
editions  appeared  at  Wittenberg2  and  one  at  Basel 
in  the  year  1521.  The  next  year  it  was  reprinted  at 
Augsburg,  Strassburg,  and  Hagenau.  From  1521 
to  1525  not  less  than  seventeen  editions  appeared, 
besides  several  reprints  of  the  German  translation 
made  by  Spalatin.  A  Wittenberg  student  took  a 
copy  to  Strassburg  and  showed  it  to  Nicholas  Ger- 
bel,  who  wrote  to  John  Schwebel : 

"  This  young  man  tells  me  marvellous  things  about 
Wittenberg.  He  has  shown  me  the  notes  dictated  by 
Melanchthon  on  Paul  and  Matthew,  and  also  the  Loci, 
a  divine  book,  which  in  my  opinion  no  one  studying 
theology  can  miss  without  the  greatest  loss.  It  has  so  laid 

1  Schaffs  Hist.  Christ.  Ch.,b:  369. 

2  Schmidt's  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  74. 


102  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

hold  of  me  that  day  and  night  I  cannot  think  of  any- 
thing except  Wittenberg."  ' 

In  1524,  an  edition  was  published  at  Augsburg  by 
Sigismund  Grim,  with  a  picture  of  Hercules  destroy- 
ing Cerberus,  surrounded  by  the  legend,  "  Hercules 
the  Destroyer  of  Monsters."  Luther,  in  his  reply  to 
Erasmus,  calls  the  Loci  "  an  invincible  book,  worthy 
not  only  of  immortality,  but  of  being  placed  in  the 
Canon."  John  Cochlaeus  called  it  a  new  Koran, 
more  pernicious  than  Luther's  Babylon,  and  both 
Eck  and  he  wrote  Loci  against  it.  An  Italian  trans- 
lation bearing  the  title,  /  principii  della  Theologia 
di  Ippofilo  da  Terra  negra,  published  at  Venice,  was 
sold  in  large  numbers  in  Rome,  and  was  read  "  with 
the  greatest  applause  "  until  a  Franciscan  monk 
discovered  that  it  was  "  Lutheran,"  whereupon  all 
the  copies  were  seized  and  burned. 
-  Under  the  improving  hand  of  its  author,  the  Loci 
subsequently  underwent  great  changes.  It  became 
x  more  calm  and  dignified,  and  was  extended  over  a 
wider  field  of  discussion.  In  the  later  editions  the 
polemical  bearing  towards  Scholasticism  was  almost 
completely  abandoned,  and  a  still  more  respectful 
relation  was  assumed  towards  the  Fathers  ;  but  the 
book  never  abandoned  its  Scriptural  basis  nor  its 
practical  character.  The  changes  of  later  editions 
represent  Melanchthon's  growth  in  the  knowledge 
of  Scripture  and  of  history.  He  also  learned  to  dis- 
criminate between  a  true  and  a  false  Scholasticism, 
between  the  idolising  of  Aristotle  then  current  in 

1  Centuria  Epist.  Theol.  ad  Schivebelium  Zweibriicken  (1597),  p.  24. 


1522]         The  "Loci  Communes"          103 

the  universities,  and  the  proper  application  of  phi- 
losophy to  the  investigation  of  sacred  truth. 

The  different  editions  of  the  Loci  are  classified  in 
three  periods.  The  first  form  extends  from  1521  to 
1535;  the  second  form,  from  1535  to  1544,  and  con- 
tains fourteen  editions;  the  third  form,  from  1544  to 
1559,  and  contains  thirty-four  editions.  The  char- 
acteristic changes  made  in  the  second  and  third 
forms  will  be  considered  at  the  proper  time  and 
place.  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  these  changes  re-  ~ 
suited  from  continuous  study  of  the  Bible  and  of 
the  Fathers,  from  the  criticisms  of  his  opponents, 
from  the  reading  of  Erasmus,  from  contact  with 
Catholic  and  Reformed  theologians  at  the  various 
diets  and  conferences  which  he  attended,  and  from 
the  growing  independence  of  his  own  judgment. 

The  Loci  continued  to  be  published  after  the 
death  of  its  author,  and  for  fifty  years  more  held 
the  first  place  as  a  text-book  of  theology  in  the  uni- 
versities. Victorin  Strigel  and  Martin  Chemnitz, 
pupils  of  Melanchthon,  wrote  each  a  commentary 
on  it.  Leonhard  Hutter  followed  it  in  his  own 
Loci ;  but  in  1610  Hutter  published  a  Compend, 
drawn  chiefly  from  the  Symbolical  Books,  which 
threw  Melanchthon's  Loci  in  the  shade  during  the 
seventeenth  century. 

It  has  been  noticed  already  that  "from  time  to  time 
Melanchthon  expounded  the  Epistles  of  Paul. 
While  he  and  Luther  were  engaged  in  revising  the 
German  translation  of  the  New  Testament,  Luther 
insisted  that  Melanchthon  should  publish  his  lectures 
on  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans  and  Corinthians. 


104  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

This  he  refused  to  do,  his  extreme  modesty  leading 
him  to  say  that  the  Scripture  should  be  allowed  to 
do  its  work  without  the  word  of^  man.  Luther 
thought  that  a  man  who  expounded  the  Scripture 
as  Master  Philip  did,  rendered  an  invaluable  service 
to  the  Church.1  Accordingly  he  obtained  a  copy  of 
the  lectures  secretly  and  published  them  without 
the  knowledge  of  the  author,  writing  the  following 
Preface  a  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Melanchthon  : 

"  Grace  and  Peace  in  Christ. 

' '  Be  angry  and  sin  not.  Speak  upon  thy  bed,  and  be 
silent.  It  is  I  who  publish  these  annotations  of  yours, 
and  send  you  to  yourself.  If  you  do  not  please  yourself, 
very  good;  it  is  enough  that  you  please  me.  The  sin  is 
on  your  side,  if  there  be  any  sin  here.  Why  did  not  you 
yourself  publish  ?  Why  did  you  suffer  me  to  ask,  com- 
mand, and  urge  you  so  often  to  publish  ?  This  is  my 
defence  against  you:  I  am  willing  to  be,  and  to  be  called, 
a  thief,  fearing  neither  your  complaints  nor  accusation. 
But  to  those  who,  you  think,  will  turn  up  their  noses,  or 
will  not  be  satisfied,  I  shall  say:  Publish  something 
better.  What  the  impious  Thomists  falsely  claim  for 
their  Thomas,  viz.,  that  no  one  has  written  better  on^ 
Saint  Paul,  that  I  truthfully  assign  to  you.  Satan  per- 
suades them  to  boast  thus  of  their  Thomas,  that  his  im- 
pious and  poisonous  doctrines  may  be  the  more  widely 
propagated.  I  know  with  what  spirit  and  judgment  I 
declare  this  of  you.  What  is  it  to  you  if  those  famous 
mighty  men  turn  up  their  noses  at  this  opinion  of  mine  ? 
Mine  is  the  peril.  That  I  may  the  more  provoke  these 

'DeW.,  2:303, 
>Dc  W.,  2:238.    y 


1522]         The  "  Loci  Communes  "          105 

fastidious  gentlemen,  I  say  further  that  the  commentaries 
of  Jerome  and  Origen  are  mere  trifles  and  absurdities  as 
compared  with  your  annotations.  Wherefore,  you  will 
say,  provoke  the  ill  will  of  men  of  the  highest  talents  ? 
Be  modest.  Let  me  be  proud  of  you.  Who  prohibits 
the  men  of  highest  talents  from  publishing  something 
better  and  exposing  the  rashness  of  my  judgment  ? 
Would  that  there  were  those  who  could  do  better. 
Finally,  I  threaten  you,  that  I  will  steal  and  publish 
what  you  have  written  on  Genesis,  Matthew,  and  John, 
unless  you  shall  anticipate  me.  The  Scripture,  you  say, 
must  be  read  without  commentaries.  You  say  this  cor- 
rectly about  Jerome,  Origen,  Thomas,  and  the  like. 
They  wrote  commentaries  in  which  they  give  their  own 
teaching,  not  that  of  Paul  and  of  Christ.  Nobody  should 
call  your  annotations  a  commentary,  but  a  guide  to 
reading  the  Scripture  and  learning  Christ — something 
which  no  commentary  has  hitherto  presented.  When 
you  plead  that  your  notes  are  not  in  all  respects  satis- 
factory to  you,  I  am  forced  to  believe  you;  but  behold, 
I  believe  you  will  not  satisfy  yourself.  This  is  neither 
asked  nor  sought  from  you  without  regard  for  the  honour 
of  Paul;  nor  will  anyone  boast  that  Philip  is  superior  or 
equal  to  Paul.  It  is  enough  that  he  is  next  to  Paul. 
We  envy  no  one  if  he  should  come  nearer.  We  know 
you  are  nothing.  Christ  is  all  in  all.  If  he  speaks  by 
the  mouth  of  an  ass  we  shall  be  satisfied.  Why  should 
we  be  dissatisfied  if  he  speaks  by  the  mouth  of  a  man  ? 
Art  thou  not  a  man  ?  Art  thou  not  of  Christ  ?  Is  not 
his  mind  in  you  ?  But  if  you  wish  to  adorn  the  book 
with  a  more  polished  diction,  and  with  ampler  learning, 
and  to  increase  its  size,  all  right;  and  it  will  also  be 
agreeable  that  we  have  the  matter  and  the  mind  of  Paul 
through  your  assistance.  I  do  not  beg  your  pardon,  if  I 


io6  Philip  Melanchthon  [1522 

offend  you  in  doing  this.    Cease  to  be  offended,  that  you 
may  not  rather  offend  us,  and  have  need  of  our  pardon. 
The  Lord  enlarge  and  keep  thee  forever. 
"  Wittenberg,  July  29th,  Anno  M.D.XXII. 

"Yours,  MARTINUS  LUTHERUS." 

Very  soon  the  commentary  was  published  at 
Nuremberg,  disfigured  by  numerous  errors.  Then 
Melanchthon  laughed,  and  said  to  Luther,  "  he 
hoped  that,  made  wiser  by  experience,  he  would 
commit  no  more  such  thefts." 

The  book,  notwithstanding  its  many  errors,  was 

soon   published    at    Strassburg   and    Basel,    and  at 

Augsburg  translated  into  German.     It  at  once  made 

its  author  famous  as  an  expounder  of  the  Scripture. 

C  Early  in  the  next  year  Luther  obtained  Melanch- 

/     thon's  lectures  on  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  and  sent 

them  to  Basel  for  publication. 

In  these  commentaries,  as  in  his  Loci,  Melanchthon 

/  avoids  all  philosophical  and  speculative  questions, 

and  confines  himself  to  a  practical  exposition  of  the 

text.     Christ,   Faith,   and  Justification  occupy  the 

chief  places. 


CHAPTER  X 

PRIVATE    LIFE   DURING    1522-1525 

Melanchthon  Wishes  to  Relinquish  Theology  and  to  Teach  Greek 
and  Literature  Only — Luther  Interferes — A  Compromise — Mel- 
anchthon Opens  a  School  in  his  own  House — Visits  his  Mother 
— Honoured  by  the  University  of  Heidelberg — Cardinal  Cam- 
peggius — Controversy  Between  Luther  and  Erasmus  on  the  Will 
— Melanchthon  Meets  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse. 

AFTER  Luther's  return  from  the  Wartburg  to 
Wittenberg,  Melanchthon  began  to  think 
seriously  of  abandoning  theology,  and  of  devoting 
himself  wholly  to  giving  instruction  in  languages 
and  literature.  He  was  influenced  in  this  direction 
partly  by  the  disorders  created  by  Carlstadt  and  the 
Zwickau  prophets,  and  partly  by  the  feeling  that  he 
could  best  serve  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  by 
preparing  young  men  properly  for  the  study  of 
theology.  During  the  temporary  reign  of  iconoclas- 
tic confusion  at  Wittenberg  he  wrote  to  Spalatin : 

"  Oh  that  with  pious  hearts  we  might  recognise  the 
divine  goodness,  and  show  our  gratitude  by  better  man- 
ners! If  I  mistake  not,  Christ  is  about  to  avenge  the 
contempt  of  the  Gospel  by  new  darkness.  He  is  blind- 

107 


io8  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

ing  the  minds  of  those  who,  under  cover  of  the  name 
of  Christ  are  now  confounding  things  divine  and  human, 
sacred  and  profane.  In  a  word,  I  fear  that  this  light 
which  a  little  while  ago  appeared  in  the  world,  will  be 
taken  from  us." 

He  thought  that  classical  culture  was  the  best 
means  for  preparing  young  men  for  the  study  of 
theology,  and  for  overcoming  the  spirit  of  disorder. 
This  thought  he  expressed  in  several  letters  of  the 
year  1522.  To  Spalatin  he  wrote: 

"  I  hear  that  Dr.  Martin  wants  me  to  commit  the 
Greek  teaching  to  another.  This  I  do  not  wish  to  do. 
I  would  rather  discontinue  theology,  which,  according 
to  custom,  I  began  to  teach  on  account  of  the  bachelor's 
degree.  Hitherto  my  work  was  only  a  substitute  for  that 
of  Martin,  when  he  was  absent,  or  otherwise  engaged.  I 
see  the  need  of  many  earnest  teachers  of  the  classics, 
which  at  present,  not  less  than  in  the  age  of  sophistry,  are 
neglected."  a 

A  little  later  also  to  the  same:  "  It  is  a  very  bad 
condition  of  affairs  that  in  so  large  a  number  of  pro- 
fessors here,  scarcely  one  can  be  found  who  really 
cultivates  the  classics.  If  these  be  not  faithfully 
studied  what  kind  of  theologians  shall  we  have  ?  " 
In  April  of  the  next  year  he  wrote  to  Eoban  Hess 
that  those  who  despise  classical  studies  think  scarcely 
better  of  theology.  He  exclaims:  "Good  God! 
how  absurdly  they  pursue  the  study  of  theology 

1  C.  *.,  i :  547. 

«£*.,  1:575- 
*C.X.,  i:  576. 


1525]    Private  Life  during  1522-1525    109 

who  want  to  seem  wise  by  despising  all  that  is  good ! 
What  is  this  else  than  a  new  sophistry  more  foolish 
and  impious  than  the  old  ?  "  1 

About  the  same  time  he  delivered  an  oration  en- 
titled, "  The  Praise  of  Eloquence."  He  deplores 
the  neglect  of  classical  studies,  and  wishes  for  the 
power  of  Pericles  to  recall  into  the  right  way  the 
foolish  young  men  who  think  that  classical  studies 
are  not  profitable  for  other  disciplines,  or  who  neglect 
them  out  of  laziness.  He  insists  on  the  thorough 
study  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  classics  as  the  proper 
preparation  for  the  study  of  theology.2 

It  is  thus  evident  from  his  letters  and  from  public 
deliverances  that  at  this  time  Melanchthon  felt  that 
his  calling  was  to  teach  the  classics,  and  to  prepare 
young  men  for  the  study  of  theology.  But  Luther 
was  of  a  different  opinion.  On  the  fourth  of  July, 
1522,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin: 

"  How  I  wish  you  would  see  that  Philip  be  relieved 
from  Grammar,  that  he  may  devote  himself  to  Theology! 
It  is  utterly  shameful,  as  I  wrote  some  time  ago,  that  he 
should  receive  one  hundred  gulden  for  teaching  Gram- 
mar, when  his  theological  lectures  are  beyond  price. 
There  are  plenty  of  masters  who  can  teach  Grammar  as 
well  as  Philip,  who,  because  of  him,  are  forced  to  be 
idle.  May  God  destroy  that  Bethaven,8  so  that  the 
revenues  taken  away  from  the  howling  priests  may  be 
transferred  to  the  support  of  good  teachers. ' '  4 

1  C.  R.,  i:  613. 

2C.  R.,  ii ;  50. 

3  The  Wittenberg  chapter. 

4De  W.,2:2i7. 


no  Phiilp  Melanchthon  [1497- 

When  he  saw  that  nothing  could  be  accomplished 
through  Spalatin,  he  wrote  to  the  Elector  on  the 
twenty-third  of  March,  1524: 

"  Your  Princely  Grace  undoubtedly  knows  that 
through  God's  grace  there  are  many  excellent  young 
men  here  from  foreign  countries  eager  for  the  blessed 
Word.  Some  are  so  poor  that  they  live  on  bread  and 
water.  Now  I  have  recourse  to  Master  Philip,  because, 
by  the  special  grace  of  God,  he  is  splendidly  qualified  to 
teach  the  Holy  Scriptures,  even  better  than  I  myself. 
If  I  should  do  it,  I  must  neglect  the  translation  of  the 
Bible.  Instead  of  teaching  Greek,  let  him  devote  him- 
self to  teaching  the  Holy  Scriptures.  The  whole  school 
and  we  all,  earnestly  desire  this.  He  resists  on  the  sole 
ground  that  he  is  appointed  and  paid  by  your  Princely 
Grace  to  teach  Greek,  and  so  can  not  omit  this.  Hence 
I  humbly  entreat  your  Princely  Grace,  for  the  good  of 
the  young  men  and  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel  of  God, 
to  appoint  him  a  salary  for  teaching  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
There  are  other  young  men  who  are  qualified  to  teach 
Greek,  and  it  is  not  right  that  he  should  be  forever  en- 
gaged on  this  "juvenile  teaching,  while  the  better  kind  is 
neglected,  in  which  he  can  furnish  such  results  as  can- 
not be  acquired  for  wages." 

No  immediate  action  was  taken  by  the  Elector; 
and  Melanchthon  still  insisted,  partly  out  of  regard 
for  his  health,  on  devoting  himself  exclusively  to 
teaching  languages.2 

Finally  it  was  determined  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1526,  that  his  salary  should  be  increased  one 

•De  W.,  2:490. 
8  C.  R.,  i  :  677. 


8PALATIN. 


1525]     Private  Life  during  1522-1525    m 

hundred  gulden,  on  the  condition  that  besides  lectur- 
ing on  Greek,  he  should  deliver  one  lecture  daily  on 
theology.  Now  Melanchthon's  conscience  rebelled. 
He  did  not  see  how  he  could  do  all  his  other  work 
and  lecture  once  a  day  on  theology.  Hence  he  did 
not  wish  to  accept  the  increase  in  salary.  Luther 
again  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  wrote  the 
Elector  John,  February  9,  1526,  requesting  that  he 
should  be  satisfied  to  have  Philip  lecture  once  a 
week  on  theology,  or  as  often  as  he  could.  He  was 
deserving  of  the  increase  in  salary,  as  he  had  lec- 
tured for  two  years  on  the  Scriptures  without  pay.1 

The  matter  was  now  settled  to  the  satisfaction  of 
all  concerned.  The  Elector  did  not  insist  that  he 
should  lecture  daily  on  theology.  Henceforth  to 
the  end  of  his  life  Melanchthon  remained  ordinary 
Professor  of  Theology  and  Greek,  and  taught  theo- 
logy, classical  literature,  and  philosophy.  Thus  he 
was  a  member  of  two  faculties. 

We  now  turn  back  two  years.  In  the  spring  of 
1524,  we  find  Melanchthon  with  greatly  impaired 
health.  Nor  are  we  surprised  at  this,  when  we  re- 
call the  superabundance  of  his  labours,  trials,  and 
conflicts.  Besides  the  duties  incident  to  his  public 
position,  already,  in  1519,  he  had  opened  "  a  private 
school  "  in  which  young  men  and  boys  should  be 
prepared  for  the  university.  In  1522,  he  wrote  a 
Latin  Grammar  for  his  pupils,  and  sought  in  many 
ways  to  promote  their  advancement.  The  most 
diligent  scholar  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  others 
as  a  reward,  and  named  house-king.  He  who  had 


ii2  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

composed  the  best  essay  in  prose  or  poetry,  was 
crowned  with  the  ivy,  or  heard  his  praises  sung  by 
Melanchthon  in  a  festive  poem.  Fcom  time  to  time 
he  allowed  his  pupils  to  render  dialogues  and  com- 
edies from  Seneca,  Plautus,  and  Terence,  and  thus 
incited  them  to  higher  diligence.  In  this  private 
school  he  taught  Greek,  Latin,  Rhetoric,  Logic, 
Mathematics,  and  Physics.  His  personal  influence 
over  the  young  men  was  extraordinarily  great.  No 
one  now  dared  to  make  sport  of  the  young  and  un- 
gainly Magister.  He  had  conquered  the  respect  and 
won  the  confidence  of  colleagues  and  of  pupils  by 
his  massive  learning,  his  devotion  to  science,  and  his 
affection  for  the  young.  John  Kessler,  who  after- 
ward became  a  reformer  in  Switzerland,  wrote  thus 
of  him  in  1523  : 

"  In  size  he  is  a  small,  unattractive  person.  You  would 
think  he  was  only  a  boy  not  above  eighteen  years  old, 
when  he  walks  by  the  side  of  Luther.  Because  of  their 
sincere  love  for  each  other  they  are  almost  always  to- 
gether. Martin  is  much  taller  than  he,  but  in  under- 
standing, learning,  and  culture,  Philip  is  a  great  stalwart 
giant  and  hero.  One  wonders  that  in  so  small  a  body 
there  can  lie  concealed  such  a  great  and  lofty  mountain 
of  wisdom  and  culture."  * 

By  this  time  his  fame  as  a  scholar  and  teacher  had 
spread  far  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Saxony.  Dis- 
tant lands  were  beginning  to  regard  Wittenberg  as 
the  home  of  the  most  profound  learning.  Leipzig 

1  Quoted  in  Schwartz's  Darstettungen  aus  dent  Gebiet  der  Pdde- 
gogik,  i  :  98. 


1525]     Private  Life  during  1522-1525    113 

had  grown  jealous,  and  had  announced  that  Eras- 
mus would  take  a  chair  in  that  renowned  university. 
Even  some  Roman  Catholic  scholars  spoke "  the 
praises  of  Melanchthon,  and  esteemed  him  a  restorer 
of  learning.  At  the  University  of  Freiburg  his  writ- 
ings drove  out  the  old  scholastic  text-books,  and 
kindled  a  new  zeal  for  the  study  of  theology. 

Melanchthon  now  needed  rest,  and  thought  of  a 
journey  to  his  native  land  as  the  best  means  of 
restoring  his  broken  health.  He  hesitated  to  ask 
permission  from  the  Court  to  be  absent.,  But  Luther 
encouraged  him  by  saying: 

"  Go,  dear  Philip,  go  in  God's  name.  Our  Lord  was 
not  always  engaged  in  preaching  and  teaching.  Some- 
times he  turned  aside  and  visited  his  friends  and  relatives. 
Only  one  thing  I  ask  of  you:  Come  back  soon.  I  will 
pray  for  you  day  and  night.  Now  go."  1 

On  the  fourth  of  April  he  ventured  to  inform 
Spalatin  that  he  needed  rest,  as  he  was  suffering 
from  insomnia,  and  that  he  "  greatly  desired  to  visit 
his  dear  mother  and  the  rest  of  the  family."  He 
asks  of  the  Elector  through  him  for  a  vacation  of 
five  weeks,  as  the  university  will  not  miss  him  for 
such  a  length  of  time,  he  thinks.2  In  a  few  days  he 
writes  again,  thanking  "  his  patron  "  for  his  good 
offices  in  procuring  him  the  desired  leave  of  absence. 

On  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  of  April,  with 
William  Nesen,  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  Francis 
Burkhard,  of  Weimar,  John  Silverborn,  of  Worms, 

1  Schmidt,  p.  103. 
2C.  R.,  i  :  652. 


n4  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  Joachim  Camerarius,  of  Bamberg,  he  began  the 
journey  on  horseback.  The  travellers  arrived  at 
Leipzig  on  the  eighteenth,  just  in  time  for  Melanch- 
thon and  Camerarius  to  visit  Peter  Mosellanus,  who 
on  that  day  breathed  his  last.  In  his  death  Mel- 
anchthon mourned  the  loss  of  a  friend,  and  Cam- 
erarius the  loss  of  a  former  teacher.1  In  July, 
Melanchthon  wrote  an  epitaph  in  Latin  and  Greek, 
of  which  the  following  is  a  translation : 3 

"  Beneath  this  tomb  that  meets  the  stranger's  eye 
The  dear  remains  of  Mosellanus  He  ; 
In  vain  might  friends  protracted  life  implore, 
The  lovely  rhetorician  speaks  no  more  ; 
But  in  the  records  of  eternal  fame, 
Ages  to  come  shall  find  inscribed  his  name, 
While  from  this  transient  life  of  tears  and  sighs, 
God  has  removed  him  to  yon  fairer  skies." 

From  Leipzig  the  party  proceeded  to  Fulda, 
where  they  were  entertained  by  Crotus  Rubianus 
and  Adam  Kraft,  and  where  they  learned  of  the 
death  of  Ulric  von  Hutten,  who  had  been  a  valiant 
champion  of  the  Reformation.  Three  days  later 
they  reached  Frankfort,  where  Nesen  remained. 
The  others  went  on  to  Bretten  to  the  house  of  Mel- 
anchthon's  mother. 

When  Melanchthon  caught  sight  of  his  native  city 
he  dismounted  from  his  horse,  and,  kneeling  on  the 
ground,  exclaimed:  "  Oh  my  fatherland!  How  I 
thank  thee,  Lord,  that  I  am  again  permitted  to 
enter  it." 


lc.  £.,  i:  654. 
2C.  R.,  10 :  491. 


1525]     Private  Life  during  1522-1525    115 

In  1520,  his  mother  had  married  Christopher 
Kolbe,  a  citizen  of  Bretten.  In  1526,  she  was 
married  to  her  third  husband,  Melchior  Hochel.1 
She  lived  and  died  a  Catholic.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  either  at  this  time  or  during  a  subsequent 
visit  Melanchthon  sought  to  have  her  change  her 
faith. 

During  this  visit  Philip  enjoyed  much  pleasant 
converse  with  his  mother  and  with  his  brother 
George.  The  days  sped  swiftly  by,  and  soon  it  was 
time  for  him  to  turn  his  face  again  toward  the  north. 

While  sojourning  at  Bretten,  Melanchthon  received 
two  visits  that  were  of  peculiar  significance.  The 
philosophical  faculty  of  the  University  of  Heidel- 
berg, as  if  to  make  amends  for  the  slight  of  ten  years 
before,  when  it  refused  to  enter  him  as  a  candidate 
for  the  master's  degree,  sent  a  deputation  to  present 
him  with  a  handsome  silver  goblet.  The  aged  Her- 
mann Busch,  professor  of  Latin,  Simon  Grynaeus, 
professor  of  Greek,  and  the  Dean,  performed  this 
pleasant  duty  in  recognition  of  Melanchthon's 
scholarship,  and  of  his  services  to  science.  In  his 
letter  of  thanks  Melanchthon  declares  himself  un- 
worthy of  such  a  gift,  but  promises  to  show  that  it 
has  not  been  bestowed  on  an  ungrateful  recipient, 
since  he  would  ever  strive  to  deserve  well  in  regard 
to  learned  studies.2 

The  other  visit  was  also  from  Heidelberg,  but  was 
of  a  very  different  kind.  Lorenzo  Campeggius,  the 
papal  legate  for  Germany,  had  gone  to  Heidelberg 

1  Matthes,  p.  61. 
SC.  J?.,  i  :  656. 


ii6  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

after  the  close  of  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg.  Hearing 
that  Melanchthon  was  at  Bretten,  he  sent  thither  his 
private  secretary,  the  learned  Frederick  Nausea,  to 
hold  an  interview  with  the  Wittenberg  professor  on 
the  religious  dissensions. 

The  secretary,  as  if  acting  on  his  own  motion, 
characterised  Luther  as  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  who 
sought  only  to  revolutionise  the  Church,  and  held 
out  to  Melanchthon  the  vision  of  a  brilliant  future 
if  he  would  become  reconciled  to  the  Church.  The 
latter  answered : 

"  When  I  have  ascertained  that  a  thing  is  true  I  em- 
brace and  defend  it  without  the  fear  or  favour  of  any 
mortal  and  without  regard  for  profit  or  honour;  neither 
will  I  separate  myself  from  those  who  first  taught  and 
now  defend  these  things.  As  hitherto  I  have  defended 
the  pure  doctrine  without  strife  and  abuse,  so  shall  I 
continue  to  exhort  all  who  in  this  matter  of  common  in- 
terest wish  for  peace  and  safety,  to  heal  the  wounds 
which  can  no  longer  be  concealed,  and  to  restrain  the 
rage  of  those  who  with  hostile  hands  do  not  cease  to  tear 
open  the  wounds.  If  they  will  not  do  this,  let  them  look 
out  lest  they  themselves  be  the  first  to  fall." 

When  he  found  out  that  Nausea  had  come  as  the 
agent  of  the  Cardinal,  he  sent  to  the  latter  a  brief 
account  of  Luther's  doctrine: 

"  Luther  does  not  abolish  public  ceremonies,  but  dis- 
tinguishes between  human  righteousness  and  the  divine, 
and  employs  the  Scriptures  for  fortifying  the  conscience 
against  the  gates  of  hell.  Human  rites  and  ceremonies 

1  Camerarius,  p.  97. 


1525]    Private  Life  during  1522-1525    117 

do  not  constitute  the  righteousness  of  God ;  but  out  of 
love  they  may  be  observed  where  they  do  no  harm.  In 
the  Mass  and  in  celibacy  there  is  great  corruption. 

"  Many  who  are  by  no  means  Lutherans  attach  them- 
selves to  Luther,  and  thus  mislead  the  people.  It  is 
madness  to  threaten  all  with  destruction  who  name  the 
name  of  Luther.  It  is  impious  to  think  that  the  essence 
of  religion  consists  either  in  despising  or  in  observing 


While  Melanchthon  tarried  with  his  mother  and 
brother  at  Bretten  his  companions  in  travel,  Cam- 
erarius,  Burkhard,  and  Silverborn,  went  on  to  Basel 
to  visit  Erasmus.  Melanchthon  would  gladly  have 
gone  with  them,  but  was  restrained  out  of  consider- 
ations of  prudence.  Even  before  the  party  had  set 
out  from  Wittenberg,  it  had  been  known  there  that 

the  sage  of  Rotterdam  "  was  writing  a  refutation 
of  Luther's  doctrine  of  the  Will.  Melanchthon 
foresaw  that  the  controversy  would  be  bitter,  inas- 
much as  Luther  had  written  of  Erasmus  in  a  way 
that  wounded  the  vain  man's  pride.8 

Also  Melanchthon  himself,  by  classing  Erasmus 
with  the  heathen  philosophers,  and  explaining, 

However,  I  would  not  hesitate  to  prefer  Erasmus 
to  all  the  ancients,"  3  had  bestowed  doubtful  praise. 
But  Erasmus,  so  he  wrote  to  Pirkheimer,  would 
have  been  glad  to  see  Melanchthon,  since  he  still 
wished  to  retain  this  "  young  man  of  purest  soul  " 
among  his  admirers. 

*C.  X.,  i :  657. 
?De  W.,  2:  199. 
3  C.  R.,  20:  700. 


n8  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Soon  the  controversy  broke  out  which  was  destined 
to  make  a  complete  separation  of  Erasmus  from 
Luther,  to  alienate  the  former  from,  the  Reforma- 
tion, to  modify  Melanchthon's  view  of  the  Will, 
and  to  damp  the  warmth  of  friendship  between  the 
two  greatest  humanists  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Seldom  has  a  controversy  between  two  men  had  a 
more  powerful  influence.  In  September,  1524, 
Erasmus  published  his  book  on  the  Freedom  of  the 
Will,  entitled  De  Libcro  Arbitrio  Diatribe  sive  Colla- 
tio.  The  book  is  not  to  be  despised.  It  contains 
many  strong  arguments  against  Luther's  doctrine  of 
the  absolute  bondage  of  the  Will ;  but  it  lacks  deep 
insight  into  the  principles  of  the  Reformation. 
Melanchthon  praises  it  for  its  moderation,  "  albeit 
it  is  sprinkled  with  black  salt,"  and  says  that  it  was 
received  at  Wittenberg  with  impartiality.1 

At  the  same  time,  September  6,  1524,  Erasmus 
wrote  an  apologetic  and  explanatory  letter  to  Mel- 
anchthon. He  tells  him  why  he  had  written  the 
Diatribe.  Had  he  published  nothing  against  Luther, 

the  theologians,  monks,  and  Romish  minions 
would  have  charged  him  with  cowardice  or  with 
conversion  to  Luther,  and  thus  would  have  com- 
passed his  ruin."  He  also  takes  occasion  in  this 
letter  to  deliver  his  opinion  of  Melanchthon's  Loci. 
He  praises  the  candid  and  happy  genius  of  the 
author  and 

"  the  array  of  doctrines  admirably  constructed  in  oppos- 
ition   to    the  Pharisaic  tyranny.     But   there  are  some 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  675. 


1525]    Private  Life  during  1522-1525    119 

things  which,  to  speak  frankly,  I  cannot  accept.  There 
are  some  things  which,  even  though  it  were  safe,  I  would 
not  teach  for  conscience  sake.  There  are  some  things 
that  I  might  teach,  but  without  profit."  * 

Melanchthon  was  evidently  influenced  by  Eras- 
mus's book.  He  sent  it  to  Spalatin,  and  expresses 
the  earnest  desire  that 

"  tlys  subject,  which  is  the  most  important  in  the  Christ- 
ian religion,  should  be  carefully  examined.  For  this 
reason  I  rejoice  that  Erasmus  has  entered  the  lists.  For 
a  long  time  I  have  desired  that  some  prudent  person 
should  oppose  Luther  in  this  matter.  Erasmus  is  the 
man,  or  I  am  deceived." 

Here  we  have  the  beginning  of  that  change  in  Mel- 
anchthon's  doctrine  of  the  Will  which  subsequently 
exerted  an  important  influence  in  Lutheran  theol- 
ogy, for  it  is  due  to  Melanchthon  that  no  article  on 
Predestination  was  placed  in  the  fundamental  Lu- 
theran Confession. 

Deeply  concerned  as  Melanchthon  was  for  a 
thorough  discussion  of  the  great  question,  he 
sought  chiefly  at  that  time,  though  in  vain,  to  re- 
strain the  contestants  from  violence.  To  Erasmus 
he  wrote  that  Luther  was  not  so  irritable  that 
he  could  not  bear  anything,  and  said  that  he 
promised  to  reply  with  a  moderation  equal  to  that 
shown  by  Erasmus.3  But  Erasmus  himself  soon  be- 

1  c.  R.,  i:  667. 

9  C.  R.,  i  :  673. 
8C.  7?.,  i:  675. 


120  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

came  irritated,  and  wrote  sharp  words  against  the 
Reformation,  and  complained  of  Luther's  teaching 
as  not  pleasing  him.  He  deplores. the  many  dis- 
orders which  are  following  in  the  wake  of  the  Re- 
formation, and  predicts  that  Luther  will  not  reply 
with  moderation.1  In  this  he  was  not  mistaken. 
In  December,  1525,  Luther  published  his  book  On 
the  Bondage  of  the  Will — De  Servo  Arbitrio.  It 
is  one  of  his  most  powerful  polemic  writings;  but 
it  is  so,  sharp  and  bitter  that  Erasmus  complained 
that  he  was  treated  worse  than  a  Turk.  The  next 
year  Erasmus  replied  in  the  first  part  of  the  Hyper- 
aspistes,  not  less  sharply  and  bitterly  than  Luther 
had  written.  Melanchthon  became  almost  frantic, 
and  was  equally  displeased  with  both  disputants. 
He  wrote  to  Camerarius: 

"  Did  you  ever  read  anything  more  bitter  than  Eras- 
mus's Hyperaspistes  ?  It  is  almost  venomous.  How 
Luther  takes  it,  I  do  not  know.  But  I  have  again  be- 
sought him  by  all  that  is  sacred,  if  he  replies,  to  do  so 
briefly,  simply,  and  without  abuse.  At  once  after 
Luther  published  his  book,  I  said  this  controversy  would 
end  in  the  most  cruel  alienation.  It  has  come,  and  yet 
I  think  Erasmus  has  reserved  something  more  offensive 
for  the  second  part  of  his  work.  He  does  me  great 
wrong  in  imputing  to  me  a  part,  and  that,  too,  the  most 
offensive  part,  of  the  work.  I  have  decided  to  bear  this 
injury  in  silence.  Oh  that  LutHer  would  keep  silent! 
I  did  hope  that  with  age,  experience,  and  so  many 
troubles,  he  would  grow  more  moderate;  but  I  see  he 
becomes  the  more  violent  as  the  contests  and  the  oppon- 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  688. 


1525]    Private  Life  during  1522-1525    121 

ents    exhibit    the    same    characteristics.      This    matter 
grievously  vexes  my  soul."  1 

In  1527,  Erasmus  published  the  second  part  of  the 
Hyperaspistes.  Melanchthon  begged  Luther  not  to 
reply,  since  it  had  become  a  tedious  and  intricate 
discussion  which  the  people  could  not  understand. 
He  also  continued  the  good  offices  of  pacificator 
with  Erasmus;  but  it  was  now  too  late.  The  two 
disputants  became  irreconcilably  hostile  towards 
each  other.  Luther  saw  in  Erasmus  only  an  enemy 
of  all  religion,  an  atheist,  a  follower  of  Lucian  and 
Epicurus;  and  Erasmus  declared  that  wherever  Lu- 
theranism  prevailed,  there  learning  declined. 

After  this  Melanchthon  and  Erasmus  exchanged 
letters  from  time  to  time,  but  ceased  to  discuss 
theological  questions. 

Having  presented  in  its  connection  a  brief  report 
of  the  Erasmian  episode  in  the  history  of  the  Re- 
formation, and  in  the  life  of  Melanchthon,  we  go 
back  to  Bretten  to  complete  the  account  of  the  visit 
to  the  south.  On  the  return  of  his  three  friends 
from  Basel,  Melanchthon  set  out  with  them  for 
Saxony.  Not  far  from  Frankfort  he  had  an  adven- 
ture which  in  the  sequel  brought  important  results 
to  the  Reformation.  The  Landgrave  of  Hesse  was 
on  his  way  to  Heidelberg  with  his  retainers  to  attend 
a  gathering  of  the  princes.  He  had  heard  that  Mel- 
anchthon was  in  those  parts.  Meeting  "  a  cavalcade 
of  wretched  cavaliers,"  he  rode  up  to  one  of  them 
and  inquired  whether  he  was  Philip  Melanchthon. 

1  C.  A'.,  i  :  793. 


122  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

The  person  addressed  responded,  "  I  am  he/'  and 
prepared  to  dismount  as  a  mark  of  respect.  The 
Prince  bade  him  remain  on  his  horse,  to  be  of 
good  courage,  and  not  to  fear,  as  he  wished  to  speak 
with  him  about  certain  things.  Melanchthon  an- 
swered that  he  was  not  afraid,  and  that  he  was  a 
very  unimportant  person.  The  Landgrave  replied, 
smiling:  "  But  if  I  should  deliver  you  up  to  Cam- 
peggius,  I  think  he  would  be  very  glad."  The 
two  then  rode  together  for  some  distance,  the  Land- 
grave asking  questions  and  Melanchthon  briefly  and 
pertinently  replying.  At  length  they  separated  with 
the  understanding  that  Melanchthon,  when  he  re- 
turned home,  should  send  the  Landgrave  a  written 
statement  concerning  the  religious  innovations. 

The  Landgrave  gave  the  party  a  safe  conduct 
through  his  dominion  and  bade  them  adieu.1 

The  promise  made  to  the  Landgrave  was  not  for- 
gotten. In  the  following  autumn,  1524,  Melanch- 
thon sent  him  "  A  Summary  of  the  Renovated 
Christian  Doctrine."2  He  says  that  many  princes 
and  bishops  support  the  Pope  out  of  regard  to  their 
secular  interests,  but  the  people  follow  Luther  as 
the  promoter  of  freedom.  Two  subjects  agitate  the 
Church:  The  one  is  Christian  righteousness,  and 
the  other  has  reference  to  human  ceremonies. 
Christian  righteousness  is  the  preaching  of  repent- 
ance, and  the  remission  of  sins.  The  Holy  Spirit 
uncovers  the  sin  of  the  heart,  alarms  the  conscience, 
and  incites  to  faith  in  the  promises  of  Christ,  who 

1  Camerarius,  p.  98. 
C.  ^.,  i  :  703. 


1525]    Private  Life  during  1522-1525    123 

satisfies  for  our  sins  and  graciously  pardons  them. 
The  Holy  Spirit  begets  faith  in  the  heart,  the  fear 
of  God,  humility,  chastity,  and  other  good  fruits. 
We  teach  that  repentance  is  required,  which  calls  us 
from  evil  works.  This  righteousness  Christ  requires, 
not  ceremonies.  The  kingdom  of  God  is  within. 

There  are  traditions  which  may  be  observed  with- 
out sin,  as  those  things  which  have  been  appointed 
in  regard  to  food,  vestments,  and  similar  adiaphora. 
There  are  others  which  cannot  be  observed  without 
sin,  as  celibacy,  which  has  been  cruelly  and  impiously 
imposed  by  the  Pope.  No  human  tradition  can 
stand  against  the  Word  of  God.  Neither  are  doc- 
trines obligatory  which  cannot  be  followed  without 
sin.  It  is  a  sin  to  suppose  that  monasticism  can 
justify  anyone.  Paul  calls  those  lying  spirits  who 
forbid  marriage.  The  princes  who  support  the  law 
of  the  Pope  are  the  satellites  and  the  executors  of 
such  spirits.  It  is  the  duty  of  princes  to  have  the 
Gospel  preached,  and  to  restrain  the  violence  of  the 
rabble,  which,  under  pretence  of  the  Gospel,  creates 
confusion  and  threatens  the  safety  of  others. 

He  closes  the  letter  by  commending  the  cause  of 
religion  to  the  Landgrave's  conscience,  and  by  pray- 
ing that  Christ  would  supply  him  with  the  Spirit, 
and  give  him  the  disposition  to  provide  well  for  the 
public  safety,  and  not  to  delay  the  cause  of  the 
Gospel,  nor  persecute  those  whom  necessity  and 
conscience  compel  to  renounce  the  authority  of  the 
Pope. 

The  effect  of  the  letter  was  most  salutary.  The 
Landgrave  had  been  a  violent  enemy  of  the  Reform- 


124  Philip  Melanchthon  [i525 

ation,  and  had  punished  those  preachers  of  his 
land  who  had  embraced  it,  some  with  banishment 
and  others  with  imprisonment.  On  the  twenty-fifth 
of  February,  1525,  he  declared  for  the  Reformation. 
He  was  often  humourously  called  Philip's  disciple. 
Young,  spirited,  brave,  aggressive,  and  well  in- 
structed in  theology,  he  was  a  valiant  champion  of 
"  the  renewed  Christian  doctrine  ";  but,  rash,  im- 
pulsive, and  immoral,  he  often  brought  reproach 
upon  the  same. 


CHAPTER    XI 

AS   PRECEPTOR   OF   GERMANY 

Death  of  Nesen — Melanchthon's  Discomforts — Call  to  Nuremberg — 
Oration  on  Education — Services  in  the  Cause  of  Education. 

/^AMERARIUS  relates  that  while  passing 
\^t  through  Hesse  on  their  return  from  the  visit 
to  the  South,  in  1524,  it  chanced  that  he,  Melanch- 
thon  and  Nesen  stopped  to  water  their  horses  while 
the  others  rode  on.  Nesen  called  attention  to  three 
crows  on  a  neighbouring  hill,  cawing  and  making 
strange  gestures  with  their  wings,  and  asked  Mel- 
anchthon  what  that  portended.  The  latter  an- 
swered: "  What,  but  that  death  is  very  near  one  of 
us  three  ?  " 

Nesen  laughed  and  rode  on.  Camerarius  was 
greatly  agitated,  and  feared  to  ask  Melanchthon 
what  he  meant.  But  he  recalled  the  augury  and 
the  prophecy  very  vividly  when,  on  the  fifth  of  July, 
1524,  William  Nesen  was  drowned  in  the  Elbe.  He 
says  he  does  not  mention  this  incident  because 
either  he  or  Melanchthon  attributed  anything  to  the 
flight  of  birds,  but  to  show  that  things  sometimes 
occur  in  a  marvellous  way,  which  ought  not  to  be 

125 


i26  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

laughed  at,  and  which,  when  they  occur,  start 
strange  thoughts  in  our  minds.1 

But  Melanchthon,  still  depressed  through  in- 
somnia and  wretched  health,  saw  in  the  sad  death 
of  his  friend  the  forerunner  of  catastrophe,  and 
at  the  same  time  suffered  "  the  most  poignant 
grief."  Months  afterward  he  wrote,  "  The  lament- 
able fate  of  Nesen  so  troubles  me  at  times  that  I 
tremble  all  over."2  And  this  grief  and  trouble 
changed  into  melancholy  when  in  August  his  friend 
Camerarius  returned  to  his  native  city  of  Bamberg. 
In  October  he  wrote  him:  "  I  am  living  here  as  in 
a  wilderness.  There  is  no  society  except  that  of 
the  uncultured,  in  which  I  find  no  pleasure.  I  sit 
at  home  like  a  lame  cobbler.  In  my  state  of  health 
this  is  distressing  to  me."  He  doubtless  alludes 
to  those  of  the  professors  who  opposed  the  Reforma- 
tion and  classical  studies.  He  says  that  Luther  is 
not  well,  and  that  he  is,  he  thinks,  annoyed  by  the 
public  scandals,  meaning,  probably,  Carlstadt's  agi- 
tations at  Orlamiinde  and  in  the  South. 

Evidently  Melanchthon  was  at  this  time  in  a  very 
uncongenial  environment.  Things  were  not  going 
smoothly  at  Wittenberg.  He  was  probably  begin- 
ning to  feel  some  of  the  effects  of  that  imperiousness 
in  Luther's  nature,  and  of  that  love  of  controversy, 
of  which  later  in  life  he  complains,  and  which  came 
near  rending  their  friendship.  He  writes  Camerarius 
that  there  are  some  things  which  it  is  not  safe  to 

1  Camerarius,  p.  100. 
8C.  X.,  i:  684. 
*C.  R.,  i:  683. 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         127 

communicate  by  letter.1  He  has  discovered  that 
Luther  is  too  violent  in  controversy,  and  yields  too 
much  to  his  feelings  in  discussing  matters  of  public 
interest.  He  says  he  is  miserably  tormented  and 
almost  killed  when  he  thinks  of  the  theological 
controversies  that  are  going  on.3  But  the  personal 
relations  of  the  two  were  not  at  that  time  disturbed. 
When  he  complains  to  Camerarius  that  he  has  no 
friends  and  companions  at  Wittenberg  with  whom 
he  can  pleasantly  converse,  he  especially  excepts 
Luther,  "  who  alone,"  he  says,  "  is  my  friend;  but 
he  is  so  troubled  and  harassed  that  whenever  we 
converse  together,  I  have  to  grieve  over  his  affairs. 
The  others  either  have  no  use  for  me  or  are  vulgar. ' ' 3 
It  is  evident  that  also  Bugenhagen  and  Jonas  must 
be  excepted.  For  in  August,  1524,  Melanchthon 
wrote  a  Preface  to  Bugenhagen's  commentary  on 
the  Psalms,  and  in  the  year  1525  he  addressed  Jonas 
in  several  beautiful  Latin  poems. 

Among  the  many  causes  of  Melanchthon's  mel- 
ancholy in  the  years  1524-25,  were  "  the  public 
evils,"  "  the  domestic  cares,"  and  "  the  implacable 
insomnia  "  of  which  he  writes,  together  with  the 
conviction  that  the  Elector  is  slow  to  make  proper 
provision  for  the  improvement  of  the  university. 
But  there  is  a  silver  lining  to  the  dark  cloud  that 
overhangs  his  life.  He  finds  solace  in  his  little 
daughter,  his  infant  son,  and  his  wife.4  Often  was 


1  c.  J?.,  i:  683. 

*C.  J?.t  i:  648. 
3  C.  R.,  i  :  729. 
4C.  ^.,  i:  729. 


128  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

he  seen  rocking  the  cradle  with  one  hand,  and  hold- 
ing a  book  in  the  other. 

It  was  during  this  period  of  gloom  and  despond- 
ency that  Melanchthon's  gifts  began  to  be  called  into 
requisition  in  that  work  which  more  than  any  other 
procured  for  him  the  title  of  Preceptor  of  Germany. 
It  was  the  work  of  reorganising  and  directing  the 
higher  education  of  his  country. 

At  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages  nearly  every 
town  in  Germany  had  one  or  more  schools.  The 
cathedral  schools  mostly  cared  for  the  training  of 
the  clergy.  The  parochial  schools  prepared  the 
young  for  the  duties  of  Church  membership.  In 
the  manufacturing  and  commercial  cities  secular 
education  was  conducted  in  relative  independence 
of  the  Church.  The  knightly  and  burgher  classes, 
both  male  and  female,  were  generally  well  instructed 
in  Grammar,  Rhetoric,  Dialectic,  History,  Geo- 
graphy, and  Arithmetic,  and  in  many  cases  in  the 
Latin  language. 

The  printing-press  helped  to  diffuse  knowledge, 
and  increased  the  desire  to  read.  That  in  the  first 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century  vast  numbers  of  per- 
sons could  read,  is  evidenced  by  the  enormous  sales 
of  Luther's  New  Testament,  of  his  sermons  and 
books.  It  is  said  that  five  thousand  copies  of  his 
Address  to  the  Christian  Nobility  of  the  German  Na- 
tion were  sold  in  five  days.1  His  most  powerful 
books,  his  sermons,  hymns,  and  pamphlets,  com- 
posed in  the  vernacular,  were  placed  on  sale  at  the 
book-stalls  and  at  the  commercial  fairs.  Peddlers 

1  Putnam,  Books  and  their  Makers,  ii.,  221. 


i526]         As  Preceptor  of  Germany         129 

and  colporteurs  l  carried  them  by  the  thousands  to 
the  people,  who  read  them,  or  listened  while  others 
read  them  aloud. 

It  is  not  strange  that  under  these  circumstances 
Luther  should  promptly  recognise  the  value  of  the 
printing-press  as  an  instrument  for  promoting  Re- 
form, and  should  see  that  if  the  war  against  Rome 
was  to  be  carried  on  with  success,  the  masses  of  the 
people  as  well  as  the  classes  must  be  educated ;  for, 
notwithstanding  the  general  intelligence  of  the 
higher,  middle,  and  knightly  classes,  dark  and  dense 
ignorance  prevailed  among  the  people,  so  that  they 
have  been  described  as  ' '  barbarous  ' '  and  ' '  bestial. 

Now  it  was  that  Luther,  in  1524,  seized  his  pen 
and  wrote  his  appeal  to  the  Aldermen  of  all  the 
German  cities  in  behalf  of  Christian  schools.3  He 
declares:  "  For  the  maintenance  of  civil  order  and 
the  proper  regulation  of  the  home,  society  needs 
accomplished  and  well-trained  men  and  women. 
Such  men  are  to  come  from  boys,  and  such  women 
from  girls."  He  lays  great  stress  on  the  languages, 
calling  them  "  the  scabbard  in  which  the  Word  of 
God  is  sheathed;  the  casket  in  which  this  jewel  is 
enshrined;  the  cask  in  which  this  wine  is  kept;  the 
chamber  in  which  this  food  is  stored." 

This  little  book  marks  Luther  as  the  father  and 
founder  of  popular  education,  and  the  development 
and  application  of  the  principles  of  this  book  have 
made  the  land  of  Luther  the  land  of  libraries  and  of 
schools.  In  this  book  Luther  says  that  men  must 

1  Putnam,  Books  and  their  Makers,  ii.,  219. 
2Erl.  Ed.,  22  :  168  et  seqq. 


130  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

be  specially  trained  for  the  higher  duties  of  life,  for 
teaching,  for  expounding  the  Scriptures,  and  for 
ruling  in  the  State,  "  since  it  is  irrational  and  bar- 
barous to  permit  ignoramuses  and  blockheads  to  rule, 
when  we  can  prevent  it." 

A  Latin  translation  of  Luther's  appeal,  adorned 
with  a  Preface  by  Melanchthon,  appeared  at  Hage- 
nau  the  same  year.  This  shows  that  Melanchthon 
and  Luther  were  at  one  on  the  subject  of  popular, 
as  well  as  of  higher,  education.  What  Luther  sug- 
gested and  urged,  that  Melanchthon  formulated  and 
carried  into  effect. 

Among  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first,  of  the  Ger- 
man cities  to  heed  Luther's  appeal  and  to  make 
provision  for  the  higher  education  of  her  youth,  was 
Nuremberg.  This  imperial  city,  celebrated  for  its 
strong  walls,  its  ancient  castle,  its  rich  monasteries, 
its  noble  churches,  its  splendid  schools  of  art,  so  far 
surpassed  all  other  German  cities  in  intelligence  and 
refinement  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  as  to  be  called 
1 '  the  eye  of  Germany. ' '  It  was  the  home  of  Albrecht 
Diirer,  the  most  renowned  of  the  German  painters; 
of  Adam  Kraft,  whose  ciborium  in  the  St.  Lorenz 
is  almost  a  miracle  in  stone ;  of  Peter  Vischer,  whose 
monument  of  St.  Sebaldus  in  the  St.  Sebaldus 
Church  is  reckoned  "  the  most  exquisite  gem  of 
German  art";  of  Hans  Sachs,  the  cobbler-poet, 
"the  prince  and  patriarch  of  all  master-singers." 
It  had  four  Latin  schools,  and  had  long  been  a 
centre  of  industry,  politics,  and  commerce.  Among 
its  scholars  and  patricians  were  Wilibald  Pirkheimer, 


I 

a 

S    fe 
1°    S 

1 3 

1 1 

z    < 

S 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         131 

Casper  Niitzel,  Hieronimus  Ebner,  Lazarus  Speng- 
ler,  and  Hieronim.us  Baumgartner.  It  was  only 
natural  that  the  city  should  seek  to  add  Melanch- 
thon  to  this  galaxy  of  illustrious  men.  When  now, 
at  the  special  instance  of  Spengler  and  Baumgartner, 
it  was  decided  to  establish  a  gymnasium,  on  the 
seventeenth  of  October,  1524,  Melanchthon,  "  be- 
cause of  his  extraordinary  fitness  and  culture,"  was 
invited  to  become  Rector  and  Professor  of  Rhetoric.1 
But,  dissatisfied  as  he  was  with  the  condition  of 
affairs  at  Wittenberg,  and  poorly  as  he  was  then 
paid  for  his  services,  he  declined  the  invitation.  He 
could  not  desert  the  Elector  and  incur  the  imputation 
of  ingratitude.  Besides,  he  distrusted  his  fitness 
for  the  position  offered,  since  such  a  school  needed 
not  only  a  lecturer,  but  also  an  orator,  who  should 
serve  as  a  model  for  the  students.  His  style  was 
poor,  dry,  and  without  ornament.2  That  he  was 
perfectly  sincere  in  this  self-depreciation  is  evident 
from  what  he  wrote  on  the  same  day  to  Camerarius, 
viz.,  that  he  wanted  Nuremberg  to  have  a  professor 
more  competent  and  more  opulent  in  speech  than 
he  was.3 

But  the  Nurembergers  still  pressed  the  matter 
upon  him,  and  wrote  that  it  was  his  fault  that 
the  opening  of  the  school  was  delayed.4  On  the 
third  of  December,  1524,  he  declined  in  the  most 
emphatic  manner,  and  urged  the  selection  of  a 

1  Hartfelder's  Melanch.  Pcedagogica,  p.  6. 
2C.  R.,  i  .  678. 

3  C.  R. ,  I  :  682. 

4  C.  R.,  i  :  686. 


132  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

professor  equal  to  the  magnitude  of  the  work.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  next  year  he  went  to  Nuremberg, 
accompanied  by  Camerarius,  and  gave  directions  for 
organising  the  school  and  for  the  selection  of  suit- 
able professors.1 

In  the  spring  of  1526,  the  gymnasium  was  form- 
ally opened.  Melanchthon  was  invited  to  be  pre- 
sent, and  went  personally  before  the  Elector  in 
Torgau  to  obtain  the  necessary  leave  of  absence. 

On  the  sixth  of  May,  in  company  with  several 
friends,  he  arrived  in  Nuremberg,  and  gave  the 
Senate  the  benefit  of  his  counsel  and  experience. 
Camerarius  was  chosen  Rector  and  Professor  of 
Greek;  Eoban  Hess  was  appointed  Professor  of 
Rhetoric;  Michael  Roting,  Professor  of  Latin,  and 
John  Schoner,  Professor  of  Mathematics.  The 
Senate,  the  ministers,  and  all  the  cultured  people 
joined  in  the  ceremonies  of  inauguration.  On  the 
twenty-third  of  May,  Melanchthon  delivered  a  brief 
Latin  oration  in  praise  of  learning.  He  began  by 
apologising  for  his  youth  and  inexperience.  He  did 
not  take  this  honour  upon  himself.  Others  had  im- 
posed it  upon  him.  It  is  an  evidence  of  divine 
favour  that  the  Nurembergers  have  determined  in 
this  time  of  great  peril  to  preserve  and  promote 
learning.  No  art,  no  industry,  no  production  of 
the  earth,  not  even  the  light  of  the  sun,  is  of  more 


1  The  Nuremberg  "  School- Order,"  Ratio  Scholce,  which  undoubt- 
edly proceeded  from  the  pen  of  Melanchthon,  "  since  its  character- 
istic thoughts  and  maxims  agree  with  numerous  expressions  of 
Melanchthon,"  is  given  in  Hartfelder's  Melanch.  Padagogica,  p.  7 
et  seq. 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         133 

value  than  learning,  for  by  it  good  laws,  courts,  and 
religion  are  maintained.  As  evidence  of  this,  look 
at  the  Scythians,  who  are  ignorant  of  letters.  They 
have  no  laws  and  no  courts  of  justice.  They  live  by 
violence  and  robbery.  Without  learning  there  can 
be  no  good  men,  no  love  of  virtue,  no  refinement, 
no  proper  notions  of  religion  and  of  the  will  of 
God.  It  is  the  duty  of  rulers  to  foster  schools. 
But  there  are  some  who  do  not  know  the  value  of 
learning,  and  others  are  so  wicked  as  to  think  that 
their  tyranny  would  be  promoted  by  the  abolition 
of  all  laws,  religion,  and  discipline. 

"  What  shall  I  say  of  the  bishops  who  have  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  emperors  to  superintend  learning  ?  The 
colleges  of  priests  were  scholars  to  whom  leisure  and 
endowments  were  given  that  they  might  serve  as  teachers. 
Nor  did  it  appear  unfortunate  that  letters  should  be  cul- 
tivated by  this  class  of  persons.  But  now  we  behold  none 
more  hostile  to  the  liberal  arts  than  the  sacerdotal 
fraternity." 

He  praises  the  Nurembergers  for  having  furnished 
an  asylum  to  learning,  which  had  strayed  into  exile. 
He  closed  with  an  invocation:  "  I  will  pray  Christ 
to  bless  this  most  important  work  and  to  crown 
your  counsels  and  the  diligence  of  those  who  study 
here  with  His  favour."  l 

This  eloquent  oration  shows  that  Melanchthon 
had  a  genius  for  higher  education.  His  countrymen 
were  not  slow  to  avail  themselves  of  his  wisdom, 
and  posterity  has  named  him  the  Creator  of  the 


1  C.  R.,  II  :   106  ei  seqq. 


134  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

Protestant  Educational  System  of  Germany.  Nearly 
all  of  the  Protestant  Latin  schools  and  gymnasia  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  splendid  Fiirsten- 
sckulen,  that  is,  gymnasia  established  by  the  prince, 
were  founded  according  to  directions  given  by  Mel- 
anchthon. We  still  have  correspondence  between 
him  and  fifty-six  cities  asking  counsel  and  assistance 
in  founding  and  conducting  Latin  schools  and 
gymnasia.  He  wrote  the  constitutions,  arranged 
the  courses  of  study,  and  nominated  most  of  the  first 
instructors  for  such  schools. 

His  scheme  for  a  Latin  school  is  given  with  minute- 
ness in  the  Saxon  Visitation  Articles  '  of  1 528.  '  The 
Preachers  are  to  exhort  the  people  to  send  their 
children  to  school,  that  they  may  be  qualified  to 
teach  in  the  Church  and  to  govern."  The  three 
fundamental  principles  with  which  he  starts  are,  that 

"  the  teachers  shall  be  careful  to  teach  the  children  only 
Latin,  not  German,  nor  Greek,  nor  Hebrew,  as  some 
have  formerly  done,  who  burden  the  poor  children  with 
a  diversity  which  is  not  only  unprofitable,  but  harmful. 
They  shall  not  burden  the  children  with  many  books; 
and  they  shall  separate  them  in  three  classes." 

The  first  class  shall  study  the  Primer,  which  con- 
tains the  Alphabet,  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the  Creed, 
and  other  prayers.  They  shall  then  read  Donatus, 
and  listen  to  a  daily  explanation  of  a  verse  or  two 
from  Cato,  in  order  to  acquire  a  good  vocabulary. 

The  second  class  shall  learn  Grammar,  including 
Etymology,  Syntax,  and  Prosody.  They  shall  read 

1  c.  R.t  26:  90. 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         135 

the  Fables  of  ^Esop,  the  Dialogues  of  Mosellanus, 
and  the  Colloquies  of  Erasmus,  also  Terence  and 
Plautus.  They  are  required  to  recite  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  the  Creed,  the  Ten  Commandments,  and  to 
commit  a  number  of  psalms.  They  must  study  the 
Gospel  of  Matthew,  the  two  Pauline  Epistles  to 
Timothy,  the  First  Epistle  of  John,  and  the  Pro- 
verbs of  Solomon. 

The  third  class  shall  continue  the  study  of  Gram- 
mar, shall  read  Virgil,  the  Metamorphoses  of  Ovid, 
the  Offices  or  Letters  of  Cicero,  shall  write  Latin 
verse,  and  study  Dialectic  and  Rhetoric. 

"  During  the  first  hour  in  the  afternoon  all  the  children, 
both  small  and  large,  shall  be  trained  in  music. 

"  The  boys  are  required  to  speak  Latin,  and  the 
teachers,  so  far  as  possible,  shall  speak  only  Latin  with 
the  boys,  in  order  that  the  latter  may  be  incited  to  and 
encouraged  in  such  exercise." 

Such  is  the  substance  of  the  so-called  "  Stiftungs- 
brief"  (foundation  document)  of  the  German  gym- 
nasia. The  three  classes  do  not  represent  so  many 
years  of  study.  Students  were  advanced  from  a 
lower  to  a  higher  class  only  when  they  had  com- 
pleted the  studies  of  the  lower  class.  Several  years 
were  occupied  in  completing  the  threefold  course. 

From  the  Latin  schools  boys  were  sent  to  the 
gymnasia  proper,  and  to  the  Furstenschulen,  which 
latter  were  founded  in  the  fifth  decade  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  gymnasia  formed  the  con- 
necting link  between  the  Latin  schools  and  the 
university.  Their  scheme  of  study  included  the 


136  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  languages,  Dialectic, 
Rhetoric,  Mathematics,  and  Cosmology.  Only  a 
fair  beginning  was  made  in  Hebrew;. but  in  Greek 
the  writings  of  Isocrates,  Xenophon,  Plutarch, 
Hesiod,  Theognis,  and  Phocylides  were  read  and 
studied. 

This  scheme  for  gymnasial  instruction  remained 
essentially  unchanged  to  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  But  it  was  chiefly  through  his 
text-books  that  Melanchthon  exerted  the  greatest 
influence  on  the  schools  of  his  day.  He  wrote  text- 
books on  Latin  and  Greek  Grammar,  Dialectic,  Rhe- 
toric, Psychology,  Physics,  Ethics,  History,  and 
Religion.  From  1518  to  1544  his  Greek  Grammar 
passed  through  seventeen  editions,  and  from  1545 
to  1622,  twenty-six  editions  were  published.  Fifty- 
one  editions  of  his  Latin  Grammar  were  published 
from  1525  to  1737,  and  to  the  year  1737  it  was  used 
in  all  the  Saxon  schools.  His  Elements  of  Rhetoric 
and  Dialectic  passed  through  numerous  editions  and 
reprints.  Several  of  his  text-books  were  long  used 
in  Roman  Catholic  schools. 

Also  the  most  distinguished  rectors  of  the  century, 
Camerarius,  John  Sturm,  Trotzendorf,  Neander, 
Wolf,  and  others,  were  his  friends  or  scholars,  and 
were  imbued  with  his  spirit.  Those  who  had  sat  at 
his  feet  carried  with  them  the  lofty  ideals  of  "  the 
dear  master,"  used  his  text-books,  and  adhered  to 
his  methods.  When  a  prince  wanted  a  professor 
for  his  university,  or  a  town  wanted  a  rector  or  a 
teacher  for  its  school,  the  first  thought  was  to  confer 
with  Melanchthon.  Hence,  when  he  died  in  1560, 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         137 

there  was  scarcely  a  city  in  Germany  that  did  not 
have  a  teacher  or  a  pastor  who  had  been  a  pupil  of 
Melanchthon. 

According  to  the  Melanchthonian  scheme,  the 
Latin  and  Greek  authors  were  studied  .with  the 
greatest  avidity,  and  with  the  most  salutary  results. 
The  seeds  of  classical  culture  which  Petrarch  and 
his  followers  had  revived  in  Italy,  not  without  injury 
to  Christianity,  Melanchthon  and  his  pupils  scattered 
on  the  fruitful  soil  prepared  by  the  Reformation,  in 
order  that  "  posterity  might  have  seminaries  of  the 
churches."  That  for  three  hundred  and  fifty  years 
Germany  has  had  the  best  "  seminaries  of  the 
churches,"  is  due  primarily  to  Melanchthon;  and 
that  the  Reformation  was  enabled  to  utilise  the  vast 
treasures  of  classical  culture,  and  to  commend  itself 
to  the  learned,  is  due  to  the  same  person,  whom  a 
great  Roman  Catholic  historian,  Dr.  Dollinger,  calls 

"  the  most  brilliant  phenomenon  which  proceeded  from 
the  Erasmian  school,  equal  to  his  master  in  many  re- 
spects, superior  to  him  in  others.  Riches  of  knowledge, 
the  choicest  classical  culture,  facility  of  expression, 
versatility  of  composition,  rhetorical  fulness,  and  im- 
provisation, united  to  untiring  industry — this  rare  com- 
bination of  excellences  fitted  him  above  all  others  for  the 
literary  headship  of  the  mighty  movement." 

This  "  literary  headship,"  in  the  highest  sense  of 
the  phrase,  and  in  its  most  lasting  influence,  was 
exercised  by  Melanchthon  mainly  through  the  uni- 
versities, which  were  organised,  or  reformed,  accord- 

1  Die  Reformation,  i. ,  349. 


138  Philip  Melanchthon  [I497- 

ing  to  his  ideas.  In  a  literary  sense  he  was  the  soul 
of  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  and  gave  inspira- 
tion to  all  of  its  literary  movements.*  He  lectured 
on  almost  every  subject,  and  prepared  lectures  and 
declamations  for  others  to  deliver.  In  1533,  ne 
wrote  the  statutes  for  the  reorganisation  of  the 
theological  faculty,1  whereby  a  scriptural  and  exe- 
getical  theology  took  the  place  of  a  philosophical  and 
scholastic  theology.  In  1545,  he  wrote  the  laws 
and  statutes  for  the  government  of.  the  faculty  of 
theology  and  the  faculty  of  the  liberal  arts.3  The 
latter  faculty  is  to  have  ten  professors,  who  are  to 
lecture  on  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  literature;  on 
Ethics,  Mathematics,  Physics,  Philosophy,  Dialec- 
tic, and  Rhetoric. 

In  the  prominence  given  to  these  literary  and 
philosophical  studies,  we  have  an  illustration  of 
Melanchthon's  fundamental  principle,  viz.,  that  all 
thorough  training  in  theology  must  rest  on  a  philo- 
logical and  philosophical  foundation.  He  was  ac- 
customed to  say,  '  Every  good  theologian  and 
faithful  interpreter  of  the  heavenly  doctrine,  must 
be  first  a  linguist,  then  a  dialectician,  and  finally  a 
witness." 

In  a  large  sense  the  University  of  Wittenberg  be- 
came the  model  for  the  other  Protestant  universities. 
The  "  Order  of  Lectures  "  in  the  Marburg  statutes 
of  1529  is  essentially  the  same  as  that  of  Wittenberg 
in  1536.  "  There  is  no  doubt,"  says  Paulsen,  "  that 
it  was  composed  under  the  direct  or  indirect  influ- 

1  In  Forstemann's  Liber  Decanorum. 
8C.  R.,  10  :  992. 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany         139 

ence  of  Melanchthon."  1  Konigsberg  was  founded 
in  1544  almost  exclusively  according  to  directions 
given  by  Melanchthon,  as  was  Jena  in  1548.  His 
counsel  was  sought  and  his  plans  were  adopted  in 
the  reorganisation  of  the  universities  of  Tubingen, 
Leipzig,  and  Heidelberg,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter. 
Frankfort-on-the-Oder  and  Rostock  were  reformed 
and  reorganised  mainly  by  Melanchthon's  scholars. 
Greifswald,  in  1545,  took  Wittenberg  as  its  model, 
named  Melanchthon  "  our  highly  esteemed  and 
venerated  teacher,"  and  adopted  his  text-books  as 
the  basis  of  the  lectures.2 

The  universities  were  all  institutions  of  the  State, 
and  their  professors  were  bound  by  the  Confessions 
of  the  Church.  All  the  sciences,  theology,  philo- 
logy, law,  and  medicine  were  studied  in  these  univer- 
sities according  to  the  Melanchthonian  method,  with 
the  Melanchthonian  thoroughness,  and  with  the 
Melanchthonian  view  of  honouring  God  and  of 
carrying  on  an  irrepressible  conflict  with  an  oppos- 
ing ecclesiastical  principle  of  higher  education. 
Without  these  universities  thus  anchored  to  the 
State  and  to  the  Church,  Protestantism  never  could 
have  passed  safely  through  its  many  conflicts  with 
sect  and  doubt  and  armed  foe.  Without  these  uni- 
versities— in  their  fundamental  idea  essentially  the 
creation  of  Melanchthon — German  science  would 
not  to-day  be  the  boast  of  Germany,  and  the  glory 
of  the  age.  Without  these  universities,  German 
theology  would  not  have  had  a  Gerhard,  a  Spener, 

1  Geschichte  des  Gelehrten  Unterrichts,  i.,  226. 

2  Paulsen,  i.,  237. 


140  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

a  Schleiermacher,  a  Dorner;  nor  German  philo- 
sophy a  Leibnitz,  a  Kant,  a  Hegel,  a  Lotze;  nor 
German  poetry  a  Gellert,  a  Klopstock>  a  Goethe,  a 
Schiller. 

The  ideal  of  these  great  scholars  has  been  the 
union  of  classical  antiquity  and  of  all  sciences  and 
philosophy  with  the  religious  and  moral  powers  of 
Christianity  and  of  the  German  people.  Protestant 
Germany  is  still  building  on  the  educational  founda- 
tions laid  by  Melanchthon  more  than  three  hundred 
and  fifty  years  ago. 

During  his  sojourn  of  nearly  a  month  at  Nurem- 
berg, Melanchthon  was  entertained  at  the  St.  ^gidius 
Convent,  and  often  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  Pirk- 
heimer.  The  most  distinguished  citizens  did  him 
honour.  He  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  learned 
Osiander,  preacher  at  the  St.  Lorenz  Church;  and 
of  Albrecht  Diirer,  who  painted  his  picture,  and  then 
engraved  it  on  copper. 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  1526,  he  set  out  for  home, 
via  Coburg,  where  he  had  "  a  discussion  with  a 
supercilious  priest  about  the  Holy  Supper."  By 
the  middle  of  June  he  was  again  in  Wittenberg, 
strengthened  in  body  and  cheered  in  spirit  by  his 
visit  among  congenial  friends  in  Nuremberg.  On 
the  fourth  of  July  he  wrote  to  Camerarius  that  he 
would  gladly  have  spent  the  entire  summer  at  Nu- 
remberg, both  on  account  of  his  health  and  for  other 
reasons  which  he  could  not  write  about.  He  declares 
that  no  slave  in  a  mill  is  more  incessantly  occupied 
than  he  is,  and  yet  he  seems  to  accomplish  nothing. 


i526]        As  Preceptor  of  Germany 

He  laments  the  absence  of  his  friend,  and  says: 
"  You  have  Mica  [Michael  Roting].  I  have  no  one 
like  him.  But,  as  Plato  says,  there  are  \v7to(pi\.idi, 
full  of  cares  and  anxiety. "  What  these  \.VKoq>i\idi 
(wolf-friendships)  were,  we  are  not  prepared  to  say, 
but  it  is  certain  that  Melanchthon  was  still  far  from 
being  happy. 

Indeed  the  hindrances  which  had  stood  in  the  way 
of  the  Reformation  and  of  learning,  and  the  public 
evils  which  had  fallen  on  Germany,  were  quite 
enough  to  bring  despondency  upon  a  person  of  so 
frail  a  body  and  so  meek  a  spirit  as  Melanchthon 
possessed. 

1  C.  R.,  i :  804. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  PEASANTS'  WAR 

Death  of  Frederick  the  Wise — Melanchthon's  Funeral  Oration — 
Insurrection  of  the  Peasants — Luther's  Advice — Melanchthon's 
Confutation — Luther's  Marriage — Melanchthon's  Letter. 

ON  the  fifth  of  May,  1525,  Melanchthon's  friend 
and  patron,  Frederick  the  Wise,  died  at 
Lochau.  He  was  a  devout  and  pious  prince.  He 
protected  Luther  and  Melanchthon  from  the  ene- 
mies of  the  evangelical  doctrine.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  received  the  communion  in  both  kinds, 
thus  confessing  himself  a  convert  to  Luther's  doc- 
trine in  at  least  one  of  its  most  important  features. 
His  body  was  taken  to  Wittenberg  and  buried  in 
the  Castle  Church,  on  whose  door  Luther  had  nailed 
the  Ninety-five  Theses.  Melanchthon  improved  the 
occasion  by  delivering  a  funeral  oration  in  the  name 
of  the  university.  He  magnifies,  but  not  unduly, 
the  virtues  of  the  illustrious  deceased : 

11  Let  others  laud  the  images  of  their  ancestors  and 
their  venerable  pedigrees — a  distinction  in  which  the 
Saxon  princes  are  preeminent.  But  greater  things  be- 

142 


THE  PEASANTS  IN  ARMS  IN  1525. 

FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY  WOODCUT. 


1525]  The  Peasants'  War  143 

long  to  Frederick,  as  skill  in  government,  and  lofty 
magnanimity.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  State 
is  maintained  by  arms  only,  and  by  power.  Of  greater 
value  to  this  end  are  the  arts  of  peace,  justice,  modera- 
tion, constancy,  care  of  the  public  safety,  diligence  in 
proclaiming  the  law  and  in  settling  the  disputes  of  citi- 
zens, patience  in  bearing  the  faults  of  the  people,  vigour 
in  punishing  transgressors,  kindness  in  sparing  those 
who  can  be  reclaimed.  In  the  popular  estimation 
military  virtues  are  more  splendid,  and  a  soldier  is  more 
admired  because  of  physical  prowess,  than  the  modest 
and  quiet  civilian;  and  civil  virtues  like  other  good 
things  are  ignored  by  the  vulgar.  Hence  they  are 
faintly  praised  who  are  given  to  the  pursuits  and  arts  of 
peace. 

"  In  my  judgment,  he  who  would  promote  the  .welfare 
of  man  must  prefer  the  pursuits  of  peace  to  the  camp. 
Anthony  was  a  great  commander,  but  he  was  inferior  to 
Augustus,  who  promoted  peace  and  quiet.  Solon  con- 
tributed more  to  Greece  than  Alcibiades  did.  The  one 
ruined  his  country  by  wars,  the  other  saved  it  by  laws 
and  institutions.  God  endowed  Frederick  with  these 
better  and  more  useful  virtues.  Hence  in  these  turbu- 
lent times  he  was  careful  to  preserve  the  German  people 
from  wars."  1 

He  closes  his  oration  with  the  prayer — 

"  that  God  in  his  mercy  may  guard  the  soul  of  Frederick, 
may  prosper  the  new  rule  of  his  brother,  may  protect  the 
country  in  these  wretched  times,  and  may  give  the  dis- 
position to  cherish  the  public  tranquillity  and  to  rever- 
ence those  in  authority,  as  the  divine  precept  requires, 
with  all  fidelity  and  good  conscience." 
1  C.  J?.,  II  :  90  et  seqq. 


144  Philip  Melanchthon 

The  "  wretched  times  "  of  which  Melanchthon 
speaks  in  his  prayer  had  been  brought  about  by  the 
Peasants'  War,  a  sort  of  communistic  rebellion  of 
the  lowest  order  of  society  against  the  civil  and 
spiritual  rulers.  For  generations  the  peasants  had 
been  the  victims  of  injustice,  violence,  and  cruelty. 
More  than  once  had  they  been  driven  to  despera- 
tion, and  had  sought  relief  through  rebellion,  as  in 
1476,  1492,  1493,  1502,  1513,  and  in  Wurtemberg 
in  1514  against  the  lawless  tyranny  of  Duke  Ulrich. 

Hence  this  popular  outbreak  cannot  be  attributed 
to  the  Reformation,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
preaching  and  the  teaching  of  Luther  at  Wittenberg 
gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  desire  for  freedom,  and 
to  some  extent  influenced  the  course  taken  by  the 
war  at  this  time. 

The  peasants,  whose  condition  was  little  better 
than  that  of  beasts  of  burden,  and  whose  burdens 
had  been  made  heavier  in  recent  years  by  the  grow- 
ing love  of  luxury  among  the  rulers,  were  seeking  to 
do  exactly  what  many  of  their  superiors  were  doing, 
viz.,  to  throw  off  the  oppressive  yoke  imposed  by 
those  above  them.  It  is  impossible  for  a  humane 
person  who  has  inquired  into  the  condition  of  those 
serfs,  and  who  has  seen  the  condition  of  their  de- 
scendants in  Germany  to-day,  not  to  sympathise 
with  their  purpose,  at  the  same  time  that,  as  a  lover 
of  order,  he  must  reprehend  the  violence  which  they 
employed  as  a  means  of  attaining  the  desired  end. 

Carlstadt  and  Miinzer,  whose  revolutionary  meth- 
ods have  been  already  described,  were  the  chief  in- 
citers  of  the  insurrection.  The  former,  in  1524, 


1525]  The  Peasants'  War  145 

settled  at  Orlemiinde  and  preached  communism,  and 
published  a  new  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 
From  Jena,  where  he  had  a  small  printing-office,  he 
circulated  incendiary  tracts.  Driven  from  Saxony, 
he  went  first  to  Strassburg  and  then  to  Basel,  where 
he  excited  the  theologians  against  the  Wittenberg 
Reformers,  and  contributed  to  the  general  discontent 
of  the  people. 

Thomas  Miinzer,  after  his  expulsion  from  Zwickau 
and  his  failure  in  Wittenberg,  proclaimed  a  com- 
pound of  communism  and  fanaticism  at  Alstadt,  in 
Thuringia.  Forced  to  leave  the  country,  he  travelled 
through  Southern  Germany  and  returned  to  Thu- 
ringia, preaching  everywhere  against  the  whole  ex- 
isting social,  political,  and  ecclesiastical  order,  and 
especially  against  infant  baptism,  the  rejection  of 
which  became  the  watchword  of  the  entire  party  of 
revolutionists.  He  signed  himself  "  Miinzer  with 
the  hammer,"  and  "  with  the  sword  of  Gideon." 
He  advocated  the  destruction  of  all  the  ungodly, 
and  said  :  "  Look  not  on  the  sorrows  of  the  ungodly ; 
let  not  your  sword  grow  cold  from  blood.  Strike 
hard  on  the  anvil  of  Nimrod  [the  princes] ;  cast  his 
tower  to  the  ground,  because  the  day  is  yours." 

The  result  was  inevitable.  Inspired  by  the 
thought  that  God  had  created  all  men  equal,  the 
peasants  of  Southern  Germany  rose  up  almost  en 
masse,  and  demanded  their  rights  under  the  banner 
of  the  Gospel.  A  manifesto  of  grievances  and 
claims  was  published  in  twelve  articles : 

I.     The  right  to  choose  their  own  pastors,  who 


Walch,  xvi.,  150. 

10 


146  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

should  preach  the  Gospel  purely  and  plainly  without 
any  additions,  doctrines,  or  ordinances  of  men. 

2.  Exemption  from  the  small  tithe.     The  tithe 
of  grain  they  were  willing  to  pay  for  the  support  of 
pastors. 

3.  Release  from  serfdom,  since  they  as  well  as  the 
princes  had  been  redeemed  by  the  blood  of  Christ. 

4.  The  right  to  fish  and  hunt,  since  when  God 
created  man  he  gave  him  dominion  over  all  animals, 
over  the  fowl  of  the  air,  and  the  fish  in  the  waters. 

5.  A  share  in  the  forests  for  all  domestic  uses. 

6.  A  mitigation  of  feudal  services. 

7.  Payment  for  labour  in  addition  to  what  the 
contract  requires. 

8.  Reduction  of  rents. 

9.  Security   against    illegal   punishment,   and  a 
desire  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  old  written 
law. 

10.  The  restoration  of  the  meadows  and  of  the 
corn  land  which  at  one  time  belonged  to  a  com- 
munity. 

11.  The  abolition  of  the  right  of  heriot,  by  which 
widows  and  orphans  had  been  shamefully  robbed. 

12.  The  resolution  to  submit  all  these  articles  to 
the  test  of  Scripture,  and  to  retract  one,  or  all  of 
them,  if  found  not  to  agree  with  the  Word  of  God.1 

It  must  be  conceded  that  these  demands  are  just 
and  scriptural.  Melanchthon  says  that  Luther  ap- 
proved the  articles  of  the  peasants.  This  is  certainly 

1  These  articles  are  given  in  German  by  Walch,  Strobel,  and  Giese- 
ler;  in  English,  in  Gieseler,  translated  by  Smith,  vol.  iv.,  114-116. 
For  the  authorship  see  note  in  Kanke,  Eng.  Trans.,  iii.,  vi. 


1525]  The  Peasants'  War  147 

true  in  the  main.  In  May,  1525,  he  addressed  an 
exhortation  to  the  Princes  and  Lords,  in  which  he 
chides  the  rulers  for  their  severity,  and  tells  them 
that  they  themselves  are  to  be  thanked  for  the  re- 
bellion, and  exhorts  them  to  yield  a  little  to  the 
popular  storm. 

He  declares  that  some  of  the  articles  of  the  peas- 
ants are  so  remarkable  and  just  that  before  God  and 
the  world  they  verify  Psalm  107:  40:  "  They  pour 
contempt  upon  princes." 

To  the  Peasantry  he  wrote  that  the  princes  and 
lords  by  forbidding  preaching  the  Gospel,  and  by 
oppressing  the  people  intolerably,  have  right  well 
deserved  that  God  should  cast  them  down  from  their 
thrones.  He  warns  them  against  faction  and  rebel- 
lion, and  urges  them  to  give  up  certain  articles  which 
ask  too  much,  and  reach  too  high.1 

All  this  was  in  harmony  with  Luther's  love  of 
order  and  with  his  determination  that  the  sword 
should  not  be  used  in  the  cause  of  the  Gospel.  Had 
his  admonition  been  heeded,  Germany  would  have 
been  spared  the  slaughter  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  men,  the  destruction  of  millions  of  pro- 
perty, and  the  other  horrors  of  civil  war.  But  princes 
and  peasants  alike  were  blinded  to  their  true  in- 
terests; the  one  party  by  false  notions  of  liberty, 
and  the  other  party  by  equally  false  notions  of 
authority  augmented  by  the  lusts  of  the  flesh  and 
the  greed  of  avarice.  The  peasants  departed  from 
their  programme,  and  aimed  at  a  democratic  recon- 

1  German  in  Erlangen  ed.,  24  :  269  et  seqq.  Summary  in  English 
in  Gieseler,  iv.,  116,  117. 


148  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

struction  of  Church  and  State.  The  princes  rejected 
reason,  and  yielded  to  passion  and  the  desire  for 
revenge.  Now  it  was  that  Luther,  when  he  wit- 
nessed the  excesses  and  disorders  of  the  peasants, 
forgetting  their  grievances  and  affirming  the  duty  of 
absolute  obedience  to  civil  rulers,  wrote  those  ter- 
rible words  against  "  the  rapacious  and  murderous 
peasants"  *:  "  Cut,  stab,  smite,  strangle,  as  among 
mad  dogs,  who  can,  and  as  he  can.  A  more  blessed 
death  you  will  never  have  "—which  no  admiration 
for  his  love  of  order,  and  no  respect  for  his  constant 
appeal  to  Rom.  xiii.  I,  should  lead  us  to  approve. 
They  may  be  explained,  but  under  no  circumstances 
can  they  be  justified,  however  sincere  Luther  may 
have  been  in  his  conviction  of  duty  to  the  civil 
magistrate,  and  however  strong  his  determination 
that  the  Gospel  should  not  be  assisted  by  the  sword. 

Only  too  ready  were  the  princes  to  obey  Luther's 
advice.  At  the  decisive  battle  of  Frankenhausen, 
May  25,  1525,  in  Alsace,  along  the  Rhine,  in 
Franken,  in  the  Tyrol,  they  wreaked  a  vengeance 
by  arms  and  by  treachery,  the  record  of  which  forms 
one  of  the  bloodiest  pages  of  modern  history. 

But  what  is  more  remarkable  in  the  premises  is 
that  the  tender-hearted  Melanchthon  fully  agreed 
with  Luther  in  his  attitude  towards  the  peasants. 
He  saw  portents  in  the  skies,  and  declared  that 
Satan  was  seeking  the  overthrow  of  religion,  of  civil 
order,  and  all  that  is  good.  Asked  by  the  Elector 
of  the  Palatinate,  "  as  one  born  and  brought  up  in 
the  Palatinate,"  to  come  to  Heidelberg  the  week 

1  Erlangen  ed.,  24  :  308. 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE  POPE  AND  THE  MONKS,  AND  THE 
UPRISING  OF  THE  PEASANTS  IN  1522. 

FROM   A   CONTEMPORARY  WOODCUT. 


The  Peasants'  War  149 

after  Whitsunday,  and  assist  by  his  counsel  in  the 
dangerous  affairs,  or  in  case  he  could  not  come,  to 
send  a  written  opinion  on  the  Twelve  Articles,1  he 
wrote  his  Confutation  of  the  Articles  of  the  Peasants? 
The  leading  thoughts  are  as  follows : 

Since  the  peasants  have  appealed  to  the  Scriptures 
they  should  be  instructed  out  of  the  Scriptures,  for 
many  of  them  have  sinned  through  ignorance.  If 
they  were  properly  instructed  they  might  turn  from 
their  wantonness.  The  Christian  faith  is  of  the 
heart,  and  is  the  source  of  love  and  of  all  the  vir- 
tues. Among  these  virtues  is  obedience  to  rulers, 
and  that  not  from  fear  of  punishment,  but  for  con- 
science' sake.  Even  unjust  rulers  must  be  borne.  If 
they  do  wrong,  only  God  is  their  judge.  Were  all 
the  articles  of  the  peasants  scriptural,  which,  how- 
ever, is  far  from  being  the  case,  they  would  neverthe- 
less sin  against  God,  should  they  attempt  to  enforce 
their  rights  by  violence  and  insurrection.  It  is  the 
duty  of  rulers  to  have  the  Gospel  preached.  Should 
they  neglect  it,  or  persecute  preachers  of  the  pure 
doctrine,  vengeance  must  not  be  taken  on  the  preach- 
ers of  error,  but  they  must  be  shunned.  Everyone 
must  confess  his  faith  for  himself,  or  the  community 
must  support  pastors  at  their  own  cost ;  and  should 
the  magistrates  forbid  this,  then  the  people  must 
bear  it  with  patience.  The  tithe  must  be  given  be- 
cause the  rulers  order  it.  The  tithes  should  be  given 
to  pastors  and  monks  so  long  as  the  rulers  have  not 
provided  otherwise.  Villeinage  should  not  be  thrown 

1  c.  R.,  i :  742. 

8  C.  R.,  20:  641  et  seqq. 


150  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

off  by  violence.  The  freedom  brought  by  Christ  is 
only  internal.  Spiritual  freedom  can  be  enjoyed 
even  under  oppression.  The  right  to*  hunt  and  fish 
can  be  settled  by  the  courts.  The  peasants  are 
bound  to  do  Villeinage,  but  the  lords  should  be 
lenient  in  the  exercise  of  their  rights.  Heriot  (Tod- 
fall)  belongs  to  serfdom,  but  the  lords  may  make 
concessions  for  the  sake  of  widows  and  orphans. 

The  peasants  act  against  God  if  they  seek  by  in- 
surrection to  free  themselves  from  the  lawfully 
existing  condition.  Before  going  to  war  the  princes 
should  attempt  compromise,  and  should  concede 
what  is  right,  for  even  they  have  done  much  wrong. 

The  best  means  against  insurrection  is  the  purifica- 
tion of  the  Church.  Marriage  should  be  allowed  to 
ministers,  and  the  Church  goods  should  be  applied 
to  the  maintenance  of  the  poor  and  of  schools.  The 
people  should  have  faithful  pastors  who  can  instruct 
them  in  the  Christian  faith.  If  the  princes  would 
treat  the  people  more  kindly,  commotion  might 
cease.  But  should  any  persist  in  rebellion  they 
should  be  punished  with  the  utmost  severity. 

Finally  he  urges  the  princes,  as  the  more  intelli- 
gent, as  the  wise  and  powerful,  to  show  pity  to  the 
more  ignorant  people,  and  to  help  them,  looking  to 
God  for  their  reward.  But  he  declares  that  "  the 
peasants  have  no  ground  of  complaint  against  serf- 
dom. Necessarily,  a  people  so  wild  and  unruly  as 
the  Germans,  should  have  still  less  freedom  than 
they  have."  He  also  calls  the  peasants  "  murder- 
ers "  and  "  liars,"  who  are  instigated  by  the  devil. 

The  Confutation  is  remarkable  for  its  union  of 


1525]  The  Peasants'  War  151 

moderation  and  severity.  But  severity  greatly  pre- 
ponderates. Not  being  of  the  peasant  class,  and 
having  never  borne  burdens  like  theirs,  Melanchthon 
was  incapable  of  giving  an  impartial,  much  less  a 
humane  judgment.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  rights 
of  man  as  man,  and  recognised  only  the  duty  of  ab- 
solute obedience  on  the  part  of  subjects.  His  argu- 
ment is  based  chiefly  on  Rom.  xiii.  I,  as  though 
that  contained  all  that  the  Bible  teaches  in  regard  to 
submission  to  authority.  The  freedom  of  which  the 
Bible  speaks  is  understood  to  be  spiritual,  not  bodily 
freedom.  Hence  he  justifies  Villeinage,  and  incul- 
cates upon  princes  only  the  virtues  of  kindness  and 
forbearance.  But  unlike  Luther  he  does  not  preach 
a  crusade,  and  when  he  has  learned  that  the  war 
is  practically  over,  and  that  the  peasants  have 
been  put  down,  he  adds  an  Appendix  to  the  Con- 
futation, in  which  he  says : 

"  As  God  has  now  given  the  victory,  and  as  the 
murderous  rabble  which  would  not  have  peace  has  been 
punished  according  to  the  laws  of  God,  the  princes 
should  further  be  very  careful  that  no  harm  befall  the 
innocent,  and  should  show  mercy  to  the  poor  people, 
some  of  whom  sinned  through  folly." 

These  words  of  Christian  counsel  were  not  so 
readily  heeded  by  the  princes  as  Luther's  words  of 
severity  had  been.  Ranke  says:  "  Wherever  the 
matter  had  been  decided  by  arms,  the  laws  of  war 
were  enforced.  The  most  barbarous  executions 
took  place ;  the  severest  contributions  were  exacted, 


152  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  in  some  places,  laws  more  oppressive  than  ever 
were  imposed." 

August  16,  1525,  Luther  wrote  to  Brismann: 

"  The  war  of  the  peasants  is  over.  A  hundred  thou- 
sand have  been  killed,  many  orphans  have  been  made, 
and  everything  left  is  in  so  ruined  a  condition,  that  the 
aspect  of  Germany  has  never  been  more  deplorable  than 
now.  The  victors  so  rage  as  to  perfect  their  iniquity."  ' 

In  the  midst  of  "  these  turbulent  and  perilous 
commotions,"  Luther  surprised  his  friends  and 
himself  by  marrying  Katherine  von  Bora,  an  escaped 
nun,  June  13,  1525.  Camerarius  says  "  this  act 
gave  Philip  the  greatest  pain,  not  because  he  disap- 
proved it,  but  because  he  saw  it  would  give  Luther's 
numerous  and  powerful  enemies  an  occasion  for  per- 
secution and  slander."  3 

When  Melanchthon  discovered  that  the  sudden 
change  and  the  evil  surmises  had  affected  Luther  with 
gloom  and  perturbation  of  mind,  he  did  all  he  could 
to  comfort  him,  and  wrote  an  apologetic  and  explana- 
tory letter  in  Greek  to  Camerarius.  He  regards  the 
marriage  as  unseasonable,  but  not  in  itself  wrong. 
He  thinks  Luther  is  "  susceptible  "  and  was  by 
nature  strongly  impelled  to  marry.  He  also  says 
that  he  was  much  beset  by  the  machinations  of  the 
nuns.  But  Luther's  life,  he  says,  is  humble  and  de- 
vout, and  gives  the  most  indubitable  evidence  of 

1  ffist.  Ref.,  iii.,  vi.,  221. 

2DeW.,  3:  22. 

3  Camerarius,  p.  103. 


1525]  The  Peasants'  War  153 

piety.  The  sequel  showed  that  Melanchthon  did 
not  understand  the  motives  which  impelled  Luther 
"  to  take  his  Kathe."  Melanchthon  misjudged  his 
friend.  Luther's  marriage  proceeded  from  a  correct 
impulse,  and  was  attended  by  every  circumstance  of 
honourable  conduct.  It  proved  a  great  blessing  to 
the  Reformer  himself,  and  laid  the  foundation  for 
the  beautiful  home-life  which  has  mostly  character- 
ised the  German  pastorate.1 

1  It  was  fortunate  that  Melanchthon's  letter  to  Camerarius  was  not 
published  during  the  lifetime  of  its  author.  Only  in  1875  was  the 
original  discovered  in  the  Chigi  Library  at  Rome.  Camerarius  pub- 
lished the  letter  with  sundry  omissions  and  additions  in  1569.  This 
edition,  with  a  Latin  translation  of  the  same,  was  reprinted  in  the 
Corpus  Refonnatorum.  The  Melanchthon  text  is  given  in  the  Re- 
ports of  the  Munich  Academv  of  Sciences  for  i8fb,  Heft  V.,  601. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

ORGANISATION   OF  THE   SAXON   CHURCHES 

Melanchthon's  Labours  in  Teaching  and  Writing — Opinion  on  the 
Reformation  of  the  Churches — Treatise  on  the  Mass  and  Celibacy 
— Melanchthon's  Isolation — The  Visitation  Articles. 

AFTER  his  return  from  Nuremberg  in  the  middle 
of  June,  1526,  Melanchthon  applied  himself 
again  to  the  work  of  teaching,  writing,  and  reform- 
ing, notwithstanding  his  constant  illness.  In  July 
he  lectured  on  Demosthenes  and  Theocritus,  and 
translated  the  Fifth  Psalm  into  Latin.  In  August 
he  was  so  ill  that  for  more  than  twelve  days  his  life 
was  despaired  of.  But  in  September  he  was  able  to 
respond  to  a  request  from  Philip  of  Hesse  for  an 
Opinion  on  the  reformation  of  the  churches  in  the 
Landgrave's  dominions.  His  chief  suggestions  were 
that  one  Mass  should  be  celebrated  as  the  Eucharist 
in  each  parish  church  every  festival  day,  according 
to  the  old  rites,  and  that  all  the  other  masses  should 
be  abolished.  Quarrels  and  disputes  should  be 
quelled.  The  old  ceremonies  should  be  retained, 
since  they  cannot  be  removed  without  offence. 
Christianity  does  not  by  any  means  consist  in  rites, 


'528]  The  Saxon  Churches  155 

but  in  the  fear  of  God,  in  faith,  in  love,  and  in 
obedience  to  magistrates.  These  things  should  be 
inculcated  by  the  preachers  without  regard  to  the 
Pope.  And  since  Christ  abstained  so  long  from 
vengeance,  and  of  his  own  will  gave  himself  up  as  a 
lamb  to  the  slaughter,  so  should  your  Highness  for- 
bear, and  not  fly  to  arms  in  the  affairs  of  the  Church.1 

This  mild  and  conservative  Opinion  had  little  or 
no  influence  on  the  reforming  synod  of  Homberg, 
which,  under  the  lead  of  the  fiery  Francis  Lambert, 
of  Avignon,  suppressed  the  cloisters,  removed  the 
pictures,  and  ordered  a  form  of  worship  which  ob- 
literated all  traces  of  Romanism.  Yet  Melanchthon 
remained  so  much  in  favour  with  the  Landgrave  that 
the  next  year  he  was  invited  to  a  professorship  in 
the  newly  founded  University  of  Marburg.  But  the 
Elector  would  not  allow  him  to  leave  Wittenberg. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  September,  1526,  Melanchthon 
went  to  Leipzig  to  attend  the  commercial  fair. 
Thence  he  proceeded  to  Nordhausan,  Mansfeld,  and 
Eisleben,  and  returned  to  Wittenberg  in  November. 
In  this  year  he  also  wrote  his  treatise  on  The  Mass 
and  Celibacy.'1  He  says  there  are  three  opinions 
touching  the  Mass.  The  first  is  that  of  Thomas, 
Scotus,  and  the  like,  who  teach  that  the  Mass  is  a 
work  offered  to  God  in  order  to  obtain  grace  for  the 
living  and  the  dead.  Hence  the  Mass  is  regarded 
as  a  meritorious  sacrifice,  and  such  an  opinion  leads 
to  the  multiplication  of  masses  and  to  the  establish- 
ment of  funeral  and  other  venal  masses.  This  false 


1C.  J?  ,  i:  819. 

2  C.  JK. ,  i  :  840. 


156  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

opinion  is  refuted  by  the  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith.  Righteousness  is  by  faith  and  not  by  the 
work  of  the  Mass. 

The  second  opinion  is  that  of  the  advocates  of 
Private  Masses.  They  think  that  the  Mass  is  a  good 
work  which  we  offer  to  God  as  a  thanksgiving  serv- 
ice. Hence  masses  must  be  celebrated  every  day, 
and  certain  persons  have  been  appointed  in  the 
Church,  not  to  preach  the  Word,  but  to  celebrate 
Mass.  The  body  of  Christ  is  not  offered  in  the 
Lord's  Supper,  but  was  offered  once  for  all.  That 
the  body  of  Christ  is  not  offered  in  the  Supper  is 
proved  from  the  words,  Take,  eat.  Faith  alone  and 
confession  are  the  proper  thanksgiving. 

The  third  opinion  is  ours,  which  alone  we  judge 
to  be  true  and  consistent  with  the  Scripture,  viz., 
that  the  Supper  was  not  instituted  to  be  an  offering 
to  God,  but  by  it  something  is  offered  and  given  to 
us,  viz.,  a  sacrament  by  which  grace  is  offered,  and 
by  which  we  are  led  to  believe  and  have  our  troubled 
consciences  comforted.  This  doctrine  can  be 
proved,  first  by  the  word  Sacrament,  because  a  sacra- 
ment is  a  sign  of  the  grace  promised  us.  Therefore 
the  Supper  is  a  thing  which  testifies  that  grace  is 
offered  and  given  us.  It  is  not  a  sacrifice,  or  work, 
in  which  we  offer  something  to  God.  He  also  states 
that  remission  of  sins  is  offered  in  the  Supper,  and 
that  the  Supper  exhorts  us  to  believe,  for,  Do  this 
in  remembrance  of  me  means,  believe  that  Christ 
gives  us  his  grace. 

The  question  of  Celibacy  is  dismissed  with  a  few 
observations:  It  is  chiefly  a  matter  of  conscience. 


1528]  The  Saxon  Churches  157 

Marriage  is  permitted  the  deacons  by  the  ancient 
canons.  The  Pope  has  no  right  and  no  warrant  from 
the  Scripture  to  take  wives  from  the  priests  by  viol- 
ence, and  synods  have  no  right  to  forbid  marriage. 
Nothing  should  be  required  which  is  contrary  to  the 
Word  of  God. 

This  little  tract  presents  more  sharply  than  had 
hitherto  been  done  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  It  is  a  Sacrament,  in  which  grace 
and  remission  of  sins  are  offered  to  us.  It  is  both  a 
means  of  grace  and  a  sign  of  the  grace  promised  in 
the  Gospel.  Its  end  is  justification,  or  the  imparta- 
tion  of  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel. 

From  these  views  Melanchthon  never  departed. 
They  recur  again  and  again  in  his  treatment  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  and  are  given  special  prominence  in 
his  Apology  of  the  Augsburg  Confession. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1527,  we  find  Me- 
lanchthon hard  at  work  and  "  living  on  a  slender 
diet."  He  is  by  no  means  happy.  His  lamenta- 
tions are  pitiful,  and  serve  to  give  us  a  view  of  his 
own  tender,  peace-loving  heart,  and  of  the  distrac- 
tions at  Wittenberg.  To  his  beloved  Camerarius  he 
writes  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  February: 

"  Behold  me,  an  exile  far  from  home,  far  .from  friends 
and  relatives,  among  a  people  with  whom  I  could  not 
converse  were  I  ignorant  of  Latin.  Besides,  in  this 
place  the  greatest  envy  burns  in  the  bosoms  of  all.  At 
this  time  in  this  city  those  who  have  the  management  of 
affairs  are  not  very  harmonious. ' ' 

1  C.  R.,  i :  859. 


158  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  the  refined  and  sensitive 
nature  of  Melanchthon  must  have  suffered  from  an 
environment  where  rudeness  and  strife  prevailed. 
He  sought  peace  and  was  engaged  in  the  work  of 
peace ;  but  others,  even  his  colleagues — for  to  these 
he  is  supposed  to  allude  in  this  letter — are  engaged 
in  strife.  Yet  neither  his  conscience  nor  his  Elector 
i,  would  permit  him  to  leave  Wittenberg,  and  it  would 
have  been  disastrous,  if  not  fatal,  to  the  new  move- 
_ment,  had  he  left  at  this  time.  He  was  needed  to 
check  and  to  moderate  the  stormy  violence  of 
Luther,  to  lead  in  organising  an  evangelical  Luth- 
eran Church,  and  to  write  the  Magna  Charta  of  its 
faith. 

Up  to  this  time  the  work  of  the  Reformation  had 
consisted  chiefly  of  attacks  on  the  papacy  and  its 
institutions.  The  result  was  a  general  dissolution 
of  the  old  ecclesiastical  system,  with  the  lapse  of 
discipline  and  the  neglect  of  public  worship.  If  the 
Reformation  is  to  be  a  blessing  and  not  a  curse,  it 
must  proceed  to  reorganise  the  churches  on  an  evan- 
gelical basis.  To  this  end  Luther  had  already,  in 
1526,  exhorted  the  Elector  to  institute  a  formal 
visitation  of  the  churches  in  his  dominions.  Accord- 
ingly the  Electoral  territory  was  divided  into  four 
parts,  each,  of  which  was  to  be  visited  by  several 
theologians  and  civil  counsellors,  who  were  instructed 
to  examine  the  ministers  and  to  inquire  into  the  con- 
dition of  the  churches.  The  aged  and  inefficient 
ministers  were  to  be  retired  .on  a  pension ;  the  re- 
fractory were  to  be  removed  from  office ;  new  schools 
and  congregations  were  to  be  established  where 


1528]  The  Saxon  Churches  159 

needed  ;  contentions  were  to  be  quieted  ;  and  better 
provision  was  to  be  made  for  the  administration  of 
the  Church  goods. 

This  was  the  work  of  reorganisation  and  of  recon-    *)       .* 
struction.     In  this,  as  in  almost  all  of  the  practical    T 
affairs  of  the  Reformation,  Melanchthon  had  to  take    / 
the  lead. 

On  the  fifth  of  July,  1527,  he  left  Wittenberg  for  ^ 
Thuringia,  where,  in  company  with  Frederick  My- 
conius,  since  1524  pastor  at  Gotha,  and  Justus  J 
Menius,  pastor  at  Erfurt,  John  von  Planitz,  Eras- 
mus von  Haugwitz,  and  Dr.  Jerome  Schurf,  he 
visited  the  schools  and  churches  in  and  about  Kahla, 
Jena,  Neustadt,  Weida,  and  Auma.  In  this  work 
he  was  engaged  about  one  month.  The  condition 
©f  the  churches  was  deplorable.  Among  the  minis- 
ters, many  of  whom  had  been  priests  or  monks, 
there  was  much  ignorance.  More  than  one  was 
found  who  knew  scarcely  anything  besides  the  Dec- 
alogue, the  Creed,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  One 
former  monk,  who  was  asked,  "  Do  you  teach  the 
Ten  Commandments  ?  "  replied,  "  I  have  n't  the 
book."  One  pastor  preached  the  evangelical  doc- 
trine in  the  parish  church,  and  read  the  Roman 
Catholic  Mass  in  a  filial  church, — because  the  people 
wanted  it  so.  Very  few  of  the  pastors  had  clear 
ideas  of  the  new  doctrines.  Some  preached  justifi- 
cation by  faith,  or  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  without 
saying  anything  of  repentance,  or  of  the  way  of  at- 
taining faith.  Some  in  an  Anabaptistic  way  raged 
against  the  civil  government,  and  others  chiefly  de- 
nounced the  Pope.  Disorder  and  confusion  reigned 


160  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

everywhere.  The  people  also  had  sunk  into  the 
-C  deepest  immorality.  Many  lived  in  concubinage, 
'  and  were  little  better  than  blank  heathen.  Luther 

has  graphically  described  the  general  condition  in 

the  Preface  to  his  Small  Catechism  : 

"Eternal  God!  what  distress  did  I  behold!  The 
people,  especially  those  who  live  in  the  villages,  and 
even  curates,  for  the  most  part,  possess  so  little  know- 
ledge of  the  Christian  doctrine,  that  I  even  blush  to  tell 
it.  And  yet  all  are  called  by  the  sacred  name  of  Christ, 
and  enjoy  the  sacraments  in  common  with  us,  while  they 
are  not  only  totally  ignorant  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  and  the  Decalogue,  but  cannot  even 
repeat  the  words.  Why  need  I  hesitate  to  say  that  they 
differ  in  nothing  at  all  from  the  brutes  ?  " 

It  will  be  understood  that  this  is  the  condition  in 
which  the  Reformation  found  the  German  people, 
not  that  into  which  it  had  brought  them  in  the  ten 
years  of  its  activity.  The  Visitation  was  the  be- 
ginning of  a  moral  and  intellectual  transformation 
of  these  same  people.  But  it  is  easy  to  see  how  his 
discovery  would  affect  Melanchthon.  He  wrote  to 
Camerarius:  "  I  am  engaged  in  a  most  difficult 
business,  and,  so  far  as  I  see,  without  result.  Every- 
thing is  in  confusion,  partly  through  the  ignorance, 
and  partly  through  the  immorality  of  the  teachers."  ' 

And  again: 

"  What  can  be  offered  in  justification  that  these  poor 
people  have  hitherto  been  left  in  such  great  ignorance 

1  C.  R.,  i :  881. 


MELANCHTHON   BAPTISING  AN   INFANT. 

FROM    A    PICTURE   BY    LUCAS    CRANACH    IN    THE    PARI6H    CHURCH 
WITTENBERG. 


1528]  The  Saxon  Churches  161 

and   stupidity  ?     My  heart  bleeds  when   I  regard  this 
wretchedness.       Often   when   we    have    completed    the    V 
visitation  of  a  place,  I  go  aside  and  pour  forth  my  dis-     ) 
tress  in  tears.     And  who  would  not  mourn  to  see  the 
faculties  of  man  so  utterly  neglected,  and  that  his  soul 
which  is  able  to  learn  and  to  grasp  so  much,  does  not 
know  even  anything  of  its  Creator  and  Lord  ?  " 

As  it  was  designed  that  this  first  Visitation  should 
extend  to  only  a  few  localities,  on  the  ninth  of 
August  Melanchthon  returned  to  Jena,  whither  the 
university  had  been  transferred,  because  the  plague 
had  broken  out  in  Wittenberg.  Here  he  remained 
until  the  eighth  or  ninth  of  the  following  April, 
lecturing  on  Demosthenes,  the  Psalms,  and  the 
Proverbs  of  Solomon.  But  the  most  important 
work  done  by  Melanchthon  during  that  time  was 
the  preparation,  under  commission  from  the  Elector, 
of  the  Visitation  Articles,  which  were  to  serve  as  a 
guide  in  the  visitation  of  the  other  districts,  and 
were  to  be  used  by  the  ministers  as  a  norm  of  doc- 
trine and  a  directory  of  worship.  He  first  made  a 
draft  in  Latin.  This,  elaborated  and  expanded  in 
German,  but  not  changed  in  substance,  was  sent  to 
the  Elector,  who  forwarded  it  to  Luther  for  exam- 
ination, with  instructions  to  change  it  as  he  might 
see  fit.  The  latter  reported  to  the  Elector  that  he  X 
and  Bugenhagen  had  examined  it,  and  had  made  J 
very  few  changes  in  it,  "  for  it  pleased  us  very  well, 
because  it  is  composed  in  the  most  simple  manner 
for  the  people."  * 

'DeW.,3:  211. 


1 62  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

At  the  beginning  of  1528,  the  German  Articles, 
Unterricht  der  Visitatoren,  were  published  by  order 
of  the  Elector,  adorned  with  a  Preface  by  Luther, 
in  which  it  is  said: 

"  We  do  not  publish  this  as  a  rigid  command  as  though 
we  would  institute  a  new  papal  decree,  but  as  a  history, 
a  witness,  and  confession  of  our  faith.  Hence  we  hope 
that  all  pious  pastors  who  truly  love  the  Gospel  will  ac- 
cept it  and  hold  with  us." 

This  shows  the  liberal  spirit  in  which  the  Lutheran 
Church  was  organised,  and  the  real  design  of  the 
first  Lutheran  Confession  of  Faith.  It  was  not  to 
be  imposed  as  a  decree  or  law,  but  to  be  accepted 
in  the  freedom  of  the  Gospel,  "  until  God  the  Holy 
Ghost  furnish  something  better." 

According  to  these  Articles  were  the  other  three 
districts  of  the  Electoral  territory  visited  by  Luther, 
Bugenhagen,  Jonas,  Spalatin,  and  others.  In  the 
winter  of  1528  Melanchthon  made  a  second  trip 
through  Thuringia.  Churches  and  schools  were  re- 
formed, superintendents  were  appointed,  consistories 
were  established,  and  competent  pastors  were  put  in 
charge.  Scarcely  two  years  passed  before  Luther 
could  report  to  the  Elector  that  "  the  Word  of  God 
is  effective  and  fruitful  in  the  entire  land.  Your 
Grace  has  more  and  better  pastors  than  any  other 
country  in  the  world.  They  preach  faithfully  and 
purely  and  live  in  entire  harmony." 

Thus,  through  the  Visitation  Articles,  Melanch- 
thon was  the  organiser  of  the  Saxon  Church,  which 

1  C.  R.,  26:  46. 


1528]  The  Saxon  Churches  163 

in  turn  became  the  model  for  organisation  in  other 
Lutheran  lands.  The  work  was  completed  by  the 
publication  of  Luther's  two  catechisms  in  the  year 
1529,  and  of  Melanchthon's  Catechetical  Instruction 
in  the  year  15 32.' 

As  the  Visitation  Articles  *  are  so  closely  connected 
with  the  organisation  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  and 
with  Melanchthon's  personal  relations  to  the  same; 
as  they  contain  at  once  a  confession  of  faith,  a 
directory  of  worship,  and  a  school  order,  they  deserve 
more  than  a  passing  notice.  They  consist  of  eight- 
een articles.  The  first  thirteen  exhibit  the  Doctrine 
which  is  to  be  preached,  the  fourteenth  treats  of 
the  Turkish  War,  the  fifteenth  of  Divine  Worship, 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  of  Discipline  and 
Church  Orders,  the  eighteenth  of  Schools. 

They  impress  the  reader  at  once  with  their  mild- 
ness, simplicity,  and  practical  tact.  No  attack  is 
made  on  the  Roman  Catholic  system,  but  every 
efforts  is  made  by  positive  teaching  to  build  up  an 
evangelical  system  on  the  basis  of  pure  doctrine. 
Justification  by  Faith  is  made  the  central  governing 
principle  of  the  series,  but  this  is  not  to  be  preached 
in  a  one-sided  manner,  nor  to  the  exclusion  of  other 
doctrines.  The  article  on  Doctrine  says : 

"  But  how  many  now  only  speak  of  the  forgiveness  of    ^         AX3* 
sins,  and  nothing  or  very  little  of  repentance,  and  yet 
there  is  no  forgiveness  of  sins  without  repentance;  and 
forgiveness  of  sins   cannot   be    understood  without   re- 

1  C,  R.,  23  :   104  et  seqq. 
*  C.  R.y  26:   7  et  seqq. 


164  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

pentance,  and  when  we  preach  forgiveness  of  sins  with- 
7  out  repentance,  it  will  come  to  pass  that  the  people  will 
/  believe  that  they  have  already  obtained  forgiveness  of 

sins,  and  will  become  thereby  secure  and  careless. 
\  Therefore  we  have  instructed  and  exhorted  the  pastors 

that  it  will  be  their  duty  to  preach  the  whole  Gospel,  and 

not  one  part  without  the  other." 

The  people  are  to  be  brought  to  a  knowledge  of 
their  sins  by  the  preaching  of  the  Law,  and  are  to  be 
exhorted  to  repent  and  to  fear  God.  Repentance 
and  faith  go  together,  so  that  "  where  there  is  no 
_  repentance  there  is  a  painted  faith."  As  the  two 
first  parts  of  the  Christian  life  are  repentance  and 
(  faith,  so  is  the  third  part  good  works.  These  con- 
f  sist  in  living  a  chaste  life,  in  loving  one's  neighbour, 
I  in  doing  him  good,  in  not  lying,  nor  stealing,  nor 
murdering. 

Subtle  discussion  about  the  merit  of  good  works 
is  to  be  avoided,  but  good  works  which  God  has 
commanded  must  be  done. 

Baptism  signifies  the  same  thing  that  circumcision 
signified.  As  children  were  circumcised,  so  should 
they  now  be  baptised.  Baptism  brings  the  blessing 
that  God  is  thereby  the  Protector  and  Benefactor  of 
the  child,  and  receives  it.  In  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  the  people  are  to  be  taught  three 
things :  First,  that  the  true  body  of  Christ  is  in  the 
bread  and  the  true  blood  of  Christ  in  the  wine ;  sec- 
ondly, both  forms  should  be  used,  but  where  the  peo- 
ple are  weak  in  faith,  or  have  timid  consciences,  or  have 
not  been  sufficiently  instructed,  they  may  be  allowed 


1528]  The  Saxon  Churches  165 

to  receive  the  sacrament  in  one  form ;  that  it  is  a 
great  sin  to  use  the  sacrament  unworthily.  Open 
transgressors  should  be  excluded,  and  no  one  should 
be  admitted  who  has  not  previously  been  examined 
by  the  pastor. 

Repentance  is  regarded  as  a  sacrament,  because 
all  sacraments  signify  repentance. 

It  is  not  advisable  to  preach  much  on  human 
ordinances  in  the  Church,  but  the  preachers  should 
labour  to  awaken  repentance,  faith,  and  the  fear  of 
God.  Nor  should  there  be  any  dispute  about  festi- 
val days,  should  different  persons  hold  different 
days.  It  is  declared  that  man  has  free  will  to  do  or 
to  omit  to  do  external  works  by  his  own  ability. 
This  is  the  righteousness  of  the  flesh.  But  man 
cannot  purify  his  own  heart,  or  effect  the  divine 
gifts,  such  as  sorrow  for  sin,  true  fear  of  God,  hearty 
love,  chastity,  and  the  like.  Therefore  we  should 
earnestly  pray  that  God  would  work  these  gifts  in 
us.  The  preachers  are  not  to  indulge  in  invective 
against  the  Pope  and  the  bishops,  except  where  it  is 
necessary  to  warn  the  people. 

Minute  directions  are  given  for  organising  and 
conducting  schools.  The  children  are  to  be  divided 
into  three  classes,  and  are  to  be  taught  Latin ;  not 
German,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  (as  Melanchthon 
ordered  in  the  larger  cities,  like  Nuremberg,  Miihl- 
hausen,  and  in  the  Saxon  Fiirstenschulen  founded  in 
1543).  Neither  are  the  children  to  be  burdened 
with  many  books,  nor  with  too  great  a  variety  of 
studies.  Those  in  the  second  class  shall  learn  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  the  Creed,  the  Decalogue,  and  some 


166  Philip  Melanchthon  [1528 

Psalms  by  heart.     Those  of  the  third  class,  besides 
Cicero,  Ovid,  and  Virgil,  shall  be  taught  Dialectic 
and  Rhetoric. 
(~     It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  Visitation  Articles  are 

7  constructive  in  their  nature,  and  practical  and  ethi- 
cal in  their  aim.  Without  learned  discussion  of 
doctrines  little  understood,  Melanchthon  here  pre- 
sents the  practical  and  ethical  features  of  Christian- 
ity,  as  they  had  never  before  been  attached  to  the 
^Augustinian  system.  Anew  application  has  been 
rJM  \  given  to  the  Gospel  of  free  grace.  The  Christian  is 

/  not  only  to  have  pardon  of  sin,  but  he  is  to  live  an 
ethical  religious  life.  While  repentance  and  faith  are 
the  beginning  of  a  Christian  life,  good  works  are  its 
fruits.  Even  the  sacraments,  which  are  so  immedi- 
ately connected  with  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  are 
made  to  exert  their  influence  on  the  entire  life  of 
the  Christian  in  begetting  repentance,  faith,  and 
love.  In  a  word,  we  have  here  the  beginning  of  a 
(ftfb  >  science  of  ^Evangelical  Christian  Ethics,  and  it  is 
exactly  at  this  point  that  Melanchthon  has  most 
beneficially  influenced  Protestant  theology.  All  his 
teaching  was  dominated  by  the  idea  of  the  ethical 
personality,  and  was  directed  toward  making  man 
ethically  better.  His  motto  was:  "  Ego  mihi  con- 
scius  sum  non  aliam  ob  causam  unquam  TeSsokoyrj- 
Kivai  nisi  ut  vitam  emendarem."  That  is:  "I  am 
perfectly  certain  that  I  have  pursued  theology  only 
that  I  might  bring  about  a  higher  morality." 


CHAPTER    XIV 

DISPUTES   AND    DANGERS 

Controversy  with   Agricola  —  Tracts   against   the   Anabaptists  —  The 
Affair  of  Pack  —  War  Threatened. 

THE  Latin  draft  of  the  Visitation  Articles,  pub- 
lished without  the  knowledge  of  the  author, 
brought  on  a  controversy  between  Melanchthon  and 
John  Agricola  of  Eisleben.      In  the  chapters  on  the 
Decalogue  and  the  Law,  Melanchthon  had  taught 
that   "  the   law   must   be   preached   to   terrify   con- 
sciences, since  by  the  law  is  the  knowledge  of  sin  "  ; 
that  is,  men  are  thus  called  to  repentance,  and  by 
repentance    to    faith    and    righteousness    in  Christ. 
'  The  preaching  of  the  law  incites  to  repentance." 


Agricola,  who  was  ambitious  of  a  theological  pro- 
fessorship  at  Wittenberg,  and  who  had  taken  offence 
at  Melanchthon's  friendly  counsel  to  bide  his  time        ^JVu. 
and  remain  content  for  the  present  with  his  position        MA>  «v 
as  Rector  of  the  school  in  his  native  city,1  saw  an 
opportunity  to  display  his  theological  learning,  and 
to  get  on  even  ground  with  Melanchthon.     He  took 

""'  C.  A,  i  :  784. 

167 


1 68  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  position  that  the  law  had  been  abolished  by  the 
Gospel,  and  that  repentance  must  come,  not  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  law,  but  from  the  Gospel. 
He  appealed  to  Melanchthon 's  Loci,  and  to  some  of 
Luther's  writings,  in  which  it  was  taught  that  by 
the  Gospel  we  are  freed  from  the  law,  and  that 
Moses  had  been  given  for  the  Jews,  and  not  for 
Christians.  But  this  was  a  one-sided  use  of  his 
authorities.  They  had  also  taught  that  the  law 
brings  the  consciousness  of  sin.  Melanchthon  wrote 
Agricola  as  follows : 

"  I  do  not  recall  that  I  have  ever  written  or  spoken  a 
\  word  which  would  seem  to  violate  Christian  liberty,  nor 
would  I  knowingly  write  anything  which  I  should  think 
would  corrupt  the  purity  of  the  Gospel.  In  regard  to 
Repentance  I  think  you  will  agree  with  me  that  fear  and 
alarm  and  confusion  of  conscience  ought  to  exist  in  the 
mind  before  vivification  and  consolation.  These  feel- 
ings are  to  be  called  fear  of  the  divine  judgment,  some- 
times also  the  sense  of  the  divine  wrath.  But  this 
expression:  the  fear  of  divine  judgment,  can  be  more 
easily  understood  by  the  people.  Also,  it  cannot  be 
denied,  that  in  such  a  struggle  there  is  the  fear  of  eter- 
nal punishment.  I  do  not  speak  of  that  fear  which  men 
awaken  by  their  own  struggle;  but  of  that  which  God 
awakens,  and  I  distinctly  said  '  that  God  works  such 
terrors.'  "  l 

The  noise  of  the  controversy  at  length  reached 
the  ears  of  the  Elector,  who  invited  Agricola  and 
Melanchthon  together  with  Luther  and  Bugenhagen 

•  C.  *.,  i :  905. 


1529]  Disputes  and  Dangers  169 

to  Torgau,  to  talk  over  the  matter  and  to  take 
further  counsel  about  the  Visitation.1  They  came 
on  the  twentieth  of  November,  1527.  Luther  and 
Bugenhagen  were  appointed  mediators  between  the 
two  disputants.  Agricola  affirmed  that  repentance 
must  proceed  from  the  love  of  righteousness.  Me- 
lanchthon replied  that  the  soul  must  be  filled  with 
alarm  before  justification,  and  in  this  state  it  is  not 
easy  to  distinguish  the  love  of  righteousness  from 
the  fear  of  punishment.  Agricola  contended  that 
Melanchthon  erred  in  requiring  an  explanation  of 
the  Decalogue,  since  we  are  made  free  from  the  law, 
and  so  do  not  need  it,  as  the  moral  precepts  of  the 
New  Testament  are  sufficient.  Melanchthon  ex- 
plained that  the  Decalogue  is  the  basis  of  the  moral 
precepts  of  the  New  Testament,  and  must  be 
preached  for  the  reasons  which  had  been  given. 
Weary  of  strife,  Melanchthon  offered  the  hand  of 
reconciliation,  but  Agricola  "  was  as  unresponsive 
as  a  statue."  a 

Luther  finally  made  some  explanation  with  which 
Agricola  seemed  satisfied,  and  henceforth  claimed 
the  victory,  but  Melanchthon  saw  in  the  contentions 
of  Agricola  the  beginning  of  a  new  sophistry.  Lu- 
ther regarded  the  dispute  as  only  a  war  of  words, 
and  wrote  to  Jonas,  "  Our  famous  discussion  at 
Torgau  amounted  to  scarcely  anything."  He  had 
already  expressed  his  approval  of  Melanchthon's 
position  in  his  endorsement  of  the  German  Articles, 

1  C.  R. ,  i :  914. 

3  C.  R.,  i  :  917. 

3De  W.,  3:  215,  243. 


1 70  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

which  contain  the  very  same  teaching,  and  when, 
ten  years  later,  Agricola,  then  a  professor  in  Witten- 
berg, renewed  the  strife,  Luther  powerfully  refuted 
^  him  in  six  masterly  disputations,1  and  forced  him  to 
recant. 

During  his  sojourn  at  Jena,  Melanchthon  com- 
posed two  treatises  against  the  Anabaptists,  who 
had  created  much  confusion  and  disorder  in  and 
around  Kahla  and  Orlamunde. 

The  first,  written  in  1527,  perhaps  during  the 
Visitation,  is  very  brief,  and  was  intended  to  furnish 
the  people  with  a  few  arguments  in  support  of  In- 
fant Baptism,  and  in  refutation  of  the  Anabaptistic 
errors.2  He  argues  as  follows:  Children  were  cir- 
cumcised in  the  Old  Testament.  Therefore  they 
should  be  baptised  in  the  New.  Circumcision  and 
Baptism  are  signs  of  promised  grace  and  of  eternal 
life.  Christ  has  commanded :  Suffer  the  little  ones 
to  come  unto  me.  Therefore  infants  should  be  bap- 
tised. The  Anabaptists  say  there  is  no  command 
for  the  baptism  of  infants.  We  reply  that  though 
there  is  no  express  command,  there  is  example, 
which  ought  to  prevail,  since  the  Scripture  does  not 
contradict  itself.  The  Scripture  does  not  prohibit 
the  baptism  of  infants,  and  furnishes  the  example  of 
circumcision. 

They  say:  Infants  do  not  believe.  Therefore 
they  ought  not  to  be  baptised.  The  Sacrament 
ought  to  be  administered  to  believers  only.  But 
children  are  to  be  baptised  that  they  may  acquire 

1  Erlangen  ed.,   Var.  arg.,  4  :  424  et  seqq. 
*C.  £.,  i:  931. 


1529]  Disputes  and  Dangers  171 

faith,  for  no  one  can  acquire  faith  except  from  the 
Word  of  God.  In  Baptism  there  is  the  Word  of 
God. 

They  say :  Children  do  not  understand  the  Word, 
therefore  Baptism  should  not  be  applied  to  them. 
This  objection  is  refuted  by  the  example  of  circum- 
cision. It  is  asked:  How  does  Baptism  benefit 
infants  ?  By  Baptism  they  are  taught  that  the  re- 
mission of  sins  pertains  to  them.  All  to  whom  the 
Sacrament  is  applied  acquire  remission  of  sins.  The 
Sacrament  is  applied  to  infants,  therefore  infants  ac- 
quire the  remission  of  sins. 

The  second  treatise  against  the  Anabaptists,  writ- 
ten in  April,  1528,  is  much  more  elaborate  than  the 
first.  In  it  he  discusses  the  Meaning  and  the  Use  of 
Sacraments,  Baptism,  the  Use  and  Benefit  of  the 
Sacrament  of  Baptism,  the  Baptism  of  John,  Infant 
Baptism.  He  closes  this  treatise  by  confuting  the 
views  of  the  Anabaptists  on  civil  government.1 

On  the  eighth  or  ninth  of  April,  1528,  Melanch- 
thon  left  Jena  for  Wittenberg,  accompanied  by  his 
family,  which  had  been  increased  by  the  birth  of  a 
son,  November  25,  1527.  But  he  was  not  allowed 
to  sit  down  peacefully  in  his  old  haunts.  While  the 
Visitation  had  been  going  on,  suspicion  arose  that 
a  storm  was  gathering  against  the  Reformation. 
The  suspicion  changed  to  alarm  when  in  February, 
1528,  Dr.  Otto  von  Pack,  ex-chancellor  of  Duke 
George,  gave  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  for  ten  thou- 
sand gulden,  a  copy  of  an  alleged  document  which 
bound  several  Catholic  princes  and  bishops  to  restore 

1  C.  R.,  I  :  955  et  seqq. 


172  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  old  faith,  and  to  divide  the  Electoral  and  Hessian 
territories  among  themselves. 

Philip  hastened  to  Weimar,  where*  he  imparted 
the  information  to  the  Elector,  and  where,  March  9, 
1528,  the  two  formed  a  counter-alliance  to  enter  the 
field  with  twenty-six  thousand  men,  and  to  make 
the  attack.  But  scruples  arising  in  the  mind  of  the 
Elector,  he  called  Luther  and  Melanchthon  to  Tor- 
gau,  May  i$th,  and  laid  the  matter  before  them. 
They  strongly  advised  against  war,  especially  against 
making  the  attack.  On  the  1 8th,  Melanchthon  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  Elector,  pleading  that,  for  the  sake 
of  his  soul's  salvation,  his  children,  the  poor  country, 
and  the  people,  he  should  avoid  war,  otherwise  not 
only  men,  but  God  would  be  his  enemy.  He  also 
reminded  him  that  they  who  take  the  sword,  shall 
also  perish  by  the  sword,  and  said : 

"  It  is  the  greatest  comfort  in  all  trials  to  have  a  good 
conscience,  and  not  to  have  God  as  our  enemy.  If  we 
take  the  sword  first  and  begin  the  war,  we  shall  lose  this 
comfort.  I  write  this  with  great  sorrow  and  anxiety. 
God  knows  that  I  do  not  prize  my  life  ;  but  think  of  the 
shame  that  will  come  upon  the  Holy  Gospel,  if  you  be- 
gin the  war  and  do  not  first  seek  other  ways  and  means 
of  peace."1 

The  Elector  was  so  influenced  by  the  advice  of 
his  theologians,  that  while  he  continued  to  prepare 
for  war,  he  urged  upon  the  Landgrave  the  necessity 
of  heeding  the  admonitions  of  Luther  and  Melanch- 
thon. 


1  C.  A'.,  i :  980. 


1529]  Disputes  and  Dangers  173 

Finally,  ready  to  begin  hostilities,  Philip  sent  a 
copy  of  the  document  obtained  from  Pack  to  Duke 
George,  and  inquired  whether  he  meant  to  keep  the 
peace.  The  Duke  at  once  pronounced  the  docu- 
ment a  forgery,  and  declared  Pack  a  knave.  Other 
princes  denied  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy  to  crush 
the  Evangelicals. 

Thus  war  was  happily  averted  by  the  application 
of  the  evangelical  principle  that  the  Gospel  is  not  to 
be  promoted  by  violence.  But  the  cause  of  the 
Reformation  suffered  from  the  suspicions  and  grow- 
ing dissensions  among  the  princes.  The  Catholics 
became  more  and  more  hostile,  and  the  Evangelicals 
grew  more  and  more  anxious  as  the  political  heavens 
darkened.  Melanchthon  wrote  to  Camerarius,  "  I 
am  almost  consumed  with  anxiety  when  I  think 
what  a  scandal  has  come  upon  our  good  cause." 

It  was  doubtless  anxiety  for  the  good  cause  that 
brought  Melanchthon  into  a  condition  of  wretched 
health  this  summer;  but  he  went  on  with  his  work, 
assisting  Luther  in  revising  his  translation  of  Isaiah, 
lecturing  on  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  and  preparing 
notes  to  Aristotle's  Ethics,  until  October  I5th,  when 
he  set  out  to  complete  the  Visitation  in  Thuringia, 
which  occupied  him  until  January  5,  1529. 


CHAPTER    XV 

SPIRES  AND    MARBURG 

Diet  of  Spires — The  Protest  and  Appeal — Doctrine  of  the  Lord's 
Supper — Controversy  with  Zwingli — The  Marburg  Colloquy — 
Articles  of  Agreement — Schwabach  Articles. 

THE  Diet  of  Spires  of  1526  had  given  the  rulers 
permission  to  execute  the  Decree  of  Worms 
of  1521,  or  not,  as  they  were  willing  to  give  account 
to  God  and  the  Emperor.  This  action  was  very 
favourable  to  the  Evangelicals,  but  it  increased  the 
hostility  of  their  enemies.  The  relations  of  the  two 
parties  became  more  and  more  strained.  The  Em- 
peror had  conceived  the  strongest  dislike  for  the 
followers  of  Luther,  and  had  -resolved  to  meet  them 
with  violence,  if  necessary.  Ferdinand,  since  1526 
King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  was  as  intent  upon 
suppressing  Lutheranism  as  upon  the  repression  of 
the  Turk.  The  Catholic  princes,  embittered  by  the 
precipitate  conduct  of  the  Landgrave,  had  been  ex- 
cited to  greater  energy  for  the  defence  of  the  Church. 
Everything  appeared  unfavourable  for  the  Evangeli- 
cals, and  when  on  November  3,  1528,  a  diet  was 
proclaimed  for  February  2,  1529,  at  Spires,  and 

174 


CATHEDRAL  OF  SPIRES 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  175 

then  deferred  to  February  2ist,  they  had  nothing 
good  to  expect  for  their  cause. 

Indeed  the  horoscope  seemed  very  unpropitious 
during  the  first  half  of  the  year  1529.  In  January 
a  light  had  appeared  in  the  North.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  peculiar  conjunction  of  the  stars,  by  great 
floods  of  water,  and  by  other  phenomena  of  nature. 
Luther  and  Melanchthon  were  filled  with  alarm. 
The  latter  wrote  to  Jonas,  "  I  am  not  a  little  ex- 
cited by  these  things."  l 

It  was  a  time  of  intense  anxiety  all  around.  The 
Diet  was  numerously  attended  by  princes  and  ec- 
clesiastics. The  Elector  took  with  him  thither  Me- 
lanchthon and  Agricola.  This  was  the  first  diet 
attended  by  Melanchthon,  and  was  the  beginning 
of  his  activity  in  negotiations  and  conferences  in 
which  he  served  the  Reformation  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century. 

As  the  opening  of  the  Diet  was  again  deferred,  he 
embraced  the  opportunity  thus  afforded  to  visit  his 
mother  and  his  brother  George  at  Bretten.  Melchior 
Adams  says,  that  the  mother  took  occasion  to  ask 
her  son,  now  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Reformation, 
what,  amid  such  disputes  of  the  learned,  she  should 
believe.  He  requested  her  to  say  her  prayers  before 
him,  and  when  he  perceived  that  they  were  free 
from  superstition,  he  bade  her  continue  thus  to  pray 
and  to  believe,  and  not  to  be  disturbed  by  the  con- 
troversies.2 His  brother  George,  who  was  Mayor  of 
Bretten,  he  found  to  be  a  zealous  Lutheran. 

1  C.  R.,  i :  1075. 

9  Vitce  Theolog.,  333. 


176  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

This  was  the  last  time  that  Melanchthon  visited 
his  mother,  for  shortly  after  his  return  to  Witten- 
berg he  received  intelligence  of  her  death.1 

March  I3th,  Melanchthon  arrived  at  Spires.  Two 
days  later  the  Diet  was  opened.  The  Recess  of  the 
Diet  of  1526  was  nullified,  and  all  innovations  in  re- 
ligion were  forbidden.  This  arbitrary  action  filled 
the  Evangelicals  with  consternation.  Jacob  Sturm, 
of  Strassburg,  wrote  that  Christ  had  fallen  again  into 
the  hands  of  Caiaphas  and  Pilate.  Melanchthon 
wrote  to  Camerarius : 

"  To-day  the  imperial  mandate  was  read.  It  is  simply 
dreadful.  The  former  Recess  of  Spires  has  been  abro- 
gated. Many  dire  punishments  are  threatened  those 
who  will  not  heed  the  edict.  The  rest  concerns  the 
Turkish  •  War.  You  have  the  sum  of  what  has  been 
done.  You  can  easily  see  what  danger  we  are  in.'  The 
attendance  of  bishops  is  larger  than  at  any  previous 
diet.  Some  of  them  show  by  their  looks  how  they  hate 
us,  and  what  they  are  contriving.  May  Christ  look 
upon  and  save  the  poor  people,  for  in  the  city  we  are 
outcasts.  You  know  that  I  feel  the  lack  of  many  things 
on  our  side;  yet  nothing  is  done  to  remove  our  faults, 
but  everything  to  oppress  the  good  cause.  May  Christ 
frustrate  the  counsels  of  the  Gentiles,  which  mean  war." 

The  mind  of  the  Catholics  is  well  illustrated  by 
the  declaration  of  John  Fabri,  that  the  Turks  are 
better  than  the  Lutherans,  for  the  former  fast,  and 
the  latter  do  not;  and  again,  "  That  if  the  alterna- 

1  c.  J?.,  i :  1083. 
9  C.  R.,  i :  1039. 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  177 

tive  were  required,  he  would  rather  reject  the  Script- 
ures than  the  venerable  errors  of  the  Church." 
Melanchthon  declared  that  it  would  require  a  long 
Iliad  to  recite  all  of  Fabri's  blasphemies.1 

After  a  long  debate  about  religion  it  was  decreed 
that  those  who  had  observed  the  Diet  of  Worms 
should  continue  to  do  so,  and  oblige  their  children 
to  do  so,  until  the  meeting  of  a  council,  which  was 
promised ;  that  those  who  had  changed  their  re- 
ligion, and  could  not  now  retract  for  fear  of  troubles 
and  seditions,  should  make  no  more  innovations 
before  the  sitting  of  a  council ;  that  the  doctrine  of 
those  who  dissent  from  the  Church  about  the  Sup- 
per of  the  Lord,  should  not  be  received ;  that  the 
Mass  should  not  be  abolished,  and  that  those  who 
wished  should  not  be  hindered  from  going  to  Mass 
in  those  places  where  a  new  doctrine  was  taught ; 
that  ministers  should  preach  according  to  the  sense 
of  Scripture  approved  by  the  Church.2 

Against  this  decree,  which  was  enacted  by  a 
majority  vote,  and  was  read  on  Sunday,  the  Evan- 
gelical minority  presented  their  celebrated  Protest, 
April  iQth,  on  which  account  they  were  in  derision 
called  Protestants  by  their  enemies. 

Ferdinand,  who  represented  the  Emperor,  refused 
the  Protest,  and  adjourned  the  Diet,  April  24th. 
The  following  day  the  Protestants  added  an  Appeal 
to  the  Emperor,  to  a  national  council,  or  to  impartial 
judges,  and  sent  both  documents  to  the  Emperor. 

These  two  important  documents  were  signed  by 

1 C.  R.,  i :  1041,  1046. 

2Sleidan,  p.  118,  Eng.  Trans. 


178  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

John,  Elector  of  Saxony  ;  Philip,  Landgrave  of 
Hesse;  George,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg;  Ernest, 
Duke  of  Brunswick-Liineburg;  Wolfgang,  Prince  of 
Anhalt ;  and  by  fourteen  imperial  cities. 

What  part  Melanchthon  took  in  the  composition 
of  the  Protest,  and  of  the  Appeal,  is  not  now  known ; 
but  it  is  not  likely  that  the  chief  theological  coun- 
sellor of  the  leading  Protestant  prince  was  an  idle 
spectator. 

In  one  other  matter,  which  was  now  brought  into 
prominence,  he  did  what  will  forever  stand  to  his 
honour.  The  paragraph  in  the  Decree  of  the  Diet 
about  the  Lord's  Supper  was  directed  against  the 
Zwinglians.  The  aim  of  the  Romanists  was  to 
divide  the  reforming  forces  by  passing  sentence  on 
the  Zwinglian  doctrine  without  allowing  its  adher- 
ents a  hearing.  Here  it  was  that  Melanchthon  in- 
sisted that  the  Zwinglians  should  not  be  condemned 
until  they  had  been  heard.  This  he  did,  not  be- 
cause he  approved  the  doctrine  of  the  Zwinglians, 
but  because  he  regarded  it  as  wrong  to  condemn 
them  unheard. 

It  was  during  the  sitting  of  this  Diet  that  the 
Evangelicals  felt  the  need  of  united  action.  April 
22d,  the  Saxons  and  Hessians  formed  a  defensive 
alliance  with  Strassburg,  Ulm,  and  Nuremberg. 
The  Landgrave  wished  to  include  the  Swiss.  This 
at  once  brought  up  the  question  of  the  Swiss  teach- 
ing on  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  bitter  controversy 
which  for  years  had  raged  between  Luther  and 
Zwingli  on  that  subject.  The  former,  after  aban- 
doning the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and  hesi- 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  179 

tating  for  some  time  about  the  meaning  of  the  words 
of  institution,  had  finally  settled  down  in  the  doctrine 
that  the  body  of  Christ  is  really  and  substantially 
present  in  the  bread,  and  that  the  blood  of  Christ  is 
really  and  substantially  present  in  the  wine,  and 
that  body  and  blood,  without  any  change  in  the 
material  elements,  are  really  given  to  all  who  com- 
mune in  the  Lord's  Supper.  In  controversy  he 
affirmed  the  doctrine  of  Ubiquity,  as  a  condition  or 
prerequisite  of  the  presence  of  the  body  of  Christ 
in  the  Supper,  though  it  is  proper  to  state  that  he 
never  laid  much  stress  on  this  doctrine,  but  based 
his  views  chiefly  on  the  words  of  institution. 

Melanchthon  was  the  disciple  of  Luther  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  though  not  without 
many  misgivings  and  some  formal  deviations.  Al- 
ready in  December,  1527,  at  Torgau,  he  expressed 
some  doubt  to  Luther  about  his  doctrine  of  the 
Supper;  but  when  the  latter  assured  him  that  he 
did  not  in  the  least  doubt  the  correctness  of  his 
doctrine,  Melanchthon  declared  himself  satisfied, 
and  rejoiced  in  his  friend's  steadfastness.1  His 
mind  at  this  time  was  deeply  interested  in  the  sub- 
ject. To  the  preachers  of  Reutlingen  he  wrote  from 
Marburg,  "  Not  without  the  greatest  struggle  have 
I  come  to  hold  that  the  Lord's  body  is  truly  present 
in  the  Supper."  2  And  in  1537  he  wrote  that  "  not 
a  day  nor  night  had  passed  for  ten  years  in  which 
he  had  not  thought  on  the  subject."  3  He  declares 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  913  ;  4  :  964. 
2C.  R.,  i  :  1106. 
SC.^.,3:  537. 


i8o  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

that  the  doctrine  of  Luther  is  very  old,  and  that  a 
good  man  will  not  rashly  depart  from  the  teaching 
of  the  ancients.1  In  this,  as  in  many,  things,  he  was 
much  influenced  by  his  dislike  of  innovation.  April 
8,  1529,  he  wrote  to  CEcolampadius :  "  I  am  not 
willing  to  be  the  author  or  defender  of  a  new  dogma 
in  the  Church."  *  Neither  could  he  endure  specu- 
lation on  this  subject,  but  preferred  to  treat  it  as  a 
mystery,  and  "  without  subtlety."  The  ability  of 
Christ  to  be  present  in  the  Supper  he  makes  depend- 
ent upon  the  divine  appointment,  and  thus  modifies 
Luther's  doctrine  of  Ubiquity: 

"  That  Christ  gives  us  his  body  and  blood  does  not 
depend  upon  the  prayers  of  the  priest  or  of  the  people, 
for  that  would  be  magical.  I  prefer  that  it  should  be 
referred  to  the  institution  of  Christ.  For  as.  the  sun 
rises  daily  by  the  divine  appointment,  so  the  body  of 
Christ  is  in  the  Church  wherever  the  Church  is.  No 
sufficient  proof  is  offered  that  the  body  of  Christ  cannot 
be  in  many  places.  Christ  is  exalted  above  ail  creatures 
and  is  everywhere." 

It  was  the  fact  of  the  real  presence  and  reception 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the  Supper  which 
Luther  emphasised  as  over  against  the.  doctrine  of 
Zwingli,  who  denied  such  presence  and  reception 
except  by  the  contemplation  of  faith,  and  inter- 
preted the  words  of  institution,  "  This  is  my  body," 
as,  "  This  signifies  my  body." 

1  C.  R.,  i .-  823,  830. 

2  C.  R.,  i :  1048. 
*C.  *.,  i:  948,949. 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  181 

Melanchthon  was  as  violent  against  such  a  doctrine 
of  the  Supper  as  his  mild  nature  would  permit  him 
to  be.  In  May,  1528,  he  wrote: 

"  Instead  of  theologians  they  [the  Zwinglians]  seem 
to  me  gradually  to  have  become  sophists,  for  I  see  that 
they  rationalise  and  philosophise  about  the  doctrines  of 
Christ.  It  is  on  this  account  that  I  have  not  mixed  in 
the  controversy  on  the  Eucharist.  But  so  soon  as  I 
shall  have  leisure,  I  will  express  my  view.  They  repre- 
sent Christ  as  sitting  in  one  place,  as  Homer  does  his 
Jove  living  with  the  ^Ethiopians.  To  deny  the  presence 
of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist  seems  to  me  most  contrary  to 
the  Scripture." 

And  in  1530  he  wrote:  "  I  would  rather  die  than 
affirm  with  them  [the  Zwinglians]  that  Christ's  body 
can  be  in  only  one  place."  * 

Besides  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  the 
Wittenberg  theologians  held  the  Zwinglians  as  error- 
ists  in  other  important  doctrines.  In  1528,  Luther 
had  indeed  declared,  "  I  confess  that  I  do  not  re- 
gard Zwingli  as  a  Christian,  for  he  holds  and  teaches 
no  part  of  the  Christian  faith  correctly,  and  has  be- 
come seven-fold  worse  than  when  he  was  a  papist." 
Melanchthon  wrote  in  March,  1530: 

"  Justifying  faith  is  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  books 
of  the  Zwinglians.  When  they  speak  of  faith  they  do 
not  mean  that  which  believes  the  remission  of  sins, 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  974. 
•C  #.,  2:  25. 
3Erlangen  ed.,  30  :  225. 


1 82  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

which  believes  that  we  are  received  into  grace,  heard 
and  kept  by  God,  but  they  mean  a  historical  faith." 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  under  these  circumstances 
both  Luther  and  Melanchthon  would  oppose  an 
alliance  with  the  Swiss  for  the  protection  of  religion. 
Melanchthon  wrote  to  Baumgartner  of  Nuremberg 
urging  him  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  defeat  the  alli- 
ance with  the  Zwinglians,  saying,  "It  is  not  right 
to  defend  an  impious  doctrine,  or  to  confirm  the 
power  of  those  who  maintain  an  impious  doctrine, 
lest  the  poison  spread."  2  The  Nurembergers  with- 
drew from  the  alliance,  and  at  the  urgent  solicitation 
of  Luther  the  Elector  did  the  same.  Thus  the 
matter  ended  for  the  time  being.  But  the  Land- 
grave, who  was  ever  ready  to  form  political  combina- 
tions for  the  defence  of  religion,  was  not  easily 
diverted  from  his  purpose.  He  now  sought  to  bring 
the  theologians  of  both  sides  together,  that  they 
might  talk  over  their  differences  and  come  to  an 
understanding.  As  early  as  February,  1529,  on  the 
way  to  Spires,  he  had  spoken  to  the  Elector  of 
the  desirability  of  a  colloquy  between  Luther  and 
Zwingli.  At  Spires  Melanchthon  received  a  letter 
from  CEcolampadius  in  which  the  latter  begged  that 
the  Swiss  be  not  cast  off  by  the  Germans,  saying, 
among  other  things,  "  You  can  certainly  affirm  that 
we  take  it  ill  when  it  is  said  that  like  Judas,  or  the 
cattle,  we  eat  nothing  but  bread  in  the  Lord's 
Supper."8 

1C.  ^.,2:  25. 

8  6'.  tf.,  I  :   1070. 

8  Quoted  by  Schmidt,  p.  171. 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  183 

On  his  return  from  Spires,  Melanchthon,  to  whom 
the  Landgrave  had  made  known  his  wish,  mentioned 
the  matter  to  Luther.  But  Luther  did  not  think 
that  any  good  could  come  from  such  a  colloquy  as 
was  proposed.  Nevertheless  they  agreed  to  lay  the 
matter  before  the  Elector,  saying,  "  If  your  Elec- 
toral Grace  thinks  it  would  be  proper  to  hold  such  a 
colloquy,  there  will  be  no  hesitation  on  our  part."  1 

At  the  same  time  Melanchthon  wrote  an  Opinion 
for  the  Electoral  Prince  in  which  he  expresses  his 
willingness  to  confer  with  CEcolampadius  on  the 
Sacrament,  but  thinks  a  colloquy  with  Zwingli 
would  be  unprofitable.  He  also  thinks  that  "  some 
honourable  and  reasonable  papists  "  ought  to  be 
present  to  hear  both  sides,  otherwise  it  might  be  said 
that  the  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians  had  met  to  form 
a  conspiracy.  He  declares  that  he  will  never  agree 
with  the  Strassburgers,  and  says,  "  I  know  that 
Zwingli  and  his  followers  have  written  erroneously 
of  the  Sacrament."  3 

The  letters  of  Melanchthon  and  Luther  show  con- 
clusively that  they  both  disapproved  of  the  colloquy, 
not  because  they  were  afraid  to  meet  their  oppon- 
ents, but  because  they  sincerely  believed  that  the 
chief  disputants  were  so  fully  set  in  their  respective 
beliefs  that  no  understanding  could  be  reached. 
Besides,  they  were  both  fundamentally  opposed  to 
defending  the  Gospel  by  the  sword,  and  the  pro- 
posed colloquy  was  intended  to  be  a  step  toward 
that  end. 


1 84  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Melanchthon  became  almost  frantic  as  he  forecast 
the  probable  results  of  a  colloquy.  He  wrote  to 
Ulrich  Wiland,  saying: 

"  There  are_^  learned  men  on  the  side  of  the  Zwin- 
glians,  able  disputants,  who  have  many  plausible  reasons 
and  testimonies  from  the  early  Church,  which  they  will 
so  use  as  to  make  it  appear  that  the  early  Church  favours 
their  view. '  But  they  bring  nothing  which  satisfies  the 
heart,  and  they  find  fault  with  us  if  we  seek  greater 
certainty.  There  is  unspeakable  danger  in  spreading, 
with  a  doubting  conscience,  a  new  dogma,  which  may 
bring  a  dreadful  revolution  not  only  upon  the  Church, 
but  upon  all  the  states  of  the  Empire."  1 

Says  Schmidt: 

"  It  was  manifestly  a  painful  time  for  Melanchthon. 
In  his  embarrassment  he  mingled  political  apprehensions 
and  theological  scruples;  personal  prejudices  against 
men  whom  he  knew  not,  and  objections  to  a  doctrine 
which  he  regarded  as  a  new  and  unscriptural  invention. 
Though  with  justice  he  regarded  Zwingli's  opinion  as 
unsatisfactory,  yet  he  felt  the  weight  of  some  of  the 
arguments  which  had  been  developed  against  the  view  of 
Luther.  He  struggled  with  himself,  but  he  returned  to 
his  former  convictions,  for  there  seemed  to  be  no  other 
way  open  to  him  by  which  to  lift  himself  above  the  two 


At  length   the  Elector  gave  his  consent  to  the 

1  Epist.  Judic.,  etc.,  p.  40. 
9  Schmidt,  Philipp  Mel.,  175. 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  185 

holding  of  the  colloquy,  but  wished,  for  political 
reasons,  that  it  might  take  place  at  Nuremberg.1 

Luther  and  Melanchthon  both  wrote  the  Land- 
grave that  they  were  willing  to  meet  the  Zwinglians 
in  colloquy,  but  that  they  did  not  expect  very 
favourable  results.2  They  say  nothing  about  Nurem- 
berg. 

The  Landgrave,  who  had  determined  that  the 
colloquy  should  be  held  in  his  own  dominions,  issued 
invitations  to  Zwingli  of  Zurich,  Haller  of  Bern, 
CEcolampadius  of  Basel,  Hedio  and  Bucer  of  Strass- 
burg,  Brentz  of  Swabian  Hall,  Urban  Regius  of 
Augsburg,  and  Schwebel  of  Zweibriicken.  But  no 
Catholic  theologians  were  invited,  as  Luther  and 
Melanchthon  had  suggested.  On  July  8th,  Luther 
and  Melanchthon  addressed  the  Landgrave  jointly 
as  follows : 

"  As  your  Grace  has  received  our  letters  and  has 
decided  that  we  should  come  to  Marburg,  with  the  hope 
that  unity  will  result,  we  shall  cheerfully  do  our  part,  and 
at  the  time  appointed,  if  alive  and  well,  we  will  appear 
in  Marburg.  The  Father  of  mercy  and  unity  grant  his 
Spirit  that  we  may  not  meet  in  vain,  but  for  good,  and 
not  for  injury.  Amen."3 

September  29,  1529,  Zwingli,  CEcolampadius, 
Bucer,  Hedio,  and  Jacob  Sturm  came  to  Marburg. 
The  next  day  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  Cruci- 
ger,  Menius,  Brentz,  Osiander,  and  Stephen  Agri- 

lc.  R.,  i :  1071. 

9DeW.,  3:  473;  C,  7?.,  i:  1078. 
*C.  R.,  i  :  1080. 


1 86  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

cola  arrived.  They  were  all  entertained  with  almost 
princely  hospitality  in  the  castle.  The  Landgrave 
arranged  for  a  preliminary  interview  between  Luther 
and  CEcolampadius,  and  between  Zwingli  and  Me- 
lanchthon. Each  pair  was  closeted  separately  for 
six  hours.  On  the  doctrines  of  Original  Sin,  Faith, 
and  the  Trinity  a  satisfactory  conclusion  was  soon 
reached  between  Zwingli  and  Melanchthon.  On 
the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  there  was  no  agree- 
ment. Each  stood  essentially  by  his  former  posi- 
tion. Melanchthon  declared  that  he  would  stand 
by  the  simple  plain  sense  of  the  words  of  institution. 
Zwingli  denied  that  Melanchthon  had  the  true  con- 
ception of  these  words.  The  conference  between 
Luther  and  CEcolampadius  likewise  was  without 
effect  on  the  main  question. 

The  two  following  days  the  colloquy  was  con- 
ducted more  publicly,  but  chiefly  between  Luther 
on  the  one  side  and  Zwingli  and  CEcolampadius  on 
the  other.  Neither  side  advanced  any  new  argu- 
ments, and  neither  made  any  impression  on  the  other. 
The  Zwinglians  insisted  that  a  body  must  be  con- 
fined to  one  definite  place.  This  Luther  denied. 
The  Zwinglians  appealed  to  John  vi.  33  :  "  It  is  the 
Spirit  that  quickeneth;  the  flesh  profiteth  nothing." 
Luther  refused  to  admit  that  this  passage  has  any- 
thing to  do  with  the  Supper.  Finally  the  Zwin- 
glians declared  that  there  were  no  persons  on  earth 
with  whom  they  were  so  anxious  to  agree  as  with 
Luther  and  Melanchthon.  Luther  replied,  "  Your 
spirit  is  different  from  ours."  This  practically 
ended  the  colloquy,  though  both  parties  agreed  that 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  187 

they  would  not  in  the  future  write  so  bitterly  against 
each  other  as  they  had  previously  done. 

In  order  to  show  that  the  colloquy  had  not  been 
a  complete  failure,  the  Landgrave  commissioned 
Luther,  with  the  assistance  of  the  other  theologians, 
to  compose  some  articles  of  doctrine.  He  replied, 
'  I  will  do  the  best  I  can,  but  they  will  not  receive 
them. ' '  He  then  immediately  wrote  fifteen  articles, 
covering  the  chief  doctrines  -of  the  Reformation. 
On  fourteen  of  these,  after  a  few  changes  in  form, 
there  was  no  dissent.  The  fifteenth  reads  as  follows : 

"  We  all  believe  and  hold  concerning  the  Supper  of 
our  dear  Lord  Jesus  Christ  that  both  forms  should  be 
used  according  to  the  institution,  also  that  the  Mass  is 
not  a  work,  whereby  one  obtains  grace  for  another,  dead 
and  living;  also  that  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  is  a 
sacrament  of  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  that  the  spiritual  partaking  of  this  body  and  blood 
is  specially  necessary  to  every  true  Christian.  In  like 
manner,  as  to  the  use  of  the  sacrament,  that  like  the 
Word  of  God  Almighty,  it  has  been  given  and  ordained, 
in  order  that  weak  consciences  might  be  excited  by  the 
Holy  Ghost  to  faith  and  love. 

"  And  although  we  are  not  at  this  time  agreed,  as  to 
whether  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  bodily 
present  in  the  bread  and  wine,  nevertheless  the  one  party 
should  show  to  the  other  Christian  love,  so  far  as  con- 
science can  permit,  and  both  should  fervently  pray  God 
Almighty,  that  by  his  Spirit  he  would  confirm  us  in  the 
true  understanding." 

The  fifteen  articles  were  subscribed  by  Luther, 
Melanchthon,  Jonas,  Osiander,  Brentz,  and  Agri- 


1 88  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

cola  on  the  one  side,  and  by  CEcolampadius,  Zwingli, 
Bucer,  and  Hedio  on  the  other.  The  articles  are 
characterised  by  simplicity,  and  by  greater  mildness 
in  statement  than  might  naturally  have  been  ex- 
pected of  Luther  at  that  time.  They  have  no  con- 
fessional value  either  in  the  Lutheran  or  in  the 
Reformed  Church,  but  are  of  great  historical  signifi- 
cance as  preliminary  to  the  Lutheran  confessional 
system. 

While  the  Landgrave  was  trying  at  Marburg  to 
bring  about  an  understanding  between  the  Saxon 
and  Swiss  theologians,  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and 
the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg  were  deliberating  at 
Schleiz  on  the  propriety  of  forming  an  alliance  with 
the  Landgrave  and  the  cities  of  Upper  Germany  for 
mutual  support  in  case  of  an  attack  by  the  Emperor, 
which  at  this  time  was  greatly  feared.  It  was  agreed 
that  doctrine  should  be  the  first  condition  of  the 
alliance,  since  the  protection  of  religion  was  the 
chief  end  in  view.  Luther  was  instructed  to  bring 
together  a  summary  of  the  evangelical  doctrines, 
and  to  have  it  in  readiness.  On  the  basis  of  the 
Marburg  Articles  he  and  his  companions  composed 
seventeen  articles,  which  on  the  fifth  or  sixth  of 
October,  1529,  were  carried  to  Schleiz.  At  a 
convention  held  at  Schwabach,  near  Nuremberg, 
October  i6th,  these  articles  were  presented  by 
representatives  of  the  Elector  and  the  Margrave; 
but  the  representatives  of  Upper  Germany  refused 
to  sign  them,  inasmuch  as  they  had  not  been  in- 
structed to  that  effect.  Hence  the  convention  was 
without  consequence. 


ANDREW  OSIANDER. 


1529]  Spires  and  Marburg  189 

Luther  tells  us  that  he  "  helped  to  compose  such 
articles,"  and  that  they  were  not  intended  for  pub- 
lication.1 His  companions  in  this  work  were  Me- 
lanchthon,  Jonas,  Osiander,  Brentz,  and  Agricola. 
Yet  the  articles  bear  throughout  the  imprint  of 
Luther's  peculiar  spirit,  and  contain  a  more  positive 
and  distinct  statement  of  the  Lutheran  doctrines 
than  is  found  in  the  Marburg  Articles.  "  But  the 
style,  language,  and  expression  show  unquestionably 
an  influence  from  the  pen  of  Melanchthon."  3 

At  Schwabach  these  Articles  bore  the  title: 
"  Articles  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony  concerning 
Faith."  But  they  are  known  in  history  properly 
as  the  Schwabach  Articles.  They  were  used  by 
Melanchthon  as  the  foundation  of  "  the  first  or  dog- 
matic half  of  the  Augustana,  whose  seventeen  funda- 
mental or  chief  articles  agree  with  the  seventeen 
Schwabach  Articles  in  numbering,  and  in  large  part 
also  in  arrangement."  3 

1  Erlangen  ed.,  24  :  337. 
2Zockler,  Augs.  Con.,  p.  9. 
3  Zockler,  Ibia. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

MELANCHTHON   AND    THE    AUGSBURG    CONFESSION 

The  Evil  Aspect  of  Affairs— The  Emperor  Orders  a  Diet  at  Augs- 
burg— Protestant  Princes  and  Theologians  Gather  at  Augsburg 
— Melanchthon  Writes  the  Augsburg  Confession. 

THE  year  1530  opened  very  inauspiciously  for  the 
Protestants.  Their  efforts  of  the  preceding 
year  to  effect  a  defensive  union  had  failed.  The 
ambassadors,  John  Eckinger,  Alexius  Faventraut, 
and  Michael  Kaden,  who  had  carried  the  Protest 
and  Appeal  to  the  Emperor,  had  been  detained  as 
prisoners  at  Piacenza  and  Parma,  and  had  been 
charged  under  threat  of  death  not  to  communicate 
with  their  principals  in  Germany.  The  Emperor 
and  the  Pope  had  composed  their  differences,  and 
were  living  in  the  same  palace  at  Bologna.  The 
former  had  pledged  himself  to  the  latter  to  bring 
back  the  dissidents  to  the  faith,  and  "  to  avenge  the 
insult  offered  to  Christ."  Campeggius  was  urging 
the  Emperor  to  try  promises,  threats,  and  alliances, 
and,  should  these  fail,  to  apply  fire  and  sword. 
From  Italy  came  only  appalling  rumours,  while  in 

190 


The  Augsburg  Confession         191 

Germany  Ferdinand  was  playing  the  hypocrite  with 
the  Elector  in  order  to  gain  time.1 

January  6,  1530,  representatives  of  the  Protest- 
ants met  at  Nuremberg  to  take  counsel  for  the  emerg- 
ency; but  they  quarrelled  among  themselves,  and 
separated  without  having  reached  a  conclusion.  Both 
Luther  and  Melanchthon  had  powerfully  insisted 
that  the  Emperor  should  be  obeyed,  even  though 
he  should  come  with  fire  and  sword,  for  the  Gospel 
must  not  be  defended  by  violence.  Melanchthon 
wrote  the  Elector:  "It  is  not  lawful  to  take  arms 
against  the  Emperor  even  though  he  come  with 
violence.  Everyone  must  profess  the  Gospel  at  his 
own  peril."2  Luther  exclaimed,  "  God  is  faithful 
and  will  not  forsake  us,"  and  quoted  the  words  of 
the  prophet,  "  Be  still  and  ye  shall  be  holpen." 
'  Unquestionably  this  is  not  prudent,  but  it  is 
great,"  says  Ranke. 

Suddenly  this  mighty  tension  in  Germany  was 
broken.  January  21,  1530,  the  Emperor  issued  a 
mandate  from  Bologna  announcing  an  Imperial 
Diet  at  Augsburg,  to  begin  April  8th.  The  refer- 
ence to  religion  was  couched  in  mild  and  conciliatory 
language : 

"  To  consult  and  decide  about  the  disturbances  and 
dissensions  in  the  Holy  Faith  and  Christian  Religion. 
And  in  order  that  all  dissensions,  differences,  and  errors 
may  be  abolished  in  a  salutary  manner,  all  sentiments 
and  opinions  are  to  be  heard,  understood,  and  considered 


1  Ranke,  v.,  ix. 

2  C.  R. ,  2  :  20-22. 


1 92  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

between  us  in  love  and  kindness,  and  are  to  be  composed 
in  sincerity,  so  as  to  put  away  what  is  not  right  in  both 
parties,  that  true  religion  may  be  accepted  and  held  by 
us  all,  that  as  we  live  and  serve  under  one  Christ,  so  we 
may  live  in  one  fellowship,  Church,  and  unity." 

The  Imperial  Rescript  reached  the  Elector  at 
Torgau,  March  nth.  The  pacific  tone  of  the  docu- 
ment inspired  the  hope  that  the  long-desired  General 
Council  was  about  to  be  held.  The  Elector,  follow- 
ing the  advice  of  his  counsellors,  decided  to  attend, 
and  began  at  once  to  make  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions for  the  journey.  Luther,  Jonas,  Melanchthon, 
Musa  of  Jena,  Agricola,  and  Spalatin  were  to  attend 
"  as  learned  counsellors."  The  first-named  was  to 
remain  at  Nuremberg  and  await  further  decision. 

Chancellor  Briick  then  suggested  that  their  party 
should  prepare  a  written  statement  of  matters  in 
dispute,  fortified  by  ample  proof  from  the  Script- 
ures, and  have  it  in  readiness  for  the  Diet.  Ac- 
cordingly the  Elector  commanded  his  theologians 
to  compose  articles  of  faith  and  external  ceremonies, 
that  at  the  opening  of  the  Diet  it  might  be  decided 
what  could  be  done  with  a  good  conscience  and 
without  offence,  and  to  present  themselves  at  Tor- 
gau, Sunday,  March  2Oth.  Not  appearing  at  the 
appointed  time,  the  next  day  the  Elector  wrote 
them  to  hasten,  and  to  bring  their  books,  as  other 
matters  awaited  consideration.  On  the  2/th,  Me- 
lanchthon was  at  Torgau,  but  Luther  probably  did 
not  go.a 

1  Original  in  Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch,  i. 
'Kostlin,  ii.,  651. 


Iff 


The  Augsburg  Confession         193 

There  is  no  record  in  evidence  that  Melanchthon 
took  any  documents  with  him  to  Torgau.  It  is  not 
improbable,  however,  that  for  "  doctrine  "  he  ap- 
pealed to  the  Articles  which  a  few  months  before 
had  been  presented  at  Schwabach,  and  which  their 
authors  had  not  yet  published.  Of  specific  "  Torgau 
Articles  "  we  have  no  report  from  the  times.  It  is 
the  judgment  of  many  scholars  that  the  Schwabach 
Articles  must  be  included  in  the  common  designa- 
tion, '  Torgau  Articles."  For  "  external  cere- 
monies "  it  is  highly  probable  that  Melanchthon 
handed  in  an  essay  composed  by  himself,  March 
I4th-27th.1  This  essay,  after  a  brief  introduction, 
treats:  (i)  Of  the  Doctrine  and  Ordinances  of  Men, 
(2)  Of  the  Marriage  of  Priests,  (3)  Of  Both  Forms, 
(4)  Of  the  Mass,  (5)  Of  Confession,  (6)  Of  Jurisdic- 
tion, (7)  Of  Ordination,  (8)  Of  Vows,  (9)  Of  the 
Worship  of  Saints,  (10)  Of  German  Singing. 

This  essay  would  doubtless  be  accepted  by  the 
Elector,  and  taken  by  him  to  Augsburg,  as  an  im- 
portant document  coming  from  the  pen  of  one  who 
was  held  in  the  highest  esteem  for  learning  and 
moderation. 

April  3d,  Luther,  Melanchthon,  and  Jonas  left 
Wittenberg  to  join  the  Elector  at  Torgau,  who,  the 
next  day,  after  ordering  prayer  to  be  offered  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  land  for  God's  blessing  upon  the 


'Catalogued  "A"  in  Forstemann's  Urkundenbuch,  pp.  68-84; 
English  in  Jacobs'  Book  of  Concord,  ii.,  75-86.  See  Plitt's  Einlei- 
tung,  i.,  520;  Breiger,  Kirchenges.  Studien,  267  et  seqq.  ;  Knaake, 
Luther  s  Antheil  an  d.  Augs.  Conf.  ;  Real-Encyc.  (3d),  ii.,  243  ;  C. 
R.,4:  981,  985. 


194  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Diet,  set  out  for  Augsburg,  having  in  his  train,  be- 
sides "  the  learned  counsellors,"  his  son  John  Fred- 
erick; Francis,  Duke  of  Luneburg;  Wolfgang,  Prince 
of  Anhalt ;  Albert,  Count  of  Mansfeld  ;  with  seventy 
other  noblemen  and  their  escorts,  numbering  in  all 
one  hundred  and  sixty  persons.  They  took  with 
them  three  chests  of  Documents,  among  which  were 
the  Marburg  and  the  Schwabach  Articles,  and  "  The 
Opinion  (Bedenken)  of  the  learned  at  Wittenberg, 
which  is  to  be  delivered  to  his  Imperial  Majesty 
about  Ceremonies  and  What  is  connected  there- 
with," which  last,  the  same  that  is  described  above 
as  composed  by  Melanchthon,  is  now  regarded  as 
the  basis  of  the  second  or  apologetic  part  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession. 

The  Electoral  train  passed  through  Grimma,  Al- 
tenburg,  and  Isenberg,  and  arrived  at  Weimar  on 
Saturday  the  Qth.  Here  Luther  preached  the  next 
day,  and  the  Elector  partook  of  the  communion. 
Coburg  was  reached  on  the  I5th,  where  a  halt  was 
made  in  order  to  gain  intelligence  about  the  Em- 
peror. Here  it  was  decided  that  Luther  should 
remain  at  Coburg,  inasmuch  as  the  Nurembergers 
declined  to  furnish  him  either  a  safe-conduct  or 
hospitality  during  the  Diet.1  For  his  better  secur- 
ity he  was  placed  in  the  castle.  At  Coburg  he 
would  be  safe,  and  could  be  reached  by  messenger 
from  Augsburg  in  about  four  days.  As  he  was  still 
under  the  imperial  ban  he  would  have  been  out- 
lawed at  Augsburg.  His  life  also  would  have  been 


1  Kolde  in  Kirchengesch.  Studien^  p.  255  et  seqq. 


The  Augsburg  Confession        195 

in  danger,  and  his  wonted  violence  in  discussion 
would  have  been  fatal  to  the  Protestant  cause.1 

At  Coburg,  or  on  the  way  thither,  Melanchthon 
was  commissioned  to  write  a  defensive  statement, 
which  at  first  was  called  an  Apology,  and  which  after 
passing  through  many  changes  finally  became  the 
Augsburg  Confession. 

How  much  of  the  Apology  was  written  at  Coburg 
and  subsequently  on  the  way  thence  to  Augsburg, 
or  what  was  its  first  form,  is  not  now  known.  May 
4th,  two  days  after  the  Electoral  party  arrived  at 
Augsburg,  Melanchthon  wrote  to  Luther:  "  I  have 
made  the  exordium  of  our  Apology  somewhat  more 
rhetorical  than  I  had  written  it  at  Coburg.  In  a 
short  time  I  will  bring  it,  or  if  the  Prince  will  not 
permit  that,  I  will  send  it."2  It  is  not  supposed 
that  the  "  exordium  "  mentioned  in  the  letter  forms 
any  part  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  It  was  no 
doubt  omitted  when  it  was  found  that  the  Emperor 
would  require  brevity,  and  when  unexpected  condi- 
tions forced  a  change  in  the  method  of  representation. 

Dr.  John  Eck,  at  the  instance  of  the  dukes  of 
Bavaria,  had  composed  a  book  of  404  articles,  made 
up  chiefly  of  passages  garbled  from  the  writings  of 
Luther,  Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  Carlstadt,  John 
Denck,  and  Balthaser  Hubmeier.  This  book  he 
sent  to  the  Emperor  as  an  exhibition  of  the  doc- 
trines of  those  who  were  disturbing  the  Church. 
His  object  was  to  identify  the  Reformers  with  the 
ancient  heretics  and  the  modern  fanatics.  These 


1  Matthesius,  Ninth  Sermon. 
*C.  R.,  2:  40. 


196  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

articles  had  been  printed  and  circulated  among 
the  people.  The  Apology  could  not  meet  the  de- 
mands of  the  new  situation.  It  way  necessary  now 
expressly  to  disclaim  all  fellowship  with  heretics, 
whether  ancient  or  modern,  and  to  establish  the 
soundness  of  the  Wittenberg  teaching  by  connecting 
it  with  the  teaching  of  the  primitive  Church.  In 
compassing  these  ends  Melanchthon  had  to  keep  in 
view  the  purpose  of  the  Diet,  which  was  to  heal  the 
schism ;  besides,  he  had  to  state  the  common  funda- 
mentals of  Christian  belief  in  the  mildest  possible 
form  consistent  with  truth,  lest  new  contentions 
arise.  These  are  the  points  of  view  from  which 
Melanchthon  now  worked,  and  it  is  from  these 
points  of  view  alone  that  we  can  understand  the 
frequent  references  to  history,  and  the  condemna- 
tory clauses  in  the  Confession.  Indeed,  this  changed 
purpose  is  the  real  beginning  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession as  such.  To  assist  in  realising  this  new  pur- 
pose, Melanchthon  would  naturally  appropriate  the 
materials  at  hand.  Hence  he  took  the  Schwabach 
Articles,  which  had  already  been  approved  by  the 
Elector,  as  the  basis  of  the  doctrinal  part  of  the 
Confession.  His  own  Bedenken,  mentioned  above, 
the  so-called  Torgau  Articles,  would  be  retained  as 
the  basis  of  the  apologetic  part. 

He  wrought  so  rapidly  that  by  May  nth  he 
brought  the  document  into  a  form  suitable  for  pre- 
sentation to  the  Diet.  On  that  day  it  was  sent  to 
Luther  by  the  Elector  with  an  explanatory  letter 
from  himself,  and  with  the  following  note  from 
Melanchthon: 


The  Augsburg  Confession         197 

"  Our  Apology  is  sent  to  you,  though  it  is  more 
properly  a  Confession.  For  the  Emperor  will  not  have 
time  to  hear  prolix  discussions.  I  have  said  those  things 
which  I  thought  especially  profitable  or  becoming.  I 
brought  together  almost  all  the  Articles  of  faith,  because 
Eck  has  published  the  most  diabolical  slanders  against 
us.  Against  these  I  wish  to  oppose  a  remedy.  Do  you 
determine  about  the  whole  writing  in  accordance  with 
your  spirit."  1 

May  1 5th,  Luther  replied  to  the  Elector's  letter 
in  these  words:  "  I  have  read  over  Master  Philip's 
Apology.  I  know  not  how  to  improve  or  change 
it,  nor  would  it  become  me,  since  I  cannot  move  so 
softly  and  gently.  Christ  our  Lord  help  that  it  may 
bring  forth  much  fruit,  as  we  hope  and  pray."  2 

The  Confession  had  now  assumed  a  form  known 
as  "  the  first  draft."  It  was  yet  very  far  from  what 
it  finally  became.  It  did  not  contain  Article  XX., 
Of  Faith  and  Good  Works ;  nor  was  Article  XXVII. , 
Of  Vows,  nor  Article  XXVIII. ,  Of  Ecclesiastical 
Power,  laid  before  Luther  in  their  final  form.  It  is 
probable  that  the  latter  had  not  yet  been  written. 
May  22d,  Melanchthon  asks  the  attention  of  Luther 
to  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Confession  in  so  far 
as  they  were  then  finished,  saying: 

"  In  the  Apology  we  change  many  things  daily.  The 
Article  on  vows,  which  was  too  meager,  I  have  sup- 
planted by  another  discussion  of  the  subject.  I  am  now 
treating  of  the  power  of  the  keys.  I  wish  you  would  run 

1C.J?.,  2:  45,47. 
2De  W.,  4:  17. 


198  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

over  the  articles  of  faith.  If  you  think  there  is  nothing 
defective  in  them,  we  will  treat  the  rest  as  best  we  can, 
for  they  must  be  changed  continually  and  adapted  to  the 
circumstances." 

So  far  as  is  known,  this  is  the  last  time  that  Lu- 
ther's attention  was  directed  to  the  Confession  until 
after  it  had  been  presented  before  the  Diet.  Nor  is 
the  matter  again  mentioned  in  the  correspondence 
between  Augsburg  and  Coburg  while  the  Confession 
was  in  further  preparation.  But  Melanchthon  went 
on  changing  and  adapting  it  to  circumstances  until 
the  last  hour  before  the  presentation. 

He  not  only  polished  the  style,  but  he  made 
changes  in  the  matter.  He  aimed  to  unite  perfec- 
tion of  finish  with  fidelity  to  truth  and  history.  To 
this  end  he  sought  assistance  from  the  theologians 
present,  and  from  the  civil  counsellors.  In  his 
efforts  to  conciliate  and  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the 
faith,  he  was  not  a  little  influenced  by  the  irenic 
Bishop  Stadion  of  Augsburg,  and  by  Alphonsus 
Valdesius,  the  Emperor's  secretary.  The  latter 
invited  him  to  an  interview,  and  insisted  on  mild- 
ness and  brevity.  He  said  to  Melanchthon:  "  The 
Spaniards  have  the  idea  that  the  Lutherans  hold 
horrible  things  about  the  Trinity,  Christ,  and  the 
Mother  of  God.  Hence  they  think  it  is  a  more 
meritorious  service  to  kill  a  Lutheran  than  a  Turk." 
"  I  know  it,"  replied  Melanchthon,  "  and  I  have 
spoken  to  several  Spaniards  on  the  subject,  but  I 
have  not  effected  much  with  them."  Valdesius  in- 

1  C.  >?.,  2  :  60. 


The  Augsburg  Confession        199 

quired,  "  What  do  the  Lutherans  want  ?  How  can 
matters  be  remedied  ?"  "  Our  contention,"  said 
Melanchthon,  "  is  not  so  long  and  ill-advised  as  has 
probably  been  reported  to  the  Emperor.  The  dif- 
ference consists  in  the  following  articles :  The  Sacra- 
ment under  both  forms ;  the  marriage  of  priests  and 
monks;  and  the  Mass.  The  Lutherans  do  not 
regard  private  masses  as  right."  He  thought  that 
if  an  understanding  could  be  reached  on  these 
articles,  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  regard  to 
other  things.  The  Secretary  promised  to  report  to 
the  Emperor.  Later,  he  again  called  Melanchthon, 
and  said  that  the  Emperor,  who  was  favourably  dis- 
posed in  the  case,  had  commanded  him  to  speak 
with  Cardinal  Campeggius  on  the  subject.  The 
Cardinal,  he  declared,  was  willing  to  concede  both 
elements  in  the  Sacrament,  and  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy,  but  would  not  yield  in  the  matter  of  private 
masses. 

The  Secretary  also  requested  a  copy  of  the 
Lutheran  Articles,  in  the  briefest  compass,  for  the 
Emperor,  that  he  might  examine  them,  as  "  his 
Majesty  thought  it  would  be  best  to  take  up  the 
subject  quietly  and  not  to  have  a  long  public  dis- 
cussion."1 Melanchthon  referred  the  request  to 
his  principals,  but  these  were  not  willing  to  have 
their  cause  disposed  of  quietly  and  without  a  hear- 
ing. They  had  come  to  Augsburg  to  present  their 
Confession.  They  demanded  to  be  heard.2  The 

1  c.  R.,  2  :  122,  123. 

8  It  is  not  true,  as  reported  by  Coelestin  and  others,  that  Melanch- 
thon sent  articles  to  the  Emperor.  See  C.  R.,  2  :  123. 


200  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Emperor  now  appointed  June  24th  for  the  present- 
ation of  the  Protestant  Confession. 

Prior  to  June  8th,  the  Confession'on  which  Me- 
lanchthon had  been  labouring  was  intended  to  be 
the  reply  of  the  Saxon  Elector  alone.  But  from 
that  time  on,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Margrave  of 
Brandenburg,  seconded  by  the  delegates  of  Nurem- 
berg, it  was  so  shaped  as  to  be  the  Confession  of  all 
the  princes  and  cities  that  had  accepted  the  Lutheran 
Reformation.  Consequently,  June  23d,  the  princes, 
their  counsellors  and  theologians,  and  the  delegates 
from  Nuremberg  and  Reutlingen  assembled  for  con- 
sultation. "  The  Confession  was  read,  examined, 
and  considered."  Melanchthon  desired  that  it 
should  be  subscribed  by  the  theologians.  But  the 
princes  chose  to  confess  their  own  faith  and  that  of 
their  churches.  The  Confession  was  then  solemnly 
subscribed  by  seven  princes,  and  by  the  represent- 
atives of  two  cities. 

Friday,  June  24th,  was  consumed  in  hearing  the 
delegates  from  Austria  touching  the  Turkish  War. 
Saturday,  June  25th,  the  most  memorable  day  in 
Lutheran  history,  the  Diet  assembled  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  private  chapel  of  the  episcopal  palace. 
The  first  hour  was  consumed  with  preliminaries. 
The  Emperor  requested  the  Protestants  simply  to 
hand  in  their  Confession.  This  they  refused  to  do, 
and  expressed  the  desire  to  be  heard.  Then  he 
asked  that  the  Latin  copy  be  read.  The  Elector 
interposed,  and  said  that  as  they  were  on  German 
soil,  he  hoped  his  Majesty  would  permit  the  reading 
of  the  German  copy.  Chancellor  Baier  then  read 


DR.  JOHN   ECK. 

TRADITIONAL    PORTRAIT. 


i53o]        The  Augsburg  Confession        201 

the  German  copy  with  a  voice  so  loud  and  clear  that 
every  word  was  understood,  not  only  by  every  per- 
son in  the  chapel,  but  by  the  throng  assembled  in 
the  court  beneath. 

Both  copies — both  are  to  be  regarded  as  originals 
—were  delivered  to  the  Emperor,  who  gave  the 
German  copy  to  the  Imperial  Chancellor,  the  Elec- 
tor of  Mayence,  but  kept  the  Latin  copy  in  his  own 
hands.  Every  effort  in  later  times  to  recover  the 
originals  has  failed.  It  has  been  thought  that 
the  Latin  was  taken  to  Spain,  and  the  German  to 
the  Council  of  Trent,  and  that  both  have  perished. 

Thus  after  more  than  two  months  of  unremitting 
toil  Melanchthon's  most  arduous  work  was  brought 
to  a  happy  conclusion.  The  Augsburg  Confession 
stands  as  his  loftiest  monument,  and  marks  the  cli- 
max of  his  usefulness.  The  most  eventful  day  of  the 
century  had  dawned.  The  destiny  of  the  Church  and 
of  Civilisation  in  the  West  hung  trembling  in  the 
balance.  A  single  word  misplaced,  a  single  sentence 
wrong,  might  change  the  course  of  history,  and 
shape  the  career  of  millions  unborn.  But  the  man 
for  the  day  was  there — the  only  man  of  the  century 
who  could  have  met  the  demands  of  the  day.  Of 
all  the  great  men  of  that  century,  Philip  Melanch- 
thon  alone  possessed  the  learning,  patience,  mild- 
ness, literary  skill,  and  diplomatic  tact  required  in 
the  composition  of  the  fundamental  Creed  of  Ger- 
man Protestantism ;  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  no  similar  work  ever  gave  its  author  so  much 
anxious  solicitude,  so  many  sleepless  nights,  so 
many  agonising  days.  Every  word  was  weighed; 


202  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

every  thought  was  pondered.  The  Confession  itself, 
to-day  the  Magna  Charta  of  the  faith  of  fifty  mill- 
ions of  Evangelical  Christians,  is  the  'all-sufficient 
proof  of  the  care  bestowed  on  its  composition,  and 
of  the  eminent  qualifications  of  the  author  for  the 
work  assigned  him.  He  was  not  a  philosophical 
genius,  nor  a  speculative  thinker,  but  he  was  a  great 
theologian,  and  a  master  of  the  art  of  expression. 
He  could  draw  truth  from  the  wells  of  salvation, 
and  could  mould  it  in  the  most  perfect  forms  of  ex- 
pression ;  and  it  is  the  boast  of  the  Confession  itself, 
and  of  its  adherents,  that  it  is  drawn  from  the  Word 
of  God,  and  not  from  the  speculations  of  men. 

The  influence  of  the  Confession  was  extraordin- 
arily great.  In  the  consciousness  that  they  had 
confessed  their  faith  before  the  Emperor  and  the 
Empire,  the  Protestants  felt  united  and  strength- 
ened. Spalatin  exclaimed,  "  To-day  occurred  one 
of  the  greatest  events  that  ever  occurred  on  earth." 
Luther  rejoiced  that  he  had  "  lived  to  see  the  hour 
when  Christ  was  confessed  by  such  great  confessors 
in  such  a  glorious  Confession."  1 

Even  the  Emperor  is  said  to  have  exclaimed, 
'  Would  that  such  doctrine  were  preached  through- 
out the  whole  world."  a  Duke  William  of  Bavaria 
said  to  the  Elector,  "  Heretofore  we  have  not  been 
so  informed  of  this  matter  and  doctrine  ";  and  to 
Eck,  "  You  have  assured  us  that  the  Lutherans 
could  easily  be  refuted.  How  is  it  now  ?"  Eck 
answered,  "  With  the  Fathers  it  can  be  done,  but  not 

'De  W.,4:  82. 

1  Luther's  Tischreden,  fol,  346a. 


The  Augsburg  Confession        203 

with  the  Scriptures."  "  Then,"  said  the  Duke,  "  I 
understand  that  the  Lutherans  stand  on  the  Script- 
ures, and  we  Catholics  outside  of  them."  l 

Melanchthon's  own  account  of  the  composition 
of  the  Confession,  written  a  few  months  before  his 
death,  the  fullest  and  most  explicit  that  ever  came 
from  his  pen,  will  be  read  with  interest : 

"  It  is  very  useful  and  necessary  that  everybody,  and 
posterity,  should  know  that  this  Confession,  which  was 
delivered  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  at  Augsburg,  in  the 
Diet  in  the  year  1530,  did  not  proceed  from  individual 
purpose;  nor  was  it  delivered  to  the  Emperor  privately 
and  unsolicited.  On  the  contrary  this  important  matter 
occurred  as  follows:  At  that  time  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.  earnestly  desired  to  have  an  orderly  General  Council 
held.  Hence  after  his  coronation  at  Bologna  he  came  to 
Augsburg  in  the  year  1530,  and  allowed  this  to  take  pre- 
cedence of  all  other  imperial  matters,  since  it  was  evident 
that  difference  in  doctrine  had  arisen  in  several  countries 
and  cities.  And  since  in  this  difference  diverse  opinions 
were  current,  his  Majesty  wished  to  know  what  the  doc- 
trine in  the  churches  was;  and  since  a  change  had  been 
made,  what  the  Elector  and  princes  rested  on.  This 
effort  of  his  Majesty  was  followed  by  a  variety  of  opinions 
and  discussions.  Also  some  papal  writers  had  scattered 
slanders  in  the  Diet,  by  which  abominable  falsehoods 
were  heaped  upon  our  churches,  as  that  they  had  many 
damnable  errors,  and,  like  the  Anabaptists,  were  heretical 
and  seditious. 

'•'  Now  an  answer  had  to  be  made  before  his  Imperial 
Majesty;  and  those  slanders  had  to  be  refuted.  Hence 

1  Walch,  xvi.,   1046. 


204  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

all  the  articles  of  the  Christian  doctrine  were  drawn  up 
in  order  that  everyone  might  know  that  our  churches 
were  unjustly  slandered  by  these  papal  falsehoods.  But 
while  there  were  at  the  same  time  several  diffuse  treatises, 
no  one  wanted  to  put  anything  into  shape.  Besides,  the 
forms  were  different,  since  for  a  long  time  this  important 
matter  had  been  carefully  pondered  and  arranged  by 
several  distinguished  men.  Finally  this  Confession,  so 
God  ordained  and  granted,  was  composed  by  myself, 
which  the  Reverend  Dr.  Martin  Luther  declared  pleased 
him.  But  prior  to  its  being  publicly  read  before  the 
Emperor,  it  was  laid  before  the  Elector,  the  princes,  and 
legates,  who  subscribed  it.  These  with  their  counsellors 
and  preachers  who  were  present  diligently  pondered  all 
the  Articles.  As  now  the  Emperor  required  an  answer, 
this  Confession  was  read  publicly  in  the  presence  of  the 
Emperor  and  of  all  the  Electors,  princes,  and  counsellors 
who  were  at  the  Diet.  Then  the  copy  was  given  to  the 
Emperor,  who  had  it  read  again  in  his  own  council. 

'  Then  the  Confutation  was  prepared  by  the  Papists, 
but  not  published  in  print.  This  was  followed  by  the 
Apology,  which  I  composed,  in  which  several  articles 
are  further  explained.  That  this  was  done  thus,  noble 
princes  and  counts  know;  and  other  honourable  men, 
who  by  the  grace  of  God  still  live,  can  report  that  this 
Confession  was  not  presented  to  the  Emperor  unsolicited. 
It  is  necessary  for  posterity  to  know  this."  ' 

The  mental  agony  which  Melanchthon  endured, 
and  the  opposition  he  experienced  in  the  composition 
of  the  Confession,  are  best  learned  from  his  own 
statements.  To  .his  brother  he  wrote  from  Augs- 
burg: 

1  C.  R.,  g:  929. 


The  Augsburg  Confession        205 

"  I  could  almost  believe  I  was  born  under  an  unlucky 
star.  For  what  distresses  me  most  has  come  upon  me. 
Poverty,  hunger,  contempt,  and  other  misfortunes  I 
could  easily  bear.  But  what  utterly  prostrates  me  is 
strife  and  controversy.  I  had  to  compose  the  Confession 
which  was  to  be  given  to  the  Emperor  and  the  Estates. 
In  spirit  I  foresaw  insults,  wars,  devastation,  battles. 
And  now  does  it  depend  upon  me  to  divert  such  great 
calamity  ?  Oh  God  in  whom  I  trust,  help  thou  me. 
Thou  judgest  us  as  we  purpose  in  heart.  Dear  brother, 
I  dare  not  drop  the  matter  so  long  as  I  live.  But  not 
by  my  fault  shall  peace  be  destroyed.  Other  theologians 
wanted  to  compose  the  Confession.  Would  God  they 
had  had  their  way.  Perhaps  they  could  have  done  it 
better.  Now  they  are  dissatisfied  with  mine,  and  want 
it  changed.  One  cries  out  here,  another  there.  But 
I  must  maintain  my  principle  of  omitting  everything  that 
increases  the  bitterness.  God  is  my  witness  that  my  in- 
tentions have  been  good.  My  reward  is  that  I  shall  be 
hated."  1 

In  1556,  he  wrote  to  Flacius:  "  You  find  fault 
because  I  wrote  the  Repetition  of  the  Confession 
[the  Saxon].  I  also  wrote  the  former  [the  Augs- 
burg]. Then  I  had  many  to  assail  me,  no  one  to 
assist  me."2  Melanchthon  may  have  made  mis- 
takes in  some  instances;  he  may  have  been  inclined 
to  yield  too  much  to  Rome  for  the  sake  of  peace ; 
but  it  is  the  verdict  of  history  that  no  man  ever 
acted  with  purer  motives  than  he.  His  mild  and 
conciliatory  spirit  made  the  Augsburg  Confession  a 

1  Melanch.  Padagogica,  p.  38. 

2  C.  X.,  8  :  843. 


206  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

fact  in  history.     While    other   men  clamoured  for 
war,  he  pleaded  for  peace. 

It  will  assist  in  understanding  the  Airgsburg  Con- 
fession to  learn  from  his  own  pen  the  principle  that 
guided  the  author  in  its  composition,  and  indeed  in 
all  his  theological  teaching: 

"  When  at  Augsburg,  in  '30  I  composed  the  first  Con- 
fession; when  no  one  would  write  a  letter,  and  yet  the 
Emperor  demanded  a  confession;  in  true  sincerity  I 
brought  together  the  summary  of  the  doctrine,  and 
omitted  some  unnecessary  perplexing  discussions,  that 
everyone  might  know  what  the  chief  doctrine  is  in  these 
churches.  This  form  I  continue  to  teach,  and  I  avoid 
some  discussions."  * 

In  the  tenth  Article  he  stated  the  Lutheran  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  a  generic  form,  not  in 
the  specific  formulas  of  Luther,  and  the  doctrine  of 
Predestination  he  purposely  omitted,2  because  of  the 
inextricable  mazes  into  which  it  leads.  Though  he 
composed  the  Confession  and  was  ever  recognised 
by  his  contemporaries  as  its  author,  yet  he  was  for 
the  time  the  common  consciousness,  the  surrogate 
of  his  party.  His  object  was  not  to  state  in  particu- 
lar what  Luther  held  and  taught,  but  what  was  held 
and  taught  in  the  churches  of  the  subscribing  princes 
and  cities.  This  is  the  true  idea  in  regard  to  a  con- 
fession of  faith. 

But  the  Augsburg  Confession  comprehends  by  no 
means  the  whole  of  Melanchthon 's  labours  from 

1  c.  R.,  9:  990. 
'C.K.,2:  547. 


The  Augsburg  Confession        207 

April  15  to  June  25,  1530.  His  letters  and  learned 
opinions  of  that  period  would  make  a  fair-sized 
volume.  They  are  written  with  that  carefulness 
which  characterises  all  the  productions  of  his  pen, 
and  are  of  priceless  value  for  the  history  of  those 
eventful  days  when  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church 
was  formally  brought  into  existence. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

NEGOTIATIONS   FOR   PEACE 

Correspondence  with  Cardinal  Campeggius — The  Papal  Confutation 
— The  Apology  of  the  Confession — Publication  of  the  Confession 
and  its  Apology. 

MELANCHTHON'S  mental  agony,  caused  by 
the  distractions  of  the  Church,  and  his  striving 
for  the  restoration  of  harmony,  did  not  cease  with 
the  composition  and  delivery  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession. He  was  apprehensive  that  greater  evils 
would  come  because  of  the  severity  of  the  Confes- 
sion ';  and  thus  that  the  very  object  for  which  the 
princes  had  delivered  the  Confession,  viz.,  the  re- 
storation of  peace  and  concord,2  would  be  defeated. 
In  this  state  of  mind  he  wrote  to  Luther,  June  2/th, 
and  inquired  "  how  much  was  to  be  conceded  to  the 
adversaries."3  But  the  latter,  who,  perhaps,  alone 
of  his  party  believed  that  concord  was  impossible, 
replied  that  "  too  much  had  been  conceded  in  the 


1  C.  R.,  2:  140. 

2  C.  R.,  2  :  125. 
*C.  R.,  2:  146. 


Negotiations  for  Peace  209 

Confession,"  '  and  exhorted  his  less  heroic  friend  to 
greater  firmness. 

Notwithstanding  the  violence  exhibited  from  time 
to  time  by  representative  Romanists,  Melanchthon 
still  clung  to  the  delusion  which  he  had  expressed 
in  the  so-called  Torgau  Articles,  and  which  he  had 
carried  with  him  to  Augsburg,  viz.,  that  the  dissen- 
sion had  arisen,  not  on  account  of  doctrine,  but  alone 
on  account  of  certain  abuses  which  had  been  abol- 
ished by  the  Evangelicals.  In  the  Epilogue  to  the 
doctrinal  part  of  the  Confession  he  had  declared  that 
there  was  nothing  in  the  evangelical  teaching  "  which 
differs  from  the  Scriptures,  or  from  the  Catholic 
Church,  or  from  the  Roman  Church,  so  far  as  it  is 
known  from  writers."  He  also  tells  us  that  he 
would  have  made  greater  changes  in  the  Confession, 
that  is,  would  have  made  it  milder,  had  he  not  been 
restrained  by  "  the  counsellors."2  As  before  the 
reading  of  the  Confession,  so  afterward,  he  thought 
that  peace  could  be  restored  if  the  Romanists  would 
only  consent  to  the  removal  of  certain  vicious  cere- 
monies and  "  human  doctrines  and  statutes,"  such 
as  the  Mass,  communion  with  only  one  element,  the 
celibacy  of  priests,  and  monastic  vows.  He  was  en- 
couraged in  this  thought  by  the  deceptions  practised 
on  him  by  Cardinal  Campeggius,  the  papal  legate, 
who  had  invited  him  to  an  interview,  had  discussed 
with  him  the  subjects  at  issue,  and  had  conceded 
the  use  of  both  elements  in  the  Eucharist  and  the 
marriage  of  the  priests.3 

JDe  W.,  4:  52. 
2  C.  R. ,  2  :  140. 
ZC.  R.,  2:  174. 


2io  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

At  the  instance  of  the  evangelical  princes,  Me- 
lanchthon addressed  a  letter  to  the  Cardinal,1  in 
which,  after  the  usual  complimentary  allusions  to  the 
wisdom,  moderation,  and  dignity  of  his  "  Right 
Reverend  Lordship,"  he  promises  that  the  princes 
"  will  accept  such  conditions  for  the  retention,  con- 
firmation, and  establishment  of  peace,  concord,  and 
the  authority  of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  as  his  Right 
Reverend  Lordship  shall  judge  to  be  proper."  He 
further  says  that  the  princes  have  no  intention  of 
abolishing  the  ecclesiastical  order  and  the  legitimate 
authority  of  the  bishops.  « 

Whether  Melanchthon  transcended  his  instruc- 
tions in  this  letter,  or  not,  cannot  be  determined; 
but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  not  the  only  one  of  his 
party  who  was  alarmed  by  the  threats  and  hostile 
attitude  of  the  Papists,  and  was  willing  to  make 
concessions. 

In  subsequent  correspondence  with  the  Cardinal 
through  his  secretary,  Melanchthon  reaffirms  the 
agreement  of  the  Confession  with  the  Scriptures, 
with  the  Catholic  Church,  and  with  the  Roman 
Church.  His  object  in  thus  identifying  the  teach- 
ing of  the  Confession  with  the  teaching  of  the 
Catholic  and  of  the  Roman  Church  seems  to  have 
been  to  force  the  Romanists  to  acknowledge  the 
orthodoxy  of  the  Lutheran  teaching,  since  they,  the 
Romanists,  would  not  dare  to  repudiate  the  teaching 
of  the  Catholic  Church.  He  nowhere  identifies  the 


1  C.  R.,  2  :  171.  There  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  the  letter 
in  C.  R.>  2  :  169,  is  not  genuine,  therefore  it  is  not  quoted  here.  It 
is  not  essentially  different  from  the  one  given  below  in  full. 


Negotiations  for  Peace  211 

Lutheran  teaching  with  the  teaching  of  the  papacy. 

But  Melanchthon  little  understood  the  character 
of  Campeggius.  The  wily  Italian  had  long  been 
urging  the  Emperor  to  make  war  on  the  Lutherans 
and  "  to  extirpate  the  poisonous  plant  by  fire  and 
sword. "  And  as  little  did  he  understand  the  mind 
of  the  Catholic  theologians,  who,  on  July  13,  1530, 
presented  a  Confutation  of  the  Confession,  so  elabor- 
ate in  form  and  so  violent  in  manner,  that  the  Em- 
peror refused  it,  and  returned  it  to  the  Committee 
with  instructions  to  abridge  it,  and  to  eliminate  all 
invectives. 

While  the  Catholic  theologians  were  further  en- 
gaged in  preparing  their  Confutation,  Melanchthon 
wrote  numerous  letters  to  his  friends,  and  several 
Opinions  on  theological  subjects,  among  which  is  one 
De  Missa,  in  which  he  refutes  both  the  Zwinglian 
and  the  Romish  hypothesis,  and  exhibits  the  Lu- 
theran view  that  the  "  Lord's  Supper  is  not  a  sacri- 
fice, but  a  sacrament,  by  which  grace  is  offered,  by 
which  we  are  moved  to  believe,  and  by  which  we 
comfort  our  alarmed  consciences." 

Finally,  August  3,  1530,  the  Papal  Confutation? 
chiefly  the  work  of  Eck,  Fabri,  Cochlaeus,  and 
Wimpina,  was  read  publicly  in  the  Diet.  It  is  schol- 
astic in  form  and  weak  in  arguments.  It  actually 
strengthened  the  conviction  of  the  Protestants  that 
their  cause  was  just.  Melanchthon  wrote  to  Veit 

1  Ranke,  Die  Romischen  Pdpste  im  16.  u.  ij.  Jahrh.,  i.,  in. 
8C.  R.,  2:  212. 

3  Reprinted  in  Francke's  Libri  Symbolic*  and  in  Hase's  Libri 
Symbolic*. 


212  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Dietrich,  Luther's  friend  and  companion  at  Coburg, 
saying:  "  All  good  men  in  our  party  seem  calmer 
and  firmer  in  mind  since  hearing  such  absurdities. 
They  know  that  among  our  adversaries  there  is  no 
acquaintance  with  religion."  And  to  Luther  he 
wrote : 

"  All  the  good  and  wise  men  are  more  courageous, 
since  they  have  heard  that  puerile  Confutation.  Our 
rulers  could  easily  obtain  peace  if  they  would  court  the 
Emperor  and  the  more  moderate  princes.  But  there  is 
marvellous  indifference,  and,  as  I  think,  a  quiet  indigna- 
tion that  withholds  them  from  such  business."  8 

The  Emperor  declared  that  he  would  abide  by  the 
Confutation,  and  commanded  the  Protestants  to  do 
the  same.  This  widened  the  breach  between  the 
two  parties.  Melanchthon  now  saw  his  cherished 
hope  of  peace  about  to  be  completely  blasted. 
Again  he  had  recourse  to  Campeggius,  and  wrote  a 
letter  to  his  secretary,  which  was  designed  evidently 
to  reach  the  Cardinal  himself.  As  this  letter  exhibits 
the  greatest  length  to  which  Melanchthon  went  in 
his  striving  for  peace,  it  is  here  given  in  full,  as  fol- 
lows: 

"  The  advent  of  no  one  to  this  city  has  given  me  more 
pleasure  than  yours.  For  I  know  that  you  are  endowed 
with  a  certain  remarkable  sweetness  of  temper  and  with 
an  amiability  worthy  of  a  learned  and  wise  man.  Hence 
I  have  freely  spoken  with  you  both  about  my  own  private 
affairs,  and  of  the  public  business;  and  on  account  of 

1  C.  R.,  2:  253. 
8  C.  ^.,  2  :  254. 


Negotiations  for  Peace  213 

your  virtues  I  have  been  led  to  hope  that  you  would  be 
the  promoter  of  peace  in  your  deliberations. 

"  For  this  reason  I  have  often  shown  that  if  a  few 
things  were  kept  in  the  background,  these  divisions  could 
be  healed.  In  my  opinion  it  would  contribute  very  much 
to  the  quiet  of  the  Church  and  to  the  dignity  of  the 
Roman  See,  to  make  peace  on  the  conditions  which  I 
have  mentioned.  For  also  our  priests  should  in  turn 
render  obedience  to  the  bishops.  Thus  the  Church 
would  unite  again  in  one  body,  and  the  Roman  See 
would  have  its  own  honour,  so  that,  if  anything  wrong 
remains  in  the  churches,  it  can  gradually  be  corrected 
by  the  care  of  the  bishops.  It  is  also  our  earnest  desire 
to  be  freed  from  these  contentions,  that  we  may  give  our 
whole  attention  to  the  diligent  improvement  of  doctrine. 
And  unless  this  be  done,  wise  men  can  easily  foresee 
what,  amid  so  many  sects,  will  come  upon  posterity. 
And  in  this  matter  it  is  easy  to  see  how  indifferent  those 
are  whom  you  now  oppose  to  us.  Yesterday  the  Confut- 
ation of  our  Confession  was  read.  If  it  shall  be  pub- 
lished, condemning  us,  believe  me  it  will  not  have  great 
admiration  among  judicious  men,  and  will  irritate  the 
minds  of  ours.  Thus  there  is  danger  that  by  the  re- 
newal of  this  whole  tragedy,  greater  commotion  than 
ever  will  ensue.  Hence  I  desire  that  these  evils  of  the 
Church  be  not  increased  in  virulence.  Therefore  I  beg 
you  to  indicate  to  me  in  a  few  words,  whether  you  have 
spoken  with  your  Reverend  Master  about  those  con- 
ditions, and  what  hope  he  will  hold  out.  If  I  can  ob- 
tain anything  favourable  I  will  take  care  that  the  Roman 
See  may  not  repent  its  kindness.  The  feelings  and  de- 
sires of  many  good  men  are  united  in  this  matter,  who 
will  do  all  they  can  to  enlarge  the  authority  of  the 
bishops  and  to  establish  the  peace  of  the  Church. 


214  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

/ 

"  You  see  we  cannot  dissolve  the  existing  marriages, 
nor  have  other  priests.  Nor  could  the  change  in  regard 
to  both  elements  cease  without  contempt  of  the  Sacra- 
ment. It  does  not  belong  to  the  papal  clemency  to 
make  war  for  such  reasons,  since  there  is  nothing  which 
is  injurious  to  good  men  or  to  piety.  And  if  more  new 
doctrines  appear,  it  belongs  to  your  prudence  to  take 
care  that  a  much  greater  commotion  do  not  occur  in  the 
Church.  I  have  written  these  things  to  you,  a  good  and 
wise  man,  and  I  ask  you  to  exhort  yours  to  justice,  and 
to  indicate  to  me  by  this  my  friend,  what  hope  your 
Reverend  Master  holds  out.  As  I  am  suffering  with  the 
gout  I  cannot  come  to  you." 

The  correspondence  of  Melanchthon  with  Cam- 
peggius  has  sometimes  been  pronounced  obsequious, 
and  so  it  seems  to  be  when  judged  by  our  standards. 
But  it  is  not  more  so  than  Luther's  letter  to  Pope 
Leo,  and  the  one  to  Henry  VIII. ,  and  scarcely 
more  so  than  is  the  Preface  to  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession prepared  by  Chancellor  Brtick.  None  of 
these  writers,  nor  their  writings,  are  to  be  judged 
by  present  conditions. 

The  seeming  obsequiousness  is  in  the  times,  and 
in  the  long  superlatives  of  "  the  unblushing  Latin," 
rather  than  in  the  men.  Campeggius  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  greatest  sovereign  on  earth.  It 
was  but  natural  that  Melanchthon  should  address 
him  in  the  language  which  immemorial  usage  had 
allotted  to  one  so  eminent  in  station.  That  the 
letters  express  too  great  confidence  in  the  wisdom 
and  moderation  of  the  Cardinal,  is  to  the  discredit 

1  C.  J?M  2:  248. 


Negotiations  for  Peace  215 

of  Melanchthon  only  in  so  far  as  they  show  that 
German  frankness  is  no  proper  match  for  Italian 
perfidy;  and  Melanchthon's  willingness  to  restore 
the  rule  of  the  Pope  and  bishops  is  subject  to  the 
presupposition  that  they  rule  well,  and  promote 
sound  doctrine.  Besides,  as  the  appointed  leader 
of  the  Protestant  party,  which  professedly  was  striv- 
ing for  peace,  Melanchthon  felt  his  responsibility  for 
securing  peace  in  the  face  of  imminent  war,  at  any 
cost  save  that  of  the  surrender  of  vital  truth.  It 
was  not  a  truckling  spirit  nor  personal  fear  that  in- 
spired the  letter,  but  a  sincere  desire  to  avert  im- 
pending ruin,  and  to  preserve  the  freedom  of  the 
Gospel  in  fundamentals.  This  is  shown  by  what 
occurred  the  day  after  the  reading  of  the  Confession, 
when  in  the  midst  of  the  assembled  clergy  this  same 
Cardinal  Campeggius,  "  hurling  thunderbolts  like  an 
angry  Jove,"  demanded  of  Melanchthon  that  he 
should  yield.  With  a  courage  that  has  been  com- 
pared to  that  shown  by  Luther  at  Worms,  he  an- 
swered: "  We  cannot  yield,  nor  desert  the  truth. 
We  pray  that  for  God's  sake  and  Christ's  our  oppon- 
nents  will  grant  us  that  which  we  cannot  surrender 
with  a  good  conscience."  And  when  the  Cardinal 
cried  out,  "  I  cannot,  I  cannot,  the  keys  do  not 
err,"  Melanchthon  answered:  '  We  will  commit 
our  cause  and  ourselves  to  God.  If  God  be  for  us, 
who  can  be  against  us  ?  We  have  forty  thousand 
wives  and  children  of  pastors  whose  souls  we  cannot 
desert.  We  will  toil  and  fight,  and  die,  if  God  so 
will,  rather  than  betray  so  many  souls."  1 

1C.  R.,  10 :  198. 


216  Philip  Melanchthon 

Melanchthon  was  ever  ready  to  hold  out  the  hand 
of  conciliation,  but  at  no  time  was  he  willing  to  sur- 
render the  Gospel  for  the  hierarchy.  • 

Melanchthon  did  not  hear  the  Papal  Confutation 
read,  nor  would  the  Emperor  furnish  the  Protestants 
with  a  copy.  He  simply  demanded  their  submis- 
sion. This  they  were  not  prepared  to  render. 
Neither  the  command  of  the  Emperor,  nor  the  rage 
of  the  bishops,  nor  the  imminence  of  war  could  deter 
them  from  making  a  defence  of  their  Confession. 
Melanchthon  and  some  others  were  directed  to  pre- 
pare an  Apology  of  the  Confession,  in  which  it 
should  be  explained  why  the  Protestants  could  not 
accept  the  Confutation,  and  in  which  the  arguments 
of  their  opponents  should  in  turn  be  confuted.  For 
this  purpose  they  used  notes  taken  by  Camerarius 
at  the  reading  of  the  Confutation,  and  perhaps 
availed  themselves  of  some  writings  of  the  Romish 
theologians  against  the  Confession.  On  September 
22d,  the  Apology,  thus  prepared,  was  offered  to  the 
Emperor  by  Chancellor  Briick,  but  was  rejected. 
Later  the  Catholic  majority  published  an  edict  in 
which  they  boasted  that  they  had  confuted  the 
Confession  out  of  the  Scriptures. 

On  September  23d,  Melanchthon  set  out  with  the 
Elector  for  home.  At  Coburg  he  tarried  a  few  days 
with  Luther,  who  praised  God  that  his  beloved 
Prince  had  been  delivered  from  hell.  Thence  to 
Wittenberg  the  two  friends,  the  heroic  reformer  and 
the  faithful  confessor  of  Christ,  travelled  together. 
But  Melanchthon,  having  obtained  a  copy  of  the 
Confutation,  laboured  on  his  Apology  as  they  jour- 


Negotiations  for  Peace  217 

neyed.  In  the  house  of  Spalatin  at  Altenburg  he 
was  writing  on  it  while  eating,  until  Luther  snatched 
the  pen  out  of  his  hand,  saying,  "  Dear  Philip,  we 
can  serve  God  not  only  by  work,  but  also  by  rest."  * 

On  October  4th,  he  was  again  in  Wittenberg,  after 
an  absence  of  six  months.  What  he  had  suffered  in 
mind  and  body  no  pen  could  record,  no  voice  could 
utter.  His  was  the  heroism  of  endurance,  as  Lu- 
ther's was  the  heroism  of  daring.  If  Melanchthon 
sometimes  bowed  too  low  in  the  storm,  it  was  that 
he  might  rise  again  with  greater  strength  when  the 
storm  was  over.  And  seldom  has  a  man  shown 
greater  strength  of  conviction,  or  more  transcendent 
skill  as  a  theologian,  than  Melanchthon  did  in  the 
elaboration  of  the  Apology,  which  occupied  his  chief 
attention  for  several  months.  The  work  is  as  simple 
and  edifying  in  form  as  it  is  profound  and  learned 
in  contents.  Some  of  the  chapters  were  written 
over  and  over  again  for  the  sake  of  accuracy  and 
thoroughness  of  treatment.  He  who  would  read 
the  theology  of  Melanchthon  at  its  best  must  read 
the  Apology  of  the  Augsburg  Confession. 

After  his  return  to  Wittenberg,  in  connection  with 
his  other  labours,  Melanchthon  prepared  the  first 
edition  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  The  Emperor 
had  forbidden  its  publication  without  his  permission. 
But  very  soon  no  less  than  seven  unauthorised  edi- 
tions appeared — six  in  German  and  one  in  Latin. 
As  these  had  been  printed  from  relatively  imperfect 
copies,  they  differed  from  each  other  and  from  the 
text  presented  in  the  Diet.  Some  seem  to  have 

1  Matthesius,  fol.  143. 


218  Philip  Melanchthon  [1531 

been  purposely  corrupted.  From  an  authentic 
Latin  copy,  and  from  his  own  German  manuscript, 
Melanchthon  caused  an  edition  to  be  printed,  copies 
of  which  reached  Augsburg  before  the  Diet  ad- 
journed. 

Near  the  close  of  April,  1531,  this  edition  was 
published  in  quarto  form  with  the  Apology,  under 
the  following  Latin  title  1  : 

CONFESSIO    FIDEI 

exhibita  inuictifs.     Imp.  Carolo  V. 

Caelari  Aug.  in  Comicijs 

Auguftae, 

Anno 
M.  D.  XXX. 

Addita  eft  Apologia  Confefsionis. 


unb 

Plalm.  119. 

Et  loquebar  de  teftimonijs  tuis  in  con- 
fpectu  Eegum,  &  non  confundebar. 

WITEBEKG^E. 

A  copy  with  this  title  is  found  in  the  royal  library 
at  Dresden.  Beneath  the  title  Melanchthon  wrote 
with  his  own  hand,  D.  Doctori  Martino.  Et  Rogo  ut 
legat  et  emendet? 

1  C.  R.,  26  :  235. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 
MELANCHTHON'S  GROWING  FAME 

Schmalkald  League — Peace  of  Nuremberg — Melanchthon's  Opinion 
— Melanchthon  Called  to  England,  to  Tubingen,  and  to  France 
— Negotiations  with  Henry  VIII. 

THE  final  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  pub- 
lished November  19,  1530,  bore  heavily  against 
the  Protestants.  They  were  given  time  for  consid- 
eration until  the  fifteenth  of  the  following  April, 
with  the  intimation  that  unless  they  yielded,  forci- 
ble measures  would  be  applied.  They  now  felt  the 
need  of  mutual  defence.  On  the  nineteenth  of  De- 
cember the  princes  who  had  signed  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  several  cities  which  had  accepted 
the  same  testimony  of  faith,  met  at  Schmalkald  and 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  Schmalkald  League,  which 
was  ratified  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  March,  1531,  for 
six  years,  and  strengthened  later  by  foreign  alliances. 
The  object  of  this  politico-ecclesiastical  alliance  was 
the  protection  of  Germany  and  the  defence  of  the 
Protestant  cause  against  the  sword  of  the  Empire. 
So  powerful  was  this  new  combination  that  it 

219 


220  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

alarmed  the  Emperor,  and  led  to  the  Peace  of  Nu- 
remberg, July  23,  1532,  which  provided  that  the 
affairs  of  religion  should  remain  in  the  state  in  which 
they  then  were  until  they  could  be  settled  by  a 
general  council  or  a  new  diet. 

The  terms  of  this  Peace  were  most  favourable  to 
the  Protestants.  They  enhanced  the  dignity  and 
moral  influence  of  the  leaguers,  and  secured  them 
new  accessions  of  power.  The  Peace  itself  allowed 
a  time  of  quiet  development  for  the  principles  of 
the  Reformation.  Luther  and  Melanchthon  saw 
the  cause  for  which  they  had  long  laboured  and 
prayed  and  endured  hardship,  at  length  triumph 
through  a  large  part  of  Germany ;  but  while  they 
were  rejoicing  over  the  happy  condition  of  affairs, 
they  were  called  to  the  death-bed  of  the  Saxon 
Elector,  who  departed  this  life,  August  16,  1532. 
He  was  buried  in  the  Castle  Church  at  Wittenberg, 
Luther  preaching  a  German  sermon  on  the  occasion, 
and  Melanchthon  delivering  an  academic  oration  in 
Latin.  Because  of  the  steadfastness  of  his  faith, 
and  the  firmness  of  his  character,  the  Elector  is 
known  in  history  as  John  the  Constant.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  John  Frederick,  whose  zeal  in 
the  Protestant  cause  was  destined  to  pass  through  a 
fiery  experience.  The  new  Elector  was  irritable  in 
temper  and  dogmatic  in  manner,  but  was  wise 
enough  to  consult  his  theologians  on  all  important 
ecclesiastical  questions.  When  in  June,  1533,  the 
papal  nuncio  came  to  Weimar,  and  proposed  a 
council  on  the  condition  that  the  Estates  would 
pledge  themselves  to  submit  to  its  decisions,  he  re- 


f^W  C  s  - 
JOHN  THE  CONSTANT,  ELECTOR  OF  SAXONY. 


1535]     Melanchthon's  Growing  Fame    221 

ferred  the  matter  to  Luther  and  Melanchthon.  As 
these  theologians  opposed  a  council  on  such  a  con- 
dition, one  was  not  called,  though  at  a  convention 
held  at  Schmalkald,  the  Protestants  had  declared 
themselves  favourable  to  a  council :  "  but  it  must  be 
a  council  in  which  Christ  shall  be  Pontifex,  who 
prays  the  Father  for  the  Church,  saying,  '  Sanctify 
them  by  thy  truth:  thy  word  is  truth.'  ' 

As  misunderstandings  and  estrangements  still 
existed  and  threatened  the  peace  of  the  Church 
and  of  the  country,  the  Elector  of  Mayence  and 
Duke  George  of  Saxony  offered  themselves  as  med- 
iators. A  conference  was  held  in  Leipzig,  Melanch- 
thon and  Briick  appearing  in  the  name  of  the  Saxon 
Elector.  The  Catholic  party  would  make  no  con- 
cessions on  the  main  questions.  They  insisted 
on  Good  Works  as  necessary  to  Justification,  and 
wanted  Private  Masses  restored  in  the  Protestant 
churches.  Soon  the  negotiations  were  broken  off. 

Melanchthon's  letters  during  the  summer  of  1534 
show  much  anxiety  in  regard  to  the  peace  and  safety 
of  the  Church.  He  expresses  the  conviction  that 
the  commotions  cannot  be  settled  by  human  coun- 
sels. Only  God  can  prevail.  About  the  middle  of 
the  summer  he  wrote  a  long  Opinion  on  the  Settle- 
ment of  t/te  Controversies  in  Religion?  He  con- 
cedes that  for  the  sake  of  harmony  some  abuses 
may  be  overlooked  and  condoned,  but  not  those 
which  destroy  the  necessary  articles  of  faith,  or  are 
idolatrous,  or  drive  men  to  open  sin.  He  is  willing 
that  the  government  of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  bishops, 

1  C.  R.,  2:  740  et  seqq. 


222  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497 

shall  remain  for  the  sake  of  unity  throughout  the 
world,  provided  they  do  not  abuse  their  authority 
by  suppressing  sound  doctrine.  He -also  favours 
common  rites  in  the  Church,  but  on  the  condition 
that  such  rites  are  to  be  regarded  as  indifferent 
things,  which  do  not  make  for  righteousness,  and 
are  not  to  be  used  to  foster  superstition.  Confes- 
sion may  be  retained,  but  an  enumeration  of  sins 
must  not  be  required.  Justification  is  not  be- 
stowed on  account  of  our  contrition,  or  works, 
"  but  alone  through  the  mercy  of  God  apprehended 
by  faith,  that  is,  trust  in  Christ."  The  old  formulas 
for  saying  the  Mass  may  be  retained,  but  private 
masses  are  to  be  abolished.  The  doctrine  of  the 
Mass  as  a  meritorious  sacrifice  is  rejected.  Com- 
munion in  both  kinds  is  in  harmony  with  the  institu- 
tion of  Christ  and  with  the  custom  of  the  ancient 
Church.  The  Pope  ought  to  remove  the  restrictions 
in  regard  to  the  Sacrament  until  the  Church  can  be 
united,  and  the  full  use  restored.  The  invocation 
of  saints  has  neither  example  nor  command  in  the 
Scripture,  neither  was  it  practised  by  the  ancient 
Church.  It  is  not  necessary.  The  histories  and 
examples  of  the  saints  may  be  retained,  but  there 
is  to  be  no  worship  of  the  saints.  Not  all  vows  are 
of  perpetual  obligation. 

"  Monks  who  are  not  fitted  for  the  monastic  life  may 
renounce  it.  In  the  richer  monasteries  of  Germany 
neither  literature  nor  learning  exists.  Idle  men  who  are 
of  no  possible  use  to  the  Church  are  simply  fed.  Hence 
such  monasteries  ought  to  be  suppressed,  and  their 
revenues  ought  to  be  transferred  to  other  uses  of  the 


1535]     Melanchthon's  Growing  Fame     223 

Church,  and  to  the  support  of  students  in  institutions  of 
learning." 

The  Pope  ought  to  abolish  enforced  clerical  celibacy. 
It  is  purely  a  human  institution. 

The  Opinion  is  learned,  moderate,  and  concilia- 
tory. It  breathes  throughout  an  earnest  desire  for 
harmony  in  the  Church,  but  it  does  not  surrender  a 
single  point  of  evangelical  doctrine.  The  author 
expresses  the  hope  that  good  and  pious  men  will  be 
able  to  agree  in  all  points  at  issue. 

The  Reformation  was  now  making  steady  progress 
throughout  Germany,  albeit  it  was  sometimes  assisted 
by  the  sword.  In  the  year  1 534,  the  Landgrave  with 
an  army,  and  aided  by  French  gold,  rescued  Wur- 
temberg  from  the  Austrians,  and  restored  it  to  Duke 
Ulrich,  who  had  been  banished  in  1528.  When 
Melanchthon  learned  of  the  Landgrave's  success, 
he  exclaimed:  "  I  cannot  help  loving  him.  All 
good  men  must  wish  that  he  might  be  preserved  for 
great  things  yet  to  come."  King  Ferdinand  recog- 
nised Ulrich  as  an  under-feudatory,  and  John  Fred- 
erick recognised  Ferdinand  as  King  of  the  Romans. 
Melanchthon  wrote,  "  I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to 
allay  the  agitations  about  Religion." 

It  was  during  this  year  (1534)  that  Melanchthon 
was  invited  to  France,  where  "  the  Lutheran  heresy" 
had  begun  to  take  root.  Francis,  the  King,  seemed 
inclined  to  the  Reformation,  but  he  did  not  desire 
to  separate  himself  from  Rome.  His  motives  were 
political  rather  than  religious.  He  was  willing  to 

1  See,  for  these  facts,  C.  R.,2:  739. 


224  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

ally  himself  with  the  German  Protestants  against 
a  common  enemy,  the  Emperor.  His  scheme  was 
warmly  espoused  by  William  Bellay  amJ  his  brother 
John,  the  Bishop  of  Paris.  Bellay  was  sent  to 
Strassburg  to  interview  Bucer  on  the  best  means  of 
restoring  harmony  to  the  Church.  Dr.  Ulrich 
Chilius  was  despatched  to  Wittenberg  to  lay  the 
King's  request  before  Melanchthon.  Inspired  by 
the  hope  of  introducing  the  evangelical  faith  into 
France,  Melanchthon  expressed  a  willingness  to 
follow  the  invitation.  Both  he  and  the  Strassburg 
theologians  sent  Opinions  to  Francis.  At  first  these 
Opinions  were  favourably  received.  But  the  in- 
trigues of  the  Catholics  and  the  violent  conduct  of 
the  reforming  party  soon  excited  the  King's  anger 
against  the  Protestants,  and  brought  on  a  bloody 
persecution.  Melanchthon  expressed  himself  with 
energy  against  the  fanaticism  of  those  who  overthrew 
the  Gospel  by  their  absurd  methods. 

A  letter1  of  Melanchthon,  written  September  13, 
1534,  informs  us  that  he  had  been  called  a  second 
time  to  England,  and  that  he  is  impatiently  awaiting 
a  third  letter.  He  was  also  invited  in  September  of 
this  year  to  return  to  his  "  fatherland,"  and  to  assist 
in  the  reorganisation  of  the  University  of  Tubingen. 
He  left  the  decision  of  the  matter  to  his  Elector, 
who  did  not  find  it  to  his  own  interest  to  spare  so 
distinguished  a  teacher  from  Saxony.  When  Philip 
now  declined  the  call  to  Tubingen,  the  Elector  was 
so  pleased  that  he  enlarged  his -house,  provided  a 
garden  for  him,  and  wrote  him  a  friendly  letter. 

1  C.  /?.,  2  :  785. 


1535]     Melanchthon's  Growing  Fame    ^225 

But  the  Swabians  were  not  entirely  satisfied.  In 
October,  they  begged  Melanchthon  to  attend  a  dis- 
putation between  Ambrose  Blaurer  and  the  Catholic 
professors  of  the  university.  The  Catholics  espe- 
cially desired  his  presence,  because  "  he  is  not  bitter 
and  envious,  but  moderate,  kind,  and  peaceable."  1 

The  request  of  the  Duke  was  seconded  by  "  the 
University,  by  all  the  abbots,  by  prelates  spirit- 
ual and  temporal,  yea,  by  the  entire  country." 
Melanchthon  could  not  go,  but  he  sent  his  friend  Ca- 
merarius,  who  had  become  uncomfortable  at  Nurem- 
berg, who  acted  an  important  part  in  reorganising 
the  university.  In  September,  1536,  Melanchthon 
went  to  Tubingen  to  visit  Camerarius,  and  also 
visited  the  Duke  at  Niirtingen.  He  made  many 
suggestions  for  the  improvement  of  the  university, 
and  brought  it  about  that  John  Brentz,  who  was 
pastor  at  Swabian  Hall,  should  spend  one  year  at 
Tubingen  lecturing  on  theology.  He  returned 
home  a  little  later  with  a  present  of  a  hundred 
gulden  from  the  Duke,  and  with  the  consciousness 
that  he  had  been  of  service  to  the  university. 

When  new  complications  arose  between  Francis 
I.,  King  of  France,  and  the  Emperor  Charles  V., 
the  former  sought  an  alliance  with  the  Protestants 
of  Germany ;  but  as  it  was  reported  that  he  had 
formed  a  league  with  the  Turks,  his  advances  were 
treated  with  hesitation.  He  then  solicited  the 
services  of  Bucer  and  Melanchthon.  To  this  end 
Barnabas  Voreus,  Lord  de  Lafosse,  a  confessed 
follower  of  Melanchthon,  was  sent  to  Germany  with 

1C.  R.,  2:  795. 
15 


226  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

letters  of  invitation  and  a  safe-conduct.  He  also 
carried  with  him  a  letter  from  Jacob  Sturm,  who 
was  then  residing  in  Paris.  This  letter  describes 
the  religious  condition  of  France  and  the  mind  of 
the  King  toward  Melanchthon.  It  closes  by  saying : 
1  You  are  called  not  by  me,  but  by  many,  nor  is 
your  presence  desired  by  those  only  who  have  suf- 
fered direct  distress,  nor  by  those  only  who  fear 
destruction ;  but  you  are  called  by  the  voice  of  God 
and  of  Christ."1 

This  urgent  call  lay  heavily  on  the  heart  of  Me- 
lanchthon, but  grave  difficulties  stood  in  the  way  of 
its  acceptance,.  At  home  loud  complaints  were 
heard  to  the  effect  that  his  going  to  France  would 
look  like  a  desertion  of  the  Reformation.  In  Paris 
was  the  Sorbonne,  with  which  in  former  years  he 
had  had  sharp  controversy,  and,  besides,  he  did  not 
fully  trust  the  King.  In  May,  1535,  he  answered 
Sturm's  letter,  and  recites  some  of  the  obstacles 
which  beset  him : 

'  You  know  how  insolent  the  rulers  are,  and  how  they 
hold  the  fascinated  minds  of  the  nobility.  Yet  I  am 
not  much  influenced  by  such  things.  What  deters  me  is 
the  fear  that  nothing  will  be  done  which  will  promote 
the  glory  of  Christ  and  the  peace  of  France  and  of  the 
Church.  I  have  come  to  this  conclusion:  If  the  King 
wishes  to  advance  the  glory  of  Christ  and  the  peace  of 
the  Church,  let  him  be  earnestly  exhorted  to  call  a  Synod, 
in  which  the  restoration  of  the  Church  may  be  freely  dis- 
cussed. Other  plans,  it  seems  to  me,  are  futile,  yea, 
pernicious."  * 

1  C.  ^.,  2  :  855.  *  C.  R.,  2  :  874. 


1535]     Melanchthon's  Growing  Fame    227 

As  Melanchthon's  decision  was  delayed,  the  King 
himself  wrote,  June  23,  1535,  beseeching  him  to 
come,  either  as  a  private  individual,  or  in  the  name 
of  his  confederates,  arid  assured  him  of  his  gracious 
pleasure.  Cardinal  Bellay  and  his  brother  William 
also  wrote,  expressing  the  deepest  interest  in  Me- 
lanchthon's coming,  and  assured  him  of  the  favour 
of  the  King  and  of  all  good  men.1 

Melanchthon,  who  meanwhile  had  gone  to  Jena, 
on  account  of  the  plague  that  raged  at  Wittenberg, 
now  greatly  desired  to  go  to  France.  To  this  end 
he  sought  permission  from  the  Elector  to  visit  France 
as  a  private  person  for  three  months.  He  was 
warmly  supported  in  his  request  by  a  letter  from 
Luther.  The  Elector,  who  thoroughly  understood 
the  King's  political  motives,  refused  the  request 
with  an  emphasis  that  bordered  on  severity.  Me- 
lanchthon was  deeply  wounded,  not  so  much  because 
the  Elector  refused  to  grant  his  request,  as  be- 
cause he  had  expressed  himself  with  so  much  harsh- 
ness. He  wrote  the  King,  August  28,  1535,  saying 
that  though  he  was  compelled  to  postpone  his 
coming  to  France,  his  mind  was  still  bent  on  the 
abatement  of  controversy.2  Thus  the  matter  ended. 
Neither  Melanchthon  nor  Bucer  went  to  France. 

Early  in  1531,  Melanchthon  had  been  requested 
to  prepare  an  Opinion  on  the  divorce  of  Henry 
VIII. ,  King  of  England,  from  Catharine  of  Aragon. 
August  28th,  in  a  lengthy  argument,  he  declared 


1C.  R.,  2:  879-886. 

2  C,  .#.,  2  :  913,  914. 


228  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  King's  marriage  valid,  and  without  scriptural 
grounds  for  divorce.  Nevertheless,  if  public  policy 
requires  an  heir  for  the  throne,  "  it  would  be  safest 
for  the  King  to  contract  a  second  marriage  without 
abrogating  the  first,  because  polygamy  is  not  for- 
bidden by  the  law,  and  is  not  without  precedent."  ' 

Some  other  German  theologians  counselled  the 
divorce ;  but  those  of  Wittenberg  disapproved  of  it 
under  any  and  all  circumstances.  Finally,  when  the 
divorce  had  been  effected,  and  Henry  had,  in  1534, 
separated  from  Rome,  and  had  sent  his  chaplain, 
Dr.  Anthony  Barnes,  a  second  time,  in  March, 
!535>  to  consult  with  the  Wittenberg  divines,  Me- 
lanchthon was  induced  to  write  the  King  a  letter. 
He  counsels  Henry  to  use  his  authority  in  moderat- 
ing others  and  in  assisting  to  abolish  abuses,  and  "  to 
introduce  a  simple,  specific  form  of  doctrine."  In 
giving  this  advice  he  followed  the  principle  which 
had  guided  the  Reformers  in  all  their  operations: 
the  abolition  of  abuses  and  the  maintenance  of 
sound  doctrine.  Even  when  Henry's  envoys  pressed 
the  suit  of  their  royal  master  for  the  headship  of  the 
Schmalkald  League,  they  were  met  by  the  demand 
that  he  should  sign  the  Augsburg  Confession.  When 
Melanchthon  at  Barnes's  suggestion  dedicated  to 
Henry  the  new  edition  of  the  Loci,  with  a  Preface 
more  diplomatic  and  flattering  than  our  taste  can 
approve,  his  object  was  not  to  secure  a  patron,  "  but 
to  seek  a  censor  whose  good  judgment  in  regard  to 
doctrine  he  should  consider  unbiassed  and  fair." 
And  when  Melanchthon's  colleagues,  Luther,  Jonas, 

1C.  ^.,  2:  520. 


1535]    Melanchthon's  Growing  Fame    229 

Cruciger,  and  Bugenhagen,  importuned  the  Elector 
to  allow  Melanchthon  to  go  to  England,  the  end 
aimed  at  was  not  so  much  alliance  with  Henry  as  it 
was  the  propagation  of  sound  doctrine,  since  Doctor 
Antonius,  tile  niger  Anglicus,  as  Luther  calls  him, 
had  given  the  most  positive  assurance  that  doctrines 
were  to  be  included  in  the  negotiations.1 

Also,  this  supreme  regard  for  doctrine  was  still 
more  conspicuously  exhibited  in  "  The  Thirteen 
Articles  of  1535,"  written  by  Melanchthon,  Decem- 
ber 25th,  and  signed  by  the  Elector,  the  Landgrave 
of  Hesse,  and  the  English  envoys.  The  first  of 
these  articles  provides — 

'  That  the  Most  Serene  King  shall  promote  the  Gospel 
of  Christ  and  the  pure  doctrine  of  faith  in  the  manner 
in  which  the  Princes  and  confederated  Estates  confessed 
it  in  the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  and  have  guarded  it  in  the 
published  Apology;  unless  perhaps  with  the  common 
consent  of  the  Most  Serene  King  and  the  Princes  them- 
selves, some  things  should  seem  to  need  correction  or 
change  in  accordance  with  the  Word  of  God."  2 

As  the  Elector  knew  that  Henry's  motives  were 
political  rather  than  religious,  he  refused  to  spare 
Melanchthon  from  his  university;  and  as  further 
negotiations  failed  to  induce  the  Wittenberg  theo- 
logians to  sanction  Henry's  divorce,  Melanchthon 
soon  relinquished  all  desire  to  go  to  England.  June 
9,  1536,  he  wrote  to  Camerarius:  "  I  am  now  freed 
from  anxiety  about  going  to  England.  Since  the 

1  Luther's  Brief e,  iv.,  630,  632. 

2  C.  R.,  2:   1032. 


230  Philip  Melanchthon  [1535 

occurrence  of  such  tragedies  in  England,  there  has 
been  a  great  change  of  views.  The  late  Queen,  ac- 
cused rather  than  convicted  of  adultery,  has  been 
executed."  1 

Later  the  Elector  wished  to  send  an  embassy  of 
statesmen  and  theologians,  including  Melanchthon, 
to  England,  to  secure  Henry's  subscription  to  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  as  a  condition  of  his  admission 
to  the  Schmalkald  League ;  but  as  this  was  opposed 
by  the  other  Estates,  in  September  a  letter,  written 
by  Melanchthon,  was  sent  in  the  name  of  the  con- 
federated Estates,  inquiring  for  the  King's  view  of 
the  articles  agreed  upon  between  his  envoys  and  the 
Wittenberg  theologians,  and  announcing  their  inten- 
tion to  suspend  their  judgment  in  regard  to  a  General 
Council  until  "  they  should  learn  whether  his  Royal 
Highness  is  disposed  to  defend  the  pure  doctrine 
of  the  Christian  religion  which  we  profess."  As 
this  letter  was  delayed  in  reaching  the  King,  and  as 
meanwhile  the  attention  of  the  Protestants  was 
attracted  to  other  matters,  the  negotiations  with 
England  were  suspended. 

*€.*.,  3:  89. 
3C  ^.,3:  144. 


'"•••         SPES  MEA    IN  DEO  E.ST 

OHANNES    rRIDE'HICVS     DEI    BENEFIClO     SAXONIA.     DVX 
SACRI   -ROMAN!   IMPERII     ARC  HIM  AB  SCH  ALC  H 


•       IT  BVRGGRAVIVS     MAGDEBVRGI    ETO.V 
Vt'6.BVM   DOMINI   MAIMET  IN  A.TERNVM.     & 


THE  ELECTOR  JOHN  FREDERICK  OF  SAXONY. 

AFTER   THE   COPPER    ENGRAVING    BY   G.     PENCZ,    1543. 


CHAPTER    XIX 
MELANCHTHON'S  THEOLOGY 

New  Edition  of  the  Loci — Exposition  of  Melanchthon's  Theology  : 
The  Will,  Good  Works,  the  Number  of  Sacraments,  Infant 
Baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper — Luther's  Approbation  of  the  Loci. 

DURING  the  four  or  five  years  that  followed  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg,  Melanchthon  was  especially 
active  with  his  pen.  Among  the  most  important  of 
his  writings  of  this  period,  besides  the  Apology,  are 
two  books  on  Rhetoric,  Carios  Chronicle,  a  Preface 
to  a  work  on  astronomy,  some  editions  and  transla- 
tions of  Greek  and  Latin  classics,  a  second  edition 
of  his  Commentary  on  Romans,  dedicated  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Mayence,  and  in  1535  a  revised  and 
enlarged  edition  of  the  Loci,  with  dedication,  as 
already  noticed,  to  the  King  of  England,  who  sent 
him  two  hundred  florins,  with  a  letter  subscribed, 
"  Your  friend,  King  Henry  VIII." 

Since  this  new  edition  of  the  Loci  ranks  as  one  of 
Melanchthon's  most  important  writings,  it  deserves 
more  than  a  passing  notice.  The  author  tells  us  in 
several  letters,  that  he  is  revising  the  Confession  and 

231 


232  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  Loci  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  definitions 
more    simple    and   luminous.     To    Camerarius    he 
wrote,   December  24,    1535:    "In  my  Loci  I  seem 
to  have  second  thoughts.     You  see  I  have  tried  to 
throw  some  light  on  obscure  and  intricate  subjects. ' '  * 
(^During  the  ten  years  that  intervened  from   1525  to 
t  1535,    Melanchthon  had    opportunity    to    acquaint 
himself  better  with   the  Catholic  system,   to   look 
more  deeply  into  the  teaching  of  the  Fathers,  to 
study  the  Scriptures  more  thoroughly,  to  profit  by 
the  criticisms  of  his  opponents,  and  to  learn  better 
the  practical  needs  of  the  Church.     Hence  this  edi- 
tion exhibits  not  only  progress  in  theological  science, 
but  more  calmness,  greater  accuracy  in  definitions, 
a  larger   reverence    for   the  oldest  teachers  of  the 
Church,  and  the  quiet  assurance  that  the  Protestants 
v  are  in  possession   of  the  true  doctrine.      Each   in- 
dividual Locus,  or  subject,  is  first  stated  systematic- 
ally, often  syllogistically,  and  is  then  followed  by 
proofs  from  the  Scriptures  and  from  the  Fathers,  to 
show  that  the  Protestants  are  in  harmony  with  the 
true  Catholic  Church  of  Jesus  Christ.     The  work 
(^also  exhibits  some  important  changes  in  theological 
j  views,    and  in    methods   of   statement.     We   have 
/  space  in  which  to  mention  only  the  following  sub- 
jects : 

i.  Free  Will  and  Predestination.  The  absolute 
determinism  taught  in  the  first  edition  by  the  de- 
claration "  that  all  things  that  occur,  occur  by  ne- 
cessity," is  excluded.  In  the  Locus,  "  Of  the  Cause 
of  Sin  and  of  Contingence,"  it  is  said  : 
1  C.  J?.,  2:  861,  881. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology         233 

"  God  is  not  the  cause  of  sin.  Contingence  must  evi- 
dently be  conceded,  because  sin,  properly  speaking, 
arises  from  the  will  of  the  devil  and  of  man,  and  is  com- 
mitted without  the  approbation  of  God  and  without  his 
forcing  our  wills.  Hence  it  is  not  by  any  means  com- 
mitted necessarily  by  absolute  necessity." 

The  doctrine  of  necessity  he  calls  "  a  dream  of  the 
Stoics,"  to  which  the  pious  must  give  neither  their 
minds  nor  ears.  '  The  hardening  of  Pharaoh's 
heart  is  a  Hebrew  figure  of  speech  which  signifies 
permission,  not  an  efficient  will;  as,  Lead  us  not  into 
temptation,  means,  permit  us  not  to  be  led  into 
temptation."  '  There  are  three  causes  which  con- 
cur in  conversion :  The  Word,  the  Holy  Spirit, 
and  the  Will,  not  indeed  neutral,  but  resisting  its 
own  weakness."  He  supports  this  proposition  by 
quotations  from  Basil  and  Chrysostom,  and  says: 
"  God  precedes,  calls,  moves,  assists  us,  but  we 
should  take  care  not  to  oppose.  For  it  is  evident 
that  sin  arises  from  us,  not  from  the  will  of  God." 
Melanchthon  had  been  led  by  the  controversy  on 
the  Will  between  Erasmus  and  Luther,  to  see  that 
the  former  had  defended  an  important  element  of 
truth,  namely,  the  essential  freedom  of  the  Will  as 
over  against  the  absolute  predestinarianism  of  Lu- 
ther. From  the  time  that  he  formally  entered  the 
theological  faculty,  in  1526,  he  had  begun  to  move 
more  independently  in  his  sphere ;  and  this  is  cert- 
ainly to  his  credit ;  for  though  he  had  at  the  begin- 
ning learned  his  theology  from  Luther,  he  was  under 
no  obligation  to  dwell  forever  under  Luther's  shadow, 


234  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

nor  to  abide  by  all  the  definitions  and  conclusions  of 
his  master.  His  highly  ethical  and  practical  nature, 
and  his  biblical  studies,  had  led  him  to*esteem  piety 
and  morality  as  the  end  of  theological  pursuits; 
and  he  soon  discovered  that  a  doctrine  which  made 
God  the  cause  of  sins,  like  the  adultery  of  David 
and  the  treachery  of  Judas,  could  not  be.  favourable 
to  virtue.  In  his  Commentary  on  Colossians  (1527), 
he  says:  "  Because  Christ  himself  says,  John  viii., 
when  he  speaketh  a  lie,  he  speaketh  it  of  himself  ,  I  will 
not  make  God  the  author  of  sin,  but  the  preserver 
of  nature,  the  restorer  of  life  and  motion,  which  life 
and  motion  the  devil  and  the  wicked  do  not  rightly 
use."  This  clearly  implies  that  the  devil  and  the 
wicked  have  Free  Will  and  are  the  cause  of  sin.  But 
he  plainly  limits  the  freedom  to  choose  in  things 
pertaining  to  nature,  for  he  says  that  "  the  will  can- 
not perform  Christian  or  spiritual  righteousness," 
but  "  has  the  power  of  performing  natural  and  civil 
righteousness,  as,  abstaining  from  theft,  or  from 
murder,  or  from  another  man's  wife."  1  With  this 
agree  the  Visitation  Articles  of  the  same  year. 

In  the  Augsburg  Confession,  Article  V.,  he  had 
presented  the  doctrine  of  divine  sovereignty  in  the 
clause,  "  Where  and  when  it  seems  good  to  God." 
In  Article  XVIII.  he  had  asserted  the  essential 
freedom  of  the  Will  in  the  declaration  that  "  the 
human  will  has  a  certain  freedom  for  doing  civil 
righteousness  and  for  choosing  such  things  as  belong 
to  reason."  In  the  Commentary  on  Romans  (1532), 
to  the  "  scruple  of  particularity,"  he  "  opposes  the 

1  Galle's  Charakteristik  Melanchthons,  p.  274. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology         235 

universal  promises  of  the  Gospel,  which  teach  that 
God  for  Christ's  sake,  and  out  of  grace,  offers  salva- 
tion to  all."  He  further  says  that  "  we  must  judge 
of  the  will  of  God  and  of  election,  not  from  reason, 
nor  from  the  law,  but  from  the  Gospel."  He  ex- 
pressly places  the  cause  of  reprobation  in  unwill- 
ingness to  believe  the  Gospel.1  Thus  Melanchthon 
was  the  first  among  the  Reformers  to  depart  from 
the  Augustinian  particularity,  and  to  bring  out  the 
doctrine  of  the  universality  of  the  offer  of  salvation, 
and  to  direct  the  attention  of  men  primarily  to  the 
redemption  through  Christ  as  a  fact,  and  not  prim- 
arily to  the  secret  decree  of  God  :  "  The  Church  does 
not  depend  on  human  counsel,  nor  on  human  vir- 
tues ;  but  God  in  Christ  has  loved  and  chosen  those 
who  are  to  be  saved,"  that  is,  those  who  believe 
the  Gospel.  Already,  in  1531,  he  had  reached  essen- 
tially the  same  position,  when  he  wrote  to  Brentz : 

"  You  imagine  that  men  are  justified  by  faith,  because 
by  faith  we  accept  the  Holy  Spirit  and  afterwards  are 
justified  by  the  fulfilling  of  the  law,  which  is  effected  by 
the  Holy  Spirit.  This  supposition  places  righteousness 
in  our  work,  in  our  purity  or  perfection,  albeit  such  per- 
fection ought  to  follow  faith.  But  turn  your  eyes  wholly 
from  renovation  and  the  law  to  the  promise  and  to 
Christ,  and  know  that  we  are  justified  on  account  bf 
Christ,  that  is,  that  we  are  accepted  before  God  and 
find  peace  of  conscience  not  on  account  of  that  renova- 
tion. Such  renovation  is  not  sufficient.  We  are  justi- 
fied by  faith  alone,  not  because  it  is  the  root,  as  you 

1C.  R.,  15  :  680-686 


236  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

write,  but  because  it  lays  hold  of  Christ,  on  account  of 
whom  we  are  accepted." 

In  this  particular,  viz.,  that  justification  precedes 
regeneration  and  prepares  the  way  for  it,  the  Lu- 
theran Church  has  followed  Melanchthon,  as  shown 
especially  in  the  Form  of  Concord  of  1580. 

In  the  Locus  De  Pradestinatione  he  exhibits  the 
doctrine  of  the  universality  of  the  offer  of  redemp- 
tion with  greater  fulness.  He  says  again:  "  Mercy 
is  the  cause  of  election  ";  and  he  declares  that  no 
one  can  seek  the  cause  of  election  outside  the  Gos- 
pel without  erring:  "  Hence  let  us  not  permit  our- 
selves to  be  turned  from  the  Gospel,  but  let  us 
utterly  reject  other  fancies."  In  writing  of  Free 
Will  and  Predestination,  he  insists  that  men  must 
hear  the  Gospel,  must  apply  the  promise  by  faith, 
and  each  one  must  include  himself  in  the  universal 
promise  by  which  the  Holy  Ghost  operates.  "  God 
draws  man,  but  he  draws  only  him  who  is  willing." 
In  the  Commentary  on  Romans  he  had  said  (p. 
680):  "It  is  not  of  him  that  willeth  or  runneth,  but 
of  God  that  showeth  mercy ;  that  is,  mercy  is  the 
cause  of  election.  It  is  not  of  us  to  will,  or  to  run, 
and  yet  these  things  take  place  in  the  will,  and  in 
him  that  runneth  and  resisteth  not." 

This  teaching  of  Melanchthon's  has  been  called 
Synergism,  and  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dis- 
pute in  the  Lutheran  Church.  Some  of  the  state- 
ments, taken  in  isolation  from  the  full  treatment  of 
which  they  form  a  part,  may  be  open  to  objection ; 

1  C.  £..  2  :  501. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          237 

but,  considered  in  their  proper  relations,  the  teach- 
ing is  believed  to  be  in  accord  with  the  plain  import 
of  the  Scriptures,  and  with  the  common  Christian 
experience.  According  to  Melanchthon,  God  calls; 
the  Spirit  works  through  the  Word;  the  Will  be- 
comes active  under  the  influence  of  grace  and  of 
divine  truth.  Then  it  accepts  or  rejects  the  offer 
of  salvation.  It  has  no  self-moved  activity  in  spirit- 
ual things.  Of  itself  it  can  work  no  spiritual  right- 
eousness; it  can  contribute  nothing  to  justification; 
it  cannot  bring  forth  faith.  Faith  occurs  when  man 
hears  the  Word  of  God,  and  when  God  moves  and 
inclines  him  to  believe.  Without  the  Word  there 
is  no  contact  of  the  Spirit.  Thus  Free  Will  is  simply 
the  power  to  resist  the  Will's  own  infirmity  and  to 
accept  the  offer  of  grace  when  assisted  by  the  higher 
powers.  Its  subordination  to  the  Spirit  and  to  the 
Word  is  always  presupposed.  Of  the  three  concur- 
ring causes,  the  Will  is  placed  third,  and  becomes  a 
cause  only  when  preceded  and  quickened  into  activ- 
ity by  the  other  two. 

Thus  Melanchthon  is  as  far  from  Pelagianism  oh 
the  one  hand  as  he  is  from  Determinism  on  the 
other.  He  preserves  the  golden  mean.  Over  against 
Luther's  one-sided  emphasis  of  the  love  of  God,  and 
Calvin's  doctrine  of  irresistible  grace,  Melanchthon 
maintains  and  conserves  the  responsibility  of  man. 
He  thus  imparts  an  ethical  quality  to  the  Lutheran 
theology,  such  as  otherwise  it  had  not  had.  The 
moral  personality  is  insisted  on,  and  is  made  respons- 
ible for  the  use  of  the  means  of  grace,  for  the  ap- 
propriation of  salvation,  and  for  righteous  living. 


238  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

It  is  the  conclusion  of  the  most  competent  judges 
that  at  this  point  even  the  Form  of  Concord  adheres 
to  Melanchthon's  fundamental  tendenty ;  and  "  the 
later  expounders  of  the  Form  of  Concord,  notwith- 
standing their  aspersions  of  Melanchthon,  have 
simply  adopted  his  conception  of  the  way  of  salva- 
tion in  order  to  save  their  own  ordo  s.alutis  at  its 
most  critical  point  from  the  inconsistence  and  ab- 
surdity of  pure  accident."  1  Moreover,  some  of  the 
ablest  modern  Lutherans,  Thomasius,  Stahl,  Har- 
less,  Hofmann,  Kahnis,  and  Luthardt,  have  more  or 
less  followed  the  course  taken  by  Melanchthon,  and 
have  developed  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Will 
and  of  Predestination  away  from  the  position  taken 
by  Luther  in  De  Servo  Arbitrio,  and  never  renounced 
by  him.  Indeed  the  proposition  that  God  loves 
and  elects  man  in  Christ,  and  not  by  an  absolute 
beneplacitum,  has  become  classic  in  the  Lutheran 
Church. 

2.  Good  Works.  In  these  Loci  Melanchthon  sets 
out  the  doctrine  of  Justification  with  great  clearness. 
He  gives  Justification  its  forensic  sense,  as  meaning 
"  to  absolve,  or  to  pronounce  just."  Faith  is 
described  as  "  confidence  in  mercy  promised  for 
Christ's  sake."  ;<  It  includes  the  knowledge  of  the 
history  of  Christ  as  the  Son  of  God  and  a  habit  or 
action  of  the  will  which  accepts  the  promise  of 
Christ  and  reposes  in  Christ." 

Thus  every  thought  of  the  merit  or  of  the  right- 
eousness of  works  is  excluded.  Justification  is  named 


JSee  Dorner,  Hist.  Prof.  TheoL,  i.,  218;  Herrlinger's  Melanch- 
ihoris  Theologie,  95. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          239 

agratuita  acceptatio  for  Christ's  sake.  But  in  Mel- 
anchthon's conception,  faith  in  its  essential  quality 
is  far  from  being  an  intellectual  apprehension ;  much 
rather  is  it  a  moral  quality  which  regenerates  the 
heart  and  controls  the  will.  In  the  Apology  he 
had  said  that  "  faith  is  a  new  light  in  the  heart,  an 
energetic  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  by  which  we 
are  regenerated."  The  justified  person  must  there- 
fore be  looked  upon  as  a  regenerated  person.  Before 
Justification,  faith  accepts  gifts  of  grace ;  after  Justi- 
fication, it  works  righteousness.  In  the  Loci  he  says : 
"  Our  obedience,  that  is,  the  righteousness  of  a  good 
conscience,  or  of  works  which  God  enjoins  upon  us, 
ought  of  necessity  to  follow  reconciliation."  He 
further  says,  "  We  are  justified  that  we  may  live  a 
new  spiritual  life."  The  relation  of  good  works  to 
Justification  is  that  of  effect  to  cause.  Where  they 
do  not  exist,  faith  is  not  a  living  apprehension  of 
Christ.  He  continues:  "  Whom  He  justifies,  the 
same  also  He  glorifies.  Hence  eternal  life  is  not 
given  on  account  of  the  merit  of  good  works,  but 
freely  on  account  of  Christ.  And  yet  good  works 
are  thus  necessary  to  eternal  life,  because  they  ought 
necessarily  to  follow  reconciliation." 

The  good  works  that  are  required  are  "  spiritual 
affections,  the  fear  of  God,  trust,  worship,  love,  and 
the  like."  These  are  acceptable  to  God,  "  not  be- 
cause they  satisfy  the  law,  but  because  already  the 
persons  are  acceptable."  It  is  evident  that  there  is 
neither  Pelagianism,  nor  Antinomianism  in  such  a 
doctrine  of  Good  Works.  In  no  sense  does  it  sub- 
stitute human  righteousness  for  the  righteousness  of 


240  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Christ;  neither  does  it  abolish  the  law  of  the  Ten 
Commandments,  nor  encourage  an  idle  or  dissolute 
life  under  false  notions  of  Christian  liberty. 

In  his  Commentary  on  the  Gospel  of  John,  writ- 
ten for  the  use  of  Cruciger  in  his  lectures,  Melanch- 
thon had  said  that  in  Justification  good  works  are  a 
causa  sine  qua  non.  This  clause  was  injudiciously 
employed  by  Cruciger,  and,  at  the  instance  of  one 
Conrad  Cordatus,  it  brought  on  controversy.  But 
Melanchthon  declared  that  it  meant  only  that  "  new 
spirituality  is  necessary  to  eternal  life,"  and  he 
affirmed  his  full  agreement  with  Luther.  To  Jonas 
he  wrote  that  Christ  is  the  cause  of  Justification, 
but  that  we  must  have  contrition,  and  must  comfort 
our  consciences  by  the  Word,  in  order  that  we  may 
receive  faith.  It  is  evident  that  he  wished  to  clear 
the  doctrine  of  Justification  from  the  false  notion 
that  a  mere  dead  historical  faith  justifies.  He 
meant  to  say  that  where  there  is  no  repentance  and 
no  Christian  living,  there  is  no  Justification.  The 
sine  qua  non  is  intended  to  signify  the  close  and 
living  connection  between  faith  and  sanctification. 
Good  works  are  necessary  to  eternal  life,  or  to  salva- 
tion, as  the  fruit  of  faith.  In  after  years,  however, 
On  order  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  an  age  which  was 
1  justly  suspicious  of  the  very  words  Good  Works, 
I  Melanchthon  exchanged  the  formula,  "  Good  works 
are  necessary  to  eternal  life,"  for  "  Good  works  are 
necessary  "  ;  and  to  this  formula  he  adhered. 

3.  The  Number  of  Sacraments.  Melanchthon  de- 
fines Sacraments  as  ceremonies  or  rites  appointed 
in  the  Gospel,  and  having  reference  to  the  remission 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          241 

of  sins.  Thus  defined,  he  names  Baptism,  the 
Lord's  Supper,  and  Absolution,  Sacraments.  "  For 
these  rites  are  appointed  in  the  Gospel,  and  are  em- 
ployed to  signify  the  promise  that  is  peculiar  to  the 
Gospel.  We  are  baptised  that  we  may  believe  that 
our  sins  are  forgiven.  The  Lord's  Supper  and  Ab- 
solution admonish  us  to  believe  that  our  sins  are 
surely  forgiven."  In  the  Apology,  Melanchthon 
had  declared  that  Absolution  is  a  true  Sacrament, 
and  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt  that  he  meant  to 
assign  it  the  same  dignity  in  the  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion. Here  he  calls  confession  an  ecclesiastical  rite; 
says  it  is  not  necessary,  and  that  an  enumeration  of 
sins  rests  upon  no  divine  command.  In  the  Lutheran 
Church,  Absolution  is  not  reckoned  among  the  Sac- 
raments, nor  put  in  a  category  with  Baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper.  This  Church  never  has  required  an 
enumeration  .  of  sins,  and  Private  Confession  has 
fallen  into  desuetude. 

4.  Infant  Baptism.  Melanchthon  puts  the  argu- 
ment for  Infant  Baptism  in  the,  following  syllogistic 
form: 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  Kingdom  of  God  and  the  pro- 
mise of  salvation  appertain  to  children.  But  there  is  no 
salvation  outside  the  Church  where  there  is  no  Word  and 
no  Sacrament.  Therefore  children  must  be  united  to 
the  Church,  and  the  sign  must  be  applied  which  testifies 
that  to  them  appertains  the  promise." 


The   major   premise  is  established  by  numerous 
passages  from  the  New  Testament  and  by  the  law  of 

16 


242  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

circumcision.  The  minor  is  supported  chiefly  by  the 
fact  that  the  Church  is  the  Kingdom  of  Christ,  in 
which  Christ  operates  through  the. Word  and  the 
Sacraments.  There  can  be  no  Church  without 
the  Sacraments  and  the  Word.  He  also  quotes  the 
Mosaic  law,  that  the  soul  of  every  uncircumcised 
male  shall  be  cut  off  from  the  people.  The  conclu- 
sion is  that  infants  are  to  be  baptised,  and  that  by 
receiving  the  sign  they  become  members  of  the 
Church,  and  God  bestows  upon  them  the  promise. 
In  opposition  to  the  Anabaptist  doctrine  that  in- 
fants cannot  believe,  he  instances  the  fact  that  unbe- 
lief did  not  exclude  them  from  the  Mosaic  covenant. 
He  does  not  even  intimate  that  infants  can  have 
faith.  Nor  has  infant  faith  at  any  time  been  con- 
fessional in  the  Lutheran  Church.  The  conclusion 
involved  in  Melanchthon's  minor  premise  was  fully 
accepted  at  Wittenberg,  namely,  that  there  is  no 
salvation  for  the  children  of  Jews  and  heathen,1 — a 
harsh  judgment  which  the  Lutheran  Church  does 
not  approve. 

5.  The  Lord's  Supper.  On  no  other  subject  did 
Melanchthon  bestow  so  much  thought  and  investiga- 
tion as  on  that  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  As  proof  of  this 
we  reproduce  a  few  quotations  that  have  already  ap- 
peared in  this  book.  In  1537,  he  wrote,  "  For  ten 
years  neither  day  nor  night  has  passed  in  which  I 
have  not  reflected  on  this  subject  "  a;  and  in  1529,  he 
wrote  to  the  Reutlingen  pastors,  "  Not  without  the 
greatest  struggles  have  I  reached  the  conclusion  that 

1  C.  £.,  10  :  688. 
*C*.,3:  537. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          243 

Christ  is  truly  present."  He  also  said,  "  I  would 
rather  die  than  affirm  with  the  Zwinglians  that  the 
body  of  Christ  can  be  in  only  one  place. "  *  At  Augs- 
burg he  believed  that  he  had  expressed  Luther's  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  the  tenth  article  of  the 
Confession 3 ;  and  he  had  already  said  that ' '  Luther's 
doctrine  is  very  old  in  the  Church,  and  a  good  man 
will  not  rashly  depart  from  the  teaching  of  the 
ancients."  But  when  QEcolampadius,  in  his  Dia- 
logue on  the  Teaching  of  the  Ancients  (1530),  showed 
that  some  of  the  passages  from  the  Fathers  relied  on 
by  Melanchthon  were  spurious,  the  faith  of  the  latter 
in  the  correctness  of  some  of  his  own  representations 
was  shaken.  To  Brentz  he  wrote,  January  12,  1535  : 

"  I  am  not  willing  to  be  the  author  or  defender  of  a 
new  dogma  in  the  Church.  I  see  that  there  are  many 
passages  of  the  ancients  which  certainly  explain  the  mys- 
tery [sacrament]  figuratively.  There  are  also  opposing 
passages,  perhaps  later,  or  spurious.  We  must  be  care- 
ful not  to  oppose  the  doctrine  of  the  ancients."  5 

In  this  same  letter  he  affirms  "  the  true  presence 
of  Christ  in  the  Supper,"  but  he  constantly  refrains 
from  defining  the  mode  of  the  presence,  and  refers 
it  to  the  will  and  to  the  institution  of  Christ.  At 
Marburg,  in  1529,  he  modified  Luther's  doctrine  of 
oral  manducation.  In  1531  he  forsook  the  theory 
of  Ubiquity.  He  did  not  place  either  of  them  in 
the  Confession,  or  in  the  Apology.  A  little  later  the 

1  C.  R.,  i  :  1106.  4  C.  R.,  i  :  823,  830. 

2C.  R.,  2:  25.  5C.  R.,  2:  824. 

*C.  R.,  2:  142. 


244  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

inpane  (in  the  bread]  was  also  given  up.  Since  1 538, 
he  seems  to  have  surrendered  the  literal  signification 
of  eare  (is)  in  the  words  of  institution,  but  without 
surrendering  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence.  The 
connection,  whether  physical  or  metaphysical,  of 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  with  the  material  ele- 
ments, and  the  presence  of  the  body  of  Christ  in  the 
bread,  both  so  much  emphasised  by  Luther  in  con- 
troversy, drop  into  the  background  with  Melanch- 
thon in  view  of  the  religious  and  ethical  significance 
of  the  Supper.  He  regards  the  Eucharist  more  as  a 
pledge,  a  mystery,  a  communion  with  the  entire 
Christ,  a  salutary  impartation  of  the  God-man  to 
the  believing  human  soul,  a  thanksgiving  by  which 
we  give  thanks  for  the  remission  of  sins.  '  Whence 
it  occurs  that  Christ  is  in  us  not  only  by  love,  but 
also  by  natural  participation,  that  is,  not  only  by 
efficacy,  but  also  by  substance."  l  Thus  with  Mel- 
anchthon, the  religious  significance  of  the  Supper  is 
more  important  than  the  metaphysics  of  Dogma. 
By  joining  the  words  of  Paul  (i  Cor.  x.  16)  with  the 
words  of  institution,  Melanchthon  sees  in  the  Sacra- 
ment a  fellowship  with  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ ; 
and  by  associating  the  Sacrament  directly  with  the 
forgiveness  of  sins,  he  preserves  the  true  Lutheran 
type  of  doctrine,  for  with  Luther,  as  with  Melanch- 
thon, the  chief  moment  in  the  Sacrament  is  the  as- 
surance of  the  forgiveness  of  sins.  The  Sacrament 
is  the  application  and  appropriation  of  redemption. 

All  hangs  on  the  words,  "  Given  and  shed  for  you 
for  the  remission  of  sins."  Even  the  presence  of 

1  c.  R.,  21 :  863. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          245 

the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  is  entirely  subordinate 
to  these  words.  The  heavenly  gifts  are  but  the 
sign  and  seals  of  the  promise  contained  in  these 
words.  This  position  Melanchthon  maintained  with 
unyielding  firmness,  though  in  definitions,  and  in 
matters  of  form,  he  deviated  from  Luther.  But  the 
latter  regarded  the  deviations  of  such  small  import- 
ance that  he  never  called  Melanchthon  to  account, 
nor  uttered  one  word  of  disapprobation  that  has 
come  down  to  us.  Even  when  an  Opinion  of  Mel- 
anchthon's "  that  under  tyrants  a  person  may  use 
the  sacrament  with  only  one  kind,"  had  been  treach- 
erously divulged  by  Jacob  Schenk,  to  whom  it  was 
given  in  confidence,  and  had  excited  some  suspicion 
at  the  Electoral  Court,  and  had  led  to  inquiry, 
Luther  simply  said,  "  I  will  share  my  heart  with 
Philip;  I  will  pray  for  him."  1  Would  to  God  that 
the  same  spirit  of  charity  had  always  and  everywhere 
prevailed  in  the  Lutheran  Church ! 

Moreover,  Melanchthon  always  believed  himself 
to  be  in  harmony  with  Luther  in  the  matter  of 
the  Supper;  and  well  he  might,  since  the  latter,  in 
1525,  had  sanctioned  the  highly  ideal  and  virtual 
presence  of  the  body  and  blood,  as  it  had  been 
stated  by  Brentz  and  others  in  the  Swabian  Syn- 
gramma.2 

Nowhere,  perhaps,  has  the  religious  significance 
of  the  Supper  been  set  forth  more  correctly  in  har- 
mony with  that  which  is  central  in  the  Lutheran 
doctrine  than  in  the  Loci  of  1535  : 

lc.  R.,  3:  428. 

2  Kostlin's  Luther's  Theologie,  ii.,  147;  English  Trans.,  ii.,  105. 


246  Philip  Melanchthon 

"  This  cup  is  the  New  Testament,  that  is,  the  witness 
of  the  new  promise.  The  sum  of  the  Gospel  or  promise 
in  these  words  is,  This  is  my  body  which  is  given  for 
you.  Also:  Which  is  shed  for  you  for  the  remission  of 
sins.  Therefore  the  principal  purpose  of  this  ceremony 
is  to  testify  that  the  things  promised  in  the  Gospel,  remis- 
sion of  sins  and  Justification  on  account  of  Christ,  are 
presented.  As  the  chief  thing  we  should  consider  that 
the  sacrament  is  a  sign  of  grace,  that  this  Supper  is  a 
sign  of  the  New  Testament.  But  what  is  the  New 
Testament  ?  Certainly  it  is  the  promise  of  the  remission 
of  sins  and  of  reconciliation  on  account  of  Christ.  Also 
this  ceremony  profits  when  we  add  faith,  that  is,  believe 
that  these  promises  belong  to  us,  and  that  this  sign  is 
presented  to  our  eyes  and  mind,  to  incite  us  to  faith  and 
to  quicken  the  faith  in  us.  For  Christ  testifies  that  his 
benefits  belong  to  us  when  he  gives  us  his  body,  and 
makes  us  his  members,  than  which  no  closer  union  can 
be  conceived.  Likewise  he  testifies  that  he  is  active  in 
us,  because  he  is  life.  He  gives  blood  to  testify  that  he 
washes  us.  When  we  see  these  things  dona  in  that  most 
Holy  Supper,  we  ought  to  have  faith." 

In  these  views  Melanchthon  persisted  to  the  end. 
As  in  1527  he  wrote,  "  The  bread  which  we  brake  is 
a  communication  of  the  body  of  Christ,  not  a  com- 
munication of  the  spirit  of  Christ,"  *  so  in  the  last 
edition  of  his  Loci  in  1559  he  wrote: 

"  This  do  in  remembrance  of  me.  It  is  not  an  empty 
spectacle,  but  Christ  is  truly  present  through  the  ministry 
giving  his  body  and  blood  to  him  that  eats.  So  also  say 
the  ancient  writers.  Cyril  on  John  says:  We  must  not 

1  C.  K.,  26  :  19. 


1536]          Melanchthon's  Theology          247 

think  that  Christ  is  present  in  us  by  love  only,  but  also 
by  natural  participation ;  that  is,  he  is  present  not  only 
in  efficacy  but  also  in  substance." 

A  few  persons  of  narrow  and  partisan  spirit  tried 
to  excite  Luther  against  Melanchthon  in  view  of  the 
changes  made  in  the  Loci.  But  in  this  they  utterly 
failed.  Luther  spoke  kindly  and  sympathetically  to 
Melanchthon  about  the  criticisms.  He  knew  too 
well  how  to  distinguish  between  the  form  and  the 
substance,  not  to  perceive  that  Melanchthon  had 
preserved  and  expressed  the  full  truth  of  the  Gospel. 
When  the  Elector  read  the  German  translation  of 
the  new  Loci,  he  complained  to  Luther  that  the 
article  on  Justification  was  too  meagre.  There  is 
no  record  of  Luther's  answer,  but  about  this  J:irne 
he  said  to  the  students : 

"  Read  Philip's  Loci  next  to  the  Bible.  In  this  most 
beautiful  book  the  pure  theology  is  stated  in  a  quiet  and 
orderly  way.  Augustine,  Bernard,  Bonaventura,  Lyra, 
Gabriel  Biel,  Staupitz,  and  others  have  much  that  is 
good;  but  our  Master  Philip  can  explain  the  Scriptures 
and  present  their  meaning  in  brief  compass.  By  reason 
of  affliction  he  has  learned  to  pray,  and  he  has  disputed 
with  the  greatest  and  most  learned  opponents." 

This  is  high  praise  from  a  high  authority,  and 
ought  to  silence  forever  the  clamours  that  have  been 
raised  against  Melanchthon  because  he  did  not  choose 
always  to  express  his  conceptions  of  divine  truth  in 

1C.  P.,  21  :  863. 

8  Matthesius,  Twelfth  Sermon. 


248  Philip  Melanchthon  [ug7- 

the  formulas  of  Luther.  If  the  great  Luther  could 
magnify  Melanchthon's  work,  there  ought  to  be  only 
one  opinion  in  regard  to  the  small  men  who  try  to 
belittle  it;  and  as  for  the  complaint  of  the  Elector, 
that  was  only  a  passing  scruple.  He  remained  faith- 
ful to  the  estimate  of  Melanchthon  which  he  had 
formed  when  on  the  fifth  of  May,  1536,  he  added  a 
hundred  florins  to  his  and  to  Luther's  salary,  saying: 

"  In  these  times  the  merciful  God  has  published  his 
holy  Word  through  the  work  of  the  Reverend  Doctor  Mar- 
tin Luther  for  the  comfort  and  salvation  of  men ;  and  in 
connection  with  the  other  arts,  particularly  by  the  lan- 
guages, through  the  special  distinguished  skill  and  dili- 
gence of  the  highly  learned  Philip  Melanchthon,  the  true 
Christian  knowledge  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  has  been 
advanced." 

And,  what  is  more  important,  Luther  placed  what 
may  be  called  his  testamentary  seal  on  Melanch- 
thon's Loci,  and  thus  bequeathed  it  to  posterity  with 
his  blessing  and  benediction :  In  the  Preface  to  the 
first  edition  of  his  own  works,  he  extols  "  Philip's 
Loci  Communes  ' '  above  all  other  books  of  system- 
atic divinity,  and  wishes  that  his  own  books  might 
be  buried  in  oblivion  in  order  to  make  place  for 
those  that  are  better ;  and  says  finally : 

"  Philip  Melanchthon  was  called  hither  by  Prince 
Frederick  to  teach  Greek,  but  beyond  doubt  that  I  might 
have  a  companion  in  the  work  of  theology.  What  God 
has  wrought  through  this  organon,  not  only  in  letters, 

'Seckendorf,  iii.,  142. 


1536]         Melanchthon's  Theology          249 

but  in  theology,  his  own  works  sufficiently  testify,  though 
Satan  and  his  rabble  rage." 

This  was  written  in  full  view  of  the  fact  that  in 
the  edition  of  1543  Melanchthon  had  still  further 
changed  the  Loci,  and  had  declared  therein  that 
"  Free  will  in  man  is  the  power  by  which  he  applies 
himself  to  grace."  It  would  seem  that  the  more 
Melanchthon  revised  the  Loci,  incorporating  into  it 
the  acquisitions  of  study,  and  adapting  it  to  new 
conditions,  the  better  Luther  liked  it  and  the  more 
loudly  he  praised  it.1 

1  Volume  21  of  C.  R.  contains  the  Loci  in  its  different  forms. 


CHAPTER    XX 

THE   WITTENBERG   CONCORD 

Melanchthon  and  Bucer  at  Cassel — Oberlanders  Come  to  Wittenberg 
— Articles  of  Union — Internal  Feuds. 

SOON  after  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  in  1530,  the 
theologians  of  Upper  Germany  began  to  ap- 
proach the  Lutheran  position  on  the  doctrine  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  most  active  mediator  of  union 
was  Martin  Bucer  of  Strassburg.  He  prepared  a 
formula  in  which  he  confessed  that  Christ  is  truly 
and  essentially  present  in  the  Sacrament.  Luther 
declared  himself  satisfied,  "  provided  Bucer  means 
it  as  the  words  sound."  Melanchthon  regarded  it 
as  a  great  thing  that  Bucer  had  confessed  the  true 
and  substantial  presence,  and  "  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity to  unite  the  Church,  and  to  harmonise  dis- 
tracting views."  *  As  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse  had 
been  and  still  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  union, 
Melanchthon  wrote  him  begging  him  to  take  the 
work  of  concord  in  hand,  and  promised  to  do  all  in 

1  C.  £.,  2:  787. 

250 


1537]         The  Wittenberg  Concord         251 

his  power  to  bring  about  Christian  unity,  "  since  in 
other  articles  there  is  no  dissent."  * 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  December,  1534,  Bucer 
and  Melanchthon,  upon  invitation  of  the  Landgrave, 
met  at  Cassel  to  prepare  a  basis  of  agreement.  The 
latter,  that  he  might  not  appear  wholly  in  his  own 
name,  requested  an  Instruction  from  Luther.  This 
was  given  in  language  which  brought  out  Luther's 
doctrine  with  a  crassness  that  had  not  been  before 
exhibited.  He  says:  "  Our  doctrine  is,  that  in  the 
bread  or  with  the  bread,  the  body  of  Christ  is  really 
eaten,  so  that  all  the  motions  and  actions  that  are  at- 
tributed to  the  bread,  are  attributed  also  to  the  body  of 
Christ,  so  that  the  body  is  truly  broken,  eaten,  and  torn 
with  the  teeth."  2  He  goes  on  to  say  that  there  is 
no  middle  ground,  that  it  were  better  that  each 
party  should  abide  by  its  own  opinion  than  that  oc- 
casion should  be  given  for  new  disputes.  Writing 
of  the  Instruction  to  Jonas,  December  16,  1534,  he 
says,  "  I  cannot  recede  from  my  position  though 
the  heavens  should  fall  and  bury  me  beneath  their 
ruins."  3  Of  course  Melanchthon  could  not  approve 
such  a  formula,  and  hence  he  afterwards  declared 
that  he  went  to  Cassel  "  as  the  bearer  of  another's, 
not  of  his  own  view."  4 

There  could  be  no  approximation  on  the  basis  of 
Luther's  Instruction  ;  but  the  two  conferees  agreed 
on  and  signed  the  following  statement : 

1  C.  R.,  2  :  787. 

2  Seckendorf,  iii.,  8,  xxviii. 
3De  W.,4:  569. 

4  C.  A*.,  2  :  822. 


252  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

"  That  the  body  of  Christ  is  really  and  truly  received, 
when  we  receive  the  Sacrament;  and  bread  and  wine  are 
signs,  signa  exhibitiva^  which  being  given  and  received  the 
body  of  Christ  is  at  the  same  time  given  and  received; 
and  we  hold  that  the  bread  and  body  are  together,  not 
by  a  mixing  of  their  substances,  but  as  a  sacrament,  and 
are  given  with  the  sacrament.  As  both  parties  hold  that 
bread  and  wine  remain,  they  hold  that  there  is  a  sacra- 
mental conjunction." 

When  Luther  read  the  agreement  he  was  delighted 
with  it,  and  announced  that  union  was  virtually  ac- 
complished.2 That  the  other  theologians  might  not 
have  occasion  for  ' '  protest  or  offence, ' '  Melanchthon 
acquainted  them  with  the  proposed  formula,  and 
solicited  their  opinions.  For  the  most  part  the 
opinions  returned  were  favourable.  Everything  now 
seemed  propitious  for  union.  Melanchthon  declared, 
"  Could  I  purchase  union  by  my  death,  gladly  would 
I  give  my  life,"  3  and  Luther  wrote  that  he  would 
do  all  in  his  power  to  strengthen  and  maintain  con- 
cord.4 At  Bucer's  suggestion,  it  was  soon  arranged 
to  hold  a  meeting  of  the  Oberlanders  and  Witten- 
bergers  at  Eisenach,  May  14,  1536.  But  because  of 
Luther's  indisposition,  the  place  of  meeting  was 
changed  to  Grimma,  the  time  to  May  2ist.  The 
Oberlanders  coming  to  Grimma  and  learning  that 
Luther  was  still  indisposed,  decided  to  press  on  to 
Wittenberg.  Melanchthon  and  Cruciger  went  to 

*C.R.%  2:  808. 
*De  W.,4:  588. 
*C.  R.,  2:  837. 
4De  W.,  4:  612. 


1537]        The  Wittenberg  Concord         253 

meet  them,  and  gave  them  a  formal  invitation. 
Sunday,  May  2ist,  at  three  o'clock  P.M.,  they  en- 
tered the  university  town  on  the  Elbe.  The  next 
day  the  colloquy  began.  Luther  insisted  that 
Bucer  and  his  associates  should  renounce  their 
earlier  teaching,  and  should  confess  the  real  pre- 
sence of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist,  independently  of 
the  faith  of  the  recipient,  and  own  that  the  body 
and  blood  are  received  by  worthy  and  by  unworthy 
communicants.  When  this  was  assented  to  by 
the  Oberlanders,  except  that  they  made  a  distinc- 
tion between  reception  by  the  unworthy  and  by 
the  wicked,  denying  the  latter,  Luther  expressed 
himself  satisfied,  and  declared  : 

"  We  have  now  heard  your  answer  and  confession, 
viz.,  that  you  believe  and  teach,  that  in  the  Lord's 
Supper  the  true  body  and  true  blood  of  Christ  are  given 
and  received,  and  not  alone  bread  and  wine:  also,  that 
this  giving  and  receiving  take  place  truly  and  not  in 
imagination.  Although  you  take  offence  in  regard  to  the 
wicked,  yet  you  confess  with  St.  Paul  that  the  unworthy 
receive  the  Lord's  body,  where  the  institution  and  word 
of  the  Lord  are  not  perverted; — about  this  we  will  not 
contend.  Hence,  as  you  are  thus  minded,  we  are  one, 
and  we  acknowledge  and  receive  you  as  our  dear  brethren 
in  the  Lord."  l 

It  was  a  great  moment.  Bucer  and  Capito  shed 
tears,  and  the  hand  of  brotherly  recognition  was 
given  and  received.  Melanchthon,  who  of  late  had 
not  been  sanguine  of  good  results,  and  during  the 

1  Kostlin's  Martin  Luther,  ii.,  349. 


254  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

colloquy  had  been  active  chiefly  in  averting  passion- 
ate disputes,  was  now  commissioned  to  draw  up  a 
form  of  concord.  While  he  was  employed  at  this 
the  two  parties  discussed  Baptism,  Private  Confes- 
sion, and  Absolution,  and  reached  satisfactory  con- 
clusions. Bugenhagen,  Menius,  Myconius,  Alber, 
Bucer,  and  Luther  preached,  and  all  went  to  the 
communion.  The  Oberlanders  were  especially 
pleased  to  see  that  the  Wittenberg  ministers  offici- 
ated with  perfect  indifference  either  in  civil  or  in 
priestly  attire.  They  were  offended  by  the  presence 
of  pictures  and  candles,  and  by  the  elevation  of  the 
elements ;  but  were  quieted  when  informed  by  Bu- 
genhagen that  some  things  were  retained  out  of 
regard  for  the  weak,  and  that  he  often  officiated 
without  candles,  or  clerical  attire,  or  the  elevation. 
He  also  told  them  that  the  elevation  ought  to  be 
abolished.  A  few  years  later  it  was  abolished, 
through  the  influence  of  Melanchthon. 

On  Friday  morning  Melanchthon  laid  the  pro- 
posed Articles  of  Concord  '  before  the  Oberlanders. 
In  the  afternoon  the  parties  met  and  discussed  the 
matter  of  extending  the  concord  to  wider  circles. 
Monday,  the  2Qth,  the  articles  on  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per were  subscribed  by  twenty-one  persons.  These 
articles  deny  transubstantiation,  the  local  inclusion 
of  the  body  of  Christ  in  the  bread,  or  the  lasting 
union  without  the  use,  as  when  it  is  laid  by  in  the 
pyx  or  displayed  in  processions.  They  affirm  "  that 
with  the  bread  and  wine  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  are  truly  and  substantially  present,  presented, 

1  C.  A'.,  3  :  75.     Translated  in  Jacobs'  Book  of  Concord,  ii.,  254. 


1537]         The  Wittenberg  Concord         255 

and  received."  They  close  by  saying  that  "  all 
profess  that  in  all  articles  they  want  to  hold  and 
teach  according  to  the  Confession  and  Apology  of 
the  princes  professing  the  Gospel." 

The  articles  on  the  Lord's  Supper  are  followed  by 
an  article  on  Infant  Baptism,  and  one  on  Absolution. 
It  is  held  that  infants  ought  to  be  baptised,  since  to 
them  pertains  the  promise  of  salvation,  and  "  since  it 
does  not  pertain  to  those  who  are  outside  the  Church. 
God  works  new  and  holy  movements  in  infants, 
without  which  they  cannot  be  saved ;  though  we 
must  not  imagine  that  infants  understand."  A  de- 
sire is  expressed  that  private  absolution  be  retained 
for  disciplinary  ends,  "  so  that  the  inexperienced 
may  be  instructed." 

The  Wittenberg  Concord,  as  it  is  known  in  history, 
failed  to  effect  a  lasting  union ;  but  it  remains  as  one 
of  Melanchthon's  most  useful  writings,  and  as  a 
lasting  monument  of  an  honest  effort  on  both  sides 
to  close  the  chasm  between  the  forces  of  the  Re- 
formation, which,  alas!  yawns  to  this  day.  Luther 
begged  that  both  sides  might  bury  the  past  and  roll 
a  stone  on  it.  But  Melanchthon  wrote  that  the 
difference  was  so  great  that  what  had  just  been  done 
would  only  stir  up  reprehension.1  In  this  he  was 
not  wholly  mistaken.  The  Swiss  were  displeased 
with  Bucer's  concessions;  the  Nurembergers  were 
dissatisfied  that  Bucer  would  not  confess  the  pre- 
sence of  Christ  even  apart  from  the  use  of  the 
Eucharist,  and  Amsdorf  thought  that  a  formal 
recantation  should  have  been  required  of  Bucer. 

1  c. 


256  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

With  all  his  efforts  to  make  peace,  Melanchthon 
was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  it. 

In  July  of  this  year  (1536)  he  sought  and  obtained 
permission  from  the  Elector  to  visit  his  brother  at 
Bretten,  and  Camerarius  at  Tubingen.  Evil  tongues 
circulated  the  report  that  Philip  had  quarrelled  with 
Luther  and  his  other  colleagues,  and  would  not  re- 
turn to  Wittenberg.  Others  said  that  even  should 
he  return,  all  harmony  was  at  an  end,  because  of 
Melanchthon's  erroneous  teaching.1  From  Nurem- 
berg Melanchthon  wrote  a  letter  to  his  colleagues  in 
which  he  courts  investigation,  and  declares  that  he 
had  only  sought  to  explain  what  they  had  taught. 
The  letter  is  couched  in  lofty  terms  of  righteous  in- 
dignation, and  closes  by  saying: 

"  Never  have  I  meant  to  sever  my  teaching  from  yours, 
but  if  I  am  to  be  loaded  with  the  suspicions  and  calum- 
nies of  certain  men,  and  must  be  in  dread  of  alienations, 
I  would  rather  go  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  I  complain 
of  these  things  to  you  rather  than  to  others.  I  am  un- 
willing to  be  the  cause  of  any  dissidence  between  us. 
Heartily  do  I  love  and  cherish  each  one.  Also  I  am  de- 
voted to  the  public  welfare.  If  my  labours  and  a  fair 
amount  of  diligence  in  every  duty  do  not  witness  for 
this,  then  in  vain  do  I  cry  out  in  this  matter.  But  I 
hope  you  thoroughly  understand  me.  I  have  never  re- 
fused admonition  and  friendly  conference.  Each  one 
has  his  own  gift.  I  have  taken  nothing  upon  myself,  nor 
have  I  ever  wished  to  offer  anything  new.  I  have  read 
your  writings  and  to  the  extent  of  my  ability,  I  have 
wished  to  expound  them  in  the  most  simple  manner." 

1  Camerarius,  163. 

«C  K.t  3:   180. 


1537]        The  Wittenberg  Concord         257 

This  manly  speech  had  the  desired  effect.  When 
Melanchthon  returned  to  Wittenberg,  November 
5th,  he  found  his  colleagues  wholly  on  his  side,  and 
indignant  at  the  fomenters  of  discord.  No  further 
notice  was  taken  of  the  matter  at  Wittenberg. 

But  scarcely  had  Melanchthon  time  to  forget  the 
strife  with  Cordatus  about  Good  Works  before  he  was 
brought  under  suspicion  again.  Jacob  Schenk,  a 
Freiberg  preacher,  inquired  whether  it  were  permis- 
sible under  stringent  circumstances  to  administer 
the  communion  with  one  element.  Melanchthon 
answered  that,  to  avoid  offence,  in  the  case  of  those 
not  sufficiently  instructed,  it  might  be  done.  The 
answer  did  not  please  Schenk,  and  so  he  sent  Mel- 
anchthon's  letter  to  the  Elector,  who  requested 
Luther  and  Bugenhagen  to  inquire  into  the  matter. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Luther  said,  "  I  will 
share  my  heart  with  Philip.  I  will  pray  for  him." 
Melanchthon  called  Schenk  the  Freiberg  sycophant. 
•  Amsdorf,  the  passionate  Magdeburg  preacher,  had 
long  striven  to  excite  Luther  against  Melanchthon; 
and  now  when,  in  1537,  Cardinal  Sadolet,  a  mild 
and  learned  Catholic,  wrote  Melanchthon  a  letter 
praising  his  moderation,  and  when  a  little  later  a 
letter  of  Sadolet's  complaining  of  Luther's  violence 
was  printed  and  circulated  at  Wittenberg,  Luther 
grew  suspicious,  and  others  called  Melanchthon  a 
deserter.  But  when  Luther  learned  that  Melanch- 
thon had  not  answered  the  Cardinal's  letter,  he  be- 
came convinced  that  the  Catholics  were  only  courting 
Philip  to  win  him  over,  and  he  exclaimed  sarc*asti- 
cally :  "  If  Philip  would  consent,  they  would  readily 


258  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

make  him  a  Cardinal  and  let  him  keep  his  wife  and 
children."  He  knew  well  that  Melanchthon  would 
never  consent.  It  was  about  this- time  also  that 
Melanchthon  came  into  unfriendly  relations  with  the 
learned  but  contentious  Osiander  of  Nuremberg  on 
the  subjects  of  Private  Absolution  and  Original  Sin. 
Osiander  wished  to  retain  Private  Absolution  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  General  Absolution,  and  had  also 
declared  that  Original  Sin  is  a  part  of  the  soul.  Mel- 
anchthon wished  to  retain  both  kinds  of  Absolution, 
and  named  Original  Sin  a  corruption  of  all  the 
powers  of  the  soul.  He  communicated  some  pro- 
positions to  Osiander  on  the  subject  of  sin,  but  the 
latter  only  replied  in  an  unfriendly  and  insulting 
manner.  There  was  no  open  controversy,  but 
Osiander  became  one  of  Melanchthon's  most  bitter 
enemies. 

In  the  year  1537,  Luther  had  a  controversy  with 
Agricola,  who  declared  that  Moses  should  be  hanged, 
and  that  the  Law  should  be  relegated  to  the  Court- 
House.  Luther  called  him  an  Antinomiany  and 
powerfully  refuted  him  in  several  Disputations. 
^Melanchthon  at  length  restored  peace  between 
them  ;  but  Agricola  remained  hostile  to  the  Witten- 
bergers,  and  especially  to  Melanchthon. 

These  controversies  were  so  purely  of  a  personal 
nature  that  they  awoke  no  serious  opposition  to 
Luther  or  Melanchthon  and  utterly  failed  to  alienate 
these  two  great  men.1 

s~    l  Amsdorf  seems  to  have  been  the  most  active  in  creating  in  the 

$       J>  mind  of  Luther  suspicions  of  Melanchthon.    Also  yvvaiHorvpavviS, 

(    as  Cruciger  writes,  sometimes  stood  in  the  way  of  the  most  frank  and 

confidential  intercourse  between  the  two  Reformers. — C.  .#.,  3  :  39^- 


BVCCER. 


BVCCER- FL^T  -  V 1EL' GUTEJsr;  VN' G 
ENGEHANT-  HAT-  ER-  /3/CH  -  BEKEFCT 
DAR  1ST-  BEGR ABE-  NACH  -  SEIM  -  E  NDT 
ft/CH  -W1DR-  >WW3R  ABEN  -  VN  <VERBKEtfT 
ABER-  DIED'  K6^fCIN  -  LOBE  SAN  •• 
HAT- DIE  -  ASCH 


DR.  MARTIN  BUCER. 


1537]         The  Wittenberg  Concord         259 

Indeed  on  the  subject  of  Good  Works,  Luther  so 
decidedly  approximated  to  the  position  of  Melanch- 
thon,  that  the  latter  in  sending  a  copy  of  Luther's 
discourse  on  the  subject  to  Veit  Dietrich,  says: 
"  Luther  discourses  eloquently  on  the  subject  which 
I  defended,  and  on  account  of  which  I  have  been 
abused  by  ignorant  men."  1 

*C.  R.,  3:  427. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
MELANCHTHON'S  WILL 

Schmalkald  Convention — Melanchthon's  Subscription  and  Appendix 
to  the  Schmalkald  Articles — Frankfort  Convention — Calvin — 
Melanchthon  Plans  the  Reorganisation  of  the  Leipzig  University 
—Melanchthon's  Will. 

TUNE  2,  1536,  Pope  Paul  III.  announced  a  coun- 
\J  cil  to  be  opened  at  Mantua,  May  23d  of  the 
following  year.  The  Protestant  Estates  now  called 
a  convention  to  be  held  at  Schmalkald,  February 
7th,  and  the  Elector  instructed  Luther  and  the  rest 
of  the  theologians  to  revise  the  articles  of  faith  and 
to  report  to  him  before  January  25th.  Instead  of 
revising  the  Confession,  Luther  prepared  new  articles 
of  faith,  which,  after  having  been  approved  and 
subscribed  by  his  colleagues  and  some  neighbouring 
theologians,  were  sent  to  the  Elector,  January  3d.1 
The  series  is  divided  into  three  parts.  Part  I.  states 
briefly  the  doctrines  of  the  Trinity  and  of  the  Per- 
son of  Christ.  Part  II.  discusses  the  Office  and 
Work  of  Christ.  Part  III.  contains  the  articles  on 
which  the  Protestants  were  willing  to  treat  with 

'DeW.,5:  46. 

260 


i539l  Melanchthon's  Will  261 

learned  and  prudent  men.  These  Articles,  because 
they  were  laid  before  the  convention  at  Schmalkald 
in  February,  1537,  are  known  as  the  Schmalkald 
Articles.  They  are  the  most  positive  and  antipapal 
of  all  the  Lutheran  Confessions,  and  are  in  effect  a 
declaration  of  war  against  Rome.  Melanchthon, 
influenced  by  his  love  of  peace,  and  by  his  prefer- 
ence for  a  Church  government  independent  of  the 
State,  subscribed  with  the  following  qualifications: 

"  I,  Philip  Melanchthon,  regard  the  foregoing  articles 
as  right  and  Christian.  But  of  the  Pope  I  hold  that  if 
he  will  permit  the  Gospel,  the  government  of  the  bishops 
which  he  now  has  from  others,  may  be  jure  humano 
also  conceded  to  him  by  us,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and 
the  common  tranquillity  of  those  Christians  who  are,  or 
may  hereafter  be  under  him." 

At  Schmalkald  these  articles  were  subscribed  by 
many  other  theologians,  but  not  by  the  princes,  in- 
asmuch as  they  had  decided  to  decline  the  Pope's 
offer  of  a  council,  because  the  proposed  council  was 
not  to  be  held  in  Germany,  "  would  not  be  a  free 
council,"  and  "  appealed  the  entire  matter  to  the 
arbitrament  of  the  Pope."  1 

While  the  princes  were  deliberating  on  the  politi- 
cal aspects  of  the  situation,  Melanchthon  composed 
an  Appendix  to  the  Articles,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  set  forth  the  position  of  the  evangelical  party 
in  regard  to  the  Papacy. 

This  Appendix  is  a  most  learned  refutation  of  the 
claims  of  the  Papacy  touching  the  divine  right  of  its 

1  C.  R.,  2  :  1018-1022. 


262  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

existence  and  of  its  supremacy  over  the  bishops. 
In  this  document  Melanchthon  considers  the  Papacy 
as  it  was  at  that  time,  and  not  ideally  and  according 
to  its  original  intention,  as  he  had  conceived  of  it 
in  his  qualified  subscription  to  the  Articles.  Hence 
there  is  no  contradiction  between  his  actions.  Even 
the  Articles  had  conceded  to  the  bishops  the  right 
jure  humano  of  governing  the  Church  and  of  or- 
daining preachers,  on  condition  that  "  they  would 
faithfully  discharge  their  office."  The  Appendix 
is  in  every  way  in  harmony  with  the  Articles,  and 
with  the  sentiment  that  prevailed  generally  among 
the  Protestants  on  the  subject  of  which  it  treats. 
In  learning,  moderation,  firmness,  dialectic  skill, 
and  fidelity  to  evangelical  principles,  it  is  not  sur- 
passed by  anything  that  ever  came  from  its  author. 
Indeed  he  alone  of  all  the  theologians  assembled  at 
Schmalkald  had  the  necessary  qualifications  to  com- 
pose such  a  tractate,  and  thus  to  render  such  a 
signal  service  to  the  State  and  to  the  Church,  by 
exposing  the  unfounded  assumptions  of  the  hier- 
archy, and  by  vindicating  the  right  of  the  churches 
"  to  ordain  for  themselves  pastors  and  other  church 
officers."  The  Appendix  was  signed  by  no  less 
than  thirty-four  ministers  and  theologians  in  the 
Recess  of  the  Convention.  For  a  time  it  had  higher 
authority  than  the  Articles  themselves,  inasmuch  as 
it  had  in  view  the  new  relations  in  which  the  princes 
and  Estates  had  placed  themselves  by  declining  the 
offer  of  a  general  council. 

After  that  Melanchthon,    at  the  instance  of  the 
Estates,  had  composed  several  other  treatises,  and 


1539]  Melanchthon's  Will  263 

with  the  other  theologians  had  commended  to  the 
princes  a  better  administration  of  the  Church  pro- 
perty, he  left  Schmalkald,  March  6th,  and  on  the 
I4th  was  at  home  in  Wittenberg. 

The  resolution  of  the  princes  at  Schmalkald  to 
decline  the  papal  offer  of  a  council  aggravated  the 
already  greatly  strained  relations  between  them- 
selves and  the  Catholic  princes.  The  latter,  desiring 
to  strengthen  the  Papacy,  met  at  Nuremberg,  and 
on  June  10,  1538,  formed  the  Holy  League.  Two 
leagues  now  stood  in  hostile  attitude  toward  each 
other;  and  though  they  both  claimed  to  exist  purely 
for  defence,  yet  so  great  was  their  mutual  distrust, 
that  war  appeared  imminent.  Philip  of  Hesse  act- 
ually counselled  war;  but  the  Electors,  Joachim  of 
Brandenburg,  and  Louis  of  the  Palatinate,  offered 
themselves  as  mediators,  and  proposed  a  council  at 
Frankfort,  to  which  an  imperial  ambassador  might 
come.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  and  February 
i,  1539,  Melanchthon  set  out  with  his  Elector  to 
Frankfort.  The  convention  resulted  in  a  truce, 
April  19,  1539,  tne  terms  of  which  bound  both  sides 
to  keep  the  peace  for  fifteen  months. 

At  Frankfort,  Melanchthon  wrote  several  import- 
ant Opinions  on  subjects  of  current  interest,  and 
addressed  letters  to  influential  princes  and  scholars. 
The  letter  to  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  dated  March 
26,  1539,  was  well  calculated  to  produce  a  good 
effect  on  the  mind  of  that  monarch.  After  alluding 
to  Henry's  "  heroic  virtues,"  he  says: 

"  I  commend  to  Your  Majesty  the  public  cause  of  the 
Christian  religion,  for  Your  Majesty  knows  that  the  chief 


264  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

duty  of  great  princes  is  to  promote  and  defend  the 
heavenly  doctrine.  For  this  reason  God  associates  them 
with  himself  in  ruling.  I  am  desirous^  as  I  have  often 
previously  written,  that  agreement  in  the  pure  doctrine 
should  be  established  in  all  those  Churches  which  con- 
demn the  tyranny  and  wickedness  of  the  Roman  Bishop. 
Such  agreement  would  show  forth  the  glory  of  God,  and 
would  serve  to  attract  other  nations,  and  to  prolong  the 
peace  of  the  churches." 

This  letter  adds  another  proof  of  the  determination 
of  the  Reformers  to  make  agreement  in  doctrine  the 
first  condition  of  their  religious  alliances. 

At  Frankfort  Melanchthon  made  the  personal  ac- 
quaintance of  Jacob  Sturm  and  John  Calvin.  He 
here  contracted  a  friendship  with  the  latter  which 
was  broken  only  by  death.  Calvin  has  given  a  lively 
account  of  the  Frankfort  Convention,  and  of  certain 
conversations  held  with  Melanchthon.  These  con- 
versations related  principally  to  church  union  and  to 
matters  of  discipline.  Melanchthon  is  reported  as 
assenting  to  certain  articles  prepared  by  Calvin,  as 
having  deplored  the  obstinacy  and  despotism  of  cert- 
ain of  his  own  party,  and  as  having  expressed  the 
wish  that  the  Wittenberg'  Concord  might  last  until 
the  Lord  should  lead  both  sides  into  the  unity  of 
His  own  truth.8 

The  Truce  of  Frankfort,  which  required  the  con- 
tinued observance  of  the  Peace  of  Nuremberg,  was 
altogether  favourable  to  the  Protestants ;  and  when 
in  the  same  year,  April  17,  1539,  Duke  George  died, 


1c.  y?.,3:  671. 

8  Bonnet's  Calvin's  Letters,  i.,  116  et  seqq. 


1539]  Melanchthon's  Will  265 

and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Henry,  all  ducal 
Saxony  was  opened  to  the  Gospel. 

Soon  Melanchthon  and  other  Wittenbergers  were 
called  to  Leipzig  to  begin  the  work  of  reform.  Mel- 
anchthon was  commissioned  especially  to  regulate 
the  affairs  of  the  university  and  to  bring-  them  into 
harmony  with  the  proposed  new  order.  He  recom- 
mended, among  other  things,  that,  "  because  the 
monks  and  sophists  still  utter  their  calumnies  and 
will  not  cease,"  they  be  forbidden  to  preach,  to 
dispute,  and  to  lecture.  He  proposed  Nicholas 
Amsdorf,  John  Hess,  of  Breslau,  or,  in  case  he  could 
not  come,  Alexander  Alesius,  a  Scotchman,  and 
Bernhard  Zeigler,  as  professors  of  theology.  Cert- 
ain revenues  from  the  cloisters  were  to  be  applied 
to  the  university;  stipends  for  theological  students 
were  to  be  established ;  and  the  new  professors  were 
to  have  a  place  and  a  vote  in  the  counsels  of  the 
university.  His  plans  were  adopted,  and  in  a  short 
time,  after  some  discussions  between  the  new  theo- 
logical professors  and  the  Dominicans,  the  univer- 
sity came  under  Protestant  control.  During  the 
summer,  Melanchthon  visited  the  churches  in  parts 
of  the  Dukedom  and  assisted  in  the  formal  introduc- 
tion of  evangelical  doctrine  and  worship.  He  found 
many  of  the  clergy  ignorant  and  leading  scandalous 
lives.  A  little  later  in  the  same  year  he  went  to 
Berlin  to  assist  Joachim  II.  in  introducing  the  Re- 
formation into  his  dominions.  Cochlseus  attributes 
the  blame,  as  he  calls  it,  of  Joachim's  conversion,  to 
Melanchthon.  Be  this  as  it  may,  we  have  a  pleas- 
ing letter  written  by  Melanchthon  in  the  name  of 


266  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  Elector  to  his  father-in-law,  Sigismund,  King  of 
Poland,  in  which  the  last-named  is  informed  that  a 
moderate  reformation,  free  from  fanaticism,  is  to  be 
introduced  into  Brandenburg.1 

Melanchthon's  letters  of  this  year  are  of  especial 
interest.  Not  only  do  they  contain  an  immense 
amount  of  information  touching  current  ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs,  but  they  show  his  deep  interest  in  the 
work  of  the  Reformation,  his  ardent  yearning  for 
harmony  among  the  Evangelicals,  and  his  fixed  de- 
termination "  to  hold  on  to  the  true  consensus  of 
the  Catholic  Church  of  Christ,  as  it  is  exhibited 
in  the  apostolic  Scriptures,  in  the  old  canons,  and 
by  the  writers  of  recognised  authority."  a 

Such  is  the  language  he  puts  in  the  mouth  of 
Joachim,  and,  no  doubt,  it  is  at  the  same  time  a 
faithful  reflection  of  his  own  mind.  His  attitude 
toward  the  venerable  institutions  of  the  Church  was 
conservative,  but  it  was  always  subordinated  to 
sound  doctrine. 

Melanchthon  had  now  reached  the  climacteric  year 
of  forty-two.  His  health  had  greatly  declined.  He 
writes  that  he  "  is  worn  out  with  labours,  sorrows, 
and  insomnia."  Believing  that  death  was  near  at 
hand  he  made  his  last  Will  and  Testament,3  which 
he  designed  chiefly  to  be  a  confession  of  faith.  As 
this  document  exactly  defines  its  author's  theologi- 
cal position,  and  illustrates  his  method  of  study,  and 
shows  the  design  with  which  from  time  to  time  he 

1  C.  R.,  3:  ^et.seqq. 
9C.  R.,  3:  l^etseqq. 
SC.  R.t  3  :  825  etseq. 


1539]  Melanchthon's  Will  267 

changed  the  form  of  his  writings,  we  present  it  in 
full,  as  follows : 

"  In  the  name  of  God  the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and  of 
the  Holy  Spirit. 

"  It  appears  that  the  chief  purpose  for  which  at  first 
wills  were  made,  was  that  fathers  might  leave  to  their 
children  a  sure  testimony  of  their  views  in  regard  to  the 
religious  faith  which  they  wished  to  have  transmitted  to 
posterity,  sealed,  as  it  were,  with  the  highest  authority; 
also  that  they  might  obligate  their  children  to  retain  and 
conserve  the  same  views,  as  we  see  by  the  will  of  Jacob 
and  of  David.  Therefore  also  Christ  in  this  manner 
made  his  will.  And  because  wills  have  contained  ex- 
plicit, sure,  and  unchangeable  views  of  inspired  doctrine, 
the  magnitude  of  the  matter  has  increased  the  authority 
of  wills.  Wherefore  also  as  a  memorial  to  my  children, 
and  to  some  friends,  I  have  desired  to  begin  my  will  by 
reciting  my  confession,  and  by  enjoining  upon  my  child- 
ren, as  becomes  a  father,  the  duty  of  abiding  steadfastly 
in  the  same  views. 

"  In  the  first  place,  I  return  thanks  to  God  the  Father 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  who  was  crucified  for  us,  the 
Creator  of  all  things,  because  he  has  called  me  to  repent- 
ance and  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel;  and  I  pray 
him  for  the  sake  of  his  Son,  whom  he  wills  to  be  a  sacri- 
fice for  us,  to  pardon  all  my  sins,  to  receive,  justify,  hear 
me,  and  to  deliver  me  from  eternal  death.  This  I  be- 
lieve truly  he  will  do.  For  thus  he  has  commanded  us 
to  believe.  And  it  is  impiety  to  magnify  our  sins  above 
the  death  of  the  Son  of  God.  This  latter  I  magnify 
above  my  sins.  Moreover,  I  pray  God  for  the  sake  of 
his  Son  our  Redeemer,  by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  increase  in 
me  these  beginnings  of  faith.  I  am  indeed  distressed  by 


268  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

my  sins,  and  by  the  scandals  of  others;  but  I  magnify 
the  death  of  the  Son  of  God,  that  grace  may  abound  over 
sin. 

"  In  the  second  place,  I  declare  that  I  truly  embrace 
the  Apostles'  and  the  Nicene  Creed;  and  in  regard  to 
the  entire  Christian  doctrine,  I  hold  as  I  have  written 
in  the  Loci  Communes,  and  in  the  last  edition  of  the 
Commentary  on  Romans,  in  which,  article  by  article,  I 
have  striven  to  say  without  ambiguity  what  I  hold. 

"  In  regard  to  the  Lord's  Supper  I  embrace  the  Form 
of  Concord  [the  Wittenberg  Concord~\  which  was  made 
here.  Therefore  I  united  myself  with  our  churches,  and 
I  declare  that  they  profess  the  doctrine  of  the  Catholic 
Church  of  Christ,  and  that  they  truly  are  churches  of 
Christ.  I  also  enjoin  upon  my  children  to  abide  in 
our  churches,  and  to  flee  the  churches  and  society  of 
the  Papists.  For  the  Papists  in  many  articles  profess  the 
most  corrupt  doctrine:  they  are  absolutely  ignorant  of  the 
doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith,  and  of  the  Remission 
of  Sins;  they  teach  nothing  about  the  difference  between 
the  law  and  the  Gospel.  In  regard  to  the  worship  of 
God  they  hold  heathenish  and  Pharisaical  notions.  To 
these  errors  they  also  add  many  others,  besides  manifest 
idolatry  in  their  Masses  and  in  the  worship  of  dead  men. 
Therefore  I  beseech  my  children  on  account  of  the  com- 
mand of  God  to  obey  me  in  this  matter  and  not  to  join 
the  Papists. 

"  And  since  I  see  that  posterity  is  threatened  with  new 
commotions  of  doctrines  and  of  the  Church,  and  that 
there  will  probably  be  fanatical  and  trifling  spirits  who 
will  overthrow  the  articles  of  the  Son  of  God  and  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  I  wish  to  warn  mine  to  adhere  to  the  views 
which  I  have  professed  with  the  Catholic  Church  of 
Christ  in  the  Loci,  where  I  condemn  Samosatenus  and 


1539]  Melanchthon's  Will  269 

Servetus,  and  others  who  dissent  from  the  received 
Creeds. 

"  It  is  also  probable  that  new  sophistries  of  a  seductive 
nature  will  come  after  a  while,  when  the  old  errors,  some- 
what changed  in  colour,  will  be  re-established,  and  these 
conciliatory  measures  will  corrupt  the  pure  doctrine,  as 
it  is  now  taught.  I  also  admonish  mine  not  to  approve 
these  sophistical  attempts  to  conciliate. 

"  The  learned  also  are  to  be  exhorted  to  watch,  lest 
under  the  semblance  of  peace  and  public  tranquillity 
they  accept  such  doctrinal  confession  as  was  promul- 
gated at  the  Syrmian  Synod.  This  I  can  truly  affirm, 
viz.,  that  I  have  striven  truly  and  properly  to  explain 
the  doctrine  of  our  Church,  that  the  young  may  rightly 
understand  our  views  and  transmit  them  to  posterity. 
If  this  form  is  profitable,  as  I  think  it  is,  I  request  Caspar 
Cruciger  and  others  who  have  been  my  pupils,  to  con- 
serve it  in  the  schools. 

"  I  know  that  certain  persons  have  at  times  suspected 
that  I  have  done  some  things  to  favour  the  adversaries. 
But  I  call  God  to  witness  that  I  have  never  wished  to 
favour  the  adversaries;  but  I  have  sought  accuracy  in 
explanation  in  order  that  these  things  when  freed  from 
ambiguity  might  be  better  understood  by  the  young. 
How  difficult  it  was  for  ine  to  attain  to  such  order  and 
method  in  explanation,  many  know,  who  know  that  in 
explaining,  I  often  changed  the  form.  It  is  evident  that 
the  Augustinian  form  is  not  sufficiently  explicit.  Hence 
I  declare  that  with  a  pure  motive  I  studied  the  method 
which  is  employed  in  the  Commentary  on  Romans,  and  I 
desire  to  leave  behind  me  distinct  views,  without  am- 
biguity, because  ambiguity  afterwards  produces  dissen- 
sions. Nor  has  it  been  my  purpose  to  present  any  new 
opinion,  but  clearly  and  properly  to  expound  the  Catholic 


270  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

doctrine,  which  is  taught  in  our  churches,  which  by  the 
special  blessing  of  God  I  declare  to  have  been  revealed 
in  these  recent  times  through  Doctor  Martin  Luther  in 
order  that  the  Church  which  had  almost  perished  might 
be  cleansed  and  restored.  Therefore  so  long  as  we  can, 
let  us  preserve  this  light.  And  I  pray  God  the  Father  of 
our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  to 
promote  the  studies  of  the  pious,  and  to  preserve  the 
Church,  and  especially  to  bless  our  churches  which  on 
account  of  the  Gospel  are  daily  attacked. 

"  But  I  return  thanks  to  Doctor  Martin  Luther,  first 
because  from  him  I  learned  the  Gospel.  Then  because 
of  the  many  kindnesses  shown  me  by  him,  I  wish  him  to 
be  cherished  by  mine  not  otherwise  than  as  a  father. 
Because  I  have  seen  and  discovered  that  he  is  endowed 
with  an  excellent  and  heroic  quality  of  mind,  with  many 
great  virtues,  with  piety,  with  eminent  learning,  I  have 
always  honoured  and  loved  him,  and  have  felt  that  he 
should  be  esteemed. 

"  I  also  return  thanks  to  the  Prince,  John  Frederick, 
Elector  of  Saxony,  whose  special  kindness  and  liberality 
were  extended  to  me.  I  pray  God  to  keep  him  safe,  to 
defend  and  direct  him  to  his  own  and  to  the  common 
safety  of  the  Church  and  of  many  nations. 

"  Very  grateful  also  was  the  kindness  of  Chancellor 
Pontanus,  whom  on  account  of  the  excellent  character  of 
his  mind  and  his  virtue,  I  have  loved,  and  to  whom  I 
return  thanks  for  all  his  kindnesses. 

"  I  also  return  thanks  to  other  good  men,  who  have 
shown  abiding  constancy  in  our  friendship,  to  my  brother 
George,  Joachim  Camerarius,  Chancellor  Francis  [Burk- 
hard],  Doctor  Jonas,  Doctor  Pommer,  Cruciger,  Doctor 
Augustin  [Schurf],  Doctor  Milich,  Paul  Eber^  Vtit  [Die- 
trich] ;  and  I  pray  God  to  preserve  them., 


1539]  Melanchthon's  Will  271 

"  Nor  do  I  suppose  that  these  friendships  are  ex- 
tinguished by  my  death;  but  I  hold  that  after  a  little 
while  we  shall  meet  in  eternal  life,  where  we  shall  more 
perfectly  enjoy  our  friendship  and  where  our  intercourse 
will  be  sweeter. 

"  I  also  entreat  all  persons  graciously  to  pardon  my 
errors,  if  in  anything  I  have  offended  anyone.  Cert- 
ainly I  have  not  wished  to  injure. 

"  I  also  return  thanks  to  all  my  colleagues  and  fellow- 
teachers  in  the  University,  because  in  many  ways  both 
publicly  and  privately  they  have  kindly  assisted  me." 

This  Will  was  written  on  or  just  before  November 
12,  1539,  and  was  reaffirmed  the  following  summer. 
It  therefore  stands  in  the  closest  chronological  and 
doctrinal  relation  to  the  edition  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession  published  in  1540,  an  account  of  which 
will  be  hereafter  given.  The  Loci  and  the  Comment- 
ary on  Romans,  to  which  it  appeals,  are  the  editions 
respectively  of  1535  and  1532,  the  same  which 
Luther  so  heartily  endorsed  and  commended  a  few 
years  later.  It  thus  becomes  a  demonstration  of  the 
doctrinal  harmony  that  existed  between  Luther  and 
Melanchthon ;  and  even  if  there  were  no  other  evi- 
dence, it  fully  justifies  the  affirmation  of  Nicholas 
Selneccer  that  Luther  and  Melanchthon  did  not  dif- 
fer in  doctrine, — which  affirmation,  however,  must 
not  be  pressed  to  the  extreme  of  indicating  absolute 
coincidence,  but  a  coincidence  which  found  its  ex- 
pression in  common  symbols,  and  in  learned  treatises, 
of  which  Melanchthon  was  the  author. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

MELANCHTHON  AND   PHILIP   OF   HESSE 

Colloquy  of  Hagenau — Melanchthon's  Sickness — The  Landgrave's 
Bigamy— Confessio  Variata — The  Tenth  Article  of  the  Con- 
fession. 

THE  winter  of  1539-40  wore  away  heavily  for 
Melanchthon.  His  presentiment  and  ' '  dream 
of  impending  death  came  near  being  realised.  When 
in  May,  1540,  attended  by  magisters  and  students 
he  crossed  the  Elbe  on  his  way  to  the  Hagenau  Col- 
loquy, he  exclaimed,  ' '  Viximus  in  Synodis  et  jam 
moriemur  in  illis,"  that  is,  "  I  have  lived  in  conven- 
tions, in  conventions  I  shall  now  die." 

At  Weimar  he  fell  seriously  ill,  so  that  his  life 
was  despaired  of.  The  Elector  sent  him  the  court 
physician  and  summoned  Luther  and  Cruciger  from 
Wittenberg.  Solomon  Glass  has  left  us  a  graphic 
C  account  of  the  scene  in  Melanchthon's  chamber 
when  Luther  entered.  He  says : 


"When  Luther  arrived  he  found  Melanchthon  ap- 
parently dying.  His  eyes  were  sunk,  his  senses  gone, 
his  speech  stopped,  his  hearing  closed,  his  face  fallen  in 

272 


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Philip  of  Hesse  273 

and  hollow,  and,  as  Luther  said,  'fades  erat  Hippo- 
cratica"  He  knew  nobody,  ate  and  drank  nothing. 
When  Luther  saw  him  thus  disfigured,  he  was  frightened 
above  measure,  and  said  to  his  companions,  God  for- 
fend!  how  has  the  devil  defaced  this  Organon  !  He  then 
turned  forthwith  to  the  window,  and  prayed  fervently  to 
God.  Then,  said  Luther,  our  Lord  God  could  not  but 
hear  me  ;  for  I  threw  my  sack  before  His  door,  and  wearied 
His  ears  with  all  His  promises  of  hearing  prayers,  which 
I  could  repeat  out  of  Holy  Writ ;  so  that  He  could  not  but 
hear  me,  if  I  were  ever  to  trust  in  His  promises.  Here- 
upon he  grasped  Philip  by  the  hand:  Be  of  good  courage, 
Philip ;  thou  shall  not  die.  Although  God  has  reason  to 
slay,  yet  He  willeth  not  the  death  of  a  sinner,  but  that  he 
should  be  converted  and  live.  He  has  pleasure  in  life,  not 
in  death.  If  God  called  and  received  the  very  greatest 
sinners  that  ever  were  on  earth,  Adam  and  Eve,  again  into 
favour,  much  less  will  he  reject  thee,  my  Philip,  or  let  thee 
perish  in  sin  and  despair.  Therefore  give  no  place  to  the 
spirit  of  sorrow,  and  be  not  thine  own  murderer  ;  but  trust 
in  the  Lord,  who  can  slay  and  make  alive  again,  can  wound 
and  bind  up,  can  smite  and  heal  again.  For  Luther  well 
knew  the  burden  of  his  heart  and  conscience.  Being 
thus  taken  hold  of  and  addressed,  Philip  began  to  draw 
breath  again,  but  could  say  nothing  for  a  good  while. 
Then  he  turned  his  face  straight  upon  Luther,  and  be- 
gan to  beg  him  for  God's  sake  not  to  detain  him  any 
longer, — that  he  was  now  on  a  good  journey, — that  he 
should  let  him  go, — that  nothing  better  could  befall  him. 
By  no  means,  Philip,  said  Luther;  thou  must  serve  our 
Lord  God  yet  longer.  Thus  Philip  by  degrees  became 
more  cheerful,  and  let  Luther  order  him  something  to 
eat;  and  Luther  brought  it  himself  to  him;  but  Philip 
refused  it.  Then  Luther  forced  him  with  these  threats, 


274  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

saying:  Hark,  Philip,  thou  must  eat,  or  I  excommunicate 
thee.  With  these  words  he  was  overcome,  so  that  he  ate 
a  very  little:  and  thus  by  degrees  he  .gained  strength 
again."  ! 

The  immediate  cause  of  Melanchthon's  sickness 
was  remorse  over  the  part  which  he  and  Luther  had 
taken  in  the  bigamy  of  Philip  of  Hesse.3  Influenced 
mainly  by  a  desire  to  save  the  Landgrave  from  his 
besetting  sin,  they,  without  sanctioning  bigamy  as 
a  principle,  had  given  a  quasi  consent  to  his  marriage 
with  Margaretha  von  der  Salle,  but  had  enjoined 
strict  secrecy.  Their  action  cannot  be  approved. 
There  was  a  better  way,  and  that  way  should  have 
been  followed.  As  the  matter  has  been  much  mis- 
represented, we  reproduce  the  letter  sent  to  the 
Landgrave  by  Luther  and  Melanchthon  as  their 
Opinion.  It  was  written  by  Melanchthon: 

"  Since  your  princely  Grace  has  through  Master  Bucer 
laid  before  us  a  certain  longstanding  trouble  of  your 
conscience,  although  it  is  difficult  for  us  to  answer  in 
such  haste,  we  would  not  let  Bucer  ride  off  without  a 
letter.  And  first,  we  are  heartily  rejoiced  and  thank 
God  that  He  has  helped  your  Grace  our  of  your  danger- 
ous sickness;  and  we  pray  that  He  will  strengthen  and 
preserve  your  Grace  in  soul  and  body  to  His  praise. 
For,  as  your  Grace  sees,  the  poor  miserable  Church  of 
Christ  is  small  and  forsaken,  and  verily  needs  pious  lords 
and  princes;  as  we  doubt  not  God  will  preserve  some, 
although  every  kind  of  temptation  befall.  With  regard 

>     f  Seckendorf,  in.,  314. 
*C.  A>.,3:   1073. 


Philip  of  Hesse  275 

to  the  question,  of  which  Master  Bucer  spoke  with  us, 
first,  this  is  our  opinion.  Your  Grace  knows  and  under- 
stands this  yourself,  that  it  is  a  very  different  thing  to 
make  a  general  law,  and  in  a  particular  case  to  u$e  a 


dispensation,  out  of  weighty  reasons,  and  yet  according 
__to_divine  permission;  for  against  God  no  dispensation 
has  force.  Now  we  cannot  advise  that  it  be  openly  in- 
troduced, and  thus  made  a  law,  that  each  be  allowed  to 
have  more  than  one  wife.  But  should  anything  of  this 
get  into  print,  your  Grace  may  conceive  that  this  would 
be  understood  and  adopted  as  a  general  law,  whence 
much  scandal  and  trouble  would  ensue.  Therefore  this 
is  by  no  means  to  be  adopted;  and  we  pray  your  Grace 
to  consider  how  grievous  it  would  be,  if  it  were  charged 
upon  anyone  that  he  had  introduced  this  law  in  the  Ger- 
man nation,  whence  endless  trouble  in  all  marriages 
might  be  feared.  As  to  what  may  be  said  against  this  that 
what  is  right  before  God  should  be  allowed  altogether, 
this  is  true  in  a  measure.  If  God  has  commanded  it,  or 
if  it  is  a  necessary  thing,  this  is  true:  but  if  it  is  not  com- 
manded, nor  necessary,  other  circumstances  should  be 
taken  into  account.  Thus  with  regard  to  this  question: 
God  instituted  marriage  that  it  should  be  the  union  of 
two  persons  alone,  and  not  of  more,  unless  nature  has 
been  corrupted.  This  is  the  meaning  of  the  saying,  They 
two  shall  be  one  flesh.  And  this  at  first  was  so  retained. 
But  Lamech  introduced  the  example  of  having  more  than 
one  wife  at  once,  which  is  recorded  of  him  in  Scripture 
as  an  innovation  contrary  to  the  first  rule.  Thence- 
forward it  became  customary  among  the  unbelievers,  till 
at  length  Abraham  and  his  descendants  took  more  than 
one  wife.  And  it  is  true  that  afterward  this  was  allowed 
jn  the  Law  of  Moses,  as  the  text  says,  Deut.  xxi.  15,  If  a 
man  has  two  wives,  etc.  For  God  gave  way  somewhat  to 


276  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  weakness  of  nature.  But  since  it  was  according  to 
the  first  beginning  and  the  creation  that  a  man  should 
not  have  more  than  one  wife,  this  law«is  praiseworthy, 
and  has  thus  been  adopted  in  the  Church:  nor  should 
another  law  be  made  and  set  up  against  it.  For  Christ 
repeats  this  saying,  Matt.  xix.  5,  And  they  twain  shall  be 
one  flesh,  and  reminds  us  how  marriage  was  to  be  first, 
antecedently  to  man's  infirmity.  That  in  certain  cases 
however  -a  dispensation  may  be  used, — as  if  a  person 
taken  captive  in  a  foreign  land  should  marry  there,  and 
on  gaining  his  freedom  should  bring  his  wife  with  him, 
— or  if  long  continued  sickness  should  supply  a  cause,  as 
has  been  held  at  times  with  regard  to  lepers, — if  in  such 
cases  a  man  takes  another  wife  with  the  counsel  of  his 
Pastor,  not  to  introduce  a  law,  but  as  a  matter  of  neces- 
sity, such  a  man  we  could  not  condemn.  Since  then  it 
Tis  one  thing  to  introduce  a  law,  and  another  to  use  a  dis- 
<  pensation,  we  humbly  entreat  your  Grace  to  consider, 
/  first,  that  care  should  in  every  way  be  taken  that  this 
(  matter  be  not  brought  publicly  before  the  world,  as  a  law 
which  everybody  may  follow.  Next,  since  it  is  to  be  no 
law,  but  merely  a  dispensation,  let  your  Grace  also  con- 
sider the  scandal,  namely,  that  the  enemies  of  the  Gospel 
would  cry  out,  that  we  are  like  the  Anabaptists,  who  take 
several  wives  at  once,  and  that  the  Evangelicals  seek  the 
liberty  of  having  as  many  wives  as  they  please,  according 
to  the  practice  in  Turkey.  Again,  what  princes  do,  gets 
abroad  much  further  than  what  is  done  by  private  per- 
sons. Again,  if  private  persons  hear  of  such  an  example 
in  their  lords,  they  desire  that  the  like  should  be  allowed 
to  them;  as  we  see  how  easily  a  practice  spreads. 
Again,  your  Grace  has  an  unruly  nobility,  many  of 
whom,  as  in  all  countries,  on  account  of  the  great 
revenues  which  they  derive  from  the  Chapters,  are  vio- 


Philip  of  Hesse  277 

lently  opposed  to  the  Gospel.  Thus  we  know  ourselves 
that  very  unfriendly  speeches  have  been  heard  from 
divers  young  squires.  Now  how  such  squires  and  the 
country  folks  will  behave  toward  your  Grace  in  this 
matter,  if  a  public  proceeding  be  adopted,  may  easily  be 
conceived.  Again,  your  Grace,  through  God's  grace, 
has  a  very  illustrious  name,  even  among  foreign  kings 
and  potentates,  and  is  feared  on  account  thereof,  which 
credit  would  be  impaired  hereby.  Seeing  then  that  so 
many  scandals  are  combined,  we  humbly  entreat  your 
Grace  to  consider  this  matter  well  and  diligently.  This, 
however,  is  also  true,  that  we  by  all  means  entreat  and 
exhort  your  Grace  to  avoid  fornication  and  adultery; 
and  in  truth  we  have  long  had  great  sorrow  from  hearing 
that  your  Grace  is  laden  with  such  distress,  which  may 
be  visited  with  punishments  from  God  and  other  dangers; 
and  we  entreat  your  Grace  not  to  esteem  such  matters 
out  of  wedlock  a  light  sin,  as  the  world  tosses  such 
things  to  the  wind  and  despises  them.  But  God  has 
often  fearfully  punished  unchastity:  for  it  is  recorded  as 
a  cause  of  the  Deluge,  that  the  rulers  practiced  adultery. 
Again,  the  punishment  of  David  is  a  solemn  example: 
and  Paul  often  says,  God  is  not  mocked :  adulterers  shall 
not  enter  into  the  Kingdom  of  God.  For  faith  must  be 
followed  by  obedience,  so  that  one  must  no^act  against 
_one's  conscience,  nor  against  God's  commandment.  If 
our  conscience  condemn  us  not,  then  have  we  confidence  to- 
ward God :  and  if  through  the  Spirit  we  mortify  the  deeds 
of  the  body,  we  shall  live  ;  but  if  we  live  after  the  flesh, 
that  is,  against  our  conscience,  we  shall  die.  This  we 
say,  because  it  is  to  be  considered  that  God  will  not  trifle 
with  such  sins,  as  many  people  now  grow  bold  to  enter- 
tain such  heathenish  thoughts.  And  we  have  heard  with 
pleasure  that  your  Grace  has  seriously  mourned  on  ac- 


278  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

count  thereof,  and  feels  sorrow  and  repentance  for  them. 
These  great  and  weighty  questions  press  for  your  Grace's 
attention,  pertaining  to  the  whole  wqrld.  Moreover, 
your  Grace  is  of  a  slender  and  far  from  a  strong  consti- 
tution, and  sleeps  little;  wherefore  your  Grace  should 
reasonably  spare  your  body,  as  many  others  are  forced 
to  do.  And  we  read  of  the  illustrious  Prince  Scander- 
beg,  who  wrought  many  noble  deeds  against  the  two 
Turkish  emperors,  Amurath  and  Mahomet,  and  pro- 
tected and  preserved  Greece  as  long  as  he  lived.  He, 
they  say,  specially  exhorted  his  soldiers  to  chastity,  and 
said  that  nothing  takes  away  a  brave  man's  spirit  like 
unchastity.  Again,  even  if  your  Grace  had  another  wife, 
Cand  did  not  seriously  resist  the  evil  practice  and  inclina- 
/  tion,  it  would  not  avail  your  Grace.  It  behooves  man 
in  his  outward  walk  to  bridle  his  members,  as  Paul  says: 
Yield  your  members  as  instruments  of  righteousness.  There- 
fore let  your  Grace,  in  consideration  of  all  these  causes, 
the  offence,  the  other  cares  and  labours,  and  the  weak- 
ness of  bo'dy,  weigh  this  matter  well.  Be  also  pleased 
to  consider  that  God  has  given  your  Grace  fair  young 
princes  and  princesses  with  this  consort;  and  be  content 
with  her,  as  many  others  must  have  patience  under  their 
marriage,  to  avoid  offence.  For  that  we  should  excite 
_(or  urge  your  Grace  to  an  offensive  innovation,  is  far  from 
/  our  mind.  For  your  country  and  others  might  reproach 
us  on  account  thereof,  which  would  be  intolerable  to  us; 
because  we  are  commanded  in  God's  word  to  regulate 
marriage  and  all  human  matters  according  to  their  first 
_divine  institution,  and,  so  far  as  possible,  to  keep  them 
therein,  and  to  avert  whatever  may  offend  anyone.  Such, 
too,  is  now  the  way  of  the  world,  that  people  like  to 
throw  all  the  blame  upon  the  preachers,  if  anything  un- 
pleasant fall  out;  and  men's  hearts,  among  high  and 


Philip  of  Hesse  279 

low,  are  unsteady:  and  all  sorts  of  things  are  to  be 
feared.  But  if  your  Grac£  do  not  quit  your  unchaste 
life, — or  that  you  write  that  this  is  not  possible, — we 
would  rather  that  your  Grace  stood  in  better  case  before 
God,  and  lived  with  a  good  conscience,  for  your  Grace's 
happiness,  and  the  good  of  your  country  and  people. 
If,  however,  your  Grace  should  at  length  resolve  to  take 
another  wife,  we  think  this  should  be  kept  secret,  as  was 
said  above  of  the  dispensation ;  namely,  that  your  Grace, 
and  the  Lady,  with  some  confidential  persons,  should 
know  your  Grace's  mind  and  conscience  through  con- 
fession. From  this  no  particular  rumour  or  scandal 
would  arise;  for  it  is  not  unusual  for  princes  to  have 
concubines;  and  although  all  the  people  would  not  know 
what  the  circumstances  were,  the  intelligent  would  be 
able  to  guess  them,  and  would  be  better  pleased  with 
such  a  quiet  way  of  life,  than  with  adultery  and  other 
wild  and  licentious  courses.  Nor  are  we  to  heed  every- 
thing that  people  say,  provided  our  consciences  stand 
right.  Thus  far,  and  this  we  deem  right.  For  that 
which  is  permitted  concerning  marriage  in  the  law  of 
Moses,  is  not  forbidden  in  the  Gospel,  which  does  not 
change  the  rule  of  outward  life,  but  brings  in  eternal 
righteousness  and  eternal  life,  and  kindles  a  true  obedi- 
ence to  God,  and  would  set  our  corrupt  natures  straight 
again.  Thus  your  Grace  has  not  only  our  testimony  in 
case  of  necessity,  but  also  our  advice,  which  we  beseech 
your  Grace  to  weigh,  as  an  illustrious,  wise  Christian 
Prince;  and  we  pray  that  God  may  lead  and  direct 
your  Grace  to  His  praise  and  to  your  Grace's  happi- 
ness." 1 

1  C.  R.,  3:  856.  This  Opinion  was  signed  by  Luther,  Melanch- 
them,  Bucer,  Corvin,  Fulda,  Leming,  Winter,  Melander,  and  Raid. 
Translation  from  Hare's  Vindication  of  Luther. 


280  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Luther,  by  the  power  of  his  faith,  rose  above  his 
mistake,  and  denounced  the  Landgrave;  but  the 
more  conscientious  Melanchthon  broke  down  under 
it.  He  realised  his  error,  and  foresaw  that  the 
Landgrave's  bigamy  would  bring  reproach  to  the 
cause  of  Christ.  Perhaps  the  most  inexplicable 
feature  of  the  whole  transaction  is,  that  one  so  fear- 
less as  Luther,  and  one  so  frank  as  Melanchthon, 
should  have  enjoined  secrecy  in  a  matter  which  in 
itself  they  did  not  regard  as  wrong. 

After  his  recovery  from  his  sickness,  Melanchthon 
wrote  to  Camerarius : 

"  I  cannot  describe  the  pain  I  suffered  during  my 
sickness,  some  returns  of  which  I  often  feel.  I  wit- 
nessed at  that  time  the  deep  sympathy  of  Luther,  but  he 
restrained  his  anxieties  that  he  might  not  increase  mine, 
endeavouring  to  raise  me  from  my  desponding  state  of 
mind,  not  only  by  administering  kind  conversation,  but 
salutary  reproof.  If  he  had  not  come  to  me  I  should 
certainly  have  died." 

Melanchthon  was  excused  from  going  to  Hagenau. 
At  the  convention  no  important  conclusions  were 
reached.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  July,  1540,  a 
new  diet  was  appointed  to  meet  at  Worms  in  Octo- 
ber. Meanwhile,  or  perhaps  earlier,  Melanchthon 
published  a  new  Latin  edition  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession.  Already  in  the  year  1535  he  had  writ- 
jf  ten  to  several  of  his  friends  that  he  was  engaged  in 
/  revising  the  Apology  (Confession)  and  the  Loci. 
His  object  was  to  make  some  of  the  discussions  more 
luminous.  To  Myconius  in  particular  he  wrote: 


NICHOLAS  AMSDORF. 


1540]  Philip  of  Hesse  281 

"  I  am  revising  the  Apology  [Confession],  and  am 
making  it  almost  wholly  new,  ut  habeat  minus 
Sophistices"  that  is,  "  that  it  may  have  less  sophis- 
try." It  is  thus  plain  from  his  letters  that  Me- 
lanchthon  was  revising  the  Confession  and  the  Loci 
at  the  same  time;  and  that  he  did  not  conceal  his 
work  from  his  Wittenberg  colleagues  is  evident 
from  a  letter  written  by  him  to  them  all,  November 
I,  1536,  in  which  he  speaks  of  having  revised  the 
Apology  (Confession)  in  order  "  to  express  some 
things  more  explicitly."  He  continues:  "  I  do  not 
shun  your  opinion  nor  that  of  Amsdorf.  I  have 
nothing  in  view  except  to  explain  most  accurately 
what  you  teach,  because  I  know  that  some  persons 
have  mistaken  notions  about  such  great  subjects." 
Bindseil  examined  all  of  Melanchthon's  letters  from 
May  i,  1535,  to  the  end  of  the  year  1540,  and  as 
he  nowhere  found  in  them  any  allusion  to  the  prepar- 
ation and  publication  of  an  edition  of  the  Confession 
during  these  years,  he  concluded  that  the  revised 
edition  was  completed  and  printed  in  1535,  and 
wonders  that  no  copy  bearing  that  date  is  known  to 
exist.  Peucer,  Melanchthon's  son-in-law,  contends 
that  this  new  edition  was  prepared  in  1538.  Selnec- 
cer  gives  the  same  date  of  preparation.  But  as  no 
copies  of  the  Variata  of  that,  or  of  an  earlier,  date 
have  been  found,  we  cannot  now  go  back  of  the 
edition  which  bears  the  title : 

1C.  R.,  2:  861,  871. 
*C\  R.y  3:   180. 


282  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497 

CONFESSIO 

FIDEI   EXHIBITA 

INVICTISS.  IMP.  CAROI^O 

V.  Caesari  Aug.  in  Comicijs 


ANNO.  M.  D.  XXX. 

Addita  est  Apologia  Confessi- 
onis  diligenter  recognita. 

PSALMO.  CXIX. 

Et  loquebar  de  testimony's  tuis  in 

conspectu  Regum,  et  non  con- 

fundebar. 
VlTEBERGAE.    1540. 


1 


This  is  the  Confessio  Variata,  or  the  Altered  Con- 
I  fession,  of  history,  which  for  a  time  was  more  widely 
used  both  publicly  and  privately  than  any  and  all 
other  Latin  editions  of  the  Confession. 

l  This  revised  edition  can  no  more  be  regarded  as  a 

private  writing  by  Melanchthon  than  the  first  edi- 
tion of  1530-31  can  be  so  regarded,  since  that  edition 
was  not  authorised  by  the  Elector,  nor  by  the  theo- 
logians, and  "  was  changed,  especially  in  the  German 
text,  in  many  places,"  J  whereas  the  evidence  is  in- 
disputable that  the  edition  of  1540  was  prepared  by 
the  command,  and  with  the  advice  and  assistance 
of  Luther,  for  the  purpose  of  having  it  presented  at 
the  diets.  Not  only  do  we  have  the  testimony  of 

ft  Peucer,  Melanchthon's  son-in-law,  to  this  fact,  but 

/    that  also  of  the  theologians  and  superintendents  at 

the  Altenburg  Colloquy  in   1569;  and  David  Chy- 

1  Oehler,  Symbolik,  p.  133. 


Philip  of  Hesse  283 

traeus,  Nicholas  Selneccer,  and  Martin  Chemnitz, 
all  of  whom  assisted  in  the  preparation  of  -the 
Formula  of  Concord  of  1577-80,  testify  that  the 
Variata  was  presented  at  the  Diets  of  Worms  and 
Regensburg,  and  at  the  subsequent  diets,  and  was 
constantly  appealed  to  by  the  Lutherans  as  their 
Confession  which  was  delivered  to  the  Emperor  in 
1530.  These  are  facts  which  have  never  been  called 
in  question.  Moreover,  it  was  approved  by  West- 
phal,  an  arch  anti-Calvinist,  by  the  rigidly  Lutheran 
Weimar  Confutation  Book,  and  was  expressly  named 
and  subscribed  by  nearly  all  the  princes  assembled 
at  Naumburg  in  1561,  as  a  fuller  and  ampler  ex- 
planation of  the  original  Augsburg  Confession.  It 
was  highly  praised  also  by  John  Brentz,  a  strict 
Lutheran.  It  is  thus  absolutely  conclusive  that 
Melanchthon's  contemporaries  applauded  and  sanc- 
tioned his  efforts  to  improve  the  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion ;  and  no  one  found  fault  with  it  during  the 
author's  lifetime.1 

The  first  to  call  invidious  attention  to  the  Variata 
was  John  Eck,  the  bitter  foe  of  the  Reformation. 
At  the  Diet  of  Worms,  in  January,  1541,  he  took 
exceptions  to  the  alterations  in  the  text.  Melanch- 
thon  at  once  replied:  "  The  meaning  is  the  same, 
though  in  the  later  edition  here  and  there  some 
things  have  been  softened  or  rendered  plainer." 
This  put  an  end  to  the  complaint,  and  the  edition 
continued  to  be  employed  in  the  Diet  by  the  Evan- 

1  See  Weber's  Kritische  Geschichte  der  Aug.s,  Can/.,  ii.,  300-310. 
Also  Kollner's  Symbolik,  i. ,  253,  254. 
*C.X.,4:  34,37- 


284  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

gelicals,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Saxon 
Elector  had  charged  his  delegates  to  abide  by  the 
Augsburg  Confession. 

At  the  Weimar  Disputation  between  Strigel  and 
Flacius,  August  5,  1560,  the  former  refuted  the 
latter  out  of  the  Variata.  In  the  afternoon  Flacius 
returned  to  the  debate  with  the  supplementary  an- 
swer that  Balthaser  Winter,  the  deceased  Superin- 
tendent of  Jena,  had  said  that  he  had  heard  the 
deceased  George  Rorer  say  that  Luther  did  not  like 
it  that  Melanchthon  had  changed  the  Confession. 
Strigel,  referring  to  Eck's  procedure  at  Worms, 
replied  that  that  was  a  papistical  subterfuge,  and 
the  debate  passed  on  to  the  discussion  of  the  next 
proposition.1  That  is,  against  the  written  test- 
imony of  the  most  eminent  and  upright  men  of 
the  age,  we  have  only  this  reputed  hearsay  of  a 
hearsay  of  a  dead  man,  an  after-thought  conjured 
up  to  cover  the  mortification  of  defeat — an  anti- 
Philippistic  fabrication,  which  is  now  regarded  by 
historians  as  worse  than  apocryphal.  Hence  he 
*i  who  charges  Melanchthon  with  intentional  corrup- 
tion of  the  Confession  not  only  involves  him  in 
falsehood,  but  makes  Luther,  Brentz,  Chytraeus, 
Selneccer,  Chemnitz,  and  others  either  partakers  of 
his  sin,  or  the  dupes  of  his  deception. 

Melanchthon's  letters  show  that  during  the  period 
of  revision  he  was  most  solicitous  about  improving 
the  Fourth  Article,  Justification  by  Faith.  He 
says:  "  We  ought  to  thank  the  adversaries  because 
they  compel  us  to  revise  this  article,  which  amid 

1  Salig,  Hist.  Augs.  Con/.,  iii.,  604. 


Philip  of  Hesse  285 

other  less  important  disputes  has  almost  ceased  to 
be  heard."  In  the  Variata  the  Fourth  Article  is 
greatly  expanded,  and  is  guarded  against  the  possi- 
bility of  being  misunderstood.  It  is  against  the 
Tenth  Article  chiefly  that  objection  has  been  raised. 
In  the  Unchanged  Confession  the  Tenth  Article 
reads  as  follows:  "  De  Ccena  Domini  docent,  quod 
corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  vere  adsint  et  distribuantur 
vescentibus  in  Ccena  Domini,  et  improbant  secus  do- 
centes"  That  is  :  "  Of  the  Lord's  Supper  they 
teach  that  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  truly 
present  and  are  communicated  to  those  that  eat  in 
the  Supper;  and  they  disapprove  those  that  teach 
otherwise." 

In  the  Variata  the  Tenth  Article  reads  thus: 
"  De  Ccena  Domini  docent  quod  cum  pane  et  vino  vere 
exhibeantur  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  vescentibus  in 
Ccena  Domini."  That  is:  "  Of  the  Lord's  Supper 
they  teach  that  with  the  bread  and  wine  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  are  truly  presented  to  those  that 
eat  in  the  Supper." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Melanchthon  intended 
to  place  the  Lutheran  doctrine,  generically  stated, 
in  the  Tenth  Article  of  the  Invariata.  He  wrote  to 
Veit  Dietrich,  June  26,  1530:  "  The  Landgrave  has 
subscribed  the  Confession  with  us,  though  the  article 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  is  in  accordance  with  Luther's 
doctrine. ' '  But  more  than  once  it  has  been  conceded 
that  the  Tenth  Article  of  the  Invariata  does  not  ex- 
hibit the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in 
a  form  sufficiently  explicit.  Erhard  Schnepf  says 

1  c.  ^.,  2 :  484,  504. 


286  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

that  when  the  Confession  was  adopted  at  Augsburg, 
many  persons  regarded  the  adverb  vere  (truly)  as 
ambigious.1  That  the  article  is  capable  of  a  Roman 
Catholic  interpretation  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
both  officially  and  privately  it  has  been  so  inter- 
preted by  Romanists.  The  instances  are  too 
numerous  and  too  well  known  to  need  specification.3 
These  things  being  so,  it  can  be  readily  understood 
what  the  theologians  of  Electoral  Saxony  meant 
when  they  said  :  "  Because  of  the  adversaries  of  the 
pure  doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  and  their  cavils,  a 
clearer  and  plainer  statement  had  to  be  made  in 
order  that  opportunity  for  cavilling  might  be  re- 
moved," —  which  corresponds  in  substance  with 
Melanchthon's  reply  to  Eck,  viz.,  that  certain 
things  had  been  softened  or  rendered  more  explicit. 
Schmidt  says  that  Melanchthon's  aim  was 

"  to  find  the  most  distinct  forms  in  order  to  prevent  any 
misunderstanding.  In  the  Apology  he  had  treated 
Christian  doctrine  in  the  usual  manner  in  order  to  make 
approach  and  agreement  with  the  Catholics  the  easier. 
But  now  approach  seemed  scarcely  possible.  By  the 
Schmalkald  articles  against  the  papacy  the  Protestants 
had  openly  broken  with  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
Besides,  the  enemy  had  abused  the  Confession  of  1530 
by  explaining  its  mild  language  in  their  own  sense,  and 
in  order  to  demand  new  concessions  from  the  Protestants. 

1  Confes.  de  Eucharistia. 

9  See  the  first  Catholic  Confutation,  also  that  of  August  3d ; 
Coelestin's  Hist.  Augs.  Con.,  ii.,  p.  235;  Ibid.,  iii.,  p.  43;  Alois 
Knopfer's  Ch.  Hist. 

a  Altenburg  Colloquy ',  p.  314. 


Philip  of  Hesse  287 

Hence  a  more  definite  wording  of  the  Confession  had  be- 
come necessary." 

All  the  known  facts  go  to  justify  this  conception. 
Besides,  there  was  no  longer  any  need  of  the  damn- 
atory clause,  since  the  Oberlanders  had  accepted  the 
Confession  and  Apology. 

The  interests  of  peace,  the  union  of  the  evangeli- 
cal forces  against  a  common  foe,  and  the  keeping  of 
faith  with  the  Oberlanders,  required  at  that  time, 
according  to  Melanchthon's  own  words,  "  that  the 
discords  should  be  healed  rather  than  exasperated. "  3 
It  was  only  when  Melanchthon  could  no  longer  an- 
swer for  himself,  when  the  bitter  animosity  of  the 
Jena  school  had  broken  out  in  fierce  accusations 
against  Wittenberg,  that  Melanchthon  was  charged 
with  having  changed  the  Tenth  Article  in  favour  of 
the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  the  Supper.  It  was  a  pure 
calumny,  manufactured  in  the  interest  of  partisan 
zeal.  The  evidence  is  conclusive  that  Melanchthon 
never  departed  from  the  Lutheran  view  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  nor  ever  hesitated  to  reaffirm  his  adherence 
to  the  Augsburg  Confession  of  1530,  as  in  the  Re- 
petition of  the  Augsburg  Confession  in  1551,  in  the 
Preface  to  the  Mecklenburg  Kirchenordnung,  in  the 
Examen  Ordinandorum,  and  at  Worms  in  1557,  when 
he  expressly  rejected  the  Zwinglian  doctrine. 

The  formula  by  which  in  the  Variata  he  expresses 
the  Lutheran  doctrine  "  that  with  the  bread  and 
wine  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  truly  pre- 

1  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  375. 
9  Letters,  iii.,  p.  230. 


288  Philip  Melanchthon  [1540 

sented  to  those  that  eat  in  the  Lord's  Supper," 
makes  a  difference  in  words,  not  in  the  original  in- 
tention, and  brings  the  Tenth  Article  into  harmony 
with  the  Wittenberg  Concord,  which  had  been  offi- 
cially endorsed  by  the  princes  in  1537.  The  words 
are  those  chosen  by  Melanchthon  under  the  counsel 
and  with  the  approval  of  Luther,  and  endorsed  both 
privately  and  officially  by  the  men  of  their  genera- 
tion as  the  words  best  suited  to  express  the  Lutheran 
doctrine  without  ambiguity,  and  to  free  it  from  the 
fact  as  well  as  from  the  possibility  of  a  Roman 
Catholic  interpretation.  Nor  would  it  be  possible 
to  interpret  these  words  in  a  Calvinistic  sense  with- 
out substituting  credentibus,  "  those  that  believe," 
for  vescentibus,  "  those  that  eat."  And  this  is  the 
conclusion  to  which  candid  and  orthodox  Lutherans 
have  at  length  come. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

MELANCHTHON  AT   REGENSBURG 

The  Diet  of  Worms — The  Regensburg  Diet — The  Regensburg  Book 
— The     Partial     Agreement — Melanchthon's     Aphorisms — His 
Steadfastness  and  Independence — His  Report  on  the  Regens- 
•^     burg  Book — Publication  of  his  Works. 

THE  Diet  of  Worms  was  opened  January  14, 
1541.  The  Protestants  presented  the  Augs- 
burg Confession,  that  is,  the  Variata,  as  the  basis 
of  the  Colloquy.  Eck  and  Melanchthon  were  chosen 
as  the  speakers.  Eck,  who  had  examined  the  Ger- 
man original  at  Mayence,  complained  that  the  copy 
of  the  Confession  laid  before  the  Diet  did  not  agree 
with  that  which  had  been  presented  to  the  Emperor 
at  Augsburg.  Melanchthon  answered  that  "  the 
meaning  was  the  same,  though  in  the  later  copies 
milder  and  plainer  words  were  used."  Eck  made 
no  further  complaint,  and  at  once  took  up  the 
articles.  The  Colloquy  was  now  begun.  As  never 
before  did  Melanchthon's  skill  in  debate  manifest 
itself.  He  commanded  the  admiration  of  all.  He 
showed  marvellous  acquaintance  with  the  Scriptures 


290  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  with  the  fathers,  and  spoke  in  the  most  beauti- 
ful Latin.  Francis  Burkhard  wrote  to  Chancellor 
Brtick:  "  Doctor  Eck  has  found  his  man;  it  looks 
to  me  like  the  meeting  of  David  and  Goliath.  I  do 
not  doubt  that  the  truth  will  come  off  victorious."  l 
Others  said:  "  Master  Philip's  speech  is  as  the 
song  of  the  nightingale;  Eck's  like  the  croaking  of 
the  raven."3  Melanchthon's  eloquence  was  sur- 
passed only  by  his  modesty.  When  Eck  sought  to 
entrap  him  by  some  sophism,  he  paused  to  consider 
the  matter,  and  then  said,  "  I  will  give  you  an  an- 
swer to-morrow."  "  Oh,"  replied  Eck,  "  there  is 
no  honour  in  that,  if  you  cannot  answer  me  imme- 
diately." Then  fell  the  memorable  words:  "  My 
good  Doctor,  I  am  not  seeking  my  own  glory  in  this 
cause,  but  truth.  I  say  then,  God  willing,  you 
shall  have  an  answer  to-morrow."  3 

The  discussion  centred  chiefly  round  the  doctrine 
of  Original  Sin,  but  no  agreement  was  reached. 
January  i8th,  the  Colloquy  was  brought  to  a  close, 
or  rather  transferred  to  Regensburg,  where  the  Im- 
perial Diet  was  to  be  held  the  next  Spring.  Mel- 
anchthon wrote  to  Camerarius:  "  My  anxiety  has 
been  greatly  increased  by  this  debate.  It  is  not 
arms  and  violence  that  I  fear,  but  deceitful  speeches 
and  sophistries.  In  these  colloquies  we  cannot 
sufficiently  guard  ourselves  against  treachery. "  *  In 

1C.  J?.f4:  23. 
8C7.  *.,  25. 

z  Adami  Vita,  p.  329.     See  Melanchthon's  report  of  the  Diet  in 
C.  R. ,  4  :  34  et  seqq. 
*C.  £.,  4:  88. 


1542]      Melanchthon  at  Regensburg      291 

several  letters  he  gives  accounts  of  the  Colloquy,  and 
speaks  hopefully  of  Granvella,  the  Imperial  Chancel- 
lor, who  had  presided ;  but  he  has  no  good  words 
for  Eck.  Melanchthon  returned  home  at  once  after 
the  proroguing  of  the  Diet,  and  took  up  his  work  in 
the  university.  He  was  thoroughly  disgusted  with 
colloquies,  and  begged  to  be  excused  from  going  to 
Regensburg.  But  his  wish  was  not  gratified,  as  the 
Elector  needed  his  ablest  theologians  at  the  Diet. 
March  14,  1541,  he  left  Wittenberg,  and  on  the  i6th 
he  joined  the  other  delegates  at  Altenburg.  On 
the  Bavarian  frontier  the  carriage  in  which  he  rode 
was  overturned,  and  he  was  violently  thrown  to  the 
ground.  His  wrist  was  so  badly  sprained  that  for  a 
time  he  could  not  write.  The  injury  followed  him 
through  life. 

The  Diet  was  opened  April  5th.  Frederick, 
Count  Palatine,  and  Granvella  presided.  The  Em- 
peror selected  Julius  von  Pflug,  John  Gropper,  and 
John  Eck  from  the  Catholics,  and  Philip  Melanch- 
thon, Martin  Bucer,  and  John  Pistorius  from  the 
Protestants,  to  discuss  the  articles  of  religion. 
When  the  debate  was  about  to  begin,  April  2/th, 
the  Emperor  presented  the  colloquists,  through  Gran- 
vella, with  a  book,  with  the  request  to  examine  it, 
and  to  correct  whatever  they  found  in  it  contrary  to 
the  Scriptures,  but  to  suffer  all  that  was  Christian 
to  remain.  This  book,  of  uncertain  authorship, 
known  as  the  Regensburg  Book,  was  half  Catholic 
and  half  Protestant,  and  contained  doctrines  to 
which  neither  party  could  consent  without  giving 
up  its  principles.  Eck  said  it  Melanchthonised  too 


292  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

much,  but  Melanchthon  totally  disclaimed  it. 
Various  articles  were  discussed,  and  agreement  was 
attained  on  Justification,  the  Freedom  of  Man, 
Original  Sin,  Baptism,  Good  Works,  and  Episco- 
pacy, but  not  on  any  other  articles.1  During  the 
discussion  of  the  Eucharist,  Melanchthon  uttered 
two  aphorisms,  that  have  come  to  be  regarded  as 
axiomatic  in  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Lord's 
Supper:  "  Nothing  has  the  nature  of  a  sacrament 
apart  from  the  divinely  appointed  use."  "  Christ  is 
not  present  for  the  sake  of  the  bread,  but  for  the 
sake  of  man."  Eck  was  so  confounded  by  Mel- 
anchthon's  speech  that  in  default  of  argument  he 
first  raved,  then  got  drunk,  and  falling  sick  never 
returned  to  the  Diet.8  Granvella  was  so  impressed 
by  the  speech  that  he  said,  "  This  is  a  grave  matter, 
and  is  worthy  of  the  attention  of  a  council."  3 
When  Melanchthon's  aphorisms  were  reported  to 
Luther,  he  exclaimed:  "Brave  Philip,  you  have 
snatched  from  the  papacy  what  I  should  not  have 
dared  to  attempt,"  and  he  wrote  to  the  Elector  that 
Melanchthon  and  the  other  delegates  had  stood 
bravely  by  "  the  dear  confession."  4 

Melanchthon's  steadfastness  was  also  greatly 
praised  by  his  colleagues,  who  reported  that  he  de- 
clared that  he  would  father  die  than  yield  anything 
in  the  Conference  against  his  conscience,  for  it  would 
be  death  to  him  to  go  contrary  to  his  conscience.5 
The  independence  also  which  Melanchthon  exhibited 

1  Seckendorf,  iii.,  35.  4De  W.,  5  :  357. 

*C.  ^.,9:  626.  •£  j?.,  4:  225. 


1542]      Melanchthon  at  Regensburg      293 

at  Regensburg  is  worthy  of  all  praise.  It  had  been 
insinuated  that  he  was  simply  the  mouthpiece  of 
Luther.  In  a  noble  and  manly  letter  to  the  Em- 
peror he  declares  that  he  has  no  instructions  from 
Luther,  and  only  general  directions  from  the  Elec- 
tor to  adhere  to  sound  doctrine. 

"  I  know,"  he  says,  "  that  the  doctrines  of  our 
churches  are  the  doctrines  of  the  Church  Catholic. 
This,  I  think,  is  confessed  by  many  wise  men,  though 
they  think  that  in  removing  abuses  we  are  harsher  than 
is  necessary.  They  wish  to  retain  a  kind  of  saint- 
worship,  private  masses,  and  the  like.  Hence  they  want 
us  to  take  a  backward  step,  and  to  approve  the  begin- 
nings of  abuses.  Since  I  cannot  do  this,  I  ask  again  to 
be  dismissed."  * 

When  Melanchthon's  steadfastness  was  reported 
to  the  Elector,  he  wrote  to  his  commissioners :  "  We 
have  heard  with  great  satisfaction  that  Master  Philip 
has  conducted  himself  with  firmness  and  decision. 
May  the  Almighty  God  graciously  sustain  him  in  his 
course."  2 

On  June  24th,  Melanchthon  presented  a  report  on 
the  Regensburg  Book.  It  contains  a  masterly  dis- 
cussion of  all  the  articles  in  dispute,  and  closes  with 
as  brave  words  as  ever  came  from  any  man's  pen: 

"  For  the  reasons  given  I  conclude  upon  the  Word  of 
God  and  with  a  good  conscience  that  I  cannot  and  will 
not  receive  this  book,  and  I  pray  God  the  Father  of  our 

1  C.  R.,  4  :  3i8. 
3C.  R.,  4:  346. 


294  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Lord  Jesus  Christ  that  he  will  grant  us  all  good  counsel 
and  help,  and  will  protect  and  govern  his  Church,  which 
he  has  redeemed  by  his  Son  and  still  wonderfully  pre- 
serves. And  that  everyone  may  know  what  I  believe,  I 
will  here  declare  that  I  hold  the  doctrine  of  our  churches 
as  it  is  comprehended  in  our  Confession  and  Apology, 
and  by  God's  grace  I  intend  to  abide  in  it.  And  I 
thank  God  that  he  has  enlightened  his  Church  ;  nor  do  I 
wish  to  give  occasion  for  obscuring  the  pure  doctrine 
again.  No  one  can  truthfully  charge  that  I  have  pleasure 
in  useless  strife.  For  it  is  manifest  from  my  writings 
that  with  the  greatest  diligence  I  have  sought  and  main- 
tained mildness  and  moderation.  I  also  pray  God  for 
peace  and  Christian  unity;  and  I  am  ready  for  a  further 
declaration."  * 

At  length,  on  July  2Qth,  the  Recess  of  the  Diet 
was  announced.  The  unreduced  differences  were  to 
be  referred  to  a  council,  or  to  a  diet  of  the  Empire; 
the  Protestants  were  to  refrain  from  writing  against 
the  articles  agreed  upon ;  the  Bishops  should  intro- 
duce a  Christian  reformation  ;  the  Nuremberg  Peace 
should  be  maintained. 

The  Regensburg  Diet  marks  a  climax  in  the  re- 
formatory movement.  Neither  before  nor  afterward 
was  the  Emperor,  or  the  Curia  through  its  legates, 
so  conciliatory ;  but  the  Papalists  would  not  recede 
from  what  the  Protestants  regarded  as  fundamental 
errors.  Hence  there  could  be  no  agreement.  At 
Rome,  Germany  was  regarded  as  lost,  and  the  grav- 
est apprehensions  were  entertained  concerning  the 
Netherlands  and  France.  The  fact  is,  the  Reform- 

1C.  JP.,4:  4I3-43L 


1542]      Melanchthon  at  Regensburg      295 

ation  had  gained  such  a  distinct  dogmatic  conscious- 
ness that  it  could  not  recede  from  its  position,  and 
it  had  acquired  so  much  political  strength  that  it 
could  not  be  suppressed  by  the  sword.  If  the 
Schmalkald  League  had  helped  to  give  the  move- 
ment political  strength,  Melanchthon  more  than  any 
other  man  had  helped  to  give  it  dogmatic  conscious- 
ness and  confessional  dignity. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  July,  1541,  Melanchthon  left 
Regensburg  for  home  by  the  way  of  Leipzig,  where 
he  had  sought  a  place  for  his  friend  Camerarius, 
whom  he  commended  to  Duke  Henry  as  "  peace- 
able, quiet,  and  conscientious,  and  so  learned  in 
philosophy  and  eloquence  as  to  be  surpassed  by  few 
at  home  or  abroad. ' ' 1  Henry  called  Camerarius,  Au- 
gust I4th,  and,  dying  soon  thereafter,  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Maurice.  August  7th,  we  find  Melanch- 
thon in  Wittenberg,  and  October  26th  he  addressed 
a  letter  to  Camerarius,  now  at  Leipzig.  During  the 
autumn  and  winter  he  was  as  usual  very  active  with 
his  pen.  In  December,  an  edition  of  his  works 
was  published  at  Basel.  January  20,  1542,  he  was 
present  when  Luther  consecrated  Nicholas  von 
Amsdorf  as  Bishop  of  Naumburg.  In  March  Lu- 
ther wrote:  "  Master  Philip  is  well  and  hearty.  He 
is  doing  more  than  all  the  rest.  He  is  the  Atlas 
who  sustains  heaven  and  earth."2  Some  idea  of 
his  labours  may  be  gained  when  it  is  learned  that 
his  letters  alone  during  the  year  1542  extend  from 
page  749  to  page  942  in  the  Corpus  Reformatorum. 

lc.  #.,  4:  638. 
2De  w.,  5:  452, 


CHAPTER    XXIV 

THE   COLOGNE   REFORMATION 

Melanchthon   Invited  to  Bonn — Hermann's    Consultation — Contro- 
versy— Strained  Relations  between  Melanchthon  and  Luther. 

THE  incoming  year  (1543)  imposed  new  duties. 
The  Reformation  had  extended  its  influence 
to  the  region  of  the  Lower  Rhine.     In  December, 

1542,  Archbishop  Hermann  of  Cologne  had  invited 
Bucer  to  Bonn  to  preach  the  Gospel.     In  January, 

1543,  he  invited  Melanchthon  to  come  to  him  to 
assist  in  instituting  reform  in  religion,  and  requested 
the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  allow  him  to  come.     As 
the  request  was  in  support  of  "  a  godly  and  Christian 
work,"  and  was  favoured  by  Luther  and  Camerarius, 
the    Elector    gave    his    consent   to    Melanchthon 's 
going,  and  sent  him  a  hundred  gulden  and  an  escort. 
May  4th,  attended  by  Justus  Jonas,  Jr.,  and  Jerome 
Schreiber  he  entered  Bonn.     He  found  the  religious 
ignorance  greater  than  he  had  supposed  it  was.     To 
Luther  he  wrote: 

"  I  think  there  is  scarcely  a  place  in  Germany  where 
there  is  so  much  barbarism,  even  heathenish  superstition 

296 


1546]       The  Cologne  Reformation        297 

as  in  these  parts.  Heretofore  the  people  ran  to  the 
images.  Now  I  observe  that  the  preaching  of  Bucer  and 
Pistorius  is  largely  attended,  and  I  note  that  they  both 
preach  purely  and  correctly.  There  are  also  others  in 
the  neighbouring  towns  who  teach  correctly,  and  rightly 
administer  the  sacraments." 

Two  plans  of  reformation  had  been  submitted : 
One  by  John  Cropper,  the  archiepiscopal  chancellor, 
who  wrote  "  only  painted  articles,"  as  Melanchthon 
called  them ;  and  one  by  Bucer,  who  had  taken  the 
Brandenburg-Nuremberg  Church  Order  as  his  guide. 
Melanchthon  spent  three  days  in  revising  some  of 
Bucer's  articles  on  doctrine,  and  wrote  several  new 
articles,  but  left  those  on  the  sacraments  as  Bucer 
had  written  them,  because  they  were  in  harmony 
with  the  teaching  in  all  Lutheran  churches.2  The 
result  of  his  and  Bucer's  labours  are  embodied  in 
the  book  known  as  Hermann's  Consultation,  which 
Lutherans  have  unhesitatingly  claimed  as  a  genuine 
Lutheran  Church  Order,  which,  translated  into 
English  and  published  in  1547,  exerted  an  important 
influence  on  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

The  Consultation  was  rejected  by  the  Chapter  and 
clergy  of  Cologne.  Cropper  wrote  a  book  against 
it,  called  Antididagma.  It  was  also  lampooned 
by  a  Carmelite  monk,  named  Billich,  whom  Mel- 
anchthon describes  as  "  a  fatted  priest  of  Bacchus 
and  Venus."  The  Chapter  and  clergy,  having 
gained  the  upper  hand  at  Cologne,  preferred  charges 

1  C.  R.,  5 :  112. 

3DeW.,5:  670. 


298  Philip  Melanchthon  0497- 

against  the  Archbishop  before  the  Emperor  and  the 
Pope.  April  1 6,  1546,  the  aged  Hermann  was  de- 
posed. 

While  at  Bonn  Melanchthon  was  very  uncomfort- 
able in  his  surroundings,  but  very  busy  with  his  pen. 
Besides  his  contributions  to  the  Consultation,  he 
wrote  a  Response  to  Billich's  satire.  He  first  refutes 
the  slanders  that  the  Protestants  have  forsaken  the 
doctrine  of  the  Church  Catholic ;  that  they  oppose 
the  civil  government ;  and  that  they  are  influenced 
in  their  movements  by  considerations  of  worldly 
gain.  He  then  paints  in  striking  colours  the  super- 
stitions of  the  Roman  Church,  the  corruptions  of 
monasticism,  and  the  evils  of  celibacy.  Of  doctrine 
he  says:  "  We  mutilate  no  church  dogma, but  only 
attack  recent  errors  which  have  crept  in  contrary  to 
the  Gospel  and  the  judgments  of  the  purer  church." 
The  Response  was  published  with  a  characteristic 
Preface  by  Luther.  It  covers  twenty-two  folio 
pages,  and  has  been  pronounced  one  of  the  noblest 
defences  of  Protestantism  ever  penned.1 

Some  idea  of  the  double  discomfort  of  Melanch- 
thon's  situation  at  Bonn  may  be  learned  from  the 
following  letters.  To  Peter  Martyr  he  wrote,  July 
I4th:  "  I  have  attended  many  conventions,  yea, 
battles;  but  I  have  never  happened  among  more 
rabid  and  impudent  sycophants."3  And  to  Paul 
Eber: 

"  I  am  living  here  the  life  of  a  sailor.     My  lodgings 


'Witt.  Ed.,  i.,  95  et  seqq. 
3C.*.,  5:   143- 


1546]        The  Cologne  Reformation        299 

are  by  the  Rhine  just  where  the  boats  land,  whence 
comes  the  foul  stench  of  the  bilge-water.  In  the  house 
everything,  the  table,  the  bed,  the  fireplace,  are  crowded 
together  just  as  in  a  boat.  The  wine  is  wretched; 
the  cooking  is  Westphalian.  The  cleanliness  is  far 
from  that  of  France,  or  of  the  Upper  Rhine.  It  is  also 
expected  that  the  imperial  army  will  pass  through  these 
parts."  * 

July  28th,  Melanchthon  "  tore  "  himself  from 
this  scene  of  controversy  and  discomfort  and  turned 
his  face  homeward.  At  Frankfort,  he  adjusted  a 
controversy  over  some  ceremonies  connected  with 
the  sacraments,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Weimar, 
whither  he  had  been  summoned  by  the  Court. 
August  1 5th,  amid  an  ovation  of  students  and  pro- 
fessors, who  had  gone  forth  to  meet  him,  he  entered 
Wittenberg. 

Hermann's  Consultation  was  soon  published,  and 
became  the  innocent  cause  of  much  sorrow  to  Mel- 
anchthon. The  article  on  the  Lord's  Supper  is 
Lutheran,  but  it  is  not  stated  in  rigid  -Lutheran 
formulas.  The  subject  is  treated  practically,  rather 
than  doctrinally.  The  Archbishop  sent  a  copy  of 
the  Consultation  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  who  sent 
it  to  Amsdorf  for  examination.  Amsdorf ,  who  was 
more  Lutheran  than  Luther,  and  had  long  been  hos- 
tile to  Melanchthon,  severely  criticised  the  articles 
on  the  Will  and  Sacrament,  and  sent  his  criticisms 
to  Luther,  who  had  not  yet  read  the  Consultation. 
The  latter  was  pleased  with  the  criticisms,  and  con- 

ȣ*.,  5:  142. 


300  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

demned  the  Consultation  because  "  it  says  not  a 
word  against  the  fanatics,"  and  does  not  mention 
"  the  oral  reception  of  the  true  body  and  blood."  1 
Luther  was  at  the  time  violently  excited  against  the 
Swiss  on  account  of  their  views  of  the  Sacrament. 
He  calls  Bucer  Klappermaul  (babbler),  and  in  private 
conversations,  in  public  lectures  and  sermons,  he 
spoke  against  the  Sacramentarians  with  all  the 
vehemence  of  former  years.  Gossips,  busy-bodies, 
and  strife-makers  were  doing  their  despicable  work. 
The  report  went  out  that  Luther  was  going  to  make 
an  attack  on  his  old  friend. 

Melanchthon  was  now  plunged  into  the  deepest 
grief,  and  began  to  talk  of  going  into  exile.  August 
28th  (1544),  he  addressed  Bucer  as  follows: 

"  I  wrote  you  by  Milich  that  our  Pericles  is  about  to 
thunder  most  vehemently  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  that 
he  has  written  a  book,  not  yet  published,  in  which  you 
and  I  are  beaten  black  and  blue.  Amsdorf,  whom  he 
recently  visited  and  consulted  on  the  matter,  is  applaud- 
ing the  assault.  To-morrow,  as  I  learn,  he  will  summon 
Cruciger  and  me.  I  pray  God  to  grant  the  Church  and 
us  a  salutary  result.  Perhaps  it  is  God's  will  that  the 
subject  be  agitated  again,  that  it  may  be  further  ex- 
plained. I  am  calm  and  will  not  hesitate  to  withdraw 
from  this  penitentiary  should  he  attack  me."  a 

Finally,  in  October,  1544,  Luther  published  his 
book  under  the  title,  A  Short  Confession  on  the 
Holy  Sacrament  against  the  Fanatics.  Zwingli  and 

1  De  W.,  5  :  708. 
5  C.  R.,  5  :  474- 


1546]        The  Cologne  Reformation        301 

CEcolampadius,  both  long  since  dead,  are  branded 
as  heretics  and  murderers  of  souls.  The  Reformed 
generally  are  named  "  eingeteufelte,  durchteufelte, 
ueberteufelte  lasterliche  Herzen  und  Liigenmauler." 
That  is:  "  Blasphemers  and  liars,  possessed  and 
permeated  through  and  through  by  the  devil. ' '  But 
neither  Melanchthon,  nor  Bucer,  nor  Calvin,  is 
named  or  alluded  to.  Malicious  persons  had  striven 
to  excite  Luther  against  Melanchthon ;  but  in  this 
they  signally  failed ;  for  even  after  he  had  decided 
to  write  this  new  Confession,  he  had  declared,  "  I 
have  absolutely  no  suspicion  in  regard  to  Philip  "  *; 
and  a  month  after  the  publication  of  this  Confession, 
he  wrote  to  the  Venetians:  "  If  you  should  hear 
that  Philip  or  Luther  has  yielded  to  the  insane 
error  of  the  Sacramentarians,  for  God's  sake  do  not 
believe  it  "  2 ;  as  in  the  previous  year  he  had  spoken 
of  Bucer  as  orthodox,  and  by  letter  had  commended 
Melanchthon'sZtf^z  and  his  commentaries  on  Romans 
and  Daniel  to  the  Venetians;  though  in  his  ardent 
hostility  to  the  Swiss,  he  not  only  affirmed  in  this 
letter  the  oral  reception  of  the  body  and  blood,  but 
actually  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  write :  De  trans- 
sub  stantiatione  rejicimus  inutilem  et  sophisticam  dis- 
putationem,  nihil  morati,  si  quis  earn  alibi  credat,  vel 
non.  That  is:  "  We  reject  the  useless  and  sophisti- 
cal dispute  about  transubstantiation,  but  we  do  not 
care  whether  anyone  elsewhere  believes  it,  or  not," 
—which  gave  Melanchthon  great  distress,  as  he  fore- 

'DeW.,  5:  645. 
2DeW.,  5:  697. 
3DeW.,  5:  568. 


302  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

saw  the  controversies  that  would  arise  from  Luther's 
"  concession  of  transubstantiation,  which  is  the 
source  of  idolatry."  1 

During  this  same  crucial  period  the  Elector  also 
expressed  his  entire  confidence  in  Melanchthon,  and 
actually  forbade  Luther  to  attack  him,  since  he  was 
faithful  and  true,  and  could  not  be  spared  from  the 
university.3  Yet  this  precaution  was  unnecessary, 
for  there  is  not  a  word  to  be  found  in  Luther's 
private  correspondence,  nor  elsewhere  from  his  pen, 
nor  a  recorded  syllable  from  his  lips,  to  show  that 
he  at  any  time  meant  to  attack  Melanchthon,  or 
that  during  this  period  he  had  become  seriously 
alienated  from  him,  or  that  he  was  displeased  with 
his  doctrinal  position ;  though  his  attitude  towards 
his  colleagues  during  the  summer  of  1544  was  one 
of  suspicion  and  unfriendliness.  He  had  quarrelled 
violently  with  the  law  faculty  over  the  validity  of 
secret  betrothals,  and  at  home  he  "  was  inflamed 
by  the  domestic  firebrand,"  Frau  Luther,  "  who 
could  not  endure  those  theologians  who  had  married 
wives  from  the  common  people,"  and  who,  besides 
lording  it  over  her  husband  at  home,  was  just  then 
meddling  with  public  affairs.3  Under  these  circum- 
stances Luther  had  "  become  quite  morose  and  very 
irritable."  His  imperious  temper  had  gotten  the 
better  of  his  reason,  and  had  made  him  misanthropic, 
and  so  despondent  that  in  disgust  he  left  Witten- 
berg with  the  intention  of  never  returning.  No  one 

1  C.  R.,  5  :  208. 
»C.  R.,  5:  746. 
3C  R,,  5  :  314  and  note  4. 


1546]        The  Cologne  Reformation        303 

could  tell  where  his  thunderbolts  would  strike ;  yet 
it  was  perhaps  a  weakness  in  Melanchthon  that  he 
did  not  go  to  Luther  during  this  period  of  tension, 
as  he  did  afterward,  and  explain  his  position.  But 
when  Luther  had  actually  gone  from  Wittenberg,  it 
was  Melanchthon  who  declared  that  he  would  not 
live  there  without  him,  and  actually  went  to  Merse- 
burg  and  brought  him  back.1 

When  Melanchthon  saw  he  had  not  been  attacked 
by  Luther,  and  when  Luther  himself  had  become 
calmer,  the  old  friendly  relation  was  restored.  Mel- 
anchthon sat  again  at  Luther's  table,  and  the  two 
took  journeys  together,  and  joined  their  labours  in 
promoting  the  cause  which  was  dear  alike  to  each. 
As  a  basis  for  new  negotiations  with  the  Catholics, 
Melanchthon  prepared  a  formal  statement  of  doc- 
trines and  ceremonies  to  be  laid  before  the  approach- 
ing conference  at  Worms.  The  work  is  known  as 
The  Wittenberg  Reformation?  It  is  essentially  a 
confession  of  faith  in  expressed  harmony  with  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  and  was  signed  by  the  entire 
Wittenberg  theological  faculty,  thus  showing  that 
the  faculty  was  united  in  doctrine  and  in  ceremonies. 
The  Elector  thought  it  too  mild,  but  his  Chancellor, 
Briick,  praised  it  for  its  mildness,  and  because  it 
"  bore  no  traces  of  Luther's  turbulent  spirit."  He 
particularly  notes  its  harmony  with  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  thinks  it  will  effectually  silence  the 
cry  of  the  Catholics  that  the  Protestants  are  seeking 
their  own  glory.  He  is  pleased  also  with  the  fact 


1  Matthes,  Philipp  Melanchthon,  p.  246. 
*C.  R.    5:   HT  etseqq. 


304  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

that  the  other  theologians  have  united  with  Mel- 
anchthon in  this  document.1 

A  part  of  The  Wittenberg  Reformation  was  laid 
before  the  Diet  at  Worms,  and  a  part  was  with- 
held ;  but  no  part  of  it  became  the  basis  of  ne- 
gotiations. The  Emperor  simply  requested  the 
Protestants  to  submit  to  the  Council.  This  they 
refused  to  do,  and  demanded  the  continuance  of 
peace.  To  gain  time  to  prepare  for  more  violent 
measures,  the  Emperor  adjourned  the  Diet,  August 
4,  1545,  and  announced  another  to  meet  at  Regens- 
burg,  January  6,  1546,  which  was  to  be  preceded  by 
a  colloquy  on  religion. 

As  the  Protestants  suspected  that  war  was  now 
resolved  upon,  they  assembled  at  Frankfort,  in  De- 
cember, to  renew  and  strengthen  the  Schmalkald 
League.  They  reached  no  important  conclusions, 
except  to  resolve  to  attend  the  Colloquy,  and  to 
oppose  the  Council  which  was  opened  at  Trent,  De- 
cember 13,  1545.  Melanchthon  was  commissioned 
to  set  forth  "  the  reasons  why  the  estates  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  will  not  attend  the  Council  of 
Trent. ' '  After  presenting  a  list  of  grievances  against 
the  papacy,  and  severely  taxing  its  errors,  he  says: 

"  We  have  allowed  no  new  opinions  to  be  propounded 
in  our  churches.  On  the  contrary,  we  profess  the  old, 
true,  only  pure  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  God;  and  that 
it  may  be  known  what  that  is,  we  point  to  our  Confession 
delivered  at  Augsburg,  which  contains  a  summary  in 
harmony  with  the  Apostolic,  the  Nicene,  and  the 
Athanasian  Creeds." 

1  C.  J?.,  5  :  660. 


1546]        The  Cologne  Reformation        305 

This  Recusation,  as  it  is  called,  ranks  as  one  of 
Melanchthon's  most  incisive  writings.  In  its  very 
positive  and  aggressive  tone  it  reminds  one  of  the 
Schmalkald  Articles  written  by  Luther.  It  shows 
that  in  dealing  directly  with  the  Roman  Catholic 
errors,  its  author  had  no  concessions  to  make. 
Luther  himself,  who  died  before  the  document  was 
completed,  could  not  have  desired  anything  more 
decisive.  It  closes  by  saying: 

"  We  have  no  pleasure  in  strife,  neither  do  we  mistake 
our  perils  and  distresses;  but  we  cannot  allow  the  light 
of  the  Gospel  and  the  necessary  doctrine  of  God's 
Church  to  be  extinguished,  nor  can  we  pollute  our  souls, 
and  all  future  generations,  by  fellowship  with  cruelty."  ' 

Melanchthon  had  been  ordered  to  hold  himself 
in  readiness  to  attend  the  Regensburg  Colloquy  as 
chief  disputant  on  the  side  of  the  Protestants. 
Early  in  January  he  returned  with  Luther  from  a 
visit  to  Mansfeld,  broken  down  in  health.  Luther 
now  importuned  Briick  orally,  and  the  Elector  by 
letter,  January  9,  1546,  not  to  send  Melanchthon  to 
Regensburg, 

"  because  he  is  really  sick,  and  ought  to  be  in  bed  rather 
than  at  the  Colloquy.  Philip  ought  not  to  be  sacrificed 
in  such  a  vain  and  unnecessary  work,  for  the  opposite 
party  are  wicked  faithless  people.  Philip  is  a  true  man. 
He  fears  and  shuns  no  one,  but  he  is  weak  and  sick.  It 
cost  not  a  little  effort  to  fetch  him  from  Mansfeld,  for  he 
did  n't  want  to  eat  or  drink.  Should  he  be  taken  from 


1  Bindseil's  Supplementa  to  Melanchthon's  Works,  p.  239  et  seqq. 

20 


306  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  University  half  the  students  will  leave  in  consquence 
of  his  absence.  Doctors  Zoch  and  Major  should  be  sent. 
For  though  the  latter  is  timid  in  such  matters,  on  account 
of  inexperience,  yet  he  is  more  learned  than  the  Em- 
peror's Ass." 

The  letters  of  Bruck  and  Luther  to  the  Elector 
furnish  the  most  indubitable  proof  of  the  confidence 
which  both  reposed  in  Melanchthon,  and  show  the 
interest  they  took  in  his  comfort.  There  is  no  in- 
timation that  the  great  lover  of  peace  would  betray 
the  evangelical  cause,  or  surrender  a  point  of  doc- 
trine. When  Melanchthon  was  informed  that 
Luther  had  counselled  against  his  going  to  Regens- 
burg,  and  had  learned  the  reasons,  he  expressed 
himself  entirely  satisfied;  though  he  said  he  would 
rather  go  to  Regensburg  than  to  engage  again  in 
the  wretched  transactions  which  had  previously 
called  him  and  Luther  to  Mansfeld.  However,  as 
the  Elector  ordered  him  to  Torgau  to  speak  for 
himself,  he  went  thither  and  was  formally  excused. 
While  at  Torgau  he  wrote  an  Opinion  on  the  Collo- 
quy. He  advised  that  the  Article  of  Justification 
should  be  considered  first.  If  the  opposite  party 
would  not  allow  this  Article,  the  Colloquy  should  be 
brought  to  an  end  with  the  protest:  "  Since  the 
opposite  party  will  not  listen  to  this  plain  article  it 
is  useless  to  proceed."  a 

The  Protestants  followed  Melanchthon's  advice. 
When  -it  became  apparent  that  no  conclusion  could 

1  C.  R.,  6 :   10  ;  and  De  W.,  5  :  774. 
8C.;?.,6:  15- 


1546]        The  Cologne  Reformation        307 

be  reached,  the  Emperor  demanded  that  the  col- 
loquists  should  not  divulge  the  transactions.  He 
also  cast  obstacles  in  the  way  of  peace,  and  tried 
to  throw  the  blame  on  the  Protestants.  Now  it 
was  that  Melanchthon  cried  out  that  the  Emperor 
might  enjoin  silence  on  his  Spaniards,  but  not  on 
German  freemen.  He  wrote  an  Opinion,  and  advised 
the  delegates  to  protest.  This  they  did,  March  20, 
1546,  and  returned  home,  "  promising  to  come  again 
whenever  the  Emperor  should  command  it." 


CHAPTER    XXV 

THE   INCREASE   OF   SORROWS 

Luther  and  Melanchthon's  Last  Correspondence — Luther's  Death — 
Melanchthon's  Funeral  Oration  over  Luther — His  Letter  about 
Luther — Alliance  against  the  Protestants. 

TH  E  year  1 546  was  one  of  the  darkest  and  saddest 
of  Melanchthon's  life.  In  October  and  De- 
cember of  the  previous  year  he  and  Luther  had 
together  gone  to  Mansfeld  to  settle  the  shameful 
disputes  between  the  counts.  Their  success  had 
been  only  partial,  and  the  counts  desired  that  they 
should  continue  the  good  offices  of  mediation. 
Melanchthon  was  excused  from  going  because  of  ill 
health.  Luther  made  ready  to  go,  and,  January 
2oth,  invited  Melanchthon  to  sup  with  him.  This 
was  the  last  time  that  Melanchthon  sat  at  Luther's 
table.  Three  days  later  Luther  started  for  Mans- 
feld, not  to  return  alive.  The  letters  which  passed 
between  the  two  during  the  next  three  or  four  weeks 
furnish  an  abiding  proof  of  the  admiration  and  love 
which  each  had  for  the  other.  Melanchthon's  letter 
of  February  i8th,  the  day  on  which  Luther  died, 
is  addressed,  "  To  the  Reverend  Doctor  Martin 

308 


1546]         The  Increase  of  Sorrows         309 

Luther,  distinguished  for  his  learning,  virtue,  and 
wisdom,  Doctor  of  theology,  Restorer  of  the  pure 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  my  most  dear  Father. "  This 
was  written  in  answer  to  Luther's  letter  of  February 
I4th,  addressed,  "  To  Philip  Melanchthon,  most 
worthy  Brother  in  Christ."  Earlier,  Luther  had 
addressed  him  as  "  the  faithful  servant  of  God,  and 
most  dear  Brother."  February  iQth,  letters  reached 
Wittenberg  announcing  Luther's  death.  Melanch- 
thon at  once  wrote  to  Jonas,  who  had  gone  with 
Luther: 

"  This  morning  we  received  your  very  sad  letters,  one 
to  the  illustrious  Prince  Elector,  and  the  other  to  the 
Reverend  Pastor  of  our  Church,  in  which  with  great 
sorrow  you  write  of  the  death  of  the  Reverend  Doctor 
Martin  Luther,  our  most  dear  Father  and  Preceptor. 
He  was  the  chariot  and  the  charioteer  of  Israel,  raised  up 
by  God  to  restore  and  purify  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel. 
For  we  must  confess  that  by  him  doctrine  was  revealed 
which  is  beyond  the  range  of  the  human  mind.  Bereft 
of  such  a  teacher  and  leader  we  are  deeply  pained,  not 
only  on  account  of  the  University,  but  also  on  account 
of  the  Church  throughout  the  world,  which  he  directed 
by  his  counsels,  teaching,  authority,  and  by  the  aid  of 
the  Holy  Spirit."  ' 

In  announcing  Luther's  death  to  the  students,  he 

exclaimed  :  "  Ah !  the  Charioteer  and  the  Chariot  of 

Israel  is  gone;  he  who  guided  the  Church  in  these 

last  days  of  the  world."  2     To  others  he  wrote  that 

'  Luther  was   endowed  with  many  heroic  virtues, 

1C.  *.,  6:  57. 
2C.  tf.,6:  59- 


310  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  was  divinely  called  to  restore  the  Gospel."  The 
funeral  oration  '  which  he  pronounced  in  the  Castle 
Church,  February  22d,  is  one  of  the-loftiest  tributes 
ever  paid  by  a  great  man  to  a  greater.  Luther  is 
placed  in  the  line  of  "  unbroken  succession  "  with 
Moses,  Joshua,  David,  Elijah,  Elisha,  Jeremiah, 
Daniel,  Zacharias;  with  Polycarp,  Irenaeus,  Basil, 
Augustin,  Bernard,  Tauler,  and  others. 

His  services  to  the  Church  in  the  restoration  of 
sound  doctrine  and  in  the  purification  of  worship  are 
briefly  recounted,  his  splendid  virtues  are  fitly 
praised,  and  his  fervent  piety  is  duly  extolled. 

The  Oration  is  chaste,  eloquent,  and  discriminat- 
ing. It  shows  Melanchthon's  profound  admiration 
for  Luther's  character  and  achievements,  and  his 
sincere  sorrow  for  his  death. 

If  it  be  lacking  in  pathetic  tenderness,  this  is  not 
because  Melanchthon's  love  for  Luther  had  been 
chilled  by  former  misunderstandings,  but  because 
the  events  of  the  last  twenty  years,  and  his  acquired 
style  of  composition,  had  imparted  dignity  rather 
than  pathos  to  his  eloquence.  But  the  Oration  will 
ever  remain  as  a  monument  of  its  author's  magna- 
nimity, and  a  testimony  to  the  services  of  Luther, 
from  one  who  understood  both  him  and  his  achieve- 
ments better  than  any  other  man,  and  who  viewed 
both  the  man  and  his  achievements  with  an  eye  free 
from  envy  and  prejudice.  Nor  are  the  lofty  terms 
of  praise  contained  in  this  Oration  inconsistent  with 
a  judgment  of  Melanchthon's  expressed  in  a  letter 
to  Christopher  von  Carlowitz,  April  28,  1548: 

1  Given  in  full  in  an  English  translation  in  the  Appendix. 


1546]         The  Increase  of  Sorrows         311 

"  Formerly  I  bore  an  almost  unseemly  servitude, 
since  Luther  often  gave  way  to  his  temperament,  in 
which  there  was  not  a  little  contentiousness,  and 
did  not  sufficiently  consider  either  his  own  dignity 
or  the  public  welfare."  '  In  Melanchthon's  own 
words  we  have  an  explanation  which  truthfully  de- 
scribes Luther's  nature.  To  Dietrich  von  Maltz 
he  wrote': 

*'  I  will  make  no  elaborate  apology  to  a  man  who  is  wise 
and  candid.  I  only  ask  that  over  against  the  one  word 
(pikoveinia  [love  of  contention]  of  that  letter,  be  placed  • 
my  many  other  laudatory  speeches  concerning  Luther, 
written  in  many  passages  after  his  death,  as  in  the  funeral 
oration  and  in  the  preface  to  the  second  volume  of  his 
works.  Then  why  is  that  one  word  extracted  from  that 
letter,  when  many  other  severe  things  were  there  said 
against  the  adversaries,  and  that,  too,  in  a  letter  written 
to  a  man  of  whose  thoughts  and  purpose  you  are  not 
ignorant  ?  In  a  word,  I  affirm  that  I  value  the  truth 
above  my  life.  What  more  do  our  Aristarchuses,  who 
judge  so  harshly  of  that  letter,  require  of  me  ?  Perhaps 
they  do  not  consider  what  cpikov zinia  means  ?  It  is 
not  a  crime,  but  na6o$,  a  '  temperament,'  belonging  to 
heroic  natures,  such  as  writers  attribute  to  Pericles, 
Lysander,  and  Agesilaus.  There  were  heroic  impulses 
in  Luther.  It  is  no  wonder  that  we  whose  natures  are 
more  sluggish  are  sometimes  amazed  at  that  vehemence, 
especially  since  there  are  some  things  belonging  to  many 
of  the  controversies,  about  which  I  prefer  to  speak  to 
you  privately,  rather  than  to  excite  complaint  and  dis- 


1  C.  R.,  6:  880. 

2  IJnschuld.  Nachr.  (1707),  p.  85. 


312  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

In  the  funeral  oration  Melanchthon  had  said: 

"  Some  by  no  means  evil-minded  persons,  however, 
express  a  suspicion  that  Luther  manifested  too  much 
asperity.  I  will  not  affirm  the  reverse,  but  only  quote 
the  language  of  Erasmus:  God  has  sent  in  this  latter  age 
a  violent  physician  on  account  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
existing  disorders;  fulfilling  by  such  a  dispensation  the 
divine  message  to  Jeremiah:  '  Behold  I  have  put  my 
words  in  thy  mouth.  See  I  have  this  day  set  thee  over 
the  nations,  and  over  the  Kingdom  to  root  out  and  to  pull 
down,  to  build  and  to  plant. '  ' 

Only  blind  admirers  of  Luther  can  fail  to  see  that 
in  all  these  passages  Melanchthon  has  given  a  true 
description  of  Luther's  nature.  That  Luther  was 
polemical,  passionate,  vehement,  and  impatient  of 
contradiction,  is  too  well  known  to  require  proof. 
One  has  only  to  read  his  controversies  with  Henry 
VIII.,  Erasmus,  Duke  George,  Duke  Henry  of 
Brunswick,  and  Cardinal  Albert,  to  find  exhibitions 
of  violence  and  of  coarse  abuse  which  no  friend  of 
Luther's  would  undertake  to  defend  or  to  justify. 
To  acknowledge  these  things  frankly  does  not  de- 
tract from  Luther's  greatness,  nor  cast  reproach  on 
his  moral  character,  nor  discredit  the  justness  of  his 
contentions.  It  were  far  better  for  Luther's  friends 
to  exhibit  these  shadows  of  his  "  heroic  virtues  "  in 
love,  than  to  leave  them  to  be  exposed  by  his  ene- 
mies in  malice.  True  friendship  is  not  blind  to  the 
faults  of  a  friend.  There  is  probably  no  word  in 
any  language  which  better  describes  Luther's  nature 
than  gjiXoveiHia  ;  and  that  Luther's  (pikoveiuia  gave 


1546]         The  Increase  of  Sorrows         313 

Melanchthon  many  hours  of  sadness,  Melanchthon's 
letters  abundantly  show. 

But  Melanchthon's  severest  trials  began  with  the 
death  of  Luther.  Hitherto  he  had  looked  to  the 
greater  Reformer  for  guidance  and  solace.  Now 
by  force  of  circumstances  he  had  himself  become 
the  theological  head  of  the  Reformation.  He  was 
born  to  teach,  to  write,  to  dispute,  to  negotiate, 
not  to  control  the  passions  of  men  and  to  direct 
them  in  a  time  of  excitement.  By  his  powerful 
personality  Luther  had  kept  the  refractory  elements 
at  bay,  and  had  held  his  followers  well  in  line ;  but 
no  sooner  was  he  gone  than  disputes  and  parties 
arose  in  the  Lutheran  Church,  which  live  to  disturb 
its  peace  to  the  present  day.  That  Melanchthon 
did  not  settle  these,  and  could  not  control  them, 
was  his  misfortune,  not  his  fault.  It  is  morally  cert- 
ain that  Luther  himself  could  not  have  controlled 
the  discordant  elements  of  German  Protestantism 
ten  years  longer,  had  he  lived ;  for  Protestantism 
had  introduced  and  sanctioned  independence  of 
thought,  and  the  Germans  are  by  nature  impatient 
of  constraint.  Moreover,  Luther  had  already  lost 
control  over  many  theologians  of  the  younger  gen- 
eration. 

But  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  theological 
war  in  which  Melanchthon  spent  the  last  dozen  years 
of  his  life,  he  was  called  on  to  experience  the  hor- 
rors of  civil  war.  Inasmuch  as  the  Emperor  had 
concluded  peace  with  the  French,  and  had  obtained 
a  truce  with  the  Turks,  he  resolved  to  restore  Ger- 
many to  the  Holy  Roman  See.  This  could  be  done 


314  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

only  by  force  of  arms.  To  this  end  he  began  to 
make  preparations  for  war.  When  asked  the  reason 
for  these  warlike  preparations  he  replied  that,  as  he 
"  was  unable  to  restore  peace  to  Germany  by  mild 
measures,  he  was  obliged  to  proceed  against  the  dis- 
obedient by  the  power  of  the  Empire."  To  make 
the  work  of  subjugation  easier  and  success  sure,  he 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  Pope.  The  pretext 
for  the  Pope's  action  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
Protestants  had  refused  to  submit  to  the  Council  of 
Trent.  The  text  of  this  alliance,  as  given  by  Sleidan, 
is  as  follows : 

11  Whereas  for  many  years  Germany  hath  persisted  in 
great  errors  such  as  threatened  extraordinary  danger  ;  for 
the  averting  of  which  a  council  hath  been  called,  that  com- 
menced at  Trent  in  December  last,  and  whereas  Protest- 
ants reject  and  disown  the  same,  therefore  the  Pope  and 
Emperor  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  public  good,  but 
especially  the  Welfare  of  Germany,  have  entered  into  league 
together  upon  certain  Articles  and  Conditions :  And  in  the 
first  place,  that  the  Emperor  shall  provide  an  Army,  and 
all  things  necessary  for  War,  and  be  in  readiness  by  the 
Month  of  June  next  ensuing,  and  by  Force  and  Arms  com- 
pel those  who  refuse  the  Council,  and  maintain  these  Errors, 
to  embrace  the  ancient  Religion  and  submit  to  the  Holy  See  : 
But  that  in  the  meantime,  he  shall  use  his  endeavours,  and 
try  all  means,  to  accomplish  that,  if  he  can,  without  a  War  : 
That  he  shall  make  no  Peace  nor  Capitulation  with  them 
upon  Terms  prejudicial  to  the  Church  and  Religion.  That 
the  Pope,  besides  the  hundred  thousand  Ducats  which  he  has 
already  advanced,  shall  deposit  as  much  more  in  the  Bank 
of  Venice^  to  be  employed  by  his  Lieutenants,  in  the  War 


1546]         The  Increase  of  Sorrows         315 

only  and  for  no  other  use  :  but  if  no  War  happen,  he  shall 
receive  his  money  again :  that,  moreover,  he  shall  in  this 
War,  maintain  at  his  own  charges,  for  the  space  of  six 
months,  twelve  thousand  Italian  Foot,  and  five  hundred 
Horse,  who  shall  be  commanded  by  a  General  and  other 
inferior  Officers  commissioned  by  him  :  But  if  the  War  be 
ended  before  six  months  expire,  he  is  no  longer  obliged  to 
keep  his  Force  in  pay.  That  the  Emperor,  by  virtue  of  a 
grant  from  the  Pope,  may  for  this  Year  raise  one  half  of 
the  Church  Revenues  all  over  Spain  :  That  he  may  also  sell 
as  much  of  the  Abbey-Lands  of  Spain  as  do  amount  to  five 
hundred  thousand  Ducats  ;  but  all  of  this  only  for  the  use 
of  the  present  War,  and  upon  condition  also  that  he  mort- 
gage to  them  as  much  of  his  own  Lands  ;  and  because  this 
is  a  new  thing,  and  without  a  precedent,  he  shall  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  Pope,  give  all  the  security  he  can :  That  if 
anyone  endeavour  to  hinder  this  their  design,  they  shall  join 
their  Forces,  and  assist  one  another  against  him  ;  and  to 
this  both  shall  be  obliged,  so  long  as  the  War  continues,  and 
six  Months  after  it  is  ended.  That  all  may  enter  into  this 
League,  and  share  both  in  the  Profits  and  Charges  of  the 
War :  That  the  College  of  Cardinals  shall  also  ratify  this 
League  ;  and  that  what  is  said  of  June,  is  to  be  understood 
of  the  Month  of  June  this  present  year.  And  both  Parties 
signed  this  League."1 

1  Bohun's  Sleidan,  p.  381. 


CHAPTER    XXVI 

THE   SCHMALKALD   WAR 

Melanchthon's  Opinion  concerning  the  Threatened  War — Defeat  of 
the  Protestant  Forces — Capture  of  the  Elector — The  University 
Closed — Melanchthon  an  Exile — Return  to  Wittenberg. 

THE  Protestants  of  Upper  Germany,  Wiirtem- 
berg,  Hesse,  and  Saxony,  alarmed  at  the  war- 
like preparations  on  the  Danube,  began  to  assemble 
their  forces.  Already,  in  April  (1546),  Melanchthon 
had  written  an  Opinion,  at  the  command  of  the  Saxon 
Elector,  "  Concerning  War  against  the  Emperor." 
The  Opinion,  which  was  signed  by  all  the  Witten- 
berg theologians,  is  remarkable  for  its  firmness  and 
wise  circumspection.  After  declaring  that  the  doc- 
trine which  God  had  made  known  to  the  churches 
could  not  be  rooted  out,  he  proceeds: 

"  As  regards  myself  it  were  easier  for  me  to  suffer  and 
die  than  to  encourage  a  vague  suspicion;  but  if  it  be 
true  that  the  Emperor  intends  to  fall  upon  these  states 
on  account  of  religion,  then  undoubtedly  it  is  the  duty  of 
these  states  by  the  help  of  God  to  protect  themselves  and 
their  subjects,  as  St.  Paul  says:  '  The  magistrate  beareth 

316 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  317 

not  the  sword  in  vain,  for  he  is  the  minister  of  God  to 
punish  those  who  do  evil,  as  murderers. '  Such  resistance 
is  as  when  a  man  repels  a  band  of  murderers,  be  he 
commanded  by  the  Emperor  or  by  others.  This  is  a 
public  tyranny,  a  notorious  violence.  As  to  how  the 
Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Burgundians  will  act  in  these 
lands,  we  know  by  what  they  have  done  in  Julichs. 
Hence  every  father  should  offer  his  body  and  life  to  re- 
pel this  huge  tyranny." 

To  Amsdorf  he  wrote,  June  25th: 

"  It  is  certain  that  the  Emperor  Charles  is  preparing  a 
great  war  against  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Land- 
grave. Large  armies  are  now  assembling  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Guelders,  and  Italian  forces,  supported  by 
the  Pope,  are  expected.  Charles  does  not  deny  that  he 
is  going  to  make  war  on  the  Elector  of  Saxony.  At 
Regensburg  he  summoned  the  representatives  of  the 
Estates  and  bade  them  not  to  assist  the  Elector.  But 
the  Estates  replied  nobly  and  resolutely,  that  they  would 
not  desert  a  neighbouring  prince  in  danger.  Such  is  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  But  as  God  protected  the  house 
of  the  widow  of  Sarepta,  so  I  pray  that  he  will  defend 
our  princes,  who  are  just  in  government,  and  in  many 
ways  serve  the  churches  and  promote  the  study  of 
doctrine." 

A  little  later  he  published  an  edition  of  Luther's 
Warning  to  his  Beloved  Germans,  with  a  Preface 
which  sounded  the  tocsin  of  war,  and  which  shows 
that  this  man  who  had  spent  so  many  years  in  nego- 

1  C.  R.,  6:  123. 
2C  R.,  6:  181. 


318  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

tiations  for  peace,  and  had  borne  reproaches  on  ac- 
count of  his  efforts  to  spare  his  native  land  the 
shedding  of  blood,  could  exhibit  the  highest  courage, 
and  could  counsel  war  as  a  final  means  of  repelling 
religious  tyranny.  The  Protestants  marshalled  their 
forces,  twenty-seven  thousand  strong,  on  the  Dan- 
ube, before  Charles  had  time  to  gather  his  army. 
Had  they  made  an  attack  at  once  they  could  easily 
have  ended  the  war  in  September,  and  could  have 
forced  Charles  to  terms.  But  they  hesitated  and 
delayed  and  then  retreated,  leaving  the  Emperor 
master  of  the  Danube.  They  now  proposed  terms 
of  peace,  but  the  Emperor  ordered  them  to  surren- 
der at  discretion.  Learning  that  Maurice,  Duke  of 
Saxony,  had  united  with  the  Emperor,  and  had 
already  invaded  the  Electoral  dominions,  the  Elec- 
tor and  the  Landgrave  hastened  home.  Charles 
soon  conquered  the  confederated  cities  of  Upper 
Germany,  humbled  Wiirtemberg,  and  deprived  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne  of  his  Electoral  dignity. 
The  next  spring  he  advanced  against  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  fought  and  won  the  battle  of  Miihlberg, 
April  24th,  and  took  the  Elector  prisoner.  He 
afterward  deprived  him  of  his  Electoral  dignity,  and 
bestowed  the  same  upon  Maurice,  thus  transferring 
the  Electorate  from  the  Ernestine  to  the  Albertine 
line,  with  which  it  remains  to  this  day. 

Melanchthon  had  not  been  hopeful  of  the  results 
of  the  war.  But  what  distressed  him  most  was  the 
dissolution  of  the  university,  and  the  dispersion  of 
the  professors  and  students.  He  took  up  his  abode 
at  Zerbst,  though  he  was  offered  asylum  with  the 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  319 

Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and  at  Brunswick,  and  at 
Nuremberg.  In  view  of  the  possible  re-establish- 
ment of  the  university  he  preferred  to  remain  in  the 
vicinity  of  Wittenberg.  When  he  learned  of  the  de- 
feat and  capture  of  the  Elector  he  wrote  to  Cruciger 
in  a  way  that  reveals  the  magnitude  of  his  distress : 

"  DEAREST  CASPAR:  Not  if  I  were  able  to  weep  as 
many  tears  as  the  Elbe  rolls  deep  waters  before  our  walls, 
could  I  weep  out  my  sorrow  on  account  of  the  defeat 
and  imprisonment  of  our  Prince,  who  truly  loved  the 
Church  and  Justice.  Many  important  considerations 
increase  my  distress.  I  deeply  commiserate  the  prisoner. 
I  foresee  a  change  of  doctrine  and  a  new  confusion  of 
the  churches.  A  great  ornament  is  destroyed  in  the  dis- 
persion of  our  University,  and  we  are  torn  asunder. 
Then,  too,  if  it  were  possible  to  consider  the  matter,  I 
would  rather  die  in  your  society  and  at  your  altars  than 
wander  in  exile,  in  which  I  am  daily  growing  weaker. 
The  Eternal  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
keep  our  pastor,  you,  and  our  other  colleagues."  ' 

When  he  heard  that  Spanish  and  Italian  soldiers 
had  invested  Wittenberg,  and  were  committing 
murders  and  many  nameless  crimes,  he  removed 
with  his  family  from  Zerbst  to  Magdeburg,  thence 
to  Brunswick,  and  thence  to  Nordhausen.  His 
letters  during  this  period  of  exile  exhibit  the  deep- 
est concern  for  his  friends,  the  Church,  and  the 
university.  He  says:  "  There  is  fixed  in  my  heart 
and  in  my  very  soul  the  greatest  love  for  our  little 
nest  on  the  Elbe  and  for  our  friends  who  are  there 

1C.  ^.,6:  532. 


320  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  in  the  neighbourhood,  so  that  I  cannot  separate 
from  them  without  the  greatest  pain."  l  In  a  few 
days  he  learned  it  was  quite  safe  for  him  to  return 
to  Wittenberg.  Then  he  wrote:  <r  I  have  decided  to 
return  for  a  short  time  to  Wittenberg,  or  at  least 
to  Dessau,  to  consult  with  the  friends  in  regard  to 
the  common  exile."  He  was  now  contemplating  a 
visit  to  his  native  land,  and  was  considering  a  call 
to  the  University  of  Tubingen.  He  had  no  expect- 
ation at  this  time  of  being  called  back  to  Wittenberg 
to  take  up  the  work  which  had  been  interrupted 
by  the  war.  He  also  continued  to  express  the 
deepest  sympathy  for  his  fallen  Prince.  In  a  letter 
of  condolence  and  comfort  he  declared  his  willing- 
ness to  serve  under  him  in  the  humblest  school-work 
in  poverty  rather  than  elsewhere  in  riches.  He  also 
promised  that  he  would  not  depart  from  the  Elect- 
or's dominions  without  his  Grace's  knowledge. 
But  he  did  not  know  at  that  time,  June  Qth,  that 
the  sons  of  John  Frederick,  to  whom  a  portion  of 
their  father's  dominions,  including  Weimar,  Jena, 
Eisenach,  and  Gotha,  had  been  left,  intended  to 
open  a  university  at  Jena.  His  heart  was  still  at 
Wittenberg.  June  i6th  he  wrote  to  a  friend: 

"  Though  I  do  not  approve  all  the  confusion  there, 
yet  if  I  can  gather  together  the  scattered  remnants  of  the 
University,  I  would  not  go  elsewhere.  For  I  love  that 
University  as  my  native  land,  as  in  it  I  lived  in  the 
most  intimate  relations  with  learned  and  honourable  col- 
leagues, and  with  a  fair  amount  of  zeal  taught  the  things 

*€.£.,  6:  560. 


CHARLES  V.  IN  1547. 

FROM   THE   PAINTING   BY   TITIAN   IN   THE   PINACOTHEK   AT   MUNICH. 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  321 

most  necessary.  The  son  of  our  captive  Prince  has  only 
requested  that  I  should  not  leave  these  parts  without 
first  informing  him  of  my  intention.  If  a  place  should 
be  given  me  even  in  a  humble  school  in  his  dominions, 
I  would  not  hesitate  to  serve  him;  for  I  am  not  thinking 
of  a  brilliant  position,  but  of  my  grave."  * 

When  asked  by  the  young  dukes  to  name  the 
place  where  he  wished  to  reside,  he  wrote  that  he 
would  come  to  Weimar  to  learn  further  their  inten- 
tions, and  to  give  his  "  simple  and  humble  opinion." 
On  the  seventh  of  July  he  went  to  Weimar,  but  with 
the  determination  not  willingly  to  separate  himself 
from  his  colleagues,  and  not  to  choose  a  position  in 
which  he  could  not  again  unite  with  them  in  labour; 
for  in  all  his  letters  of  these  months  he  declares  that 
he  will  act  only  in  conjunction  with  his  colleagues. 
July  loth,  in  a  written  Opinion,  which  only  recently 
has  been  recovered,  he  sets  forth  the  difficulties  of 
founding  a  new  university :  It  will  cost  a  great  deal 
of  money;  "  the  princes  are  poor  and  in  debt  "  ;  it 
will  probably  increase  the  hostility  toward  John 
Frederick  and  his  family.  In  this  Opinion  he  openly 
insists  on  Wittenberg  as  the  place  for  the  univer- 
sity, since  studies  have  already  flourished  there,  and 
Wittenberg  is  favourably  situated  in  the  Saxon 
lands  for  the  university.3  But,  as  the  Court  per- 
sisted, he  sketched  a  plan  and  named  the  professors. 
As  not  all  of  these  were  acceptable,  and  as  Melanch- 
thon  was  required  to  give  a  categorical  answer  as  to 

1C.  tf.,6:  578. 

2  Bindseil's  Supplementa,  p.  541. 


322  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

whether  he  would  come  to  Jena  or  not,  he  at  once 
broke  off  all  negotiations,  and  on  the  I4th  returned 
to  Nordhausen,  without  knowing^how  it  would  go 
with  him  at  Wittenberg,  since  he  had  not  yet  been 
invited  thither  by  the  new  Elector. 

The  facts  in  the  case  show  conclusively  that  the 
plan  of  founding  a  new  university  at  Jena  did  not 
arise  from  opposition  to  the  theology  and  tendency 
of  Melanchthon.  Exactly  the  opposite  was  the 
case.  At  the  beginning,  the  Weimar  Court  wished 
especially  to  foster  and  to  cultivate  that  theology, 
and  above  everything  it  sought  to  have  Melanch- 
thon as  its  chief  teacher.  Even  the  school  that  was 
opened  at  Jena,  March  19,  1548,  was  opened  under 
Melanchthon's  auspices.  The  two  teachers,  Stigel 
and  Strigel,  were  pupils  and  friends  of  Melanchthon. 
The  Inaugural  of  Strigel  treated  a  favourite  thought 
of  Melanchthon's,  and  wholly  in  his  spirit,  viz.,  that 
even  in  times  of  trouble,  learned  studies  must  be 
fostered.  Only  subsequent  events,  together  with 
the  rivalries  of  princes  and  the  jealousies  of  theolo- 
gians like  Amsdorf  and  Flacius,  brought  on  the  sharp 
antagonism  to  Wittenberg,  which,  in  1558,  erected 
the  Jena  gymnasium  into  a  university,  and  made 
it  the  stronghold  of  opposition  to  Melanchthon  and 
to  Wittenberg.1 

The  one  thing  which  influenced  Melanchthon 
most  was  the  deep  conviction  that  for  the  sake  of 
the  Church  the  university  ought  to  remain  at  Wit- 
tenberg. He  saw  that  the  downfall  of  the  univer- 
sity would  be  a  greater  victory  for  the  Catholics 

1  Hartfelder,  p.  537. 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  323 

than  even  the  capture  of.  John  Frederick  had  been. 
He  wrote  to  Nicholas  Medler:  "  The  churches  are 
not  to  be  deserted  because  the  government  changes. 
The  schools  are  bound  up  with  the  churches.  For 
whence  are  we  to  have  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  if 
the  schools  should  be  destroyed?"1  He  could 
have  gone  to  Tubingen,  or  to  Frankfort-on-the- 
Oder,  and  who  would  have  blamed  him  ?  But  the 
love  of  the  Church,  and  devotion  to  his  colleagues, 
constrained  him.  To  Prince  George  of  Anhalt  he 
wrote : 

"  Were  this  purely  a  private  matter,  I  could  very  easily 
decide.  I  would  return  to  my  native  land  which  re- 
ceived me  at  my  birth.  Now  my  native  land  is  with  the 
company  of  most  learned  and  virtuous  men  with  whom 
I  have  lived  so  many  years,  and  by  whose  labours  learn- 
ing has  been  widely  spread  over  these  countries.  May 
God  for  the  sake  of  his  holy  sanctuary  confirm  what  he 
hath  wrought."  2 

A  day  or  two  later  he  wrote  to  Augustin  Schurf : 

"  Though  from  the  very  beginning  of  my  exile  I  was 
invited  to  my  native  land,  yet  I  was  unwilling  hastily  to 
leave  these  parts.  Nor  do  I  doubt  that  I  have  acted 
wisely.  Either  the  longing  for  my  colleagues,  or  other 
good  reasons,  detained  me;  for  I  have  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  if  at  Wittenberg,  or  elsewhere,  I  can  live 
among  my  old  colleagues,  most  learned  and  honourable 
men,  I  will  choose  no  other  home,  no  other  friends. 

1  C.  R.,  6:  812. 
2C^.,6:  598. 


324  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

I  shall  judge  my  native  land  to  be  where  they  are.  But 
I  doubt  whether  the  victorious  Duke  wants  to  have  two 
universities."  1 

In  order  to  readi  a  conclusion  in  regard  to  his 
future,  and  his  "  migration,"  he  left  Nordhausen, 
July  i6th,  for  Zerbst,  to  consult  with  Dr.  Schurf, 
Paul  Eber,  and  others.  At  Merseburg,  on  the  i8th, 
he  learned  that  the  Wittenberg  theologians  had 
been  summoned  to  Leipzig  by  the  new  Elector, 
and  that  a  messenger  had  been  sent  to  Weimar  for 
him.  He  now  proceeded  to  Leipzig,  where  Maurice 
promised  the  theologians  "  that  he  would  not  allow 
any  papal  abuses  to  be  introduced ;  nor  would  he 
tolerate  anything  contrary  to  the  Word  of  God, 
but  as  a  Christian  Elector  he  would  protect  the 
Word  of  God  and  its  ministers  to  the  best  of  his 
ability."8 

The  theologians  were  treated  with  the  greatest 
kindness  by  Maurice,  who  lodged  them  at  his  own 
expense,  and  bestowed  upon  them  suitable  presents. 
Melanchthon  was  offered  a  professorship  at  Leipzig, 
but  this  was  declined  in  favour  of  the  "  little  nest 
on  the  Elbe,"  whither  on  the  25th  he  travelled  with 
the  other  theologians.  He  also  declined  calls  to 
Denmark  and  to  Konigsberg,  though  at  Wittenberg 
he  lived  for  a  time  at  his  own  expense.  His  delight 
was  "  to  gather  up  the  planks  of  the  shipwrecked 
University."  In  almost  the  same  words  in  two 
letters  written  August  loth,  he  tells  us  why  he  re- 

*C.  *.,6.  599. 
8C  J?.,6:  605. 


DUKE   MORITZ  OF  SAXONY. 
FROM   A   PAINTING   BY   CRANACH,    THE   YOUNGER. 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  325 

turned  to  Wittenberg:  "  Had  I  declined  to  come  I 
certainly  would  have  impeded  the  restoration  of  the 
University."  l 

There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  motives  which 
influenced  Melanchthon's  choice.  They  were  de- 
votion to  his  colleagues,  and  a  desire  to  re-establish 
the  university  in  the  interests  of  the  Church.  He 
had  made  no  unconditional  promise  to  the  sons  of 
John  Frederick.  He  was  not  a  courtier,  and  hence 
he  was  under  no  obligation  to  follow  the  fortunes  of 
a  fallen  court.  As  a  citizen  it  was  his  duty  to  obey 
the  powers  that  be,  and  to  try  to  repair  the  ruins  of 
war.  Wittenberg  was  the  original  seat  of  the  Re- 
formation. It  were  far  wiser  to  restore  it  than  to 
found  a  rival  university  which  was  sure  to  be  con- 
ducted with  partisan  zeal.  Fault  was  never  found 
with  his  colleagues  for  returning  to  their  old  places; 
but  that  he,  the  most  celebrated  teacher  in  Germany, 
should  take  service  under  the  apostate  Maurice,  was 
construed  by  the  Weimar  Court  as  an  act  of  unfaith- 
fulness and  of  ingratitude  toward  his  former  lord  ;  to 
which  was  subsequently  added  the  charge  of  intend- 
ing to  change  the  Lutheran  doctrine.  But  as  Mel- 
anchthon's promise  did  not  involve  the  founding  of 
a  new  university,  and  as  the  conditions  imposed  in- 
volved a  desertion  of  his  old  colleagues,  he  compro- 
mised neither  his  veracity,  nor  his  honour,  nor  his 
fidelity,  by  returning  to  Wittenberg.  As  to  the 
charge  of  wishing  to  betray  the  Lutheran  faith,  that 
is  absolutely  refuted  by  the  Confessio  Saxonica, 
composed  in  1551,  and  by  his  repeated  affirmations 

1C.  R.,  6:  628,  629. 


326  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

of  adherence  to  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  its 
Apology. 

When  he  was  informed  of  the  slanders  circulated 
by  the  Weimar  Court  and  its  adherents,  he  wrote 
to  Caspar  Aquila,  August  2Qth  : 

' '  When  there  was  hope  of  restoring  our  University, 
and  my  colleagues  urgently  entreated  me  to  return,  the 
name  of  the  University,  association  with  my  colleagues, 
the  sad  and  desolate  condition  of  this  Church  to  which 
hitherto  so  many  nations  looked,  influenced  me  to  come 
hither.  It  seemed  a  singular  blessing  of  God  that  our 
little  town  was  not  utterly  destroyed,  and  I  thought  it 
would  be  another  blessing  of  God  if  our  University  could 
be  restored.  To  the  many  who  wickedly  blame  me  for 
my  return  I  make  no  reply,  except  to  pray  that  surcease 
may  be  granted  to  my  sorrow.  A  melancholy  mind  always 
errSj  says  Ennius.  Perhaps  in  my  great  distress  I  was 
too  eager  for  the  companionship  of  my  old  friends,  with 
whom  I  had  so  long  been  associated  in  the  most  honour- 
able toil.  It  may  be  that  the  condition  of  the  times  did 
not  justify  me  in  hoping  for  so  much  in  regard  to  the 
reparation  of  the  University,  the  success  of  which  is  not 
yet  assured.  Certainly  I  sought  neither  pleasure  nor 
gain.  I  am  living  here  like  a  stranger  at  my  own  ex- 
pense, sorrowing  and  praying,  and  passing  no  day  with- 
out shedding  tears.  If  the  restoration  succeeds,  I  hope 
the  churches  in  these  parts  will  be  blessed.  If  it  do  not 
succeed,  then  I  must  go  into  exile  again.  It  is  not 
strange  that  we  have  sought  for  an  end  to  this  distraction. 
Those  who  magnify  my  error  into  a  rejection  of  doctrine, 
do  me  injustice.  Oh  that  they  would  also  consider  their 
own  errors !  "  * 

'£  £.,6:649. 


1547]  The  Schmalkald  War  327 

Melanchthon  now  gave  himself  up  to  the  univer- 
sity, "  which  had  been  so  serviceable  in  promoting 
liberal  studies  and  Christian  doctrine."  In  a  short 
time  he  secured  ample  means  for  it,  and  wrote,  "  If 
there  were  peace  in  the  country,  I  think  there  would 
be  plenty  of  students."  To  the  accusations  that  he 
meant  to  change  the  doctrine,  and  had  forgotten  the 
Elector,  he  replied : 

"  When  those  of  whom  you  wrote,  say  that  the 
preachers  of  this  place  have  deserted  the  truth,  they  do 
great  injury  to  the  Church,  which  is  already  sufficiently 
distressed.  By  God's  grace  the  voice  of  the  Gospel  now 
resounds  as  unanimously  in  the  city  of  Wittenberg  as  it 
did  before  the  war.  And  almost  every  week  ministers 
of  the  Gospel  are  publicly  ordained,  and  sent  into  the 
neighbouring  districts.  It  was  but  this  week  that  six 
pious  and  learned  men  were  sent  forth,  all  of  whom  de- 
clare even  as  formerly  that  they  will  preach  the  pure 
Gospel  to  their  hearers.  And  they  are  likewise  examined 
as  in  former  times.  The  facts  of  the  case  prove  that  we 
have  not  changed  our  minds  in  regard  to  doctrine.  We 
also  offer  up  public  and  private  prayers  for  the  im- 
prisoned Prince.  We  do  not  hear  anyone  speak  evil  of 
our  Prince;  and  the  authorities  of  the  city  would  not 
permit  anything  of  the  kind.  Therefore  I  beseech  you, 
do  not  believe  those  who  slander  us,  or  the  Church 
here;  I  hope  that  God  himself  will  confute  them  and 
deliver  us  from  their  envenomed  tongues.  I  myself 
honour  the  imprisoned  Prince  with  devout  reverence, 
and  daily  commend  him  to  God  with  tears  and  supplica- 
tions, and  I  pray  God  to  deliver  and  guide  him.  As  this 
is  true  I  am  amazed  at  the  levity  of  the  slanderer  who 


328  Philip  Melanchthon  [1547 

accuses  me  of  the  cruelty  of  preventing  prayer  for  the 
Prince.  But  I  will  beseech  God  to  protect  his  Church 
everywhere  and  also  to  deliver  us  from  such  slanders  in 
this  our  great  distress."  ' 

In  numerous  other  letters  during  the  closing 
months  of  this  year  (1547),  he  most  earnestly  protests 
that  he  has  made  no  change  in  doctrine,  and  that 
he  is  opposing  the  Lutheran  Confession  to  the  de- 
crees of  the  Council  of  Trent.  But  from  this  time 
on,  the  Weimar  princes  and  their  theological  adher- 
ents began  to  entertain  the  most  irreconcilable 
grudge  against  Melanchthon.  They  also  bitterly 
hated  Maurice,  and  looked  with  envy  on  Witten- 
berg, which,  by  the  reputation  of  Melanchthon  and 
under  the  protection  of  Maurice,  was  again  becom- 
ing the  head  and  centre  of  German  Protestantism. 
Melanchthon  was  training  the  ministers  of  the 
Church,  and  these  were  extending  the  fame  of  their 
teacher  and  of  the  university.  He  was  everywhere 
recognised  as  the  most  eminent  theologian  of  the 
Church,  and  his  advice  was  sought  on  all  kinds  of 
vexed  ecclesiastical  questions.  This  was  more  than 
the  Weimar  princes  could  bear.  They  soon  an- 
nounced themselves  as  the  exclusive  defenders  of 
the  doctrines  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  which  from 
that  time  on  embraced  two  hostile  camps.  The 
contests  between  the  theologians  of  ducal  Saxony 
and  those  of  the  Electorate  are  memorable. 

1  C.  x.,  6:  651. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

THE   INTERIMS 

The  Augsburg  Interim — Letter  to  Carlowitz — Several  Formulas — 
The  Leipzig  Interim. 

AS  the  Schmalkald  War  had  completely  shattered 
the  Schmalkald  League,  so  Protestantism 
seemed  on  the  verge  of  ruin.  At  the  Diet  of  Augs- 
burg, September,  1547,  a  form  of  doctrine  was  pro- 
posed which  was  to  be  binding  in  the  churches  until 
a  satisfactory  decision  of  the  Council  should  be 
reached.  The  book  is  known  as  the  Augsburg  In- 
terim. Not  more  than  two  or  three  of  its  twenty-six 
articles  contain  the  pure  evangelical  doctrine.  Its 
acceptance  would  have  been  the  preliminary  to  the 
acceptance  of  the  decrees  of  Trent.  Maurice  hesi- 
tated and  sought  the  advice  of  his  theologians. 
These  strongly  counselled  against  the  Interim. 
Melanchthon  especially  rejected  some  of  the  articles 
of  Trent  because  they  were  contrary  to  divine  truth. 
He  would  not  burden  his  conscience  with  them. 
He  also  declared  that  he  would  not  burden  his  con- 
science with  the  Interim.  To  Camerarius  he  wrote : 

329 


330  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

"  So  long  as  I  live  I  will  act  as  I  have  hitherto  done, 
and  I  shall  speak  the  same  things  wherever  I  shall 
be.  I  shall  continue  the  same  worship  of  God  and 
shall  speak  with  my  accustomed  moderation  and 
without  violence." 

The  period  was  a  critical  one.  Protestantism  had 
not  before  been  in  such  peril.  It  was  uncertain  how 
Maurice  would  act,  or  what  the  political  exigencies 
would  require  of  him.  For  twenty  years  Melanch- 
thon had  laboured  and  prayed  for  the  peace  of  the 
Church.  In  his  negotiations  both  with  the  Reformed 
and  with  the  Catholics,  he  had  laid  stress  on  the 
essentials  of  the  Gospel,  and  not  on  things  indifferent. 
To  the  same  principle  he  still  adhered  with  heroic 
firmness,  even  in  the  face  of  the  Emperor's  hate  and 
of  the  Elector's  less  than  half-hearted  support. 
Fault  was  found  with  him  by  some  of  the  Protest- 
ants because  he  did  not  make  greater  concessions  to 
the  Catholics.  Christopher  von  Carlowitz,  one  of 
Maurice's  counsellors,  a  hearty  hater  of  Luther, 
acting  in  the  pay  of  Charles,  more  intent  on  his 
master's  political  interests  than  on  the  cause  of  re- 
ligion, exhorted  Melanchthon  "  to  advance  the  plans 
which  had  been  proposed  for  the  promotion  of  the 
union  of  the  churches,"  and  demanded  that  he 
should  approve  the  Interim.  On  the  twenty-eighth 
of  April,  1548,  Melanchthon  replied  as  follows: 

"  In  regard  to  the  exhortation,  I  assure  you  I  desire 
that  the  illustrious  Prince  shall  decide  in  accordance 
with  his  own  judgment,  and  with  that  of  his  council,  as 

1  C.  R.,  6  :  878. 


1548]  The  Interims  331 

shall  seem  most  salutary  for  himself  and  the  state. 
When  he  shall  have  decided,  if  there  be  anything  which 
I  cannot  approve,  I  will  not  act  seditiously,  but  I  will 
either  keep  silent,  or  I  will  leave,  or  I  will  bear  whatever 
befalls.  Formerly  I  bore  an  almost  unseemly  servitude, 
since  Luther  often  gave  way  to  his  temperament,  in  which 
there  was  not  a  little  contentiousness,  and  did  not  suf- 
ficiently consider  his  own  dignity  and  the  public  welfare. 
And  I  know  that  always  we  must  modestly  overlook  some 
defects  in  government,  just  as  we  must  bear  the  evils  of 
storms.  But  you  say  I  am  not  only  required  to  be  silent, 
but  also  to  give  my  approval  [of  the  Interim}.  Now  I 
doubt  not  that  you  as  a  wise  man  understand  the  natures 
and  dispositions  of  men.  By  nature  I  am  not  contro- 
versial, and  I  as  greatly  love  peace  among  men  as  any- 
one. Neither  have  I  started  the  controversies  which 
distract  the  state.  But  I  have  fallen  into  them  when 
they  had  been  started,  and  I  have  taken  part  in  them 
with  a  sincere  desire  to  ascertain  the  truth." 

He  then  proceeds  to  say  that  he  does  not  object 
to  some  ceremonies  contained  in  the  Interim. 
Again : 

"  Gladly  will  I  promote  the  harmony  of  these  churches; 
but  I  am  by  no  means  willing  either  that  they  shall  be 
disturbed  by  a  change  of  doctrine,  or  that  worthy  men 
shall  be  driven  away.  When  I  think  of  a  new  distraction 
of  the  churches,  I  am  deeply  grieved." 

He  closed  by  alluding  to  the  dilatoriness  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  Schmalkald  League  during  the  cam- 
paign on  the  Danube  in  I546.1 

Carlowitz,  instead  of  holding  this  letter  in  con- 

1  C.  R.,  6 :  879. 


332  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

fidence,  as  Melanchthon  plainly  intended  that  he 
should  do,  showed  it  to  friend  and  foe.  The  Catho- 
lics made  copies  of  it,  one  of  which  was  sent  to  the 
Pope,  and  another  was  read  to  the  Emperor,  who 
exclaimed,  "  Now  you  have  him,  hold  on  to  him." 
Some  of  Melanchthon's  Protestant  enemies  pub- 
lished it  with  the  most  slanderous  perversions  and 
spiteful  comments.1  In  a  word,  it  became  a  cam- 
paign document  in  the  hands  of  two  contending 
parties.  The  Catholics  rejoiced  over  it  as  an  evid- 
ence of  division  in  the  ranks  of  the  Protestants, 
and  some  of  the  Protestants  blamed  it  for  its  con- 
cessions, its  characterisation  of  Luther,  and  its  al- 
lusion to  the  heads  of  the  Schmalkald  League.  But 
to  Protestants  and  Catholics  alike  it  can  be  said 
that  the  letter  adheres  to  essentials  in  doctrine,  and 
concedes  only  things  indifferent.  Its  characterisa- 
tion of  Luther  is  only  too  true,  and  all  historians 
agree  that  the  irresolution  of  John  Frederick  and 
others  is  responsible  for  the  outcome  of  the  Schmal- 
kald War. 

To  have  written  such  a  letter  at  that  time  may  be 
regarded  as  unwise  and  impolitic,  and  we  may  with 
Ranke  wish  that  it  never  had  been  written.  In 
itself  it  shows  the  transparent  honesty  of  Melanch- 
thon. It  contains  no  taint  of  treachery,  nor  of 
hypocrisy,  nor  of  ingratitude,  and  no  intimation  of  a 
surrender  of  fundamental  truth.  The  evil  lay  in  the 
evil  that  was  made  out  of  it,  and  in  the  deceitful 
purpose  of  the  man  who  obtained  it,  and  then  di- 
vulged it.  Carlowitz,  as  the  letter  shows,  wrote  of 

1  See  Concilia  IVitebergensia,  p.  325. 


1548] 


The  Interims 


333 


the  necessity  of  preventing  war,  of  conciliating  the 
Emperor,  of  saving  the  Protestant  cause  from  utter 
ruin.  All  this  could  be  done  by  a  little  concession 
on  the  part  of  Melanchthon !  He  should  therefore 
sign  the  Interim  and  secure  these  great  ends!  His 
answer  in  substance  is:  I  do  not  have  Luther's 
heroic  nature.  I  will  make  concessions  in  adiaphoray 
but  not  in  doctrine.  If  I  cannot  bear  the  Elector's 
decrees,  I  will  go  into  exile.  He  did  not  expect  his 
moderation  to  please  those  in  power,  but  he  was 
resolved,  by  the  help  of  God,  to  bear  whatever 
might  befall  him,  because  he  preferred  truth  to  life. 
We  have  only  to  know  all  the  circumstances  of 
those  terrible  times,  and  to  put  ourselves  in  Mel- 
anchthon's  place,  in  order  to  judge  righteously  as 
well  as  charitably  of  the  matter.  The  letter  is  a 
polite  but  firm  way  of  saying,  /  will  not  accept  the 
Interim;  and  to  this  Melanchthon  adhered ;  for  not 
only  did  he  write  criticism  after  criticism  on  the 
Interim,  but  when  called  to  Leipzig,  June  Qth,  to 
consult  about  it,  he  said,  "  If  approbation  be  de- 
manded, it  is  not  doubtful  what  answer  should  be 
given";  and  added,  "This  sophistical  book  will 
be  the  cause  of  new  wars  and  of  greater  alienation 
in  the  churches."  1  All  this  he  did  and  said  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  Emperor  had  twice  de- 
manded that  he  be  delivered  up,  or  driven  into  exile. 
To  the  Prince  of  Anhalt  he  wrote  that  he  would 
suffer  banishment  and  death  rather  than  approve  a 
change  in  doctrine.  Indeed  Melanchthon's  course 
in  relation  to  the  Interim,  in  the  face  of  a  deceitful 

J(7.  R.,  6:  922. 


334  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

Court,  of  an  apostate  Elector,  and  of  an  all-victorious 
Emperor,  is  marked  by  prudent  but^firm  opposition. 
Nothing  could  induce  him  to  betray  the  doctrine 
which  he  and  others  had  long  taught  at  Wittenberg. 
His  conduct  was  that  of  a  martyr.  His  faith  in 
God,  to  whom  he  committed  "  these  perils,"  is  sub- 
lime. It  is  impossible  to  read  his  letters  at  this 
period  without  feeling  the  deepest  sympathy  for  him 
and  the  many  other  good  men  who  "  were  being 
crucified  with  anxieties  for  the  Church  and  for 
peace."  When,  a  little  later,  the  civil  counsellors 
presented  a  strongly  Catholicising  statement  known 
as  the  Celle  Interim,  Melanchthon  called  it  "a 
botch,"  and  declared  that  "  the  consciences  of  the 
politicians  are  more  concerned  for  other  things  than 
for  the  maintenance  of  pure  and  uncorrupt  doc- 
trine."1 This  Celle  Interim  was  subscribed  at 
Jiiterbok,  December  i/th,  by  Maurice  of  Saxony 
and  Joachim  of  Brandenburg  as  the  norm  of  teach- 
ing for  their  churches.  The  theologians  were  not 
consulted. 

When  the  Saxon  theologians  were  told  that  they 
were  to  abide  by  the  Celle  Interim,  Bugenhagen  ex- 
claimed, "  Then  we  thank  God,  for  we  know  that 
at  Celle  we  adopted  nothing  unchristian,  but  rejected 
what  was  unchristian."  a  And  Melanchthon,  while 
at  Juterbok,  presented  a  long  refutation  of  "  the 
idolatrous  blasphemies  of  the  private  masses  and 
the  canon  [of  the  mass]."  ' 

'C  y?.,  7:  232. 

J  Voigt,  Brief-wechsel,  p.  96. 
'£/?.,  7:  235. 


1548]  The  Interims  335 

It  was  thus  evident  that  Melanchthon  was  disput- 
ing every  inch  of  ground  demanded  by  the  two 
electors  and  their  courtiers.  These  latter  declared 
that  unless  concessions  were  made,  the  same  per- 
secutions would  come  upon  Saxony  that  had  come 
upon  South  Germany,  where  four  hundred  pastors 
with  their  families  had  been  driven  into  exile,  and 
where  all  the  churches  had  been  given  to  the  Catho- 
lics. At  the  same  time,  Agricola,  his  old  enemy, 
now  court-theologian  of  the  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, was  complaining  to  Maurice  that  by  his  much 
writing  to  the  theologians  and  preachers,  Melanch- 
thon would  create  an  alliance  against  the  Interim. 
The  Emperor  was  still  demanding  that  he  be  driven 
into  exile.  Never  did  a  man  occupy  a  more  difficult 
and  responsible  position.  The  drawn  sword  hung 
over  the  Church  and  the  people ;  and  it  looked  as 
though  everything  would  be  lost  unless  concessions 
should  be  made  in  adiaphora,  that  is,  in  the  external 
usages  of  the  Church. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Melanch- 
thon went  from  Jiiterbok  to  Leipzig  to  attend  a  diet 
which  had  been  called  by  Maurice  for  December  21, 
1548.  The  other  theologians  present  were  Gresser 
of  Dresden,  Pfeffinger  and  Camerarius  of  Leipzig, 
and  George  of  Anhalt.  In  his  Declaration  to  the 
Diet,  Maurice  distinctly  says  that  the  chief  article, 
Justification,  shall  still  be  purely  taught  in  his 
dominion.1  This  was  the  fundamental  thing.  It 
was  thought  that  if  this  could  be  saved  the  churches 
might  yet  be  saved.  To  the  Celle  Interim,  the  work 

1  C.  R.,  7  :  254.     See  Vogt's  Bugenhagen,  p.  431. 


Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

of  tjie  civil  counsellors,  was  prefixed  an  article  on 
Justification,  and  one  on  Good  Works,  composed 
by  Melanchthon  at  Pegau,  in  July.  The  article  on 
Justification  maintains  without  equivocation  the 
central  Lutheran  principle,  that  "  God  does  not 
justify  man  by  the,  merit  of  his  own  works  which 
man  does,  but  out  of  mercy,  freely,  without  our 
merit,  that  the  glory  may  not  be  ours,  but  Christ's, 
through  whose  merit  alone  we  are  redeemed  from 
sin  and  justified."  *  The  document  thus  composed 
was  laid  before  the  Diet.  It  was  due  to  Melanch- 
thon that  the  fundamental  principle  was  saved.  To 
the  other  portion  of  the  document  he  submitted, 
but  not  until  further  resistance  seemed  to  be  futile. 
He  did  not  give  the  document  his  unqualified  ap- 
proval. He  simply  regarded  "  the  transactions  at 
Leipzig  as  tolerable,"  in  view  of  "  the  various  perils 
that  threatened  the  churches  and  the  State."  He 
"  wanted  some  things  considered  differently  and 
done  differently."  a 

The  document  retained  as  adiaphora  various 
Catholic  ceremonies,  as  Extreme  Unction,  Fasts, 
Corpus  Christi,  and  most  of  the  usages  of  the  Mass. 
Perhaps  the  most  dangerous  feature  was  that  it 
yielded  ordination  exclusively  to  the  bishops;  but 
this  was  done  with  the  expressed  understanding 
that  the  bishops  exercise  their  office  well,  and  "  use 
the  same  for  edification  and  not  for  destruction  " 
a  restriction  which  balanced  the  concession,  and  for 
which  there  was  abundant  precedent,  as  at  Schmal- 

IC.R.,T.  51. 

'C.X..T.  275,  292. 


JOACHIM  CAMERARIUS. 
FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY  COPPER-PLATE. 


1548]  The  Interims  337 

kald  in  1540,  when  it  was  conceded  by  Luther  and 
others,  that  Ordination,  Visitation,  and  Jurisdiction 
might  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  bishops  ' ;  and  also 
in  The  Wittenberg  Reformation,  where  Ordination  is 
conceded  to  the  bishops  on  condition  that  they  hold 
the  true  doctrine  and  ordain  proper  persons.8 

Yet  it  will  not  be  denied  that  this  document, 
which  soon  began  to  be  known  as  the  Leipzig  In- 
terim, conceded  too  many  Catholic  uses,  and  thus 
opened  the  door  to  Catholic  abuses.  The  consider- 
ation which  finally  prevailed  with  the  theologians  in 
making  such  large  concessions,  is  found  in  a  letter 
of  George  of  Anhalt  to  Francis  Burkhard,  written 
by  Melanchthon: 

"  They  hope  to  avoid  perils,  if  we  retain  some  rites  in 
themselves  not  vicious.  We  are  also  accused  of  unjust 
obstinacy  if  in  such  things  we  are  unwilling  to  promote 
the  public  tranquillity.  In  this  matter  they  err  who  think 
that  perils  can  be  avoided ;  yet  we  do  not  violently  con- 
tend about  such  things,  because  there  are  other  greater 
controversies,  about  which  there  are  most  bitter  disputes. 
That  we  may  retain  things  essential,  we  are  not  rigid  in 
regard  to  things  non-essential,  especially  since  those  rites 
have  to  a  great  extent  remained  in  the  churches  of  these 
parts.  We  know  that  much  is  said  against  these  conces- 
sions; but  the  desolation  of  the  churches,  such  as  is 
occurring  in  Swabia,  would  be  a  greater  scandal.  If  by 
such  moderation  it  can  be  brought  about  that  neither 
doctrine  nor  worship  be  changed,  fault  cannot  be  justly 
found  with  us."  * 

1C.  7?.,  3:  943. 
*£  />.,  5:  585. 
3C.  J?.,  7:  252. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

THE  ADIAPHORISTIC   CONTROVERSY 

The  Reaction — Flacius  Illyricus — The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy — 
Melanchthon  Defamed — His  Letter  of  Defence. 

THE  Leipzig  Interim  was  published  (1548)  "  out 
of  obedience  to  the  imperial  command,  and 
from  the  love  of  peace  ";  but  it  soon  brought  on 
the  Adiaphoristic  controversy  in  the  Lutheran 
Church.  Complaints  and  inquiries  reached  Mel- 
anchthon from  Berlin,  Frankfort,  Hamburg,  and 
other  places.  He  replied  in  substance  that  the 
churches  should  bear  the  yoke  of  adiaphora,  but 
should  stand  fast  in  the  pure  doctrine,  since  Christ- 
ian liberty  does  not  consist  in  rejecting  external 
uses,  but  in  the  free  confession  of  the  truth ;  and 
not  adiaphora,  but  faith,  prayer,  and  a  pious  life 
constitute  the  worship  of  God.1  From  what  he 
wrote  again  and  again  it  is  evident  that  it  was  Mel- 
anchthon's  "  supreme  determination  to  preserve 
purity  of  doctrine  and  the  true  worship  of  God  in 
the  churches  committed  to  our  faith."8  This  he 

1  C.  R.,  7  :  322. 
8C.  /?.,  7:  370. 

338 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    339 

thought  could  at  that  time  be  done  best  by  submit- 
ting to  certain  things  of  long  standing  in  the  Church, 
which  were  neither  enjoined  nor  forbidden  in  the 
Divine  Word.  But  this  was  a  mistake  in  judgment, 
induced  partly  by  his  reverence  for  antiquity,  partly 
by  his  love  of  good  order,  partly  by  his  yielding 
temper,  or  the  lack  of  the  heroic  element  in  his 
nature.  The  times  were  sadly  out  of  joint;  and  it 
is  not  at  all  improbable  that  had  no  concessions  been 
made,  the  same  distress  would  have  come  upon 
Saxony  that  had  already  befallen  Swabia.  The 
Interim  and  the  reaction  which  it  brought  gave  the 
politic  and  ambitious  Maurice  time  to  test  the  sense 
of  his  people,  and  to  get  ready  for  that  second  act 
of  perfidy  which  saved  Germany  to  Protestantism. 

The  ablest  and  most  violent  opponent  of  the  In- 
terim was  Matthias  Flacius,  born  in  Illyria,  March  3, 
1520.  He  had  studied  at  Venice,  Basel,  Tubingen, 
and  Wittenberg,  and  was  now  living  at  Magdeburg. 
He  was  a  very  learned,  but  bitter,  violent,  and  ca- 
lumnious man.  From  Magdeburg,  which  was  called 
"  the  chancery  of  God,"  Flacius,  Amsdorf,  Wigand, 
and  Gallus,  the  self-styled  "  exiles  of  Christ," 
poured  forth  a  flood  of  vituperation  against  the 
Interim,  and  against  Melanchthon,  as  though  he 
was  its  author.  To  apprise  the  reader  of  the  con- 
tents of  one  of  his  pamphlets,  Flacius  placed  the 
following  advertisement  on  the  title-page : 

"  From  this  pamphlet  you  will  learn  the  innocence  of 
the  author  and  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  Adiaphora, 
and  all  the  causes  of  those  delusions,  and  that,  too,  from 


340  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

the  mouths  of  the  authors  themselves.  You  will  learn 
that  the  occasion  was  in  part  the  desire  of  the  wicked  to 
betray  and  to  crucify  Christ,  and  to  set  the  Roman 
Barabbas  free;  in  part  it  was  the  false  faith,  the  fear  and 
carnal  wisdom  of  weak  Christians.  The  matter  is  the 
union  of  Christ  and  Belial,  of  light  and  darkness,  of  the 
sheep  and  the  wolves,  the  service  of  two  masters  who 
are  mortal  foes,  Christ  and  Belial.  The  form  is  the  false 
paint  and  deceitful  colouring  of  order,  discipline,  and 
uniformity.  The  end  is  the  restoration  of  the  papacy, 
the  setting  up  of  Antichrist  in  the  temple  of  Christ, 
the  confirmation  of  the  wicked,  that  they  may  triumph 
over  the  Church  and  Christ,  the  distress  of  the  pious, 
weakness,  the  leading  into  doubt,  unnumbered  offen- 
ces." ' 

It  is  freely  conceded  here  that  Flacius  rendered  at 
this  time  an  important  service  to  Protestantism. 
He  had  the  correct  idea  of  adiaphora,  viz.,  that,  as 
things  neither  enjoined  nor  forbidden  by  the  Divine 
Word,  they  may  be  received  in  the  exercise  of 
Christian  liberty,  but  are  not  to  be  imposed  by 
authority.  He  also  had  the  correct  idea  of  the  re- 
lation of  the  State  to  the  Church,  viz.,  that  the 
former  should  not  dictate  the  faith  and  the  form  of 
worship  of  the  latter.  Early  in  the  Reformation 
the  Wittenberg  theologians  had  urged  the  rulers,  as 
"  necessity  bishops,"  to  reform  the  Church.  This 
principle  worked  well  enough  for  them  when  it  was 
applied  on  their  side;  but  now  that  two  influential 
electors  of  Protestant  lands  were  in  league  with  the 
papacy,  it  returned  to  vex  them  and  their  followers, 

'Preger,  i.,  85. 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    341 

and  it  vexes  German  Protestantism  to  this  day. 
Here  the  courtiers,  as  the  representatives  of  the 
Saxon  Elector,  simply  took  the  matter  in  their  own 
hands,  and  overwhelmed  the  theologians  by  vocifer- 
ous intimidations,  inserted  into  the  Interim  their 
own  propositions,  and  then  interpreted  the  silence 
of  the  theologians  as  approval.  The  consolation 
left  to  the  latter  was  that  they  had  saved  the  evan- 
gelical principle  in  its  essence ;  that  they  had  pre- 
served the  Church  from  destruction ;  and  that  every 
adiaphoron  allowed  might  be  reconciled  with  evan- 
gelical truth.  Melanchthon's  letters  give  the  full 
proof  that  he  did  not  approve  the  Interim ;  that 
he  regarded  it  as  "a  servitude  imposed  upon  the 
churches  by  the  rulers,"  which  had  to  be  borne,  lest 
greater  evils  come.  Moreover,  he  had  no  confid- 
ence in  the  Interim,  and  predicted  "  that  in  two 
years  it  would  die  out,  and  would  bring  greater 
trouble  and  confusion."  1 

At  Wittenberg  men  were  ordained  almost  every 
week  "  by  the  customary  rite,"  and  sent  into  the 
churches  to  preach  the  pure  Gospel;  and  Bugen- 
hagen  protested  publicly  from  the  pulpit  that  the 
Wittenberg  theologians  were  not  responsible  for  the 
Interim,  and  he  called  upon  professors  and  citizens 
to  make  this  known  by  letter.3 

Melanchthon  called  the  Interim  "  the  work  of  the 
courtiers,"  and  constantly  insisted,  also,  that  as  a 
matter  of  fact  no  change  had  taken  place  in  doctrine 

1  See  Ranke,  v.,  64,  65,  vi.,  509  ;   C.  /?.,  7  :  342,  350,  351,  356. 
8  Voigt,  Brief  wee hsel,  p.  96. 


342  Philip  Melanchthon  0497- 

and  in  ceremonies.  He  wrote  that  he  could  easily 
bear  the  reproaches  heaped  on  himself  personally,  if 
only  the  seeds  of  further  dissensions  should  not  be 
sown. 

Flacius  continued  his  calumnies.  He  even  ob- 
tained, either  by  theft  or  through  breach  of  confid- 
ence, Melanchthon's  private  letters,  and  published 
them  with  the  most  scurrilous  and  defamatory 
comments.  Finally  Melanchthon  could  stand  it  no 
longer,  and  in  October,  1549,  he  wrote  a  letter 
which  ought  forever  to  silence  all  criticisms  in  regard 
to  his  motives,  and  all  suspicions  in  regard  to  his 
fidelity  to  the  Lutheran  faith,  both  during  and  after 
the  unfortunate  interimistic  contest  and  contro- 
versy. The  letter,  which  is  calm,  dignified,  and 
pious,  is  as  follows: 

"  To  the  Candid  Reader  : 

"  As  it  ought  to  be  the  principal  care  of  all  men  rightly 
to  know  and  to  worship  God,  so,  since  God  reveals  him- 
self in  the  Church  and  wishes  his  Word  to  be  heard  there, 
and  all  persons  to  become  members  of  that  society  and 
to  gather  under  the  banner  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  as 
is  said  in  Isaiah,  He  shall  be  an  ensign  to  the  people — so  it 
is  necessary  to  consider  carefully,  and,  in  view  of  the 
diversity  of  the  human  race,  to  inquire  wisely  what  and 
where  the  true  Church  is,  that  wherever  we  are;  we  may 
unite  with  it  in  faith,  worship,  and  confession.  The 
Church  is  scattered  throughout  the  world;  but  from  the 
profane  and  impious  part  of  the  human  race  it  is  distin- 
guished by  infallible  signs,  so  that  we  may  know  truly 
that  the  Church  is  the  society,  wherever  it  is,  which 
preaches  the  pure  Gospel,  and  retains  the  proper  use  of 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    343 

the  sacraments,  and  does  not  persistently  defend  idolatry. 
Since  those  who  have  learned  the  prophetic  and  apostolic 
doctrine,  and  know  that  it  is  not  a  fable,  can  judge  of 
these  things  with  mind,  eyes,  and  ears,  surely  the  Church 
can  be  recognised. 

"  Amid  the  wreck  of  empires  and  the  dispersion  of 
men,  pious  souls  have  this  comfort,  that  wherever  they 
hear  the  pure  word  of  sound  doctrine,  and  witness  the 
proper  use  of  the  sacraments,  and  see  that  idolatry,  and 
errors  which  oppose  the  Word  of  God,  are  rejected,  they 
know  of  a  truth  and  do  not  doubt  that  there  is  the  house 
of  God,  that  there  God  is  in  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel, 
that  there  the  worshipper  is  heard,  that  there  God  is 
rightly  worshipped,  and  that  there  the  Son  of  God 
gathers  an  eternal  inheritance,  as  he  has  said:  '  Where 
two  or  three  are  gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am 
I  in  the  midst  of  them.' 

"  In  periods  of  public  dissensions  there  is  need  of  this 
consolation,  and  I  present  it  here  because  our  churches 
which  have  this  sure  and  steadfast  consolation,  are  now 
greatly  disturbed  by  the  clamours  of  certain  persons. 
Let  each  one  see  and  hear  for  himself.  The  same 
doctrine  in  all  respects  is  taught  that  appears  in  our 
books.  There  is  the  same  use  of  the  sacraments,  that 
there  was  before  the  war.  Errors  and  idolatry  are  dis- 
carded, as  our  books  show. 

"  But  Flacius  Illyricus  exclaims  that  the  doctrine  is 
changed,  and  that  certain  ceremonies  formerly  abolished 
have  been  restored.  I  will  first  reply  concerning  doctrine. 
The  voice  of  all  the  teachers  in  our  churches  and  schools 
openly  refutes  this  calumny.  And  to  avoid  a  prolix 
statement,  I  refer  to  the  whole  body  of  doctrine  written 
in  the  Loci  Communes,  which  is  in  many  hands.  In  that 
book  I  did  not  aim  to  set  up  any  new  doctrine,  but 


344  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

faithfully  to  embrace  the  common  doctrine  of  those 
churches  which  adopted  the  Confession  presented  to  the 
Emperor  Anno  M.D.XXX.,  which  I  consider  the  invari- 
able doctrine  of  the  Church  Catholic,  and  which  I  wish 
to  have  understood  as  having  been  written  honestly  and 
without  sophistry  and  calumnious  intentions. 

"  I  am  conscious  of  having  compiled  that  epitome  not 
from  a  desire  of  differing  from  others,  nor  from  a  love 
of  novelty,  nor  from  contentiousness,  nor  from  any 
wicked  desire  whatever.  The  circumstances  made  it 
necessary.  When,  in  the  first  inspection  of  our  churches, 
we  encountered  the  discordant  clamours  of  the  ignorant 
in  regard  to  many  things,  I  brought  together  a  summary 
of  the  doctrine  which  had  been  taught  by  Luther  in 
different  volumes  of  interpretations  and  discourses,  and 
I  studied  a  mode  of  expression  suited  to  accuracy,  per- 
spicuity, and  harmony  in  those  who  were  being  taught; 
and  I  have  always  submitted  my  writings  to  the  judgment 
of  our  Church  and  of  Luther  himself.  In  regard  to  many 
questions  I  was  careful  to  consult  Luther,  whose  books 
are  widely  circulated,  and  I  sought  to  know  his  opinions. 
I  am  satisfied  that  this  doctrine  is  the  invariable  con- 
sensus of  the  Church  Catholic  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
and  I  pray  God  to  keep  me  in  the  profession  of  this  doc- 
trine for  the  good  of  the  eternal  Church.  I  mention 
these  things  that  no  one  may  accuse  me  of  hindering  the 
faith  of  others  by  my  own  doubts. 

"  In  the  next  place  it  is  requisite  to  offer  a  few  words 
of  reply  to  the  charge  respecting  Ceremonies.  I  certainly 
could  have  wished,  especially  in  the  present  afflictive 
circumstances,  that  the  churches  should  not  have  been 
disturbed  by  any  change;  but  if  such  be  the  case  it  does 
not  originate  with  me.  But  I  confess  that  I  have  per- 
suaded the  people  of  Franconia  and  others  not  to  aban- 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    345 

don  their  churches  on  account  of  any  service  with  which 
they  could  comply  without  impiety.  For  though  Flacius 
cries  out  vehemently  that  the  churches  had  better  be  de- 
serted, and  the  princes  alarmed  by  the  fear  of  sedition, 
I  should  not  choose  to  be  the  author  of  such  wretched 
advice.  It  is  plain  that  we  must  endure  much  greater 
burdens  in  the  cause  of  literature  and  religion  than  mere 
dress — as  the  hatred  of  the  great,  the  insolent  contempt 
of  the  populace,  the  malevolence  of  hypocritical  friends, 
the  dissensions  of  the  priesthood,  poverty,  persecution, 
and  other  evils  which  accompany  even  a  quiet  govern- 
ment: but  these  turbulent  times  produce  many  greater 
miseries. 

"  But  as  we  must  not  desert  our  posts  on  this  account, 
we  must  sustain  lighter  servitude  if  it  can  be  done  with 
a  good  conscience.  The  distressing  situation  of  the 
present  times,  in  which  there  are  such  divisions  in  senti- 
ment and  opinion,  seems  to  me  to  require  that  these 
oppressed  churches  should  be  comforted  and  strength- 
ened by  all  the  aids  that  piety  can  afford,  and  that  we 
should  take  care  that  the  most  important  doctrines 
should  be  faithfully  explained  and  transmitted  to  pos- 
terity, and  that  the  universities  be  supported  as  the  de- 
positories of  general  literature. 

"  The  representation  of  Flacius  respecting  somebody's 
(who  I  know  not)  having  reported  that  I  have  declared 
we  ought  not  to  withdraw  from  the  churches,  although 
the  ancient  abuses  should  be  reinstated,  is  absolutely 
without  foundation. 

"  Now  mark  this  crafty  man:  In  order  to  excite 
suspicion  and  inflame  hatred,  he  produces  many  sen- 
tences dropped  in  familiar  discourse,  which  he  calumni- 
ously  misinterprets,  and  also  attributes  to  others  sayings 
of  his  own  invention,  that  he  might  appear  not  only  to 


346  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

have  witnesses,  but  agents  at  his  command.  Nor  have 
I  ever  thought  or  said  what  he  falsely  imputes  to  me, 
that  we  ought  to  remain  in  those  churcjies  in  which  old 
errors  are  restored,  such  as  Mass  services,  invocation  of 
saints,  and  other  impious  services  which  we  have  con- 
demned in  our  publications.  I  do  openly  declare  that 
such  idolatrous  rites  should  neither  be  practised  nor 
tolerated.  And  that  students  may  be  the  better  in- 
structed in  every  particular,  I  have  explained  the  occa- 
sions and  origin  of  the  controversy  with  great  care  and 
labour. 

"  Here,  if  I  were  inclined  to  indulge  my  grief,  I 
might  justly  complain  of  Flacius,  who  circulates  such 
falsehoods  to  my  detriment,  and  might  detail  the  origin 
of  those  distresses  which  overwhelm  the  whole  Church, 
explaining  those  circumstances  which  tend  to  strengthen 
the  boldness  and  confirm  the  power  of  our  adversaries 
against  the  truth.  But  I  am  unwilling  to  open  these 
wounds,  and  I  beseech  these  advocates  of  liberty  to  allow 
me  and  others  at  least  to  endure  our  afflictions  in  peace, 
and  not  excite  more  cruel  dissensions. 

"  He  boasts  that  he  will  continue  to  be  the  advocate 
of  the  pristine  state  of  things.  If  by  this  expression  he 
refers  to  particular  empires  and  governments,  and  con- 
fines the  Church  only  to  its  own  walls,  his  idea  is  very 
incorrect;  for  the  Church  is  scattered  abroad  in  various 
kingdoms,  publishing  the  uncorrupted  word  of  the 
Gospel,  and  serving  God  by  tears  and  groans  of  genuine 
worship.  But  as  he  states  that  he  was  once  so  familiarly 
acquainted  with  me,  he  could  testify  my  pains  and  sor- 
rows and  zealous  care.  We  lament  the  disturbed  state  of 
public  affairs  and  of  kingdoms,  and  yet  we  do  not  ask  for 
garrisons  and  ramparts  of  defence;  but  in  our  churches 
we  publish  the  Gospel  truth,  serving  God  in  the  know- 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    347 

ledge  and  faith  of  his  Son,  and  aiming,  to  the  best  of  our 
feeble  efforts,  to  promote  the  literary  pursuits  of  our 
youth  and  the  preservation  of  discipline. 

"  If  this  advocate  of  the  primitive  state  of  things  can 
restore  this  golden  age  to  our  churches,  let  him  triumph 
as  much  as  he  will. 

"  Why  he  should  particularly  attack  me  who  have 
never  offended  him,  as  Marius  did  Antonius,  I  know  not, 
for  he  is  aware  that  I  have  been  always  opposed  to  the 
corruptions  of  religion,  and  have  censured  the  prevailing 
errors.  Now  he  says  I  have  encouraged  them,  because 
it  has  been  my  advice  not  to  quit  the  churches  on 
account  of  a  surplice  or  anything  of  that  kind.  If  dis- 
sensions arise  on  these  subjects,  the  commandments  re- 
specting charity  should  not  be  forgotten,  especially  as 
he  knows  our  great  afflictions,  and  that  we  neither  seek 
dominion  or  wealth.  We  should  not  imitate  the  ex- 
ample of  worldly  disputants  whose  impetuosity  is  often 
such  as  to  exemplify  the  proverb:  '  Unless  a  serpent  eat 
a  serpent,  a  dragon  will  never  be  born.' 

"  He  now  not  only  threatens  to  write  against  me,  but 
to  do  something  worse.  I  could  wish  that  we  rather  co- 
operate to  illustrate  essential  truth,  for  there  are  sources 
enough  of  contention ;  so  that  we  should  proclaim  a  truce, 
and  form  an  alliance,  a  mode  of  proceeding  more  con- 
ducive to  our  personal  advantage  and  that  of  the  whole 
Church:  lest  it  should  happen  as  Paul  says,  '  Take  heed 
that  you  do  not  devour  one  another.'  I  shall  frame  my 
*  answers  with  a  view  to  utility,  and  hope,  that  both  by  my 
writing  and  by  the  opinion  of  the  pious,  I  am  sufficiently 
defended  against  calumny.  Many  good  and  learned 
men  in  different  places  are  greatly  grieved  that  the 
churches  are  so  unjustly  censured.  But  I  recommend 
Flacius  and  others  to  consider  what  will  be  the  conse- 


348  Philip  Melanchthon 

quence,  if  mutual  animosities  revive  the  quarrels  of  thirty 
years.  How  deplorable  would  this  be! 

"  Wherever  he  reports  his  idle  stores  and  things  pro- 
fessedly spoken  in  familiar  conversations,  he  shows  what 
kind  of  regard  he  has  for  the  confidence  of  friendship 
and  the  rights  of  social  intercourse. 

"  We  naturally  unbosom  ourselves  with  more  freedom 
among  our  friends,  and  often  I  have  myself,  in  main- 
taining a  discussion,  strongly  opposed  an  opinion  which 
I  really  embraced,  not  in  jest,  but  for  the  purpose  of  ob- 
taining information  from  the  views  of  others. 

"  Many  are  acquainted  with  my  natural  turn  of  mind, 
and  know  that  I  am  prone  rather  to  indulge  in  jocose- 
ness,  even  in  the  rnidst  of  afflictions,  than  to  anything 
like  sternness.  To  catch  and  circulate  my  words  on 
these  occasions  as  he  has  done  is  mean  and  unkind,  to 
say  no  more.  But  if,  as  in  some  parts  of  his  letter  he 
threatens  me  with  the  sword,  any  evil  should  occur,  and 
destruction  should  befall  this  miserable  head,  I  will  com- 
mend myself  to  Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  God,  our  Lord, 
who  was  crucified  for  us  and  raised  again,  who  is  the 
searcher  of  hearts  and  knows  that  I  have  inquired  after 
truth  with  a  careful  simplicity  of  mind,  not  wishing 
either  to  gain  factions  and  influence,  or  to  indulge  an 
unbridled  curiosity.  Nor  has  it  been  without  great  and 
diligent  attention  to  the  whole  of  Christian  antiquity, 
that  I  have  endeavoured  to  unravel  a  variety  of  intricate 
questions  and  to  direct  the  studies  of  youth  to  important 
learning. 

"  But  I  wrll  not  speak  of  myself.  In  all  civil  dissen- 
sions I  am  aware  that  calamities  are  to  be  expected. 
The  minds  of  men  become  inflamed,  and  I  perceive 
Flacius  prepared  with  his  firebrands;  but  to  God  I  com- 
mit my  life  and  his  own  true  Church  here  and  in  other 


The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    349 

places,  respecting  which  I  feel  far  more  solicitous  than 
of  my  own  life.  This,  however,  is  my  consolation,  that 
God  has  promised  his  perpetual  presence  in  the  Church, 
and  his  Son  declares,  '  Lo !  I  am  with  you  alway,  even  to 
the  end  of  the  world.'  He  will  preserve  the  people  that 
maintain  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel  and  that  truly  call 
upon  his  name;  and  I  pray  with  the  utmost  fervour  and 
importunity  of  soul  that  he  will  preserve  his  Church  in 
these  regions. 

'  This  brief  reply  to  the  clamours  of  Flacius  I  have 
written,  not  so  much  on  my  own  account  as  for  the  sake 
of  our  churches  in  general,  among  whom  many  pious 
minds  are  deeply  wounded  by  his  writings.  Let  them  be 
consoled  by  this  assurance,  that  fundamental  principles 
are  faithfully  retained  in  our  churches,  namely,  the  un- 
corrupted  ministry  of  the  Gospel,  all  the  articles  of 
faith,  and  the  use  of  Christian  sacraments  without  alter- 
ation. The  Son  of  God,  it  is  most  certain,  is  present 
with  such  a  ministry,  and,  as  I  have  already  said,  hears 
the  supplications  of  such  an  assembly.  Adieu,  candid 
reader. 

"  October,  1549."  1 

There  are  no  traces  of  a  weak  and  vacillating 
spirit  in  this  letter.  There  is  in  it  decision  enough 
to  have  put  its  author  under  the  ban  of  the  Empire, 
and  to  have  brought  upon  him  the  displeasure  of 
the  Elector,  for  it  is  an  unequivocal  avowal  of  every 
principle  of  the  Reformation,  as  it  is  an  unanswer- 
able refutation  of  the  slanders  heaped  upon  him  by 
his  calumniator.  Yet  this  letter  did  not  silence  the 
calumniator.  He  went  on  with  his  slanders  and 

IC.R.^T.  478. 


350  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

mendacity.  In  September  of  the  next  year  (1550), 
Melanchthon  in  two  letters  charges  downright  lying 
upon  Flacius.  To  his  friend  John-  Matthesius  he 
wrote : 

"  REVEREND  AND  DEAREST  BROTHER  : 

"  I  know  that  as  a  wise  man  you  carefully  look  into 
the  hearts  and  dispositions  of  men.  Hence  I  hope  you 
have  considered  also  my  motive,  and  that  you  are  not 
influenced  by  the  sycophantic  writings  of  Illyricus,  who 
invents  manifesto,  mendacia.  Never  have  I  said,  never 
have  I  written,  never  have  I  thought,  what  he  says  I 
have  said,  viz.,  that  the  proposition,  '  We  are  justified  by 
faith  alone,'  is  an  absurd  trifling  about  words.  On  the 
contrary,  I  have  spoken  and  written  much  more  in  regard 
to  the  meaning  of  the  exclusive  particles,  than  many 
others.  Not  without  effort  have  I  corrected  the  opinion 
of  others  who  did  not  properly  explain  the  particle  sola. 
But  I  will  reply  to  those  virulent  calumnies.  I  pray  God 
to  foster  and  extend  the  churches  in  these  parts.  We 
are  labouring  faithfully  in  the  promulgation  of  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Gospel,  and  of  the  useful  arts.  To-day  I  am 
writing  propositions  to  be  discussed  by  Prutenus,  who  is 
to  become  a  doctor  of  theology." 

He  wrote  to  George  of  Anhalt  that  he  "  could 
more  easily  bear  exile  and  death  than  this  venom  of 
vipers."8  That  Flacius  was  actuated  chiefly  by 
personal  malice  towards  Melanchthon  is  evidenced 
by  the  fact  that  he  had  but  little  to  say  against 
Agricola  and  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  who  from 
the  beginning  abetted  and  promoted  the  Interim,  as 

1  C.  R.,  7  :  658. 
8  C.  J?.,  7  :  658. 


MATTHIAS  FLACIUS. 

AFTER   A   CONTEMPORARY    ENGRAVING. 


1549]    The  Adiaphoristic  Controversy    351 

its  chief  patrons.  But  the  Saxon  theologians,  and 
especially  Melanchthon,  must  be  crucified,  because, 
forsooth,  they  acted  too  leniently  towards  that  which 
Agricola  originally  helped  to  call  into  being.  A  still 
sadder  part  is  that  later  detractors  of  Melanchthon 
have  drawn  their  representations  mostly  from  the 
calumnies  and  manifesta  mendacia  of  Flacius, 
rather  than  from  the  facts  in  the  case  and  from  the 
disavowals  of  the  conscientious  and  truth-loving 
Melanchthon,  whose  Opinions,  letters,  and  conduct 
during  the  entire  interimistic  period  demonstrate 
the  absurdity  of  charging  him  with  tergiversation, 
or  with  the  desertion  of  a  single  Lutheran  doctrine. 
This  interimistic  and  adiaphoristic  controversy 
forms  a  sad  chapter  in  Lutheran  history,  but  it  can- 
not be  further  discussed  in  these  pages. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

THE   COUNCIL   OF   TRENT 

Various  Writings — The  Saxon  Confession — Council  of  Trent — The 
Treaty  of  Passau — Examen  Ordinandorum—  More  Controversies. 

THE  letters  of  Melanchthon  for  the  year  1550 
cover  nearly  two  hundred  pages  in  the  Corpus 
Reformatorum.  They  are  addressed  to  kings, 
princes,  theologians,  town  councils,  and  personal 
friends,  and  show  the  intense  interest  which  the 
writer  had  in  all  the  affairs  of  the  Church.  Many 
of  the  letters  discuss  questions  of  doctrine.  But 
the  most  significant  productions  of  his  pen  belonging 
to  this  year  are  Prefaces  to  the  third  and  fourth 
volumes  of  Luther's  German  works.  He  urges  the 
reading  of  Luther's  books,  and  the  transmission  of 
them  to  posterity,  thus  again  giving  a  sufficient  reply 
to  the  charge  of  wishing  to  corrupt  the  Lutheran 
doctrine.  He  also  published  this  year  his  Exposi- 
tion of.  the  Nicene  Creed,  for  the  purpose  of  showing 
the  agreement  of  the  Lutheran  theology  with  the 
teaching  of  the  ancient  Church.  In  an  Opinion  ad- 
dressed to  the  Elector  he  opposes  the  continuation 

352 


1552]  The  Council  of  Trent 


353 


of  the  Council  of  Trent :  Because  the  Estates  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  had  not  been  formally  invited  ; 
some  things  had  been  decreed  against  them  in  their 
absence;  the  Council  had  been  called  by  the  Pope, 
who  could  not  be  allowed  to  act  as  a  judge.  The 
Emperor  should  call  a  free  council  in  Germany,  in 
which  the  Protestants  might  not  only  be  heard,  but 
could  take  part  in  the  proceedings.1 

When  finally  the  Emperor  promised  the  Protest- 
ants a  safe-conduct  to  Trent  and  a  hearing  in  the 
Council,  the  Elector  summoned  Melanchthon,  Bu- 
genhagen,  and  Camerarius  to  Dresden  in  January, 
1551,  to  hear  their  views  in  regard  to  the  matter. 
Melanchthon  then  presented  an  Opinion,  in  which  he 
says  that  everything  which  had  been  done  by  the 
Council  should  be  gone  over  again;  that  the  Pro- 
testants should  agree  on  articles  of  faith  which  they 
wished  to  defend,  and  "  that  they  should  defend  no 
articles  except  those  which  are  now  publicly  taught 
in  the  churches  of  Misnia  ;  and  what  those  articles 
are,  can  be  learned  from  the  Catechism  of  these 
churches,  or  from  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and 
from  the  first  Brandenburg  Liturgy."  2 

It  was  decided  that  Melanchthon  should  not  go 
to  Trent;  but  he  was  commissioned  to  prepare  a 
new  confession  of  faith.  That  he  might  work  in 
greater  quiet  he  retired  to  Dessau,  where  from  the 
sixth  to  the  tenth  of  May,  1 55 1,  he  wrote  The  Repeti- 
tion of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  or  The  Confession  of 
the  Doctrine  of  the  Saxon  Churches,  commonly  known 

*  C.  R.,  7  :  637. 

*C.R.,T.  736. 
23 


354  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

and  referred  to  as  Confessio  Saxonica.1  It  is  a 
luminous  and  somewhat  elaborate  restatement  of 
all  the  chief  doctrines  of  Christictnity  according  to 
the  Lutheran  conception.  It  not  only  reaffirms  the 
Articles  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  but  it  defends 
them  out  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  teaching  of  the 
early  Church,  and  refutes  the  opposite  doctrines  and 
some  articles  already  promulgated  by  the  Council  of 
Trent.  The  document  is  thus  both  positive-didactic 
and  polemical. 

The  intention  was  to  lay  this  Confession  before 
the  Council  of  Trent  in  the  name  of  the  Lutheran 
theologians.  That  it  might  bear  a  representative 
character,  the  professors  at  Leipzig  and  the  superin- 
tendents of  the  Saxon  churches  met  at  Wittenberg, 
and,  July  loth,  subscribed  it  "  as  the  common  doc- 
trine taught  in  the  churches  and  universities."  The 
Margrave  John  of  Brandenburg,  George  Frederick  of 
Ansbach,  the  Counts  of  Mansfeld,  and  Duke  Philip 
of  Pomerania,  sent  their  theologians  to  Wittenberg, 
who  also  signed  it  as  the  Confession  composed  "  by 
their  dear  preceptor,  Master  Philip." 

This  must  have  been  a  proud  moment  for  Mel- 
anchthon. In  the  face  of  the  Interim  and  of 
the  Flacian  calumnies,  the  best  representatives  of 
Protestantism  thus  testified  that  he  had  given  a 
clear  and  unequivocal  expression  of  their  common 
faith. 

It  was  decided  not  to  publish  the  Confession  until 
after  it  had  been  presented  at  Trent.  But  it  was 
not  taken  thither,  and  in  March,  1552,  it  appeared 

1C.  ^.,  27:  327  etseqq. 


1552]  The  Council  of  Trent  355 

in  print  at  Basel  without  the  knowledge  of  the 
author. 

The  Council  of  Trent,  which  had  been  indefinitely 
prorogued  September  17,  1549,  reassembled  May 
I,  1551,  and  adjourned  to  September.  Public  ses- 
sions were  held  October  nth  and  November  25th. 
December  I3th  Melanchthon  received  orders  to 
make  ready  to  go  to  Trent.  On  the  fifteenth  of 
December  he  went  to  Dresden  to  receive  instruc- 
tions ;  but  he  received  only  the  general  direction  to 
repair  to  Nuremberg  and  there  to  wait  further 
orders.  He  reached  Nuremberg,  January  22,  1552, 
and  was  lodged  in  the  St.  ^Egidius  Cloister,  where 
he  delivered  more  than  thirty  public  lectures.  He 
received  much  attention  from  the  most  distinguished 
citizens,  and  employed  a  portion  of  his  time  in 
writing.  Among  other  things  he  here  wrote  the 
Preface  to  Volume  III.  of  Luther's  Commentary  on 
Genesis,  in  which  he  severely  criticises  "  the  Triden- 
tine  Areopagites  "  and  "  their  heathenish  and  Phar- 
isaical conceits."  1  Having  received  no  instructions 
up  to  March  roth,  he  left  Nuremberg  and  returned 
home.  The  Electoral  delegates  who  had  gone  to 
Trent,  failing  to  get  a  public  hearing,  left  there  on 
the  fourteenth  of  March,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  April  the  Council  adjourned  sine  die. 

The  affairs  of  the  Protestants  now  took  an  unex- 
pected turn.  The  opposition  encountered  by  the 
Interim  showed  Maurice  how  deeply  Protestantism 
was  rooted  in  Saxon  soil.  Suddenly  raising  the 
siege  of  Magdeburg,  which  he  had  been  commanded 

1C,J?.,  7:  918. 


356  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

to  subdue,  and  concluding  an  alliance  with  France, 
he  turned  his  arms  against  the  Emperor,  cut  off  his 
retreat  to  the  Netherlands,  and  forted  the  treaty  of 
Passau,  August  2,  1552,  which  liberated  John  Fred- 
erick and  the  Landgrave,  and  gave  the  Protestants 
full  amnesty,  a  general  peace,  and  equal  rights  until 
the  meeting  of  a  national  and  general  council  to  be 
arranged  for  at  the  next  diet. 

Oppression  now  ceased ;  the  exiled  ministers  re- 
turned home;  the  hated  Interim  came  to  an  end. 
Maurice,  who  by  one  act  of  treachery  had  brought 
Protestantism  into  peril,  now  by  another  act  of 
treachery  saved  it  from  ruin.  The  next  year  he 
died  from  a  wound  received  in  the  battle  of  Sievers- 
hausen,  fought  against  his  former  friend  and  com- 
rade in  the  Schmalkald  War,  Albert,  Margrave  of 
Brandenburg. 

When  the  liberated  John  Frederick  returned  to 
his  Thuringian  home,  Melanchthon,  in  the  name  of 
the  Wittenberg  theologians,  sent  him  a  letter  of  con- 
gratulation, and  dedicated  to  him  the  fourth  volume 
of  Luther's  Latin  works,  in  which  dedication  he 
compares  the  Elector  to  Daniel  in  the  den  of  lions 
and  to  the  three  Hebrew  youths  in  the  fiery  furnace. 
The  ex-Elector  returned  his  thanks  to  the  theologians 
for  their  sympathy,  but  impliedly  accused  them  of 
having  departed  from  Luther's  doctrine.  And  yet 
it  was  exactly  during  the  period  of  the  ex-Elector's 
captivity  that  Melanchthon  by  the  composition  of  a 
new  creed  had  shown  himself  to  be  the  continuator 
of  Luther's  doctrine;  while  during  the  summer  of 
this  year  (1552)  he  had  been  engaged  in  revising  the 


1552]  The  Council  of  Trent  357 

Mecklenburg  Liturgy,  and  in  composing  a  list  of 
articles  known  as  the  Examen  Ordinandorum  1 — two 
books  which  have  ever  since  been  ranked  among  the 
classics  of  the  Lutheran  Church.  Both  were  used 
far  beyond  the  bounds  of  Mecklenburg,  the  one  in 
the  conduct  of  worship,  and  the  other  in  the  exam- 
ination of  candidates  for  the  ministry. 

Scarcely  was  Melanchthon,  the  man  of  peace,  free 
from  one  controversy  until  he  was  precipitated  into 
another.  Andrew  Osiander,  the  talented  and 
learned,  but  contentious,  conceited,  and  ambitious 
Reformer  of  Nuremberg,  was  driven  into  exile  by 
the  Interim.  He  made  his  way  to  Duke  Albert  of 
Prussia  and  was  soon  appointed  Professor  Primarius 
of  theology  in  the  new  University  of  Konigsberg. 
In  his  Inaugural  he  declared  that  we  are  justified 
not  by  the  imputation  of  Christ's  righteousness,  but 
by  union  with  Christ,  in  that  Christ  dwells  in  us. 
He  also  declared  that  Christ  is  our  mediator  only  ac- 
cording to  his  divine  nature ;  not  at  all  according  to 
his  human  nature.  This  new  exposition  of  the  cent- 
ral doctrine  of  Lutheranism  brought  him  into  col- 
lision with  his  colleagues.  Osiander  appealed  to 
Melanchthon,  who  at  first  regarded  the  controversy 
as  merely  a  war  of  words,  and  so  counselled  the 
Konigsbergers  to  stop  their  disputing.  Very  soon 
Osiander  turned  against  Melanchthon,  and  declared 
that  both  he  and  all  his  followers  were  nothing  but 
ministers  of  Satan,  and  that  Melanchthon  knew 
nothing  about  Christian  doctrine.  He  also  con- 
demned Melanchthon's  books,  and  asserted  that  a 

1  C.  R.,  23  :   21  et  seqq. 


358  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

more  dangerous  man  than  he  had  riot  appeared  in 
the  Church  since  the  days  of  the  Apostles. 

In  1551,  Duke  Albert  sent  a  copy  of  Osiander's 
writings  to  each  of  the  States  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession. By  order  of  the  Saxon  Elector,  Melanchthon 
wrote  the  Opinion  of  the  Wittenberg  faculty.  He 
asserts  that  "  we  must  look  upon  Jesus  Christ,  God 
and  man,  as  our  Mediator,  must  cast  ourselves  on 
his  wounds,  and  must  find  sure  consolation  in  the 
fact  that  we  have  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  are  heard, 
on  account  of  this  Mediator;  "  and  further:  "  That 
faith  rests  on  the  Lord  Jesus,  God  and  man,  and  on 
his  merits  and  intercessions." 

Osiander  now  attacked  Melanchthon  in  the 
coarsest  manner,  accusing  him  of  corrupting  the 
Lutheran  doctrine  and  of  having  introduced  the  cus- 
tom of  binding  candidates  for  the  doctor's  degree  to 
the  Augsburg  Confession.  He  also  wrote,  "  I  will 
open  a  vein  in  him,  and  will  spill  his  blood  all  over 
Germany."  He  then  published  two  scandalous 
books,  entitled  respectively,  The  Bleeding  of  Philip, 
and  The  Refutation  of  the  Weak  and  Worthless  An- 
swer of  Philip  Melanchthon. 

As  Melanchthon  did  not  wish  the  people  to  be 
further  offended  by  this  unseemly  dispute,  early  in 
January,  1553,  he  made  reply  in  the  form  of  an 
academic  oration  in  Latin.  The  principal  point  of 
interest  in  this  oration  is  the  statement  that  the 
binding  of  candidates  to  the  Confession  had  been 
introduced  about  twenty  years  before  by  Luther, 
Jonas,  and  Bugenhagen,  as  a  safeguard  against  the 

1  C.  K.,  7  :  898. 


1552]  The  Council  of  Trent  359 

fanaticism  of  the  Anabaptists,  Servetus,  Campanius, 
Schwenckfeld,  and  others.1  October  17,  1553,  Osi- 
ander  died,  but  the  controversy  continued  to  rage 
for  several  years,  when  finally  the  Konigsbergers 
renounced  the  teaching  of  Osiander,  and  pledged 
themselves  to  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  to  Mel- 
anchthon's  Loci,  whereupon  they  were  denounced 
by  the  Flacian  party  as  Philippists. 

One  extreme  usually  begets  another.  In  opposi- 
tion to  Osiander,  Francis  Stancar,  an  ex-Italian 
priest,  who  had  joined  the  Reformation,  announced 
the  proposition  that  reconciliation  is  effected  alone 
through  the  suffering  which  Christ  bore  in  his  human 
nature;  that  is,  Christ  is  a  Saviour  only  by  his 
human  nature.  This  view  of  the  work  of  Christ 
was  first  opposed  by  Andrew  Musculus.  Then 
Melanchthon  was  called  in  as  peacemaker;  but  very 
soon  he  was  attacked  by  Stancar  and  accused  of 
three  hundred  errors.  In  June,  1553,  Melanchthon 
wrote  a  Reply  to  the  Contentions  of  Stancar.  He 
states  the  teaching  of  the  Church  to  be  "  that  God 
was  born  of  a  virgin,  suffered,  died,  rose  again.  The 
divine  nature  did  not  suffer,  die,  rise  again,  because 
the  person  is  considered  in  the  concrete."  a  It  may 
be  said  that  the  Reply  to  Stancar,  and  the  Oration 
against  Osiander,  give  the  best  scientific  treatment 
of  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  Person  of  Christ  and 
of  Justification  by  Faith  to  be  found  among  the 
writings  of  the  Reformers.  They  still  have  standard 
value. 


1C.  R.,  12:  5. 

2  (7.  ^.,  23:  87  et  seqq. 


360  Philip  Melanchthon  [«552 

In  these  years  a  controversy  was  carried  on  be- 
tween George  Major,  superintendent  of  Mansfeld, 
and  the  Flacian  party,  on  Good  Works.  Major 
maintained  that  good  works  are  necessary  to  sal- 
vation, not  by  the  necessity  of  merit  but  by  the 
necessity  of  conjunction,  that  is,  they  must  exist  in 
conjunction  with  faith,  otherwise  faith  is  dead. 
Amsdorf  defended  the  proposition  that  good  works 
are  injurious  to  salvation.  At  first  Melanchthon 
held  himself  aloof  from  the  dispute,  and  advised 
Major  to  give  up  his  formula,  as  it  was  capable  of 
being  misunderstood.  But  he  went  on  defending 
it,  and  so  the  controversy  continued  to  rage.  At 
length  Melanchthon  wrote  a  short  Opinion  on  the 
subject,  in  which  he  asserts  that  "  Good  Works  are 
necessary,  not  as  extorted  by  force,  but  because  ap- 
pointed by  an  immutable  divine  order,  by  which  the 
creature  is  subject  to  the  Creator."  1 

1C.R.,  8:  194. 


STATUE  OF  MELANCHTHON 

IN   THE   CASTLE   CHURCH    IN    WITTENBERG- 


CHAPTER  XXX 

CONTROVERSIES   ON  THE   LORD'S   SUPPER 

Naumburg  Convention — Augsburg  Religious  Peace — Controversies 
on  the  Lord's  Supper — Attempts  at  Reconciliation. 

MAURICE,  who  died  July  11,  1553,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  brother  Augustus.  The  new 
Elector  at  once  confirmed  the  grants  made  to  the 
university  by  Maurice,  and  sought  in  every  way  to 
promote  peace  in  the  churches.  To  this  end  it  was 
thought  wise  to  hold  a  convention  at  Naumburg. 
The  twofold  purpose  of  the  convention  was  to  form- 
ulate articles  of  faith  to  be  presented  at  the  next 
imperial  diet,  and  to  oppose  a  common  declaration 
to  the  errors  of  Osiander  and  Schwenckfeld.  Mel- 
anchthon,  accompanied  by  John  Forster  and  Came- 
rarius,  reached  Naumburg,  May  20,  1554.  The  next 
day  witnessed  the  arrival  of  delegates  from  Hesse 
and  Strassburg;  and  on  the  23d  Pacaeus  and  Salmut 
came  from  Leipzig.  On  the  24th  a  Declaration 
written  by  Melanchthon  was  presented  and  signed 
by  ten  representatives.  The  Declaration  reaffirms 
the  Augsburg  Confession ;  rejects  the  errors  of 
Schwenckfeld  and  Osiander ;  lays  down  the  principle 

361 


362  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

that  "  unity  in  the  true  doctrine  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary "  ;  holds  that  in  church  government  four  things 
are  highly  necessary,  viz.,  Proper  Studies,  Ordina- 
tion, Consistories  with  rigid  discipline,  and  Visita- 
tion ;  and  refuses  to  commit  Ordination  to  the 
bishops,  because  they  persecute  sound  doctrine.1 
But  the  Flacians  were  not  satisfied,  and  still  kept 
up  their  opposition  to  Wittenberg  and  to  everybody 
outside  of  their  own  circle. 

February  5,  1555,  the  long-deferred  diet  was 
opened  at  Augsburg.  After  much  strife  and  con- 
tention the  Augsburg  Religious  Peace  was  con- 
cluded, September  25th.  According  to  its  general 
principles  the  nobles  had  free  choice  between  the 
Catholic  religion  and  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and 
the  religion  of  the  subjects  was  to  depend  upon  that 
of  their  rulers.  Practically  this  made  Protestantism 
the  religion  of  Germany,  but  it  did  not  by  any 
means  extinguish  its  internal  strifes.  Discord  ran 
riot.  The  spirit  of  controversy  filled  the  air.  The 
Christian  charity  that  suffereth  long  and  is  kind  was 
unknown,  at  least  it  was  not  exemplified.  On  the 
one  side  there  was  the  Melanchthonian  school,  re- 
presented by  Wittenberg  and  Leipzig,  which  sought 
to  apply  the  doctrine  and  the  principles  of  the  Re- 
formation in  an  irenical  and  conciliatory  manner. 
On  the  other  side  were  the  Weimarians,  both  Court 
and  theologians,  and  their  theological  adherents  of 
several  Lower  Saxon  cities,  who  sought  to  make  the 
gulf  between  themselves  and  their  religious  oppon- 
ents, both  Catholics  and  Reformed,  as  wide  as  possi- 

1C.  j?.,  8:  282-291. 


1557]  Controversies  363 

ble.  This  latter  party  took  "  holy  father  Luther," 
as  they  called  the  great  Reformer,  as  their  shibboleth, 
and  began  to  imitate  his  decision,  and  to  apply  his 
methods  in  a  wholly  one-sided  manner. 

Controversy  would  naturally  follow  the  lines  of 
former  years.  Hence  it  soon  gathered  round  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  Melanchthonian  formulas, 
which  not  only  had  not  been  condemned,  but  on 
the  contrary  had  been  approved  by  Luther,  that 
nothing  has  the  nature  of  a  Sacrament  apart  from 
the  divinely  appointed  use,  and  that  Christ  is  present 
not  on  account  of  the  bread,  but  on  account  of  the 
recipients ;  that  with  the  bread  and  wine,  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  are  given — this  view,  which  is 
found  in  the  Examen  Ordinandorum  and  in  the  ex- 
position of  the  Nicene  Creed,  and  which  is  perfectly 
consistent  with  the  teaching  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, the  Apology,  and  the  Schmalkald  Articles, 
had  been  universally  accepted  as  the  Lutheran  doc- 
trine of  the  Supper.  In  1552,  Joachim  Westphal, 
a  Hamburg  pastor,  attacked  Calvin  and  Peter  Martyr, 
and  made  allusion  to  Melanchthon  and  his  scholars. 
Calvin  and  Bullinger  answered  Westphal.  The  con- 
troversy was  continued  for  some  time  with  an  equal 
amount  of  bitterness  and  violence  on  each  side. 
Westphal  and  his  followers  carried  their  doctrine  to 
the  most  absurd  extremes.  They  were  not  content 
with  the  adverbs  vere  and  substantialiter,  by  which 
the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  Supper  had  been  de- 
scribed in  the  Confessions;  they  added  corporealiter, 
dentaliter,  gutturaliter,  and  stomachaliter  ;  they  said 
that  Christ's  body  descends  like  other  food  into  the 


364  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

stomach,  and  that  after  the  consecration  Christ 
abides  in  the  elements ;  that  his  body  is  everywhere 
present,  even  in  wood  and  stone.  •  They  seriously 
asked  what  would  become  of  a  mouse,  should  it  eat 
of  the  consecrated  host.  They  carefully  swept  up 
the  crumbs  that  fell  from  the  consecrated  host  and 
burned  the  ground  on  which  a  few  drops  of  wine 
happened  to  have  been  spilled,  on  the  supposition 
that  these  were  particles  of  the  veritable  body  and 
blood  of  Christ.  Some  demanded  the  adoration  of 
the  host,  and  Dr.  Morlin  said:  "  Thou  must  not 
say  mum !  mum !  but  thou  must  say  what  this  is 
which  the  priest  has  in  his  hand."  ' 

Melanchthon  refused  to  endorse  "  such  remnants 
of  the  papacy,"  and  named  such  a  monstrous  per- 
version of  the  Lutheran  doctrine  aproXarpha,  that 
is,  bread-worship.  Nicholas  Gallus  (1554)  and  West- 
phal  (1557)  wrote  each  a  book  to  show  that  Mel- 
anchthon was  on  their  side,  and  that  at  least  during 
the  lifetime  of  Luther  he  had  not  endorsed  the 
sacramentarians.  Calvin  urged  Melanchthon  to 
make  war  on  the  bread-worshippers,  and  was  im- 
patient when  Melanchthon  delayed  answering  his 
letters,  and  remained  silent.  He  even  attributed 
Melanchthon's  silence  to  weakness.3  The  situation 
was  a  painful  one.  The  great  Wittenberg  Master 
simply  did  not  permit  himself  to  be  drawn  into  a 
controversy  which  he  had  not  started.  It  would 
not  have  been  possible  for  him  to  defend  the  Romish 
absurdities  and  superstitions  of  the  Flacian  party  in 

1  C.  ^.,  9:  962  ;  Salig.,  iii.,  455,  456,  528. 
'Bonnet's  Calvin's  Letters,  iii.,  61,  157. 


1557]  Controversies  365 

his  own  Church,  and  nothing  short  of  a  full  endorse- 
ment of  their  position  as  Lutheran  would  have  satis- 
fied them.  Personally  he  was  friendly  with  Calvin, 
and  doubtless  had  the  conviction  that  the  Calvinistic 
doctrine  of  the  spiritual  enjoyment  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  sacrificed  no  essential  element  of  re- 
ligious truth.  But  there  is  not  a  single  line  in  all  of 
Melanchthon's  writings  to  show  that  he  ever  en- 
dorsed the  particular  Calvinistic  formulas  of  a  glori- 
fied body,  and  of  a  communion  in  Heaven  to  which 
the  believer's  soul  is  lifted  by  faith.  On  the  contrary 
his  formulas  show  that  he  maintained  that  the  com- 
munion takes  place  on  earth  in  connection  with 
eating  and  drinking.  Moreover,  he  ever  associates 
the  Supper  with  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  as  its  essen- 
tial factor;  while  with  Calvin  the  Supper  is  regarded 
more  as  a  food  for  the  soul  of  the  believer. 

Under  such  circumstances  Melanchthon  might 
well  write  that  it  was  not  difficult,  but  dangerous,  to 
say  what  ought  to  be  said.  To  Calvin  he  wrote, 
"  Certain  persons  are  renewing  the  contest  about 
bread-worship,  moved  principally  by  hatred  towards 
me,  that  they  may  have  a  plausible  excuse  for  crush- 
ing me."  It  is  to  the  praise  of  his  wisdom  that  he 
maintained  a  dignified  silence,  though  at  one  time 
he  had  resolved,  under  a  certain  contingency,  to 
reply,  since  he  "  feared  neither  exile  nor  death." 
In  his  correspondence  he  again  and  again  declared 
that  he  continued  to  teach  in  accordance  with  his 
numerous  writings,  with  the  Wittenberg  Concord, 

»C.  R.,  8:  362. 
*C  R.,  8:  482. 


366  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

with  Luther's  Catechism,  and  the  Examen  Ordin- 
andorum.  Anything  new  from  his  pen  would  only 
have  added  fuel  to  the  fire.  Yet  his  silence  did  not 
satisfy  the  Flacians.  They  evermore  accused  him 
of  Calvinising,  on  the  ground  that  not  to  endorse 
their  semi-Romanism,  and  not  to  confute  Calvin,  was 
to  C alvinise. 

In  the  year  1556,  an  effort  was  made  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  Melanchthon  and  Flacius. 
The  terms  proposed  were  those  of  Flacius's  own  com- 
position, and  involved  the  humiliation  of  Melanch- 
thon. When  the  terms  were  rejected,  Flacius  broke 
out  in  a  most  violent  publication,  in  which  he  de- 
manded a  public  recantation  by  Melanchthon  and 
his  friends  as  a  condition  of  peace.  When  finally 
others  interceded  for  peace  and  proposed  terms  that 
were  artfully  meant  to  make  Melanchthon  "  cut  his 
own  throat,"  the  latter  replied  that  he  had  always 
sought  the  peace  of  the  Church ;  that  he  had  intro- 
duced no  new  doctrines,  and  had  taught  the  doctrines 
received  in  the  Church.  "  If  this  form  of  doctrine 
does  not  please  Flacius,  let  him  publish  another  body 
of  doctrine.  If  the  churches  shall  prefer  it,  I  will 
make  no  opposition."  1 

Melanchthon  also  wrote  a  letter  to  Flacius  in 
which  he  denies  that  the  Leipzig  Interim  was  "  a 
conspiracy  of  the  theologians,"  as  had  been  charged. 
He  also  says: 

'  Then  we  were  censured  with  all  kinds  of  reproaches 

by  the  courtiers.     Now  we  are  censured  by  you.     At 

length  the  Prince  said  with  his  own  voice,  that  he  did 

not  seek  to  have  the  doctrine,  nor  anything  necessary, 

1  C.  A'.,  9:  103-105. 


1557]  Controversies  367 

changed,  but  to  retain  external  rites  in  the  ordering  of  the 
festivals,  lections,  and  in  attire.  Subsequently  the 
counsellors  named  these  Adiaphora  ;  for  in  the  beginning 
the  word  was  imposed  upon  us.  I  knew  that  even  the 
slightest  changes  would  be  offensive  to  the  people.  Yet 
when  the  doctrine  was  to  be  retained  intact,  I  preferred 
that  ours  should  submit  to  this  bondage,  rather  than  for- 
sake the  ministry  of  the  Gospel,  and  I  gave  the  same 
advice  to  the  Franconians.  This  I  did.  The  doctrine 
of  the  Confession  I  never  changed.  In  regard  to  these 
moderate  rites  I  contended  less  because  they  have  been 
retained  in  very  many  churches  of  these  parts.  Then 
you  began  your  opposition.  I  ceased;  I  did  not  con- 
tend. Ajax  in  Homer  in  his  fight  with  Hector  was  satis- 
fied when  Hector  fell  and  acknowledged  him  as  victor. 
You  make  no  end  of  criminations.  What  foe  strikes 
those  who  have  surrendered  and  grounded  their  arms  ? 
Conquer!  I  yield.  I  will  not  contend  about  these  rites. 
I  greatly  desire  that  the  Church  should  have  peace.  I 
confess  that  in  this  matter  I  made  a  mistake,  and  I  ask 
pardon  from  God  because  I  did  not  flee  those  insidious 
counsels.  But  I  shall  refute  the  false  charges  made  by 
you  and  Gallus."  1 

In  April,  1557,  Flacius  was  called  to  Jena  as  pro- 
fessor of  theology.  The  new  university  became 
the  centre  of  rigid  Lutheranism,  and  exerted  a 
strong  influence  over  the  Duchy  of  Saxony,  in 
Magdeburg,  and  in  parts  of  Northern  Germany. 
But  the  larger  part  of  the  evangelical  churches  of  the 
country,  viz.,  those  of  the  Electorate,  Pomerania, 
Hesse,  and  Southern  Germany,  acknowledged  the 
services  of  Melanchthon  and  blamed  the  violence  of 
the  Flacians. 


1  C.  R.,  8  :  839. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

CLOSING   YEARS   AND    DEATH 

Frankfort  Recess — The  Flacian  Party — Melanchthon  Attends  the 
Colloquy  of  Worms — The  Weimar  Confutation  Book — The 
Bavarian  Articles — The  Heidelberg  Scandal — Last  Sickness — 
Death  and  Burial. 

THE  Lutherans  were  now  divided  into  two  hostile 
camps.  The  princes,  assembled  at  Frankfort, 
in  March,  1558,  sought  to  put  an  end  to  the  contro- 
versies by  the  publication  of  a  fair  and  candid  de- 
claration, known  as  the  Frankfort  Recess,1  which  is 
based  partly  on  an  Opinion  by  Melanchthon  and 
partly  on  an  essay  by  John  Brentz.  The  Recess 
states  that  man  is  justified  by  faith  alone  in  Christ; 
that  new  obedience  is  necessary  in  the  justified,  that 
is,  necessary  according  to  divine  appointment ;  that 
Christ  is  truly  and  essentially  present  in  the  Supper 
with  the  bread  and  wine,  and  is  given  to  Christians 
to  eat  and  drink. 

The  Recess  was  decidedly  rejected  by  the  Weimar 
dukes,  who  caused  the  Weimar  Confutation  Book  to 
be  published  in  1 5  59  as  a  refutation  of  all  the  heresies 

1C.X.,9:  489. 

368 


is6o]        Closing  Years  and  Death         369 

of  the  times,  and  as  the  assertion  of  the  most  rigid 
Lutheranism.  The  object  of  the  book  was  to  es- 
tablish pure  Lutheranism  in  the  land.  Hence  the 
ministers  of  Thuringia  were  required  to  sign  this 
book;  but  it  did  not  preserve  harmony  even  in  the 
ducal  dominions.  The  spirit  of  antagonism  had  so 
possessed  the  authors  of  the  book,  Flacius  and 
others,  that  they  soon  quarrelled  with  John  Fred- 
erick the  Second,  and  were  driven  from  Jena. 

That  the  Flacian  party  did  good  service  in  hasten- 
ing the  rejection  of  the  Interim,  has  been  already 
conceded  in  these  pages;  but  "  the  profane  scurril- 
ity "  and  "  the  most  diabolical  calumnies  of  the 
Flacians,"  as  Melanchthon  characterises  their  con- 
duct, 'is  worthy  of  unqualified  reprehension.  In 
their  mad  presumption,  and  in  their  insane  zeal  for 
pure  Lutheranism,  they  transcended  all  just  limits, 
and  became  the  most  dangerous  errorists.  Indeed 
the  Lutheran  Church  has  uniformly  rejected  the 
errors  of  Osiander,  Flacius,  Amsdorf,  and  Stancar; 
but  she  has  never  placed  herself  on  record  against  a 
single  doctrinal  proposition  of  Philip  Melanchthon, 
when  such  proposition  was  presented  in  the  full 
Melanchthonian  form  and  sense.  In  the  Confession 
and  its  Apology,  both  of  which  he  wrote,  in  his  Loci, 
and  in  the  many  admirable  definitions  and  exposi- 
tions scattered  through  his  voluminous  writings,  and 
in  his  spirit,  which  still  lives,  Philip  Melanchthon  is 
an  abiding  power  for  good  in  the  Lutheran  Church. 
Even  the  authors  of  the  Form  of  Concord,  Andreae, 
Chemnitz,  and  Selneccer,  retained  the  full  Melanch- 
thonian doctrine  of  the  Will  in  the  earlier  drafts  of 


370  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

that  famous  book,  and  sacrificed  it  at  last  only  at 
the  behest  of  a  few  intractable  zealots ;  but  still  re- 
tained its  fundamental  tendency,  a«  already  shown, 
in  opposition  to  the  absolute  predestinarianism  of 
Luther  and  the  Flacians,  and  in  its  affirmation  of 
the  universality  of  divine  grace.1 

In  the  spring  of  1557,  Melanchthon  was  invited  to 
assist  in  reorganising  the  University  of  Heidelberg, 
but  his  Prince  refused  to  spare  him  from  Wittenberg. 
It  was  the  purpose  also  of  his  Elector  to  take  him 
to  Denmark  to  attend  a  synod  in  which  the  Lord's 
Supper  was  to  be  discussed.  In  administering  the 
communion  a  pastor  had  been  so  unfortunate  as  to 
spill  some  wine.  This  accident  furnished  the  occa- 
sion for  the  calling  of  a  synod.  But  Melanchthon 
shrank  from  the  proposed  journey  to  the  North, 
giving  as  his  reason  that  at  his  birth  an  astrologer 
had  told  his  father  he  should  suffer  shipwreck  in  the 
Baltic.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  Melanchthon 
dreaded  a  conference  with  the  excited  theologians 
far  more  than  he  feared  the  stormy  rage  of  the  sea. 
For  some  reason  the  Elector  changed  his  mind, 
and  ordered  Melanchthon  to  attend  a  colloquy  at 
Worms;  but  even  with  the  prospect  presented  by 
this  journey  Melanchthon  was  not  pleased.  To 
Camerarius  he  wrote : 

"  I  am  now  engaged  in  preparing  for  a  trip  to  the 
Rhine.  I  dread  the  dire  sophistry  and  rage  of  the  hypo- 
crites more  than  Ulysses  dreaded  Scylla  and  Charybdis. 
I  would  rather  stay  at  home  and  say  prayers  with  my 

'Gieseler's  Ch.  Hist.,  iv.,  486,  Translation. 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON,  /ET.  61. 

FROM    A   WOODCUT   AFTER    LUCAS   CRANACH    IN    THE    LUTHER    HALL  AT   WITTENBERG. 


Closing  Years  and  Death        371 

little   granddaughters   than   elsewhere  to  listen   to  the 
riddles  of  the  Sphinx."  * 

On  the  fifteenth  of  August,  1557,  Melanchthon 
set  out  for  Worms,  accompanied  by  Peucer.  Paul 
Eber  and  Cracovius  had  gone  on  ahead.  At  Frank- 
fort he  heard  that  the  Flacians  were  demanding  the 
condemnation  of  all  errors  and  errorists  among  the 
Protestants  as  a  condition  preliminary  to  the  holding 
of  a  colloquy  with  the  Catholics.  He  wrote  to 
friends  that  the  virulence  of  his  enemies  was  giving 
him  great  trouble.  August  28th  he  reached  Worms, 
and  was  received  with  the  highest  reverence  by 
nearly  all  of  the  theologians. 

The  Flacians  spared  no  pains  to  excite  the  whole 
body  of  theologians  against  him,  and  when  they 
failed  in  this  they  cried  out,  "  There  is  no  candour 
and  no  love  of  truth ;  everything  is  full  of  sarcasm 
and  vile  hypocrisy."  Finally  when  they  failed  to 
carry  their  sentence  of  condemnation,  aimed  chiefly 
at  Melanchthon,  they  presented  their  protest,  which, 
however,  was  not  entered  on  the  minutes,  but  merely 
allowed  as  the  expression  of  personal  conviction. 

In  reply  to  the  accusation  of  the  Flacians,  Mel- 
anchthon reaffirmed  his  adherence  to  the  Confession, 
the  Apology,  the  Schmalkald  Articles,  and  the  Con- 
fessio  Saxonica.  He  said:  "  I  wrote  the  Confession 
and  the  Apology  which  they  are  quoting.  Now 
they  are  debating  how  to  get  rid  of  their  author."  a 

When  in  the  colloquy  the  Catholics  asked 
whether  the  Protestants  were  agreed,  he  replied, 

1  C.  £.,  9  :  185. 
3  C,  R.y  9  :  260. 


372  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

"  We  are  all  agreed  on  the  Confession."  Then  the 
Flacians  again  presented  their  articles;  but  failing 
to  have  them  recognised,  they  left  the  conference 
at  the  beginning  of  October,  declaring  that  they  had 
been  excluded.  The  conference  was  now  adjourned 
to  hear  the  pleasure  of  the  King.  In  the  earlier 
sessions  the  Catholics  had  insisted  on  "  the  perpetual 
consent  of  the  Church,"  as  "  the  rule  for  deciding 
all  controversies."  The  Protestants  would  admit 
no  rule  except  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  three 
ancient  Creeds. 

As  the  conference  was  adjourned,  Melanchthon 
now  had  leisure  to  visit  Heidelberg  on  invitation  of 
the  Palatine  Elector.  Here  he  was  received  with 
extraordinary  demonstrations  of  respect  by  the 
Prince  and  by  the  university.  His  pleasure  was 
enhanced  by  meeting  his  brother  George  and  his 
dear  friend  Camerarius.  But  the  latter  had  been 
sent  on  a  sad  mission.  Melanchthon's  wife  had  died 
on  the  eleventh  of  October,  and  Camerarius  had 
come  to  break  the  news  to  him.  Finding  how  happy 
he  had  made  him  by  his  visit,  Camerarius  postponed 
the  announcement  to  the  second  day,  when  the  two 
were  walking  together  in  the  Prince's  garden.  Mel- 
anchthon heard  the  sorrowful  intelligence  with  com- 
posure, and,  looking  up  to  heaven,  exclaimed  : "  Fare 
thee  well.  I  shall  soon  follow  thee."  He  then 
spoke  to  his  friend  on  the  distressed  condition  of  the 
Church,  and  on  the  terrible  events  that  threatened,  so 
that  he  seemed  almost  to  bury  his  own  sorrow  in  his 
thought  of  the  common  distress  of  the  Fatherland.1 

1  Camerarius,  p.  335. 


i56o]         Closing  Years  and  Death        373 

In  November,  he  returned  to  Worms,  where  he 
prepared  "  A  Formula  of  Agreement  touching  Cert- 
ain Disputed  Articles."  This  formula  gives  the 
clearest  proof  of  his  adherence  to  the  Confession 
and  Apology,  and  to  the  whole  Lutheran  doctrinal 
system.  It  will  stand  forever  in  the  estimation  of 
fair  and  honest  men  as  an  all-sufficient  refutation 
of  the  outrageous  slanders  of  his  baleful  enemies, 
who  were  still  boasting  that  they  would  drive  him 
out  of  Germany.1 

As  the  Protestants  had  been  invited  to  recognise 
Ferdinand  as  Emperor,  it  was  thought  desirable  to 
hold  a  convention  for  the  consideration  of  religious 
questions.  As  usual,  Melanchthon  was  commis- 
sioned to  prepare  an  Opinion.  This  Opinion  became 
the  basis  of  the  Frankfort  Recess  already  referred  to, 
which  in  time  called  forth  the  Weimar  Confutation 
Book. 

Melanchthon  was  now  more  than  ever  pained  by 
the  extravagance  and  violence  of  the  Flacians.  His 
distress  was  increased  by  the  death,  April  20,  1 558,  of 
his  dear  friend  and  colleague,  Pastor  Bugenhagen, 
and  by  the  imprisonment  of  Victorin  Strigel  and 
Pastor  Hugel  of  Jena,  because  they  would  not  sub- 
scribe the  Confutation  Book. 

Nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  spirit  of  Mel- 
anchthon than  the  application  of  such  a  method  to 
secure  uniformity  in  faith.  Gladly  would  he  have 
kept  aloof  from  all  further  controversy  with  the 
Weimarians.  But  when  the  Elector  of  Saxony  re- 
quired of  his  theologians  an  Opinion  of  the  Confuta- 

1  C.  R.,  9:  401. 


374  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

tion  Book,  it  .fell  to  the  lot  of  Melanchthon  to  write 
it.  Among  other  things  he  declared  that  the 
Weimarians  make  such  statements  hi  regard  to  the 
Lord's  Supper  "  as  no  one  in  the  Church  from  the  be- 
ginning has  made,  not  even  the  Papists;  viz.,  that 
the  body  of  Christ  is  in  all  places,  in  stone  and  in 
wood."  He  refutes  "  the  Stoic  and  Manichaean  ab- 
surdities "  of  the  Weimarians,  as  that  "  all  the 
actions  of  men  are  necessitated."  On  the  contrary, 
he  says:  "  We  begin  with  the  Word  of  God,  which 
condemns  sin,  and  which  offers  forgiveness  and 
grace  for  Christ's  sake;  and  we  say  that  thereby 
God  works  alarm  and  comfort,  as  is  foreshown  in 
David's  conversion."  He  lays  down  the  rule: 
4  Grace  precedes  ;  the  Will  follows  ;  God  draws,  but 
he  draws  him  that  is  willing. ' '  1 

There  were  also  outside  enemies  whom  Melanch- 
thon had  to  meet  and  refute  during  this  last  year  of 
his  life.  The  Jesuits  had  worked  their  way  into 
Bavaria,  and  were  expelling  every  person  who  would 
not  accept  the  thirty-one  articles  of  their  Inquisition, 
which  "  had  been  prepared  by  a  disreputable,  raving 
monk."  Melanchthon  first  saw  these  articles  in 
September,  1558.  In  August  of  the  following  year 
he  published  his  Reply  to  the  Impious  Articles  of 
the  Bavarian  Inquisition.'1  The  Reply  ranks  as  one 
of  its  author's  great  apologetic  writings,  and  has 
been  called  his  swan's  song,  or  dying  confession,  in- 
asmuch as  in  his  last  Will  and  Testament,  written 
the  day  before  his  death,  he  reaffirms  it  as  his  "  Con- 

•C.^.,9:  765-769. 

9  Corpus  Doctrines  Christiana. 


i56o]         Closing  Years  and  Death        375 

fession  against  the  Papists,  the  Anabaptists,  the 
Flacians,  and  the  like." 

The  Reply  deals  not  only  with  the  thirty-one 
articles  of  the  Inquisition,  but  also  with  the  various 
discussions  which  had  risen  among  the  Protestants 
themselves.  It  is  direct  and  positive  in  tone,  and 
leaves  nothing  to  be  desired  from  the  standpoint  of 
a  true,  evangelical  Lutheranism.  It  affirms  the  real 
and  substantial  presence  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist 
and  the  communication  of  his  body  and  blood.  In 
regard  to  the  Will  he  reaffirms  the  rule:  "  Grace 
precedes;  the  Will  follows.  The  Word  begins,  the 
Will  is  called  and  drawn.  God  draws,  but  draws  him 
who  is  willing/' 

A  month  later  Melanchthon  published  the  German 
edition  of  his  Corpus  Doctrines  Christiana,  or,  A 
Complete  Summary  of  the  Correct,  True,  Christian 
Doctrine  of  the  Holy  Gospel.  It  contains  the  Augs- 
burg Confession,  the  Apology,  the  Saxon  Confession 
of  I551*  the  Loci,  the  Examen  Ordinandorum,  The 
Reply  to  the  Bavarian  Ar  tides }  A  Refutation  of 
the  Mohammedan  Error  of  Servetus.  The  Preface 
bears  date,  September  29,  1559.  The  same  book, 
with  only  slight  deviations  in  contents,  was  prepared 
also  in  Latin,  and  published  the  following  year. 
The  Preface  is  dated,  February  16,  1560. 

Melanchthon,  now  grown  weary  of  life,  and  still 
more  weary  of  the  quarrels  of  the  theologians,  was 
destined  to  have  his  soul  vexed  again  over  a  most 
disreputable  quarrel  in  regard  to  the  Lord's  Supper. 
He  had  recommended  Tillman  Heshuss,  a  former 

1  C.  X.,  9  :  1099. 


376  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

pupil  of  his,  to  a  professorship  and  to  the  superin- 
tendency  at  Heidelberg.  Heshuss  and  one  of  his 
deacons,  Klebitz  by  name,  actually  bought  over  the 
communion  cup  at  the  altar.  The  Elector  deposed 
both  of  them,  and  sent  his  secretary  to  Wittenberg 
to  obtain  the  advice  of  Melanchthon.  Under  the 
circumstances  it  would  have  been  useless  to  propose 
new  dogmatic  formulas.  Hence  Melanchthon  treated 
the  subject  of  the  Lord's  Supper  wholly  on  its  prac- 
tical side  as  "  a  communion  of  the  body,"  as  "  a 
consociation  with  the  body  of  Christ,"  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  Examen  Ordinandorum  for  "  the  form 
of  words  concerning  the  Supper."  He  rejects  the 
transubstantiation  of  the  Catholics,  as  also  the  dic- 
tum of  the  Bremen  theologians  that  "  the  bread  is 
the  substantial  body  of  Christ,"  and  that  of  Heshuss 
that  "  the  bread  is  the  true  body  of  Christ."  1 

The  Elector  Frederick,  in  his  revulsion  from  the 
disgraceful  conduct  of  Heshuss  and  Klebitz,  ban- 
ished the  Lutheran  doctrine  and  introduced  the 
Reformed.  This  so  excited  the  aged  John  Brentz 
that  he  assembled  a  synod  at  Stuttgart,  and  pro- 
cured the  adoption  of  articles  which  set  forth  a  most 
extreme  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  including 
oral  manducation  and  a  declaration  of  the  abso- 
lute ubiquity  of  the  human  nature  of  Christ.  Mel- 
anchthon in  a  letter  to  George  Cracovius  complains 
of  "  the  decree  of  the  Wurtemberg  abbots  "  as 
written  in  barbarous  Latin,  and  as  presenting  a  doc- 
trine "  clearly  in  conflict  with  the  ancient  purer 
Church  " ;  and  affirms  that  he  still  retains  the  form 

1  C.  R.,  9:  962. 


Closing  Years  and  Death         377 

of  words  published  many  years  ago  in  the  Exarnen 
Ordinandorum. 1 

In  this  same  letter  he  says  that  he  "is  cruelly 
tortured  by  many  hostile  armies."  But  this  torture 
was  not  to  last  long.  On  the  fifth  of  April,  return- 
ing from  Leipzig,  whither  he  had  gone  to  examine 
the  Elector's  Stipendiaries,  he  caught  a  cold.  This 
affection  was  followed  by  a  fever,  which  gradually 
grew  worse,  but  did  not  at  once  prostrate  the 
patient,  nor  wholly  incapacitate  him  for  work. 
He  continued  to  lecture,  to  converse  with  his 
friends,  to  write  letters,  and  to  revise  manuscripts 
for  the  press.  A  few  days  before  the  end  came,  he 
wrote  on  the  left  and  right  margins  of  a  sheet  of 
paper  the  reasons  why  he  should  not  fear  death : 

"  Thou  shalt  depart  from  sin.  "  Thou   shalt   come   into   the 

Thou  shalt  be  set  free  from  vexa-  light.  Thou  shalt  see  God.  Thou 
tions,  and  from  the  rage  of  the  shalt  behold  the  Son  of  God. 
theologians."  Thou  shalt  learn  those  won- 

derful mysteries  which  in  this 
life  thou  couldst  not  understand, 
as  why  we  were  created  as  we 
are,  and  what  is  the  character  of 
the  union  of  the  two  natures  in 
Christ."  2 

As  his  weakness  increased  and  his  end  drew  nigh, 
Dr.  Peucer  asked  him  if  he  wished  anything  else. 
He  answered,  "  Nothing  else  but  heaven.  Do  not 
ask  me  any  more."  The  pastor  then  prayed,  all 
present  falling  on  their  knees.  At  evening  the  pastor 

lc.  R.,  9:  1036. 

2  A  detailed  account  of  Melanchthon's  last  sickness  and  death  is 
given  in  C.  R.,  10 :  235  et  seqq. 


378  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

pronounced  the  blessing  on  him,  and  Professor 
Winsheim  quoted  for  him  from  the  Psalmist:  "  Into 
thy  hands  I  commend  my  spirit*  thou  hast  re- 
deemed me,  thou  faithful  and  true  God."  His  lips 
moved  as  if  in  prayer.  At  a  quarter  before  seven 
o'clock  in  the  evening  of  April  19,  1560,  Philip 
Melanchthon  fell  on  sleep,  aged  sixty-three  years, 
two  months,  and  three  days.  The  earthly  house  of 
his  tabernacle  was  dissolved.  He  had  fought  a  good 
fight,  he  had  finished  his  course,  he  had  kept  the 
faith. 

The  body  was  placed  in  a  tin  coffin,  and  this  in  a 
wooden  one  with  an  inscription  in  Latin  which  re- 
counts the  chief  events  of  his  life,  as  that  he  had 
served  the  University  of  Wittenberg  forty-two 
years,  was  the  faithful  assistant  of  Luther  in  the 
purification  of  doctrine,  was  the  author  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession,  and  the  firm  defender  of  divine 
truth,  publicly  and  privately,  in  diets  and  by  his 
writings.  The  remains  were  first  taken  to  the  Parish 
Church  and  placed  before  the  altar  where  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  kneel  in  prayer.  Dr.  Paul 
Eber,  the  pastor,  delivered  a  German  sermon  on  the 
hope  of  immortality.  The  remains  were  then  re- 
moved to  Castle  Church,  where  Dr.  Veit  Winsheim, 
professor  of  Greek,  pronounced  a  Latin  funeral  ora- 
tion. At  five  o'clock  P.M.,  April  2 1st,  all  that  was 
mortal  of  Philip  Melanchthon  was  sunk  into  the 
grave  by  the  side  of  the  mortal  remains  of  Martin 
Luther — "  lovely  and  pleasant  in  their  lives,  and 
in  their  death  they  were  not  divided." 

The  funeral  cortege,  consisting  of  students,  relat- 


isH         Closing  Years  and  Death         379 

ives,  professors,  officials,  citizens,  and  nobles,  was 
the  largest  ever  seen  in  Wittenberg.  Men  and 
women  alike  testified  their  grief  by  their  tears  and 
lamentations.  To  all  parts  of  Germany,  except  to 
those  parts  estranged  by  the  Flacians,  the  news  of 
"  the  dear  father  and  preceptor's  death  brought 
sorrow."  At  Strassburg  and  Tubingen  meetings 
were  held  and  memorial  addresses  were  delivered. 
Strangers  who  had  never  seen  him  sent  letters  of 
condolence,  and  many  Greek  and  Latin  elegies  were 
written  on  his  death.  Yet  death,  the  great  recon- 
ciler, did  not  soften  the  wrath  of  his  enemies.  The 
Flacians  pursued  his  memory  with  calumnies  more 
virulent  and  malicious  than  ever.  They  charged 
him  with  heresy  and  with  the  betrayal  of  the  Lu- 
theran doctrine.  Even  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  Leonhard  Hutter,  a  Witten- 
berg professor  of  theology,  during  a  public  discus- 
sion, tore  Melanchthon's  picture  down  from  the 
wall  and  trampled  it  under  foot.  But  History  has 
vindicated  him  against  "  the  wrath  of  the  theo- 
logians." To-day  the  Lutheran  Church  places  him 
on  a  pedestal  by  the  side  of  Luther,  and  honours 
the  two  together  as  the  fathers  and  founders  of  the 
Lutheran  Church.  Germany  proclaims  him  her  Pre- 
ceptor. Protestantism  venerates  him  as  the  witness 
of  her  spirit,  as  the  prophet  of  her  future. 


APPENDIX 

FUNERAL   ORATION   OVER   LUTHER 

"  HPHOUGH  amid  the  public  sorrow  my  voice  is  ob- 
1  structed  by  grief  and  tears,  yet  in  this  vast  as- 
sembly something  ought  to  be  said,  not,  as  among  the 
heathen,  only  in  praise  of  the  deceased.  Much  rather 
is  this  assembly  to  be  reminded  of  the  wonderful  govern- 
ment of  the  Church,  and  of  her  perils,  that  in  our  distress 
we  may  consider  what  we  are,  most  of  all,  to  desire,  and 
by  what  examples  we  are  to  regulate  our  lives.  There 
are  ungodly  men,  who,  in  the  confused  condition  of 
human  affairs,  think  that  everything  is  the  result  of  ac- 
cident. But  we  who  are  illumined  by  the  many  explicit 
declarations  of  God,  distinguish  the  Church  from  the 
profane  multitude;  and  we  know  that  it  is  in  reality 
governed  and  preserved  by  God.  We  fix  our  eye  on 
this  Church.  We  acknowledge  lawful  rulers,  and  con- 
sider their  manner  of  life.  We  also  select  suitable 
leaders  and  teachers,  whom  we  may  piously  follow  and 
reverence. 

"It  is  necessary  to  think  on,  and  to  speak  of  these 
things,  so  often  as  we  name  the  name  of  the  Reverend 
Doctor  Martin  Luther,  our  most  dear  Father  and  Pre- 
ceptor, whom  many  wicked  men  have  most  bitterly 

381 


382  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

hated ;  but  whom  we,  who  know  that  he  was  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel  raised  up  by  God,  love  and  applaud.  We 
also  have  the  evidence  to  show  that  his  doctrine  did  not 
consist  of  seditious  opinions  scattered  by  blind  impulse, 
as  men  of  Epicurean  tastes  suppose;  but  that  it  is  an  ex- 
hibition of  the  will  of  God,  and  of  true  worship,  an  ex- 
position of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  a  preaching  of  the  Word 
of  God,  that  is,  of  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ. 

"  In  orations  delivered  on  occasions  like  the  present, 
it  is  the  custom  to  say  many  things  about  the  personal 
endowments  of  those  who  are  panegyrised.  But  I  will 
omit  this,  and  will  speak  only  on  the  main  subject,  viz., 
his  relation  to  the  Church;  for  good  men  will  always 
judge  that  if  he  promoted  sound  and  necessary  doctrine 
in  the  Church,  we  should  give  thanks  to  God  because  he 
raised  him  up;  and  all  good  men  should  praise  his 
labours,  fidelity,  constancy,  and  other  virtues,  and  should 
most  affectionately  cherish  his  memory. 

"  So  much  for  the  exordium  of  my  oration.  The  Son 
of  God,  as  Paul  observes,  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Eternal  Father,  and  gives  gifts  unto  men,  viz.,  the 
Gospel  and  the  Holy  Spirit.  That  he  might  bestow 
these  he  raises  up  Prophets,  Apostles,  Teachers,  and 
Pastors,  and  selects  from  our  midst  those  who  study, 
hear,  and  delight  in  the  writings  of  the  Prophets  and 
Apostles.  Nor  does  he  call  into  this  service  only  those 
who  occupy  the  ordinary  stations;  but  he  often  makes 
war  upon  those  very  ones  by  teachers  chosen  from  other 
stations.  It  is  both  pleasant  and  profitable  to  contem- 
plate the  Church  of  all  ages,  and  to  consider  the  good- 
ness of  God,  in  sending  useful  teachers,  one  after 
another,  that  as  some  fall  in  the  ranks,  others  may  at 
once  press  into  their  places. 

"  Behold  the  Patriarchs,  Adam,  Seth,  Enoch,  Methu- 


ORATION 

fat 

$rfoft 

tint  &ttft>ere  /  get^an  bu«fo  pl>iltp# 


(Betrwcf  t  jw 


TITLE-PAQE  OF  MELANCHTHON'S  FUNERAL  ORATION  ON  LUTHER,  1546. 


1546]  Appendix  383 

selah,  Noah,  Shem.  When  in  the  time  of  the  last  named, 
who  lived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Sodomites,  the 
nations  forgot  the  teaching  of  Noah  and  Shem,  and 
worshipped  idols,  Abraham  was  raised  up  to  be  Shem's 
companion  and  to  assist  him  in  his  great  work  and  in 
propagating  sound  doctrine.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Isaac,  Jacob,  and  Joseph,  which  last  lighted  the  torch 
of  truth  in  all  the  land  of  Egypt,  which  at  that  time  was 
the  most  flourishing  kingdom  in  all  the  world.  Then 
came  Moses,  Joshua,  Samuel,  David,  Elijah,  Elisha, 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  Zechariah.  Then  Ezra,  Onias, 
and  the  Maccabees.  Then  Simeon,  Zacharias,  the  Bap- 
tist, Christ,  and  the  Apostles.  It  is  a  delight  to  con- 
template this  unbroken  succession,  inasmuch  as  it  is  a 
manifest  proof  of  the  presence  of  God  in  the  Church. 

"  After  the  Apostles  comes  a  long  line,  inferior,  in- 
deed, but  distinguished  by  the  divine  attestations:  Poly- 
carp,  Irenaeus,  Gregory  of  Neocaesarea,  Basil,  Augustin, 
Prosper,  Maximus,  Hugo,  Bernard,  Tauler,  and  others. 
And  though  these  later  times  have  been  less  fruitful,  yet 
God  has  always  preserved  a  remnant;  and  that  a  more 
splendid  light  of  the  Gospel  has  been  kindled  by  the 
voice  of  Luther,  cannot  be  denied. 

"  To  that  splendid  list  of  most  illustrious  men  raised 
up  by  God  to  gather  and  establish  the  Church,  and 
recognised  as  the  chief  glory  of  the  human  race,  must 
be  added  the  name  of  Martin  Luther.  Solon,  Themis- 
tocles,  Scipio,  Augustus,  and  others,  who  established,  or 
ruled  over  vast  empires,  were  great  men,  indeed,  but  far 
inferior  were  they  to  our  leaders,  Isaiah,  John  the  Bap- 
tist, Paul,  Augustin,  and  Luther.  It  is  proper  that  we 
of  the  Church  should  understand  this  manifest  difference. 

"What,  then,  are  the  great  and  splendid  things  dis- 
closed by  Luther  which  render  his  life  illustrious  ?  Many 


384  Philip  Melanchthon  [i497- 

are  crying  out  that  confusion  has  come  upon  the  Church, 
and  that  inexplicable  controversies  have  arisen.  I  reply 
that  this  belongs  to  the  regulation  of  tjie  Church.  When 
the  Holy  Spirit  reproves  the  world,  disorders  arise  on 
account  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  wicked.  The  fault  is 
with  those  who  will  not  hear  the  Son  of  God,  of  whom 
the  Heavenly  Father  says:  '  Hear  ye  him.'  Luther 
brought  to  light  the  true  and  necessary  doctrine.  That 
the  densest  darkness  existed  touching  the  doctrine  of  re- 
pentance, is  evident.  In  his  discussions  he  showed  what 
true  repentance  is,  and  what  is  the  refuge  and  the  sure 
comfort  of  the  soul  which  quails  under  the  sense  of  the 
wrath  of  God.  He  expounded  Paul's  doctrine,  which 
says  that  man  is  justified  by  faith.  He  showed  the 
difference  between  the  Law  and  the  Gospel,  between  the 
righteousness  of  faith  and  civil  righteousness.  He  also 
showed  what  the  true  worship  of  God  is,  and  recalled 
the  Church  from  heathenish  superstition,  which  imag- 
ines that  God  is  worshipped,  even  though  the  mind, 
agitated  by  some  academic  doubt,  turns  away  from  God. 
He  bade  us  worship  in  faith  and  with  a  good  conscience, 
and  led  us  to  the  one  Mediator,  the  Son  of  God,  who 
sits  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Eternal  Father  and  makes 
intercession  for  us — not  to  images  or  to  dead  men,  that 
by  a  shocking  superstition  impious  men  might  worship 
images  and  dead  men. 

"  He  also  pointed  out  other  services  acceptable  to 
God,  and  so  adorned  and  guarded  civil  life,  as  it  had 
never  been  adorned  and  guarded  by  any  other  man's 
writings.  Then  from  necessary  services  he  separated  the 
puerilities  of  human  ceremonies,  the  rites  and  institutions 
which  hinder  the  true  worship  of  God.  And  that  the 
heavenly  truth  might  be  handed  down  to  posterity  he 
translated  the  Prophetical  and  Apostolic  Scriptures  into 


!546]  Appendix  385 

the  German  language  with  so  much  accuracy  that  his 
version  is  more  easily  understood  by  the  reader  than 
most  commentaries. 

"  He  also  published  many  expositions,  which  Erasmus 
was  wont  to  say  excelled  all  others.  And  as  it  is  re- 
corded respecting  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  that  with 
one  hand  they  builded  and  with  the  other  they  held  the 
sword,  so  he  fought  with  the  enemies  of  the  true  doc- 
trine, and  at  the  same  time  composed  annotations  replete 
with  heavenly  truth,  and  by  his  pious  counsel  brought 
assistance  to  the  consciences  of  many. 

"  Inasmuch  as  a  large  part  of  the  doctrine  cannot  be 
understood  by  human  reason,  as  the  doctrine  of  the  re- 
mission of  sins  and  of  faith,  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  he  was  taught  of  God ;  and  many  of  us  witnessed 
the  struggles  through  which  he  passed,  in  establishing 
the  principle  that  by  faith  are  we  received  and  heard  of 
God. 

"  Hence  throughout  eternity  pious  souls  will  magnify 
the  benefits  which  God  has  bestowed  on  the  Church 
through  Luther.  First  they  will  give  thanks  to  God. 
Then  they  will  own  that  they  owe  much  to  the  labours  of 
this  man,  even  though  atheists  who  mock  the  Church 
declare  that  these  splendid  achievements  are  empty  and 
superstitious  nothings. 

"It  is  not  true,  as  some  falsely  affirm,  that  intricate 
disputes  have  arisen,  that  the  apple  of  discord  has  been 
thrown  into  the  Church,  that  the  riddles  of  the  Sphynx 
have  been  proposed.  It  is  an  easy  matter  for  discreet 
and  pious  persons,  and  for  those  who  do  not  judge 
maliciously,  to  see,  by  a  comparison  of  views,  which 
accord  with  the  heavenly  doctrine,  and  which  do  not. 
Yea,  without  doubt  these  controversies  have  already  been 

settled  in  the  minds  of  all  pious  persons.     For  since  God 
25 


386  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

wills  to  reveal  himself  and  his  purposes  in  the  language 
of  Prophets  and  Apostles,  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  that 
that  language  is  as  ambiguous  as  the  leaves  of  the  Sibyl, 
which,  when  disturbed,  fly  away,  the  sport  of  the  winds. 

"  Some,  by  no  means  evil-minded  persons,  have  com- 
plained that  Luther  displayed  too  much  severity.  I  will 
not  deny  this.  But  I  answer  in  the  language  of  Eras- 
mus: 'Because  of  the  magnitude  of  the  disorders  God 
gave  this  age  a  violent  physician.'  When  God  raised  up 
this  instrument  against  the  proud  and  impudent  enemies 
of  the  truth,  he  spoke  as  he  did  to  Jeremiah:  '  Behold  I 
place  my  words  in  thy  mouth;  destroy  and  build.'  Over 
against  these  enemies  God  set  this  mighty  destroyer.  In 
vain  do  they  find  fault  with  God.  Moreover,  God  does 
not  govern  the  Church  by  human  counsels;  nor  does  he~ 
choose  instruments  very  like  those  of  men.  It  isjiatural 
for  mediocre  and  inferior  minds  to  dislike  tEose::5?Tr^^- 
ardent  character,  whether  good  or  bad.  When  Aristides 
saw  Themistocles  by  the  mighty  impulse  of  genius  under- 
take and  successfully  accomplish  great  achievements, 
though  he  congratulated  the  State,  he  sought  to  turn  the 
zealous  mind  of  Themistocles  from  its  course. 

"  I  do  not  deny  that  the  more  ardent  characters  some- 
times make  mistakes,  for  amid  the  weakness  of  human 
nature  no  one  is  without  fault.  But  we  may  say  of  such 
a  one  what  the  ancients  said  of  Hercules,  Cimon,  and 
others:  "AHOftfiog  JAW,  a\Xa  ra  fjieyiGrct  ayaSoz — 
4  rough  indeed,  but  worthy  of  all  praise.'  And  in  the 
Church,  if,  as  Paul  says,  he  wars  a  good  warfare,  holding 
faith  and  a  good  conscience,  he  is  to  be  held  in  the  high- 
est esteem  by  us. 

"  That  Luther  was  such  we  do  know,  for  he  constantly 
defended  purity  of  doctrine  and  kept  a  good  conscience. 
There  is  no  one  who  knew  him,  who  does  not  know  that 


1546]  Appendix  387 

jie  was  possessed  of  the  greatest  kindness,  and  of  the 
greatest  affability  in  the  society  of  his  friends,  and  that 
he  was  in  no  sense  contentious  or  quarrelsome.  He  also 
exhibited,  as  such  a  man  ought,  the  greatest  dignity  of 
demeanour.  He  possessed 

dipevdsg  f/$og,  evnpoGijyopas  ffTOjAat, 
*  An  upright  character,  a  gracious  speech.' 

"  Rather  may  we  apply  to  him  the  words  of  Paul: 
'  Whatsoever  things  are  true,  whatsoever  things  are  hon- 
est, whatsoever  things  are  just,  whatsoever  things  are 
pure,  whatsoever  things  are  lovely,  whatsoever  things 
are  of  good  report. '  If  he  was  severe,  it  was  the  severity 
of  zeal  for  the  truth,  not  the  love  of  strife,  or  of  harsh- 
jness.  Of  these  things  we  and  many  others  are  witnesses. 
To  his  sixty-third  year  he  spent  his  life  in  the  most  ardent 
study  of  religion  and  of  all  the  liberal  arts.  No  speech 
of  mine  can  worthily  set  forth  the  praises  of  such  a  man. 
No  lewd  passions  were  ever  detected  in  him,  no  seditious 
counsels.  He  was  emphatically  the  advocate  of  peace. 
He  never  mingled  the  arts  of  politics  with  the  affairs  of 
the  Church  for  the  purpose  of  augmenting  his  own 
authority,  or  that  of  his  friends.  Such  wisdom  and 
virtue,  I  am  persuaded,  do  not  arise  from  mere  human 
diligence.  Brave,  lofty,  ardent  souls,  such  as  Luther 
had,  must  be  divinely  guided. 

"  What  shall  I  say  of  his  other  virtues  ?  Often  have  I 
found  him  weeping  and  praying  for  the  whole  Church. 
He  spent  a  part  of  almost  every  day  reading  the  Psalms, 
with  which  he  mingled  his  own  supplications  amid  tears 
jmd  groans.  Often  did  he  express  his  indignation  at 
those  who  through  indifference  or  pretence  of  other  occu- 
pations, are  indifferent  in  the  matter  of  prayer.  On  this 
account,  he  said,  Divine  Wisdom  has  prescribed  forms  of 


388  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

prayer,  that  by  reading  them  our  minds  may  be  quick- 
ened, and  the  voice  ever  may  proclaim  the  God  we 
worship. 

"  In  the  many  grave  deliberations  incident  to  the  pub- 
lic perils,  we  observed  the  transcendent  vigour  of  _his_ 
mind,,  his  valour,  his  unshaken  courage,  where  terror 
reigned.    God  was  his  anchor,  and  faith  never  failed  him. 

' 'As. regards  the  penetration jQf-his-min^iruthe  midst 
of  uncertainties  he  alone  saw  what  was_tn  be  done.  Nor 
was  he  indifferent,  as  many  suppose,  to  the  public  weal. 
On  the  contrary  he  knew  the  wants  of  the  state,  and 
clearly  understood  the  feelings  and  wishes  of  his  fellow- 
citizens.  And  though  his  genius  was  so  extraordinary, 
yet  he  read  with  the  greatest  eagerness  both  ancient  and 
modern  ecclesiastical  writings  and  all  histories,  that  he 
might  find  in  them  examples  applicable  to  present  con- 
ditions. 

'  The  immortal  monuments  of  his  eloquence  remain, 
nor  has  the  power  of  his  oratory  ever  been  surpassed. 

'  The  removal  of  such  a  man  from  our  midst,  a  man 
of  the  most  transcendent  genius,  skilled  in  learning, 
trained  by  long  experience,  adorned  with  many  superb 
and  heroic  virtues,  chosen  of  God  for  the  reformation  of 
the  Church,  loving  us  all  with  a  paternal  affection — the 
removal  of  such  a  man  from  our  midst  calls  for  tears  and 
lamentations.  We  are  like  orphans  bereft  of  a  distin- 
guished and  faithful  father!  BuLthoiijtE-JEe  must  bow^ 
to  God,  yet  let  us  not  permit  the  memory  of  his  virtues 
and  of  his  good  offices  to  perish  from  among  us.  And 
let  us  rejoice  that  he  now  holds  that  familiar  and  de- 
lightful intercourse  with  God  and  his  Son,  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  which  by  faith  in  the  Son  of  God  he  always 
sought  and  expected,  where,  by  the  manifestations  of 
God,  and  by  the  testimony  of  the  whole  Church  in 


1546]  Appendix  389 

heaven,  he  not  only  hears  the  applause  of  his  toils  in  the 
service  of  the  Gospel,  but  is  also  delivered  from  the 
mortal  body  as  from  a  prison,  and  has  entered  that  vastly 
higher  school,  where  he  can  contemplate  the  essence  of 
God,  the  two  natures  joined  in  Christ,  and  the  whole  pur- 
pose set  forth  in  founding  and  redeeming  the  Church,— 
which  great  things,  contained  and  set  forth  in  the  sacred 
oracles,  he  contemplated  by  faith;  but  seeing  them  now 
face  to  face,  he  rejoices  with  unspeakable  joy;  and  with 
his  whole  soul  he  ardently  pours  forth  thanks  to  God  for 
his  great  goodness. 

"  There  he  knows  why  the  Son  of  God  is  called  the 
Word  and  the  Image  of  the  Eternal  Father,  and  in  what 
way  the  Holy  Spirit  is  the  bond  of  mutual  affection,  not 
only  between  the  Father  and  Son,  but  also  between  them 
and  the  Church.  The  first  principles  of  these  truths  he 
had  learned  in  this  mortal  life,  and  often  did  he  most 
earnestly  and  wisely  discourse  on  these  lofty  themes,  on 
the  distinction  between  true  and  false  worship,  on  the 
true  knowledge  of  God  and  of  divine  revelation,  on  the 
true  God  as  distinguished  from  false  deities. 

"  Many  persons  in  this  assembly  have  heard  him  dis- 
course on  these  words:  '  Ye  shall  see  the  heaven  open, 
and  the  angels  of  God  ascending  and  descending  upon 
the  Son  of  man.'  He  bade  his  hearers  fix  their  minds 
on  that  large  word  of  comfort  which  declares  that  heaven 
is  open,  that  God  is  revealed  to  us;  that  the  bolts  of  the 
divine  wrath  are  turned  away  from  those  who  flee  to  the 
Son;  that  God  is  now  with  us,  and  that  those  who  call 
upon  him,  are  received,  guided,  and  kept  by  him. 

'  This  purpose  of  God,  pronounced  by  atheists  to  be 
a  fable,  admonishes  us  to  banish  doubt,  and  to  cast  out 
those  fears  which  restrain  our  timid  souls  from  calling 
on  God  and  from  resting  in  Him. 


39°  Philip  Melanchthon  [1497- 

"  He  was  wont  to  say  that  the  angels,  ascending  and 
descending  in  the  body  of  Christ,  are  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  who  first  under  the  direction  of  Christ  ascend  to 
God  and  receive  from  him  the  light  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  Holy  Spirit.  Then  they  descend,  that  is,  discharge 
the  office  of  teaching  among  men.  He  was  also  accus- 
tomed to  add  that  these  heavenly  spirits,  these  angels 
who  behold  the  Son,  study  and  rejoice  over  the  mysteri- 
ous union  of  the  two  natures;  and  that  since  they  are  the 
armed  servants  of  the  Lord  in  defending  the  Church, 
they  are  directed  by  his  hand. 

"  Of  these  glorious  things  he  is  now  a  spectator,  and 
as  once  under  the  direction  of  Christ  he  ascended  and 
descended  among  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  so  now  he 
beholds  the  angels  sent  by  Christ,  and  enjoys  with  them 
the  contemplation  of  the  divine  wisdom  and  the  divine 
works. 

"  We  remember  the  great  delight  with  which  he  re- 
counted the  course,  the  counsels,  the  perils,  and  escapes 
of  the  Prophets,  and  the  learning  with  which  he  dis- 
coursed on  all  the  ages  of  the  Church,  thereby  showing 
that  he  was  inflamed  by  no  ordinary  passion  for  those 
wonderful  men.  Now  he  embraces  them  and  rejoices  to 
hear  them  speak,  and  to  speak  to  them  in  turn.  Now 
they  hail  him  gladly  as  a  companion,  and  thank  God 
with  him  for  having  gathered  and  preserved  the  Church. 

"  Hence  we  do  not  doubt  that  Luther  is  eternally 
happy.  We  mourn  over  our  bereavement,  and  though 
it  is  necessary  to  bow  to  the  will  of  God  who  has  called 
him  hence,  let  us  know  that  it  is  the  will  of  God  that  we 
should  cherish  the  memory  of  this  man's  virtues  and 
services.  That  duty  let  us  now  discharge.  Let  us 
acknowledge  that  this  man  was  a  blessed  instrument  of 
God,  and  let  us  studiously  learn  his  doctrine.  Let  us  in._ 


J546]  Appendix  391 

our  humble  station  imitate  his  virtues,  so  necessary  for 
us:  His  fear  of  God,  his  faith,  his  devoutness  in  prayer, 
his  uprightness  in  the  ministry,  his  chastity,  his  diligence 
in  avoiding  seditious  counsels,  his  eagerness  for  learning. 
And  as  we  ought  frequently  to  reflect  on  those  other 
pious  leaders  of  the  Church,  Jeremiah,  John  the  Baptist, 
and  Paul,  so  let  us  consider  the  doctrine  and  course  of 
this  man.  Let  us  also  join  in  thanksgiving  and  prayer, 
as  is  meet  in  this  assembly.  Follow  me  then  with  de- 
vout hearts: — We  give  thanks  to  thee,  Almighty  God,  the 
Eternal  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Founder  of 
thy  Church,  together  with  thy  Coeternal  Son,  and  the 
Holy  Spirit,  wise,  good,  merciful,  just,  true,  powerful 
Sovereign,  because  thou  dost  gather  a  heritage  for  thy 
Son  from  among  the  human  race,  and  dost  maintain  the 
ministry  of  the  Gospel,  and  hast  now  reformed  thy 
Church  by  means  of  Luther.  We  present  our  ardent 
supplications  that  thou  wouldst  henceforth  preserve,  fix, 
and  impress  upon  our  hearts  the  doctrines  of  truth,  as 
Isaiah  prayed  for  his  disciples;  and  that  by  thy  Holy 
Spirit  thou  wouldst  inflame  our  minds  with  a  pure  de- 
votion, and  direct  our  feet  into  the  paths  of  holy 
obedience. 

"  As  the  death  of  illustrious  rulers  often  portends  dire 
punishment  to  the  survivors,  we  beseech  you,  we,  espe- 
cially, to  whom  is  committed  the  office  of  teaching,  be- 
seech you  to  reflect  on  the  perils  that  now  threaten  the 
whole  world.  Yonder,  the  Turks  are  advancing  ;  here, 
civil  discord  is  threatened ;  there,  other  adversaries,  re- 
leased at  last  from  the  fear  of  Luther's  censure,  will 
corrupt  the  truth  more  boldly  than  ever. 

"  That  God  may  avert  these  calamities,  let  us  be  more 
diligent  in  regulating  our  lives  and  in  directing  our 
studies,  always  holding  fast  this  sentiment,  that  so  long 


392  Philip  Melanchthon  [1546 

as  we  retain,  hear,  learn,  and  love  the  pure  teaching  of 
the  Gospel,  we  shall  be  the  House  and  Church  of  God, 
as  the  Son  of  God  says:  '  If  a  man  lov£  me,  he  will  keep 
my  words;  and  my  Father  will  love  him,  and  we  will 
come  unto  him,  and  make  our  abode  with  him.'  En- 
couraged by  this  ample  promise,  let  us  be  quickened  in 
teaching  the  truth  of  Heaven,  and  let  us  not  forget  that 
the  human  race  and  governments  are  preserved  for  the 
sake  of  the  Church;  and  let  us  fix  our  eyes  on  that 
eternity  to  which  God  has  called  our  attention,  who  has 
not  revealed  himself  by  such  splendid  witnesses  and  sent 
his  Son  in  vain,  but  truly  loves  and  cares  for  those  who 
magnify  his  benefits.  Amen."  1 

1  C.  R.,  ii  :  726  et  seqq. 


MELANCHTHON'S  COAT   OF   ARMS. 


INDEX 


Adams,  Melchior,  175 
Adiaphoristic   Controversy,    338 

sqq. 
.,  Agricola,  John,   50,  58,  79,  167- 

170,  175 

Agricola,  Rudolph,  13,  15 
Agricola,  Stephen,  185,  187, 189, 

192,  258,  335,  350,  351 
Alber,  254 
Albert,  Cardinal,  312 
Alesius,  Alexander,  265 
Alliance  against  the  Protestants, 

314 

Altenburg,  49 

Amberg,  2 

Amsdorf,  Nicholas,  50,  72,  80, 
87,  225,  257,  265,  281 

Anabaptists,  170,  171 

Andreae,  369 

Anshelm,  Thomas,  22,  24 

Antonius  (Barnes),  Dr.,  229 

Apology  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, 216,  217 

Aquila,  Caspar,  326 

Articles  of  1535,  the  Thirteen, 
229 

Articles  of  the  Peasants,  145, 
146 

Augsburg  Confession,  190-207, 
218 

Augsburg,  Diet  of,  191-201 

Augsburg  Interim,  329 

Augsburg  Religious  Peace,  362 

Aurogallus,  72 


B 

Bacchanti,  8 

Baier,  Dr.,  81,  91,  200 

Baptism,  170,  171 

Barnes,  Dr.  Anthony,  228 

Baumgartner,   Hieronimus,  131, 

182 

Bebel,  Heinrich,  20 
Beckman,  Otto,  37 
Bellay,  John,  224,  227 
Bellay,  William,  224,  227 
Bern,  10 

Bernhard,  Bartholomew,  78,  79 
Biel,  Gabriel,  20 
Bigamy,    the    Landgrave's,    274 


sqq. 
Hlli< 


Billican,  Theobald,  18 
Billich,  297 
Bindseil,  281 
Blaurer,  Ambrose,  225 
Bodenstein  (Carlstadt),  Andrew, 

37 

Bora,  Katharine  von,  152,  153 
Borner,  Caspar,  37 
Brassican,  John,  19,  24 
Bread-worship,  364 
Brentz,  John,   18,  185,  187,  189, 

225,  235,  243 
Bretschneider,  21,  26 
Bretten,   1-4,  8,  31,  33,  36,  114- 

117,  121,  175,  256 
Brismann,  152 
Bruck,  Chancellor,  80,  192,  214, 

216,  221,  290,  303,  305,  306 
Bucer,    Martin,    185,    188,   225, 

227,  250-253 


393 


394 


Index 


Bugenhagen,  127,  161,  162,  168, 

169,  229,  254,  257 
Bullinger,  363 
Burkhard,    Francis,     113,     117, 

290,  337 
Busch,  Hermann,  115 

C 

Cajetan,  Cardinal,  47,  49 

Calvin,  John,  264,  301,  363,  365, 
366  ' 

Camerarius,  Joachim,  35,  64, 114, 
117,  119,  125-127,  131,  132, 
136,  140,  152,  157,  160,  173, 
176,  216,  225,  230,  232,  256, 
280,  290,  295,  296,  329,  335, 
353,  361,  370,  372 

Campanius,  359,  361 

Campeggius,  Lorenzo,  115,  122, 
190,  199,  209,  211,  212,  214, 

215 

Capito,  253 
Carlowitz,  Christopher  von,  310, 

330-332 
Carlstadt,  47,  49,  50,  52,  53,  79, 

80,    82,   83,   85,   91,   92,    107, 

126,  144,  195 
Cassel,  Bucer  and  Melanchthon 

at,  251 

Celibacy,  156,  157 
Cellarius,  Martin,  85,  91 
Celle  Interim,  334 
Celtis,  Conrad,  13 
Chemnitz,  Martin,  103,  283,  284, 

369 

Chilius,  Dr.  Ulrich,  224 
Chrysostom,  John,  88,  233 
Chytraeus,  David,  283,  284 
Coburg,   140,  194,  195,  216  ;  see 

Luther 

Cochlaeus,  John,  102,  211 
Cologne  Reformation,  296  sqq. 
Comitianus,  Andrew  Francis,  35 
Confession,  see  Augsburg 
Confessio  Saxonica,  354 
Confessio  Variata,  281  sqq'. 
Confutation,  the  Papal,  211 
Constance,  Council  of,  76 
Consultation,     Hermann's,    296 

sqq. 


Cordatus,  Conrad,  240,  257 
Cracovius,  371,  376 
Crotus,  John,  13 
Crotus,  Richard,  24 
Cruciger,  185,  229,  240,  252,  269, 
272,  300,  319 


1) 


Dalberg,  John  von,  13 
Denck,  John,  195 
Diatribe,  Erasmus's,  118 
Dietrich,  Dr.  Leonhard,  18 
Dietrich,  Veit,  212,  259,  285 
Diets,    see    Augsburg,     Regens- 

burg,  Spires,  Worms 
Dollinger,  Dr.,  137 
Doltsk,  80 

Dringenberg,  Ludwig,  9 
Diiben,  35 
Dttrer,  Albrecht,  130,  140 


Eber,  Paul,  298,  324,  371,  378 

Eberbach,  Peter,  24 

Eberhard,  Duke,  19 

Ebner,  Hieronimus,  131 

Eck,  Dr.  John,  32,  49-53,  55, 
56,  67,  68,  74,  102,  195,  197, 
202,  211,  283,  284,  286,  289- 
292  ;  his  404  Articles,  195 

Eckinger,  John,  190 

Education,  oration  on,  132,  133 

Einsiedel,  Haubold  von,  87,  91 

Emser,  Jerome,  70,  71 

Epistola:  Obscurorum    Virorum , 

25-27 
Erasmus,    27,    32,    48,  67,    102, 

103,  113,  117-121,  233,  312 
Erfurt,  30 
Examen  Ordinandorum ,  357 


Fabri,  John,  176,  177,  211 
Family,  Melanchthon's,  64 
Fanaticism  at  Wittenberg,  80,  84 
Faventinus,  Didymus,  70 


Index 


395 


Faventraut,  Alexius,  190 
Ferdinand,  174,  177,  190 
Flacius,  205,  284,  322,  339,  340, 

342-344,    346-351,    359.    36o, 

366,  367,  369 
Forster,  John,  361 
Frankenhausen,  148 
Frankfort  Convention,  263 
Frankfort  Recess,  368 
Frederick,  George,  354 
Frederick,  John,   220,  223,   270, 

320-322,  325,  332,  356 
Frederick  the  Wise,  30,   31,  48, 

82,  142 

Free  Will,  doctrine  of,  233  sqq. 
Friedlieb,  Francis,  JO 
Ftirstenschulen,  135 
Funeral  oration,  142,    143,  381 


Callus,  Nicholas,  339,  364,  367 
Gerbel,  Nicholas,  10,  101 
Gingelm,  Nicholas,  36 
Glass,  Solomon,  272 
Granvella,  Chancellor,  290-292 
Greek     Letter,     Melanchthon's, 

152 

Gresser,  335 
Gropper,  John,  291,  297 
Grumbach,  Chilian,  4 
Grynseus,  Simon,  10,  115 
Gymnasia,  135,  137 


II 


Hagenau,  Colloquy  of,  272 

Haller,  Berthold.  10 

Haugwitz,  Erasmus  von,  159 

Hawerer,  4 

Hedio,  185,  188 

Heidelberg,    University   of,    13, 

15 

Heilbron,  4 

Helvetius,  Conrad,  9,  15 
Henry  VIII.,  King  of  England, 

227  sqq. 

Hermann,  Archbishop,   296,  298 
Hermann,  Count,  24 
Heshuss,  Tillman,  375 


Hess,  Eoban,  24,  108,  132 

Hess,  John,  60,  94,  265 

Hesse,   Landgrave   of,  121-124, 

154,   171,   172,   174,  229,  250, 

251 

Heynlin,  John,  20 
Hiltebrant,  John,  9,  24 
Hochstratten,  Jacob,  23 
Hochel,  Melchior,  115 
House,  Melanchthon's,  65 
Hubmeier,  Balthaser,  195 
Hugel,  373 
Hyperaspistes,  Erasmus's,  120 


Inaugural,  Melanchthon's,  37,  38 

Infant  baptism,  241 

Ingolstadt,  16,  28,  32,  34,  49,  66, 

67     ^ 

Inquisition,  the  Bavarian,  374 
Instruction    on    Lord's    Supper, 

Luther's,  251 
Interim,    see    Augsburg,    Celle, 

Leipzig 


J 


Jena,  University  of,  139 

John,  Elector  of  Saxony,  220 

John,  Margrave,  354 

Jonas,  Justus,  72,  80,  82,  127, 
162,  169,  175,  185,  187,  189, 
192,  193,  229,  240,  251  ;  Jr., 
296  ;  309,  358 

Juterbok,  334,  335 


K 


Kaden,  Michael,  190 
Kaisersburg,  Geiler  von,  16 
Kecheln,  Peter,  4 
Kessler,  John,  112 
Klebitz,  376 
Koch,  John,  64 
Konigsberg,  University  of,  139 
Kolbe,  Christopher,  115 
Kraft,  Adam,  114,  130 
Krapp,  Hieronimus,  63 
Krapp,  Katharine,  63 


396 


Index 


Lambert,  Francis,  155 

Lange,  Dr.  John,  50,  58,  59,  63, 
69 

Latin  schools,  134 

League,  Holy,  263 

Leipzig  Disputation,  50,  51 

Leipzig  Interim,  337 

Lemp,  Jacob,  20,  22,  27 

Loci  Communes,  94  sqq. ,  231  sqq. 

Locker,  Jacob,  16 

Lord's  Supper,  doctrine  of,  178- 
180,  242,  361 

Lowenstein,  Count  von,  16 

Luther,  Martin,  called  to  Wit- 
tenberg, 30  ;  his  Theses,  31  ; 
compared  with  Melanchthon, 
41-43  ;  at  the  Leipzig  Dispu- 
tation, 50  ;  burns  the  Pope's 
Bull,  68  ;  writes  two  import- 
ant works,  68,  69 ;  returns 
from  the  Wartburg,  89  ;  his 
eight  sermons,  90  ;  publishes 
the  New  Testament  in  Ger- 
man, 93  ;  controversy  with 
Erasmus  on  the  Will,  120; 
relation  to  the  Peasants'  War, 
147  ;  his  marriage,  154  ;  at 
Marburg,  185-187  ;  at  Co- 
burg,  194  ;  approves  Melanch- 
thon's  Loci,  247  ;  instruction 
on  the  Lord's  Supper,  251  ;  his 
death,  309 


M 


Major,  Dr.,  306,  360 

Maltz,  Dietrich  von,  311 

Mandari,  Fandius,  5 

Mansfeld,  78,  79 

Marburg,    University    of,     138  ; 

Colloquy  of,  185-189;  articles, 

187 

Martyr,  Peter,  298,  363 
Mass,  155-156 
Matthesius,  John,  350 
Maurer,  Bernhard,  27 
Maximilian,  Emperor,  5,  20,  24 
Medler,  Nicholas,  323 


Melanchthon,  Anna,  64 
Melanchthon,  George,  64 
Melanchthon,  Magdalena,  64 
Melanchthen,  Philip,  birth  and 
early  years,  i-n  ;  student  at 
Heidelberg,  12-18  ;  student, 
teacher,  proof-reader,  and 
editor  at  Tubingen,  19-28  ; 
call  to  Wittenberg,  32  ;  In- 
augural, 37  ;  friendship  with 
Luther,  40  ;  attends  the  Leip- 
zig Disputation,  50  ;  contro- 
versy with  Eck,  53  ;  Theses, 
58  ;  marriage,  family,  salary, 
63-66  ;  controversy  with  Rha- 
dinus  and  the  Sorbonne,  71, 
74  ;  relation  to  the  Wittenberg 
fanaticism,  85  sqq.  ;  writes 
the  Loci  Communes,  94  ; 
wishes  to  relinquish  theology, 
a  compromise,  108-111  ;  call 
to  Nuremberg  and  services  in 
the  cause  of  education,  131, 
133-140  ;  relation  to  the 
Peasants'  War,  149  ;  writes 
the  Saxon  Visitation  Articles, 
161  ;  controversy  with  Agri- 
cola,  167  ;  tracts  against  the 
Anabaptists,  170,  171  ;  at- 
tends the  Diet  of  Spires  and 
the  Marburg  Colloquy,  176, 
1 86  ;  writes  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  i^sqq.;  negotia- 
tions with  the  Papists,  210- 
215  ;  publishes  the  Confession 
and  Apology,  218;  called  to 
England,  to  Tubingen,  and  to 
France,  224,  225,  229  ;  new 
edition  of  the  Loci,  231  ;  his 
theology,  232  ;  relation  to  the 
Wittenberg  Concord,  251  sqq. ; 
at  Schmalkald,  261,  262;  his 
Will,  268-271;  his  sickness  and 
relation  to  the  Landgrave's 
bigamy,  272,  274-280  ;  revises 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  280- 
282  ;  at  Worms  and  Regens- 
burg,  280,  290  ;  aphorisms  on 
the  Lord's  Supper,  292  ;  assists 
in  the  Cologne  Reformation, 


Index 


397 


Melanchthon,  Philip — Continued 
296  sqq. ;  writes  the  Wittenberg 
Reformation,  303  ;  funeral 
oration  over  Luther,  310  ;  let- 
ter to  Carlowitz,  311  ;  in  ex- 
ile, 319  ;  relation  to  the  Gym- 
nasium and  University  of  Jena, 
322  ;  relation  to  the  Interims, 
329  sqq. ;  defamed  by  Flacius, 
339  ;  letter  of  defence,  342- 
349  ;  writes  the  Saxon  Con- 
fession, 353  ;  Mecklenburg 
Liturgy  and  the  Examen  Ordi- 
nandorum,  357  ;  controversies 
on  the  Lord's  Supper,  364 
sqq. ;  the  Flacian  party,  369  ; 
reply  to  the  Bavarian  Articles, 
374  ;  last  sickness  and  death, 

377-379 

Melanchthon,  Philip,  Jr.,  64 
Menius,  Justus,  159,  185,  254 
Miltitz,  49 

Mosellanus,  Peter,  32,  35,  114 
Muhlberg,  battle  of,  318 
Miinzer,  Thomas,  85,  144,  145 
Musa  of  Jena,  192 
Musculus,  Andrew,  359 
Myconius,   Frederick,   159,  254, 

280 

N 

Naucler,  John,  22 
Naumburg,  Convention  of,  361 
Nausea,  Frederick,  116 
Neander,  136 
Nesen,  William,   113,   114,   125, 

126 

New  Testament,  93 
Nlitzel,  Caspar,  131 
Nuremberg,  130  sqq.\  peace  of , 

220 

O 

Oberlanders    (South    Germans), 

1$2  sqq. 

Obscurantism,  26,  27 
CEcolampadius,   15,   20,   23,   52, 

180,  182,    183,   185,    186,  188, 

243,  301 


Order  of  service,  91,  92 
Osiander,  Andrew,  140,  185,  187, 
189,  258,  357,  361,  369 


Pacseus,  361 

Pack,  Dr.  Otto  von,  171,  173 

Parma,  190 

Paulsen,  138 

Peace  of  Nuremberg,  220 

Peasants'  War,  142  sqq. 

Pellican,  Conrad,  31 

Peucer,    Caspar,    64,    281,    282, 

371,  377 

Pfefferkorn,  John,  23,  24 
Pfeffinger,  335 
Pflug,  Julius  von,  291 
Pforzheim,   6,  7,  9-11,  33,  67 
Philip,  Count  Palatine,  2-5,   13 
Philip,  Landgrave,  see  Hesse 
Piacenza,  190 
Pirkheimer,    Wilibald,    24,    28, 

34,  117,  130,  140 
Pistorius,  John,  291,  297 
Planitz,  John  von,  159 
Pletner,  80 

Pollich,  Dr.  Martin,  30 
Pontanus,  Chancellor,  270 
Pope  Leo  X.,  46,  48-50,  52 
Pope  Paul  III.,  260 
Preceptor  of  Germany,  125  sqq. 
Predestination,  236 
Prettin,  87 
Protest,  Protestants,  177 


R 


Ranke,  151,  191,  332 
Regensburg,  Diet  of,  291  ;  Book, 

291 

Regius,  Urban,  185 
Reuchlin,  Dionysius,  13 
Reuchlin,  John,  6,  8-n,  13,  14, 

16,  19-21,  23,  24,  28,  31,  32, 

51,  66,  67 
Reuter,  Barbara,  4 
Renter,  Elizabeth,  8 
Reuter,  Hans,  3,  4 
Rhadinus,  Thomas,  70,  100 


398 


Index 


Rhagius,  John,  37 
Riccius,  Dr.  Paul,  31 
Rochlitz,  64 
Rorer,  George,  284 
Roting,  Michael,  132,  141 
Rubianus,  Crotus,  25,  114 


SaJ)inus,  George,  64 

Sachs,  Hans,  130 

Sacraments,  number  of,  240 

Sadolet,  Cardinal,  257 

Salary,  Melanchthon's,  66 

Salmut,  361 

Schemer,  John,  19 

Schenk,  Jacob,  245,  257 

Scheurl,  Christopher,  35 

Schleiz,  1 88 

Schmalkald  Articles,  260  ;  Ap- 
pendix to,  261  ;  Convention, 
260  ;  League,  219,  304  ;  War, 
316  sqq. 

Schmidt,  Dr.  Carl,  35,  184,  286 

Schnepf,  Erhard,  285 

Scholasticism,  13 

Schoner,  John,  132 

Schreiber,  Jerome,  296 

Schurf,  Augustin,  323,  324 

Schurf,  Jerome,  37,  80,  83,   91, 

159 
Schwabach,  188,  189,  193,  194 ; 

Articles,  189 
Schwartzerd,  Anna,  4 
Schwartzerd,  Barbara,  4 
Schwartzerd,  Claus,  2 
Schwartzerd,  Elizabeth,  2 
Schwartzerd,  George,  2-5 
Schwartzerd,  George,  Jr.,  4,  115, 

175,  372 

Schwartzerd,  John,  2 
Schwartzerd,  Margaretha,  4 
Schwebel,  John,  10,  57,   59,  60, 

101,  185 

Schwenckfeld,  359 
Seidler,  Jacob,  78,  79 
Selneccer,    Nicholas,   271,    281, 

283,  284,  369 
Servetus,  359 
Sickingen,  Conrad  von,  34 


Sickingen,  Francis  von,  24 

Sigismund,  266 

Silverborn,  John,  113,  117 

Simler,  Ge*>rge,  9,  10,  14,  19, 
20,  23,  27,  34 

Sleidan,  314 

Sorbil,  1 6 

Sorbonne,  73-76,  226 

Spalatin,  32,  33,  40,  41,  44,  45, 
48,  55,  57,  62,69,  77,  87,  lor, 
107-110,  113,  119,  162,  192, 

202,  217 

Spangel,  Dr.  Pallas,  114 
Spengler,  Lazarus,  131 
Spires,  Diet  of,  174-178 
Stadian,  Francis,  20,  23,  27 
Stadion,  Bishop,  198 
Stancar,  Francis,  359,  369 
Staupitz,  Dr.  John  von,  30,  59 
Stichs,  Andrew,  4 
Stigel,  322 

Stoffler,  Professor,  20,  23 
Storch,  Nicholas,  85 
Strigel,  Victorine,  103,  284,  322, 

373 
Stiibner,    Marcus    Thomas,    85, 

88,  91 
Sturm,  Jacob,  18,  176,  185,  226, 

264 

Sturm,  John,  136 
Sturm,  Peter,  18 


Theology,     Melanchthon's,     231 

sqq. 

Torgau  Articles,  193 
Trent,  Council  of,  352 
Trotzendorf,  136 
Tubingen,     Melanchthon's     call 

to,  224,  225 
Tubingen,  University  of,  19,  20 

U 

Ulrich,  Duke,  144,  223 
Unger,  John,  6,  7 


Valdesius,  Alphonsus,  198 
Vienna,  Council  of,  76 


Index 


399 


Vischer,  Peter,  130 
Visitation  Articles,  161  sqq. 
Voreus,  Barnabas,  225 

W 

Weimar,   Confutation  Book,  373 
Wessel,  John,  13,  21 
Westphal,  Joachim,  363,  364 
Wigand,  339 
Wiland,  Ulrich,  184 
Will,  controversy  on,  118,  ng 
Will,  Melanchthon's,  268-271 
Wimpfeling,  Jacob,  13,  16 
Wimpina,  211,  265 
Winsheim,  Professor,  378 
Winter,  Balthaser,  284 


Wittenberg,    29    sqq.  ;    Concord, 

254,  255 
Wolf,  136 
Works,  good,  360 
Worms,  Diet  of,  289 


Zeigler,  Bernhard,  265 

Zoch,  Dr.,  306 

Zweibrticken,  10 

Zwickau    Prophets,   85,   86,    92, 

107 

Zwilling,  Gabriel,  80,  91 
Zwingli,  178,  180-186,  188,  195, 

211,  243,  300 


Heroes  of  the  Reformation. 


EDITED    BY 


SAMUEL  MACAULEY  JACKSON, 

Professor  of  Church  History,  New  York  University. 


Fully  illustrated.    Each  12°,  cloth,  $1.50 


A  SERIES  of  biographies  of  the  leaders  in  the  Protes- 
tant Reformation. 

The  literary  skill  and  the  standing  as  scholars  of  the 
writers  who  have  agreed  to  prepare  these  biographies 
will,  it  is  believed,  ensure  for  them  a  wide  acceptance  on 
the  part  not  only  of  special  students  of  the  period  but  of 
the  general  reader.  Full  use  will  be  made  in  them  of  the 
correspondence  of  their  several  subjects  and  of  any  other 
autobiographical  material  that  may  be  available.  The 
general  reader  will  be  pleased  to  find  all  these  citations 
translated  into  English  and  the  scholar  to  find  them 
referred  specifically  to  their  source.  The  value  of  these 
volumes  as  works  of  reference  will  be  furthered  by  ade- 
quate indexes  and  comprehensive  bibliographies. 

It  is,  of  course,  the  case  that  each  one  of  the  great 
teachers  whose  career  is  to  be  presented  in  this  series 
looked  at  religious  truth  and  at  the  problems  of  Chris- 
tianity from  a  somewhat  different  point  of  view.  On  this 
ground  an  important  feature  in  each  volume  of  the  series 
will  be  a  precise  and  comprehensive  statement,  given  as 
nearly  as  practicable  in  the  language  of  the  original 
writer,  of  the  essential  points  in  his  theology. 

It  is  planned  that  the  narratives  shall  be  not  mere 
eulogies,  but  critical  biographies  ;  and  the  defects  of 
judgment  or  sins  of  omission  or  commission  on  the  parts 
of  the  subjects  will  not  be  passed  by  or  extenuated.  On 
the  other  hand  they  will  do  full  justice  to  the  nobility  of 
character  and  to  the  distinctive  contribution  to  human 
progress  made  by  each  one  of  these  great  Protestant 
leaders  of  the  Reformation  period.  The  series  will  avoid 
the  partisanship  of  writers  like  Merle  d'Aubigne  and  in 
the  opposite  direction  of  the  group  of  which  Johannes 
Janssen  may  be  taken  as  a  type. 


HEROES  OF  THE  REFORMATION 

I. — Martin  Luther  (1483-1546).  THE  HERO  OF  THE  REFOR- 
MATION. By  Henry  Eyster  Jacobs,  D.D.,  LL.D.  (Thiel 
College,  1877,  and  1891,  respectively)  ;  Professor  of  Sys- 
tematic Theology,  Evangelical  Lutheran  Seminary,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.  ;  author  of  "  The  Lutheran  Movement  in 
England  during  the  Reigns  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward 
VI.,  and  its  Literary  Monuments." 

II. — Philip  Melanchthon  (1497-1560).  THE  PROTESTANT 
PRECEPTOR  OF  GERMANY,  By  James  William  Richard, 
D.D.  (Pennsylvania  College,  1886)  ;  Professor  of  Ilomi- 
letics,  Lutheran  Theological  Seminary,  Gettysburg,  Pa. 
III. — Desiderius  Erasmus  (1467-1536).  THE  HUMANIST  IN 
THE  SERVICE  OF  THE  REFORMATION.  By  Ephraim  Emer- 
ton,  Ph.D.  (Leipzig  University,  1876) ;  Professor  of  Eccle- 
siastical History,  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass.  ; 
author  of  "The  Middle  Ages  (375-1300)." 

The  following  are  in  preparation  : — 

IV.— Thomas  Cranmer  (1489-1556).    THE  ENGLISH  REFORM- 
ER.    (Author  will  be  announced  later.) 

V. — Huldreich  Zwingli  (1484-1531).  THE  REFORMER  OF 
GERMAN  SWITZERLAND.  By  Samuel  Macaulay  Jackson, 
LL.D.,  (Washington  and  Lee  University,  1892)  ;  D.D. 
(New  York  University,  1893)  ;  Professor  of  Church  His- 
tory, New  York  University.  Editor  of  the  Series. 
VI. — John  Knox  (1505-1572).  THE  HERO  OF  THE  SCOTCH 

REFORMATION.  (Author  will  be  announced  later.) 
VII. — John  Calvin  (1509-1564).  THE  FOUNDER  OF  REFORMED 
PROTESTANTISM.  By  Williston  Walker,  Ph.D.  (Leipzig 
University,  1888) ;  D.D.  (Adelbert  College,  1894,  Amherst 
College,  1895) ;  Professor  of  Germanic  and  Western  Church 
History,  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  Conn.  ;  author 
of  "  The  Creeds  and  Platforms  of  Congregationalism." 
VIII. — Theodore  Beza  (1519-1605).  THE  COUNSELLOR  OF  THE 
FRENCH  REFORMATION.  By  Henry  Martyn  Baird,  Ph.D. 
(College  of  New  Jersey,  1867) ;  D.D.  (Rutgers  College, 
1877)  ;  LL.D.  (College  of  New  Jersey,  1882)  ;  L.H.D. 
(Princeton  University,  1896)  ;  Professor  of  the  Greek 
Language  and  Literature,  New  York  University  ;  author 
of  "  The  Huguenots,"  6  vols. 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS,  NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

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